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THEORY OF COMMUNITY POLICING

by

Susan Schell Trojanowicz

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

The School of Criminal Justice

1992

ABSTRACT
THEORY OF COMMUNITY POLICING

BY

Susan Schell Trojanowicz

The theory of community policing is based on normative
sponsorship theory and critical social theory. Normative
sponsorship theory assumes most people are of good will and
'willing to cooperate with others to satisfy their needs.
Critical social science assists police and citizens to gain
an understanding of the "quasi-causes" of their problematic
situation, which aid citizens to solve their problems.

Community policing is based on the joint effort of
citizens and police to solve neighborhood problems to satisfy
the expressed needs of citizens and enhance the residents'
quality of life. The role of the community police officer is
equivalent to the role of the critical social scientist, the
facilitator and catalyst of problem solving activities.

The major considerations in community policing are:
citizen input into defining problems to be solved; citizen
involvement in planning and implementing problem solving
activities; and citizens determining if their felt needs have
been met. Community policing is critical social science in
action and based on the assumptions of normative sponsorship

theory.

COPYRIGHT

BY
SUSAN SCHELL TROJANOWICZ

1992

DEDICATED TO

My family - Bob, Eric and Elise
and
My parents - Frank and Jeannette Schell

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is with great appreciation I acknowledge the
following people of my thesis committee: Dr. Robert
Trojanowicz, Dr. Dennis Payne, and Dr. Albert Cafagna. Their
time and assistance contributed greatly to the final draft
and ultimately to the completion of this thesis.

To all community police officers and to all who support
community police officers, it is a noble role you play; my
hearty wishes of success and satisfaction are extended to
you.

To all my teachers, especially to the Dominican nuns of
Grand Rapids, Michigan, who instilled in me a love of truth,
and who taught me the search for knowledge is a rewarding and
noble effort; my humble and immense gratitude.

To my parents, who instilled in me the values of
education and right living; my eternal love and appreciation.

To my family, who bore all my frustrating moments with
patience, acceptance, and encouragement, without which this
endeavor would have been impossible; I thank you for your

unbounded support.

My final, but certainly not least, acknowledgement is
to Bob, my husband, for his unceasing support, guidance and
encouragement which were vital for me to maintain my
inspiration and motivation; to you a special and heartfelt -

THANK YOU!

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter

I.

II.

INTRODUCTION . . . . . .
Crime and Control . . . .
Three Eras of Policing. .
The Political Era . . .
The Reform Era . . . . . . . . .
Conventional Methods of Law Enforcement
Shift from the Conventional Approach. .
Community Policing. . . . . . . . . . .
Role Change and Goal Modification . . .
Community Policing Accepted Nationally.
Definition of Community Policing. . . .
The Problem: Searching for a Theory . .
Purpose of the Study. . . . . . . . . .
Focus of the Study. . . . . . . . . . .

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Defining Community. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Community in the Context of Community Policing.
Promoting Community Involvement . . . . . . .
Conflict Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Normative Sponsorship Theory. . . . . . . .
An Historical Critique: Theory and Praxis. .
A Comparison of Theories and Praxis . . . .
Classical versus Modern Polity. . . . . . .
Definitions of Critical Theory. . . . . .
Interpretive Theory: Testing and Truth. . .
A Comparison of Positivism and Critical Theory
A Summation of Critical Theory. . . . . . . . . .
A Dynamic Theory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
A Complementary Role to Normative
Sponsorship Theory. . . . . . . . . . . . .

III.COMMUNITY POLICING AND ITS APPLICATION TO THEORY.

Community Policing: A Critical Theory Perspective
The Role of the Community Police Officer. . . .
Evolving Critical Theories. . . . . . . . . . .

Implications for Community Policing as
Critical Social Theory. . . . . . . . . . .
Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vH

IV.

AN EXAMPLE . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Flint Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program
Planning. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Funding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Foot Patrol: Critical Social Science. . . .
Identification of Social Organizations
and Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . .
Implementation of Foot Patrol . . . . .
Test of Critical Theory . . . . . . . .
Update on Flint . . . . . . . . . . . .
Role of Foot Patrol Police Officers . .

A Contemporary Example: Aurora Community
Policing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . .
Police Role Change . . . . . . . . .
Definition of the Role of Police Officers
Threats to Community Policing . . . . . .
Evaluation and Promotion of Officers. . .
Evaluating Success of Community Policing.
The Future of Community Policing. . . . . .
The Future of Critical Social Science . .

Community Policing as Critical Social Scie

Revolution and Evolution. . . . . . . . .
CODCluSion O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

APPENDIX 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O 0

REFERENCES 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

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90
90
91
93
94

95

104
106
107

116

119
120
128
129
133
145
147
147
155
157
158

160
162

CHAPTER I

Introduction

CRIME AND CONTROL

Crime and the increase of crime have long been the
concern of criminologists and law enforcement officials. It
has only been in recent years that the effectiveness of
conventional or traditional law enforcement methods have come
into question. Crime and the fear of crime have continued to
increase in spite of all the traditional efforts law
enforcement agencies have put forth. (Kelling, 1988) Research
has illustrated that the traditional approach of random motor
patrol, quick response, retrospective investigation and calls
to 911, most likely does not reduce citizens' fear of crime
nor does it prevent or deter crime. (Kelling, 1974; Morris
and Heal, 1981)

In 1829, Sir Robert Peel of England established, as one
of his principles of reform for police, that Police
Headquarters be centrally located and easily accessible to
the people; however, his professionalism of the police
eventually led to police officers who did not live in the
neighborhoods they served. (Mathias, Rescorta and Stephens,
1980)

Prior to Peel's reforms, the police were the people and
the people were the police. There were no paid professional
police forces in the English villages; they were all citizens

taking their turns as volunteer "police". It was the

l

2

individual and collective efforts of citizens that established
a "police force" in their community for mutual protection. As
society became more complex and urbanization developed, there
was a need for paid civil servants, including the police.

This complicated the crime control process because citizens
became disconnected from the process of controlling crime,
disorder and the maintenance of order.

What began as essentially citizen action for mutual
protection in England communities became mainly a specialized
professional police force in the United States. Citizen
involvement in law enforcement such as in the English
villages did not survive urbanization. (Mathias, Rescorta and

Stephens, 1980)

The Three Eras of Policing
The Political Era

Kelling and Moore (1988) outlined the three stages of
police development in the United States: the political era,
the reform or professionalism era, and community policing.
The political era is a time early in the United States
history of policing in which police found the legitimacy and
authority from local political leaders. During the late 19th
century and early 20th century, a reciprocal relationship
developed between police and politicians: police assisted
ward leaders in their political campaigns by encouraging

citizens to vote for the politician and sometimes even

3

"rigging the election". In turn, the victorious politician
recruited, maintained and supported police chiefs and
officers. It was also good politics for the police to
support the politicians in services to the public. During
the political era, the police often ran soup kitchens,
offered lodging in the station house to newly arrived
immigrants, and found employment for immigrants in the police
field and other areas. (Kelling and Moore, 1988)

Cities were divided into precincts and the para-military
style of policing of the political era included an organized,
centralized chain of command within a decentralized police
department. Local precinct managers in conjunction with the
local ward leaders ran the local precinct; they did the
hiring, firing, managing, and assigned work as they saw fit.
This included the informal control of the police of the local
precinct. (Kelling and Moore, 1988)

At that time, police were recruited from and lived in
the community and reflected the dominant culture of the local
politicians. The police commanders often consulted with the
local precinct politicians about police policies and
priorities. (Kelling and Moore, 1988)

The decentralized authority of police resulted in
politicians demanding services. The lack of transportation
coupled with poor communication between officers and between
officer and supervisor resulted in a foot patrol system at

the local precinct level, which encouraged citizen demand

4

for service. The primary strategy of policing during the
political era was foot patrol officers walking beats and
dealing with crime, disorder and other social problems of the
beat. Technology offered nothing more than call boxes
stationed at various points within the beat. The call boxes
were used as monitoring and supervisory tools for the police
administrators. The first police automobiles were used only
to transport officers to their beats or for the transporta-
tion of criminals and suspects. (Kelling and Moore, 1088)

There were detectives in this political era; however,
they did not enjoy the same status and prestige of today's
detectives. They carried a case load of "persons" rather
than a case load of ”offenses" and often used the "third
degree" style of interviewing to gain personal and political
information on individuals that would be helpful for the
local ward leader and other local politicians. (Kelling and
Moore, 1988)

The police of early American policing were expected to
control crime, maintain order and relieve local social
problems that were typical of an industrialized society:
hunger, homelessness and unemployment of immigrants. They
were also expected to fulfill the political mandate of
providing both citizens and politicians satisfaction of

police services. (Kelling and Moore, 1988)

5

The strengths of early policing were:

1. Police enjoyed the support of the citizens of the
neighborhood.

2. Policing strategies provided useful services to the
community; for example, prevented and suppressed riots,
prevented and solved crimes, and assisted immigrants in
finding homes and employment upon arrival into their
community. (Kelling and Moore, 1988)

While there were these strengths, the political era
style of policing also had many weaknesses:

1. Police department's ties to local politicians led to
some forms of corruption, patronage and election
interference.

2. Lack of supervision and ties to the community
residents offered opportunities for citizens to bribe
officers.

3. Officers' often found themselves in the position of
enforcing upon immigrants unpopular laws and ordinances which
favored the cultural values of the dominant and politically
powerful groups.

4. Police often identified so closely with their beat
that they discriminated against strangers and used "street
corner" justice with night sticks to discourage outsiders who
did not fit the community's norms.

5. The political nature of appointments of police

chiefs and administrators paired with the lack of supervisory

6

control over individual officers sometimes resulted in
inefficiencies and disorganization of police strategies.

(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

The Reform Era

The 20th century attempts to reform policing shaped
modern policing up to the 1970's. Both internal and external
elements influenced the police reform era. August Vollmer,
Chief of Police of Berkley, proposed a reform based on the
concept that the police role was to remind citizens and
institutions of their noble mission of upholding the moral
vision that made American great.(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

It was 0. W. Wilson who was the principal reformer of
the police of this era. Wilson's textbooks on police
administration proposed the model of J. Edgar Hoover's
transformation of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. (FBI)
Hoover managed to change the FBI from a corrupt organization
to one that gained the nation's support by attacking
lawlessness, immorality and crime. Hoover's outstanding
public relations programs projected the FBI agents' image as
"upstanding moral crusaders". Many of the city police
reformers were attempting to overcome the reputations of
corruption, incompetence and disorganization, and brutality
and unfairness, which was similar to the reputation the FBI
overcame. They saw the model as very appropriate.(Kelling

and Moore,1988)

7

Police reformers determined the political involvement of
police as the problem. Civil service was established to
disengage the police from politics. Patronage was eliminated
and the ward leaders influence through hiring and firing
police officers ceased. Police chiefs positions were
established under civil service system (Los Angeles,
Cincinnati), lifetime tenure through a police commission
'with removal only for cause, or by contract for number of
years that does not coincide with the mayor's tenure. It
also became illegal for officers to live in their own beat
area. Changes were made for the purpose of isolating the
police from political influences.(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

Criminal law and police professionalism were the
foundation of police legitimacy and authority during this
reform era. The power to arrest someone was based on the
officer's law enforcement authority and the officer's
discretion to not arrest someone was based on the officer's
professionalism; that is, the officer's skills, knowledge and
values provided the officer with sufficient reason to not
arrest. Professional responsibility of police was
established as the basis of police authority to make tactical
decisions; legal and technical matters were to be within the
realm of professional police authority. Political influence
in these matters was considered corruption and a failure on

the part of police leadership.(Kelling and Moore,1988)

8

The police function during this era narrowed to include
crime control and criminal apprehension. The primary goal
was to control crime by means of the criminal law, which
meant the primary responsibility of police was to arrest and
deter criminals. "Social work" techniques, which were
previously part of the police role, were no longer
acceptable. During the 1950's the emergency medical type
services were transferred to other public and private
organizations. In 1967, the President's Commission on Law
Enforcement and Administration of Justice confirmed the
police role by declaring police as part of the criminal
justice system. Police were no longer considered part of
urban government.(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

Police organization of the reform era generally
reflected the classical/scientific theory advocated by
Frederick W. Taylor of the early 20th century. The two basic
assumptions of scientific theory were also assumed by police
department administrators:

l. WOrkers generally do not want to work and if not
made to work by the employers, will avoid working.

2. WOrkers are not interested in the substance of their
work and therefore the only common ground between workers and
management is monetary incentives.(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

Therefore, when management links workers' productivity
to economic rewards, both workers and management benefit

financially. These assumptions divide labor from control of

9

labor centralized in one office. Workers are more efficient
when they specialize in particular duties.(Kelling and Moore,
1988)

Use of this scientific model by police administrators
resulted in routinizing and standardizing police work,
especially patrol. Police work was crime fighting.
Discretion in police work was limited. Police saw themselves
as law enforcers. Special units were established to deal
with the special problems of juveniles, drugs, vice, traffic,
tactical, forensic science, investigations. The police
officer's role changed from generalist to specialist.

Special units centralized control and weakened local precinct
commanders authority. Control of officers was established
through a bureaucratic police organizational system that
included middle managers, complex record keeping system,
coordination of activities of various special units,
supervisors, and a downward flow of instructions with an
upward flow Of information.(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

The relationship between officers and citizens was
redefined by the police reformers. Police had been
intimately connected to citizens of a community, now police
were deliberately separated from the community the officer
served. "Just the facts, ma'am." was the typical approach of
an officer to a citizen. (Kelling and Moore,1988)

The professional model also redefined the police

perception of citizens' responsibility in crime control and

IO

deterrence. Citizens were to be passive and leave crime
control up to the specialist/expert, the police officer.
Citizens were to call police, report crime and give witness
in court. Any citizen action in their own behalf was viewed
by police as vigilantism and inappropriate. (Kelling and
Moore, 1988)

Even though law enforcement accounted for only 15% to
20% of the Officers' time, the police perpetuated the image
of "crime fighting" as the only real police work. Crime
fighting was the preferred role of police but not the actual
role. (Payne, 1985)

The anti-crime image of police work was "sold" through
the media, newspapers, radio and television talk shows and
police/mystery programs, and public relations programs.
Along with this image was sold the crime fighting tactics
necessitated by the image. Rapid response time to service
calls was especially pushed as effective in crime control.
(Kelling and Moore, 1988)

Foot patrol was replaced by motor patrol as soon as
automobiles were purchased. Any citizen request for foot
patrol was denied on the basis it was outdated and expensive.
Citizens did not have access to their neighborhood police
officer any longer. Motor patrol eventually lead to the
modern, conventional approach to law enforcement that
encouraged citizens to call 911, because it was assumed rapid

response by motor patrol to calls for service was more

ll

efficient and effective towards crime control than any
neighborhood officer's response might be. (Kelling and Moore,
1988)

Motor patrol was the primary preventive technique and
was based on Wilson's (1950) theory that if motor patrol was
driving marked cars randomly through the city and took
particular concern of crime areas, such as bars, schools, and
densely populated areas, the high visibility of police would
contribute to deter criminals and reassure law abiding
citizens. Rapid patrol would also allow officers to come
upon crime in progress and arrest more suspects. The "high
visibility" theory reflected the "omnipresence of police”
concept first introduced to law enforcement of England by Sir

Robert Peel in 1829. (Cole, 1989)

Conventional Methods of Law Enforcement

Preventive approaches to crime control have been viewed
as the most effective way to control crime; visible patrol
and laws that have stiff penalties were seen as the answer.
These approaches were established on the basis of the
classical/scientific perspective and advanced as a result of
the contemporary knowledge and technology. The tradition of
patrolling streets in an automobile came about as a response
of the police organization to the advancements in technology.
Automobiles and car radios allowed speedier mobility of law

enforcement officers. This quicker mobility was believed to

l2

assist officers to a speedier response time to calls for
service. This quicker response was to increase rates of
apprehension of criminals and deter persons who wanted to
commit crime.

This goal of swift apprehension of criminals was
established according to the classical theory of
criminology, based on Jeremy Bentham's and Cesare Beccaria's
concepts of the pleasure-pain principle. The theory stressed
certainty of punishment as a deterrent of crime. (Haskell
and Yablonsky, 1983) These reformers were not concerned with
the causes of crime but rather the swift apprehension and
certainty of punishment which fit the crime. The police role
and the goals of law enforcement were originally defined
under these concepts of the mentality of criminals and the
deterrence of crime.

The pleasure-pain principle and its emphasis on
deterrence of crime through apprehension and punishment
greatly influenced the traditional role definition of police
officers as well as the organizational goals and objectives
of police departments. How law enforcement officials perform
their duties and responsibilities within a police
organization is also influenced by the advancements of
technology. Police use of deterrent or "preventive"
processes were based on the classical theory and modern
technology. Computers for example, relay relevant

information for the apprehension of criminals. Through the

13

Law Enforcement Information Network (LEIN), officers could
respond to apprehend criminals. Both of these philosophical
and technological processes are based on the idea that swift
detection and apprehension deters crime.

The reform of policing resulted in the end of the
"person" approach and the advent of the "case" approach to
police work. Measure of achievements of the officers became
the "statistics" of number of arrests, response time, and
"number of passings", which is the number of times a motor
unit passed a certain place in the city. Overall police

effectiveness was established by the Uniform.Crime Reports.

Shift from the Conventional Approach

Recent research has added new knowledge and shifted the
perspective of criminologists away from the classical or
traditional approach and its use of technology. Sociological
and psychological studies have introduced new ideas about
what causes or induces individuals and groups of people to
deviate. The factors of lack of adequate education,
unemployment and poverty, child and spouse abuse, mental and
physical disorders, different cultural and religious values
in a pluralistic society, lack of proper food and housing,
are now considered possible indicators of why people commit
crimes.

Interaction between individuals and their environment

is also a central focus of criminologists and behavioral

I4

scientists. (Skinner, 1971) Economic indicators as well as
political, psychological and sociological factors are often
considered important in the reduction of crime. Which comes
first, personal relationships, personality, education, jobs
or poverty, is open for debate. The ”causal" relationship is
still undetermined, yet an interrelationship of many factors
is well established as contributing to crime. This
discussion of relationships has led to a focus on the role
definition of police officers and the appropriate mission of

law enforcement agencies.
COMMUNITY POLICING

Role Change and Goal Modification

Until recently, the role of police has been identified
primarily as law enforcement. Research has pointed out that
the role of law enforcement extends well beyond ”catching
crooks" to dealing with the myriad of social problems that
are manifested in order maintenance and other problems. i
(Trojanowicz and Smythe, 1982; Bayley, 1989; Skolnick and /Z‘A
Bayley, 1988) i

The new role of police officers is now defined by
citizens who demand responses to a variety of citizens'
complaints ranging from resolution of neighborhood disputes

or family disputes, which often border on being crime

related; to unrelated-to-crime type calls for assistance in

IS

problem solving of neighborhood "decay"; emergency life,
death or injury calls; and even information on the highway
conditions in severe weather.

The role of police has also been affected by recent
research which indicates that conventional notions about
crime control are not well based. For example, visible,
random patrol, response time, retrospective investigation
and use of 911 have beeb proven to have flaws. (Kelling,
1974; Kelling 1978) The current emphasis on effective
police work is to educate citizens and motivate them to
become involved and to assist police.

This new responsibility of educating citizens in how
they can aid police usually falls upon the police department
because, unfortunately, everyone else has abdicated this
responsibility. The conventional law enforcement role has
been expanded to include a more proactive role for the police
officer. The duty to educate citizens affects the new role
of police officers as teachers and facilitators of change as
well as law enforcers, protector of citizens' constitutional
rights, and problem solvers. The fundamental consideration
should be the protection of civil rights. Will the police be
the only group that takes this seriously? Is it not the

responsibility of all governmental and social agencies?

16

Change gf Organizational anls

With the expanded role of the law enforcement officer, a
change in police organizational goals is also necessary. The
goals of quality service to the community must be met but -
have they lost sight of the basic mission? Must a new
structure of adaption to these requests from citizens be
incorporated into the police structure? How much and what
type of involvement is necessary from community agencies, the
residents, the media, the politicians and of course, the
police? This dictates how much change will take place in the
delivery of services. This interaction between the police
department, citizens and other groups illustrates the dynamic
relationship between organizations and the environment.

(Hall, 1982; Scott, 1981, Trojanowicz, S. 1986)

Restructuring Police Agencies

The recent shift of the organizational goals of law
enforcement agencies as a result of citizen demands and
concerns has required the restructuring of police agencies.
New procedures and policies are required and a change in
attitudes as well as behavior of all law enforcement
personnel, and the other relevant persons and agencies is
required. Just how this is to be carried out within the
relevant organizations has been discussed, debated and
deliberated for several years. What has evolved from

dialogue and study is the idea of community and police

l7

working together to establish a new effort reflected in

”community policing".

Community Policing Accepted Nationally

Community policing is now established or intended to be
implemented in a majority of the cities in the United States
‘with a population of 50,000 or more. (R. Trojanowicz,
personal communication, April 18, 1992) Cities with less
than 50,000 population tend to have had law enforcement
policies and procedures that always did reflect community
policing. Other countries, such as Canada, Norway, Sweden,
Denmark, Finland, Great Britain, Japan, and Australia are
also in the full throes of implementation of community
policing in order to establish a new policing system more
responsive to the community.(Small, 1991; Bayley, 1989;
Bennett, 1990; "Police Resources", 1989) Only a few years
ago, community policing was a new and suspected philosophy of
policing because it encouraged input from the "customers” and
professed that only through a partnership between the
police, citizens, the media and relevant agencies could

social problems be identified and solved.

Definition of Community Policing
Community policing is defined as any method of policing

that includes a police officer assigned to the same area,

18

meeting and working with the residents and business people
who live and work in the beat area. The citizens and police
work together to identify the problems of the area and to
collaborate in workable resolutions of the problems. The
police officer is a "catalyst", moving neighborhoods and
communities toward solving their own problems, and
encouraging citizens to help and look out for each other.
(Trojanowicz, 1982) Community policing requires the total
commitment of the "big five" to be successful, the "big five"
being the police, citizens, media, political leaders and
social service agencies and institutions of the community.
Community policing is different from the customary
approach to policing; it is more proactive, decentralized
and personalized. It is full-service; it works to get
predators of the streets. According to Trojanowicz and
Bucqueroux (1992, 4-6), the following elements explain what
community policing is.
1. ”Community policing is a philosophy, not an isolated
program."
2. "Community policing broadens the mission of the
police beyond crime control."
3. ”Community policing provides decentralized service."
4. "Community policing provides personalized service."
5. "Community policing implies a permanent commitment
to the community."

6. "Community policing focuses on problempsolving."

19

7. "Community policing enhances accountability.“

8. "Community policing complements reactive policing
'with proactive policing." (Community policing is
full-service policing.)

9. "Community policing is not a specialty."

10. "Community policing must face the test of operating
within existing resources."

11. "Community policing may serve as the model and as
the centerpiece for the decentralization and
personalization of other social services."

The Neighborhood Network Center is an example of a model
which includes other social service agencies participating in
community policing in the neighborhood. (For more on the
Neighborhood Network Center, see Chapters IV and V)

Citizen involvement in community policing is likewise
different from the conventional involvement of citizens.
(Trojanowicz, Trojanowicz and Moss, 1975) Traditionally, as
mentioned earlier, the police were the people and the people
were the police. However, in contemporary times special
interest groups claimed they reflected the opinions of the
majority. The "leaders" of the community were usually
business people or executives of various business, political
and social institutions. They made up "blue ribbon
committees." The decisions and policies of these groups were
often not reflective of the persons they said they were

representing. (Steinberg, 1972) The citizens themselves were

20

not directly involved as they are expected to be in community
policing. Even as far back as the 1940's, Alinsky contended
that people of a community could only succeed in achieving
their social goals through local community organizations and
that the people's will could only be expressed through the
leaders of these organizations rather than through some
abstract advocate, be it an ethnic organization or the
predominant political organization. (Dillick, 1957)

In community policing, citizens are involved at the
neighborhood level and make decisions that affect their
neighborhood and their lives as residents of their
neighborhood. (Trojanowicz, 1982) Citizen efforts in
community policing is truly a "grassroot" or democratic
effort because citizens' concerns and activities are combined
'with police concerns and activities, and the activities are
designed towards improving the quality of their own lives in
their own neighborhoods through solutions of problems and
prevention of problems in the city and neighborhoods, a
partnership. (Trojanowicz, 1982) Usually, the leaders of
grassroot group activities are those who surface through
their participation in group activities, rather than those
who are elected by a membership of some special interest
group, or official club or organization. (Sower, 1957)

All communities who endeavor to establish community
policing in their community need input from all relevant

groups. They seek some kind of consensus as to what the

21

problems of their neighborhoods are and what can be done to

solve the problems.

THE PROBLEM: SEARCHING FOR A THEORY

The problem is that there is no theory that adequately
pulls together all elements of community policing to provide
enough information to solve the problems of crime, fear of
crime, and disorder. While community policing is currently
popular and accepted throughout the nation, it is probably
not well understood by most persons and groups.

Even though there has been a clear shift from the
conventional role and goals of law enforcement to those of
community policing, there is no clear statement of a change
in commitment to a new theory or philosophy. There is still
a "groping" for a theory of community policing. The
conventional theory of police work is being challenged by the
proponents of community policing. Just what is behind this
idea of "community policing"? What is this ”philosophy of
community policing” all about? What is the theory of
community policing? These are the questions that need
answers.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The purpose of this study is to present the theory
behind community policing. If a theory of community policing
is understood and accepted by those involved in community

policing, it may contribute to a better understanding of

22

community policing philosophy, and result in improved police
service, more effective community programs, and more
neighborhood problems solved.

Normative sponsorship theory and critical social theory
are presented as the basis of community policing. These
theories will be further explored in this paper. Research
findings of studies in Flint, Michigan, and Aurora, Colorado,
will be used to illustrate how community policing is a
reflection of critical theory and normative sponsorship
theory. In particular, job safety and job satisfaction are
used as relevant examples, which indicate how community
policing has "pay offs" for citizens and police officers as
well.

FOCUS OF THE STUDY

The focus of this paper is on community policing as
critical social theory and normative sponsorship theory in
practice. The Flint, Michigan, experiment in foot patrol is
the primary model selected to illustrate how community
policing is critical social science and how critical theory
is the basis of interaction between members of the community
and the police. Community policing in Aurora, Colorado will
be presented as a secondary and contemporary example of how
the Flint experiment in the early 1980's has relevance to

today's policing.

CHAPTER II

Review of the Literature

INTRODUCTION

The popularity of community policing has caused a "run"
on information regarding the definition of community policing,
methods to implement community policing, means to elicit
support for change to community policing, and ways to change
the police department structure and the structure of other
relevant organizations and groups to support community
policing. The goal of this thesis is to move towards
establishing a theory of community policing. This information
may be of some assistance to those who are interested in
community policing and are seeking to understand what community
policing is about, and what this dramatic change involves.

This chapter will present definitions of community and
community policing, as well as a review of the theories that
apply to community policing. Assumptions and tasks of the
social science practice and theories will be specified. The
task is to illustrate how community policing is critical

social science theory put to practice.

DEFINING COMMUNITY
The problem of defining community policing is linked to
the problem of defining community. It is necessary to

identify the social unit one level above the family, for the

23

24

purpose of mobilizing that unit towards positive social
action, as required in community policing.

"Community" definitions abound. One definition of a
community is a mere geographic area, a territory delineated by
physical or symbolic boundaries. However, community has
traditionally been defined as a shared existence, with
cultural values, symbols and meaning shared among all
members.(Novak, 1971; Bell & Newby, 1973) At the turn of the
century when this country was an agrarian society, the
definition of community was accepted as a "distinct area where
residents shared both a common geography and a common culture,
as well as elements of mutual interdependence." (Trojanowicz
and Moore, 1988) As industrialization developed in the urban
areas and the rural people moved to the cities to work in the
new industries, this concept of community was still applied to
small groups living and sharing the same social and cultural
realities of urban life. However, the inherent depersonaliza-
tion of large cities does not support the required quality of
cohesiveness in a community. (Fessler, 1976)

Others see the community as beginning with a physical
territory and then evolving into a group of local residences,
whose members share the same history, values and beliefs. In
the 1920's, Park (1966) and the Chicago School defined
community by relying on the technique of identifying a
cluster of community agencies, institutions and
organizations and then determining the distance from these

that people would travel to accommodate themselves of the

25

community resources and businesses. By this method they
determined the geographic boundaries of the community.
Community was tied to the definition of territory and that
the people in the area were conditioned by the subcultural or
life processes that existed there. (Park, 1966) Meenaghan
(1972) declared Park's definition as one of geographic
boundaries and a shared unique culture.

Another point of view, is that while a group of people
may have some form of social organization or be a self-
governing political unit, they may lack any general consensus
that defines community. (Kotler, 1969; Moynihan, 1965)

Others equate some form of community to even the most
transient and changing neighborhoods. (White, 1943; Liebow,
1967; Suttles,1968)

By the 1950's there were so many definitions in the
literature, that George A Hillery, Jr. (1955) of the
University of Atlanta did a content analysis of 94
definitions in order to determine a common definition. He
concluded that most definitions included a geographic bounded
area with residents who socially interact and have one or
more additional ties in common.

This concept of community eventually became confused
‘with the definition of neighborhood. Suzanne Keller (1982)
defined neighborhood as " . . . an area or place within in a
larger entity, has boundaries -- either physical or symbolic
and usually both -- where streets, railway lines, or parks

separate off an area and its inhabitants or where historical

26

and social traditions make people view an area as a
distinctive unit."

The problem of defining community was not considered
much during the 1960's. In the 1970's, definitions focused
on a unifying theme or principles. Albert Hunter defined the
"natural community" and noted the association of the words
”common", "community", and "communication". His definition
concentrated on identifying shared language and shared
symbols to define a community. (Cited in Trojanowicz and
Moore, 1988)

Meenaghan (1972) conducted a "social area analysis"
using the census tract to group together 3000 to 6000 people
in an area. Based on homogeneity of economic and familial or
ethnic characteristics, he identified the boundaries of a
community. Again, this concept of community could be
synonymous with neighborhood of the same ethnic history.
However, since the 1960's, the ethnic neighborhood has become
a rarity. (Trojanowicz and Moore, 1988)

These traditional definitions have failed to deal with
one issue that was important in those communities. They
dealt with the physical aspect of community, the geographic
area, the territory, the physical boundaries that enclose and
define the people within the area. However, these
definitions of the cohesive ethnic communities of the past
did not deal directly with the psychological aspect of a
community. Such a community contains an emotional component,

based on the communication that flows between residents

27

during daily activities. The nod to the mailman; the gossip
at the barber shop or with the clerk in the store; the chat
with the next door neighbor; the wave to the police officer
walking down the street; the neighbor's soup brought when a
family member is ill; the meetings at schools and churches; a
visit to the doctor's office; all these interactions built a
foundation of communication and trust that was a part of the
psychological element in the community. Place, however, was
soon to be severed from the psychic aspect of community.
Living in a certain place would no longer offer emotional
satisfaction. (Trojanowicz and Moore, 1988)

Suzanne Keller (1982) noted the disengagement of the
physical from the psychic aspect of community. The great
changes in technology, the mass media/communication systems,
and mass transportation systems, now allowed people to travel
around the world without leaving home and some people are at
home wherever they go on the globe. Such expansions of the
physical and spiritual boundaries have led to the separation
of the idea of place from the definition of community.
(Whittick, 1984).

The rural definition of community included the mutual
interdependence of people within a geographic area. If a farmer
was ill or injured, the doctor came to the farmer and issued
medical advice. The neighbors came to the farmer and organized a
harvest or planting "party", knowing that they too may need these
neighbors someday to help them with farming or for some other

life-sustaining activity. The community of interest worked

28

together because of some possible future need of the others' help.
No longer do individuals of today's society depend on neighbors or
community members to assist with the providing food or life
sustaining activities.

In today's world, if people become ill or injured, they
pick up the phone (maSs communication system) and call a
doctor for an appointment and travel to the doctor's office
(mass transportation system) which most likely takes them
outside of their neighborhood. If it will be a prolonged
recovery, they hope their health insurance will pay the
medical costs and their disability insurance will provide for
food and shelter, rather than neighbors or relatives. If
not, social services may help them. If they are not eligible
for social services, and their illness or injury does require
a long rehabilitation or treatment time, they may find
themselves in dire financial straits. It may require a loan
from family members or family members may need to provide
direct assistance. Most often, this means family members
must be notified by phone of the emergency (mass
communication system) and then family members must take a
car, plane or bus (mass transportation) to go to the injured
person's aid. While the transportation and communication
systems are considered speedy systems, it still takes more
time and effort than it did in the rural community of the
past where everyone knew everyone else's business and would

respond immediately to emergency situations. The

29

psychological support system of family, friends and
neighbors, does not exist today as it did in the past.

Today's psychological support system may come from
friends and family members who live far away, maybe thousands
of miles. In reality, today's support system most likely
comes from people who have a common interest; friends from
high school or college; co-workers or people from church or
from the children's school. These are people who share a
common interest but who do not necessarily live in the same
geographic area. It is this "community of interest" that is
relevant for today's community policing.

People who share a common interest, be it those WhO‘WiSh
to develop a recreational plan and area for their youth,
those who wish to beautify their neighborhood, those who want
neighborhood crime reduced and prevented or those who wish
fair and more trusting relationship with police, are the
community of interest, the community that is to be
facilitated and motivated to solve their own problems in the

community policing programs of today.

COMMUNITY IN THE CONTEXT OF COMMUNITY POLICING
The problem of defining community is the same as with
defining 'quality". One may find it difficult to define but
still one knows it when one sees it. One defines it by the
criteria of time, what withstands the test of time must be

what is quality. The same time test applies to "community.”

30

From these various definitions of community, it appears
that community has had something to do with togetherness for
over a long period of time; togetherness in spirit and in
body; in the psychic and physical sense; whether believing in
and sharing the same values; or because of the mere fact
people are close in physical proximity and share communica-
tion and common interests. With such togetherness in mind,
the definition of community in community policing seems to
flow naturally. The "togetherness" of working together
towards a common interest or goal is appropriate for the
definition of community in community policing. It is the
common interest of dealing effectively with crime, disorder,
and fear of crime that join modern communities with the
police in hopes of meaningful interaction with police and
other social institutions that will result in long-term
positive results. It is the community of interest that is
identified and facilitated by the community police officers
towards solving problems and improving the quality of life in

their neighborhood beats. (Trojanowicz and Moore, 1988)

PROMOTING COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT
Many techniques to elicit community members' involvement
have been examined and tried. Whether the action premise
will rest on conflict, cooperation or challenge is usually
the primary question. The answer instead should rest on what

the goals of the neighborhood are and whether or not the

31

larger community supports the goals. (Trojanowicz,

Trojanowicz and Moss, 1975)

Conflict Theory

Some community organizers think the only way to garner
the involvement of citizens is to convey the view to the
residents of a neighborhood that they must take action
against the larger resisting community. Saul Alinsky's
theory of mobilizing citizen involvement involves conflict.
(Wilson, 1973) He sees power as the only way to achieve
goals. He believes an appeal to civic pride or neighborhood
spirit to mobilize would only organize middle-class people
rather than the poor and oppressed. Organizers often manage
to do this by promoting hostility between the small group and
the larger community. The function of the citizen group is
to become so politically powerful so as to achieve its
goals. The action premise in this case is based on conflict.
(Wilson, 1973)

Kotler (1969) challenges this political conflict
approach and points out that cities' political structures are
'. . . dominated by downtown power enforced by police control
and they have military force superior to any of their
constituent areas." Kotler sees the necessity of a new
approach in crime prevention that includes cooperation
between citizens and the criminal justice system.

James O. Wilson (1973) states that most organizers

reject Alinsky's conflict theory as not likely to produce

32

long-term positive effects in crime prevention. Alinsky's
methods create more conflict instead of producing peaceful
solutions; it builds on power rather than cooperation; it
creates several groups attempting to achieve conflicting
goals rather than consensus and a search for common goals.
It splinters groups into subpopulations rather than building

community to work to solve problems.

Normative Sponsorship Theory

An alternative mode of mobilizing citizen involvement is
one built on cooperation and challenge. In 1957, Christopher
Sower of Michigan State University wrote about the social
action theory he developed. Normative Sponsorship theory is
based on the assumptions that almost all people have a stake
in community-ownership and an emotional attachment to
cooperation and challenge. Normative Sponsorship states that
almost all people hold good will and are motivated to
increase the quality of life in the community. This
especially holds true for citizens seeking to improve their
own environment and their family's situation. Such social
action programs to reduce crime, prevent crime, produce safe
street, enhance the beauty of the area, provide leisure
activities and recreational areas all fall into this
category. However, normative sponsorship holds that if the
social action does not support the value systems of the

majority of the citizens, then it will not generate the

33

necessary resources, activities and effort required from the

community citizens. (Sower, 1957)

W

A test of the normative sponsorship theory and its
assumptions came during a 1960's riot in Detroit, Michigan.
One area of the ghetto was left practically untouched as a
result of the action of a neighborhood organization called
the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee (PNAC).

The Institute of Urban Dynamics had provided technical
assistance to help the neighborhood to organize PNAC. They
had formed Neighborhood Block Clubs and planned improvements
for the neighborhood such as area recreational facilities
which the city had failed to provide. They had organized to
raise funds to purchase land for playgrounds for the youth of
the area.

When the riot broke out, their PNAC organizational
structure and skills were applied in patrolling the streets
and detouring traffic. While many people understood the
rebellion against the system, they resisted rebelling
themselves and cooperated to save their neighborhood. Only
two small fires were set in that neighborhood and one was in

an empty building. (Report, 1968)

Cooperation agg Challenge

The concept of mobilizing citizen action and involvement

based on cooperation and challenge is what community policing

34

has adopted as its foundation. Conflict, the trademark of
the traditional community organization, is rejected by
community policing. Rather, community policing is based on
the assumptions of normative sponsorship theory. The
assumptions are:

1. Most people are more willing to cooperate than to
deal with conflict and most people are willing to cooperate
in order to accept a challenge, solve a problem, and improve
their situation.

2. Most people are willing and motivated to work toward
improving the quality of life in their community and
neighborhood. (Sower, 1957)

"People welcome the opportunity to be independent, and
to construct alternatives and implement actions over which
they have control. They are happiest when they are
contributing to their social existence, whether in the
family, their occupation or the community environment."
(Trojanowicz, Trojanowicz and Moss,l975, p. 135)

To substitute conflict for cooperation, and substitute
seeking great power for accepting and working towards a
challenge, means the social action group of citizens involved
in community policing must do more in planning and
preparation. It must be sensitive towards others and
minimize any grand schemes in order to deal with the
realities of their lives and hold out for the greater
potential and long term positive effects. (Trojanowicz,

Trojanowicz, and Moss, 1975)

35

Police lnvolvement as Qntalyst

For community policing, normative sponsorship means
police departments likewise must give up its power image, and
be more cooperative with citizens. Police need more
community input, planning and innovative responses in
accepting the challenge of community problems. Police must
be facilitators of change within the community and act as a
catalyst to move citizens to identify and solve their own
problems, whenever possible and feasible. Police may serve

as a referral system to assist citizens in seeking solutions.

Community Involvemenn

For the community as a whole, community policing means
citizens, police, other criminal justice personnel, social
institutions' and agency representatives, and the media ought
to cooperate toward solutions of community problems. The
cooperation based on the community togetherness that binds
the community is the foundation of community policing. The
assumption of community policing is that neighborhood or
community problems can only be identified and defined by the
people affected by and living with the problems. They need
to transmit their ideas and concerns so that cooperative

problem solving can be facilitated.

Critical Theory Complements Normative Sponsorship Theory
Normative Sponsorship theory and critical theory are

both seeking "what ought to be" in order to satisfy the needs

36

of affected individuals. Theory and practice/social action
are linked in critical social science, unlike the theory and
practice of empirical science. Critical theory produces
wanted and needed change in the social structure of the
individuals while interpretive theory tends to support the
status quo. Critical theory establishes the means to
determine "what ought to be" through discussion, discourse,
debate, and consensus building which results in determining
critical theory and social action based on that critical
theory. Normative Sponsorship theory establishes "what
ought to be" through cooperation, consensus building and
determination of common goals and interests, and it
challenges people to act according to their best interests

and improvement of their quality of life.

AN HISTORICAL CRITIQUE: THEORY AND PRAXIS

An historical critique that explores the relationship
of theory and praxis from Aristotle to the present will be
presented. Praxis refers to the practice of a science as
distinguished from the theory of a science. (Bernstein, 1976)

The purpose of a historical critique is to expose the
main moments of change over time in the understanding of the
relation of theory and praxis. The historical critique will
examine the prehistory of modern positivism with the
intention of systematically analyzing the relationship
between knowledge and human interests; that is, the

relationships of science, theory and practice. This will

37

include critical explanations and evaluations of the
methodological biases of mainstream, positivistic social

science. (Bernstein, 1976)

A Comparison of Theories and Praxis

Empiricism or positivism is an important method of
acquiring knowledge and theory, but it is not the only method
by which people gain knowledge and understanding.(Bernstein,
1976) The anthropologicallethnographic method of
interpretative social science has provided the cultural
social sciences with knowledge and theory for decades.
(Bernstein, 1976) Both empirical and interpretive science
attempt to be value-free in the pursuit of knowledge and both
are regarded as separating knowledge (theory) from practical
application of the knowledge gained (praxis).

What distinguishes critical theory from interpretative
science and from empirical science is the fact that critical
theory does not separate theory from practice; it does not
separate ”what is“ from "what ought to be". "Critical theory
has a fundamental practical interest that guides it -- a
practical interest in radically 'improving human existence,’
of fostering the type of self-consciousness and understanding
of existing social and political conditions so that 'mankind
will for the first time be a conscious subject and actively
determine its own way of life.'" (Bernstein, 1976, pp. 180-

181)

38

While the traditional empirical/positivist scientist
endeavors to separate the "scientist" role from personal
interests in developing theory, critical social science
explicitly recognizes that knowledge and interest of the
specialist are joined. Positivistic theory does not provide
a rational basis by which to criticize social and political
reality. By criticism, it is meant ". . . that intellectual,
and eventually practical effort which is not satisfied to
accept the prevailing ideas, actions, and social conditions
unthinkingly and from mere habit; effort which aims to
coordinate the individual sides of social life with each
other and with the general ideas and aims of the epoch, to
deduce them genetically, to distinguish the appearance from
the essence, to examine the foundations of things, in short,
really to know them." (Horkheimer, 1972, p. 270) Critical
theory is based on the practical interest of radically ”
improving human existence" (Horkheimer, 1972, p. 206), of
facilitating a certain type of self-consciousness and
understanding of the prevailing social/political situation so
that individuals will become ". . .a conscious subject and
actively determine . . . (one's) own way of life."
(Horkheimer 1972, pp. 206-207) Critical theory should be ".
. . a critical, promotive factor in the development. . ." of

society. (Horkheimer, 1972, p. 214)

39

Classical Versus Modern Polity

The classical philosophy of politics from the
Aristotlean point of view has become foreign to us of
contemporary politics. It included three main and important
parts:

1. Politics incorporated ethics into its practice.
Aristotle saw that the ethical part of life and action was
not separated from custom and law. Politics was understood as
". . .the doctrine of the good and just life.”(Bernstein,
1976, p. 185)

2. The old Greek practice of politics had nothing to do
with technique. Praxis had nothing to do with techne and the
two were not confused in politics. Politics functioned to
form and cultivate the character; ". . . it proceeded
pedagogically and not technically." (Bernstein, 1976, p. 185)
Techne refers to ". . .the skillful production of artifacts
and the expert mastery of objectified tasks." (Bernstein,
1976, p. 185)

3. Practical politics is not the same as "rigorous
science or . . . apodictic episteme." (Bernstein, 1976, p.
185) Instead, it requires a ". . . prudent understanding of
the situation." (Bernstein, 1976, p. 186)

In the Aristotlean view of politics, what is important
in policy making is not the end result, but the process by
which policy decisions are made. This refers to the
deliberate efforts of people to order and direct their

affairs and activities, to establish goals for their society,

40

and to implement plans towards these goals, and to evaluate
the achievement of the goals. What is most significant in
this form of politics is citizen involvement in establishing
and administering the laws of their community. "Politics is
to collective affairs what the striving for autonomy is to
personal matters." (Fay, 1984, p. 54) People can be free
only if they participate in decision making in matters that
affect them, ". . .one can only be free when one is self-
determining."(Fay, 1984, p. 54) Participating in politics
and the self-determination element of it, is essential in
becoming and being a person, because political life
contributes to activities (persuasion, argumentation and
social action ) that reveal to people who they themselves are
and who others are. (Fay, 1984)

Political decisions made by a group of technically
trained experts is an enigma to Aristotlean politics. To
turn over political decisions to the "experts" is to lose an
important and essential part of freedom and it results in the
rule of autocrats with the "correct" solutions. (Fay, 1984)

Habermas (1973b) interpreted Thomas Hobbes writings~and
declared that modern philosophy has three main elements also,
but they differ vastly from the classical elements:

1. Scientifically (empirical) grounded social theory is
used to establish a ". . .correct order of the state and
society. . . ." (Habermas, 1973b, 43) The universal theory
of empirical science is defined as ”. . .valid independently

of time, space and circumstances. . ." and used as a basis of

41

establishing society, regardless of the history or heritage
of a people. (Habermas, 1973b, 43)

2. Applying the social science theory of empiricism to
the practice of politics is a technical problem. What is
required, instead of practical prudent action of people
towards each other, is "correctly calculated generation of
rules, regulations and institutions.”(Habermas, 1973b, 43)

3. Morality is separated from politics. Human behavior
is only material for science and is not something that is to
be instructed towards leading a "good and just life with
making possible a life of well-being within a correctly
instituted order." (Habermas, 1973b, 43)

The contrasting points of classical theory of politics
with the modern theory of politics illustrates the problems
in modern society:

1. How can the practice of politics incorporate what is
just and right without relinquishing scientific knowledge?

2. How can the analysis of social interrelationships in
society gained through science be ransomed without losing the
practical orientation of the classical approach to politics?
(Habermas, 1973b) The progress of an industrialized nation
may give some clues to understanding the scope of these

questions.

‘a 'zed tions a d r 'al c'ence

Modern social science in industrialized nations

contributed to greater technical control over nature as well

42

as more efficient administration of people and their
relations to each other through greater social organization.
Science and technology, industry and administration,
circularly interact and reinforce between the material
conditions in modern industrial nations and the positivistic
approach to science and knowledge.(Habermas,1973b) ”The
social potential of science is reduced to the powers of
technical control--its potential for enlightened action is no
longer considered." (Bernstein 1976, 187) Technical
recommendations result from science but no practical
solutions or answers are forthcoming for important political

questions and problems of the day. (Bernstein, 1976)

Modern Society's Problem: Technical and Practical

It is very difficult for people of modern societies to
distinguish between the practical and the technical, and
there are consequences for confusing the two. Because social
planners cannot distinguish between the practical, which
corresponds to the historical/hermeneutic science, and the
technical, correlates to the empirical/analytic science,
there is no effort made towards determining a rational
agreement among citizens concerned with the practical
direction of their lives. Rather, attempts are made towards
". . .technical control of history by perfecting the
administration of society, an attempt that is just as

impractical as it is unhistorical." (Habermas, 1973b, p. 255)

43

This reduction of all problems of action to problems of
technical control and manipulation, which is reducing social
problems to empirical scientific and social experiments,
depoliticizes citizens and contributes to the decline of the
political arena as a political institution. This positivist
ideology suppresses the distinction between the technical and
the practical, and deals with all problems of social action
as technical problems. All realms of human life in advanced,
modern industrialized societies are affected and as such,
life is less rooted in the conscience and knowledge of
citizens. (Bernstein, 1976)

According to Habermas (1973b), in order for a society to
free itself from this legitimization of a positivistic self—
understanding of knowledge and science, society must subject
this empirical knowledge and science to critical examination.
Habermas declares it is in self-reflection that complete
self-understanding is achieved. Self-reflection is relevant
for a critical understanding of contemporary social and

political reality. (Bernstein, 1976)

Socratic Model: Antonony
Habermas appeals to ". . . a much older model of
philosophy, the Socratic model of self-knowledge whereby,
through a process of dialogue, the participants achieve self-
knowledge and self-reflection which are therapeutic and

effect a cognitive, affective, and practical transformation

44

involving a movement toward autonomy (Mundigkeit) and
responsibility." (Bernstein, 1976, p. 199)

Habermas does indicate the necessity of two
modifications of the Socratic model if it is to be effective
today; that is, true dialogue and unrestrained communication
are necessary for self—knowledge and must be allowed and
fostered by the social and political institutions of the
society. History shows that violence and force have
disallowed true dialogue and unrestrained communication many
times. Implied in true dialogue is intersubjectivity, mutual
understanding; that is, an agreement among participants of
the dialogue on the meaning of the words, gestures and
symbols used in the dialogue and communication process.

(Habermas, 1973b)

Definitions of Critical Theory
ggitical Theogy ang Mann

Marx's central thesis was that ". . . critique is the
belief that there is an exploited class which, when it comes
to a full understanding and self-consciousness of its true
historic situation, will be the agent of revolutionary
praxis.” The central question of critical theorists of the
1930”s, especially the great Frankfurt thinkers, was: who are
these subjects for whom.Marx's critical theory was written;
who was the revolutionary class to be; what is the function
of such critical theory? (Bernstein, 1976) The Frankfurt

school was less interested in pursuing a historic critique of

45

politics and economics, and instead attempted to critique
ideology and the various expressions of contemporary
ideologies.

Marx's emphasis on the labor classes became irrelevant
over time due the development of industrialization. Large
industry becomes less dependent on labor as science and
technology advances. The application of technology and
science reduces the direct labor expenditure required in
production and therefore reduces the power of such labor
groups. Today's social and political reality in the post-
industrial society of the United States is radically
different from that of the global situation of the 1930's.

According to Habermas, (1971) Marx never considered
specifically the nature of critique and in the sense he did
not distinguish critique from pure philosophy or from
positive science. Marx never delved into the question of
science of man as different from the instrumentalism.of
positivism. He equated the science of man with the science
of nature. Marxism definitely had a positivism tendency.

Habermas stated that Engel did not corrupt Marxism
by applying positivistic understanding to Marxism, but
merely found Marx's positivistic tendencies. To the true
believer, Marxism is the "true, correct, and complete"
science; it is positive science. (Bernstein, 1976, p. 189)
However, in spite of the debate about Marxism, relative to
positivism, Habermas recognizes the critical intent of

Marxism: ". . . the experience of emancipation by means of

46

critical insight into the relationships of power."
(Habermas, 1973b,p. 253)

Habermas does take serious Marx's warning against mere
intellectual criticism and states that ". . . critical
reflection is absolutely necessary for any form of praxis
that aims at furthering human emancipation." (Habermas,
1973b, p. 253, Cited in Bernstein, 1985) He promotes a
movement of self-reflection for self-understanding and sees
self-reflection necessary for critical understanding of one's

political and social reality. (Habermas, 1971)

anee Phases of Critical Social Science

Discourse, enlightenment and theory induced praxis are
the three phases of critical social science. (Bernstein,
1985)
nlsconrse

For the purpose of self-knowledge and dialogue,
Habermas defines communicative action as verbal and non-
verbal communication based on a background consensus that is
taken for granted, and he defines discourse as communication
that results from this consensus being disturbed or disputed.
(Habermas, 1973a) "Discourses help test the truth claims of
opinions (and norms) which the speakers no longer take for
granted.. . . The output of discourses. . . consists in
recognition or rejection of problematic truth claims."

(Habermas, 1973a, p. 168) Discourses produce only arguments

47

and it is in argumentation that claims are examined for
validity and tested for acceptance.

In discourse, claims to truth may be challenged on any
of the following grounds: " l. comprehensibility of the
utterance, 2 truth of the propositional content (when
assertions are made), 3. the legitimacy or rightness of its
performative content and 4, the veracity of the speaker.
"(Habermas, 1973, p. 18) The goal of discourse, is to
distinguish an "accepted consensus . . . from a rational
consensus."(Habermas, 1973a, p. 18)

In a critique of the empirical scientific approach,
Habermas cites the purpose of discourse and argumentation of
positivism is to find the best argument for the best course
of social action. However, there is no perfect argument
because there is always the possibility of additions or new
arguments. There is never absolute finality of decisions on
acceptance of claims, no absolute decision on "truth" and no
absolutely correct path of social/political action. In
contrast, critical theorems are always subject to further
discourse. (Habermas, 1973a, p.214)

W

The second phase of critique is "enlightenment"
initiated by the process of reflection (discourse) ”which is
carried on within certain groups toward which these processes
have been directed." (Habermas, 1973a, p. 215)
Enlightenment is not a neutral process but is carried on to

move towards action. Action is the goal of self-reflection,

48

action to apply and test theorems gained in enlightenment.
Critique is carried on for the enlightenment of humans in the
classical sense, so as to cultivate, form, and move to action
the human psyche.
Tnegzy Inguceg Pnnctlce

The third phase of critique is mediation of theory and
praxis, the '. . .selection of appropriate strategies, the
solution of tactical questions, and the conduct of political
struggle." (Habermas, 1973, p. 33) However, theory cannot be
used to justify social action, this would be mere
manipulation and technical control.(Habermas, 1973a) A
theory or science that is so well grounded that it provides a
decision process that defines how society "ought to be" once
and for all, is a technical science, not a critical science.

Critical, theoretical discourse is fallible and
correctable; it is always open to further discourse, testing
and criticism. No interpretation is considered final and
authoritative. Theoretical discourse is based on the
assumption that it is an "ideal discourse", unconstrained
and in pursuit of truth, and carried on by a community of
interested people. (Habermas, 1973a)

Rather, Habermas states self-reflection is carried on
for "changes in attitudes which result from insight into
causalities in the past, and indeed result of themselves. In
contrast, strategic action oriented toward the future, which
is prepared for in internal discussion of groups, who (as the

avant-garde) presuppose for themselves already successful

49

processes of enlightenment, cannot be justified in the same
manner by reflective knowledge." (Habermas, 1973a, p. 33)

It is clear the goal of critique is to gain causal
insights from and about the past. Critique is
"retrospective" and liberating from historical compulsions
but it does not solve the problem of what to do in the
future. Instead, consensus of the participants who are
conscious of their common interests and knowledgeable of
their own circumstances " . . . are the only ones who can
know what risks they are willing to undergo, and with what
expectations. There can be no theory which at the onset can
assure a world-historical mission in return for the potential
sacrifices.“ (Habermas, 1973a, p. 33)

The goal of critical theorem is to provide a deep
understanding of the historical situation ". . .to the extent
that it correctly interprets the situation and initiates
self-reflection." (Habermas, 1973a, p. 33) While this type of
theory is inherently related to political action, it does not

legitimize or justify what is to be done.(Habermas, 1973a)

Criticisms
Bernstein (1976) criticizes Habermas' definition of
critical theory. Some of his more relevant criticisms for
this thesis, is that Habermas did not state what conditions
or motivations would move those "enlightened" participants

of self-reflection through discourse, to social-political

50

action. This gap between critical theory and its concrete
practical realization must be confronted and dealt with.
Another criticism is that Habermas did not acknowledge
that there may be a vagiety of ways individuals could solve
their problems and there is no requirement that the solution
would take the form of an improved community life, even
though it is a possibility. Neither did he illustrate what
forms of political action would best further the achievement
of the ideal community life. However, another critical
theory proponent, Brian Fay, (1984) offers a definition as
well as ideas on what social action might be considered and

what might motivate social agents to act.

e o n e t've S i l Theo

Fay criticizes interpretative social science because of
its support of the status quo. Interpretive social science
also includes communication and dialogue for the purpose of
enlightenment, but the function of enlightenment of
interpretive science is to change "the way they think about
what they or others are doing, rather than provide them with
a theory by means of which they could change what they or
others are doing, and in this way it supports the status
quo." (Fay, 1984, p. 91)

Interpretive science does not deal with conflict or
disruption as does the discourse of critical social science.
Instead, it reconciles people to their social order by

convincing them that their initial beliefs contributed to the

51

breakdown of communication and their misunderstandings of
their situation and actions have contributed to their
suffering and anxiety. Interpretive theor encourages people
to change their beliefs to coincide with the status guo, so
that dialogue and communication will be restored. It
demonstrates to them that contemporary social practice is

rational. (Fay, 1984)

'o 't' 'a heo

Fay declares critical science is rooted in the ". . .
felt needs and sufferings of a group of people." (Fay, 1984,
p. 94) Therefore, it is necessary for the critical theorist
to come to know and understand the intentions and desires of
the people he is observing and studying. The critical
theorist does this using the interpretive model with its
dialogue, discourse and enlightenment but the critical
theorist goes beyond the interpretive model. The critical
theorist seeks to discover the systems of social
relationships which direct the actions of the individuals and
the unanticipated results of such actions for the purpose of
finding "quasi-causal and functional laws of social behavior
in particular social contexts.” (Fay, 1984, p. 94) Critical
science is founded on the idea that social theory is
interconnected to social practice and what is accepted as
truth are those theories that are in fact translated into
action and evaluated as having satisfied the felt needs of

the people.

52

For Fay, the three main elements of critical theory are:

l. ". . . identification of structural conflicts within
a society." (Fay, 1984, p. 94)

2. ". . . explanation of historical change in a
dialectical manner."(Fay, 1984, pp. 94-95)

3. Illustration of how the ". . . quasi-causal and
functional 'laws' which it discovers. . . explain the
contradictions in social life which themselves underlie the
tensions and conflicts the social scientist observes and-
which are experienced by the social actors in certain
specific ways." (Fay, 1984, p. 96)

Fay notes that explanations of critical theory are based
on, but not exclusively on, the "felt needs and experienced
privations of sufferings of the agents involved." (Fay, 1984,
p. 96) Just as in interpretive science, critical science
understands human behavior and systems of human action as
embedded in "self-understanding, perceptions and intentions
of the actors involved."(Fay, 1984, p. 96)

So a critical social science is one which
attempts to account for the sufferings
and felt needs of the actors in a social
group by seeing them as the result of
certain structural conflicts in the
social order, and it seeks to explain
these conflicts - and hence the
sufferings and felt needs - by giving a
historical account in quasi-causal terms
of the latent contradictions between the
sorts of needs, wants, and purposes which
the social order gives rise to the sorts
of (inadequate) satisfactions which it
provides. Such a social science tries to
show that it is only by conceptualizing

the social order in the way that it
suggests that one can comprehend the

53
dissatisfactions which the members of

this order experience. (Fay, 1984, p. 96)

Fay offers an example of women of western industrialized
nations who are dissatisfied. Industrialization has offered
many new products which cut down on the time and effort of
housework for women at home. However, social constraints in
industrial societies may impose upon women with families
restrictions on working outside the home; constraints ranging
from the restrictive union shops to value systems. Once women
understand themselves in terms of how these two circumw
stances are responsible for their dissatisfaction, they may
proceed to try to remove the structural contradictions. The
"quasi-causal" explanations are given in terms of the "felt
needs and‘sufferings". After these "inherent contradictions
of the social order" which contribute to the women's'
dissatisfaction are identified, they may choose to remove
these contradictions by taking appropriate action to change
the social order to one that will not contribute to the
sufferings of the actors. (Fay, 1984)

A critical social theory is meant to
inform and guide the activities of a
class of dissatisfied actors which has
been brought into existence by social
agencies which it claims can only be
comprehended by this theory, and it does
so by revealing how the irrationalities
of social life which are causing the
dissatisfaction can be eliminated by

taking some specific action which the
theory calls for. (Fay, 1984, 97-98)

54

ggltical Theony and Praxls
t'o nd t'vat'o

Fay (1984) states there are three basic ways the
practical intent of critical theory is carried out. The
first is accomplished by getting the group with felt needs
and sufferings to articulate their grievances in a vocabulary
their situation can be best explained, in order to convey
their frustrating conditions and to offer a program of action
that is to relieve their frustration and result in their
satisfaction.

A second way critical theory seeks to overcome
resistance to despair, apathy or inaction, is through
"ideology-critique." It's purpose is to reveal to the
actors the ways their ideologies are illusions, how people
have been deceived in terms of their experiences and desires;
and to illustrate the possibilities and ways to achieve their
desires. The ideas of the actors may not be merely false,
but their ideas ". . .must contain clues as to their real
situation. . . ."(Fay, 1984, p. 99) The theorist assists the
actors to come to the true meaning of their ideas and
therefore release the actors from the power of the erroneous
ideas. The purpose is to point out the error of the ideas
and to show the people how these erroneous ideas are
supporting the social order. Another purpose is to provide
an alternative; that is, to show the real needs, not the
disguised or illusionary needs, and that the resistance to

the new conception of oneself and needs can be overcome.

55

However, if the resistance to the new concept of oneself
and one's needs is not overcome, the critical social
scientist must be prepared to elaborate "on the ways social
conditions will change, so that the illusions which actors
have about themselves will no longer have the significance
they presently have. In other words, the theory must offer
an account which shows that the social structure will alter
in ways which will undermine the appropriateness of the
(false) ideologies which the acts of the structure possess."
(Fay, 1984, p. 99) The changes expounded upon are not
independent of theory. "The theory is itself the catalytic
agent which sparks social change by revealing to actors,
given their developing situation, how they ought to act."
(Fay, 1984, p. 100)

To develop a theory, the critical theorist must include
two factors:

1. ". . . an account of the basic changes in a social
order, (changes that will make the social actors more
amenable to his ideology-critique). . . ." (Fay, 1984, p.100)

2. ". . . an ideology critique which seeks to
articulate the real grievances and aspirations of a specific
class of people even as it attempts to demonstrate the
illusory character of their ideas, an ideology critique which
itself will contribute to changes in the social order which

the theory anticipates." (Fay, 1984, p. 100)

56

In summary, a critical theory will include:

1. a critique " . . . of the self-understandings of
contemporary (group of peOple). . ." which includes an
analysis of the dissatisfactions of people. (Fay, 1984, p.
101)

2. an indication of ways the social order is changing
or might change to undermine the (incorrect) self—concept of
the group held at the present time.(Fay, 1984)

3. an analysis of what types of social action may be
taken by the group in order to achieve satisfaction
sought.(Fay, 1984)
anegnlgns IQ Crinigal Theony and nebuttnls

Some critics of critical theory object to the critical
theorists claim to the non-technical or non-instrumental
quality of critical social science and theory. According to
Fay, a critic may object to the statement that critical
theory is not technical or manipulative because critical
social theory produces quasi-causal laws, which may be the
basis of manipulation of certain variables. They state that
the connection between theory and practice indicates an
instrumentalist approach , that "quasi—causal laws" sought
and used towards social action as solutions. They,
therefore, conclude that ". . . integrating theory and
practice, from the practical viewpoint the critical model is
essentially no different from the positivist model!" (Fay,

1984, p. 102)

57

Fay claims this is an important objection but one that
overlooks an important element of critical social science. He
points out that the practice of critical social theory
requires the social/political action to be taken by the
social actors themselves, because critical social science
includes the interpretive elements (dialogue/discourse and
enlightenment) and thus critical theory can be validated only
by the self-understandings of the social actors themselves.
He cites the "educative role" of critical social science is
not to teach the policy scientist the knowledge of quasi-
causal laws and therefore what variables may be manipulated,
but to "enlighten the social actors. . . to see themselves
and their social situation in a new way. . . (so they) can
decide to alter the conditions which they find repressive."
(Fay, 1984, p. 103) (parenthesis added)

By referring to the two ways critical social science
theory is translated into practice, Fay illustrates in each
way that because of the nature of critical social science,
pure manipulation of knowledge learned from critical social
science is not possible.(Fay, 1984) Firstly, the critical
theorist provides a means by which the social actors will
come to a new understanding of themselves and their
situation, then offering a theory or theories that answers
why they are dissatisfied and illustrating how, if the
persist in their old perceptions of their situation, they

will remain dissatisfied.

58

Secondly, the theorist offers an alternative conception
of themselves and their situation and then tries to show how
their dissatisfactions may be overcome if their frustrations
are conceptualized a different way. While the critical
scientist does offer alternative ideas, novel courses of
action, or new goals, it is the social actors who do the
rethinking of the desires, goals and what action will bring
about satisfaction for them. And so, while the purpose of
positivism or empiricism, the dominant social science of the
present, is to an attempt by the scientists to get a "certain
set relationships to work for them so that they may achieve a
certain end efficiently, (whereas) . . . education in terms
of knowledge provided by a critical social science is the
transformation of the consciousness of the actors it seeks to
understand, a transformation which will increase their
autonomy by making it possible for them to determine
collectively the conditions under which they live.” (Fay,
1984, pp. 104 - 105)

There is also a fundamental difference in positivism's
approach to implementation of knowledge and that of critical
science. In deciding to act upon quasi-causal elements of a
critical theory, the social actors know that these laws
could change as they are based on the beliefs, values, goals
and intentions of the actors themselves. Therefore as these
values, beliefs, intentions and goals may change over time,
so the "quasi-causal" laws may change. So as the social

agents act, they choose, not the theorists, according to

59

their own reading of the status quo and their own attitudes
toward the status quo.(Fay, 1984) Likewise, the social
scientist knows the critical theory is unique to the group of
social actors according to their felt needs and values.

Fay (1984) states another and more important difference
from the instrumentalism of positivism is that in critical
science, policy science can flow only from the social actors
and then must flow back. Contrary to positivism, in critical
science there must be constant exchange between the critical
theorist, the expert, and the actors affected by the
decisions. This model requires first the expert to consult
the actors to determine the felt needs of the actors. Then
continued consultations are required during the attempt to
technically control the social situation. This is so because
the efficacy of the attempt can only be determined by the
social actors themselves; that is, whether or not their felt
needs are being satisfied as a result of the social action
taken by them, can only be confirmed by the consciousness of
the social actors.

Also, if the social actors change their beliefs, values,
intentions and goals, the scientist/expert needs feedback to
check on the appropriateness of the technical advice offered.
If adjustments or changes in the technical attempt are
needed, again only the social actors themselves can confirm
the necessity of new or alterations in social/political
actions. This flow back and forth between the social actors

and the expert/scientist illustrates that the educative

6O

process is interactive. The policy expert is constantly
reevaluating and altering his/her interpretations of the
social actors' goals through their expressions of such to
him/her as the social actors/subjects self-reflect and gain a
new self-awareness of the social conditions of their lives.
The expert must respond to the changing conceptualizations of
the social actors.(Fay, 1984)

Fay agrees with Bernstein in the necessity of the
democratic element for critical social science. The critical
science model requires free flow of communication, free from
threat and domination, in order to establish uncoerced
expressions between expert and actors. This kind of
communication can exist only in public discussions among
citizens within a democratic society. Critical science seeks
to foster political order in harmony with science, but only
in that it seeks open discussion and unchecked expressions of
opinions and desires, a system of free and open communica-

tion.(Fay, 1984)

te t‘v nd Cr'tical Theor : Po itical Prax's
One of the major tasks of interpretive science includes
discovering the intention of the actors in doing what they
do, often referred to as "verstehen". (Abel, 1949; Nagel,
1961; weber, 1949) The discovery of the reason behind
acts, is accomplished by determining the overall and larger
context in which the act takes place. This includes the

purpose of the actor and the actor's understanding of

61

circumstances in which the actor finds himself or herself.
The overall context of the act also includes " . . . a
certain set of social rules ‘which provide the criteria in
terms of which an actor can be said to be performing . . .
action."

(Fay, 1984, pp. 74-75)

Fay's examples give meaning to the social rule
requirement. He states it is only in knowing the set of
rules under which actors are operating that one may
understand whether someone is ”waiting” or "loitering",
"fighting" or "horseplaying". It is the rules present in the
society of the actor that define what a person is doing, and
when it is appropriate to act so. It is these sets of rules,
Fay refers to as "social practice". (Fay, 1984, p. 75)

A second task of interpretive science is determine these
social rules and explicitly state them so that they may be
related to other sets of rules in a society. However, merely
stating the rules is not sufficient.

To seek the "constitutive meanings" of the social rules
is another necessary task of interpretive science.
Constitutive meaning underlies these sets of social rules
just as the social rules underlie social action. It is only
through shared basic conceptions that actors can participate
in social action. Fay uses constitutive meaning as ". . .all
those shared assumptions, definitions, and conceptions which
structure the world in certain definite ways (hence

'meanings'), and which constitute the logical possibility of

62

them the practice as defined could not exist (hence
'constitutive')." (Fay, 1984, p. 76)

In other words, the social practice of the market-place
can only exist in a society which shares some concept of
private property, some basic understanding of an exchange of
service or goods in order to maximize one's well being and an
acceptance of one being an independent agent. Thus
constitutive meaning is necessary for a particular action of
a social activity to be used in the first place. (Fay, 1984)
Someone must know what a church collection is for so that
when a person places money in the collection plate during a
church service, the intention of those giving can be
understood. was it to pay for church maintenance, the
missions, a missionary's expenses, seminarians expenses,
religious education programs, social activities for the
elderly, or food and homes for the needy?

Fay states ". . . it is in terms of these meanings that
the actors speak and act." (Fay, 1984, p. 77) Constitutive
meanings cannot be determined by merely polling the actors.
The meanings are comprised of the very language the people
use to describe themselves, and their beliefs and attitudes.
The people would have to look at themselves ”from the
outside" to get a different perspective and thus
conceptualize themselves a different way. Thus it is the
task of the interpretive social scientist to discover

constitutive meanings of social practices and therefore

63

disclose the basis of understanding which explains the
behaviors the scientist observes. (Fay , 1984)

Another important task is to relate the constitutive
meanings of an action to constitutive meanings of other
social actions in the society and to reveal the pattern of
interrelatedness of these social practices. The purpose is to
find out the point of a certain action, how it fulfills the
needs of actors according to the actors' definitions. It is
required of the interpretive scientist to know and accept a
culture's ideas and notions of a person's needs and
intentions; the scientist must grasp these concepts to
understand the importance of carrying out certain activities
for its people, the culture's notion of human life, and the
significance of human life in this culture. This world view
of what basic notions a people share in the society about
the world and human nature reveals the social order and
defines reality in a way that will explain and make sense of
the behavior of these people.

The interpretive science practiced in this analytical
manner can be said to be a philosophical endeavor as it is a
conceptual activity, to ". . . explain the basic
distinctions, responses, and categories of thought and
action. . . (and) attempts to reveal the a priori conditions
which make social experience in a given society what it is. .
. ." ((Fay, 1984, pp. 78-79) This is not to say it is an
armchair activity without any empirical research. One must

be aware of the character of social experience before one is

64

able to reflect upon the conditions that make social
experience possible but philosophy is necessary for social
analysis and social science. (Fay, 1984)

In summary, interpretive scientist seeks to:

l. discover the notion of a particular act, practice or
constitutive meaning,

2.by uncovering the intentions of actors via discovering
the social set of rules that are implied by the act,

3. and finding the basic conceptual scheme, world view,
which orders the experience of the actor and explains the
meaning of the act of a social practice within the totality
of actors' experience and notions of human nature.

By so doing, the interpretive social scientist learns
". . . what the agents are doing by seeing what they are up
to and how and why they would be up to it." (Fay, 1984, p.79)
Interpretive science reveals the interrelationships in
people's lives; it allows people to understand behavior in
light of the whole. This enlightenment enables people to
understand the significance and meaning of their own actions
and those of Others as well.

The practical upshot of interpretive social science is
establishing the communication necessary to carry it forward.
By revealing the social rules and the assumptions on which
they are based, the possibility of increasing communication
is enhanced between those who give such accounts and those
involved in them. This dialogue is necessary if the scientist

is to understand their social life.

65

If the scientist cannot communicate (speak their
language)to gain understanding of the social rules which
govern peoples' behavior or the purpose of the rules, then
the scientist cannot carry out interpretive science. A basic
understanding of the rules and the point of the rules gives
the scientist an opportunity to know how to speak and act,
and learn "what" is done there so that discourse with the
members of the society is possible.

To "speak their language" does not refer to only
learning their language if it is a foreign one, but learning
to speak in the language of the people refers to
understanding the meanings of expressions, colloquialisms,
etc., for example, "entering the world of children", or
learning the vocabulary of "deviants". Discourse may also
assist us to discover the assumptions under which we
ourselves live, and see ourselves in relation to others we
consider radically different from us. Thus, ". . . by
removing the appearance of irrationality or arbitrariness
from particular actions, we arrive at a position in which we
speak and act with others." (Fay, 1984, p. 81) One thus
can become more self-conscious and may come to redefine
oneself and act differently than in the past. A new way to
speak, a new language, may well lead to a new way of life.

Interpretive science may be useful or practical; that
is, translated into social life through the process of

communication, discourse and self-reflection. The aim of

66

interpretive science is to establish a successful dialogue in

speech and action between social actors or within oneself.
According to Fay (1984), this idea of theory and

practice is not external to interpretive science but rather

integral parts of it. The aim of interpretive science is

". . . to interpret actions that have blocked communicative

interaction in such a way that such interaction becomes

possible again." (Fay, 1984, pp. 81-82)

Definition of Interpretive Theory
W

To determine a correct account or that the interpretive
theory is valid and true, is to confirm that the scientist
and social actors do in fact communicate with each other. As
Fay states, to establish that ". . . both the observer
and the actor ultimately come to talk about the actions and
beliefs of the actor in the same way is . . . to claim that a
correct account has been given." (Fay, 1984, p. 82)

Fay goes on to say that to understand the "intention” of
the actor is merely to understand the purpose of the act. To
know that the scientist has uncovered the social rules
governing the act, is to confirm the ability of the scientist
to act appropriately and as expected in the society under
study, as this determines whether the scientist understands
the rules which is the basis of communication between social
actors. Scientists can only claim to have uncovered

"constitutive meanings" of social actions and practices, if

67

and only if, those who engage in such practices agree to the
meanings. It is only constitutive meaning if the meanings
are meanings for them, and only they can tell what the
meanings are to them. Therefore it is the ability of the
scientist ". . . to participate in communicative interaction
which defines what is to count as truth in interpretive
social science."(Fay, 1984, p. 83) And what the agent does
not allow as a rational interpretation of the agent's action

is disallowed by the interpretive scientist as truth.

Criticisms

Fay (1984) views the interpretive model of social
science as inadequate in four basic ways. First, there is no
analysis of what conditions give rise to social actions.
There is no study of the structural elements of a society
that lead to certain behavior and attitudes or beliefs. The
"quasi-causal" factors which support the meanings are not
sought in the conduction of interpretive science. There may
be social restraints on behavior or there may be social
adaptions to the natural environment or technological
approaches that influence behavior. Other origins of
behavior may lie in religion, demography, economy, psychology
or politics of the society. These "quasi-causal" factors
condition relationships and the consciousness of the
individuals. These conditions do not necessarily determine
behavior but justify or make an action more reasonable or

appropriate given the needs, beliefs, desires, intentions

68

and expectations of the actors. Fay declares these quasi-
causal factors are important and legitimate elements of
social science.(Fay, 1984)

The second explanation neglected by interpretive social
science is "the pattern of unintended consequences of
actions". These cannot be explained by "intentions" of the
actors. Social actions of agents often rebound throughout
society due to the interrelationships that exist but may be
unknown to the actors. Fay states that even though the
actors may not know about them or are not able to control
them, it is the responsibility of social science to "explore
these patterned unintended consequences". (Fay, 1984, p. 85)
One important consideration is that often these "unintended
consequences" are the reinforcement of the system, of the
status quo. The rules, practices and meanings are related
and mutually reinforce one another, and appear to reinforce
the "systemfl. Functional theory tends to support this as a
functional theory explaining a practice by demonstrating how
the results of the practice contributes to the existence of
the social whole, how it strengthens the complexity of
factors of the whole and the complex of factors, in turn,
sustains the social practice, the status quo. (Fay, 1984)

Fay's (1984) third criticism of interpretive science is
that there is no means or method by which the scientist can
learn the contradictions that may exist between social
actions, rules, and meanings, or between these and their

causes and results. The inherent problem here is in the

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confirmation of the theory, that is by understanding the
action in the larger or whole context. This precludes any
conflicts as the scientist must assume social actions, rules,
practices and meanings are in congruence in order to be
understandable. If an agent's characterization of the
engaged social activity is in error, the actor's feelings and
ideas are linked in ways the agent is not aware of. It may
lead him/her to act in ways he/she would not act if aware of
the erroneous belief. The interpretive scientist does not
seek explanations of discrepancies or contradictions in the
principles of the social structure that result in possibly
maintaining the "system" and continually supporting the
conditions that contribute to the dissatisfactions of the
social actor. Thus, interpretive science may miss the real
maintenance role of some social practices.

A fourth inadequacy of interpretive science is its
claims it evokes undistorted communication. Undistorted
communication often fails to happen due to the resistance on

the part of social actors. (Fay, 1984)

A Comparison of Positivism and Critical Theory Praxis
In the positivist model, the expert/scientist is not
required to consult the social actors/people with felt needs;
neither is the expert required to stay in communication with
the public or change recommendations in response to the
ongoing communication with the public; nor is there a

prerequisite of a democratic society for science to be

70

possible. In fact, policy science of the empirical or
positivistic mode, is elitist and anti-democratic in the
sense that positivistic policy is designed to eliminate those
features that are essential and make critical science
possible.( Fay 1984)

In conduction of positivist social science, the expert
social scientist directs the social policy according to
theory based on knowledge of empirical science, which does
not require communication with the public who will be
recipients of the fallout from the policy. Without input
from the public, the expert directs the policy by offering
expertise advice to the policy decision maker only. (Fay
1984)

However, in the critical method of science, the
"educative role" is as important as the "expert role" and,
in fact, the "expert role" of the scientist is dependent on
the "educative role". Critical science speaks to the actors
which it studies, it allows the "unit of analysis" to have
input and define their own goals and desired social
conditions, and to plan themselves the social action they
deem necessary they must take to solve their problems to
achieve their goals and to satisfy their needs, as defined by
themselves. Critical science attempts to facilitate the
actors through communication to solve their own problems.

(Fay, 1984)

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Critical Theory and Testing

Studies of the critical mode judge truth on the basis of
whether or not the actors are satisfied as the critical
theory proposed it would do. The public, as social actors,
plays a central and determining role in critical social
science by their reaction to critical theories. Only the
social actors are able determine the truth and acceptance of
critical theories by evaluating and responding to the
results of social action based on critical social theory, by
deciding whether or not the social action resulted in

satisfaction of their felt needs.(Fay, 1984)

A SUMMATION OF CRITICAL THEORY
A Dynamic Theory

In summary of Fay's definition, critical theory is a
dynamic theory; it is not a firm set of rules or laws that
are imposed on concrete situations as is empirical theory.

On the contrary, critical theory is ". . .corrected and
reformulated as it continually confronts the practical men it
seeks to enlighten."(Fay, 1984, p.109)

Secondly, critical social theory is not separated from
praxis as is in positivism, which declares its theory is
merely a "blueprint" to be followed. Instead, critical social
theory has subjects of study who also become the objects of
the study. The subjects/objects actually contribute to the

formation and declaration of the theory through expressions

72

of their choices, desired actions and responses to the
results of the applied theory.

Lastly, the truth claim to a critical theory can only be
validated by the subjects/objects of the theory. Whether the
theory does in fact satisfy the felt needs of the group (the
truth of the theory) can only be determined by the evaluation
of the subjects. Whether or not the social action implied by
the theory did or did not give them relief from a frustrating
and unhappy situation can only be determined by those who
experience the untenable situation. Critical social theory
does not merely offer a "blueprint" or "picture" of the way
a society works, as does positivism , but critical theory is
a "catalytic agent" of change within the society it
studies.(Fay, 1984, p. 110) Fay (1984) envisions critical
social science as the science of the future that will develop
a substantive body of theory of social life which will help
liberate people from repressive social structures by changing

social structure of society.

A Complementary Role to Normative Sponsorship Theory
Critical science complements normative sponsorship
theory by establishing the means to determine "what ought to

be" through discussion, discourse, debate, and consensus
building which results in determining critical theory and
social action based on that critical theory. Normative
theory and critical theory both seek "what ought to be" in

order to satisfy the felt needs of individuals. Theory and

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praxis are linked in critical social science towards problem
solving.

Because Normative Sponsorship theory is based on
knowledge of "what ought to be" for the purpose of problem
solving contributes to the discussion of problems (weber,
1949), and because community policing is about problem
solving, normative sponsorship theory is very relevant for
community policing which has the explicit purpose of solving
residents' and neighborhood problems. Merely discussing
problems without planning and implementing practical, social
action towards solving the problems is not what community
policing is about. Critical social theory and normative

sponsorship theory are the basis of community policing.

CHAPTER III

Community Policing and its Application to Theory

To illustrate that community policing is critical theory
in action, the basic concepts of community policing will be
explained in terms of the function of critical theory and the

practice of critical social science.

COMMUNITY POLICING: A CRITICAL THEORY PERSPECTIVE

Critical theory is dynamic, not static. It requires the
subject/object/activist to constantly evaluate the results of
the social action that takes place as part of the theory
building and testing. Have the results of social action
satisfied the needs that were explicitly stated to be
satisfied? If the answer is yes, then the critical theory
has been proven valid and true. If the answer is no, the
theory was not valid and true, and reevaluation will elicit
a new theory upon which to base different social activities.

Community policing requires input from the community to
establish the "felt needs" of the citizens, to determine the
problems to be solved. Community policing requires an
expert/educator/catalyst/facilitator, a community police
officer to play the role of the critical social scientist, to
assist the community to establish their goals and solutions
to their problems. The community and Community Police
Officer (CPO) must build a working relationship by which they

determine the definition of problems and potential solutions,

74

75

and plan and implement social action towards solving

problems.

The Role of the Community Police Officer

As stated in Chapter I, a CPO has a long term
assignment in a particular beat area in order to get to know
the people of the neighborhood, build trust and gain an
understanding of the residents, and to learn the general
physical layout and characteristics of the area. This has an
overall purpose of increasing the quality of life of the
people by reducing crime, fear of crime and unique problems
of those living there.

The CPO speaks the language of the residents and
speaks with the residents to determine and understand their
felt needs. The CPO serves as the critical scientist in
assisting the subjects/objects of the critical science
endeavor in defining the problems they wish to solve, in
finding "quasi-causal" laws through discussion and discourse,
that they might attempt to change their social order by
planning the actions deemed necessary by the subject/objects,
and assist in implementating the activities required to

solve problems.

Catalysn and Critical Scientist

The role of the CPO as "catalyst" is necessary sometimes
because of the apathy or inaction of the citizens. As

catalyst for change, the CPO plays the role of the critical

76

scientist trying to motivate and inspire the citizens to act
in their own behalf. Occasionally, this is accomplished by
simply moving among the citizens and communicating with them
to build a rapport with them. Upon building a trusting
relationship through communicating with residents, the CPO
has a foundation on which to base a working relationship, a
partnership. From this communication that leads to
understanding, the CPO and residents move towards defining
problems, and seeking quasi-causal factors involved and
solutions - the necessary first steps for beginning the
practice of critical social science.

The community policing effort most often entails a
community survey which officer citizens the opportunity to
cite the problems that concern them the most, to prioritize
the services of the police department which in turn
prioritizes the problems to be solved, to offer their own
assistance to work on specific problems, and to determine who
the neighborhood leaders are that they rely on most when they
are in need. If a survey is not conducted for residents'
input, another means such as neighborhood, township and city-
wide meetings, would be carried out to relay the residents'
input to community police officers and police managers.
Obviously, face-to—face contact is the best method of
obtaining input from residents, but it is almost impossible
to have face-to-face contact with everyone in the beat area,
thus the necessity of soliciting input through surveys and

group meetings.

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The "catalyst" role of the CPO may also be revealed in
the activities of the community. The CPO often facilitates
the action of the citizens by "educating" the citizens in the
laws, services of the various organizations within the
community, the many resources available to citizens, possible
private and public contacts to assist citizens, and any
associated problems with which they must deal.

The catalyst role can be seen clearly as the the
critical theorist role. It is an "expert role" but is
dependent on the "educative" process by helping the social
actors, citizens, to come to a new understanding of
themselves, their relationship to society and their
problematic situation. As theorist, the CPO provides the
means to this new understanding and assists citizens to
propose a theory or theories that answer why they are
dissatisfied. The CPO explains how and why, if they persist
in their old perceptions, they will remain dissatisfied. The
CPO illustrates to the social actors this ". . . transforma-
tion which will increase their autonomy by making it possible
for them to determine collectively the conditions under which

they live." (Fay, 1984, 105)

Initiatlgn of Social Action
Another necessary element of community policing is the
community's responsibilities of providing input, participate
in discussions and discourse and participating in social

action. Citizen input may come about in a variety of ways.

78

Tne Cenmunity Police Officer and the Community

Citizens might gather together in neighborhood
organizations and meetings to discuss what the neighborhood
problems are and what they believe should be done to correct
and prevent the the problems. They then discuss these ideas
with their local CPO and get some feedback from the officer
on what he/she thinks about it. Through this communicative
interaction, the community can build a consensus of goals and
social action towards solving problems. It is through the
same "self-reflection" process of discourse and communication
of critical social science that the scientist, the CPO, and
the objects/subjects, the community residents, are
”enlightened" and determine the "quasi-causal" factors they

must deal with to solve problems.

Educative Egocess and Enlightened Sociel Action

The CPO may assist in the plan of action and even
participate in the implementation of the action or elicit
assistance from the local police department. The CPO may
serve as a referral and resource person and illustrate to
citizens methods to garner support and assistance from other
appropriate public or private social agencies or from
private businesses.

This element of community policing is comparable to the
interaction (educative process) between the critical

scientist (CPO) and the object/subjects (citizens of the

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community) of critical science. The following page is an
explanation of six steps necessary to community policing to

be critical social science.

Sin Basic Steps

1. Define the reality
of their frustrations.

2. Decide what
"enlightened action" they
should pursue towards
stated goals.

3. Actions are to be
based on critical
theory through
self-reflection

4. "Self-reflection" via
dialogue and discourse

5.Implementation of social
action decided upon as
necessary to satisfy
their needs

6.Evaluation of the

results of the social action
by the social actors and
objects of the action

Explanation of Six Steps

The social and political
"quasi-causal" theories
of their problems are

to be determined, by the
citizens themselves, as
the "reality" or "cause”
of their needs.

Enlightened actions are
those deemed necessary to
solve their problems and
satisfy their "felt
needs".

Critical theory is
considered the conclusion
of citizens on what
social and political
realities exist that
cause their frustrations,
as determined through
self-reflection.

Communication of citizens
with each other and the
CPO help citizens draw
their conclusions on what
citizens consider the
social/political "causes"
of their dissatisfactions.

To initiate strategic
action deemed necessary
to improve their quality
of life in their
neighborhoods.

Consensus of opinion
among those with common
interests on the question:
Have our needs been
satisfied by this social
action?

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Community Policing: Critical Theory Testing and Theory

As time goes on, certain social actions result in
~particular consequences. The effects of the "enlightened
action" must be evaluated to determine success of the actions
as well as the truth of the theory on which the actions were
based. Again, the objects/subjects of the practice of
critical theory, who are citizens affected by their own
social action, must interact with each other and the CPO,
through ongoing communication, dialogue and discourse, to
determine if the "felt needs" of the citizens have been
satisfied, thereby accepting their critical theory as "truth"
and valid.

If the consequences of the social action are evaluated
as not meeting the stated needs of the people, then the
critical theory is considered false and new interaction, the
communication of discourse, is required to establish a new
theory upon which to follow up with different, planned social
action towards fulfilling the felt needs of those involved.
Thus is established the necessity of ongoing communication
between subjects/objects, the citizens, of the critical
science and the critical scientist, the CPO.

If the results of the social action are positive and
does indeed satisfy the felt needs and sufferings of the
citizens, then the critical theory which the scientist and
subject/objects of the theory established is declared true

and valid. However, the theory is considered true and valid

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for only these particular people with their unique and

specifically defined "dissatisfactions".

Evolving Critical Theories

The citizens, as the social actors, know and understand
that over time their goals and values, beliefs and
intentions, can change and must be conveyed to each other and
the "expert" critical scientist so that reevaluation of such
may take place. The scientist needs this feedback to confirm
the necessity of new or altered social/political actions.
The new goals and intentions of citizens must be expressed by
citizens and a new consciousness of the political/social
conditions must be reflected through discourse for citizens
to become aware of the required social action. The pursuit
of political and social action must be planned and carried
out; theory must be evaluated by determining the results of
social action to be satisfactory or unsatisfactory, thereby
declaring the new critical theory valid or not. New critical
theory is constantly being determined, declared and tested.

In the case of community policing, the applied critical
theory will always be unique according to the group's
distinct history, language (in the sense of vocabulary and
expressions), values, beliefs, intentions and goals. It is
this information the expert/scientist/CPO must determine
through communication with the citizens of the group. As
stated before, there is an ongoing change over time in any

group's goals and intentions, values and beliefs, therefore

82

the necessity of constant interaction between the CPO and the
citizens of the CPO's assigned beat. The constant
interaction to deal with the new problems and solutions will

result in the evolution of new theories and new programs.

Neighborhood Network Center

In at least one city, Lansing, Michigan, community
policing is presently evolving to a new image, that of
Neighborhood Network Centers. "Evolutionary systems are
creative systems, and creativity usually means putting old
things into new combinations and new things into old
combinations. In either case, novel relations between pairs
of things are the essence of creativity." (weick, 1979.
pp.252-253)

The Lansing Neighborhood Network Center evolved out of a
need recognized by Robert Trojanowicz (1990) and through the
creative approach to providing for the social services needed
by residents in a neighborhood. This creative solution came
about by initiating a novel combination of other social
services with police services and providing these services in
the residential neighborhood.

Trojanowicz (1990) saw that the community policing
officers in Lansing were becoming inundated with requests
from residents to help them solve problems that should be
directed to other social service agencies. To avoid
overburdening the community policing officers, something had

to be done to incorporate these other social service agencies

83

into the local level, depersonalized approach to service
similar to the community policing philosophy. "Community
Officers already rely on many of these other social service
agents for referrals, but allowing them all to work together
from the same store front enhances their opportunities to
develop long-term, broad-based efforts." (Trojanowicz, 1990,
P- 3)

Community residents readily accepted this idea and the
Neighborhood Network Center (NNC) concept was established.
Residents worked towards establishing and maintaining the
Lansing Neighborhood Network Center in conjunction with
community policing officers. The success of the NNC is
interpreted as reason to accept the critical theory upon
which it was based; that is residents needed many different
eeelel services to be provided in their own neighborhood, in
a familiar setting rather than in some distant, sterile
business office and by people who are willing to communicate
with the recipient of the services to find out what the
person needs in the way of services.

These centers are established for the purpose of
combining the efforts of all social agencies needed in the
neighborhood. If a social worker is needed, the same
personalized worker comes to the center a set time and day or
days, to be available in the area of need. If a nurse is
needed, the same personalized person comes to the center and
available to residents during prescheduled days and times.

The neighborhood community police officer likewise has an

84

office in the center and is available at the center. If a
problem requires the services, of more than one agency, as
determined by the community residents, the representatives of
needed services and the citizens in need will meet at the
center to determine plans of service delivery that is
satisfactory to both citizens and agencies.

The NNC is the result of a creative community policing
program changing and enhancing its form of service to the
community. Instead of the CPO alone servicing the community
and facilitating citizen action to resolve the neighborhood
problems, the NNC is an innovation in response to the needs
of the citizen and community police officer. It becomes a
central point of focus for other human service agencies and
organizations to come together and work together with the
residents and the police officer for the purpose of assisting
the neighborhood residents to solve their own problems.

The Neighborhood National Center also relieves the
Community Police Officer of the total responsibility of
working with the resident to solve problems. The
conscientious CPO would soon be overtaxed with the all the
requests for aid from citizens if he or she could not rely on
the NNC. Referrals to other human services and government
agencies from the CPO would soon abound. However, residents
may not always be able to find the time and means to travel
to the various agencies to find necessary resources and
assistance. Also, the disjointed approach of the various

service agencies in providing the needed services could

85

easily discourage the resident from following through in
seeking help. The NNC solves the problem by existing in the
neighborhood and eliminating any great travel time and effort
for the residents. For example, a fourteen year old girl
with a baby needs babysitting services in order to attend
high school. Babysitting provided locally through volunteers
at the NNC could be the solution to her problem of not
attending school.

Also, the NNC coordinates its services by all being
provided in the same building, thereby allowing conferences
with residents and service providers, and thus encouraging
joint efforts on the part of service providers and residents.
It also enhances both formal and informal communication
between professionals and reduces duplication of efforts and
services of the service agents and agencies.

The proximity of the building and services to the
residents and the CPO is greatly appreciated by the residents
and the police department. The closeness in time and
distance of the center makes it easier for citizens to
volunteer to assist in building maintenance, and in planning,
implementing and participating in activities and programs
they deem necessary to solve their problems. Communication
and cooperation is more easily facilitated via the NNC and
therefore can contribute greatly to building the basis of
community policing and critical social theory, the mutual

assistance found through social action.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNITY POLICING AS
CRITRICAL SOCIAL THEORY

Community policing is critical social science in
practice. This means that the community policing program is
only as good as what its residents, the CPO and the community
service agencies put into it. It means the "big five", the
media, the politicians, the police, the community and the
community organizations and agencies, must aid and support
the community policing program. The program could be a
failure if any one of the five groups withdraws or denies
support for the program.

The community residents may find themselves in the
position of working toward obtaining support from any or all
of these groups. The political praxis of the community must
be vital for community policing to become a reality. To
garner support for community policing is the first step.

This is often done by citizens in conjunction with the police
department. If the resistance is great from social agencies,
the media or the politicians, the support may be a long time
in coming. However, the support of the police department in
conjunction with the citizens support and effort can be the
determining factor in eventually eliciting support from the
media. The media in turn can be used to turn the opinions of
the politicians and social agencies around toward supporting
any action or programs that improves their image with the

people they serve and represent. Likewise, if the police

department is not supporting the community policing

87

philosophy, the citizens may use the media or politicians
support to entice the police department in considering
community policing as an option in solving community
problems. Any small inroad into gaining support for
community policing concept from the big five can be used to
expand the basis of support. It takes time to garner full
support of all five groups, but when it is finally achieved,
the results of community policing has been considered
satisfactory by both the community and the police.
(Trojanowicz, 1982; Williams and Sloan, 1990; Police
Foundation, 1981)

Even after acquiring full support from all five groups,
community policing may take as long as 5 to 15 years to be
fully established and implemented in a community. The
reverse thought process it takes to change from the
conventional-reactive policing concept to a proactive
community policing approach requires an immense organiza-
tional change.

The change of the direction of communication in an
. organization is important. The traditional direction of the
flow of information within an organization is “top down"
whereas in community policing the flow of communication is
"bottom up" as well as "top down". In fact, it is the up and
down flow of communication that is important. The community
has input into the organizations' product, method and means

of service. The organization takes the input and adjusts the

88

organizational structure, goals and services accordingly.
Such a change often elicits organizational resistance.

As often noted in literature (Mathias, Rescorla, &
Stephens, 1980), change in organizational structure and
philosophy of public agencies is normally resisted. The
strength and power of such resistance depends on the nature
of the change, the nature of the organization and its
personnel, as well as the internal and external support or
resistance for the change and the method of introducing and
implementing the change. However, input from citizens on
establishing program services and activities as well as
feedback from citizens on the existing program activities is
not only an important part of community policing but it is a
commonsense consideration if the citizens are to stay
motivated and participating.

A simple decision to incorporate community policing into
a police department entails a complicated and complex problem
for the organization of the police department, as well as for
politicians and other social agencies. Resistance may be
resistance to change rather than resistance to the idea or
the philosophy, of community policing. In other words, the
problem of change is what is being resisted. Once community
policing is established, there is less resistance to
community policing because it is the familiar and the
accepted practice of police work. (Moore and Trojanowicz,

1988)

89

SUMMARY

Training and teaching personnel is part of the
introduction of a change being implemented in an
organization. To determine if the employees are truly
”changed" in attitude after such training-education is part
of the evaluation of the program as well as the method of
introduction of the change to the personnel.

The role change of the police officer is a crucial
element for the success of community policing. There is no
community policing without the CPO just as there is no
critical social science without a scientist/facilitator.
There is not community policing without the participation of
the community just as there is not critical social science
without the participation of the subject/activists. Both
police and community contribute to the success of critical
social science of community policing.

A truly creative police organization will answer the
requests of residents with innovative responses and assist
communities to promote and implement revolutionary programs.
This kind of reaction is inherent in a true community

policing department and neighborhood.

CHAPTER IV

An Example

Community policing programs, which include citizens'
active participation to assist police in their work, and
citizens working with police to solve their own neighborhood
problems, have been established in many large metropolitan
cities. A majority of cities in the United States with a
population of 50,000 or more have established community
policing or plan to implement community policing in their
cities.(Trojanowicz, 1992) The Flint Police Department of
Flint, Michigan, was one of the earliest major cities to
establish community policing through their foot patrol
program. Flint's foot patrol program has been the model of
community policing for many cities.

This chapter will illustrate how Flint's Foot Patrol
Program, as established by the city government and the Police
Department of Flint, Michigan, was critical social science in
action. Flint was unique in that it was the first community
policing program in the nation that established community
policing in the entire city. Foot patrol community police
officers covered the entire city of Flint in 64 beat patrols

covering a city of 150,000 people. (Trojanowicz, 1982)

THE FLINT NEIGHBORHOOD FOOT PATROL PROGRAM
In the 1970's, this country was in an economic downturn

that caused the unemployment rate in Flint, Michigan to be

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91

:25%. The importance of this increase in the unemployment
rate was that the unemployment is usually mentioned as one of
the variables correlated with crime. The city of Flint was
experiencing an increase in crime along with the higher
unemployment rate. (Trojanowicz, 1982)

The Flint Police Department found itself in a changing
and demanding environment during the 1970's. The crime
statistics indicated an increase in crime rates which led to
an increase in the residents' fear of crime. Citizens began
to put pressure on the Flint city government and police
department to do something about crime and their fear of
crime.

The national economic depression, due to the oil
embargo, and the collapse of the Michigan auto industry
affected the Flint economy greatly. The depressed economy
did not allow any new city, state or federal grants or taxes
as possible resources for additional protection of residents.
The citizens' anti-tax stand made any special tax request
politically unwise. Funding reallocation was not possible
due to a strained city budget. The search for money to
combat crime and appease the citizenry forced city officials

to look for nontraditional sources.

Planning
The Flint Police Department found itself attempting to
respond to the public demand to do something about the crime

increase. The police department decided it must come up

92

with an innovative concept that provided the type of police
performance the community had expressed it wanted and needed.
The police administrators believed that a properly planned
and implemented foot patrol program could inspire community
involvement thereby involving citizens in solving some of
their own problems.

The Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program (NFPP) was first
introduced to the citizenry of Flint in November 1977 at a
citywide meeting with all citizens invited to provide input
into the program and plan for implementation. Another
citywide meeting was held January 1978 and due to the
overwhelming interest on the part of citizens, future
meetings were decided to be held at the local level, in each
of the twelve neighborhood districts as outlined in the
first two citywide meetings.(Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

At the local level meetings, citizens' input determined
the areas to be established as the experimental target
"beats”. The special needs and problems were to be addressed
by a foot patrol program. Citizens also decided where the
neighborhood base stations of foot patrol operations would be
located. It was suggested by police personnel that the base
be centrally located within the beat area.

.A third citywide planning meeting took place March 1978,
at which representatives from smaller groups came together to
offer their input and advice. The meeting resulted in the
establishment of 14 experimental neighborhood beat areas.

(Trojanowicz, 1982)

93

The Neighborhood Foot Patrol Program was unique because
it emerged from an initiative that integrated the citizens
into planning and the implementation of a new police process
through city wide neighborhood meetings in 1977 and 1978.
The meetings were attempts to solve three problems:

1. The absence of comprehensive neighborhood

organizations and service

2. The lack of citizen involvement in crime prevention

3 The depersonalization of interactions between

officers and residents.(Trojanowicz, 1982)

With input from residents at the city wide meetings and
neighborhood meetings, citizens and city administrators
decided there was a need for foot patrol officers to be
assigned in 14 areas of the city. These beat areas
represented all types of socioeconomic neighborhoods. The
defined role of foot patrol police officers reflected the
expectations of the citizens as expressed at these meetings.

(Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

Funding
Flint's unfunded NFPP required private funding. In
1979, the mayor of Flint asked a local philanthropic
organization, the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation of Flint,
to assist in financing the police department in some way that
would provide additional police services to the people of

Flint. (Trojanowicz, 1982)

94

The Charles Stewart Mott Foundation has long been
involved in supporting programs that assisted individual
citizens to be ” . . .effective partners in shaping and
improving their environment." (”Special Report,” 1987, p. 1)
The Mott Foundation saw this as an opportunity to enable
citizens to control their environment but also an opportunity
for citizens to increase personal safety and provide
neighborhood stability. The Mott Foundation granted Flint
almost $3 million to the Flint Police Department from 1979 to

1983. ("Special Report," 1987)

FOOT PATROL: CRITICAL SOCIAL SCIENCE

An analysis of the Flint community to identify its
economic base, cultural makeup, social organization, official
functions, and history of crisis management was undertaken.
Familiarity with the history, process of development, people,
and current politics and problems was necessary to organize a
foot patrol program in Flint, because these factors influence
citizens' attitudes toward problems and behavior in solving
problems. (Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

These attempts of the city and police department to
gather information on a community to better understand the
people correspond to the ethnographic search for
understanding. It is upon this understanding through the
study of history, through communication the with people and
the leaders, and by the study of the current economic,

political and social situation that critical social science

95

builds.

Identification of Social Organizations and Leaders

It was assumed that more sources of aid to foot patrol
existed than what was readily apparent; therefore, it was
necessary to identify any part of the community that may
contribute something to a community policing. The basic
social organizations of the community such as private
businesses and corporations, church groups, youth clubs and
programs, ethnic and fraternal organizations, and block clubs
were identified as well as the formal social organizations
of schools, police, courts, social service agencies and
government agencies. Once identified, potential resources
of these organizations were determined, by examination of
the charters, public mandate, current programs,
organizational structure, physical and manpower resources and
future plans of each. (Trojanowicz & Smyth, 1984)

Identification of the truly established formal and
informal community leaders of various neighborhood clubs and
organizations was also considered important. It is these
leaders who know the problems and values of the community.
People who are consistently asked to help their neighbors,
who are consistently on the minds and lips of those who need
help, are the true leaders of the neighborhood and the ones
who need to be identified. (Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

Through a survey conducted in the neighborhoods,

neighborhood leaders were identified. These leaders were

96

sought out by the citizenry and police because they were
considered valuable in influencing other residents. The
neighborhood leader's role in community policing was crucial
to organizing the residents because the "real" power in the
neighborhoods were held by them.(Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

To seek out neighborhood leaders who may establish a
link of communication with the people is an important part of
community policing. The leaders will know and understand the
citizens and their needs. Not only is understanding
citizens' needs a goal, but also understanding the people and
their perceived roles is important. It is only through this
understanding can the scientist, the foot patrol officer
(FPO), begin to assist the subject/objects, the citizens,
to develop theory and social action. Citizen input into
planning and implementation is the ultimate purpose of these
FPO contacts with citizens.

The media was also considered an important contact for
the Flint foot patrol program. Good press coverage can
motivate people while bad press relations can lower morale
and diminish the hope of cooperation within the community.
Good relations with the press was cultivated. (Trojanowicz
and Smyth, 1984) The media can also plan an important
community role of support by advertising and spreading the
word to the rest of the city on what outstanding activities
and results a neighborhood foot patrol program is having.

The media can serve as another "communication" process

that will allow citizens and foot patrol officer to express

97

themselves and their grievances, as well as the positive
successes. Again, the exchange of ideas and evaluation of
activities is a continuous process in community policing.

It, likewise, is an important part of critical social science
in that the constant interaction and feedback between
scientist, the FPO, and the citizens of the beat, the
subject/object, is a must for the practice of critical social
science. The media can assist in this communication process,
by informing the citizens of what is happening in their

neighborhood and in other neighborhoods of the city.

Implementation of Foot Patrol
Foot patrol was established in Flint neighborhoods for
the purpose of establishing a working relationship between
the police and citizens, by instituting a partnership to
solve and prevent crime. The community input was considered

a critical element in planning the foot patrol program.

Plannlng end geal Setting: Community lnvolvement
In 1979, 22 officers were assigned to 14 neighborhood
beats. The areas for the established beats and the structure
of the foot patrol program in these areas were determined by
gathering the citizenry in city wide neighborhood meetings.
Citizen input into the planning was considered crucial in
order to elicit and maintain citizen and business support.

(Special Report, 1987; Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

98

Again, the subject/objects (citizens) of critical
science must have input into policies and programs that
affect their quality of life. In the establishment of the
Flint foot patrol, it has been established that the citizens
did have input into the initiation, planning and
implementation of foot patrol in their own neighborhoods

through local meetings.

Adaption to a Unigue Histony, Goals and Needs

The ultimate goal of neighborhood meetings was to create
a cooperative effort of citizens and police to develop a
model of foot patrol that would best satisfy the needs of the
people of the particular neighborhood and solve the unique
problems of the residents. The history of various neighbor-
hoods differed and depending on the history and needs of the
neighborhoods, specific issues of concern of the residents
would also differ among the neighborhoods. Local
neighborhood meetings gave residents the opportunity to
decide various issues of concern according to their
neighborhood needs and priorities.
The specific goals of neighborhood meetings,
established by the consensus of citizens and police, were:
1. Confirmation of patrol area boundaries
2. Confirmation of the base station in the
neighborhood from which the foot patrol officer
would work

3. Identification of the most important crimes of the

99

area and target them for reduction

4. Identification of sources and community
dissatisfactions and proposals to reduce
dissatisfaction

5. A description of the foot patrol officer's daily
routine and to publicize the expected routine so
citizens will know the expectations of the foot
patrol officer in their neighborhood

6. Establishment of a formal liaison between officer
and citizens so that communication between citizen
and officer will be improved and that security and
self-protection programs will be quickly scheduled
in the neighborhood,

7. Examination of means and methods citizens would be
able to aid the foot patrol officer in her/his
duties

8. Plan regular publications that would enhance
communication between police and citizens

9. Plan ways foot patrol officer can meet and work
‘with the youth of the neighborhood and finally

10. Establish a method of citizen evaluation of the
foot patrol officer in their neighborhood
(”Special Report," 1987)
Community involvement in all aspects of planning and
implementation of foot patrol in Flint illustrates one of
the basic principles of community policing, community

input and community involvement. The fact that their own

lOO

problems and needs were planned for, again illustrates

critical social science in practice.

't' ' ev' 'o 0 ed b t e Comm '

At the local meetings, constant critique of the proposed
plan to implement foot patrol by the residents resulted in
many revisions before the final plan was decided upon.
Majority rule was established as acceptable but a general
consensus was sought because of the fear that if support at
the local level was not strong the program would fail. Even
a small group of dissatisfied residents could cause serious
problems and so this was avoided by pursuing a consensus of
agreement for the final proposal.

The citizens' "own felt needs" were discussed,
prioritized and plans were implemented; social action was
planned in hopes it would satisfy their needs of reducing
crime, preventing crime, collaborating with police for
solutions and thereby improving the quality of their lives.
The citizens as planners are the subject of social action;
the citizens as recipients of the benefits of the programs
are the objects of social action. The foot patrol officer
would be considered the social scientist and facilitator of
citizens theorizing as to what is needed and what is to be
done to satisfy their needs. (See the subsection entitled:

Role of the Foot Patrol Officer.)

101

A Meetlng of Community Leaders

Once identified, these leaders were brought together in
an unstructured meeting to determine their ideas on problems
in their neighborhood and potential solutions. Youthful and
elderly leaders were included. The purpose of the
unstructured meeting was to promote a great deal of
discussion, exchange of ideas, and to bring out complaints
and prejudices that exist in the neighborhoods. Freedom of
expression and the examination of ideas and views expressed
were encouraged so that a meaningful dialogue could take
place in an attempt to correct misconceptions and discuss
problems intelligently. (Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)
Ultimately, a cooperative approach to solve crime problems
was established as in everyone's self-interest, which is a

basic tenet of normative sponsorship theory.

Epeedon pf expressien and theory2

Even though "love relationships" were not established
among the diverse group of leaders, biased and different
opinions were allowed. Defensive posturing was discouraged.
(Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984) It was considered important
that freedom of expression prevail so that the leadership not
be hindered towards development of the community policing
program of foot patrol.

This discourse reflected both the propositions of
normative sponsorship theory and critical theory. The

freedom of discussion and discourse is necessary in order to

102

establish a critical theory based on the "truth".

piscussion, discourse and debate: Potential solutlons.

Accusations against police by citizens, against citizens
by police, and among agency professionals did take place.
After hearing the accusations, partial truth to some of the
accusations were accepted and discussed so that unrecognized
problems would come to light and possibly be solved. It was
considered important to handle elements of truth of the
accusations in an open and honest manner. Also recognized
were the many misperceptions of people that came to be
exposed through the accusations. (Trojanowicz and Smyth,
1984) These misperceptions were examined to determine how
they came to be in the first place. This type of
communication at the leaders' meeting was based on the idea
that discussion and dialogue as well as discourse was
necessary to clear the air of misperceptions and ignorance.
"Clear and unambiguous discussion will help destroy I
misperceptions and provide new insights into individual and
organizational behavior. Both individuals and agencies will
be forced to recognize the legitimacy of alternative
perspectives - a necessary beginning if there is to be future
understanding and cooperation."(Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984,
5 a6)

As presented in Chapter II, the type of communication
necessary for critical science is one that exists in a

democratic society and in community that allows individuals

103

to freely exchange of ideas and opinions with the fear of
intimidation or retaliation. This is exactly the type of
communication that was fostered at the city wide meetings and
at the local, neighborhood meetings. The objective of such a
communication process is to allow ideas on problems and
solutions to be aired so that a general consensus could be
achieved on what is needed and what should be done within the
community policing program of Flint's foot patrol program.

The "truth" of the situation is gained through
reflection and discussion of the facts brought up on the
history of the problem and the current situation of the
problem. That is, the "quasi causal" explanation can be
determined thereby proffering a theory upon which to act in
order to solve the problem.

Normative sponsorship theory assumes that people will
act in their own best interest according to their values. It
also assumes that people of good will may cooperate with each
other to improve the quality of their community life if the

opportunity to do is available to them.

es .

The results of the first meetings of the leaders were:

1. Feelings of frustrations were expressed and
examined.

2. Some "facts" of accusations were admitted.

3. The factors causing misperceptions were discussed.

4. Understanding among the leaders increased.

104

5. Positive relations among the leaders increased.
(Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

After the first few sessions, the advanced meetings took
on a less emotional tenure and a more practical focus of
establishing the actual program of community policing foot
patrol. Leaders then agreed to draft the proposal later to
be presented to citizens at a citywide meeting.(Trojanowicz
and Smyth, 1984)

What should be done was based on what the citizens'
thought was necessary to do in order to achieve their goals.
This type of theorizing through discussion and expression of
unmet needs is an integral part of critical social science.
The approach of solving problems through citizens cooperative
effort reflects normative sponsorship theory and its

assumptions.

Test of Critical Theory

The foot patrol program was so popular that when the
three year financial commitment of the Mott Foundation ended
and Mott withdrew its financial support, the people of Flint
levied upon themselves a tax to pay for the foot patrol
program. The people voted in the tax three times, in 1982,
1985, and 1988. This is something no other community had
done up to that time. Because of the taxation of all
residents, the police department was obligated to provide

foot patrol for the entire city.

105

Sixty-four beats were established to cover the city.
(Special Report, 1987) This established Flint, Michigan, as
the first community in the country to have community policing
in the entire city.

~The best test of a foot patrol or community policing
program is the degree of satisfaction of those served in the
neighborhoods. If citizens feel less fear of crime, if they
feel better protected in their homes and streets, and if they
think there is more peace and tranquility in the
neighborhood, then this higher level of satisfaction of
living in the community is viewed as an indicator of an
effective program. (Moore and Trojanowicz, 1988) After all,
to promote an improved quality of life based on peace and
tranquility was the purpose of the Flint foot patrol
program. (Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984)

The fact that the people of Flint were asked if they
wanted to continue the foot patrol program and they answered
a resounding "yes" by their vote to add taxes to support foot
patrol, is the test of whether foot patrol in Flint was
satisfying felt needs. It is assumed that people would not
tax themselves for a program that they did not deem
effective in satisfying their expectations.

In critical social science, the test of the truthfulness
of knowledge (critical theory) is whether it fulfills the
expressed unmet needs of an oppressed group. Therefore, the
"yes” vote for taxation of Flint residents by themselves,

served as confirmation of the critical theory that community

106

policing activities were living up to the expectations of the
populace and satisfying their needs. (Trojanowicz, Steele and

Trojanowicz, 1986)

Update on Flint

Today, Flint's foot patrol program no longer exists,
except for a few areas of the city supported primarily by
state funding. The withdrawal of political leaders' support
resulted in the loss of foot patrol. The tax money for foot
patrol was ultimately used for motor patrol because the
department was downsized due to a lack of resources because
of the loss of financial support from the Mott Foundation and
the officers had all they could handle just responding to the
more serious calls for service. They did not have time to do
proactive policing as reflected in the previously successful
foot patrol program. 1

Without the total support of the community, including
economic support, community policing most likely will fail.
In Flint's case, foot patrol was supported by people taxing
themselves for it, but motor patrol was so depleted that it
took resources from foot patrol. Even though the people
wanted foot patrol and designated taxes to finance it, the
decision makers would not provide enough funding for motor

patrol; thus, the need to use foot patrol monies.

107

Role of Foot Patrol Police Officers

The innovative concept of foot officers to walk beats in
residential areas coincides with recent ideas found in
current literature that the role of police officers goes
beyond law enforcement to an expanded role of proactive
strategies that deal with social problems before they become
covertly criminal. This proactive addition to the role of
police officers calls for a new and different police
department as well. It affects the structure and power of
the police organization as well as the realignment of power
in the community. There will be new problems in the
organization to be solved, such as, new job codifications and
descriptions; personnel selection and training; and new
conflicts and tensions that arise as a result of intra-

organizational competition for status and power.

At Nelghbopneeg Meetlnge

To ensure the success of the neighborhood meetings, the
foot patrol officer plays a crucial role of advisor and
facilitator. The officer is a constant source of information
about the government agencies and the many community
organizations that may be available to neighborhoods and
residents to assist them in their community policing efforts.

At these meetings the officer plays the following roles:

1. Formal representative of the police department {As

such he or she informs citizens of the department's

views, even though they may not be accepted by the

108

citizens.

2. Law enforcement expert and educator The officer
critiques the practicality of the citizens'
suggestions, and explains the legality or
illegality of them and advises citizens regarding
the workability of the suggestions.

3. .Arbitrator or broker The officer attempts to
resolve disputes between the department and
citizens, and among citizens

4. Assistant The foot patrol officer aids the
citizens in establishing a final proposal that is
acceptable to all parties concerned. (Trojanowicz

and Smyth, 1984)

On the Beat

The role of the FPO walking his beat entails many
different duties and responsibilities. The following
descriptions illustrate how the FPO role corresponds to the

role of the critical social scientist.

W

The FPO must be an effective communicator. From the
very beginning of developing Flint's Neighborhood Foot
Patrol Program (NFPP), it was considered ". . . an exercise
in communication between the police officers and the
citizens.” (Trojanowicz and Smyth, 1984) So that the

citizens would buy into and support the program, input was

109

required from citizens. The foot patrol program was to be
defined by the citizens; it was not to be a program imposed
upon the populace. Consequently, to gain support and
establish a program acceptable to the residents, a great deal
of discussion, dialogue and discourse was necessary before a
final proposal gained the consensus of the citizens.

On the beat, the communication skills of the foot patrol
officer was again required to gain an understanding of the
neighborhood and its residents, of all ages, gender and
socioeconomic groups. Foot patrol took officers up and down
the streets, not only exposing the officers to the physical
layout of the neighborhood but also exposing the officers to
many opportunities to engage in friendly conversation with
residents, young and old alike. On the beat, the officer is
visible and accessible to the residents, which lends to more
opportunities of communication with people than an officer
isolated in an automobile. (Trojanowicz and Carter, 1988)

People skills combined with verbal communication allows
officers to follow verbal instructions of residents;
listening and interviewing skills assist the officer in
gaining knowledge and understanding; moderating and teaching
skills of the officer facilitate social action taken by the
citizens. These episodes of communication allowed both
officer and citizen to get to know and understand each other
as well as exchange information about the neighborhood
problems and the problem people of the neighborhood.

Communication is the basis of effective, active and proactive

110

community policing activities.

Adequate use of data skills is another important
attribute of a foot patrol officers. Data skills used with
creative ideas, facts, and words such as in writing reports
and newsletters, organizing and defining, and researching to
gain information are other significant qualities of foot
patrol officers. (Trojanowicz, Gleason, Pollard and
Sinclair, 1987)

Input from residents, which requires communication of
officers with residents, is an integral part of community
policing. Such input often leads to changes in the
neighborhoods as well as in the policies and procedures of
the police department. Residents can identify tasks for
police and for themselves, tasks they feel are necessary to
improve their quality of life, then they transmit those ideas
to the police department so the police and citizens can work
together for the improvement of public safety. (Trojanowicz
and Carter, 1988) Even though the input of citizens to
establish tasks for the police may be controversial, the
community officer's role is to work with the issue of police
tasks and police performance to satisfy the residents.
(Trojanowicz, Gleason, Pollard and Sinclair, 1987) Here the
officer's communication skills with people and data come into
play so that he or she is a catalyst and educator to resolve
problems in the neighborhood and affect necessary changes in
government agencies and organizations, including the police

department.

111

a s F c'l't to Educator Le de nnova or ia' n

The community police officer acts ". . . as a community
diagnostician, catalyst, a linkage person, an educator and a
specialist in crime prevention." The officer is to work
with the residents on the assigned beat. The officer is
expected to develop " . . . a degree of intimacy with
community residents that can translate into an effective,
cooperative relationship."(Trojanowicz and Carter, 1988) The
officer may develop trusting and cooperative relationships
with residents through individual face to face meetings with
individuals and groups, through public speaking and prepare
and distribute information through a community
newsletter.(Trojanowicz and Carter, 1988)

Some of the typical foot patrol activities that
illustrate the educator role of community officers are:

1. Attend neighborhood meetings

2. Participate in speaking engagements

3. Visit businesses and business personnel

4. Visit homes and speak with residents

5. Involved in or establish juvenile activities

6. Conduct business security checks

7. Conduct home security checks (Trojanowicz and

Carter, 1988)

The officer's role is to ". . . mobilize citizens . . .
to provide a matrix within which the community can identify
and deal with many of its own problems, including, but not

limited exclusively, to crime." (Trojanowicz and Carter,

112

1988) With the approval and assistance of the residents, the
community police officer targets certain problems and
attempts to work with residents to resolve the problems of
specific community concern, such as juvenile alienation,
victimization, the elderly, safety and security of residents.

The role of the community police officer is that of a
creative, imaginative problem solver. The officer must deal
with all ages, genders, and socioeconomic groups and both law
abiding and unlawful residents and sometimes nonresidents.
The officer helps to identify neighborhood problems and
solutions.

The neighborhood disorder and decay problem requires a
great deal of effort and creative solutions. Since disorder
and decay in neighborhoods serve as magnates for crimes, the
challenge to solve disorder/decay is sometime overwhelming
for residents alone. The leadership of the community
residents and police officer working together find solutions
through accessing the authority and resources of other
governmental and business agencies. To facilitate community
involvement in crime prevention and crime solving process is
an important part of the community police officer's

responsibilities.(Trojanowicz and Carter, 1988)

'o t Car'n Motivator

Besides being a self-motivated, independent, innovative
communicator, the community police officer is required to

carry on his proactive duties with compassion and a caring

113

concern. The officer should be a friendly extrovert with a
community service orientation and have sufficient police
experience from which to draw that he or she may be able to
motivate people. The officer should like to work with
people, be flexible and open minded, and be able to adapt to
changing circumstances. Intelligence and analytic ability
are important but no less important are the attributes of

sensitivity and moral character.

Lew EnforcerZPeace Officer

While the community officer is involved in proactive
activities, the officer also accepts the role of peace
officer and maintainer of order. Community policing is a
method to be used in achieving peace and order but so are
typical law enforcement duties are sometimes required to
maintain order and peace in a neighborhood.

There are order maintenance tasks that foot patrol
community officers have in common with motor patrol officers.
Foot patrol officers are still law enforcement officers and
carry out the following typical law enforcement duties:

1. felony and misdemeanor arrests

2. investigations initiated through observation or

citizen report

3. establish value of recovered property

4. follow-up investigations assigned

5. noting premises forced open

6. stopping suspicious person(s)

114

7. issue parking violations
8. render public service (i.e., assisting motorists)
(Trojanowicz and Carter, 1988)

Residents expect the community officer to carry on the
law enforcement responsibilities in their neighborhood, as
well as the more proactive and preventive activities of
community policing, to ensure safety and security in the
neighborhood. A combination of reactive and proactive role

for community officers is expected.

Critieal Social Sclentist

The qualities, goals and efforts on the part of the
community police officer correlates to the role of the
critical social scientist. The scientist/officer role is to
facilitate the "oppressed" group to come to know, understand
and express their unmet needs.

The role of educator of the scientist/officer also comes
into play. The officer may point out error or misconceptions
to the group the same as a scientist would ". . . point out the
error of the ideas." (Fay, 1984, p. 100) Also, the educator
role is to "provide an alternative. . . to show the real needs
. . ." that must be met. (Fay, 1984, p. 100)

After defining their needs, the group is assisted by the
scientist/officer in finding solutions in historical "quasi-
causal” terms. The plan of action revolves around a critical
social theory that the group has established through

interaction with each other and the scientist/officer. The

115

theory reveals the problem and the solution, and guides the
activities of the group toward the fulfilling the expressed
unmet needs of the group. The theory established by the
residents and the action that is decided are inherently linked,
as in critical social science. The linkage of theory to praxis
in critical social science is illustrated in the
police/community interaction and theory based action of the
community policing programs and activities.

Basic changes in the social order and the articulation
of the grievances and goals of a specific population are
requirements of the critical theory. (Fay, 1984; Bernstein,
1976) One of the most apparent changes in social order in
community policing is the role change of the community police
officer and the role change of citizens in directing the
activities and policies of police officers and police
departments. Some of the less apparent changes are those
that are unique to a specific neighborhood. For instance,
there is less open drug dealing, prostitution, pan handling,
general disorder, and breaking and entering into households.
In general, the neighborhood is cleaner and more presentable,
resonating the pride and confidence of residents.

What the grievances and aspirations of a group might be
when citing a theory, will depend on the history and current
situation of the neighborhood at any given time. By history,
it is meant what has happened in the past to "cause" the
neighborhood problem; what ideologies; what social

institutional policies; what political decisions; lack of

116

which services; what economic problems; have occurred that
results in the present problematic situation.

Grievances and aspirations will not only be specific to
a group but will also change within a group over time,
because the environment and social/political/economic
situation change over time as well as individuals' values,
skills and attitudes change over time. A critical theory is
not a universal theory, as are positivistic theories, but
rather a specific theory for a particular population at a
specific time and circumstance. Its purpose is to change the
social order to fulfill the unmet needs of a group of people
and keep updated with changing problems, populations and

times.

A CONTEMPORARY EXAMPLE : AURORA COMMUNITY POL ICING

In June of 1988, the chief of police of the Aurora
Police Department in Colorado, Gerald Williams, contacted the
National Center of Community Policing (NCCP) at The School of
Criminal Justice at Michigan State University (MSU),
requesting assistance with the department's strategic plan
with the major focus on community policing. A team from the
NCCP agreed to visit Aurora to develop the process for
providing education-training and consultation to the police
department.(Williams and Sloan, 1990)

The MSU team found the department had a history of
community oriented programs, but community policing was not a

total department commitment. While a few neighborhoods had

117

their own officer, Police Area Representative officer (PAR),
citizens all over the city were requesting their own PAR
officer. Added to the citizen pressure, the department
found the PAR officers were so satisfied with the job as well
as feeling safer that the police department decided to
establish community policing as a department-wide effort and
philosophy. The first step was to contact the NCCP for
education-training and consultation.

After assessing the demographics of the community and
conducting in—depth interviews with the police staff, the MSU
team was able to determine the direction of the technical
assistance. Research and education—training procedures were
determined by the university team and carried out. The
particulars of the education-training of police personnel and
the research will be dealt later. Appendix A gives the
results of a before and after study of the attitudes of the
Aurora police officers toward their role, as an update and
the Flint research results. Specific focus is on Officers'
feelings of job safety and job satisfaction. Just as the
Flint study showed that both the citizens and officers were
positively affected by the foot patrol effort, so did the
officers of Aurora feel that their job satisfaction and job
safety were enhanced. (Williams and Sloan, 1990)

The Flint and Aurora community policing programs
illustrate that normative sponsorship theory and critical
social science, when properly applied, have dramatic effects

on both the "customers" of the service, the residents, and

118

the providers of the service, the police.

CHAPTER V

Summary and Conclusions

The Flint experiment was successful because citizens and
police officers had joint input into various decision making
processes. Decisions included identifications of problems to
be solved, where the officer would be housed, and the hours
of deployment of community officers. Indicators of success
of the Flint experiment included the facts that 70% of the
citizens felt safer, 64% were satisfied with the effort, over
61% felt in particular that safety was enhanced for women,
children and the aged, and over 90% were aware of the foot
patrol program and its goals. (Trojanowicz, 1982)

The officers realized an increased perception of safety
as well as increased job satisfaction. Because the foot
patrol officers were well integrated into their communities,
they knew the terrain, the people, both the good and the bad,
and they were perceived as members of the community having a
stake in the results. They felt citizens would come to their
aid when they were in trouble.

Job satisfaction was increased because officers were
viewed as effective problem solvers in their neighborhoods.
They were afforded high status and in many cases, were viewed
as "heroes". This sense of belonging and performing many
needed functions enhanced their self-esteem and made their
job more than just an " 8 to 5" endeavor. (Also see Aurora

results in the Appendix.)
119

120

Because of the joint police-citizen interaction, both
groups not only had increased satisfaction, but they felt
that problem solving could only be effectuated through the
joint efforts of the customers and the service providers

working together.

POLICE ROLE CHANGE

The main problem in the transition to community policing
was the role change for police officers. Police Officers'
role must change from a conventional law enforcement model to
include a proactive partnership role with citizens. The new
role includes reducing crime, preventing crime, identifying
neighborhood problems with input of residents, and
facilitating problem solving in conjunction with the efforts
of citizens, businesses and community institutions, such as
schools and churches.

Implications for Police Departments with Community Policing
Changing the emphasis of the police role from the
traditional role of police officers to the role of community
police officers is a dramatic undertaking. The conventional

police officer focused on identifying and solving crime
problems with the assistance of other police officers under
the supervision of a police supervisor.

Officers were evaluated by criteria based on rates of
detection of crime, arrest rates, and swift response time to
complaints. They viewed themselves as accountable only to

the police administrators and supervisors. They considered

121

service calls low priority and crimes of violence and other
high visibility crimes, such as bank robberies, of high
priority.(Sparrow, 1988)

As a CPO, a law enforcement officer experiences many
drastic shifts in duties and accountability. A CPO officer
would not identify the problems by himself or herself, but
would allow the community residents to define and prioritize
the neighborhood problem solving. The CPO also allows input
from residents regarding the manner and type of solution that
should take place. The CPO expects participation of
residents in the planning and development of the activities
undertaken to solve the problems.

The community policing approach makes the officer
accountable to the community residents in addition to
supervisors and administrators of the police department.
Priorities shift from a singular focus on response to
incidents to an emphasis on neighborhood service calls and
the development of good communications with residents. The
purpose of this shift is problem solving with a long term
goal of prevention. Swift response time would be considered
important only for those crimes that threaten lives.
(Sparrow, 1988)

This role officer change must include a similar change
in departmental philosophy and a change in programs and
activities to achieve community policing. The role change
affects patrol Officers' attitudes and behaviors. It also

requires different kinds of skills and knowledge. Some

122

examples of the required skills would include communication
skills, problem solving skills, organizational skills, and
conflict resolution and mediation skills. It is these new
and different skills that will affect attitudes and
behaviors. The necessary skills will be obtained from.either
pre-employment activities or from participating in

activities after hire, such as education-training and on the

job observation and experiences.

§election

Community policing requires new and additional skills
which are different from those required of conventional
police. Administration must closely examine recruitment,
selection, and training prior to implementation in order to
achieve successful community policing. (Trojanowicz and
Belknap, 1986)

The purpose of the hiring process must be to select
people who can perform the appropriate tasks efficiently and
effectively. Community policing tasks must be identified as
those that reflect more intimate interaction between its
residents and officers.

The social service aspect of the community police
officer demonstrates the special attention necessary for
relevant and proper training. Basic psychology and human
relations skills, problems of aging and child development,

political science, urban planning, city management are some

123

of necessary skills and knowledge required to accept the
challenges of community policing.

The recruitment, screening, testing, and selection
processes need to be evaluated and realigned towards
community policing so the result of hiring procedure will be
new entry level officers with an attitude and desire to
participate in community policing.

Eighty percent (80%) of the foot patrol officer's time
deals with public service, therefore the CPO needs skills
that apply to public service. The new hire must know and

accept the CPO's role.

Training

Michigan Law Enforcement Officer Training Council
(MLEOTC) has established the standards of training for law
enforcement officers in Michigan. The requirement is 440
hours of basic training in law enforcement but only 15 hours
is considered training which relates to community policing.
The module contains 9 hours of interpersonal relations,
family dispute mediation, and civil dispute mediation, and
another 6 hours in patrol procedures training devoted to
working with juvenile offenders and their families.

If MLEOTC is to incorporate more training that is
relevant to skills and knowledge required of community police
officers, it should include: ". . . more on conflict
management and social relations, improving police-community

relations. . . ." (Kelling, 1988, p. 174-175); communication

124

skills, both written and oral such as those for adequate
moderator skills in order to lead discussions of residents,
neighborhood leaders and business leaders; knowledge of
community resources and referrals, to better handle social
service referrals; listening and analyzing skills to be able
to receive and apply information from community ”input";
study of the history of police to be able to understand why
police and police departments are what they are and how the
expected change of police came about; other examples of
training for CPO tasks, to moderate and act upon input from
local business, the media, the involved political leaders,
any police input, social agencies and agents input plus any
other training required to do job expected.

When interviewed, the 57 community police officers
(foot patrol) of Flint Michigan Police Department expressed
three main concerns:

1. The little or lack of special training

they received
2. The training they need and want
3. Personal characteristics to be cited as selection
criteria. (Trojanowicz and Belknap, 1986)

These are very worthwhile concerns and should be considered
by any and all police departments with community policing. A
comprehensive training program.would include training issues
of four main areas: orientation training, basic academy

training, new hire training and field training.

125

W

The orientation training must include all sworn and non-
sworn employees. The purpose of orientation training is to
introduce the "new" philosophy of community policing. The
necessity of all personnel to know and understand the mission
and function of community policing is apparent because of the
all personnel must participate as a "team" to assist and
support community officers and residents to solve community

problems.

c em _ r i in

.Assuming the recruitment process, selection criteria,
screening and testing processes result in entry level police
officers with the psychological mindset to be involved in
community policing, the officers are normally willing to
accept the community policing role for their job description.
The academy training should include community policing
training and it is possible to include it in many more ways
than is currently being done in most states. Training is
needed to enhance the skills, knowledge and attitudes that
are implied to carry out community policing tasks.

Trojanowicz and Sloan (1992) suggest a two track
approach to incorporating community policing training into
academy training. The first is to establish new and
"dedicated" courses of community policing training. That is
courses on the following: the philosophy of community

policing, role of community policing officers, strategies for

126

problem solving, community organization and involvement,
philosophy of "accountable” creativity at the line level,
community relations, communication skills in mediation and
de-escalation of emotionally charged situations.

The second track of community training in the academy
would be incorporating the philosophy and concepts of
community policing throughout all courses and activities of
the training. The purpose is to teach trainees to think more
broadly and towards problem solving. (Trojanowicz and Sloan,
1992)

The foundation of community policing should be discussed
in ”regular" courses, which would include important topics:
minimum and "humane control" in use of force and physical
constraints; delivery of services while emphasizing
creativity; fairness and community sensitivity; unethical
considerations of bias, favoritism, and improper use of
influence; strategies for improvement of quality of life;
investigative efforts towards causes of crime, disorder and
dangerous conditions of traffic and the environment.
Training in how to diagnose a community problem, how to make
referrals to social agencies, how to mediate conflicts, and
how to structure news releases to community newsletters are
some of the relevant skills that can also be incorporated in

the training courses.

127

N W’ ire Trainin

When newly hired sworn or nonsworn police personnel
enter their first official training, they should learn about
the mission and role of the police department, which includes
the philosophy and role of community policing. The changing
role of the police officer of a community policing department
demands that all personnel know and accept community policing
philosophy so that they can properly understand and support
the officers community policing functions. This would be
similar training to the orientation training of current
employees of department beginning to implement community

policing.

r i 'n

The "on the job" training of the new hire by the field
training officer sets the stage for the new entry level
officer as to what is acceptable and unacceptable behavior in
their particular police department. It is important that the
new hire is acclimated to the department's role and mission
as a community policing department. It is imperative that
the new officer understands his/her community policing role.
The field training officer (FTO) plays a vital role in
relaying this information to the "rookie". The field
training officer's important role requires special training
for the field trainer as well. The FTO of a CPO will need a
different approach to training the new hire than in the time

of the conventional police officer's role.

128

Definition of the Role of Police Officers

Community police officers should be trained in their
responsibilities and "expert" role of a critical theorist by
all of the above four ways. There is a potential problem if
they cannot accept that their "police work", and police role,
may change according to citizen input. If an officer does
not like "to be told what to do" by the citizens, there will
be a problem. A CPO must be flexible and creative enough to
respond to the changing demands of the community residents
and know and understand the CPO role as a facilitator in
problem solving. The community problems will change and so
new solutions will be required which will also entail new
"tasks" for the CPO as well as for community residents.

Therefore, training should likewise reflect the police
role as related to the changing expectations or "felt needs"
of the community residents. Interviewing or surveying police
officers as well as citizens for their input on training
needs, is critical to promote CPOs who are confident and able
to meet the changing demands. With confidence, skills,
knowledge and positive attitudes, they then are more likely
to accept the new CPO role and the challenge of that role.
(Trojanowicz and Belknap, 1986.)

With the proper selection and training, the officer will
be willing and able to function as a community police
officer. While this is necessary for community policing to

be successful, it is not sufficient. Other elements are also

129

required to implement a successful community policing effort.

There are many threats to community policing efforts.

Threats to Community Policing
Community policing requires a great deal of support,
risk taking and social action. The "big five",the police,
the community, the media, the political leaders and community
social agencies, are important supporters of the community
policing effort. Without all five groups supporting the
community policing philosophy, the community policing results

'will be minimal, possibly negligible.

c o e P o

How to find time for the patrol officer to do proactive
community policing? This is a common question asked by
police departments attempting to implement community
‘ policing. It is a very important question as increased free
patrol time is necessary for officers to become involved in
face-to—face interaction, attend neighborhood meetings and
participate with citizens in planning and implementing
activities towards preventing and solving problems. It is
this free time that is needed for an officer to be a
"critical social scientist".

The most obvious answer to the question is to increase
the number of officers in the department; however, due to the
budget cuts and constraints most police departments are

suffering today, it is not the most feasible answer. Some

I30

ways to increase numbers of officers on patrol are "through
civilianization, call management and reduction of specialized

units, like crime prevention."(Trojanowicz & Sloan,1992,p. 1)

gltlgen Action

A long-term solution would be to educate citizens to do
more for themselves; that is, they should not expect the
police officer to do all of the services of the past plus the
community policing duties. This means citizens would solve
the "barking dog" problem by talking to the neighbor about
controlling the dog. "Animal complaints" could be referred
directly to the "Animal Control" department of the city or
county, rather than the city or county police department.
Loud parties, abandoned cars, neighbor disputes and other
nonlife-threatening complaints could be resolved between
"reasonable" neighbors.

Adjustments must be made throughout the community, not
just in the police department, to make community policing
programs effective. Social agencies, private and public
agencies and businesses should be encouraged to solve some of
the community problems for which police have been responsible
in the past. Because the police are the only "24 hour on-
call agency" available to the public, the mental health
issues, homeless, and animal problems have routinely been
referred to the police. There are social service agencies
and organizations, public and private, that are responsible

for these types of problems and whose function is to find

131

solutions for these problems. The appropriate agencies must
be made more responsible for these type of problems.
Participation at a neighborhood network center is one way
social agencies might provide service in a personalized
manner at the local level of neighborhoods.

The individual citizen must adjust and take on more
responsibilities also. Citizens can go to the decentralized
community police "headquarters" or office to file complaints,
reports or provide information on community crimes and
problems. Volunteers can be recruited to do phone follow-ups
on some types of complaints, to check if there is more
information available that would assist an officer in solving

the crime. (Trojanowicz & Sloan, 1992)

Cell 911

A great deal of education of the citizenry is required
to reduce the number of service calls received by 911
Dispatch that are not "emergency" calls. Because of the
legal issue of liability, most police departments feel
compelled to dispatch on all 911 calls for service.
Dispatchers cannot judge whether the citizen is exaggerating
the dangerous situation or not. This means many hours are
put into an officer responding to a situation that could have
been handled over the phone or by another public agency. If
these hours are freed up for the officer, the many hours

could produce more community policing contacts with the

132

public and more solutions planned and implemented by the

officer and citizens.

WEI.

So that an officer does not feel compelled to go from
one insignificant complaint to another just to "clear the
record", call management could be instituted to prioritize
service calls according to the risk to life and injury. In
other words, the routinized and redundant process of
complaint clearance can be reduced or eliminated (by
volunteer citizens) and free up the officer's time to do more
proactive policing and solving problems, which will in turn
eliminate the necessity of responding to some calls for

service.

Elleinatlon pt Beductlon pt Speelellneg Unite

Reduction or elimination of specialized units may or may
not be possible. It must be decided whether reduction or
elimination would be counterproductive to the total long
range goals of the police department. It may also affect
morale with the police department. However, this should be
considered as some units, such as crime prevention, may be
redundant once community policing is well established. The
crime reduction in the neighborhoods of community police
officers may justify reduction or elimination of the crime
prevention unit. Also, investigative units may be reducible

for the same reason. The possibility of reducing or

133

eliminating specialized units in favor of expanding the
generalized role of the community policing officer should be

scrutinized.

Evaluation and Promotion of Officers

In order to promote the acceptance of the community
policing philosophy among police personnel, the evaluation
and promotion procedures must correspond to goals and role
definitions defined for the community officers. If an
officer is not rewarded for community policing work, the
officer will be less likely to do proactive, community
policing. As stated previously in this thesis, the
leadership role, the catalyst-facilitator role of the expert
"critical social scientist" community police officer is vital
to the success of the critical social science and social
action of the community policing approach to police work.
Without a motivated and ambitious CPO, the community policing
program will be inert, lifeless and without merit.

Conventional ways to measure the police role will be
appropriate but new measures to calculate the effectiveness
of the proactive activities of community officers must also
be included in the evaluations. Along with the quantitative
measures of the number of arrests, number of traffic tickets
and warnings, response time and clearance rates, must be the
qualitative considerations. What the officer thinks is
happening in the neighborhood, and what the supervisor

observes as far as the way the community police officer works

134

with residents, businesses, social agencies, supervisor,
political leaders and the media are very important
considerations in the evaluation of a community police
officer.

Some of the quantitative measures must also reflect the
proactive work of the community officer. For instance, what
and how many neighborhood problems are solved, what and how
many neighborhood meetings are attended by the CPO, the
number of speaking engagements of a CPO, number of home and
business visits and security checks, the number of juvenile
activities in which the CPO is involved, how the residents
evaluate the activities and communication skills of the
officer, what the businesses and other social agencies have
to say about the officer, what citizens ”awards" and
"acclamations" an officer has collected, all have to be
considered in the evaluation and promotion of community
officers. (Payne and Trojanowicz, 1985) It would not make
much sense to consider 100 meetings a month attended by a CPO
as positive if the meetings result in chaotic arguments and
dissension instead of positive communication that ultimately
leads to possible solutions of community problems. It is the
quality of the communication and interaction, that must be
judged through observation by supervisors, which will be part

of an appropriate evaluation for community police officers.

135
Snpetylelng 9203 and Community Policing Effierte

The supervisor likewise has a very important role in
supporting the CPO's efforts in the community. The
supervisor must also play the expert ”critical social
scientist" role with all CPOs being supervised. The
supervisor must be an educator, catalyst and facilitator when
advising, guiding and supervising the CPOs. Communication
and positive interaction, which lead to solving the CPOs'
problems, are just as important as the CPOs' efforts are
with the community. The supervisor may also play the liaison
between CPOs and other officers, police administrators,
politicians, citizens, media and other public and private
agencies.

It is apparent that the supervisors of CPO will also
require quantitative observations in their evaluations as
well as qualitative measures that reflect community policing
efforts. These may include such measures as the number of
meetings with community officers, the number of contacts with
other agencies, businesses, politicians, media contacts and
police personnel, newsletter contributions, memos or other

"bulletins" of communication that support community policing.

Cele: o: gellee

The chief of police must be the leader of the police
department in accepting and promoting the philosophy of
community policing. Without the chief's support and

leadership, none of the necessary organizational change will

136

take place in the police department. The police chief must
be knowledgeable about the requirements of community
policing and take an active part in soliciting the support of
the citizens, political leaders, the media and the other
public and private social services agencies.

Another problem is with the position of the chief of
police. Often times, today's police chief finds that his or
her tenure as police chief is guaranteed by a contract for
only one year, or even less as some chief's have no contract
and function as chief merely from day to day. This obviously
presents a problem for long term planning. The results of
community policing can only be determined after several
years; thus, the police chief may have little to present to
justify why he/she should be retained. This is a problem
if the mayor or chief government executive who appointed the
chief wishes to pull the chief's "strings" and make a
political puppet of the chief. The chief will not be able to
plan for long term effects; instead, the politicians will be
running the police department.

If the police chief does not want to implement community
policing but the citizens have put the pressure on the
politicians and in turn the political leaders put the
pressure on the chief of police, maybe community policing
will be implemented. However, without the full and
continuous support of the chief, community policing will not

likely be implemented by the police department.

137

The chief needs enough job security so he/she can take
risks and make mistakes without worrying about losing his/her
job because an influential special interest group or person
is irritated. Without political support, the "puppet" chief
will not be able to implement community policing.

It is apparent that both the chief of police and the
chief executive who appointed the chief must support
community policing and be willing to take the risk of
implementing community policing. They must work together to
obtain the support of the citizens, social agencies, the
media and other political and police personnel to support
community policing efforts.

Because the sheriff is elected rather than appointed,
the sheriff's position does not have these same political
liabilities to deal with. The sheriff may go directly to the
people by talking to voters, giving speeches and attending
township and neighborhood meetings to elicit citizen, media,
social agencies and police support. If there is a county
commission or board of directors, the sheriff may have to
justify community policing expenses before getting the budget
approved. However, if the sheriff can function within the
budget, there most likely would be little resistance to

community policing from the commission.

Erivate Seeutlty
The recent increase in private security officers may

forbode a crisis in policing. It could happen that the

138

affluent will be hiring more private police to protect them
and their property. If those who can afford to hire private
police do so, it may be that they will not wish to
financially support two police systems, public and private,
and withdraw support from the public police. This would
leave the public police with an even greater burden of trying
to protect and service the "poor", who cannot afford private
police, with even less finances than what the police have
presently.

The fact that the police budget would decrease means the
number of public police officers would likewise decrease.
The public police officer's time would be entirely taken up
‘with reactive policing, running from one critical situation
to another critical situation. The officer would have no
time for proactive policing, interactions with neighborhood
residents, or facilitating neighborhood problem solving.
Community policing would be an impossibility. Therefore the
critical theory input necessary to ensure that the recipients
of police services are active participants in the delivery of

police services would be a moot point.

Linltatlens of Cennunlty Pellelng

The mere fact that community policing is not a cure-all
for all community problems may disenfranchise some citizens,
the media, politicians, police administrators, and even some
police officers and may somehow discourage enough people that

community policing would be criticized sufficiently as to

139

lead to the demise of the community policing efforts.

It must be recognized that society has a great number of
social problems and the police cannot be made to be
responsible for all of them. By sharing the burden of
solving social problems with the rest of society through
community policing, police work will certainly give a new
boost to the plans and activities needed to solve some of the
community problems. However, it cannot be expected to solve
all social ills.

The time it takes to plan and establish a fully
implemented community policing program in a medium or large
sized police department (population over 50,000) is 10 to 15
years. (Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux, 1992) The long range
goal of community policing must be recognized by the police
department and the community so that the short term.results
do not influence a decision not to follow through with the

implementation.

en Overbutdeneg CPQ
Often a CPO does such an excellent job that he/she is
overwhelmed by citizen requests for assistance. The problems
nominated by the citizens that need to be solved are more
than what one CPO can work on with the people. The referrals
to other community social services begin to mount so that the
officer does not enough time respond to all requests or

follow up to see if the problem has been resolved.

140

The CPO can become disenchanted because more help is
needed. This happened in Lansing, Michigan. After
consulting with a community policing expert, it was suggested
a centralized office be opened in the neighborhood to provide
office space for other social service agencies. These
service providers would also be decentralized, permanent and
personalized. The Neighborhood Network Center (NNC) was

established in Lansing.

Neighborhood Network Center: A Solution

The Neighborhood Network Center localized services in
the neighborhood and were more accessible to the citizens.
They could walk to the Center and talk to a familiar person.

Previous to the NNC, social service providers hesitated
to make visits in a neighborhood with a high-crime
reputation. The Lansing Neighborhood Network Center includes
an office for the CPO thereby providing security and safety
for the service agents representing many social agencies.
This encouraged the many needed agencies to send their
representative to provide service at the local level. Some
of social services represented at the Lansing Neighborhood
Network Center are:

1. Student interns from the local community college
and university, who supervise youths who are doing
community service as part of their court sentence

2. Parenting class teacher

3. School psychologist from the local school district

6.

10.

11.

12.

141

Social worker from county mental health department
to teach infant training for new mothers

Learning specialist from the local school district
Nurse provided by federal funds (Chapter One) to
supervise other nurses who serve the medical and
dental needs of children

Child health advocates provided by the local school
district to help nurses who serve the medical and
dental needs of children

Operation graduation coordinator to work with high
school students at risk of dropping out of school
Neighborhoods youth and parent prevention
partnership program - four people on federal grant
to establish a local panel of people to offer drug-
abuse education and other risk-reduction efforts.
Social workers (2) and a supervisor social worker
provided by the Gateway Social WOrkers which is a
multi-agency concerned with youth and their
problems of health and substance abuse, runaway
and homeless problems, and crisis intervention.
Student nurses from Michigan State University
fulfilling their public health work for a
Bachelor's degree

Volunteer graduate from.Michigan State University
supervises adults who are doing community service

as part of the court sentence

142

13. Volunteer Vietnamese interpreter assists the
Vietnamese population in the community

14. Department of Social Services has a telephone
liaison to answer questions of neighborhood
residents and is working to place a social service

representative at the center

Anetnet innovative Response

The restriction that the Neighborhood Network Center cannot
be a drop—in center has led Gateway to rent a parsonage for
"hands on projects" that include activities for the parenting
groups, the neighborhood newsletter committee, and nutrition
and composting classes. A Michigan State University intern
oversees the daily operation of the projects. A substance
abuse counselor is also available on site in the evenings for
walk-ins, appointments or emergency consultations. This new
site is considered an extension of the Neighborhood Network

Center. (Trojanowicz, Bucqueroux, McClanus, Sinclair, 1992)

Leedezenip end §tructure ef the NNC

The NNC in Lansing was unique in that it was a risk the
residents, the police and the social agencies were willing to
take. When resources were low or other problems arose, the
people came together to solve them. There was no
bureaucratic response to problem solving but a typical
critical theory response. Discussion and debate of all

persons involved decided what was to be done and everyone

143

involved, including all interested residents, were invited to
participate in the definition and solution of the problem.
Many neighborhood volunteers were involved in cleaning,
painting, minor remodeling and fund raising in order to
establish the center. (Trojanowicz, Bucqueroux, McClanus,
Sinclair, 1992)

The community police officer is the unofficial leader
but acts more like a catalyst rather than a supervisor. This
is probably because he knows the people and the culture of
the neighborhood community better than anyone else. As a
CPO, he has been traditionally the one the residents go to
with their problems, and he always cooperated with them in
solving the problems in the past. His relationship with the
neighborhood residents is based on cooperation and trust
rather than authority and expertise. (Trojanowicz,
Bucqueroux, McClanus, Sinclair, 1992)

Monthly meetings of residents are held to determine who
is responsible for the housekeeping chores. The method has
contributed to the smooth operation of the center so far. As
for finances, there is a petty cash account but no funding
structure at the present time. The building site is free due
to the courtesy of a local business person. Utilities are
paid by donations from individuals and the small offerings of
the various social agencies involved. (Trojanowicz,
Bucqueroux, McClanus, Sinclair, 1992)

A potential problem is where the Network Center would

move if the building is sold by the business person. Another

144

problem is sometimes the "experts" form a team and plan to
attack a problem they deem important but the residents have
other priorities. The residents may need help in solving
entirely different types of problems. The challenge for the
experts is keeping in touch with the residents and soliciting
constant input from them. to ensure the citizens nominate and
prioritize the problems to be solved, participate in planning
solutions, and are active in social action to solve the
problems.

The motto of the CPO at the Lansing Neighborhood Network
Center is, "Expect the best and you won't be disappointed.”
This positive attitude seems to be working. A few weeks ago,
the center was informed of a possible federal grant that
would support the NNC and give it some stability. (Assistant
Chief David Sinclair of the Lansing Police Department,

personal communication, July, 24, 1992)

gesistance to Changes to the Social Stpnetnte

Organizational change seems to be resisted by most
public agencies and organizations. Police agencies are no
different. The resistance may be overcome with proper
selection, training, evaluation and promotion within the
police department. However, the police have little input
into the resistance by other public agents, agencies and
organizations, such as mental health agencies, schools and
hospitals, the media, political and special interest groups,

businesses, and neighborhood groups. The empowerment of the

145

individual citizen through community policing may cause a
reaction from politicians, special interest groups,
neighborhood leaders affiliated with well established
neighborhood clubs, and social service agencies, who resist
being told what to do by citizens and community police
officers. This, however, is the precise purpose of critical
theory; that is, to change the social structure in order to
solve problems defined by the individual citizens and to
solve them. The goals of the individual citizens, not the
goals of public agents, which may or may not be what the
citizens desire and need, should take precedence. The
support of the total community is required to allow the
police and citizens to solve problems. It is often the
police or the citizens who must persuade or even use
political "pressure" so that the other people and groups in
the community would come full circle and support citizens and

police in their community policing efforts.

Evaluating Success of Community Policing

As stated previously, critical social science theories
can only be evaluated as successful, as 'truth', by the
object/subjects of the social action. This means only the
citizens who defined and prioritized the problems according
to their "unmet felt needs" are able to determine if the
solutions planned and implemented did in fact satisfy those
needs. Therefore, qualitative measures rather than the

typical empirical quantitative measures are appropriate.

146

The means to evaluate the critical social theory
determined through community policing is merely to ask the
residents if they feel their needs were met. This requires
communication, constant interaction and feedback from the
residents involved. This information could be best collected
through face-to-face communication and neighborhood
meetings. An opinion survey may be an option.

A problem exists if reliance is totally on empirical
tests to evaluate the success of community policing. There
may not be sufficient clients served, social problems solved,
or reduction in crime and delinquency to satisfy the managers
and decision makers of governmental agencies to justify the
continuance of community policing. This tendency to rely on
empirical measures exists among many "experts" and ”scholars"
in the field of criminal justice.

In community policing, it is not sufficient to look at
the number of clients served if the clients are not
satisfied. The number of interventions and calls to police
do not illustrate if the services provided satisfied the
client. The overall crime rates are irrelevant when
evaluating the satisfaction of residents. The evaluation
should include whether or not the neighborhood is perceived
by the residents as " . . . a better and safer place to live
and work." (Trojanowicz, Bucqueroux, McClanus and Sinclair,

1992)

147

THE FUTURE OF COMMUNITY POLICING

Community policing is not a panacea for all social
problems. There are so many police organizational changes
needed and so many changes required of the current social
structure, that one could ask, why community policing?
Research results of community policing efforts around the
country have been mentioned earlier that supports the
problems solved in many communities which enhance the quality
of life for citizens as well as for community police

officers.

The Future of Critical Social Science

The question of whether critical social science is a
panacea for all socioeconomic political problems must also be
answered. In his recent book, Fay (1987) criticizes the
assumptions upon which critical social science is based.
Those assumptions are about "human society and history,
politics, and the good life." (p. 3) The method of critical
social science involves questions about the nature of human
beings and how they ought to live.

Critical social science accepts humans as able to
transform their lives in radical ways through reason. People
attempt "to understand in a rationally responsible manner the
oppressive features of a society such that this understanding
stimulates its audience to transform society and thereby
liberate themselves." The purpose of critical social science

is to alter the social structure and environment of the

148

activists so that their lives are less oppressive and
happier.

Fay views the problems with critical social science as
an ontological rather than epistemological problem. He sees
the problem in the assumptions about the nature of society,
the nature of humans and the nature of the world. He states
the problem as twofold - critical social science is based on
an inflated belief about the power of human reason and human

will.

lmpracticality of Critical Social Science

Humans are active beings and they are strongly
influenced by their traditions and history. Individuals not
only learn their behavior through cognitive activities but
also through bodily or physical activities. Certain cultural
factors of a society are ingrained in the very being of it
members and these engrained elements tend to support the
status quo. Individual behavior is most often a learned
response to some stimuli. Humans, as such "embedded
creatures", are limited in their rationality, and therefore
are limited in capacity to discover the human identity. (Fay,
1987)

Human identities are not learned merely through ideas;
but in addition to, or separate from such cognition, human
identities are also shaped by physical activities, which are
defined by Fay as bodily responses to some stimuli.

Language, rules and regulation of physical activities in the

149

home, schools and churches, and other social groups,
establish a physical routine that ingrain certain attitudes
and behaviors that most often become unconscious. Traditions
partially define identities. Giving individuals insights or
raising their consciousness is not sufficient to change
beliefs and values, so that behavior is changed and
liberation is achieved. People belong to traditions as much
as traditions belong to people. (Fay, 1987))

Fay (1987) believes critical social science is utopian
in that it fails to take into consideration those factors
that limit human reason in achieving its goal. The human
‘will is also limited in making choices required to achieve
liberation because of the ingrained elements. Self-awareness
does not necessarily result in changed or new behavior
necessary for the emancipation of the oppressed.

These internalized problems, ingrained in humans by
their culture, are complemented by the "force" that exists in
the social-political environment. People in power may use
weapons, punishment and persecution to oppress the powerless
masses. Enlightenment through discourse will not stand up to
guns and intimidation of such magnitude. Some kinds of
threat and intimidation will always be effective toward

maintaining the suppression of the powerless. (Fay, 1987)

150

W

Besides the impracticality of critical social science
because of its utopian approach, Fay (1987) attacks the
ideals as not achievable. The basic values, upon which
critical social science is founded, are " rational self-
clarity and collective autonomy", and "a secondary value of
happiness".(p. 166) Fay states that the end goal of
liberation is neither compelling nor fully coherent. Too
often critical social science has resulted in tyranny instead
of clarity and autonomy for those involved.

Fay views humans as imbedded creatures who are not fit
for autonomy. Humans are " . . . too dependent on events
outside themselves and their possible control, for the ideal
of autonomy to be appropriate." (Fay, 1987, p. 191)

Often, humans finds that their range of choices or courses of
action are limited by processes over which they have no
control. He declares the ideal of collective autonomy
proposes an erroneous idea about human power. Willing
something does not make it happen.

Often people find themselves in a typical "Sophoclean"
tragedy. These tragic situations leave no alternatives but
to choose among many choices that will all result in evil.
People find themselves in a position where they are damned if
they do, and damned if they don't. There is no autonomy in

such tragic times.

151
Humans can never really 'control the

conditions of their existence' to become 'masters

of their own fate.‘ Despite the rhetorical appeal

of such phrases, it is only about a God who is

disembodied, all powerful, necessary, not in the

universe but outside of it as its ground, that it

makes sense to speak of autonomy. (Fay, 1987, p.

197)

Fay also proposes that in gaining freedom, humans are
not necessarily happy. He casts doubt on humans, as members
of a group, to be able to produce judgements which all
members will accept, even if all members are rational and
good willed. There is a potential conflict between autonomy—
freedom and happiness. Happiness is the criterion by which
the claims of the critical theory is tested. There are
situations where freedom is gained at the expenses of
happiness. Thus, the unhappiness of the activists may be a
limit of critical theory, which motivated them in the first
place to seek freedom. Another consideration regarding
happiness is that happiness is not the same for all people.

Freedom offers to individuals many choices; they
consider many alternatives unexplored and unknown. .A certain
restlessness or discontent with what is, may set in and
cause "unhappiness." Autonomy may lead to constant self-
reflection and self-evaluation; self-scrutiny may lead to
self-doubt.

According to Sartre (Fay, 1987) autonomous people are
forlorn people. As an autonomous individual, one is totally
responsible for one's situation. There are no external

forces to impinge upon one; no others to blame. One must

make choices knowing that oneself is totally responsible for

152

the results. For some this is happiness but for others this
may bring on restlessness or anguish. Some would experience
an exciting and interesting life; others would suffer envy

and anxiety.

Summaty of Fay's Critigue
Fay (1987) opines there are two weaknesses of
critical social science, the practicality of the science and
the integrity of it as an ideal. For critical social science
to result in the betterment of society, he proposes it be ".
. . supplemented by an account of human life which recognizes
these other facts about human existence. . . ."(p. 212)

The future of critical social science depends on an
ontology of activity supplemented by "an ontology of
embodiment, tradition, historicity, and embeddedness, and its
account of reason needs to be modified to reflect the
inherent limitations of reason to unravel the mysteries of
human identity and to make the hard choices with which humans
are inevitable faced." (Fay, 1987, p. 212) Fay finds no
problem with the epistemology of critical social science. He
rejects the idea that a legitimate theory cannot be
politically useful, rather he views a social theory as one
that can be "scientific, practical and critical." (Fay,
1987, p. 212)

The problems with critical social science, according to
Fay, is its inability "to engender rational social change",

and its "incoherence of its regulative ideals, as well as the

153
penchant for tyranny which results from these deficiencies,
arise from the excessive rationalism of the ontology of
activity which it presupposes and on which is draws." The
future of critical social science should be in working out
these problems.(Fay, 1987, p.212)

Fay sees that critical theory that adjusts to the limits
would have to be "self-consciously local, particular,
situated, experimental, and physical, theories whose values
were not those of rational self-clarity and autonomy, but
were something far less grandiose and mundane." (Fay, 1987,
p. 212)

Critical social science is based on an age old saying -
"the truth shall set you free." (Fay, 1987, p.203) His
reference is not a technological or theological
interpretation. This saying in reference to critical social
science is founded on three important beliefs about human
existence. They are: I

1. Humans are not free when dominated by external
factors beyond human understanding and control, which leads
to living unsatisfying lives.

2. This unfree and unsatisfying way of life does not
necessarily have to be.

3. The oppressed can liberate themselves through
knowledge and live a better life.

Enlightenment, empowerment and emancipation are the

three core ideas of critical social science.

154

1. Enlightenment is defined as critical theory which
"seeks to reveal to its audience its true nature in a
scientific manner. . . . (and) the oppressed are educated
about their situation and their potential capacity to alter
it." (p. 205)

2. Empowerment is ". . . a practical force . . .
galvanizing its audience into socially transformative action.
. . . " (p. 205)

3. Emancipation is ". . . liberation as a state of
reflective clarity in which people knOW‘WhiCh of their wants
are genuine because they know finally who they really are,
and a state of collective autonomy in which they have the
power to determine rationally and freely the nature and
direction of the collective existence." (p.205)

A fact that there is no perfect knowledge, no absolute
truth can be proven, is a fact that is difficult to accept
and a fact that puts in question the whole foundation of
social critical theory. However, it would be a mistake to
give up on critical social science because humans cannot
achieve that perfect self-knowledge. Humans would be giving
up on what knowledge they might gain. Even though humans
cannot know themselves and their environment perfectly; they
must accept partial truths about themselves and their social,
political and economic system.

People must also accept the possibility of rational
disagreement among members of a group of good willed and well

intentioned persons. The practical elements of critical

155

science involves judgements and decisions, and individuals
may have different histories, identities and beliefs
influencing their decisions.

Human existence is marked with continuous tensions and
conflicts that seem to be inherent in human nature. Likewise
critical social science must accept a "dual vision"; one that
accepts the loss as well as the gain, the positive and the
negative, change and stasis. For as Socrates tried to
illustrate, "the same man might be capable of writing both
comedy and tragedy - that the tragic poet might be a comedian

as well." (Fay, 1987, p.215)

Community Policing as Critical Social Science

For community policing to be critical social science
that answers Fay's objections, it must propose social theory
that is local, particular, situated, experimental, physical,
and without self-clarity and autonomy as its ultimate goal
but a more mundane goal of problem solving and enhancing the
quality of life. That is exactly what community policing has
been doing and most likely will do in the future. Citizens
are not so optimistic as to expect a utopian existence of
perfect happiness.

Self-clarity and autonomy as a goal is accepted with its
limitations. Citizens and police know that their geographic
area of neighborhood has different people and problems than
the neighborhood next to theirs or any other neighborhood

across the country. Any theory established by them is

156

definitely local and particular, as well as experimental.
They realize they are not all knowing and may not zero in on
a solution on the first attempt, however, after reevaluation,
they may come upon a new idea to try. The citizen input into
what it is they need from their police, politicians and
social agencies is a crucial element of community policing as
critical social science.

The human will of citizens is often motivated to work
toward physical activities that will change the social
structure because citizens wish to make the change. It may
be altruism or desperation or any motivational emotion in
between. These citizens have a common interest in ridding
their neighborhood and streets of drugs, prostitution, gangs,
and guns. The are tired of living in a community with so
much violence and death. They understand the socioeconomic
and political structure must change for them to solve
problems. They are motivated to work with police and other
social agencies to solve their problems. Citizens who
participate in community policing do not expect complete
autonomy and happiness, but do wish some input into the
creation of their environment, and do expect some improvement
in the quality of their life. Citizens do accept the
limitations of critical science/community policing because
of the human element involved.

In our country, citizens do not have to deal with
tyrannical persecutions. ’A "free" democratic society is the

best setting for rational free choices based on critical

157

theory as established through the enlightenment, empowerment
and emancipation of critical social science. Our society
generally recognizes that our present social structure has to
be improved. The politically powerful can be pursuaded to
assist in changing the social structural as required to solve
neighborhood problems of crime and fear of crime. The outcry
of citizens about the crime problem of this nation is being
heard and heeded by police, politicians and social service
agencies.

It is recognized that the conventional methods of law
enforcement have not solved crime and criminal problems in
our society. Our jail and prison populations have increased
but crime has not decreased significantly. Incarceration
does not deter as much as the classical and positivist
criminology theory and the conventional approach to policing
and criminal justice had promised. If conventional, reactive
approaches alone have not made inroads in our crime problem,
then it is apparent a new approach must be considered.
Proactive, community policing has eased the tension between
citizens and police and it has solved some the local level
problems of crime and disorder in the neighborhoods.

As John Fitzgerald Kennedy said, "Those who make
peaceful revolution impossible, make violent revolution
inevitable." By the same token, those who make peaceful
revolution possible, make violent revolution unlikely. The
riots experienced in the 1960's, 1980's and now the 1990's

illustrate the necessity of social structural changes.

158

Revolution and Evolution

Community policing can make peaceful revolutionary
changes in our social structure, changes in the police
organization, human services organizations, and politics.
Community policing will require constant reevaluation of
problems and problem solving activities.

The services and activities of community policing evolve
or change according to the changing social and political
needs of the residents. As new problems emerge and the
acquisition of new and different values by the citizens take
place, the citizens' demands will change. The new "unmet
felt needs" will be defined and community policing
operating from critical theory will respond. This evolution
is evidenced in Lansing, Michigan, with the community
policing effort expanding to a Neighborhood Network Center.
These "additions" to community policing came about as
citizens defined their own problems and selected their own
solutions.

CONCLUS ION

This thesis has attempted to describe by way of two
theories, critical theory and normative sponsorship theory,
how active participation by both the recipients of police
service and the deliverers of police service can lead to
effective community problem solving.

Community policing is now widely regarded as the major
and desired method of doing police business. Its success has

been due in large part to the active involvement of the

159

recipients of service and the deliverers of that service.
Because these two groups feel their input is taken seriously,
they are motivated to continue their active involvement in
the problem solving process. Critical social theory and
normative sponsorship theory provided a solid basis for
community policing. Community policing can only work with
the commitment and motivation of both the delivers and the
recipients of police service.

Community policing based on critical social science, can
produce unique social critical theories, that solve social
problems peculiar to any community. Maybe not all the social
problems of a community will be solved, but the promise is
many more social problems will be solved at the local level
by the citizens of a community than had been solved in the
past. With such a promise, critical social science as
community policing is worth the consideration of any

community.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

Aurora

There was not as an extensive evaluation of the citizens
of Aurora as there was of the Flint citizens. The
statistical measurements were not as precise. However, there
was extensive feedback that the Aurora citizens, like the
Flint citizens, were very satisfied with the community
policing effort and preferred the community policing
personalized approach to the conventional delivery of police
services. (Community Policing, 1991)

In regard to the officer job satisfaction and job safety
in Aurora, there was both a pretest and a posttest to measure
their feelings of safety and job satisfaction. ,After the
onset of community policing, the officers felt much safer
than they did prior to the effort. For example, they felt
more secure walking the beat, entering buildings in their
beat, answering complaints, helping victims and in conducting
field interviews. In addition, they felt that citizens would
be active in coming to their aid if they needed help. In
summary, the posttest results showed that the officers felt
much safer as result of community policing.

The posttest also indicated that the Officers' job
satisfaction had increased with community policing. They
felt they were doing an important job for their patrol beat,
that they were effectively addressing problems in their beat,

that they were using skills learned in their police training,
160

161

that they were improving police community relations, and that
they felt they were working as part of the team. CPOs also
indicated that they were doing an important job and were less
inclines to look for a different job either within the
department or outside the department. They also had less of
a desire to move up in the department. In addition, officers
were more enthused about their job. All of the above are
indicators of increased job satisfaction. (Trojanowicz,

Unpublished results of the Aurora Study, 1990)

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