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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

THE LEVEL OF REFUGEE PARTICIPATION IN THE
PROGRAMS DESIGNED TO MEET THEIR NEEDS:
MOZAMBICAN REFUGEES IN MALAWI

presented by

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has been accepted towards fulfillment

of the requirements for
EDUCATIONAL

Ph.D. degree in ADMINISTRATION

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Date November 141 1991

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THE LEVEL OF REFUGEE PARTICIPATION IN THE
PROGRAMS DESIGNED TO MEET THEIR NEEDS:
MOZAMBICAN REFUGEES IN MALAWI

BY

Tesfatsion Dalellew

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Educational Administration

1991

ABSTRACT
TEE LEVEL OF REFUGEE PARTICIPATION IN THE

PROGRAMS DESIGNED TO MEET THEIR NEEDS:
NOZAMEICAN REPUGEEB IN MALAWI

BY

Tesfatsion Dalellew

Host governments, international, bilateral and
non-governmental agencies endeavor to meet the short- and
long-term problems of refugees. Increased participation by
refugees in programs designed to meet their needs has often
been forwarded as an effective solution to project
implementation problems. Participation advocates point to
its potential for improving the technical effectiveness of
service delivery; others stress its importance for
enhancing local control, self-sufficiency,
self-determination and political freedom.

This research investigated the extent of refugee
participation in the programs designed to meet their
needs. It is a study of Mozambican refugees in Malawi.
Employing the cycle of program development phases--needs
assessment, planning, implementation and evaluation, and
informed by the literature on development and
participation, two sample groups were used to collect the

data--refugees and agency personnel.

Tesfatsion Dalellew

Major findings include: (1) Though often essential
to the identification of real needs and related problem
solving, the needs assessment in Malawi generally excludes
refugee participation. (2) Participatory planning is
advocated as an ideal approach to development. However,
refugees and agency personnel perceived no refugee
participation in programs meant to assist them. (3) There
is some evidence that, during the implementation phase of
refugee programs, refugees have some participation.
However, the participation is in the form of manual labor.
(4) Evaluation helps to clarify goals and improve outcomes,
as well as challenge the "taken for granted" assumptions
underlying a program. However, similar to other program
phases, there was no refugee participation in evidence.
(5) While refugee participation is a questionable goal in
the eyes of the host government, the non-governmental
agencies have clearly-stated policies that encourage
refugee participation. However, these policies need to be
diffused to project level at the field.

The study suggests that strategic decentralization is
critical for participatory program development. People
organize best around problems they consider most
important. In assessing needs and in planning development

initiatives, community participation is essential for

Tesfatsion Dalellew

effective local response. Local commitment of labor, time,
material, and money to project is both an evidence of
participation and a necessary condition for breaking

patterns of development paternalism.

Copyright by
TESFATSION DALELLEW

1991

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated
to the
Poor, Powerless, Unjustly Pushed and Displaced,

whose agony tears my heart.

vi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

One does not undertake an endeavor of this nature
without considerable help from Almighty God, friends,
associates and professors. In this study, any attempt to
thank in print all such individuals would be a futile
task. Suffice it to say that I am very grateful to all who
assisted in the completion of this project.

First, I would like to express my deep appreciation to
my guidance committee members. As director of my
dissertation, Dr. Frank A. Fear, of the Department of
Resource Development, helped me conceptualize this study.
Without his endless patience, dedication and continuous
flow of suggestions, this study would have been incomplete
and unreadable. My academic advisor and the chairman of my
guidance committee was Dr. Howard Hickey of the Department
of Educational Administration in the College of Education.
Dr. Hickey is a man of great leadership quality, who treats
his students as colleagues and resource persons. In
countless ways, he made it possible for me to complete this
work. To Dr. James Snoddy, also of the Department of

Educational Administration, I express my sincere gratitude

vii

for having stepped in, without any hesitation, and working
on my guidance committee, at a time when he was greatly
needed. I also express sincere thanks to Dr. Barry Stein,
of the Department of Political Science, in the College of
Social Sciences, whose mastery of refugee issues influenced
the formulation and refinement of this study. Although
words are insufficient to express appreciation to them for
their friendship, support and encouragement, I am eternally
grateful to them.

My sincere appreciation is also extended to Drs. Alemu
Beeftu and S. Joseph Levine, both of whom served on my
guidance committee, at the initial stage. Their invaluable
advice helped lay the foundation for this study.

I am indeed indebted to my employer, World Vision
International, and its leadership, for providing material,
as well as moral, support and encouragement. In
particular, Graeme Irvine and Dean Hirsch displayed
personal interest in this exercise and facilitated it in
every way possible. This clearly demonstrated to me their
commitment to serve the needy and I am proud to be a part
of that. I am also grateful to my supervisor, Nate Fields,
and Human Resources Development Director, Dick Pede, for

assisting me with this study. Dr. Ted Engstrom and Tom

viii

Huston also deserve a special "thank you" for their part in
the early stages of this program.

My colleagues in World Vision-Malawi, "the warm heart
of Africa," provided me with substantial assistance during
my field research. Without their genuine commitment and
help, it would have been impossible to complete this
study. In particular, I would like to thank Silas Kenala,
Field Director, the members of my Field Research Advisory
Committee,’ Amos Kelawi, Chairman, Elton Ntwana, Marion
Kawuta and Wisdom Malango, other staff members and the
research assistants for translating the interview questions
from English to Chichewa. I am most grateful to each of
them for making the research effort a priority, especially
considering the other pressures on their time. They
performed remarkably. My World Vision-Ethiopia colleagues,
Ato Tsega, Yemane, Mulugeta and Bekele, have always been an
inspiration and encouragement.

Next, I wish to express my appreciation to other
colleagues and friends at World Vision, Drs. Don Brandt,
Frank Cookingham, Jeff Dickinson and Mrs. Sheryl Watkins,
who read sections of my dissertation and gave me many,
useful suggestions. Sam Voorhies, a co-laborer on his own
dissertation, shared many useful insights with me for which

I am thankful. A very special thanks to my colleague and

ix

friend, Nancy Moyer, for her encouragement and support. A
special thanks to Nedra Pitegrew and Sandy, who typed the
draft of Chapters Two, Four and the Bibliography. I also
extend my gratitude and appreciation to my friends, Drs.
Alemu Mammo, Matewos Yosef and Joseph Muwangi, for their
assistance in the computer analysis of the data. My
appreciation is also given to my colleagues and friends in
WVI's Office of the Vice President for the African Region.
Most especially, I would like to mention the Rev. Max
Chigwida and his family, Al Johnson, Randy Strash, Luckson
Ngwira, Beverly Irwin, Nini Barchini and Faith Bissell, for
their constant prayers, support and substituting for me,
when I was busy with this dissertation.

In addition, I am most grateful to Suzanne Wavre, a
longtime friend, who, not only found needed materials at
different times, but kindly opened her beautiful home to
me, during my stay in Geneva. Other special thanks is due
my friends Almu and Tsige, Mulatu and Karen, Tekle and
Hannah, who, in more ways than they realize, ministered to
me and contributed to my spiritual and material needs.
Their phone calls, prayers and encouragement reached and
touched me at times when I needed them the most. Their
constant, gentle push kept the fire burning to complete

this dissertation, when frustration would have gotten the

best of me. My thanks also to Ezekiel and Meseret Gebissa,
for their friendship and opening their home to me. I also
extend my gratitude to Barbara Harrell-Bond, the eminent
refugee advocate, who encouraged me and provided useful
advice by telephone. The materials from the Refugee
Participation Network (RPN) were most helpful. I express
my deep appreciation also to Dr. Gaim Kibreab for the
materials he sent from the University of Upsaala. In
addition, he graciously answered my out-of—time telephone
call, when I awoke him from sleep. My thanks also go to
the Librarian in the UNHCR's Geneva Office who helped me
identify documents and answered all my questions.

A very special thanks are due Priscilla Martin for the
great job of typing, organizing and editing this document.
I also extend my appreciation to her family, Mike, Chris,
Dave and Jeff, for allowing her the time to do this for me.

Even while I lived in distant lands, I was blessed
with my mother, Anshebe's, love and prayers. I thank God
for such a mother and remain ever grateful for the
sacrificial life she unfailingly demonstrated.

Finally, it is more than fitting to recognize the four
individuals who made all this possible. No words can
describe the love, care, unfailing support and prayers of

my dear wife, Amsale, and our beloved children, Wabeto,

xi

Menna and Mahlet. I can only promise to reciprocate it, so

long as the Lord gives me life and strength.

xii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter

I 0 INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O

The Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Refugee in Perspective . . . . . .

The Contemporary Refugee . . . . . .

The Refugee in Africa . . . . . . .

II.

The Need for Effective Development-

Oriented Programming . . . . . .
Participation and Motivation in

Adult Learning . . . . . . . .
Sustainable Development for Refugees
Through Participation . . . .
Research Purpose and Setting . . . . .
Research Questions . . . . . . . . . .
Research Assumptions . . . . . . . . .
Importance of the Study . . . . . . .
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . .

Overview of the Research . . . . . . ..

PRECEDENT LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Definition of a Refugee . . . . . . .
The Underlying Causes of Refugeeism .
Types of Refugees . . . . . . . . . .
Refugees Created by War . . . . . .
Economic Refugees . . . . . . . . .
Refugees as Threatened Minorities .
The African Refugee . . . . . . . .
Participation . . . . . . . . . . . .
Participation Objectives in
Community Development . . . .
Refugee Participation . . . . . . .

xiii

Page
xvii

XX

H

onuwp

16

18
23
24
25
26
27
28

30

30
30
32
34
34
35
36
37
39

42
48

III C

IV.

Page

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)

and Participation . . . . . . . . 54
.Impediments to Refugee Participation . . 60
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
THE REFUGEE SITUATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA . . 68
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Destabilization and Refugee Flight . . . . 69
The Situation in Malawi . . . . . . . 76
Civil War in Mozambique and Refugee Flight 80
Tax Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Control Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Destruction Areas . . . . . . . . . . . 86
The Role of the Private Voluntary
Organization in Refugee Assistance . 90
World Vision International . . . . . . . 93
United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Definition of Key Terms . . . . . . . . . 106
The Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . 107
The Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Refugee Population . . . . 109
Agency/Governmental Personnel Population 110
The Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Refugee Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Personnel Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Data Collection . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Data Collection Instruments . . . . . . 113
Selection and Training of the
Research Assistants . . . . . . . 117
Questionnaire Administration . . . . . . 120
Scoring the Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Scoring Refugee Sample Data . . . . . . 123
Scoring Personnel Sample Data . . . . . 123
Statistical Procedures Used . . . . . . . 124
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

xiv

V. DATA ANALYSIS . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . .

Characteristics of the Sampl . .

Refugee Sample . . . .
Personnel Sample . . .
Presentation of Research
Research Question 1.1
Research Question 1.2
Research Question 2 .
Research Question 3.1
Research Question 3.2
Research Question 4 .
Research Question 5 .
Research Question 6 .

VI. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Introduction . . . . . .
The Problem . . . . . .
The Study Locale . . . .
The Sample . . . . . . .
Methodology . . . . . .
The Research Questions .
Research Question
Research Question
Research Question
Research Question
Research Question
Research Question
Findings and Conclusions
Research Question 1.1
Research Question 1.2
Research Question 2 .
Research Question 3.1
Research Question 3.2
Research Question 4 .
Research Question 5
Research Question 6
Final Comments . . . .
Research Limitations .
Time . . . . . . . .
Language . . . . . .
Respondent Reticence

GU‘bUNl—J

Findings

Page

126

126
126
126
130
132
132
134
151
153
154
155
158
159

164

164
164
165
166
166
167
167
167
167
167
168
168
168
168
170
178
181
181
182
184
189
192
198
198
199
200

Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Recommendations for Further Research . .
Recommendations for Community

Development Practitioners . . . .
Recommendations to World Vision-Malawi .

Final Observations . . . . . . . . . . . .

Constraints that Impede Refugee
Participation . . . . . . . . . .
Organizations and Refugee Participation

APPENDICES
A. QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
B. CORRESPONDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
C. WORLD VISION DEVELOPMENT POLICY -
CONTENT ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Page

200
200

201
204
206

206
207

209

213

216

223

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

3.01. Refugees and Displaced Persons in Southern

African Frontline Nations (as of March,

1988) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
3.02. Incidents Attributed to RENAMO and FRELIMO . 89
3.03. Profile of World Vision International (WVI) . 97
4.01. Education Levels of Research Assistants . . . 118
5.01. Distribution of the Refugee Sample by Camp . 127
5.02. Distribution of the Refugee Sample by

Vocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
5.03. Distribution of the Refugee Sample by Gender 129
5.04. Distribution of the Refugee Sample by

Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
5.05. Distribution of the Personnel Sample

by Agency 0 O O O I O O O O I O O O O O O 1 3 1
5.06. Distribution of the Personnel Sample by

Gender 0 O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O 1 3 1
5.07. Distribution of the Personnel Sample

by Position . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
5.08. Categorization of Refugee Perceived

Participation Scores . . . . . . . . . . . 133
5.09. Refugee Phase Participation Scores . . . . . 134
5.10 Participation of Refugees Who Responded "No"

to Questions in the Needs Assessment Phase 135
5.11. Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for

the Needs Assessment Phase . . . . . . . . 136
5.12. Cross-tabulation for Question 1 by Question 4 -

(Needs Assessment) . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

xvii

5.13.

5.14.

5.15.

5.16.

5.17.

5.18.

5.19.

5.20.

5.21.

5.22.

5.23.

Cross-tabulation for Question 2 by Question
(Needs Assessment) . . . . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 3 by Question
(Needs Assessment) . . . . . . . . . . .

Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Planning Phase . . . . .

Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for
the Planning Phase . . . . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 5 by Question
(Planning) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 6 by Question
(Planning) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Implementation Phase . .

Question-by-Question Cross—tabulations for
the Implementation Phase . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 9 by Question
(Implementation) . . . . . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 10 by Question

11 (Implementation) . . . . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 10 by Question

12 (Implementation) . . . . . . . . . . .

Cross-tabulation for Question 11 by Question

12 (Implementation) . . . . . . . . . . .

Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Evaluation Phase . . . .

Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for
the Evaluation Phase . . . . . . . . . .

Percentages of Respondents by Levels of
Overall Participation and by Profession .

Percentages of Respondents by Levels of

Overall Level of Perceived Participation
and by Year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xviii

Page

138

139

140

141

142

143

144

145

146

147

148

149

150

151

152

153

5.29.

5.30.

5.31.

5.32.

5.33.

Categorization of Overall Refugee
Participation as Perceived by the Personnel

Means and Standard Deviations of Refugee
Participation as Perceived by Agency/
Government Personnel at All Levels . . . .

Results of ANOVA Between Organizations by
Level of Refugee Participation as Perceived
by Agency/Governmental Personnel . . . . .

Results of ANOVA Between Positions for
Refugee Participation by Phase as
Perceived by Agency/Governmental Personnel

Frequency Distribution of Refugee Respondents
by Category of Constraint . . . . . . . . .

xix

Page

154

155

156

157

159

LIST OF FIGURES

Participation Model for Sustainable

Development . . . . . .

Map--Southern Africa . .

Map--Malawi/Mozambique Boundary .

Agencies Responding to Refugees' Needs in

Malawi . . . . . . . .

Descending Hierarchical Structure of Refugee

Administration in Malawi

XX

Page

22
77

78

94

122

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Problem

One of the problems with refugeeism is that it has
little hope of vanishing in the foreseeable future (Wani,
1983). This human tragedy can be traced to antiquity but,
in its long history, a durable solution has not been
devised (Holborn, 1956). Social and political scientists,
educators, and development specialists, as well as private
agencies and host governments, still search for a lasting
solution to refugee problems. The transitory nature of
refugee status has forced governments and agencies to
consider resettlement and/or repatriation as the primary
objective(s) (Independent Commission on International
Humanitarian Issues [ICIHI], 1986). All those who grapple
with the problem continue asking the question of how to
provide long-term, sustainable programs that will increase
the probability of refugee integration, especially when
neither resettlement nor repatriation is possible. In this

case, integration would mean creating:

2
. . . a situation in which host and refugee
communities are able to coexist, sharing the same
resources---both economic and social---with no

greater mutual conflict than that which exists
within the host community (Harrell-Bond, 1986,

p. 7).

Host governments, as well as international and
voluntary agencies, are the major support systems for
attempting to bring about temporary and long-lasting
solutions to the issue of refugee survival. Although much
is being done for refugees in the area of relief, the issue
that still needs closer examination is the extent to which
refugees participate in the projects that are designed to
alleviate their unique problems. As Cuny (1987) asserts:

. . . most agencies overlook or neglect to include

participation as a goal. Some passively avoid the

matter; others actively avoid it; and most simply
don't recognize the opportunities that are

available nor how to exploit them (p. 3).

Studies in the field of adult education and development
have shown that active participation is a critical key for
adult development and growth (Knox, 1986, p. 35). Freire
and his "conscientization" (1985), Knowles’ learning
contracts (1980, 1984), Brookfield’s critical thinking

(1987), Bryant and White's participation for sustainable

development (1982), and Uphoff, Cohen and Goldsmith’s

3
(1979) comprehensive definition of participation for
development programs all support the need for adult
involvement.

Harrell-Bond (1986, p. 4) provides us with a definition
of participation within the refugee context:
"Participation is about empowering the poor to take control
of their own lives, about being able to involve themselves
effectively in decision making." Clark (1985, p. 22)
outlines the causes for "refugee dependency syndrome" in
much the same way:

. . . [an] unfortunate reality for the prospects

for refugee self-reliance is that the main

assistance policies and approaches typically take

shape during the emergency relief phase . . . .

[Development agencies] have been reluctant to

become involved in part because they mistakenly

think that refugee assistance is overwhelmingly
relief work.

A sense of "personal and societal impotence" is the
standard by which many agencies view the refugee. Clark
comments:

A further unfortunate reality for the prospects

for refugee self-reliance is that the main

assistance policies and approaches typically take

shape during the emergency relief phase. Relief
operations focus heavily on handing things out.

Many of those doing the handing out are Westerners

who received a heavy dose in their home countries

of the stereotype of refugees as dazed childlike

victims (1985, p. 22).

He critically analyzes the need for agencies to emphasize

programs that end dependency, and to encourage refugee

4
self-reliance and participation. For Clark, the issue is
the need for development-oriented programs that:

. . . look at ways that refugees can have their

real needs most effectively met and can become

full players in partnership with those already in

place (1985, p. 22).

Wani (1983, p. 193), in reporting the results of his
dissertation research on refugees in the Sudan, recommends
that ". . . the refugee should become involved as a full
participant and must interact with the management."

Refugee participation is often overlooked by agency
personnel. The refugee is one of three main stakeholders
who directly impacts the inception and evolution of
programs. Other stakeholders are the host government and
the service-providing agencies. In addition to impacting
the programs, these interest groups have a certain degree
of influence upon each other. The policies of the host
government influence the nature and limitations of agency
programs. What the refugees can or are willing to do can
impact agency outcomes and government policies.

The UNHCR Handbook (1982) argues that refugees are the
single most important source in meeting their own needs,
and they have definite ideas about how best this may be
done. Therefore, the Handbook concludes that their views
should be taken into account and they should be involved in
drawing up plans (p. 173). The plan must strengthen the

refugees’ own resources and self-sufficiency. Creating

5
dependency, through the well-intentioned provision of
outside assistance that may be either inappropriate or
unnecessary, must also be avoided.

When a development-oriented philosophy is inherent in
refugee programs design for self-reliance and
participation, full partnership by all stakeholders will
increase the chances for a successful outcome. Clark
(1985) suggests that agency contracts specifically promise
participation, ". . . including refugee input into initial
needs assessment and project design, as well as in project
implementation and in project monitoring and evaluation"
(p. 22). He also emphasizes the need for sharing
information among agency personnel, the importance of
fostering written research findings about what works and
what does not, and the need for providing models for needs
identification, participation and evaluation.

The Refugee in Perspective

According to Stein (1981b), refugees are not pulled
out. Rather, they are pushed out. Often they travel long
distances and into different environments and cultures.
They are physically dazed, malnourished and frustrated.
The change of environment and difficulties involved in
adjusting to the change, coupled with the host government's
lack of preparation, makes designing and implementing
beneficial refugee programs a complex process.

The participatory approach enables individuals to

exercise some control over the changes in their lives.

6

Kettner, Daley and Nichols (1985) suggest that empowerment
through participation provides the client group with ample
ongoing opportunity to be involved in the various phases of
the change process. As such, refugee participation in the
relief process, rehabilitation and development is
considered essential by all who are concerned with issues
of providing long-term, sustainable, refugee programs. The
belief that people have a right to control their lives is
widely held. Where refugees live as passive recipients,
they lack such control. Also, from a practical standpoint,
refugee participation is essential because it can help make
an assistance program work better and achieve the goal of
self-sufficiency.

Cuny (1987) reports that most agencies overlook or
neglect including participation as a goal. However, the
UNHCR and several other agencies see participation as a
means to achieve self-sufficiency within refugee
constraints. Reports from some refugee settlements
indicate refugee participation also contributed to the high
standards of the settlement planning programs (Rogge,
1985).

Although much is being done for refugees in the area of
relief and rehabilitation, the issue that needs closer
examination is the extent to which refugees participate in
the projects designed to alleviate their unique problems.
Such an examination should focus not only on the general

terms of participation but, more specifically, on certain

7
important aspects, such as needs assessment, planning,
implementation and evaluation of projects for refugees.

The 1951 United Nations Convention and the 1967
Protocol, subscribed to by over 100 nations, provides a
clear definition of a refugee as a person who:

. . . owing to well-founded fear of being

persecuted for reasons of race, religion,

nationality, membership of a particular social
group or political opinion, is outside the country

of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such

fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the

protection of that country; or who, not having a

nationality and being outside the country of his

former habitual residence as a result of such
events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is

unwilling to return to it (UNHCR, 1979, p. 11).

Rogge (1985) assures us that "the refugee problem . . . is
not a new phenomenon" (p. 7): others, such as Gordenker
(1987), state that, "migration has always formed part of
human life" (p. 12). Throughout history, people have left
their homes for many different reasons: material,
spiritual, natural and man-made calamities, such as drought
and war. All of these, along with many more factors, force
people out of their home country to become refugees.

Most assuredly, the role of politics in the process of
refugee production cannot be overlooked. Gordenker (1987,
p. 13) states that:

Flight for political reasons is nothing new.

Threatened princes and defeated pretenders of old

sought shelter in neighbouring courts, and,

frequently under code of royal courtesy, got what
they wanted.

8

Although the problem of refugee migration can be traced to
antiquity, and various reasons can be listed, massive
movements of people have been experienced during and since
the First and Second World Wars. The diaspora of the
Palestinians, which began after the formation of the State
of Israel in 1948, and the Southeast Asian asylum in the
United States, which began after the Vietnam War, are major
examples of international conflicts that have resulted in a
worldwide emergence of refugees.

The case of Ethiopians fleeing to the Sudan and
Somalia; the Sudanese to Ethiopia; the Burundians to
Tanzania; the Ugandans to the Sudan and Kenya: the
Guatemalans 'and El Salvadorans in Mexico and Honduras; the
Mozambicans to Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Swaziland,
Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe; and even the Afghans
scattered in Pakistan, are all examples of local conflicts
that have produced refugees in masses:

The last 50 years have witnessed major changes in

both the number and the location of the world’s

uprooted people. Until the mid-1940’s, the
majority were to be found in Europe, mainly
victims of fascist persecution and the Second

World War (ICIHI, 1986, p. 9).

Millions of refugees are on the move around the globe
today. As the world becomes more internationalized,

refugee migration has great impact on neighboring and

distant nations.

9
The Contemporary Refugee

Gordenker (1987) says that the "contemporary
understanding of the refugee, whatever the antecedents,
rests on a deliberate conceptual exclusion and a search for
a precision" (p. 12). The report of the ICIHI makes it
clearer by saying "Millions of people throughout the world
are obliged to move against their will" (ICIHI, 1986,
p. 1). If such an observation can be refuted, it would
have reduced the number of refugees a great deal. A large
proportion of dislocated persons lives in intolerable
conditions of insecurity and poverty. However, those who
migrate for known economic reasons are not included in the
UNHCR mandate: although this point still remains open for
argument, anything that threatens human lives should be
mandated without discrimination.

Nonetheless, the 1951 UN Convention and the 1967
Protocol were given a broader spectrum in 1969 by the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) when it recognized:

. . . that in the developing countries, many

people are forced to leave their own country for

reasons other than persecution . . . . . . . the
term ‘refugee’ shall also apply to every person

who, owing to external aggression, occupation,

foreign domination or events seriously disturbing

public order . . . is compelled to leave his place

of habitual residence (ICIHI, 1986, p. 20).

In many other parts of the world, refugees covered by the

OAU’s extended definition are now the norm.

E.

distinct

10

F. Kunz (1973) describes the refugee as ". . . a

social type" and points out that the essential

difference between refugees and voluntary migrants lies in

their motivation:

It

is the reluctance to uproot oneself, and the

absence of positive original motivation to settle
elsewhere, which characterizes all refugee
decisions and distinguishes the refugee from the
voluntary migrant (p. 130).

The

key distinction between a migrant and a refugee is

that a refugee is a person who is literally forced to leave

or lose

one who

his or her life. On the other hand, a migrant is

is attracted by different factors which might offer

better living conditions. Olson (1978) illustrates four

key distinctions between refugees and migrants:

1.

Refugees tend to travel in large groups, and
consequently overwhelm the customary assistance
channels that deal with individual migrants.

Many refugees are forced to leave behind money and
other valuables and cannot buy things they need.
Many refugees are ill-equipped to move from one
location to another and establish a new life.
Because refugees are forced to leave, there is no
selection process (e.g., migrants having skills
that make them employable in the new location).
Refugees are forced into the new location whether
or not they are well suited to establish a new

life there.

11

The Refugee in Africa

The refugees in Africa are not special people who
have been uprooted. They are special because they
have been uprooted (Kennedy, 1987, p. 6).

The European scramble for African colonies, which
started in the 19th Century, began to crumble in 1957 when
Ghana became independent. However, the following 30 years
have revealed a constant struggle for the internal control
of many African countries. Civil wars were rampant and
regional conflicts were typical. The current refugee
population of 3,574,910 (Winter, 1987, p. 31) illustrates
the striking truth of an old African saying, "When two
elephants fight, the grass gets hurt." Fighting for power
or material control between two parties makes the powerless
worse than trampled grass. Out of desperation, anguish,
fear, and frustration, physically able people decide to
flee, leaving everything--family, property, country of
origin--behind. They decide to abandon their dignity and
former aspirations. In its report, the Comité
International Mouvement aupres des Evacués (CIMADE) states:

Wars for national freedom broke out everywhere.

In Algeria in 1954, and at the same period in the

Cameroons. Guinea Bissau, Angola, Mozambique,

Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa, and the Western

Sahara followed in the 19605, 19705 and 1980s,

each new outburst again bringing in its wake

thousands of refugees (1986, p. 15).

The coming of political independence was not

accompanied by economic development or fruits of freedom.

12
The colonial legacy, and the fact of underdevelopment,
conspired against the new governments. Olson (1978)
observes: ‘

The 19605 and 19705 have been times of great

unrest in Africa. Much of Africa became indepen-

dent in the 19605, and with independence came

increased inter-tribal hostilities, resulting in

large numbers of people leaving the newly founded
countries to move to other countries to take up

residence with ethnic kinspeople (pp. 28—29).

This is only half the truth. For refugees whose lives
are threatened, the choices are narrow. Kin or no kin, the
primary option is to find refuge where haunting dangers are
minimized, and where life can begin again with renewed
interest and investment.

The Need for Effective Development-Oriented Programming

When an emergency of man-made or natural calamity
strikes a region or a nation, it is only natural to respond
with immediate relief assistance for those who are
endangered. This includes the distribution of food,
clothing, and medical supplies, and the establishment of
temporary shelter. National and international agencies
have been conditioned to mobilize relief efforts in
anticipation of disaster. However, providing relief
assistance, which continues to be the only form of meeting
refugee needs, holds an inherent danger: The "hand-out"
nature of relief encourages dependency and helplessness.

Even though relief is meant to overcome the distressed

condition of recipients, it has a propensity for lasting

13

longer than needed. Gordenker (1987) states that, " . . .
prior planning for the extension of relief to people forced
into movement . . . would extend the available time for
setting out programs and mounting them" (p. 170). With
such anticipation, not only the relief needs of the
affected are met, but programs for terminating relief
assistance and/or rehabilitation can be instituted over
time to include transformation activities.

Although asylum areas provide an immediate haven of
refuge for refugees, perhaps the greater problem is the
issue of providing the type of development assistance that
will assist them in moving toward self-sufficiency and
normalcy, either in their receiving nation or upon return
to their homeland. The programs/projects being offered
that provide development opportunities to the refugees have
been designed with a specific plan in mind--one which may
or may not have included a comprehensive plan for refugee
participation. Program development is complicated by the
deceptive nature of the refugee problem in that it portrays
itself as though it is a temporary condition. Stein
(1987a), reporting on the Sudan experience, states:

The refugees’ view of their exile as temporary

[is] often shared by the host government, who,

expecting repatriation, [give] little thought to

site selection . . . and [see] no reason to invest

heavily in infrastructure for temporarily resident
aliens (p. 7).

14
Due to this perception, host governments and agencies
provide relief assistance in most cases with the hope that
repatriation would be possible in a short while. Stein
(1981a) observes:

. . . the result of this perception is

incompleteness, things left undone, failure to

evaluate programs, to prepare for the next wave of
refugees, to experiment with alternative
strategies, to develop coordination, to undertake

research and to learn from the past (pp. 320-321).

Self-sufficiency programs are difficult to implement
because of continual fluctuations in new arrivals, all in
need of immediate relief assistance. Agencies vacillate
between relief for new refugees, and development for those
who have been there for some time, trying to decide which
one to address first. However, Gorman (1986) emphasizes
that:

. . . massive amounts of immediate relief do

little to address the long-term development needs

of Africa in general or the burdens borne by

refugee-receiving countries in particular.

Indeed, unless these long-term, infrastructural

needs are addressed . . . [problems] in these

countries will only grow more difficult to cope

with in the future (p. 296).

One assumption is that projects that include refugee
participation in program planning somehow contribute to
overall development. Clark (1985) has challenged agencies
to find an answer to a key question: "How can the

assistance system be re-designed to maximize refugee

self-reliance and participation?" UNHCR official policy

15

supports participation, as do the policies of many
non-governmental organizations (NGOs). However, a major
issue involves translating policy into systematic changes
at the field level so that participation becomes the norm.
Clark (1985) offers six policy stances that were developed
as a result of his many discussions with field staff:

1. Write refugee participation into agency

contracts;
2. Alter the mix of skills among agency staff;

3. Increase information available to refugees
about the local system;

4. Meet the special information needs of refugee
leaders:

5. Exchange ideas about refugee participation
methodologies; and

6. Improve needs assessment (pp. 22-23).

In an even more expansive perspective, the 18th
Ordinary Session of the OAU Coordinating Committee on
Assistance to Refugees was convened to secure international
attention to the need for effective refugee programs. In

its conference report, the Malawian government stated that:

The Government intends to use [a] forum to
publicise its case for need for further
international assistance, to learn from other
Governments how they are handling refugee
situations in their countries, and explore ways
and means of bringing about lasting solutions to
the refugee situation in southern Africa (OAU,
1989a, p. 22).

16

The Malawian government has also impressed upon the
international agency community the need " . . . to extend
support to on-going development programmes in the affected
areas so that the economy can effectively serve the
refugees and local populations" (p. 22). We may be able to
assume that refugees will benefit more from the programs
offered by the agencies if their identified needs are being
met and if they are afforded the opportunity to be involved
in their own development through participation.

Development planners need to closely examine the
existing programs available to the refugee population and
to discern whether or not programs actually meet refugee
needs. Two agencies that have had extensive involvement in
the international assistance arena--the UNHCR and World
Vision International (WVI)--have expressed concern
regarding the scarcity of sustainable development programs
in asylum areas. They specifically cite the case in Malawi
as particularly pressing because of the refugee influx and
the need to provide programs that alleviate the tremendous
burden undertaken by the Malawian government. Both
agencies have field offices in Malawi, and are currently
involved in several projects with the Malawian government
that will provide development opportunities for Mozambicans
as they are integrated into the indigenous population.

Participation and Motivation in Adult Learning
If one views adult learning as self-directed

learning--"sustained, highly deliberate efforts to learn a

17

knowledge or a skill" (Tough, 1979, p. 11), "then all
persons are involved in such activity" (Cross, 1981,
p. 51). The variables involved in the decision to
participate in learning are many. Houle (1961) conducted
several in-depth interviews with adult learners and
concluded that learners are goal-oriented,
activity-oriented, and learning-oriented. Harvey (1978),
extrapolating Tough’s learner typology, discovered that
almost every learner has more than one reason for engaging
in learning. Although pragmatic reasons predominate,
learning has a certain pattern of awareness, puzzlement,
and curiosity. Even though extensive time may be involved,
adult learners enjoy learning. All of these variables
involve a high degree of participation on the part of the
adult in assessing his/her high need to know, deciding upon
the learning mode that best suits the learner’s individual
style, and evaluating learning for successful attainment.

Burgess (1971) used Houle’s three learning orientations
and identified seven factors for participation. These
include the desire to: 1) know; 2) reach personal goals;
3) reach social goals: 4) reach religious goals; 5) escape;
6) take part in social activities; and 7) comply with
formal requirements. Cross (1981, p. 94) concluded:

There is a steady increase in the proportion of

persons taking courses for personal and

recreational reasons--a category that includes

preparations for community development, personal

and family interests and social and recreational
interest.

18
Therefore, if we analyze individual, organizational and
community development models, many of which are utilized
when considering the impact of education on national
development, we . repeatedly discover several dominant
characteristics. The underlying philosophical framework
for adult motivation and development rests on several

important assumptions. They are:

* Participants assess their own needs.

* Facilitators and participants decide upon the
resources and type of learning activities
that are needed to meet the needs identified.

* Participants evaluate whether or not the need
has been met.

* Facilitators empower participants by
providing opportunities for them to become
facilitators for others.

* Development activities can meet a variety of
needs from personal to professional
(Dalellew & Martinez, 1988, pp. 28-31).

Bryant and White (1982, p. 205) succinctly state that:
"Development as a process of increasing people’s capacity
to determine their future means that people need to be
included in the process--they need to participate."
Sustainable Development for Refugees Through Participation
The question of the relationship between participation
and social/human development has been analyzed since the
days of Aristotle. According to him, participation in

state affairs as a citizen was essential to the development

of the human personality. Although he agreed that

19

participation did not necessarily lead to human happiness
and the "good life," Aristotle argued that " . . . its
denial contributed to ignorance and selfishness" (cited in
Uphoff, Cohen & Goldsmith, 1979, p. 214). Since Aristotle,
development theorists have asked "Which comes
first--development or participation?" Development theory
has undergone several changes in how it defines the role of
participation. However, many have found and defined the
juxtaposition of participation in the scope of development
programming.

In discussing the meaning of development, Bryant and
White (1982) argue that it involves beipg and ggipg. Any
program energy expended on behalf of an individual or
community can "be" and "do." In every opportunity to bring
about significant change in people’s lives, efforts must be
made to enable a community to say: "We did it."
Underdevelopment, on the other hand, is in part created
when people are not involved and are thereby reduced to
inactivity and- apathy. This environment is like a
slow-burning acid which eats away at human dignity:

Underdevelopment is shocking: the squalor,

disease, unnecessary death, and hopelessness of it

all! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The

prevalent emotion of underdevelopment is a sense

of personal and societal impotence in the face of

disease and death, of confusion and ignorance as

one gropes to understand change, of servility

towards men whose decisions govern the course of

events, of hopelessness before hunger and natural
catastrophe (Goulet, 1971, p. 23).

20

According to Uphoff (1986b), Korten (1984), and Bryant
and White (1982), the learning process does not organize
activities into sequenced stages. This is because
planning, implementation, and evaluation are viewed as
overlapping. Additionally, in any learning process--and
especially in adult learning--the intended beneficiaries
are expected to collaborate a great deal with professionals
regarding planning, implementation, and evaluation
activities. From needs assessment to final evaluation and,
eventually, to the empowerment of the people to carry on
the work originally designed, the level of involvement is
the most critical factor in determining the effectiveness
of program results.

As a strategy for empowering (Kindervatter, 1977:
Knowles, 1984: Brookfield, 1986), participatory approaches
enable people to exercise some control over the change in
their lives. However, the extent of such control may vary
according to the degree and kind of participation
involved. For Knowles, participation of the learner is
essential:

Every individual tends to feel committed to a

decision (or an activity) to the extent that

he/she has participated in making it or planning

it (1980, p. 42).

Nelson (1979) discusses three forms of participation:
horizontal, vertical, and participation in the

administrative process. In horizontal participation,

21
"partisan or political behavior-~voting, campaigning,
interest group activities, lobbying" (p. 206) involve
people in a collective effort to influence policy.
Vertical participation (p. 206):

. . is when in any occasion members of the
public develop particular relations with elites or
officials, relations that are mutually beneficial.

The third form of participation is in the administrative
process. While this can overlap with either of the other
two forms, Bryant and White (1982, pp. 206-207) state that:

It may take the form of interest group activity to

shape administrative decisions, or of a particular

exchange between patron and client; but usually it

is more inclusive than either of these forms.

Three central concepts are: involvement, empowerment,
and sustainable development. Each level of participation
provides a basis for subsequent levels. Community control
and sustainability are the outcomes. Figure 1.01 portrays
the concept of participation for sustainable development.
Invo v ent

Participation is a process whereby community people
take the initiative to shape their own future and "better
their lives by taking responsibility over their needs and
asserting themselves as subjects of their own history"
(Mulwa, 1987a, p. 107). It is assumed that, as a base,
community people get together and reach consensus

concerning common needs. Furthermore, they assess their

22

 

~ Program Outcome
~~ /\
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
~~~~~~~ Locus of Control
+ + + + + + + + / \

. . . INVOLVEMENT . . .
O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 community
Foundation

 

Figure 1.01 Participation Model for Sustainable Development

capacity to mobilize resources to meet their identified
needs. " . . . capacity includes a concern for people’s
self-esteem, their ability to invest themselves in caring
about and shaping their own future" (Bryant & White, 1982,
p. 15).
Empgwegpept

Through such a decision making process, community
people gain power to mobilize local resources in kind or in
cash. Then, they place demands on their government to
provide technical and material assistance. In so doing,
the people manage their own affairs. Through this process,
their leadership experience grows and, with this exercise,
the locus of control rests in the hands of the community.
They determine their own destiny. Once a community
organizes itself and begins to make its own decisions, it
acquires political leverage. Thus, needs are identified,
resources are assessed, and solutions are evaluated and

implemented.

23

Sustainable Development

The final stage is to evaluate the program for its
desired change. At this stage, there are three questions:
1) Were the decisions appropriate to the context? 2) Did
the decisions affect the whole environment? 3) Will the
present production decisions allow us to sustain ourselves
over time? (Bryant and White, 1982, p. 17) From Figure
1.01, we learn that, when a community comes together in
search of solutions to identify problems and when they
implement their solutions, they are empowered.
Furthermore, when the evaluation process continues, weak
points are corrected and the solution is strengthened.
This contributes to sustainable development.

Research Purpose and Setting

The purpose of this study is to investigate refugee
participation in the needs assessment, planning,
implementation, evaluation and overall design of projects
to meet their needs. The research focuses on Mozambican
refugees who have sought refuge in Malawi. The large
influx of these refugees in a relatively short period of
time has attracted the world’s attention. South Africa’s
persistent destabilization strategies have impacted both
Mozambique and Malawi, causing social disturbances,
economic stress, and the loss of human life. This research
focuses on displaced Mozambicans and seeks to determine the
level and extent of their participation in projects

designed to alleviate their immediate and long-term needs.

24
The agencies targeted for study include the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and World
Vision International (WVI)--one agency having a U. N.
mandate and the other a voluntary organization.

Malawi is an excellent setting in which to research the

issue of refugee participation. First, the Malawi
government is cooperative and helpful. Second, key
agencies are present and active. Third, no previous

studies on refugee participation have been done in southern

Africa. Finally, and most important, the asylum areas are

accessible for research.

Research Questions

Research Question 1

1.1 As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their overall participation in the programs
designed to meet their needs?

1.2 As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their participation in the needs assessment,
planning, implementation and evaluation phases?

Research Question 2
As perceived by refugees, does participation vary

by camp, duration of stay in camp, and occupation?

es c n 3
3.1 As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of overall refugee

participation in the programs designed to meet

their needs?

25

3.2 As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of refugee participation in the
needs assessment, planning, implementation and
evaluation phases?

Research Question 4
As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
does refugee participation vary by organization
and position?

Research Question 5
As perceived by refugees, what are the constraints
that hinder their involvement in programs designed
to meet their needs?

Research Question 6
Do the host government and agencies have written
policies that call for, and encourage, refugee
participation in programs designed to meet refugee
needs?

Research Assumptions

The following assumptions undergird this research:

1. Refugees, as adult members of their society, want
to participate in programs that are designed to
meet their needs.

2. Their involvement in needs assessment, program
design, implementation and evaluation can

meaningfully influence program success.

26

3. Participation empowers refugees in the decision
making process on issues that affect the
well-being of their lives.

4. Refugees know better than outsiders about their
needs and realities and can provide insights into
designing and implementing effective development-
oriented programs.

5. Participation fosters commitment, thereby
encouraging ownership for sustainable development,
community growth, and democratic governance.

6. Where agencies and host governments have policies
that include and provide an environment in which
participation is encouraged, successful programs
and refugee integration can be expected.

Importance of the study

Refugee camps are scattered throughout the world. Most
specifically, the ones in southern Africa reflect a future
for the refugees that is tenuous, at best. While people
are there waiting for asylum or repatriation, several
programs are made available that provide opportunities with
the expectation of training for eventual self-sufficiency.
However, these programs may well have been designed by the
agency with little refugee participation in program
assessment, design, implementation, and evaluation. It is
critically important for refugee assistance agencies and
host governments to be aware of the importance of refugee

participation.

27

This research intends to contribute in the following

ways:

1. Provide a model by which agencies and host
governments can understand the necessity and
practicality of refugee participation in needs
assessment, program design, implementation, and
evaluation, while giving an impetus to encouraging
development-oriented approaches for their
programs: and

2. Add to the knowledge base of refugee issues and

problems, with the hope of contributing to a
long-term solution for the future of the world’s
disenfranchised.

Definition of Terms

Agency Constituency: Any person employed by the
refugee assistance agency UNHCR and WVI and who works with
projects that develop, implement, and evaluate programs for
the refugee population.

Agepcy Projects: An activity which has been identified
and sponsored by the agency constituency as a way to
address refugee needs and has stated outcome objectives.

Asylum Area: An area within a country which has been
designated as a refugee asylum area/camp by UNHCR and the
host government.

5 ve t: The recognized government which
administers all services for individuals within its

political boundaries.

28
Pa 1 ' ation: Refugee involvement in agency and/or
host government sponsored projects in the areas of needs
assessment, program design, program implementation and/or
program evaluation. It is:

. . . the process of activities which people
undertake voluntarily in order to satisfy their

own interests and their own needs . . . comprising
involvement in: a) decisionmaking with respect to
°setting goals and formulating development
policies: b) contributing to the development

efforts; and, c) sharing equitably in the benefits

derived therefrom (UN Secretariat, 1976, p. 3).

Refugee: Any person who has been given political
and/or religious asylum in areas sanctioned by the United
Nations High Commission for Refugees.

Southern Africa: Refugee host countries which surround
South Africa and have been subjected to South African
destabilization policies in defense of apartheid. They
are: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique,
Swaziland, and Zimbabwe.

Overview of the Research

The general purpose of Chapter I was to introduce the
rationale and background for this study. Chapter II
provides a theoretical foundation on which the study is
built. It examines the existing knowledge base on
participation in community development, and surveys the
available literature on refugee participation. With regard

to participation, the questions of "why," "what," "how,"

and "who" are addressed.

 

29

Chapter III is a case description, and is divided into
two parts. Part I provides a broad explanation about the
background to the problem of Mozambican refugees in Malawi,
and the role of South Africa’s destabilization strategy in
the refugee flight. Part II further contextualizes the
study by providing an overview of the role of private
voluntary organizations (PVOs) in development, the
situation in Malawi, and general information about the
agencies working with refugees in Malawi.

The study methodology is reported in Chapter IV. It
includes the research questions, design of the study,
population, sample selection, and instrumentation used.
Chapter V includes an analysis of data and findings of the
study.

Based on the findings and analysis, the final chapter
(Chapter VI) includes the research conclusions, practical

implications for refugee participation, and proposes

recommendations for further study.

 

ho]

CHAPTER II

PRECEDENT LITERATURE

"A refugee is a person who votes with his feet."

Lenin

Introduction

As suggested in the previous chapter, refugee
participation in programs designed to meet their needs is
of critical importance to both beneficiaries and donors. A
clear definition of the concept of refugeeism and the
categorization of refugees by types could form the basis
for analyzing the various dimensions of refugee
participation, and help to formulate programs that
contribute to refugee self-reliance. The literature for
this study is divided into the following major headings:
(1) definition of "refugee," (2) types of refugees, (3) the
African refugee, (4) participation, (5) participation
objectives, and (6) impediments to refugee participation.

Definition of a Refugee

Websrer’s New World Qictionary (Second Edition) (1984,
p. 1194) defines a refugee as "a person who flees from his
home or country to seek refuge elsewhere, as in a time of

30

31
war, political or religious persecution." The 1951 United
Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees
addressed the status of refugees. The convention focused
on those people who fled their country as a result of fear
of persecution. A refugee was defined as a person who:

. . . as a result of events occurring before

1 January 1951 and owing to well-founded fear of

being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,

nationality, membership of a particular social
group, or political opinion, is outside the
country of his nationality and is unable or, owing

to such fear, unwilling to avail himself of the

protection of that country . . . . (UNHCR, 1979,

p. 11).

This definition is intended primarily for the protection of
individual refugees, who are not responsible for the events
that led to their exodus. Refugees are not isolated
individuals, but victims of circumstances beyond their
control.

The definition was broadened by a 1967 Protocol to
extend refugee status to persons who became refugees after
January 1, 1951. Subsequent to this, the declaration on
territorial asylum »adopted by the General Assembly on
December 14, 1967, ". . . laid down broad humanitarian and

moral principles upon which states might rely in seeking to

unify their practices relating to asylum" (United Nations,

32
1969, p. 759; United Nations General Assembly, 1984,
p. 48).

While the UN instrument remains in force, prevailing
conditions on each continent forced regional organizations,
such as the Organization of American States (OAS) and the
Organization of African Unity (OAU), to establish their own
respective definitions of refugees.

Bearing in mind the varied causes which generated
African refugeeism, the OAU member states defined "refugee"
this way:

The term ‘refugee’ shall also apply to every

person who, owing to external aggression,

occupation, foreign domination or events seriously
disturbing public order in either part or the
whole of his country of origin or nationality, is
compelled to leave his place of habitual residence

in order to seek refuge in another place outside
his country of origin or nationality (OAU, 1969,

p. 2).

Because the OAU’s extended definition befits the
situation in Africa, it will be adopted in this study.
This definition includes those who seek asylum as a result
of:

external aggression, occupation, foreign

domination or events seriously disturbing public

order in either part of or the whole of ‘their’

country (OAU, 1969, p. 3).

The Underlying Causes of Refugeeism

In what he termed a "typology of conflict," Shurke

(1983) identified the following causes:

33
independence struggles (e.g., Algeria and Angola);
ethnic conflict with autonomous and separatist
dimensions (e.g., Biafra in Nigeria, and Eritrea and
the Ogaden in Ethiopia and Somalia, respectively);
internal ethnic conflict unrelated to separatists or
autonomous struggles (e.g., China in Vietnam, and the
Tutsi-Hutu in Burundi);
class conflict (e.g., Cuba and Kampuchea);
inter-elite power struggles (e.g., some Latin American
countries);
state terrorism (e.g., countries in the Latin America
southern cone, and Uganda under Idi Amin); and
international wars (e.g., World War II, and the
compounding of internal struggles with external
intervention, as in Vietnam, Kampuchea and

Afghanistan).

Mozambique, Ethiopia and Angola also fit into this last

category because foreign interventions of material and

ammunition sustain wars.

Rogge (1985) has attributed African refugeeism problems

to six different causes:

conflict due to secessionist tendencies;
anti-colonial or independence wars;
irredentism;

inter-ethnic hostilities;

political repression; and

religious persecution.

34
He further emphasizes "that many of the continents’ refugee
migrations are due to several of these causes acting in
concert (p. 7).
Types of Refugees

After 1945, many new nations were created in Africa and
Asia. Associated with that movement has come a large
increase in the number of refugees. In the past four
decades, most countries have been impacted by refugeeism by
either producing or receiving refugees.

Refugees Created by War

War refugees are those rendered homeless by conflict,
which allows little chance for voluntary movement. A war
situation creates two kinds of movements. Those who move
within the national boundary are termed "internally
displaced persons." In contrast, those who cross
international boundaries are referred to as "refugees."
Upon arrival at their destination in a host country, they
usually appear fatigued, malnourished, dehydrated, and
inadequately clothed. Confusion, fear and anger rule their
lives. They also appear terrorized by the scenes
associated with their need to flee (e.g., relatives and
friends murdered, homes burned, and property looted):

External refugees are those who, during or shortly

after the time of conflict, migrate to a new

homeland or are relocated by the authorities

beyond the boundaries of their state. They, too,

undergo great misfortunes and share many of the
experiences of the internal refugees (Keller 1975,

p. 6).

35

One who crosses an international boundary and enters
another country "may possess a nationality or be stateless
at the time when he becomes a refugee" (Madsen, 1966,
p. 77). Internally displaced persons, on the other hand,
have the rights and privileges of citizenship, as long as
the government in power is capable of providing them or if
it is in the state/regime’s interest to do so (Ferris,
1985).

Economic Refugees

The UNHCR Handbook explains that, if an individual
moves for economic reasons, "he is an economic migrant and
not a refugee" (1982, p. 62). The Handbook continues:

The distinction between an economic migrant and a

refugee is, however, sometimes blurred in the same

way as the distinction between economic and
political measures in an applicant’s country of

origin . . . [so that] what appears at first sight
to be primarily an economic motive for departure
may in reality also involve political elements
(p. 63).

The threat on the life of an individual for economic
reasons can be construed as political. For example, if one
cannot afford to pay taxes and the possibility of being
jailed becomes a real threat, the flight is dually caused
by economic and political reasons. This makes the matter
more complicated.

According to Schultheis, the basic cause is the
defective structure of the present world system. It has

become an obstacle to the growth of "institutions which

36

could solve global conflicts, protect human rights which
are threatened by governments and promote international
cooperation" (1983, p. 25). The OAU definition of the term
"refugee" has enumerated some of the major factors that
lead to forced migration of people from their country of
origin in Africa. The United Nations and host countries
try to find a durable solution in the form of settlement,
resettlement or repatriation:

The major components of durable solution for

refugees are three: settlement in the asylum

country, resettlement to a third country or the

most preferred is the voluntary repatriation to
the country of origin (Stein, 1988, p. 49).

Refugees as Threatened Minpriries

Another group of refugees are those who, as a result of
a new government or new policies, are in conflict because
of their political association or religious beliefs. These
individuals face a hostile environment because they are
categorized by some element of their identity:

A person who comes spontaneously to the territory

of a state and asks for protection has the right

to tell his story and to make his claim, the right

to be judged on the merits of his case, and the

right to be protected, if he is a refugee

according to the definition incorporated in the

1951 convention and its protocol (Stein, 1988,

p. 44).
However, there are other factors that influence the

decision one way or the other: the interviewee’s eloquence

while presenting his/her case, the mood of the interviewer,

37
and the new environment in which the refugees find

themselves.

The African Refugee
According to Stein (1981a, p. 6):

It is not easy to categorize the causes of refugee
movements in Africa. Some movements have multiple
causes; some states persecute refugees for more
than one reason either simultaneously, separately,
or at different points in time; many countries
simultaneously cause and harbor refugees; and
there is great overlap between the categories.
Understanding the cause of a refugee exodus can be
important because different causes will affect the
number and type of refugees and the possible
solution to the problem. Without attempting to be
exhaustive and remembering that the boundaries of
the group are fuzzy rather than distinct it is
worthwhile to note some divisions.

The majority of African refugees come from rural areas.
They usually migrate because of internal conflicts. Most of
these refugees do not have the skills needed to survive in
urban life. Thus, they settle in rural areas where they are
relatively comfortable. Generally, their only option in the
nature of things is to remain in rural locations:

Refugees today come overwhelmingly from the rural

areas of the poorer developing countries and find

refuge in rural areas of other low income

countries (Stein, 1988, p. 49).

The U. S. Committee for Refugees places today’s
estimated world refugee population at between 13 and 15
million. Africa accounts for one-third of that total,

although it has only one-tenth of the world population. For

38
this reason, Africa has been called "a continent of
refugees" (Melander & Nobel, 1981, p. 11).

Kibreab (1987) puts in historical perspective the large,
African, refugee population. He states that, in 1964, the
refugee population was estimated to be 400,000. One year
later, that number jumped to 535,000 and, two years later,
there was a 17% increase. According to the U. S. Committee
for Refugees, the refugee population in 1989 was:

World = 15,093,900; and
Africa= 4,524,800.

As the nature of African refugees is unusual and the
causal factors are many, the OAU’s 1969 Convention befits
the situation. It covers mass migrations brought on by
colonialism and the ensuing wars of national liberation,
apartheid, and other minority regimes. "Although mass
migration of peoples was perhaps not originally envisaged as
coming within the scope of the definition, it is certainly
accepted now" (Naldi, 1989, p. 89).

Another important aspect about African refugees is that,
in most cases, people move in masses. They cross the border
on foot and settle just across the border. This creates a
difficult situation for the host government because
settlements are frequently created in remote areas (Naldi,
1989; Rogge, 1985).

The exclusion of "economic refugees" from the UN and
other definitions of refugee status has been criticized. In

cases where governments use oppression as a tool of warfare,

39
the line of distinction between the political and economic
refugee may break down. Furthermore, where two factions are
fighting, it is not just the politics or economics, but the
whole environment which is affected. To those who flee, the
line of distinction thins further. All that matters to them
is moving to a place of relative peace.
Participation

"I hear and I forget,

I see and I remember,

I do and I understand."

Chinese Proverb

(cited in Training; A Process of Empowerment (1989)

As Langton (1978, p. 13) asserts, "participation means
different things to different people." There is no one
universal definition of participation. According to
Webster’s College Dictionary, the word is derived from the
Latin word:

participare (pars) = part + capare = take.
Thus, participation means to take part. However, arguments
and ambiguities abound in response to the question: Egg
takes part in yhar, yhep, hgy, yhere, and for what
u o s ? (Brinkerhoff, 1980, p. 50; Oakley & Marsden,
1984, p. 19).

From the economic point of view, Mellor (1976, pp. 12-
13) defines participation as primarily ". . . sharing in
the benefits of economic growth." From the perspective of

community development, Batten (1965, p. 10) views‘

40
participation as " . . . the process by which a community’s
felt needs are elicited and responded to". Politicians,
such as Huntington and Nelson (1976, pp. 165-166), see
participation from a range of perspectives. For example,
there is "individual nonpolitical action, individual
political action, collective nonpolitical action and
collective political action." Brinkerhoff (1980, p. 53)
states that "political participation emphasizes its role in
the process of managing demands placed on Least Developed
Country (LDC) governments." Montgomery and Esman (1971, p.
359) define participation as ". . . exerting influence on
administrative behavior and the outputs of office action."

According to the UN, participation is defined as:

active and meaningful involvement of the masses of

people at different levels, a) in the decision

making process of resources to achieve them and b)

in the voluntary execution of resulting programs

and projects (UNRISD, 1966, p. 8).

Montgomery and Esman (1971, p. 359) suggest four
important administrative issues that have participation
implications:

The measure of effective participation is the

degree to which administrative decisions relating

to effectiveness, efficiency, equity and stability

are actually influenced by parties other than the

professional civil servants involved.

At times, participation is defined as merely a means of

contributing to the status quo. On the other hand,

participation is sometimes defined as people being involved

41
in the decisions that affect their lives as they seek
solutions, and then implement and evaluate them. This
active form of involvement calls for direct participation
which is:

. . . the most easily identifiable and involves

physical interaction between those persons in whom

society has vested the authority to make decisions

and the people affected by those decisions (UN,

1975, p. 6).

It is generally accepted by the international community
that participation in development is a fundamental human
right. Growth with equity for all members of the
community, particularly the poor, is achieved only through
this approach to development. Given this perspective,
McKone (1987, p. 14) defines participation as:

. . . a process by which people are awakened or

sensitized to their role in identifying their own

needs, setting priorities for action and taking a

full part in the decision-making process on

development issues which affect their lives.

Depending on the purpose of participation, each school
of thought arrives at its own definition and emphasis. The
World Bank defines community participation as:

An active process by which beneficiary/client

groups influence the direction and execution of a

development project with a view to enhancing their

well being in terms of income, personal growth,

self-reliance or other values they cherish (Paul,
1987, p. 2).

42
There are four implications of this definition:

1) The context of participation is the development

program.
2) The center of the definition is people--as
beneficiaries--and the importance of their

involvement in the process.

3) The needs and preferences of people can be
ascertained and their contribution can be in
place.

4) As a process, community participation refers to a
sense of sharing in the benefits derived from the
project.

From a conceptual perspective, it is useful to
distinguish among the objectives, intensity and instruments
of community participation. Quoting from the USAID policy
paper, Korten (1980, p. 481) states that community
participation:

. . . involves effective popular participation by

the poor . . . in decision making so that their

needs, desires, capacities and indigenous

institutions are recognized, understood, and given
major weight.

Participatiop Objectives in community Development

Within the context of community development, the
participation process can serve the objectives of
empowerment, capacity building, effectiveness, and

efficiency.

43

Empowerment

Development can lead to equitable power sharing and
create upward mobility for people, particularly the poor.
Empowerment is obtained by increasing the levels of local
administrative capacity in such key functions as problem
diagnosis, reflection, planning/decision-making,
implementation and evaluation. Development agency workers
can facilitate empowerment through educative strategies
that lead to increasing the level of social consciousness
(Bryant & White, 1982; Chambers, 1983; Kindervatter, 1977;

Paul, 1982):

Empowerment has thus become one of the key
strategies of people-centered development.
Because social change is always a political
process, political power is essential for
increasing the leverage of the poor to escape the
poverty trap (Dickinson, 1988, p. 86).

Participation through empowerment provides the client
group with ample, ongoing opportunity to be involved in the
Various phases of the change process. Kettner, Daley and
Nichols (1985, p. 10), state: "This involvement ensures
that the change agent is accountable to informed clients".
'Empowerment as a concept is self-determination and
self-direction for individuals as well as groups in an
independent society. However, empowerment is not without

its share of problems. Freire (1973, p. 36) is quick to

recognize that:

44

One of the gravest obstacles to the achievement of

liberation is that oppressive reality absorbs

those within it and thereby acts to submerge men’s
consciousness. Functionally, oppression is
domesticating. To no longer be prey to its force,

one must emerge from it and turn upon it. This

can be done only by means of the praxsis:

reflection and action upon the world in order to

transform it.

Empowering the community shifts the locus of power to
the people (beneficiaries). This may threaten the central
administration. For that reason, they may find power
sharing inconceivable. Gran (1983, pp. 274-289) declared
the powerless are not in a position to handle large-scale
projects to the expectation of the donors. For this
reason, they may become utterly dependent on outside
expertise. This is not for lack of interest or
commitment. Rather, their powerlessness and inability to
meet the demands cause them to fall into the trap of
dependency.

The World Vision International (WVI) Board of
Directors’ Policy Manual (1987a, p. 9) states:

The powerless are either ignorant of the law,

without legal advice, or immobilized by the law.

They are without legal advice, and unaware of the

services and help intended to help them. They

have no recourse to deal with the laws written to

their disadvantage. Powerlessness is also

expressed in lack of community organization and an
inability to work together.

Therefore, a major task for community leaders and
development professionals is to integrate the rural poor

into the participatory development process. For leadership

45
to establish the needed working policy by which development
workers will mobilize and strategize the rural poor takes
commitment, time, energy, know how and resources.
According to Rondinelli (1983, p. 128), working plans and
administrators who are willing to make those plans work
require:

. . . planners and administrators to View social
problem-solving as an incremental process of
social interaction, trial and error, successive
approximation and social learning. Such an
approach requires an institutional context quite
different from that of Weberian bureaucracies.

Chaos results when developing individuals are given
power without first building capability. Sometimes this
happens when the elite want to justify their assumption
that the poor cannot manage power. The elite allow the
poor to make decisions in certain projects without properly
equipping them. Then the elite echo and magnify the
resulting failure in order to rationalize their
assumption. If development means increasing an
individual’s capacity to make correct choices about the
future, to gain a greater sense of personal efficacy, and
to be better able to express needs properly, it is
unrealistic to expect individuals to develop such
capabilities on their own.

Gran (1983, p. 15) correctly asserts: "Existing large

organizations are dominated by the elites in any society

and therefore are biased against the interest of the

46

poor." He continues: "while organization is a major weapon
of the strong against the weak, it is also often the only
weapon of the weak against the strong." Where the proper
link is created between government organizations and
communities, sustainable development is possible. Without
the necessary linkage, it is not enough and unfair to
encourage groups to help themselves outside of governmental
organizations:

A social learning approach offers the potential

for improving development program implementation

by empowering communities for active

participation in development programs and

simultaneously linking those communities to the
political and administrative structures of the
larger society. Thus the development effort is

not solely that of organizing client communities

as an end in itself, but rather is the empowering

of persons and communities for effective

participation in the broader political and

economic community (Thomas, 1985, p. 19).

When the community is organized in such a manner, room
is provided for action-reflection and action. As the
development process continues, community members become
more informed as individual and community progress is
made. Some development proponents believe in organizing a
community and leaving it after the initial organization.
They do so under the assumption that growth will continue
after organization. Such an assumption is misleading
because individual and community development take time.

Furthermore, there must be a long-term change in society’s

nature and its relationships. This allows time for trust

47

to develop among all those who hold a stake in
development. Proper interaction between project
designers/managers and beneficiaries nurtures and raises
the intensity level, and may produce a higher commitment
from the community.
Capacity Building

As a process, community development requires peoples’
participation in a project. When the project beneficiaries
share in management, they are provided with learning
opportunities. Additionally, their capacity is enhanced,

as they increase their level of understanding concerning

what does and does not work. In turn, this increases
project sustainability. Bryant and White (1982, p. 24)
note:

Administrative incapacity is an inability to
respond to needs conveyed by citiZens. It is
characterized by swollen bureaucracies encumbered
with formalistic procedures that delay rather than
expedite service delivery and program
implementation. Administrative capacity, on the
other hand, is rather like good housekeeping; when
it is really good, it is also unobtrusive,
enhances environment, and facilitates getting on
with the job.

When the capacity of beneficiaries is developed, their
interest and competence level is also enhanced.
Erfpctivenegs and Efficiency

With community participation, effectiveness becomes an

issue. Effectiveness refers to the degree to which a given

objective is achieved. On the other hand, project planning

48

and implementation may become more efficient because of
appropriate beneficiary input. Advocates of the school of
centralized management contend that, with community
participation, time is lost and, hence, efficiency and/or
effectiveness levels are sacrificed. However, Paul (1987,
p. 4) demonstrates the advantages of community
participation:

CP could be used to promote agreement, cooperation

and interaction among beneficiaries, and between

them and the implementing agency of the project so

that delays are reduced, a smoother flow of

project services is achieved and overall costs are

minimized (Paul, 1987, p. 4).
In their analysis of UNRISD research and their
understanding of participation, Oakley and Marsden (1984,
p. 26) note three distinct characteristics:

- Sharing of power and scarce resources:

- Deliberate effort by social groups to control

their own destinies and improve their living

conditions;
- Opening up opportunities "from below."

Refugee Participation

The foregoing discussion provides the foundation by
which to focus on refugee participation, which is at issue
in this study. In search of relevant materials for this
study, the researcher utilized an ERIC search in the
libraries of Michigan State University and the University
of Michigan. Trips were also made to the offices of the

U. S. Refugee Policy Group, Washington, D. C.; UNHCR

49

headquarters, Geneva, Switzerland; the World Council of
Churches (WCC) offices, Geneva; and All Africa Council of
Churches (AACC), in Nairobi, Kenya. Other offices
contacted by phone and letter were: the United Nations
Refugee Work Agency (UNRWA) offices in Vienna, Austria, and
in the Gaza Strip; the University of Upsaala, Sweden; and
the Refugee Participation Network (RPN), Oxford, U. K.

According to one of the U. N. definitions,
"participation is an influence on the decision-making
process at all levels of social activity and social
institutions" (Pearse & Steifel, 1979, p. 8). For the

purpose of this study, refugee participation is an

orgapized effort to e ert control over the reeourcee and

regplerory institutions associated with their situations.

In the context of this discussion, the critical elements

 

are self-sufficiency and reducing theydependencv syndrome.

Weeda states:

The lack of solutions, the limited success of
projects and the growing feelings of frustration
give rise to ‘blaming the victim,’ implying that
refugees are to blame for lack of self-sufficiency
because they are dependent and selfish people
(1987, p. 24).

In 1984, the UNHCR Handbook on (pp. 2, 3) declared:

Dependency begins when the refugees try to develop
behavior they perceive as expected of them as
clients in order to continue the flow of rewards
or aid. This form of self-estrangement
contributes to the refugee sense of powerlessness.

50
The UNHCR sees participation as a means to escape this
dilemma and achieve self-sufficiency.

In Africa, most of the refugee population is illiterate
and comprised of subsistence farmers, with skills and
experience in such areas as small farming and cattle
raising. As with most refugees in the world, African
refugees are assisted through centrally-provided and
controlled relief programs. The maintenance program
consists of food, clothing, medicine and education. In the
relief mode of operation, there are two groups of actors:
givers and receivers. Because the locus of control is
within its domain, the giver operates from a power base.
The giver controls the commodities on which the receiver’s
survival depends, including both the time that commodities
are dispensed and the quantity that is dispensed:

This devaluation of the worth of the recipients of

a relief program has alarming consequences. Not

only are people treated as things, but the

interest of the aid program are put above the

interests of the people (DeWaal, 1988, p. 7).

Denial of refugee participation is executed in the name
of program efficiency. International agencies conceive
programs at their headquarters thousands of miles from the
refugees. These agencies often assume that all refugees
need to survive are commodities. They do not consider
whether refugees can administer programs made available to

them.

51
The following episode illustrates this. At a visit to
Muloza, a Malawian refugee camp, the former High
Commissioner for Refugees, Jean Pierre Hocke, conversed

with a Mozambican refugee:

Refugee: "Why can’t we be allowed to distribute

rations?"
Hocke: "Which way did you come to arrive here?
Refugee: (Pointing to the direction from which he
came.) "That way!"
Hocke: "If you don’t like it, you can go back

the same way you came."

(cited by a refugee and camp administrator in a 1989
interview) ,

According to Weeda (1987, p. 26), "The notion of
refugee participation, in principle supported by the UNHCR
policy system, is not fully diffused to the field level."
However, the above situation puts even the principle in
question. As a means of empowerment, the issue of refugee
participation as an end in itself, is hardly touched upon
in the UNHCR context. The principles of participation
upheld as a policy in the handbook do not find their way
into the field. One of the reasons for this is that:

The government agency dealing with the refugee

problem is staffed at all levels, including the

camps, by government officials or those linked
loyally or otherwise to the government (Weeda,

1987, p. 27).

In the name of "security," host governments control all

aspects of refugee programs. Agencies have little or no

52

say in it, and participation is controlled and guided by
the ruling party or government. Discussing his Somali
experience, Weeda (1987, p. 27) stated: "Initiatives which
do not fit the government ideas of development are easily
interpreted as opposition and advocates can end up in jail
or exile." In the light of this, everything that is done
for refugees is done at the discretion of the host
government.

In any community-focused program, the ideal process is
one in which the community participates fully from the
start. According to Kenyon (1983, p. 21), "A basic aim of
development activities is to enable a community to
describe, predict the solutions, and take action in its own
environment." To let the refugees describe their needs,
predict the solutions, and administer/manage the resources
that are made available to them requires transformed host
governments and agencies:

The assistance programs, mainly implemented by

government agencies, hire Somali nationals and

refugees screened by the regional or national
government, including the national security (Weeda

(1987, p. 28).

It is therefore understandable that the official structure
of government officials and refugee leaders is perceived by
international agencies, as well as refugees, as a
close-knit group, protecting its own high interests in the

assistance programs (Mister, 1985, p. 18).

53

One of the hindrances for refugee participation comes
from conflicting views about forced migrants:

Some perceive refugees as insatiably demanding,

with high expectations for maintaining their

economic status and not losing ‘anything’ because

of their flight and relocation. Further,

refugees’ demands are seen to generate bitterness

and suspicion of the government and assistance

agencies (Mazur, 1988, p. 4).

With this kind of attitude and perception, it is naive
to expect any meaningful refugee participation to take
place. The missing ingredient is trust. Both the aid
workers and the refugees lack trust in each other.

Stein (1981b, p. 327) further explains the situation:

A vicious spiral can set in: refugees are helped

because they are helpless; the case worker cannot

accede to all who are needy and must shield
himself from emotional involvement; the cool
attitude of the case worker conveys suspicion to

the refugee about his truthfulness; if they won’t

believe the truth the refugee inflates it; hearing

exaggerated stories the case worker becomes
suspicious.

This "vicious spiral" encourages refugees to be labeled
as helpless; all they need is a handout. As long as host
governments and agencies maintain such an attitude toward
refugees, their participation in programs will be more A
rhetoric than reality.

Refugees from traditional societies come with rich
experiences, having managed their affairs up to the time of

flight. They had homes, families, met responsibilities and

paid taxes. When they cross the border and enter another

54
country, only their possessions are taken away or left
behind. Their experiences travel with them and their power
of taking initiative remains with them. Prior to
commencing their journey, they assessed the situation they
were in and they took the initiative to seek refuge in
another country. They made that important decision. In
contrast to Southeast Asian refugees, who predominantly
relocated to permanent asylum in western countries, most
African refugees remain in their first asylum country,
either settled or awaiting repatriation (Rogge, 1985,
p. 72). While specific programs and projects undertaken
are clearly discernible for their success, an integrated
and cumulative effect is rarely observed. Morss (1984) and
Lipton (1986) address the "institutional destruction" which
has resulted from donor and project proliferation in
African countries. This process has exacerbated the
indigenous population’s level of jealousy.
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Participation

NGOs are expected to encourage the participation of
assistance recipients (Blasfer, 1984, p. 83; Gorman, 1984,
p. 41). According to Gorman (1984, p. 57), NGOs are seen
as having moved from relief and welfare modes of assistance
to supporting self-help initiatives during the last
decade.

According to Rogge (1985) and Mazur (1988), experiences
in Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and Mozambique suggest that

refugee assistance has contributed to a high degree of

55

self-sufficiency. Participation of refugees in
establishing their own settlements is a factor further
contributing to the high standards of planning in recent
refugee settlements. Prior to the establishment of Mishamo
and Ulyankulu, refugee leaders (such as village chairmen,
pastors and teachers) visited the Mishamo site and gathered
early information about the area (Rogge, 1985, p. 107).
Refugees in the Sudan were settled in rural and urban
areas. As in Tanzania, the refugees’ involvement in
program implementation contributed significantly to program
success (Karadawi, 1983; Rogge, 1985).

Although these programs have demonstrated some success,
the level of refugee participation did not mature beyond
implementation by free labor. Mazur (1988, p. 15)
consolidates the observations of Harrell-Bond (1986),
Karadawi (1983), and Mason and Brown (1983):

1) Aid agencies and host governments often have
conflicting goals which result in the
exacerbation of the refugee’s situation.

2) Refugees themselves have been ignored
throughout the decision-making process in the
three phases of relief, rehabilitation and
development.

3) The concept of humanitarian assistance and
the relief programs designed by aid agencies,
as well as the laws and regulations designed
by host governments, have contributed to the
powerlessness of the refugee recipients.

As Gorman (p. 57) maintains: "NGOs can be guilty as

other donors in the top—down creation, articulation and

56

implementation of programs." Unfortunately, there is
little evidence that NGOs are succeeding in their recent
commitment to promote self-sustaining development (Calavan,
1984, p. 224; Gorman, 1984, p. 44; Mazur, 1988, p. 10).
All stakeholders in refugee affairs--host governments,
UNHCR and NGOs--need to unlearn the assumption that they
know more about refugee needs than the refugees
themselves. Additionally, these stakeholders must begin to
consider refugees as partners and actively seek their
participation. It degrades a refugee’s human dignity to be
seen merely as a source of "cheap labor" for construction,
upgrading and maintenance projects, while being denied
significant involvement in managing one’s own affairs. The
AACC handbook does not make a provision for refugee
participation. However, the principle of refugee
self-reliance is referenced more than once. The following
statement amply explains this point:

Certainly, there are refugees who will require

long-term assistance due to their vulnerable

position, but there also are many who can, and

will, find their own ways to independence if they

realize the importance of doing so and can count

on help along the way (1986, p. 105).
Such an assurance of help to those who want to help
themselves is encouraging. However, how that help is

planned and administered is not explicit with the principle

of participation in the handbook.

57

According to Grande (1990, p. 15), the Salvadoran
refugees in Colomoncagua, just inside the Honduran border,
seem to have achieved their quest for empowerment:

At Colomoncagua, the refugees exhibit none of the

symptoms associated with dependency; on the

contrary, the refugees are empowered by their
experiences in the camp. They are actively
involved in the development of their community and

see themselves not as victims but rather as agents

capable of determining their own future.

Here is a refugee camp that has exemplified
transformation through participation. The refugees have
taken matters into their own hands and are managing their
own affairs. The article further states that:

All camp activities are administered by

democratically run committees. A central

coordinating committee oversees and directs the

affairs of the entire camp (1990, p. 16).

Over 16 different workshops are operated by the refugees,
the product of which are managed by themselves for the
benefit of all the refugees. Over 90% of the refugees who
arrived at Colomoncagua were illiterate. Yet refugee
teachers, using Freirean techniques, were able to lower
this rate to less than 20%. These refugees hold literacy
in high esteem and see the benefits of it for the entire
community. The social fabric, which had been shaken by
their flight, now has been reconstructed and reinforced.

The author attributes the success of Colomoncagua to the

unfailing determination of the refugees with a defined

58
objective of a peaceful and decent society when they return
home. As Grande (1990, p. 17) asserts: "The aid given to
the refugees inside a supervised camp led not to
dependency, but rather to the emergence of a strengthened,
vital and empowered community."

Warnock (1984, p. 27) asserts that: "If a primary goal
of [community development] is to empower people to predict,
act and have more control over their own situations, then
their participation in all phases of the process is
essential." The more opportunities that people have to
participate in looking at their own reality together, the
more likely the planned change process will succeed.

According to Harrell-Bond (1981a), the Saharwi refugees
in Algeria are managing their own affairs. While they
continued to fight for their political independence against
Morocco, they ran a government in exile. They actually run
the social, economic and political affairs of their country
by providing the leadership and the direction from outside
their territory. "Each person in the camps over 16 years
of age is a member of one of the five committees: health,
education, justice, artisan, and food" (p. 3). The only
difference this group has from other refugees is that
political freedom is a factor providing the motivation and
common bond shared by every person. This serves as a big
motivating factor and provides the ground for a united

objective. Harrell-Bond (1982c) also reported on the

59
Ugandan refugees settled in Southern Sudan, where the

planners completely:

. . . ignored traditional patterns; equally, the
administrative structure discouraged traditional
forms of leadership . . . . Planners also felt
that refugees, as a consequence of exile, had lost
much of their identification with epy form of

social organization, and that their social
relations were characterized by a lack of trust
(P- 1) -

It is this kind of assumption on the part of agencies
that minimizes refugee participation. In the same report,
Harrell-Bond (1982c, p. 5) quotes a refugee:

. . we should all do the work voluntarily. In
fact, this should apply to all sectors of our
social development and health centers. Because,
in the long run, if the UNHCR will not [be here]
to pay and we don’t get a penny to pay these
people, where shall we be?

Obviously, situations vary from place to place.
However, in general, there appears to be more willingness
on the part of the refugees to take part in the programs
that are made available to them. Even the Ugandan refugees
who were terrorized by the war and atrocities, were willing
to participate in activities which were planned for them
once they reached safety in Southern Sudan. Again,
according to Harrell-Bond (1986, p. 271):

The organization of settlements with election of

officers as devised by the UNHCR program officer,

aimed to encourage the widest possible

participation of the community in directing its
own affairs.

60

From the refugee’s point of view, participation can mean
political activism with or without jeopardizing their.
asylum with the host country. If anything, when refugees
have significant control over the organizations serving
their cause, they benefit from this control. Participation
is an instrument to enhance the efficiency of projects or
"co-production of services" (Paul, 1987, p. 2).

Impediments to Refugee Participation

In every principle and every program/project, there are

constraints. Refugee participation is not immune to this.
There are two views on refugee participation:
1) participation as part of the democratic process and

2) what Clark (1987b) calls "guided participation." The
first view assumes that the democratic process is
inherently good and will work. In the second view,
participation is seen as a means to an end. Clark (p. 2)
declares: "It is this view of participation which worries
host governments, and there is little support among them
for increasing meaningful participation." In guided
participation, refugees need to be organized. For this
reason, host governments are afraid of it. Almost
everyone, NGOs and UNHCR included, are supportive of
refugee participation, but the principle may be more talk
than action. Clark (p. 3) cites a USAID study which found

that voluntary agencies were:

61
. . paternalistic, condescending and insensitive

to the plight of disaster victims. The principal

reason refugees are not more involved in

meaningful participatory activities is that relief
agencies and the international organizations do

not view themselves as being accountable to the

refugees but rather to their donors and to the

host country.

This is a dangerous view. Is not a teacher accountable
to the students and a doctor to his or her patients?

The major barrier to refugee participation lies in host
government rules and regulations. This is particularly
true in Africa because of the scarcity of jobs. The
governments establish limitations or restrictions so that
jobs are given to host country nationals. UNHCR and other
NGOs work under these constraints, and not much effort has
been put into reversing the situation. It is also an

economic question because refugee participation may

encourage competition for scarce jobs and funds. According

to Clark (1987b), there are also managerial,
administrative, social/cultural, and ideological
constraints. Where there are no host government

limitations imposed on refugee participation, refugees have
demonstrated they have skills to meaningfully participate.
The Ugandan and Saharawi refugees cited earlier provide
good examples of meaningful participation in trying to
manage their own affairs.

Refugee assistance programs are described as tripartite

efforts among the host government, UNHCR and the

62

implementing agency. Again, refugees are excluded. As
Clark (1987c, p. 14) notes:

Any strong effort to introduce the refugees

themselves as ‘fourth players’ therefore involves

cutting into the power and authority of the first

three.
According to Clark, in the Meheba refugee camp of Zambia
the exclusion of refugees from any participation dates back
15 years. The existing structure of management does not
make any provision for meaningful refugee participation.
The refugee population in Zambia consists of Angolans who
arrived in the 19605 and 19705 and spontaneously settled
among the host population. The other group of refugees is
the Mozambicans, who started arriving in 1985. The point
here is that, in all these years, the management structure
functioned without taking into consideration the
involvement of the refugees. The Tripartite members saw to
it that the "management cake" was carved among themselves:

The formal refugee representation system was

centered around seven chiefs. Each represented

one ‘village’ (made up of the residents along

several roads in the settlement. A major function

of the chiefs was to act as a conduit for

conveying information and directives from the

refugee officers to their villagers. Their input

into settlement management, and project

development was sporadic and fairly minimal

(Clark, 1987c, p. 10).

Both NGOs and the UNHCR create a management structure

which does not allow refugee participation. It is also the

keen interest of host countries in Africa to create new

63

jobs for their own people. The large influx of refugees on
host governments is self imposed. The principles of social
justice and equity are key elements in social planning and
have important implications for the formulation of
development policies. The way in which policies are
formulated and implemented can alleviate or aggravate
existing inequalities. The same can be said for the
planning and implementation of projects within the refugee
context. With all the resources that come into host
countries to meet refugee needs, it is only fair to involve
them in meaningful implementation.

As Weeda (1987, p. 38) states: ". . . the integration
within the refugee context of social planning and its
participation component encounters the constraints inherent
to UNHCR’s planning system." Such plans are based on a
short-term time frame and are dependent on financial and
technical capabilities which fail to take refugee
participation into consideration. The planning process of
UNHCR stops short at the implementation level and is
therefore considered "non-operational." Plans can only be
evaluated if, after implementation, they have reached their
target. Otherwise, they are merely documents which have
not been translated into action.

Another constraining factor within the refugee
situation is the continuing emergence of crisis situations
which inevitably takes precedence over long-term policy

formulation thereby leaving diminishing funds and manpower

64
for long-term solutions. During the refugee emergency,
agencies recruit without proper scrutiny. This affects the
program’s entire operating process from planning to
evaluation. Weeda (1987, p. 43) states it well:

Due to inexperience and lack of appropriate

briefing before being sent to the field, staff get

stuck into bureaucratic duties and concentrate on
techniques through which the purpose of planning
tends to be lost.
Regulations, instructions and reporting pressure impede
innovative activities.

Resistance to change and attitudinal problems of
refugees are given as factors which impede their
participation and, therefore, contribute to the refugee
"dependency syndrome." Both planners and implementers use
this as a means of justifying their lack of commitment to
refugee participation. Korten (1980, p. 480) states: "The
prevailing blueprint approach to development and time
bounded projects is itself cited as an important
impediment." To allow genuine participation, an
organization needs to have a capacity to unlearn and
relearn by embracing error, learning with the people, and
building new knowledge and institutional capacity through
action.

Calavan (1984, pp. 216-249) offers a number of
suggestions which would help improve the administrative/

management systems of NGOs in their development efforts.

65
They are useful to avoid impediments to refugee
participation.

Basically, the suggestions underline the importance of
building program management upon local capacities; constant
interaction between both the lead agency and the local
organizations and beneficiaries; allowing the beneficiaries
to control services and manage the work; avoiding specific
project accomplishments; and not overburdening the system
with necessities. Further, emphasis is placed on the
traditional, while intertwining modern technologies;
culture is not always an impediment to innovation; some
beneficiaries are not opposed to change; maneuverability in
interactive modes is beneficial. Optimally, in the long
run, resource use and technical assistance can do a great
deal to nurture local initiatives.

In summary, the message is that local people’s
participation in the management and control of their
resources and functions is essential. New technologies and
other resources need to be woven into the local way of
doing things, without sacrificing the program objectives.
Optimal resource utilization can nurture local
initiatives. In the process of capacity building, it is
critical to understand the vieWpoints of local people and
to earn their trust. This works both for the agencies and
beneficiaries. In order to maintain the beneficiaries’
trust, care should be exercised not to impose unnecessary

auditing, inspection and documentation.

66
Summary

In 1951, the international community, through the UN
Convention, defined refugees in a restricted sense that
dealt primarily with rights and obligations toward
individual refugees fleeing persecution by European-style,
centralized governments. This proved inadequate or flawed
in dealing with Third World mass flows from protracted
conflict or independence struggles. In 1969, the OAU
adopted a broader, more comprehensive definition of
refugees, one which was more suited to African conditions.
The three basic types of refugees are those who are victims
of economic hardships, war and political, religious or
ethnic conflicts. Africa accounts for 30% of the world’s
refugee population.

As there are more than one type of refugee, so there
are various kinds of participation. Within the refugee
context, community participation is essential. Community
participation has the following objectives: empowerment,
capacity building, and improving individual effectiveness
and efficiency. Although a limited amount of research has
been conducted on refugee participation, case examples
point to higher levels of transformation when refugees
participate and assert control over their lives. One of
the major advantages of refugee participation is realized
when refugees begin to overcome the "dependency syndrome"

and focus on self-sufficiency.

67

There are various impediments to refugee
participation. Relief programs are often conceived
thousands of miles from where refugees are located. In the
name of program efficiency and host government authority,
refugees are often denied participation to control their
situations. Lack of trust and stereotyping also play a
role in lowering refugee participation. Those usually in
control (host governments, the UNHCR and NGOs) must learn
that refugees are adults, and that they know the most about
their own needs.

Due to these impediments, and the fact that little
research has been conducted on refugee participation, more

work needs to be done in this area.

CHAPTER III

THE REFUGEE SITUATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

Introduction

South Africa has been following the policy of

apartheid, a policy of rigid racial segregation, since

1948. The goal of apartheid is the separate development
and full control--economically, politically, and

socially--of the nation’s multiracial majority--by the
white minority. Hanlon and Omond state that: "The issue
of apartheid, sanctions and jobs involves not only black
South Africa but also Pretoria’s neighbouring majority
ruled states" (1987, p. 95).

Due to ideal geographic and economic features, and a
wealth of natural resources, South Africa commands
superiority over its landlocked neighbors. Out of
necessity, southern African nations support the United
Nations’ (UN) sanctions’ resolution on South Africa. At
the same time, these landlocked Front Line neighbor states
(Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe)
are economically dependent upon Pretoria. This causes an
ambivalent relationship. Surrounding nations have
demonstrated a propensity toward sanctions against South

68

69
Africa. In retaliation, the Pretoria government has
instituted destabilizing policies as a means to counter the
efforts of economic sanctions--to demonstrate to the world
that black-ruled states are in chaos.

The purpose of this chapter is to present the case of
southern Africa. It will describe how South Africa has
acted against its neighbors, directly and indirectly, and
militarily and economically, to sponsor internal factions.
Within Mozambique, the Mozambique National Resistance (MNR)
has acted as Pretoria’s surrogate in 'Mozambique. Such
externally-sponsored, internally-waged wars have resulted
in the displacement of millions of rural people to
neighboring countries.

Destabilization and Refugee Plight

Destabilization Theory is a mixture of military and
economic strategic leverages to force surrounding
uncooperative nations to support the political and/or
economic policies of a neighboring and, many times, more
powerful nation (Hanlon, 1986). South Africa has engaged
in destabilization practices that have forced thousands of
people from targeted southern African nations to flee. The
mixture of pressures varies from one country to another.
While Angola has been targeted for purely military assault,

Mozambique has had to face both militarily-supported

70
insurgencies and severe economic reprisals. Zimbabwe’s and
Lesotho’s "inconveniences" have come from economic
pressures and military intervention. Malawi, traditional
ally of South Africa, ironically lost part of its railway
link when Mozambique was intentionally isolated.

In a key paper, South Africa’s chief theoretician of
destabilization ideology, Geldenhuys (1982, p. 12), stated:
The destabilizer’s primary objective is an
avowedly political one. Essentially, he wishes to
promote (or force) profound political changes in
the target state. They may or may not involve
structural changes--in effect toppling the regime
in power--but certainly would involve major
changes in the target’s behavior. . . . At the
very least, the destabilizer demands a fundamental
shift or reorientation in the target state’s

policy vis-a-vis the destabilizer.

When Zimbabwe became independent in 1980, Bishop
Muzorewa, on whom South Africa had staked its regional
policy, was humiliated. The formation of the Southern
African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) further
appeared to be isolating South Africa. SADCC members
(Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Lesotho, Malawi, and
Swaziland) sought:

to liberate our economies from their dependence on

the Republic of South Africa, to overcome the

imposed economic fragmentation, and to coordinate

our effort toward regional and national economic

development (Hanlon, 1986, p. 19).

South Africa, which had expected at least Malawi and

Swaziland to join its Constellation States (CONSAS), was

71
shocked and clearly perceived this as a united threat to
its existence. It was then that concerted destabilization
strategies were employed on the "frontline" nations.

In the World Refugee Survey, Senator Edward Kennedy

(1987, p. 5) stated:

In no other region of the world are refugees more
in need than in Africa, and in no area of the
continent are refugees more neglected and abused
than in southern Africa.

The ICIHI (1986, p. 13) report says that:

. . . since the late 19705, South African forces
have regularly invaded southern Angola to counter
the operations of the Namibian Liberation
Movement, SWAPO. At the same time, the rebel
Angolan Movement, UNITA, has received support to
control territory in the southern and in the

central provinces. At least 500,000 people have
been displaced by these separate but related
conflicts.

The eperrperg policy of South Africa has been the
greatest threat to regional peace, and a constant irritant
in an already precarious situation for those refugees who
are living in neighboring southern African countries. As

observed by the CIMADE (1986, p. 95) research team:

The tides of refugees from South Africa and
Namibia, which is still illegally controlled by
South Africa, move towards Botswana, Lesotho,
Swaziland, Mozambique and Angola. But these
states cannot practice a real policy of reception
because of the lack of infrastructure (sanitary,
educational, etc.) or of economic means but also
because they fear the military reprisals of South
Africa, and because they depend upon that country.

72
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) further
illustrated the destabilization policies at their
International Conference on the Plight of Refugees,

Returnees and Displaced Persons in Southern Africa Region:

The practice of Apartheid in South Africa . . .
and the acts of aggression and destabilization
committed by the regime in Pretoria against the
Frontline and neighbouring states coupled with the
activities of bandit elements operating in
particular, in Angola and Mozambique, have
contributed to the flight of thousands of people
into exile as well as the displacement of millions
of others within and outside their countries of
origin (1989b, p. 18).

Destabilization is a difficult concept to define. It
is even more complicated to attribute it unequivocally to
South Africa as its primary foreign policy strategy in
southern Africa. Perhaps it can best be defined by
extrapolating a destabilization rationale from the words of

Geldenhuys (1982, pp. 12-13, 15-16), when he stated:

. . . hardly any state would ever admit that it
was engaged in destabilisation activities against
another . . . ; [the] question to consider [is]
whether . . . South Africa has reason--as seen
from its perspective--to destabilise these states;
The destabiliser’s primary objective is to promote
[or force] profound political changes in the
target state; The black states are in effect
engaged in a concerted effort to destabilise South
Africa . . . . [Their] political and moral
support for the so-called liberation movements,
and their clamour for sanctions against South
Africa and for its international isolation, are
perceived by Pretoria as part of a deliberate
campaign to destabilise the country.

73
Geldenhuys further argues his position by offering
strategies which encourage the political shrewdness of the

concept of destabilization:

A different technique [for destablilization] is to
lend support to (receptive) disaffected groups in
the target state, who are committed to oppose or
subvert the party in power--whether their
objective is to overthrow the regime or to force
it to seek a political deal with the opposition;
[in] Mozambique, rumour has it that South Africa
gives military support to the MNR [Mozambique

National Resistance]. There can again be no
question as to where South Africa’s sympathy lies
. . .; . . . Pretoria essentially desires, . . .
a friendly co-operative neighbour instead of a
Marxist state threatening its security. To

achieve these objectives, support for the MNR and
the severe manipulation of economic ties are the
two obvious means to employ (1982, pp. 14, 20,
24) 0

He summarizes the political climate of South Africa in
terms of the overall acceptability of a national
destabilization policy:
[A] complicating factor is South African
legislation, which can make it particularly

difficult and at times impossible to acquire
official information on South African military

activities. Legislation can also be invoked to
prohibit publication of information about military
operations. This necessarily imposes certain

constraints on the present author too; It would .
. . be naive to expect South Africa to renounce
the destabilisation option for at least as long as
black states remain committed to destabilise the
Republic (pp. 26, 226).

From the other side of the spectrum in the
destabilization controversy, Hanlon explains the critical

situation in Southern Africa:

74

South Africa has:

1. Invaded three capitals (Lesotho, Botswana,
Mozambique) and four other countries (Angola,
Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe);

2. Tried to assassinate two prime ministers
(Lesotho and Zimbabwe);

3. Backed dissident groups that have brought
chaos to two countries (Angola and
Mozambique) and less serious disorder in two
others (Lesotho and Zimbabwe);

4. Disrupted the oil supplies of six countries
(Angola, Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique,
Swaziland and Zimbabwe); and

5. Attacked the railways providing the normal
import and export routes of seven countries
(Angola, Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique,
Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe) (1986, p. 1).

The continued resistance on the part of the "frontline"
states to support the apartheid policy has prompted South
Africa to implement destabilization activities against
them. Literally thousands of people are being forced from
their turbulent nations into refugee camps in border areas
of surrounding southern African nations-~countries such as
Botswana, Malawi, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe. The World Refugee Statistics are reported in
Table 3.01.

South Africa’s systematic destabilization policy has
forced refugees into neighboring southern African
countries. Also, it has caused neighboring states to expel
all South African refugees by making pre-emptive strikes
against the African National Congress (ANC) whenever
possible, thereby setting up surrogate forces equivalent to

the Christian militias in Lebanon.

75

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76

Geldenhuys (1983) cautions the southern African Black
states that, as long as South Africa fears the
deterioration of economic ties, development of military
capabilities, and the provision of sanctuary to the ANC,
reprisals against Black states will continue to be viewed
as a strategy for its own national defense.

The Situation in Malawi

When David Livingstone was said to have "explored
[Malawi] between 1859 and 1863," (Rotberg, 1970, p. 20),
the former Nyassaland was exposed to British colonial
power. However, it formally came under British rule in
1890. It continued until 1964 as a British protectorate.
Since 1971, Malawi has kept one-party rule, with Kamizu
Banda as its Prime Minister and "Life President" (Pike &
Rimmington, 1965, p. 23; Rafael, 1980, p. 94).

Malawi is a small country (population of approximately
8,000,000) located in Southeastern Africa. It is bordered
by Tanzania to the north, Zambia on the west, and is
embraced by Mozambique on the southwest, southeast, and
northeast (cf., Figure 3.01). Geographically, Malawi is
dominated by its enormous lake (cf., Figure 3.02). This
stretch of water, "measures 355 miles in length by 10-50
miles in width" (Department of Information, 1970, p. 7).

Like other developing nations, Malawi is primarily a
land of agrarians. Although other sectors of the economy
are increasing in importance, agriculture is still

dominant. Other industrial activities are agriculture-

77

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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79
related in that they either use agricultural products or
supply agricultural inputs. Malawi uses either Mozambique
or South Africa for its exports and imports. Due to its
landlocked feature, Malawi has always maintained good
relations with South Africa, and imports 80% of its goods
from that country.

In 1987, Malawi conceded to the U. N. Convention of
1951 and its 1967 protocol when the surge of Mozambican
refugees began. Dr. Hasting Kamuzu Banda, President of
Malawi, has consistently stated that:

The people in Mozambique are our people, flesh of

our flesh and blood of our blood. When they are

in trouble they have every right to find refuge in

Malawi. We could not possibly turn them away

("Malawi," 1972, p. 360).

Malawi’s doors have also been open physically to
Mozambicans. The eastern and southern border demarcations
are only footpath-like roads. Refugee camps are spread out
between Nsanje in the south and Salima in the north.
Mozambicans speak Chichewa, the Malawian language. This
has had a positive effect on refugee interaction with the
Malawians.

However, Malawi’s political relations with South Africa
has not enhanced its relationship with Mozambique’s FRELIMO
government. This is due to South Africa’s surrogacy of the
RENAMO faction--the main cause of refugees’ flight and
disruption of normal life in Mozambique. Nonetheless,

Malawi continues to host eight village/camps, which are

80
populated by the 700,000 plus Mozambican refugees. Thus,
Malawi risks reprisal, and economically burdens its own
society. The refugees comprise almost 10% of Malawi’s
total population. Currently, they are second only to the
Sudan in total refugee population in Africa.
Civil War in Mozambique and Refugee Flight

Reiss (1988, pp. 12-13) states: "A visit to
‘liberated’ Mozambique--the brutal civil war is now in its
12th year--is a walk into one of the world’s true hearts of
darkness." In the "heart of darkness" there exists a
conflagration that has caused an uprooting of a people and
forced them to seek a safe haven where they can squeeze out
a meager existence. Hundreds of thousands of Mozambicans
are fleeing for their lives. They are seeking refuge in
neighboring "frontline" states: Malawi, Swaziland,
Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. In Malawi alone, an
estimated 1,000 Mozambican refugees arrive daily.

Movement between the borders of Mozambique and Malawi
has been commonplace for quite some time, and the major
influx of refugees began in June, 1986. The number of
refugees rose from a fairly stable 70,000 to nearly 227,000
by May, 1986. By the end of 1987, there were an estimated
400,000 displaced Mozambicans in only eight districts. One
district, Nsanje, had a total refugee population of
150,000--near1y 50% of the total district population. In
June, 1988, The 18th Ordinary Session of the OAU

Coordinating Committee on Assistance to Refugees met in

81
Malawi. It was stated that there were currently 502,000
Mozambican refugees in Malawi. In other words,
approximately 14% of the country was in refugee status. By
the end of 1988, the total reached 800,000.

In April, 1988, Gersony submitted a report to the U. S.
State Department in which be thoroughly detailed the plight
of the Mozambicans and the causes of their flight. In his
report, Gersony stated that "Over 90% of . . . arrivals
said that they fled their home areas because of the
conflict, and, specifically, because of abusive conduct by
the parties to the conflict" (p. 14). The "parties to the
conflict" are the Mozambican government’s Marxist party,
FRELIMO and the RENAMO (also known as the MNR).

Gersony’s 1988 findings substantiated the brutality in
Mozambique and raised international attention to the
crisis. The U. S. Bureau for Refugee Affairs had noticed a
300% increase in the number of Mozambican refugees during
1987 alone. Malawi was the most stressed with an increase
of 420,000 refugees in only 15 months. People are in a
state of exhaustion, shaken, malnourished, and in tatters
(Gersony, 1988). Gersony conducted a field visit and
interviewed nearly 200 refugees scattered in Mozambique,
Malawi, Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and even South Africa. They
came from 48 different districts in Mozambique--some from
FRELIMO-controlled areas, others from RENAMO territory.
Their accounts provided valuable insights into the "killing

fields of Mozambique," helping at least to document

82
graphically what is going on within the "heart of
darkness."

In 1974, Mozambique won its independence from
Portuguese colonial rule. FRELIMO, a Marxist-oriented
political party, successfully routed the colonists and
established a centralized, collectivized, and nationalized
government. Between the years of 1975 and 1982, FRELIMO
instituted " . . . an absurdly ambitious revolutionary
programme [which] helped create the conditions in which
sponsored destabilisation has been so brutally effective"
("Mozambique," 1988, p. 3). Because the vast majority of
Mozambique is rural, FRELIMO chose Marxist pragmatism over
long-held chiefdoms, and began "cleaning house" of all
supporters of the previous administration--many of whom
were tribal leaders. This rapid-fire policy had an adverse
effect on the local power structure, making many
distrustful of the central government:

. . . early FRELIMO policy and its continued

inability to manage an over-centralised economy

. . displays all the worst features of

Portuguese bureaucracy and East European central

planning ("Mozambique," 1988, p. 3).

The field appeared fertile for destabilization. Shortly
after the FRELIMO government began making itself unwelcome,
by restructuring 400 years of Portuguese colonial
autocracy, an opposition party appeared called RENAMO.

From most accounts, RENAMO began in the late 19705 as a

Rhodesian-backed, semi-terrorist group whose mission was to

83

combat left-wing black nationalist movements, such as the
ANC and the Marxist FRELIMO. When Rhodesia became Zimbabwe
in 1980, South Africa’s Military Intelligence Directorate
inherited RENAMO. For Pretoria, it was relatively cost-
effective--it cost no South African lives, and was an
already established means to destabilization. South Africa
could press the existing tension in Mozambique and keep
Zimbabwe at bay on half of its border territory. A
disenfranchised former FRELIMO logistics officer and son of
a deposed tribal chief, Afonso Dhlakama, became RENAMO’s
leader. For the past 12 years, RENAMO has been fighting a
brutal guerilla war, the likes of which have been compared
to Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge.

In many civil wars, such as the relentless fighting
that took place in southeast Asia, it is often difficult to
tell who is with the government and who is with the
opposition. Many play both sides--one by day, the other by
night. Although it has been said that the atrocities in
Mozambique are being committed by both sides, Gersony’s
report of refugee accounts tells us a different story:

The refugees spoke authoritatively about their

ability to distinguish between combatants of the

two sides in the conflict. They pointed out

personal familiarity with the individuals

comprising the Government forces . . . to the
heavy casualties often suffered by the Government
side in the attacks by insurgent forces on
villages . . . . Refugees described marked
differences between the two sides in physical

appearance, including hair length and style, and
face and body adornment (1988, p. 12).

84

However, Gersony’s primary findings clearly delineate
the relative actions of both RENAMO and FRELIMO upon the
people of Mozambique. Over 90% of refugee arrivals said
that they fled their homes ". . . because of the conflict,
and, specifically, because of abusive conduct by the
parties to the conflict" (p. 14). They suggested there
were basically three types of RENAMO operations/actions.

Tax Areas

In rural areas where the population is extremely
dispersed, RENAMO routinely visits family farms demanding
contributions, such as grain, livestock, clothing, radios,
and young women. In order to transport contributions to
base camps, local people are obliged to serve as porters,
carrying burdens over short distances, and returning to
their homes when their service is over. Refusal results in
severe beatings. RENAMO appears to be more moderate in
this area than in others, maintaining " . . . a level of
taxation and abuse insufficient to motivate the population
to risk the security dangers, economic perils, and social
disruption represented by escape" (Gersony, 1988, p. 17).
RENAMO has also been reported to target certain
individuals, appearing to have material goods which could
link them to Government support, for torture or death.

Control Areas

One in five refugee respondents indicated that they had

lived for months or years in areas which were under RENAMO

control. Their descriptions of RENAMO activities were

85

detailed and explicit. Two types of populations reside in
Control Areas: naturales (indigenous local people) and
those who have been abducted from other areas and
involuntarily forced to march there. Both groups are
captive and prohibited from leaving. Control Areas are
divided into three organizational categories: combatant
bases, field areas, and dependent areas.
Combatant Bases

Reserved primarily for temporary or permanent combatant
residence, these bases are served by a staff of male
captives. They provide food, water, cleaning, and all
support services. Women are also provided on request. The
refugee respondents indicated that the RENAMO combatants
with whom they had contact represented language groups from
all over the major areas of Mozambique; people are
conscripted through forced recruitment. Many RENAMO
combatants were described as ten years old.
Field Areas

These permanent agricultural lands are worked by
captives from sunup to sundown, six days a week. The
captives are not allowed to benefit from the production of
these fields; they are closely supervised and punished
frequently. They are primarily older children, and adult
men and women. Many are used as porters on long, arduous
marches lasting a week or more. They are prohibited from
eating: weakness inhibits escape. Although women are not

used as porters, reports of forced sex are the norm, and

86

medical relief workers verify a high level of venereal
infection in many of the women who arrive in asylum areas.
Dependent Areas

Those unable to provide a more substantial
function--the elderly and very young children--generally
populate these areas. There were, however, many reports of
brutal beatings of the elderly. The captive population is
not remunerated in any way but is given meager rations and
allowed to live. On rare occasions, they are permitted to
grow food for themselves. Given the wasted physical
condition in which the refugees arrive, food deprivation
appears to be the standard.

Destruction Areas

All other areas are designated as destruction areas.
Usually villages of at least 40 families or government
settlements are targeted for RENAMO destruction
activities. Consistent patterns and methods of attack were
reported by refugees. There is an apparent three-phase
approach to targeting an area for destruction. First,
villages are subjected to careful intelligence collection
by abducting and torturing local residents; many do not
return. RENAMO asks for information on Government
deployment strategies, village leaders, those with valuable
possessions, etc. Second, RENAMO combatants proceed
directly to the homes of identified community leaders and
abduct them or torture and kill them in front of their

families and village members. At this stage, many

87

villagers are abducted and marched to Control Areas. Some
lucky ones manage to escape before capture. The third
phase is an actual military attack, generally in the early
morning hours. Rarely are villages protected by FRELIMO,
and civilians are not allowed to carry firearms. The
attacks are on unarmed, defenseless people. In the larger
villages, government forces may provide a stronger, and
sometimes successful, resistance. The purpose of the
attack is to destroy everything, and the village is then
burned and left in ruin. Those few who are fortunate
enough to escape the attack run and hide in the bush
waiting for days until they can flee to a safer area
(usually traveling at night).

Although it has been denied by Dhlakama (the leader of
RENAMO), Reiss--the only journalist to have interviewed
Dhlakama to date--states that:

. . . Renamo’s origins [began] in the late 19705

as a ‘pseudo-terrorist’ group underwritten by

Rhodesian intelligence officers to combat

left-wing black nationalism (1988, p. 13).

Dhlakama maintains that he and his forces are fighting to
"bring freedom to Mozambique," yet Gersony’s interviews
with refugees paint a very different picture. Based on the
interview data, Gersony refutes Dhlakama’s insurgency
mission:

. . . the relationship between Renamo and the

civilian population, according to the refugee

accounts, revolves almost exclusively around a
harsh extraction of labour and food. If these

88

reports are accurate, it appears that the only

reciprocity provided by Renamo for the efforts of

the civilians is the possibility of remaining

alive. There are virtually no reports of attempts

to win the loyalty--or even the neutrality--of the

villagers. The refugees report virtually no

effort by Renamo to explain to the civilians the
purpose of the insurgency, its proposed programme

or its aspirations. If there is a significant

sector of the population which is sympathetic to

this organization, it was not reflected in the

refugee accounts (1988, p. 42).

There are those who would claim that the destruction
and devastation is being committed by a "ragtag group of
bandits," without purpose or support from either internal
or external factors. However, Gersony has received
information that again refutes that assumption:

That the accounts are so . . . similar by refugees

who have fled from northern, central and southern

Mozambique suggests that the ‘violence is

systematic and coordinated and not a series of

spontaneous, isolated incidents by undisciplined

combatants (1988, p. 42).

Table 3.02 illustrates conduct on both sides. This
long-term (12 year), systematic, well-coordinated and
still-surviving insurgency appears to have little, if any,
internal popular support. Yet, it continues to destroy its
own country without actually overthrowing the FRELIMO
government. Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that
it must be receiving assistance from an external agency

anxious to "change the behavior of the Mozambican

government and people" (Gersony, 1988, p. 43). In a recent

89
article published in Africa Confidential, it is stated that
the aim of South Africa’s policy:
. . . is not to topple the Mozambique Liberation Front
(FRELIMO) government in Maputo but to keep it in a
state of tension until such time as the securocrats

decide what is their bottom line for Mozambique
("Mozambique," 1988, pp. 3-5).

Table 3.02 Incidents Attributed to RENAMO and FRELIMO

 

Refugees Reporting

 

 

Conduct Attributed Witnessing/
to Participating in
Incident FRELIMO RENAMO RENAMO Conduct
Forced
Contribution 6% 94%
Abduction ' 4% 96%
Murder 3% 94% 40%
Porter Beatings 60%
Forced Portering 60%
Lived in
Control Areas 21%
Rape 15%
Mutilations 5%

 

Source: Adapted from Summary of Mozambican Refugee
Accounts, (Gersony, 1988)

This state of tension is forcing thousands of Mozambicans
to seek refuge in the nearest haven possible. In this
case, that place is Malawi. They are still arriving at a
rate of 30,000 per month. The stress that has been placed
upon Malawi is of grave concern to that government and
international agencies.

However, RENAMO’s strange assortment of supporters is

beginning to fade away. Even South Africa has ceased air

90

drops and the training of combatants. They are choosing
other strategies now that destabilization of Mozambique is
a certainty. There have been some efforts made to convene
the two sides together to reach a settlement. However, so
much suffering has been inflicted, and so much blood
spilled, that it seems unlikely that an agreement would be
possible. "We will fight until we win," were the words
quoted by a young combatant training in the hills of
Gorongosa (cited in Reiss, 1988, p. 13). What they will
win is hard to discern. After the devastation that has
been executed upon the Mozambicans, it is questionable
whether there will be anyone or anything left to govern.

South Africa’s destabilization policy has taken an
ironic twist. The one country in all of southern Africa
that has remained silent and maintained its diplomatic ties
with South Africa is reeling from the effects ‘of
destabilization: Malawi cannot be neutral for long.

The Role of the Private Voluntary Organization in
Refugee Assistance

Development agencies have been involved in refugee

assistance for many years. Various terms have been
utilized to describe them: "private voluntary
organizations" (PVOs), "non-governmental organizations"

(NGOs), "relief and development agencies," and "private aid
agencies" (Sommers, 1977). Bolling and Smith (1982,
p. 153) have suggested a difference between the roles of

the PVO and NGO:

91

The NGOs have a recognized status as consultative
to the U. N. and are primarily engaged in the
study and advice in international issues. The
PVOs are oriented more toward action and service.

The goals and objectives of PVOs and NGOs vary widely,

although

their approaches may appear to be similar.

According to Sommers (1977), these objectives range from:

1)

2)

3)

4)

5)

6)

helping the less fortunate of the world in their
struggle against hunger, ill health, and ignorance
(e.g., CARE):

coordinating activities in the fields of
nutrition, education, with an emphasis on the
distribution of relief supplies (e.g., Catholic
Relief Services);

serving the common interest of U. S. Protestant
Orthodox churches in the works of Christian mercy
(e.g., Church World Service);

giving assistance to desperately needy families,
with the emphasis on aid to their children (e.g.,
Foster Parents’ Plan);

bringing financial assistance and expertise to
bear on the problems of population and hunger, the
quality of the environment, and the development of
universities (e.g., Rockefeller Foundation);
adapting and transmitting technical information
and providing solutions to technical problems

(e.g., Volunteers in Technical Assistance); and

92
7) sharing resources in the Name of Christ and
establishing and preserving an identity as free as
possible from those nationalistic, cultural, and
ideological interests which are contrary to an
understanding of faithfulness to Christ (e.g.,
Central Mennonite Committee).

Many PVOs began as extensions of churches or religious
organizations. Following the end of World War II,
governments began working in relief and development
assistance. By the 19605 and 19705, many agencies shifted
from relief-oriented activities to self-help projects:

Many PVOs reoriented themselves toward development

work during the 19705, in contrast to relief.
This has qualified them to be seen by donors as

alternative conduits for development
assistance-~particularly for projects directed to
the poor. Throughout the 19705, AID (the United

States Agency for International Development) has

had the explicit goal of encouraging PVOs to move

out of relief and into development (Haveman, 1981,

p. 50).

Currently, many PVOs are focusing upon sustainable
development. The concern for these agencies is to end
dependency on relief, and to encourage community control.

Korten acknowledges that PVOs have evolved through
t-1'1ree phases: from a relief mode in phase one, to a
self-help mode in phase two, to a third phase of
suStainable development:

Currently, segments of the PVO community are again

engaged in a _re-examination of basic strategic
issues relating to sustainability, breadth of

93

impact, and recurrent cost recovery. At the heart

of this re-examination is the realization that

sustaining the outcomes of self-reliant village

development initiative depends on systems of

effectively linked local public and private

organizations (1986, p. 79).

For the organizational structure of all refugee
assistance agencies working in Malawi, see Figure 3.03.

World Vieion International

The Background

Ever since its inception after World War II, this
organization has demonstrated consistent growth in terms of
its resources, and in its contribution to the
transformational development of human beings. The nature
of its involvement in relief, development, and childcare
services has gained it the recognition of governments,
international agencies, and other PVOs. The critical role
played by World Vision during the plight of southeast Asian
and Ethiopian refugees in Somalia has made it one of the
leading, contemporary PVOs. To this end, Bolling and Smith
state:

In the two most highly dramatized refugee crisis

situations in the world in recent years--Southeast

Asia and the Horn of Africa--the principal private

source of emergency assistance was World Vision,

based in Monrovia, California. It is an

organization that very much marches to its own

drum (1982, p. 176).

Although, due to its involvement with Korean orphans in

its early years, it was perceived by some as an

organization caring for orphan children, World Vision

94

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HOST GOVERNMENT OPC UNHCR
-- USAID MOH -- -- HEP SC? --
-- CIDA MOA -- -- UNICEF WVI-M --
- NORAID MOE -- -- UNESCO RC --
- EC MOCD -- -- UNDP CCM --
-- ODA POLICE -- -- OTHERS OXPAM --
-- OTHERS MOW -- OTHERS --
OTHERS --

KEY:

CCM - Christian Council of Malawi

CIDA - Canadian International Development Agency

EC - European Economic Community

MOA - Ministry of Agriculture

MOCD - Ministry of Community Development

MOE - Ministry of Education

MOE - Ministry of Health

MOW - Ministry of Works

NORAID - Norwegian Agency for International Development

ODA - Overseas Development Agency

OPC - Office of the President and the Cabinet

RC - Red Cross

SC? - Save the Children Fund

UNDP - United Nations Development Program

UNESCO - United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organization
UNHCR - United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF - United Nations International Children’s Emergency
Fund .

USAID - United States Agency for International Development

WFP - World Food Programme

WVIéM - Werld Vision International-Malawi

3.

03 Agencies Responding to Refugees’ Needs in Malawi

95
International (WVI) has come a long way in its own
transformation of understanding and interpreting the

concepts of human development. Dickinson states that:

World Vision International has been able to evolve
from a humanitarian agency which primarily
financed institutional childcare programs, into an
agency that is creatively involved in the
promotion of transformative social change through
community development and other programs (1988,
p. 206).

One of the dynamics of WVI is its fast response to
relief situations that are man-made or natural calamities.
The organization has developed a capacity to be on the
scene of a disaster within 24 hours of the occurrence of
the problem. WVI then quickly assesses needs and rapidly
gets necessary commodities to affected people. As the

Board of Directors declared in WVI’s internationalization

statement:

We are stirred and driven by unmet needs of
countless millions of human beings caught in the
toils of poverty, hunger, disease, loneliness and
despair. These are God’s creatures, formed in His
image, yet unable to receive their God-given
potential. Our approach to this staggering need
is holistic: we decline the unbiblical concept of
spiritual over against the physical, the personal
over against the social. It is the whole person,
in the wholeness of his or her relationship that
we want to see redeemed through the one Savior,
Jesus Christ Our Lord (1978, p. 1).

Such a commitment is transmitted to, and echoed by, WVI

field staff at support offices, as well as at the field and

96
program office level. The goal is to serve the neediest of
the needy.

The internationalization that took place in 1978, drew
many autonomous, national organizations into an
international partnership. This has further strengthened
the organization and raised its material and financial
resources a great deal. It has also drawn quality
leadership from all over the world to provide the
organization with modern, scientific, management skills.

Table 3.03 depicts some of World Vision International’s
current activities. All the field and program offices are
located in the Third World countries where action plans for
development, and other programs, are operationalized. The
fundraising (Support Offices) are in Australia, Great
Britain, Canada, West Germany, New Zealand, and the United
States. Furthermore, eight offices are in the process of
becoming fundraising or support offices. Every budget
year, the Support Offices produce an amount they propose to
raise for the year. Field and Program Offices also provide
an annual budget with project proposals. The International
Office coordinates all these activities and provides
periodic training and evaluation services to the Field and
Program Office personnel. In addition to this, the
International Office coordinates project reports from field
operations, and provides the Support Offices with

assistance in their fundraising efforts.

97

Table 3.03 Profile of World Vision International (WVI)

 

Countries in which World Vision is working: More than 80

FY ’90 Budget: Over $181 million (U.S.)
$49 million in food GIK (U.S.)

Estimated Beneficiaries
Projecte (in millione)

4,933 Aid to Children/
Families 15.3 Million Africa

66 Emergency Relief/

 

 

 

 

Rehabilitation 5.1 Million Asia/Mid-E
534 Community Development 1.9 Million Lat. America
116 Evangelism and
Leadership .003 Million Europe
5,649 Projects 22.300 Million

Children Assisted in Family and
Community Development Programmes: 970,761

Staff

179 International Offices (including 11 in Geneva/London)
62 Expatriates in Field Assignments

3,628 Full-Time National Field Staff
65 Contract Staff

1,403 Support Offices (15)

 

5,337 Total Partnership Staff

Source: WVI, 1990 "Fact Sheet"

98

WVI's Activities and Involvement in Africa

Prior to 1971, WVI activities in Africa were limited to
sporadic, scattered projects, sponsored by various churches
and other organizations. In 1971, an office was opened in
Nairobi, Kenya, with a designated person to direct it.
Since then, 10 field offices and three program offices have
been established in Africa. The agency has been able to
invest millions of dollars in various community development
and relief programs throughout the Continent. There are
more than 1,000 staff assigned to these field and program
offices. Wherever possible, it is the agency’s policy to
recruit and operate with national staff, together with a
few technical staff recruited internationally, to assist
the national staff as needs arise.
World Visiop's Involvement in Rerugee Affairs

Ever since the Southeast Asian refugees ("Boat People")
of the mid 19705, World Vision has responded to refugee
needs worldwide. However, such involvement has resulted in
occasionally severe criticism, especially in the early
years. In responding to the plight of the Salvadoran
refugees in Honduras, Caritas International, another
agency, leveled a harsh criticism:

Persistent complaints about the activities of one

of the agencies, World Vision, complicated the

provision of refugee relief. The complaints

centered around collaboration between World Vision

and the Honduran and Salvadoran security forces
against the refugees (Ferris, 1985, p. 199).

99
In response to this criticism, World Vision sent two of its
officials experienced in Honduran refugee relief work. In
their report, the analysts recognized the validity of some
of the criticism directed toward World Vision:,
In trying to be apolitical in Honduras, we became
frozen around inaction and security. We
communicated by our stance that we favored the
status quo, that we were not aligned with the

defenders of the human rights of the refugees, and
therefore, if not for them, against them. In this

politicized climate, we were blind to the
intensity of the human rights struggle and
associated geopolitical issues (World Vision

International, 1986b, p. 7).

In its conclusion, the report paints a clear picture.
While a number of operational deficiencies were apparent,
it states: "We can find no evidence to support the most
serious allegations" (p. 8). As a result of this
investigation, World Vision decided to withdraw from direct
Honduran refugee relief. After February 1, 1982, all
remaining funding was channeled through other NGOs. The
report further indicated a comprehensive management review
was needed. Before the termination of its assistance to
Salvadoran refugees in Honduras, World Vision became aware
that some refugees were being forced into activities and
movements against their will. World Vision President, W.
Stanley Mooneyham, sent a telegram to the UNHCR
Commissioner, Paul Hartling, in which he expressed his

concern (cf., Appendix B). Currently, World Vision is

100
directly involved in assisting Afghan refugees in Pakistan,
and Mozambican refugees in Malawi and Zimbabwe.
World Visiop of Malawi

History. World Vision International began providing
some kind of assistance to Malawi in the form of funding
the Lulwe School for the Blind in the Nsanje District. The
project was being coordinated from the Africa Regional
Office in Nairobi by the late Moisari Mpaaye Mbene who was
the Associate Director of Women in Development for that
region, at the time of her death in a car accident.

The project started in 1979 in the absence of an
established office in Malawi. In 1981, John Howell, an
Australian, was sent to Malawi to establish the World
Vision office. However, due to bureaucratic delays, the
office was not established until 1982.

There is a Board of Trustees and an Advisory Council
with three additional members which make up the Advisory
Council. The WVI President and Africa Vice President are
ex-officio members of the Advisory Council. Since its
inception in 1982, WVI-Malawi’s budget has increased from
$99,000 (U.S.) to approximately $4.9 million (U.S.) in
1991. The number of projects has also increased to 135.

£2£_§- Initially, World Vision-Malawi focused on
school rehabilitation projects. This was primarily in the
southern region of the country, where a whirlwind had
caused considerable damage to school buildings. By the

time the office was registered and fully established, there

101

were 15 projects which were funded by WVI in partnership
with different agencies. Over the years, WVI-Malawi has
invest a great deal of financial and material resources in
the development of primary schools in rural areas. This
was the most apparent need at the time. Many children were
not going to school, either because of a lack of
educational facilities or the facilities themselves were in
poor condition. Many classes were held under trees or in
grass-thatched shelters which leaked heavily during the
rainy seasons. Although WVI-Malawi has continued to focus
on education, projects have been diversified to include
such development components as health, agriculture, water
supply, income generation, skills development, etc.

Projects. WVI-Malawi projects can be classified into
three major categories: sponsorship, area development and
non-sponsorship.

There are more than 70 sponsorship projects run by the
Malawi Field Office. The majority of these are
community-based development projects geared to develop self
reliance in the beneficiary communities. Projects include
education, agriculture, afforestation, water supply, direct
benefits to sponsored children and skills development.
Most of the sponsorship projects are small scale with
budgets averaging $25,000 (U.S.).

In a bid to improve the performance of the projects’
impact on the communities, WVI-Malawi is moving into an

Area Development Programs (ADP) approach. This was

102

initiated in five areas/communities. It covers larger
areas with more than 20,000 people and sponsored children
of 800 and above. Another important feature of ADP is
that, while the small-scale, community-based development
projects last an average of seven years, the ADPs are
operative for 10 to 15 years, thereby making a definite
impact on the economic status of the assisted area.

Non-sponsorship projects are those funded from sources
other than direct sponsorship of children. Sources include
donations from foundations, individuals, clubs, churches,
governments, etc. In Malawi, the non-sponsorship projects
can be classified into the following categories: church
leadership, women in development projects, small-scale,
community-based development projects, large-scale projects,
relief and urban advance.

The WVI-Malawi structure is comprised of a senior
management team led by the field director and four
divisional heads of finance, operations, technical services
and administration and ‘human resources. Under the senior
management team, there are department managers who
administer special functions in the field office. These
include the areas of accounting, auditing, personnel,
administration, health, training, evaluation and sponsor
relations. Together with the senior management, the
managers make up the "Ministry Review Committee" (MRC).
The MRC meets once every two months to review the entire

field office operation. The management team meets once a

103
month, apart from ad hoc meetings that deal with emergency
matters and policy issues. The total number of WVI-Malawi
staff is 135, all of whom are Malawians.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) began operations in 1951 following a
resolution by the U. N. General Assembly. From its
inception, the UNHCR has provided refugees with such social
services as counseling, basic education, assistance in
obtaining employment, and rehabilitation. With the recent
increase in the number, size, and complexity of refugee
situations, the UNHCR has recognized that additional social
services are necessary to meet immediate needs and provide
lasting solutions.
Background

The UNHCR acts under the authority of the U. N. General
Assembly and follows policy directives of the Assembly and
its Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) (UNHCR Handbo k,
1982). Referring to the dismantled International Refugee
Organization (IRO), Gordenker states:

From the rubble was constructed, slowly and at

irregular intervals, the present transnational

structure for dealing with refugees which is [the]

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

(1987, p. 27).
The establishment of the UNHCR reaffirmed the principle,

already adopted in the creation of the IRO, that the

international responsibilities for general relief and

104

refugee protection would be limited in both time and
place. Initially, the whole idea of these organizations
was to help the European refugees of the Second World War.
However, Gordenker states:

The emergence of unprecedented numbers of refugees

in some of the world’s poorest countries gave a

strong impetus to the rapid growth of

transnational networks to assist these people

(1987, p. 56).
Forced movements of large-scale populations tend to create
much social and political disturbance. Because the
networks and magnitude of refugee populations are so great,
other U. N. bodies--such as the Food and Agricultural
Organization (FAQ), World Health Organization (WHO), U. N.
International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), U. N.
Development Program (UNDP), and the U. N. Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)--have been
actively involved in responding to refugee needs. -One of
the roles of the UNHCR is to coordinate NGO activities
extended to refugees.
UNHCE Legal and Social Services for Refugees

The UNHCR response to an emergency usually includes
legal protection of refugees and material assistance.
Although material assistance is very important to the
refugees, legal protection remains a primary task.
Gordenker sees the fight against non-refoulment (i.e.,
forced return of refugees and asylum seekers) to their land

of origin) as a UNHCR fundamental principle (1987). The

105

UNHCR uses its networks in attempts to provide legal
protection against such expulsion. Clearly, social
services are more effective when used in conjunction with
other measures to protect and assist refugees. The UNHCR
ensures that those responsible for social services, both on
its staff and implementing partners, understand how their
work relates to a complete program of refugee protection
and assistance.

Largely dependent upon voluntary contributions for its
financial income, the UNHCR has an administrative structure

in country of asylum and in the region where refugee

assistance programs are operational: headquarters,
regional office, branch office, field office, and
sub-office.

Summary

This chapter discussed the research setting and the
agencies involved in responding to refugees. In the

following chapter, the research methodology is presented.

CHAPTER IV

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This chapter focuses on the following topics:
(1) description of the population, (2) research procedures,
and (3) the research questions. As outlined in Chapter I,
the purpose of this study is to investigate refugee
participation in the needs assessment, planning,
implementation, and evaluation of projects that are
designed to meet their needs. Some of the terms used in
this study are defined first.

Definition of Key Terms

Ne 5 assessment: According to Borg and Gall (1983),
"a need is usually defined as a discrepancy (or a gap)
between an existing set of conditions and a desired set of
conditions" (p. 753). Assessment of needs is important for
community development because it provides the foundation
for developing new programs and for making changes in
existing programs. Therefore, it is the intention of this
study to see if the refugees are part of the initial needs

assessment in the process of program development.

106

107

Erograr Development: Boyle (1981, p. 42) defines this
as ". . . essentially a course of action to achieve an
effective . . . program." The process of development and
planned change requires an identified need, a defined
objective and the necessary resources to achieve the
objective.

Implementation: In this part of the program
development process, plans are used to make the changes
indicated by the needs assessment in the most effective and
efficient manner with resources that are available.

Evaluation: There are two types of evaluation:
formative and summative. Formative evaluation is conducted
while a program is in operation, while summative evaluation
is used to decide if the program objectives have been met.

The Research Questions
Research Question 1
1.1 As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their overall participation in the programs
designed to meet their needs?
1.2 As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their participation in the needs assessment,

planning, implementation and evaluation phases?

108

Reseercp Question 2
As perceived by refugees, does participation vary
by camp, duration of stay in camp, and occupation?

Research Question 3

3.1 As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of overall refugee
participation in the programs designed to meet
their needs?

3.2 As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of refugee participation in the
needs assessment, planning, implementation and
evaluation phases?

gesearcp Question 4
As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
does refugee participation vary by organisation
and position?

Resea es on 5
As perceived by refugees, what are the constraints
that hinder their involvement in programs designed
to meet their needs?

Resea ch uest n 6
Do the host government and the agencies have
written policies that call for, and encourage,
refugee participation in programs designed to meet

refugee needs?

109
The Population

The study’s primary population consists of Mozambican
refugees in Malawi. However, for the purpose of
understanding participation from the personnel perspective,
the study required a second population: all personnel who
work with the Mozambican refugees.

Refugee Population

Refugees in Malawi constitute the population for this
study. They are in the area extending from the southern
tip of the country in Nsanje to Lilongwe, the capital
city. As the borders of Mozambique stretch the full length
of Malawi from east, south and one half way from the west,
it is natural for the influx of refugees to escape to the
nearest and safest haven. The districts of Malawi that are
adjacent to Mozambican borders and host refugees are:
Nsanje, Chikwawa, Mwanza, Mulanje, Ntcheu, Machinga,
Mangochi, Salima and Lilongwe (cf., Figure 3.02).

This population was chosen based on the following

factors:

1. The large influx of those refugees in a relatively
short period of time has attracted world
attention.

2. Malawi’s stable government has created a conducive
atmosphere for research.

3. Key refugee agencies are present and active.

4. No previous studies have been conducted regarding

refugee participation in Southern Africa.

110

On an average, each district has seven camps and there
are a total of 63 camps. Each camp has between 15,000 and
25,000 refugees. A total of 812,000 refugees populate the
camps in seven districts. In terms of families, there are
about 160,000 in all the districts.

Agencyzcovernmental Personnel Population

The personnel population consists of the directors,
managers, and the project coordinators who work with the
Mozambican refugee programs of the Government of Malawi,
UNHCR-Malawi and World Vision International-Malawi. In
all, there are three directors, three managers, and 33
coordinators--a total of 39 individuals.

The Sample

Two samples were used in this study: one from the
refugee population, and the other from the
agency/governmental personnel population. The methods used
to select these samples are described below.

Eefngee_§anele

The researcher could not study the entire Mozambican
refugee population in Malawi because of its size.
Therefore, sampling the population became a very important
task in conducting a manageable and successful study.
Selection of Camps

An essential task involved deciding which of the many
hundreds of refugee groups or camps scattered throughout
the nine districts were to be sampled. First, all refugee

camps were located on a map and checked against a list made

111
available by the UNHCR Office. Accessibility, travel time,
expense, and number of refugees per camp were considered
major decision factors.

A lottery method was used to determine which districts
would be sampled. The name of each district was written on
a piece of paper. Each piece of paper was then folded the
same way and thrown into a basket. The names of five
districts were drawn by an individual not otherwise
involved in this study. Then using purposive sampling due
to limited resources and the number of research assistants
available, 10 camps were selected in which the interview
schedule was administered.

Selection of Families

On an average, each camp has about 3,000 refugee
families. From each of the 10 sampled camps, 120 families
were chosen in the following manner. First, upon arrival
at the assigned camps, each research assistant was given a
copy of random numbers. He/she went to the office of the
camp administrator, and opened the refugee registration
book of that camp. Without looking at the random number
list, the research assistant put a finger on a number, and
the family with that registration number was taken as the
first family in the sample of families. After that, every
100th house was included in the sample until the total
reached 120. In the absence of randomly-selected family

heads, the household immediately following it was used as a

112
replacement. The computation steps involved in this

sampling procedure were:

Refugee Families
+ Random Number

 

Interval

Random Number + Refugee Families
(First Refugee Family Sample) +

Total Refugee Families

 

Sampling Interval
Second Refugee Family Sample
In the case where the total refugee families

number 5,200, and the random number is 28,
the next refugee family chosen to be sampled

is:
(5,200 + 28) = 80
120
Thus, 1,200 families were selected. The head of each

family was chosen for inclusion in the sample. The final
sample consisted of 1,200 refugees.
Personnel Sample

The sample was drawn from a population of three
directors, three managers, and 33 project coordinators who
were directly involved in the refugee programs operated by
the organizations they represented. All the directors and
managers who represented the three agencies/governmental
organizations were selected for inclusion in the sample.
The selection depended on the individual’s knowledge and
the extent of his/her involvement in the programs. This

sample consisted of 21 personnel.

113
Research Design
The design of this study is descriptive. Turney and
Robb (1971) suggest that descriptive studies allow one to
find pertinent information in an effort to determine the
current practice or status so that we may develop
guidelines for future research. The methodological
approach used in this study was primarily quantitative.
Qualitative data collected through interviews and personal
observations were also used to supplement quantitative
data.
Data Collection
Data Collection Instruments
According to Kerlinger (1973, p. 487), the
questionnaire has various advantages and, if it is
adequately constructed and pretested, it possesses a
uniformity of stimulus.
As Tull and Albaum assert (1973, p. 142):

. . questionnaires have the advantage of
providing the greatest degree of control over the
question in the asking and responding process.

The person in the household who would be answering

the questions can more often be reached through

such questionnaires than other means.

With this in mind, two instruments were designed to
collect data for this study. The research questions,
assumptions, literature, and the input of social scientists

and field practitioners were used to construct the data-

gathering instruments. These instruments were improved at

114

the field level to make them more effective. It was
necessary to greatly simplify the questions because most
refugees could not read or write. These instruments were
further checked by former faculty members of Indiana
University and The Ohio State University who are currently
working with World Vision International. Both individuals
agreed that these instruments adequately measured what they
were intended to measure. Thus, face validity was
established for both the instruments.

The interview method was also used to collect data from
agency and governmental personnel. Agency and governmental
manuals and other literature were reviewed for information
about policies relevant to refugee participation. Gordon
(1980, pp. 61-62) notes that research interviews have a
number of advantages, including:

1. The interview provides greater opportunity for
motivating the respondent to supply accurate and
complete information.

2. The interview provides greater opportunity for
guiding the respondents in their interpretation of
the questions.

3. The interview allows greater flexibility in
questioning the respondent. The more exploratory
the purpose, the greater the need for flexibility
in determining the wording of the question, the
sequence of the questions, and direction and

amount of probing used.

115
4. The interview provides greater opportunity to
evaluate the validity of the information by
observing the respondent’s non-verbal
manifestations with his or her attitude toward
supplying the information.
Interview Schedule (See Appendix A)

An interview schedule was used to collect data from the
refugee sample. This instrument had two sections. Section
One had five questions about the respondent’s demographics,
and Section Two had 15 questions relating to the
respondent’s perceptions about his/her participation at
different phases of the refugee program. These 15
questions required "yes" and "no" answers only. The needs
assessment, planning, and implementation phases had four
questions each, and the evaluation phase 'had three
questions.

This instrument was translated into Chichewa, the
primary language of Malawians and a second major language
of Mozambicans. The World Vision Malawi management team
selected the best available Chichewa-speaking staff members
for the translation work. Each question in Chichewa was
compared to the English version and necessary adjustments
and corrections were made. According to Fielding and
Fielding (1986, p. 30):

When no discrepancies between the original and the

twice translated text are found, this constitutes a
form of triangulation, which simply is convergent

116

evidence that an ‘unbiased’ translation has

occurred and that the translators are competent.

Later, during the training of the research assistants,
each question in English was further discussed against the
Chichewa translation. It was discovered that some words in
the Chichewa translation reflected double meanings,
weakening the chances of acquiring the needed information
from the refugees. Such discussion on the translation was
found to be useful because it helped clarify ambiguities.
Because all of the research assistants spoke fluent English
and Chichewa, they were able to discuss and compare the
questions in both languages. After the pretest, additional
adjustments were made to the Chichewa translation. The
final translation was checked by a group of project
coordinators to determine if the language effectively
communicated to the refugees and elicited the needed
information. After the pretest, additional adjustments
were made to the Chichewa translation.

Governmentlrgency Personnel Questionnaire (See Appendix A)

This questionnaire contained two sections. The first
section had three questions about the respondent’s sex,
agency and agency position. The second section contained
12 questions organized under four sections that
corresponded to the four phases of programs. Thus, each
section had three questions. All the questions were to be

answered on a five—point, Likert-type scale.

117
Prat—satin

The Interview Schedule was administered to 12
randomly-selected refugees in the Kunyinda Camp. The
results of the pretest were not included in the final data
which were gathered from the sampled refugee sample. The
pretester read the questions to the 12 refugees
individually and wrote down their responses. The pretest
demonstrated that some questions were not understood by the
respondents, and, therefore, needed to be rephrased. The
rephrased questions were reviewed and accepted by the
researcher and the research assistants.

Data were gathered from the following agencies or
organizations: the Government of Malawi, the UNHCR and
World Vision-Malawi. Before distributing the questionnaire
to the personnel, the researcher discussed the purpose and
content of the questions with the respondents and provided
explanations. These explanations were accepted by all
respondents. After the discussions, each respondent
completed the questionnaire.

geleetiop and Training or the Research Assistants

To select research assistants, the researcher contacted
the Chancellor College of the University of Malawi in
Zomba. World Vision-Malawi had used some of the students
of this University in the past two years for baseline
community surveys. The assistants included three women and
nine men. All the research assistants spoke fluent English

and Chichewa, and were able to discuss and compare the

118
questions in both languages. When the selection,
negotiation and acceptance processes were completed, a
letter confirming their appointment and including the terms
of agreement was sent to each of the students selected.
The letter also specified training dates, times, and venue.
Table 4.01 shows the number of students from each

college, their year in college, and area of study.

Table 4.01 Educational Levels of Research Assistants

 

 

Year in Number of
College Assistants Major
lst 1 Social Science
2nd 1 Engineering
2 Sociology
3rd 1 Geography
2 Natural Sciences
4th 2 Sociology
2 Social Work
_l Engineering
Total 12

 

Training of Research Assistants
Borg and Gall declare (1983, p. 444):

Before conducting any interviews, the interviewer
should become so familiar with the interview guide
(wording, format, recording procedures and
allowable probes) that he can conduct the
interview in a conventional manner without
hesitating, backtracking or needing to reread or
study the guide.

119
With this as a guiding principle, a one-day training
session was arranged for the 12 research assistants
selected from Chancellor College. The researcher conducted
the training.

As part of the training, the research assistants
participated in role play by taking on the parts of
interviewers and interviewees. Using the interview
schedule, they did the role play in the presence of their
colleagues and the researcher. Borg and Gall (1983,
p. 444) speak to this when they assert:

. . . research on interviewer training suggests

that the trainees should conduct practice

interviews and should receive corrective feedback

until their performance becomes standardized and

reaches the desired level of reliability and

objectivity.
Role play provided each participant an opportunity to
practice the interview, obtain feedback and feel
comfortable with the process. Procedural errors were
called to their attention. The facilitator and trainees
provided feedback in a constructive manner. Culturally
appropriate human dynamics were also discussed. These
included respect for elders, proper greetings before and
after interviews, and the use of clear and courteous
language. The participants were also advised to be relaxed
and informal during the interview. For example, one

technique pertained to making a proper

introduction--talking about something else rather than

120
going directly to the interview. Cultural jokes and/or
stories were suggested to help create a relaxed
atmosphere. The assistants were also trained to assure
respondents that whatever they said would be kept
confidential. Furthermore, the research assistants were to
reassure the interviewees that their role in the research
was both important and voluntary. Finally, the refugees
were told that, if they did not feel free to talk, they
could stop at any point during the interview.
Questionnaire Administration

Interview Schedule

The total time assigned for refugee interviews was two
full weeks, weekends included. Three members of the
research team (WVM Head of Technical Services Unit, the
Manager of the Relief Program, and the Manager of the
Training Department) personally transported the research
assistants to their assigned refugee camps. They also
introduced the interviewers to the District Commissioners
(DC) and the camp administrators. Prior to the research
assistants’ arrival, these government officials were
informed about the purpose of the study, that the
interviewers were coming, and that their cooperation was
already obtained.

In consultation with the camp administrators and
refugee camp chiefs, lodging was arranged for the research
assistants. Upon arrival in the camp, the research

assistant was introduced to the Camp Administrator who, in

121
turn, introduced him/her to the village Chief. The camp
chief then introduced the refugee respondents. Figure 4.01
depicts the hierarchical structure of refugee
administration in Malawi.

As a first step in questionnaire administration, the
research assistants who served as interviewers introduced
the study to the respondents and also explained that the
respondents were at liberty to withdraw their participation
in the interview process at any time if they so desired.
Following this step, the interviewers read the questions
one by one to the respondents and noted their answers.

While the interviews were in progress, the researcher
made supervisory trips to the camps to: (1) see if the
research assistants had encountered any problems, (2)
resolve these problems, and (3) monitor some of the
interviews in progress. The visits revealed that, while
everything was going well and according to plan, a problem
of language had arisen in the Mankhokwe Camp in Nsanje
District; some of the refugees were Sena speakers. This
was not anticipated by anyone involved, and a second
translation was organized "on the spot" because the
interview questions were only translated into Chichewa.
AgencyLGovernmenr Personnel Questionnaire

The researcher personally hand-delivered questionnaires
to all 21 respondents included in the agency/government
personnel sample. The researcher explained the study’s

purpose and made it clear to the respondents that they

122

 

LP

 

Parliament

'

 

OPC

5'7

 

 

DC

 

CA

 

HC

 

 

Chief

 

 

 

 

IR Refugee

 

 

Key:

LP
OPC
DC
CA
HC
IR

Life President

Office of the President and Cabinet
District Commissioner

Camp Administrator

Head Chief

Individual Refugee

Figure 4.01 Descending Hierarchical Structure of Refugee
Administration in Malawi

123
could withdraw their participation, if desired, for any
reason of their own. Furthermore, the researcher made it
clear to them that confidentiality of answers and anonymity
would be maintained.
Personal Interviews

The researcher personally interviewed the officials of
different organizations. These interviews focused
primarily on policy matters relating to refugee
participation and included the directors and mangers of the
organizations. Interviews were generally held in their
offices and at conference centers after donor meetings.
Informal meetings were also held during and after lunch.

The researcher did not make notes or use any recording
devices during the interviews. However, soon after each
interview session, the researcher took time to write down
the content of the officer’s responses.

Scoring the Data
Scoring Refugee Sample Data

Out of the 1,200 interview schedules given to the
interviewers, the researcher received 1,177. The remaining
schedules are assumed to have been lost in transit. The
interview schedules received from the interviewers were
numbered serially.

Scoring Personnel Sample Data
Out of the 21 questionnaires given to this group, 20

were returned to the researcher.

124

This questionnaire’s first section had three general
questions which did not require scoring. The second
section had 12 questions grouped under the four phases of
refugee program development. Scores noted by a respondent
against the questions in each group were totaled and
divided by 3, the number of questions under each phase, to
arrive at phase scores. The phase scores were taken as the
raw score of different phases. The maximum and minimum
scores possible were 5 and 0, respectively. Participation
at the overall level was computed by adding the phase
scores and dividing the sum by 4, as all the phases had an
equal number of questions and cases. All the computations
were done on a computer using the SPSS PC+ statistical
program.

Statistical Procedures Used

Refugee sample data were subjected to univariate and
bivariate analyses for answering questions 1.1 and 1.2.
Along with bivariate analysis, frequencies, Chi-Square
statistics, and Phi Coefficients were computed for testing
statistical significance and strength of association
between variables in every association.

Question 2 was studied using cross-tabulations,
contingency coefficients, and frequencies. The purpose of
contingency coefficients was to understand the strength of
association between variables included in each

cross-tabulation.

125

Questions 3.1 and 3.2 were studied using frequencies,
and the one-way analysis of variance procedure.

Questions 4 and 5 were studied using qualitative data
collected through interviews and the review of
organizational documents. The data were subjected to
topic-wise analysis and frequency tabulation.

Summary

In this chapter, the methods and procedures used in
conducting and analyzing the data were explained. The
study’s target population, the research instrument and its
validity, translation and pilot testing were described. In
addition, data collection procedures and statistical
analysis methods were described. The results of the data
analysis performed in this study will be reported in

Chapter V.

CHAPTER V

DATA ANALYSIS

Introduction

This chapter presents the study findings. Data
analyses were done using the statistical program, SPSS PC+
version 3.0. To begin with, a selected set of
characteristics of the sample are given, followed by the
major findings of the study.

Characteristics of the Sample

The study had two samples, one from the refugee

population and the other from the personnel population.
Esfnsss_§annle

The refugee sample size was 1,200, but 1,177 interview
schedules were completed by the interviewers and returned
to the researcher. The remaining 23 schedules from Kapesi
Camp were presumed to have been lost in transit. Table

5.01 gives the distribution of the refugee sample by camp.

126

127

Table 5.01 Distribution of the Refugee Sample by Camp

 

 

 

 

 

Sample

Camp Number Percent
Kabwazi 120 10.2
Dombole 120 10.2
Mankhokwe 120 10.2
Kapalamula 120 10.2
Chigaramowa 120 10.2
Njolomole 120 10.2
Muloza 120 10.2
Kunyenda 120 10.2
Chimbiya 120 10.2
Kapesi 97 8.2

Total 1,177 100.0

 

The refugee participants in this study had six
different vocational orientations. Distribution by

vocation is presented in Table 5.02.

128

Table 5.02 Distribution of the Refugee Sample by Vocation

 

 

 

 

 

Sample

Vocation Number Percent
Farmers 346 29.4
Laborers 43 3.7
Teachers 31 2.6
Health Workers 41 3.5
Handcraft Workers 202 17.2
NO Skill 514 43.7

Total 1,177 100.0

 

Farmers accounted for 29.4% of the sample. When they
were 'still in Mozambique (their home land), each family had
about five acres of land and a few cattle. They were
considered subsistence farmers, similar to their
counterpart farmers in Malawi, the host land. Some of them
worked for local farmers on a daily basis in the vicinity
of their camps. Their jobs included weeding, plowing, and
harvesting, for which they were paid either in kind or in
cash.

Laborers, who accounted for 3.7% of the sample, were
able bodied and had some skills. Some of them worked as
laborers within and outside the camps. Their jobs
included: cutting firewood, carrying water, and

transporting commercial goods.

129

Teachers accounted for 2.6% of the sample. They were
mostly high school graduates from Mozambique schools, and
were engaged as elementary school teachers in refugee
schools in camps. Health workers accounted for 3.5% of the
sample. These persons included nurses, midwives and
clinical work assistants. Some of them translated
Portuguese into English and vice versa between the refugee
patients and members of Medicine San Frontier (MSF), who
were responsible for the medical work in refugee camps.
Handcraft workers represented 17.2% of the sample. These
workers included tinsmiths, carpenters, weavers, carvers,
knitting, matmakers, and basketmakers. Finally, 43.7% of
the sample represented refugees with no skills.

Participants included both men and women. A breakdown
of the sample by gender is given in Table 5.03. Although
men are considered family heads, women were busy gathering
firewood, fetching water and going to market. The men did
not have much to do. Furthermore, more men were present in

Malawian refugee camps than in other refugee situations,

Table 5.03 Distribution of the Refugee Sample by Gender

 

 

 

Sample
Gender Number Percent
Men 912 77.49
Women g65 22.5l

Total 1,177 100.00

 

130
primarily because RENAMO terrorized villages
indiscriminately. This drove both men and women to look
for refuge.
The sample included refugees of different marital
statuses. The distribution by marital status is presented

in Table 5.04.

Table 5.04 Distribution of the Refugee Sample by Marital

 

 

 

 

Status
Sample
Marital Status Number Percent
Married 1,134 96.35
Single 23 1.95
Widowed 9 0.76
Separated/Divorced 11 0.94
Total 1,177 100.00

 

was

Twenty individuals were included in the Personnel
Sample. The sample included personnel of the Government of
Malawi (GOM), the United Nations High Commission for
Refugees-Malawi (UNHCR-M), and World Vision International-
Malawi (WVI-M). The distribution of the personnel sample

by agency is presented in Table 5.05.

131

Table 5.05 Distribution of the Personnel Sample by Agency

 

 

 

Sample
Agency Number Percent
Government of Malawi 7 35.0
UNHCR-M 7 35.0
World Vision-Malawi _e 30.0
Total 20 100.0

 

As indicated in Table 5.06, the personnel sample

included men and women.

Table 5.06 Distribution of the Personnel Sample by Gender

 

 

 

 

Sample
Gender Number Percent
Men 16 80.0
Women _A. 20.0
Total 20 100.0
There were directors, managers, and project
coordinators in the sample. Table 5.07 shows the

distribution by position.

132

Table 5.07 Distribution of the Personnel Sample by

 

 

 

Position
Sample
Position Number Percent
Directors 3 15.0
Managers 4 2 0 . 0
Coordinators l; 65.0
Total 20 100.0

 

Presentation of Research Findings

The findings are presented by research question. After
the question is stated, relevant data analysis results are
presented and interpretations discussed.

Research Question 1.1

As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent of

their overall participation in the programs designed to

meet their needs?

A value "1" was given to each "yes" response, and a
value "2" was given to each "no" response for each of the
questions posed. For each program phase, a respondent’s
score could take a minimum value equal to the number of
questions included in the questionnaire under that phase
and a maximum value of twice the number of questions
posed. In this study, these scores are termed Perceived
Phase Participation scores. For needs assessment,

planning, and implementation phases, a respondent’s

133
Perceived Phase Participation score could take a minimum
value of 4, and a maximum value of 8--there were four
questions under each of these phases. For the evaluation
phase, which had three questions, the Phase Participation
score could take a minimum value of 3 and a maximum value
of 6.

When all the four phases are combined, a respondent’s
Overall Participation score could have a minimum value of
15 and a maximum value of 30. Higher scores occurred when
"no" answers were selected more frequently; therefore,
higher scores imply lower levels of participation.
Finally, an equally calibrated scale consisting of five
levels of overall participation from "very high" to "very
low" (as shown in Table 5.08) was used for categorizing the
Overall Level of Perceived Participation.

Table 5.08 Categorization of Refugee Perceived
‘ Participation Scores

 

 

Level Intervals of Overall Participation
Very High 15 - 17.99
High 18 - 20.99
Moderate 21 - 23.99
Low 24 - 26.99
Very Low 27 - 30.00

 

For the entire sample, Phase Participation Scores by

program phase are presented in Table 5.09. The Overall

134

Table 5.09 Refugee Phase Participation Scores

 

 

Phase Number of Questions Score
Needs Assessment 4 6.89
Planning 4 6.80
Implementation 4 6.79
Evaluation 3 _pree
Overall Participation 26.14

 

Level of Perceived Participation Score of 26.14 found in
Table 5.09 suggests the overall participation as perceived
by the refugees was "low."

Research Question 1.2

As perceived by refugees, what is the extent of their

participation in the needs assessment, planning,

implementation and evaluation phases?

To answer this question, data were subjected to
univariate analysis and bivariate cross-tabulations. Along
with cross-tabulations, Chi-Square significance and Phi
coefficients were computed. The Chi-Square values were
used to determine statistical significance of associations
between variables. Phi coefficients were used to determine
strength of association. Results of these procedures are

presented in Tables 5.10 through 5.33.

135
Participation in the Needs Assessment Phase
In Table 5.10, it can be noted that a majority of the
total 1,177 respondents said, "no" to each of the four
questions pertaining to the needs assessment phase.

Table 5.10 Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Needs Assessment Phase

 

Respondents
Answering "No"

 

No. Question Total N Number Percent

 

1. When you first arrived here,
did any one of the officials
ask you what your needs were? 1,177 777 66.0

2. Since your arrival, have you
ever been asked by any of the
officials what your needs
were? 1,177 772 65.6

3. As far as you know, has any
one of the refugees been
asked what their needs are? 1,177 695 59.0

4. If you know your needs, have
you been talking about them
to the officials? 1,177 1,154 98.0

 

In order to better understand the associations between
these questions, question-by-question bivariate
cross-tabulations and Chi-Squares were computed. These
data are presented in Table 5.11. In Table 5.11, it can be
seen that the No-No cell in each of the bivariate
associations ranked first. In other words, the modal
response in them are in the No-No cells. The Yes-Yes cells

ranked the lowest. Thus, these results indicate that there

136

Table 5.11 Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for the
Needs Assessment Phase

 

 

Question Percent
with in No-No

Question No-No Cell Cell Rank Chi-Square p Phi
Q1 by Q2 50.0 1 101.72 .0000* .30
Q1 by Q3 46.2 1 112.34 .0000* .31
Q1 by Q4 64.5 1 1.06 .3031 .04
Q2 by Q3 51.7 1 358.00 .0000* .55
Q2 by Q4 63.9 1 3.82 .0505 .06
Q3 by Q4 57.7 1 0.67 .4112 .03

 

*Significant at alpha 0.05.

is strong evidence for the possibility that a majority of
refugees feel they are not participating in the needs
assessment phase of refugee programs.

It is seen that the bivariate associations Q1xQ2, Q1xQ3
and Q2xQ3 are statistically significant at 0.05 alpha, and
their Phi coefficients are positive (.30, .31, and .55)
suggesting moderate to moderately strong associations.
However, the bivariate associations Q1xQ4, Q2xQ4, and Q3xQ4
are not statistically significant at .05 alpha. These
associations are further examined below using
cross-tabulations.

In Table 5.12, the No-No cell is the modal cell with
the highest percent (64.5) of responses indicating that a

majority of the respondents said they were not

137

Table 5.12 Cross-tabulation for Question 1 by Question 4
(Needs Assessment)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q4
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent
Total Percent Yes No Row Total
.5.0 395.0 400.0
1.3 98.8 34.0
Yes 21.7 34.2
.4 33.6
Q1
18.0 759.0 777.0
2.3 97.7 66.0
No 78.3 65.8
1.5 64.5
Column 23.0 1,154.0 1,177.0
Total 2.0 98.0 ‘ 100.0

 

participating in refugee programs at the needs assessment
phase. From the top right cell, it can be seen that 395
(98.8%) of the 400 respondents who said "yes" to Question 1
also said "no" to Question 4. Question 1 inquired whether
the refugees were asked about their needs when they first
arrived, whereas Question 4 asked if the refugees were
talking to the officials about their needs during the
course of their stay in the camp. These results indicate
the possibility that refugees at their settlements’ entry
points do get opportunities to express their immediate
needs, but subsequently such opportunities become scarce.

In Table 5.13, the No-No cell is the modal cell with

the highest percent (64.9%) of responses in it. But, from

138

Table 5.13 Cross-tabulation for Question 2 by Question 4
(Needs Assessment) '

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q4
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent
Total Percent Yes No Row Total
3.0 402.0 405.0
.7 99.3 34.4
Yes 13.0 34.8
.3 34.2
Q2
20.0 752.0 772.0
2.6 97.7 65.6
No 87.0 65.2
1.7 64.9
Column 23.0 1,154.0 1,177.0
Total 2.0 98.0 100.0

 

the "yes" row of Question 2, it may be seen that 402
(99.3%) of the 405 respondents who said "yes" to Question 2
also said "no" to Question 4. Question 2 inquired if the
refugees were ever asked about their needs. The
possibility here is that respondents answering, "yes" to
this question were referring to their initial expression of
needs at the entry points. In other words, their answers
to Questions 1 and 2 may refer to one and the same
experience. This possibility is further supported by the
fact that the number of "yes" responses (395 and 402) to
these two questions are almost the same.

In Table 5.14, the No-No cell is the modal cell with

the highest percent (57.7%) of No-No responses in it. From

139

Table 5.14 Cross-tabulation for Question 3 by Question 4
(Needs Assessment)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q4
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent
Total Percent Yes No Row Total
7.0 475.0 482.0
1.5 98.5 41.0
Yes 30.4 41.2
.6 40.4
Q3
16.0 679.0 695.0
2.3 97.7 59.0
No 69.6 58.8
1.4 57.7
Column 23.0 1,154.0 1,177.0
Total 2.0 98.0 100.0

 

the top right cell, it can be noted that 475 (98.5%) of the
482 respondents who said "yes" to Question 3 also said "no"
to Question 4. Question 3 inquired if the respondent knew
anyone who was asked about his/her needs. The possibility
is that respondents answering, "yes" to this question also
refer to the refugees’ initial expression of needs at the
entry points. In other words, their answers to Questions 1
and 3 refer to the same initial experience.
Participation in the Planning Phase

In Table 5.15, it is observed that the percent of "no"
responses to the first two questions (51.5 and 56.9
respectively) are lower than those of the last two

questions (81.8 and 90.3, respectively).

140

Table 5.15 Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Planning Phase

 

Respondents
Answering "No"

 

No. Question Total N Number Percent

 

5. Has any one of the officials
ever asked you to assist in
planning programs to meet
your needs? 1,177 606 51.5

6. Have you ever participated
in any planning meeting? 1,177 669 56.9

7. Did any of the officials
discuss future plans with
you concerning refugee
programs? 1,177 955 81.1

8. Are you a member of any
committee that is related
to planning programs for
refugees? 1,177 1,063 90.3

 

To understand these results in more depth, bivariate
cross-tabulations were computed. The results of the
cross-tabulations are given in Table 5.16. From Table
5.16, it is noted that the No-No cell in each of these
bivariate associations ranked first, suggesting that modal
responses in them are in the No-No cells. The Yes-Yes
cells ranked the lowest. Thus, these results suggest the
possibility that a majority of refugees feel that they are
not participating in the planning phase of refugee
programs.

The bivariate associations Q5xQ7 and Q6xQ8 are

statistically significant at 0.05 alpha, but their Phi

141

Table 5.16 Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for the
Planning Phase

 

 

Question Percent
with in No-No

Question No-No Cell Cell Rank Chi—Square p Phi
Q5 by Q6 35.9 1 84.47 .0000* .30
05 by Q7 44.9 1 30.10 .0000* .16
Q5 by Q8 49.4 1 42.85 .0000* .20
Q6 by Q7 47.4 1 4.88 .0272* .67
Q6 by Q8 53.4 1 23.72 .0000* .14
Q7 by Q8 75.2 1 30.71 .0000* .20

 

*Significant at alpha 0.05.

coefficients (.16 and .14, respectively) are low,
indicating a weak association. These associations are
further examined by looking into individual cells of their
cross-tabulations.

In Table 5.17, the No-No cell is the modal cell with
the highest percent (44.9) of No-No responses in it. In
the top right cell, 426 (74.6%) of the 571 respondents who
said, "yes" to Question 5 also said, "no" to Question 7.
Question 5 asked if the respondent was ever asked by
officials to assist them in planning refugee programs. On
the other hand, Question 7 asked if the officials ever
discussed program planning with them. The 426 respondents

who said, "yes" to Question 5 and "no" to Question 7 seem

142

Table 5.17 Cross-tabulation for Question 5 by Question 7

 

(Planning)
Q7
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent
Total Percent Yes No Row Total
145.0 426.0 571.0
25.4 74.6 48.5
Yes 65.3 44.6
12.3 36.2
Q5
77.0 529.0 606.0
12.7 87.2 51.5
No 34.7 55.4
6.5 44.9
Column 222.0 955.0 1,177.0
Total 18.9 81.1 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

to be highlighting the difference between asking for ideas
pertaining to program planning and discussing the same.

In Table 5.18, the No-No cell ranks first among the
four cells and the Yes-Yes cell ranks third. From the top
right cell, it is observed that 434 respondents said "yes"
to Question 6 and "no" to Question 8. These results appear
to indicate the possibility that refugees, who take part in
some kind of official or unofficial planning meeting, may
not get opportunities to become members of official

planning committees.

143

Table 5.18 Cross-tabulation for Question 6 by Question 8

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(Planning)
Q8
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent
Total Percent Yes No Row Total
74.0 434.0 508.0
14.6 85.4 43.2
Yes 64.9 40.8
6.3 36.9
Q6
40.0 629.0 669.0
6.0 94.0 56.8
No 35.1 59.2
3.4 53.4
Column 114.0 1,063.0 1,177.0
Total 9.7 90.3 100.0

 

Particlpation in the Implementation Phase
Table 5.19 indicates that the majority of respondents

said "no" to three of the four questions. This suggests
the possibility that a majority of the refugees perceive
they are not participating in this phase. It is also noted
that the 36% of "no" responses to Question 10 is the

lowest.

144

Table 5.19 Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Implementation Phase

 

Respondents
Answering "No"

 

No. Question Total N Number Percent

 

9. When you first arrived here,
were the refugees asked to
be involved in implementing
any program for the refugees? 1,177 1,004 85.3

10. Did you get any opportunity
to be involved in handling
and delivering relief
commodities? 1,177 424 36.0

11. In your opinion, are the
refugees participating in
distribution of relief
materials and in camp
administration? 1,177 740 62.9

12. Have you ever been employed
for any of the refugee
programs? 1,177 1,110 94.3

 

The association between these questions was further
examined using bivariate cross-tabulations given in Table
5.20. In Table 5.20, it is clear that the No-No cells of
associations Q9xQ11, Q9xQ12, and Q11xQ12 rank first; Q9xQ10
and Q10xQ12 rank second; and Q10xQ11 rank third.
Associations Q9xQ11 and Q10xQ11 are statistically
significant at 0.05 alpha, but their Phi coefficients (.08
and .18, respectively) are weak. The associations Q9xQ10,
Q10xQ12, and Q11xQ12 are not statistically significant.
The relation Q10xQ11, although statistically significant,

ranks third among the four cells. For these reasons,

145
associations Q9xQ10, Q10xQ11, Q10xQ12, and Q11xQ12 are
further examined by cross-tabulations.

Table 5.20 Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for the
Implementation Phase

 

 

Question Percent
with in No-No

Question No-No Cell Cell Rank Chi-Square p Phi
Q9 by Q10 30.4 2 29.71 .5957 .02
Q9 by Q11 55.0 1 6.76 .0093* .08
Q9 by Q12 80.9 1 2.73 .0984 .05
Q10 by Q11 24.4 3 6.27 .0123* .18
Q10 by Q12 34.3 2 .91 .3407 .03
Q11 by Q12 59.6 1 .89 .3454 .03

 

*Significant at alpha 0.05.

In Table 5.21, the No-No cell ranks second and the
No-Yes cell ranks first. From the lower left cell, it is
apparent that, of 753 respondents who said "yes" to
Question 10, 85.8% also said "no" to Question 9. Question
10 asked the respondents if they were given any opportunity
to be involved in handling and delivering relief
commodities, whereas Question 9 asked if they were involved
in implementing any program. A large number of "yes"
answers to Question 10, and a comparatively smaller number
to Question 9, suggests that there is a possibility that
refugee participation in program implementation is lower

vis-a-vis participation in labor-oriented activities.

146

Table 5.21 Cross-tabulation for Question 9 by Question 10
(Implementation)

 

Count
Row Percent
Column Percent

 

 

Q10

 

 

 

 

 

Total Percent Yes No Row Total
107.0 66.0 173.0
61.8 38.2 14.7
Yes 14.2 15.6
9.1 5.6
Q9
646.0 358.0 1,004.0
64.3 35.7 85.3
No 85.8 84.4
54.9 30.4
Column 753.0 424.0 1,177.0
Total 64.0 36.0 100.0

 

In Table 5.22, the No-No cell ranks third, the Yes-Yes

column ranks second,

Here, again, the effect of Question 10 is evident.
the 753 respondents who
said "no" to Question 11 (which asked respondents if they
were participating in distribution of relief materials and
in camp administration).

refugee participation

said "yes" to Question 10, 60.2%

These

results

in other aspects of program implementation.

and the Yes-No column ranks first.

suggest that

is more visible in manual labor than

Out of

147

Table 5.22 Cross-tabulation for Question 10 by Question 11
(Implementation)

 

Count
Row Percent
Column Percent

 

 

Q11

 

 

 

 

 

Total Percent Yes No Row Total
300.0 453.0 753.0
39.8 60.2 64.0
Yes 68.6 61.2
25.5 38.5
Q10
137.0 287.0 424.0
32.3 67.7 36.0
No 31.4 38.8
11.6 24.4
Column 437.0 740.0 1,177.0
Total 37.1 62.9 100.0

 

In Table 5.23, the No-No cell ranks second and the
Yes-No cell ranks first, while the Yes-Yes cell ranks
third. Only a small number (4%) said they were

participating in refugee programs. Out of the 753
respondents who said "yes" to Question 10, 93.8% said "no"
to Question 12 (which asked the respondents if they had
ever been employed in any refugee program). These results
suggest that a majority of refugees perceive that they were
participating in labor-oriented jobs, but not in the actual

implementation of refugee programs.

148

Table 5.23 Cross-tabulation for Question 10 by Question 12
(Implementation)

 

Q12
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total Percent Yes No Row Total
47.0 706.0 753.0
6.2 93.8 64.0
Yes 70.1 63.6
4.0 60.0
Q10
20.0 404.0 424.0
4.7 95.3 36.0
No 29.9 36.4
1.7 34.3
Column 67.0 1,110.0 1,177.0
Total 5.7 94.3 100.0

 

Table 5.24 indicates that the No-No cell ranks first
and the Yes-Yes cell ranks last, suggesting that a majority
of respondents in this association perceive that they were
not participating in the implementation phase of programs.
Out of the 437 respondents who said "yes" to Question 11,
93.4% said "no" to Question 12 (which asked the respondents
if they had ever been employed for any of the refugee
programs). These results suggest that, even those refugees
who perceived that they were participating in distribution
of relief materials (and also in some administrative
aspects of programs), felt that they were not actually

employed in those jobs.

149

Table 5.24 Cross-tabulation for Question 11 by Question 12

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(Implementation)
Q12
Count
Row Percent
Column Percent
Total Percent Yes No Row Total
29.0 408.0 437.0
6.6 93.4 37.1
Yes 43.3 36.8
2.5 34.7
Q11
38.0 702.0 740.0
5.1 94.9 62.9
No 56.7 63.2
3.2 59.6
Column 67.0 1,110.0 1,177.0
Total 5.7 94.3 100.0

 

Participation in the Evaluation Phase
In Table 5.25, it can be seen that the majority of

respondents gave "no" answers to questions pertaining to

refugee participation in the evaluation phase.

150

Table 5.25 Percent of Refugees Who Responded "No" to
Questions in the Evaluation Phase

 

Respondents
Answering "No"

 

No. Question Total N Number Percent

 

13. Have you ever been asked by
the officials how refugee
programs are meeting your
needs? 1,177 1,066 90.6

14. Have you ever been asked how
to improve reception and
registration procedures? 1,177 1,095 93.0

15. Do teachers discuss school
activities and problems with
parents and other adult
refugees? 1,177 969 82.3

 

The association between these questions was further
examined using bivariate cross-tabulations given in Table
5.26. All of the associations in Table 5.26 are
statistically significant at 0.05 alpha and the No-No cells
rank first. These results suggest that a majority of the
respondents perceive that they were not participating in

refugee programs in the evaluation phase.

151

Table 5.26 Question-by-Question Cross-tabulations for the
Evaluation Phase

 

 

Question Percent

with in No-No
Question No—No Cell Cell Rank Chi-Square p Phi
Q13 by Q14 85.2 1 17.79 .0000* .13
Q13 by Q15 76.7 1 42.34 .0000* .20
Q14 by Q15 77.6 1 10.92 .0010* .10

 

*Significant at alpha 0.05.

perceived that they were not participating in refugee
programs in the evaluation phase.
Research Question 2

As perceived by refugees, does participation vary by

camp, duration of stay in camp, and occupation?

As explained under Question 1.1, a variable--Perceived
Level of Overall Participation--was computed for each
respondent. This variable was then cross-tabulated by
profession and by year of entry.

Participation by Occupation

Cross-tabulation results for Overall Level of Perceived
Participation by profession are presented in Table 5.27.
Few respondents indicated high overall levels of
participation. However, perceived participation reported
by artisans and professional occupations is slightly higher
than that reported by manual labor and unskilled

respondents.

152

 

 

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153

Particlpatlon by Year of Entry
The results of cross-tabulations for Overall Level of
Perceived Participation by year of entry are presented in
Table 5.28. From the data in this table, it can be seen
that the level of overall participation is seen as
generally low. However, there are slightly higher levels
of perceived participation during the 1984-1986 period

vis-a-vis the 1987-1989 period.

Table 5.28 Percentages of Respondents by Levels of Overall
Level of Perceived Participation and by Year

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Overall 1984-1986 1987-1989
Participation 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Very High 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
High 2.2% 0.0% 2.5% 2.6% 0.2% 0.0%
Moderate 11.4% 4.2% 18.1% 13.4% 5.2% 0.0%
Low 40.9% 41.5% 41.5% 28.9% 20.2% 27.3%
Very Low 45.5% 54.3% 37.9% 55.1% 74.4% .1211%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Number of

Respondents 56 118 581 187 231 22

 

Research Question 3.1

As perceived by the agency/governmental personnel, what
is the extent of overall refugee participation in the

programs designed to meet their needs?

154
Research Question 3.2

As perceived by the agency/governmental personnel, what

is the extent of refugee participation in the needs

assessment, planning, implementation, and evaluation
phases?

Scores on each question by each respondent in the
personnel sample for each phase were totaled and divided by
three to arrive at phase scores. The maximum and minimum
phase scores possible were "5" and "0," respectively.
Participation at an overall level was computed by adding
the means of all the phases and divided the sum by four;
each phase had an equal number of questions and cases. The
overall participation was categorized using the equally
calibrated scale (cf., Table 5.29).

Table 5.29 Categorization of Overall Refugee Participation
as Perceived by the Personnel

 

 

Level Intervals of Overall Participation
Very High 0 - 0.99
High 1 - 1.99
Moderate 2 - 2.99
Low 3 - 3.99
Very Low 4 - 5.00

 

Means and standard deviations were then calculated.

The means and standard deviations are presented in Table

155
5.30. From Table 5.30, it can be noted that, according to
the perception of agency/government personnel, there was
limited refugee participation at an overall level with the
highest participation coming at the needs assessment and
implementation phases.
Table 5.30 Means and Standard Deviations of Refugee

Participation as Perceived by Agency/Government
Personnel at All Levels

 

 

Extent of
Participation Level Means S.D. Participation
Needs Assessment 2.27 0.66 Moderate
Planning 1.43 0.69 Low
Implementation 2.32 0.70 Moderate
Evaluation 1.05 0.72 Low
Overall 1.77 0.47 Low

 

Research Question 4

As perceived by agency/governmental personnel, does
refugee participation vary by organisation and
position?

To answer this question, phase scores of the sampled
personnel were subjected to the one-way analysis of
variance (ANOVA) procedure. The organizations included in
the study were: 1) the Government of Malawi (GOM), 2) the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees-Malawi
(UNHCR-M), and 3) World Vision International-Malawi

(WVI-M).

156
The null hypothesis tested was:
There is no difference in refugee participation as
perceived by agency/government personnel by
organization and position.
The results of the ANOVA are presented in Tables 5.31 and
5.32.
Table 5.31 Results of ANOVA Between Organizations by Level

of Refugee Participation as Perceived by
Agency/Government Personnel

 

F Probability

 

Level Ratio of F GOM-M UNHCR-M WVI-M
Needs Assessment 3.34 0.05* 2.43 1.81 2.61
Planning 4.89 0.02* 1.57 0.90 1.89
Implementation 1.07 0.37 2.33 2.05 2.61
Evaluation 3.17 0.07 1.19 0.57 1.44

 

*Significant at alpha 0.05.

From the Table 5.31, it can be seen that the F-Ratio
probabilities for the implementation and evaluation phases
(0.37 and 0.07, respectively) are not significant at 0.05
alpha, suggesting that the null hypothesis for these phases
cannot be rejected. Therefore, evidence suggests that
personnel of different organizations do not differ in terms
of their perceptions of the extent of refugee participation
in the implementation and evaluation phases. However, the
probabilities of F-Ratios for the needs assessment (0.05)

and planning (0.02) phases are significant at 0.05 alpha

157
value, thereby suggesting that the null hypothesis relating
to these phases can be rejected. As such, it can be
assumed that personnel of different organizations vary in
terms of their perceptions of refugee participation in the
needs assessment and planning phases.

In all the phases, the level of perceived refugee
participation (1.81; 0.90; 2.05; 0.57) as perceived by the
personnel of the UNHCR is lowest of the three agencies.
Personnel of WVI-M report the highest level of perceived
refugee participation (2.61; 1.89; 2.61; 1.44) of the three
groups.

Results of the ANOVA between positions of personnel for
refugee participation are presented in Table 5.32. The
positions included in the analysis are: 1) Director,
2) Program Manager, and 3) Project Coordinator.

Table 5.32 Results of ANOVA Between Positions for

Refugee Participation by Phase as Perceived by
Agency/Government Personnel

 

F Probability

 

Phase Ratio of F Director Manager Coordinator
Needs
Assessment 0.14 0.87 2.44 2.17 2.26
Planning 1.06 0.37 1.89 1.58 1.28
Implementation 0.06 0.94 2.44 2.33 2.28

Evaluation 0.52 0.60 1.44 0.92 1.00

 

158

From Table 5.32, it may be seen that at all levels the
F probabilities are much higher than 0.05 alpha level.
Therefore, it may be assumed that personnel do not differ
in their perception of refugee participation by position.
However, refugee participation in different phases as
perceived by the directors is higher than that perceived by
either the managers or coordinators.

Research Question 5

As perceived by refugees, what are the constraints that

hinder their involvement in programs designed to meet

their needs?

Data pertaining to this question were collected through
personal interviews. Interviewers recorded in a notebook
constraints mentioned by the respondents. Later these were
classified according to the following categories:

1. Being a foreigner:

2. Lack of education;

3. Poor health; and

4. Lack of information.

Table 5.33 gives the frequency distribution of the
respondents by category of constraint. From this table, it
can be seen that more than half (61.85%) of the refugee
respondents indicated they were not participating in the
programs designed to meet their needs because they were
foreigners. The next highest number of respondents
(16.82%) indicated their non-participation was thought to

be due to lack of information regarding participation

159

Table 5.33 Frequency Distribution of Refugee Respondents

by Category of Constraint

 

 

 

 

Sample
Constraint Frequency Percent
Being a foreigner 728 61.85
Lack of education 147 12.49
Poor health 104 8.84
Lack of information 198 16.82
Total 1,177 100.00

 

opportunities. Another 12.49% of the respondents said that

they could not participate because of lack of education.

Finally, poor health was indicated as a constraint by 8.84%

of the respondents.

Research Question 6

Do the host government and the agencies have written
policies that call for, and encourage, refugee
participation in programs designed to meet refugee

needs?

The sources of data used for answering this question

were:

1. Interviews with government/agency officials; and
2. The following policy documents:

a. UNHCR-M Social Services Handbook

160
b. World Vision International Policy Book; and
the
c. Refugee Gazette of the Malawian Government.

Interviews were held with the lead persons of each
organization involved with the refugee programs. Each
individual was interviewed for 30 to 45 minutes.
Interviews were informal and did not include direct
note-taking or use of recording machines. Mental notes
were made during the interview process, and the information
was reconstructed and written down afterwards.

The host government officials were kind enough to
receive the researcher on several occasions. The
researcher could also meet some of the government officials
after Joint Operations Committee (JOC) meetings, which took
place once a month.

Questions were raised with the government/agency
officials regarding written policies, if any, which they
had followed in their refugee program operations. Such
questions were posed on an individual basis. This provided
for freedom of discussion. Generally, each respondent was
candid in expressing his/her views. In addition to such
discussions, the available documents of each organization
were examined.

The information collected through interviews, and
through a review of official documents, revealed the

following:

161

 

1. According to government officials, their agency
had no written policy with respect to refugee
participation. Some of the officials felt that

participation was a "luxury" in times of emergency. Such
statements meant that the host government did not even
consider the need for refugee participation. The
government officials’ primary concern seemed to be
providing relief to the refugees.

2. The UNHCR has a written policy concerning refugee
participation in their Social Services Handbook. The
handbook clearly states the importance of refugee
participation in programs meant to meet their needs.

3. The WVI policy unequivocally states that: "The
members of the community shall participate in all research,
planning, implementation and evaluation activities to the
maximum extent possible" (WVI, 1989, p. 5).

From these findings, it can be seen this policy has not
been put into practice by the field offices. Yet, as this
researcher was told, it was primarily due to time
pressure--not wanting to be slowed down in meeting the
deadlines of submitting proposals, reports, and
evaluations. However, slightly more refugee participation
was indicated by the WVI-M staff, as compared to the
UNHCR-M or the COM personnel. WVI (1989, p. 9) further
states:

All members of the community actively participate,
in some way as local situations and traditions

162

permit, in decisions affecting the future of the

community and all share equitably in the benefits

of the development process.

To interpret this policy into action, there needs to be
a standardized strategy detailing how the field will be
held accountable for the implementation of the policy.
However, the organization’s project information management
(PIM) form asks: "What is being contributed by the
beneficiaries (labor, cash, materials, etc.)?" While this
question attempts to find out the "what" aspect of the
communities’ participation, it is not clear how the
communities participate in the decision-making process of
the project as stated in the policy. Any movement of the
locus of control from the agency to the communities, or
power sharing with the concerned communities, meets with a
lack of resource organization and/or mobilization existing
within communities.

There is no shortage of discussion concerning refugee
participation in various programs designed to meet their
needs. However, the focus of these discussions is
primarily on strategies for meeting basic needs.

4. World Vision International also has a written
policy regarding beneficiary participation. This policy
encourages refugee participation at the individual and
community levels. The emergency unit and Scoial Services
Section admit that agencies can encourage dependency by

seeing the refugees as "helpless" people whose problems

163
must be solved for them. UNHCR (1984, pp. 2-3) further
describes this:
Dependency begins when the refugees try to develop

behavior they perceive as expected of them as
clients in order to continue the flow of rewards

or aid. This form of self-estrangement
contributes to the refugees sense of
powerlessness.

Participation as advocated in the Handbook for Social
Services (UNHCR, 1984, p. 7) begins with the premise that
people have a right to control their own lives, and that
those who have become passive recipients of aid lack such
control. Participation is seen as a way out of this

dilemma.

CHAPTER VI

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Many became refugees . . . . They lost everything
. . . were spurned and ill-treated . . . . They
lived as vagrants . . . .

Hebrews 11:37-38 (J. B. Phillips translation)

Introduction
This study investigated refugee participation in
programs designed to meet their needs. Participation was
viewed both from the refugee’s perception as well as that
of the agency/government personnel. This chapter includes
a review of the research purpose and the data collection
methodology; a discussion of the research findings; a
consideration of the findings as they apply to theory and
practice; and, finally, a presentation of the study’s
limitations and recommendations.
The Problem
Social and political scientists, educators, development
specialists, as well as private voluntary organizations and
host governments, search for a lasting solution to the
refugee problem. The question of how to provide long-term

and sustainable programs continues to draw the attention of

164

165
all those who respond to refugee needs. The needs of
refugees are not limited to food and shelter but, more
importantly, involve helping them to see themselves as
agents capable of determining their own future (Grande,
1990) and assisting them to regain their identity
(Harrell-Bond, 1982a). Cuny (1987) believes that most
agencies overlook or neglect to include participation as a
goal. Although much is being done for refugees in the area
of relief, an area that needs closer examination is the
extent to which refugees participate in the programs
designed to alleviate their unique problems.
The Study Locale

Malawi is a small nation, located in the Rift Valley
Region of Southern Africa. It shares borders with the
United Republic of Tanzania to the north, Mozambique to the
east and south, and the Republic of Zambia to the west. It
has an agrarian economy with a population of eight
million. Due to internal conflict within Mozambique,
thousands of Mozambicans have fled their country into
neighboring countries as refugees. Since 1986, Malawi has
been the host to the equivalent of one-tenth of its own

population.

166
The Sample

Two samples were studied in this research: one from
the refugee population, and the other from the provider
personnel population. In the process of selecting the
refugee sample, 10 camps and 1,200 families were picked
using a random sampling method. The heads of the sampled
1,200 families were included in the final refugee sample.
The personnel sample was selected on the basis of their
knowledge and involvement in refugee programs, their
availability, and willingness to participate in the study.
The personnel sample included 21 staff members of different
organizations involved in the Mozambican refugee programs
in Malawi.

Methodology

The interview method was used to collect data from the
refugee sample. The schedule of interview questions
required "yes" or "no" responses. Survey questionnaires
were used to collect data from the personnel sample using a
Likert-type scale.

Data from both samples were analyzed using SPSS PC+
version 3. Descriptive statistics, including frequencies
and standard deviations, were computed in addition to the
use of cross-tabulations and one-way analysis of variance
(ANOVA). Qualitative data were collected through

interviews and the use of documentary analysis.

167

The Research Questions

Research Question 1
As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their overall participation in the programs
designed to meet their needs?
As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their participation in the needs assessment,
planning, implementation, and evaluation phases?

EQSQEIEA_QESSEiQE_Z
As perceived by refugees, does participation vary
by camp, duration of stay in camp, and occupation?

Research Question 3
As perceived by the agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of overall refugee
participation in programs designed to meet their
needs?
As perceived by the agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of refugee participation in the
needs assessment, planning, implementation, and
evaluation phases?

Research Question 4
As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
does refugee participation, vary by organization

and position?

168
Seaman—em;
As perceived by refugees, what are the constraints
that hinder their involvement in programs designed
to meet their needs?
WW
Do the host government and the agencies have
written policies that call for, and encourage,
refugee participation in programs designed to meet
refugee needs?
Findings and Conclusions
Research Question 1.1
As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their overall participation in the programs
designed to meet their needs?

In order to detect the pattern of perceptions between
the two sample groups (refugees and personnel) in the
analysis of findings, the research questions were utilized
as a guide for this section. One distinguishing criterion
for identifying effective participation of the
beneficiaries is when a process is in place by which people
are made aware of the opportunities about their role in
identifying their own needs, setting priorities for action,
and taking a full part in the decision-making process on
issues which affect their lives. Research Questions 1.1
and 3.1 asked the refugees and personnel samples,
respectively, about the extent of refugee participation in

programs designed to meet their needs.

169

In general, the data provided substantial evidence that
refugee participation as perceived by both refugees and
agency/government personnel respondents was very limited.
Of the equally calibrated score of minimum 30 and maximum
15, the overall level of perceived participation score of
26.14 by refugee respondents (Table 5.09) suggests very low
participation of refugees. On the other hand, the data
from agency/governmental personnel respondents indicated
the overall participation of refugees as low. In Table
5.30, the means and standard deviation demonstrate the
extent of overall participation at 1.77 and 0.4 (very high=
0-0.99, and very low=4-5.00). The purpose of these two
questions was to investigate the overall perceptions of
both sample groups with regard to refugee participation in
the programs designed to meet their needs. From these
findings, the following can be deduced:

1. Refugees are helped because they are helpless.

2. The official structure of government officials and
refugee leaders is perceived by international
agencies and refugees themselves as a close-knit
group, protecting its own interests in the
assistance programs.

3. Government and agencies intentionally avoid the
inclusion of the refugees in the programs.

4. The laws and the programs corroborate to

perpetuate the powerlessness of the refugees.

5.

170
Top-down creation of structures, articulation and

implementing process impede refugee participation.

Therefore, the following distinguishing characteristics

of participation are not in place in refugee camps in

Malawi:

in

on

1.

With
the

what

Successful development programs have been based on
participatory approaches.
Meaningful involvement of the masses of people at
different levels is the key to people-centered
development.
Empowerment provides the client groups with an
ample, ongoing opportunity to be involved in
various phases of the change process.
Involvement ensures that the change agent is
accountable to informed clients.

limited mobility and non-participatory activities
camps, refugees are dependent for their livelihood

others do for them. Furthermore, participation

should not only be measured by a success or failure of

projects/programs. It is a process of capacity building

through which communities and local organizations learn to

function as autonomous units for development.

Research Question 1.2

As perceived by the refugees, what is the extent
of their participation in the needs assessment,

planning, implementation, and evaluation phases?

171

Needs Assessment

It was critically important to this research to find
out the extent of refugee participation in the needs
assessment phase of program design. Programs that are
based on clearly defined needs call for effective
interventions. As indicated in Table 5.10, the majority of
respondents said they were not participating in the needs
assessment phase of programs. Mayfield states that,
programs " . . . will have no cumulative impact on the
village people unless real needs can be identified and then
specific steps taken to meet those needs" (1985, p. 133).

The results of the question-by-question

cross-tabulations in Table 5.11 show a statistical

significance at 0.05 alpha, with respective phi
coefficients of .30, .31 and .55, suggesting strong
associations. Furthermore, in Table 5.12, the No-No Cell,

which is the model cell with the highest percent (64.5%),
indicates that a majority of respondents are not
participating in the needs assessment phase. It can also
be seen from the same table that 98.8% of the 400
respondents who said "yes" to Question 1 also said "no" to
Question 4. While the purpose of Question 1 was to find
out if refugees were asked about their needs at the entry
level, Question 4 inquired if refugees were asked about
their needs at any other time during their stay in the

camps. These responses clearly portray the following:

172

1. There is no needs assessment process carried out
beyond the time of registration on arrival of the
refugees at the camps.

2. Questions asked at the entry level are geared to
find out relief-oriented immediate needs, such as
shelter, food, and clothing. This was observed by
the researcher at the Mankhokwe Camp (personal
notes, July 5-7 1989).

3. The follow-up needs assessment could have
demonstrated some effort of the providers
(government or agencies) to improve the program
content in quality or to change direction from
relief to development. However, this is not the
case in Malawi, as agencies and the host
government are busy monitoring what has been
ongoing.

Therefore, it can be drawn from these findings that

refugees are only asked enrry-level gpestiops related to
their baeic needs at the time of registration. put this

 

does not ortra meanin ful artici ation o the refu ees
in program design. The effectiveness of any program which
is not based on felt needs is prone to questions. A felt
need is something believed necessary by the individual
concerned and can only be expressed by that individual.
Information on the magnitude of the problem is essential
for assessing the appropriateness of program interventions

and the relevance of goals/effects. The only relevance of

173
relief as a program is that it sustains life and refugee
programs in Malawi are typically of that nature.

Evidence collected in the field study of Malawi refugee
camps demonstrated the lack of their participation in the
programs designed to meet their needs. Although refugees
were asked about their basic needs at the time of
registration, there has not been a subsequent needs
assessment with intended new intervention or to boost the
existing programs. As observed in several refugee camps,
even the relief bimonthly distributions were carried out by
the Malawi Red Cross staff and policed by the Malawi
security people to maintain order while the distributions
were in progress. Each refugee was issued a card which
indicated the quantity and kind of commodities each person
was to receive based on the number of persons in the
family.

Participation in the Planning Phase

As the purpose of this study is to investigate the
extent of refugee participation in the programs that are
serving them, four questions were asked to see if
respondents had ever been asked to assist in the planning
phase of programs (see Table 5.15). From this table, it
can be observed that the first two questions of this phase
drew 51.5 and 56.9% "no" responses, whereas Questions 7 and
8 received 81.1 and 90.3% "no" responses. Questions 7 and
8 asked if respondents were taking part in any specific

jplanning and if they were members of any committee involved

174
in planning. The respondents clearly indicated that they
were not taking part in the planning phase of programs.
Eighty-one point one and 90.3% of the respondents perceived
themselves as not participating. The ranking of No-No Cell
in Table 5.16 is first.

In general, the data provide strong evidence that there
is little refugee participation in the planning phase
programs. Plans require effective monitoring, control, and
management information. Planning also calls for adequate
information sharing between all those that are part of the
planning exercise. The strong indication of
non-participation by the refugees suggests that plans are
deliberately ignored by management for the following
reasons mentioned by field staff:

1. The agencies and host government believe that the

large refugee influx has created an emergency

situation.
2. Agencies and host governments believe that
refugees could not contribute to the

emergency-planning process.

3. Refugee programs are of a relief nature and those
involved in relief delivery do not see the need
for refugee involvement.

Prior to arrival of Mozambican refugees, Malawi was not

even a signatory to the 1951 UN Convention and 1967
protocol. Agencies began arriving and the host government

signed the above document under pressure to enable the

175

UNHCR to come and assist. Because a reliable source of
relief supplies was such a highly-recognized and
highly-valued necessity for the host government and for the
refugees in Malawi, the opportunity to receive relief
resources was a rallying point for the host government,
UNHCR, and the agencies. Once the relief supplies (food,
medical and some clothes) kept coming, the sustenance of
refugee life was in place. One of the accusations made in
connection with refugee participation (even in distribution
of relief goods) was theft and partiality. These
allegations were made by some government offices working in
the administration of refugee affairs.
Participation in the Implementation Phase

As the concern of this research was to investigate the
extent of refugee participation, questions were asked
regarding how refugees themselves perceived participation,
as well as how the personnel directly linked to
administering refugee affairs. From the total of four
questions which were posed to the sampled refugees, 85.3%,
62.9% and 94.3% of the respondents said "no" to any kind of
involvement. Thirty-six percent of the respondents said
"no" to the question which asked if they were taking part
in handling and delivering relief supplies.

In general, the data provide substantial evidence that,
while there is potential for including refugee
participation, it is not being put into practice. Although

the refugees have been organized by village heads, they are

176

conditioned to do what they are told. They spoke openly of
being beaten during the distribution of rations, and being
pushed, shoved and having ration cards confiscated for any
complaints emanating from the refugees. At almost all
camps, this researcher observed rough conduct by those who
maintained order at distribution sites. Vulgar language
and blasphemous words were very common. The researcher
tried to find out from the camp administrators in Kwawa and
Dedza why they exercised such roughness and was almost
constantly given the answer, "That is the the only way we
can maintain order." The organization of refugee
administration of the host government in Malawi is control
oriented without room for refugee participation. Unless
refugees are asked to participate and conditions for such
are created, they could not be involved. As the data
presented in Table 5.24 clearly suggest that even those who
participated in handling relief goods by providing manual
labor felt that the extent of their participation was not
something meaningful.
Participation in the Evaluation Phase

There are various reasons or purposes for conducting
program evaluation. One of the uses of program evaluation
is for resource-allocation decisions. The other is to find
out the effectiveness and the program against its stated
objectives. Another need for evaluation is for

accountability to various stakeholders. The data presented

177
in Tables 5.25 and 5.26 reveals strong evidence that
refugees are not participating in program evaluation.

Participation is the process of empowering the

beneficiaries to take control of their own affairs; it is
about involving them effectively in decision-making. As
observed by this researcher and evidenced by the data
collected, Malawian refugees are passive recipients of
relief delivered by assistance programs designed
elsewhere. The absence of refugee participation in program
evaluation is an indicator of the following:

1. Agencies do not feel they are accountable to the
refugees as stakeholders.

2. Programs cannot be improved upon.

3. Agencies feel self-sufficient refugees’ input into
the program is not a critical element for its
improvement.

4. Donors do not require evaluation as part of the
relief program design.

In the light of the above, rhe findings pf this

ipvestigation are clear ang strong rhat rerugees have no

part in the evaluation phase of refugee programs. Whether

the program is appropriate and doing what it is expected to
accomplish remains unknown. If there are mistakes to be
corrected and adjustments to be made with the proper
evaluation, it means living with the error. Programs
continue that are inappropriate to the particular phase.

Therefore, a very serious question is whether refugee

178
relief program accountability exists. Agencies have to
recognize that, although there may be a longer start-up
period, refugee involvement in programs addressing their
needs can help make projects more effective.
Research Question 2

As perceived by refugees, does participation vary

by camp, duration of stay in camp, and their

occupation?

The cross-tabulated data in Table 5.27 indicate that
there is very little participation difference by camp or by
year. However, 38.7%, 31.7% and 20.3% of teachers,
health-workers and hand crafters, respectively, have
indicated a moderate participation. The majority of
respondents indicated low or very low participation in all
professional areas. While the teachers indicated to this
researcher that they were being paid 80 Malawi Kwachas (US
$32) per month, health workers provide free services.
Hand-craft workers benefit by selling whatever they make to
individuals (refugees or Malawians). Their products range
from mats to baskets and woodcarvings. World Vision
provides raw materials such as palm leaves, for mat-making
and baskets, reed and wood for refugees who have skills in
these areas.

After the visit of President Chisano of Mozambique to
Malawi in 1988, the previously strained relationship
between the two countries has improved considerably. After

this official visit, the FRELIMO Government of Mozambique

179

provided school supplies, such as books in Portuguese,
through the Malawi Government to the refugees. Because of
the language difference in the two countries, the textbooks
for schools in the refugee camps in Malawi have to come
from Mozambique. One cannot help but observe some extreme
cases where children are unable to attend school due to a
lack of clothing. It is not uncommon to see children or
adults wearing burlap sacks. Ninety-two point four (92.4)
percent of the respondents who indicated low or very low
participation are farmers. The following are reasons for
this high non-participatory response.

1. Most of the refugees are from a rural,

agricultural background.

2. In Malawi, land scarcity is an acute problem even

for the 8,000,000 native Malawians.

3. The lands around the refugee camps are either

occupied or untillable.

4. Due to the land scaracity mentioned in reason 2,

even tillable land is ruled out.

There is an open area of rich land on the Mozambican
side of the border from Ntchue to Dedza. The refugees
cross over from Malawi and farm on the Mozambican side
where they are able to monitor the RENAMO guerilla
movements from a distance. Refugees sell to travelers
products such as potatoes, carrots, cabbage, tomatoes and

beets along the main road from Blantyre to Lilongwe.

180

Similarly, Table 5.2 clearly indicates that categories
of laborers and the unskilled demonstrate a high percentage
response of non-participation. Ninety-three (93) and 85.4%
of laborers and unskilled respondents said they are not
taking part in the programs. The highest percentage of low
to very low participation was indicated by manual laborers,
whereas artisans and professional responses were in the
categories of low to moderate. Furthermore, 78.7% of the
hand-craft makers who responded indicate low to very low
participation.

In Table 5.28, the overall level of perceived
participation of refugees by year of entry was studied.
Again, the highest response of non-participation was
attributed for the year 1989--100% of the respondents said
low to very low participation. While 72.7% perceived very
low participation in 1989, 27.3% perceived low
participation. In 1986, 79.4% of the respondents said they
had not participated, although the precise reason for the

differences between these years remains elusive at this

 

time. Ihese findings have clearly established that, in the
provision of social services within the refugee camps,
participation is no; part of the programs. The longer

refugees stay in an asylum country, more participation
would have been expected to surface. however, the results
of rhese analyses unambigpgpsly cghfirm rhere is no refpgee
perrieiparioh in the programs designeg to meet their

needs.

181

Wen—311
As perceived by the agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of overall refugee
participation in programs designed to meet their
needs?

Research Question 3.2
As perceived by the agency/governmental personnel,
what is the extent of refugee participation in the
needs assessment, planning, implementation, and
evaluation phases?

Table 5.29 shows an equally calibrated scale which was
used to analyze the data from the agency personnel. As
presented in Table 5.30, means and standard deviations were
used to analyze the data from agency/governmental
personnel. These results indicate quite clearly that the
agency/governmental personnel did not indicate strong
refugee participation.

Agency/governmental personnel are quite aware of the
situations at entry levels where refugees are asked as part
of the routine "what they brought and what they need," and
the cheap labor provided by the refugees is used to load
and unload relief goods. Even this, however, does not

correlate yith responses from they] refugee sample

 

respondents. Contrary to the response received by the
lahorers, who were not participating in the programs,

refugees do not see providing labor as participation.

182
Research Question 4
As perceived by agency/governmental personnel,
does refugee participation vary by organization
and position?

Table 5.31 presents the results of the ANOVA.
According to the findings, there is no significant
difference in terms of different agencies’ perception of
refugee participation in the implementation and evaluation
phases. This can be observed in Table 5.31, the
probability of F at 0.05 alpha value is not significant
(0.37 and 0.07), whereas the probability of F-ratios for
the needs assessment (0.05) and planning (0.02) phases are
significant, which suggests that the null hypothesis
relating to these two phases can be rejected. This also is
in agreement with the perception of the refugee respondents
who indicated some involvement particularly in the needs

assessment and implementation phases. ThereforeI rrpm

these findings it can be concluded that actuel field

 

 

experience of facilitating community participation had
minor influence, if any, in the programs that are designed

to meet the needs of refugees:

1. Although there is no significant variance in the
agency/governmental personnel’s perception of
refugee participation, Table 5.31 presents the
UNHCR staff’s perception as lowest, whereas WVI-M
reported the highest level of perceived.refugee

participation. The Government of Malawi’s

183

personnel reported somewhere in between. None of
the phases drew any significant difference from
the personnel respondents in their reporting of
refugee participation. Unless the programming
exercise, which is the most crucial part of the
system, started with an open-minded examination of
the objectives and defined the role of
beneficiaries, the danger of passive resignation,
stifling dependency, and de-energizing fatalism be
acknowledged for what it is. The findings from
the personnel perceptions, as well as those of the
refugees, clearly indicated that refugee
participation is not part of the programs that are
meant to meet their needs. It is inevitable that
this leads to the danger of passive acceptance of
what is and complacency toward the future.

The second part of research question 4 asked
whether there was a difference in perception
between the agency/governmental personnel by
position. The positions included directors,
managers and coordinators. As the findings
presented in Table 5.32 show, the results are not
at all that different. The "director" category is
slightly higher than the "manager" and
"coordinator." From Table 5.32, it can be further

noted that the F—probabilities are much higher

than the 0.05 alpha level. This agaih clearly

184
indicates that there is no difference in the
perceptions of agency/governmental pereonnel by
position.
W

As perceived by refugees, what are the constraints
that hinder their involvement in programs designed
to meet their needs?

It is assumed that, in any policy development process,
there are guiding principles which serve as a foundation.
Social justice and equity are principal matters in the
formulation process of policies for human development. How
policies are developed and implemented can hinder or
enhance equalities of tribes, gender, urban/rural groups,
etc. How the host governments look at refugees has great
bearing on the way projects and programs are implemented.
The refugees in Malawi are a case in point.

Data for the above research question were gathered
qualitatively, using ethnographic methods through informal
observation and discussions with refugees individually, and
in groups in different camps. In the duration of stay in
Malawi (two-and-a-half months), the researcher spent a
great deal of time in various refugee camps talking with
refugees, camp administrators, observing the camp
situations, relief distributions and overall daily
activities of the refugees and taking notes. Initially, it
was hard to get direct answers from the refugees because of

the suspicions that they had about this researcher being or

185
coming from the government. However, as time went by,
trust was gained after many assurances that the researcher
is a stranger to the country and hopeful that study can be
to the beneficial to the refugees.

Table 5.33 presents the data of formal response to the
question. Sixty-one point eight five (61.85) percent of
the respondents said they cannot take part in the programs
because they, "have no education" and 16.82% of them
responded that they are not participating because of "lack
of information" in what or when to participate. Others
(8.84%) were in poor health.

Observations

These are "safe answers" as far as their stay in their
asylum areas and their relationship with the host
government and the UNHCR are concerned. It must be
remembered that when a refugee asked the ex-High
Commissioner, "Why can’t we distribute the relief rations?"
he responded, "You can go back the same way you came if you
don’t like it here." This may not reflect the UNHCR’s
policy or even the rest of the staff in the field.
However, it does not encourage already displaced refugees.
In all possible ways, the refugees have been conditioned to
believe that they are foreigners and the only way they can
participate is by being “good recipients" of what they are
given and not ask questions. As the designated

representative of the Government, the Malawi Red Cross

186
(fully staffed by Malawians) manages and administers
distribution of relief supplies.

In every camp and all distribution points, there are
security people to maintain order and administer discipline
in the event of "misbehavior" demonstrated by refugees.
The punishments range from confiscation of ration cards for
one distribution (two weeks) to two distributions (four
weeks). Refugees spoke of being beaten by the security
forces, being threatened of being sent back to Mozambique,
and having their ration cards withdrawn indefinitely.
Because of their displacement, refugees experience
inequalities which are often aggravated by different
circumstances and they often develop coping mechanisms.
Furthermore, they are influenced by the situation within
the host country and the reaction of its government to the
refugee population which confronts it. Because they are
foreigners, refugees are made to believe they cannot even
administer the relief goods to their own people.

Once they cross the border and become refugees, people
who are used to managing their own affairs, including
paying taxes, are not even allowed to take part in the
distribution of relief. Instead, they are terrorized and
intimidated endlessly. The following is a graphic
example. On June 10, 1989, this researcher was in the
Kiwawa Camp conversing with one of the "community workers"
who had just graduated from high school with no special

training for his assignment. It was about 4:00 P.M. and

187

the researcher saw three women carrying heavy loads of
firewood. Interested to know how far they had traveled to
fetch the firewood, the researcher asked the community
worker to find out. We got up from where we were sitting,
started advancing toward the women who, when they noticed
us, began veering away. In the meantime, the community
worker asked the women where they had found the firewood.
The women were paralyzed with fear, thinking that we were
government officers who were going to take away their
firewood. Later, the community worker told this researcher
that it was not an uncommon practice to take away firewood,
using the excuse, "they have picked food from the protected
areas." The women told us that they left the camp soon
after sunrise (approximately 3:00 A.M.).

Regardless of how important participation is for
effective intervention programs, refugee participation has
a long way to go for it to be part of the program
development process. Without a genuine commitment to the
promotion and extension of participation on the part of the
host government, the UNHCR and others, participation
remains a wish. Without such commitment, there is not much
that can be done to alleviate the many constraints faced in
the process.

Lack of information

As the data in Table 5.33 demonstrate, 16.82% of the

respondents indicated that "lack of information" is an

impediment to their participation in various program

188

aspects. Agency and governmental workers have not
communicated or indicated to the refugees how, or in what
way they could participate. In other words, the refugees
are not encouraged to be part of these programs. On the
contrary, the disciplinary measures imposed by the security
forces discouraged refugees from taking part in any aspect
of the programs.

According to the field staff of the Malawi Red Cross
and camp administrators, refugees are accused of theft and
partiality. It is said that refugees would attempt to give
more to their relatives and friends and steal for
themselves. On the other hand, the refugees say that Red
Cross staff and security men line up non-refugees who are
their relatives and make them take relief rations. They
ask, "What difference does it make if they stole it,
instead of those in power? The rations are meant for
refugees."

Refugees must be involved from the beginning in
identifying the most pressing needs and at different levels
of the planning process. Refugee participation, as
advocated by the UNHCR in its policy, needs to be diffused
to the field level by creating the enabling mechanism.
Unless the policy is translated into action at the field
level and operationalized into some kind of systematic
change, that policy is meaningless.

Therefore, the refugee dependency syndrome is presented

as though it exists in the minds of refugees and then

189
results in "welfare mentality." This puts the blame on the
refugees, leaving the role played by assistance systems in
creating the problem and perpetuating it. This has been a
major obstacle to the development of refugee
participation. Relief assistance focuses on handing out
and, in most cases, distributing relief supplies is done by
non-refugees who are misinformed about the refugees as
helpless people. Therefore, it is evident that refugee
participation is constrained by organizations, structures
and attitudes of governments and the agencies.
Unfortunately, these constraints tend to be used as
justification not to work toward improving the situation to
foster refugee participation.
Research Question 6

Do the host government and the agencies have

written policies that call for, and encourage,

refugee participation in programs designed to meet

refugee needs?

Organizational factors are widely recognized as
impediments to, or facilitators of, participation. The
stages of organizational development (authoritative,
consultative or participatory) can thus be construed as
impeding or impelling forces for participation. Agency or
governmental policies can be seen as either impeding
refugee participation or hindering it and perpetuating
dependency. This question speaks to the broad set of

concerns pertaining to the need to find out who has what in

190
terms of policies which would impede refugee participation
or enhance it.

First, according to the Government of Malawi, the
existence of refugees in that country is only by the
kindness of the Life-President, Kamuzu Banda, who has
allowed Malawi to become a temporary refuge for
Mozambicans. . Its own administration is of a top-down
nature and ruled by one man, where the parliament is there
to serve the president and authenticate whatever he says.
One official jokingly inquired: "Why talk about refugee
participation who are guests in Malawi while the Malawians
themselves have no participation?" (personal notes, July 2,
1989). A Red Cross official said to the researcher: "The
refugees are the guests of the Government of Malawi and
therefore we take care of them while they are here. They
participate when they go back to their own country."

Forced by the ever-increasing refugee influx in 1987,
Malawi conceded to the UN Convention of 1951 and the
Protocol of 1967. However, Malawi has no policy which
allows for refugee participation. Conversely, because
refugees have created numerous jobs for Malawians, any
discussion of refugee participation in programs addressing
their needs is a threat to scarce employment opportunities.

Second, the study revealed that the UNHCR has a written
policy requiring refugee participation in the programs
designed to meet their needs. The UNHCR Handbook and

Social Services Handbook detail the procedures for refugee

191

participation. The Social Services Handbook of 1984 begins
with the premise that people have a right to control their
own lives, and those that have become passive recipients of
aid lack such control. The UNHCR sees refugee
participation as a means to self sufficiency within a given
situation. However, it asks to be explicit about the
empowering aspect of participation. When refugees are
involved in all aspects of program planning from needs
assessment to evaluation, this allows them to decide what
is best for them and the most culturally appropriate
solution to the problem within the context.

Another problem with the UNHCR’s participation policy
is that, since it is not operational, the chances to
interpret the policy into action is not there. In this
regard, the agency cannot be accountable to anyone whether
policy work or not. The operational partner, primarily the
host government, decides what is to be done and how. The
UNHCR only monitors what is being done or not done by the
partner government or agency. Therefore, in principle, the
UNHCR supports refugee participation, but this has not been
diffused to the field which makes the policy theoretical
and not translated into practice.

Third, in 1974, the WVI Board incorporated development
and community participation into the policy manual. The
role of beneficiary communities is clearly stated in the
policy manual as a means to the development process which

is there before the coming of World Vision and will

192
continue after World Vision. Through participation,
communities are seen as having God-given potential to
develop themselves. The policy states that, "members of
the community shall participate in all research, planning,
implementation, and evaluation activities to the maximum
extent possible" (see Appendix C). Further examination of
documents reveals that the organization’s in-house
document, the Project Information Management (PIM), asks
for the strategy of community participation to be spelled
out as part of the project proposal prior to project
resumptions.
Final Comments

As a young boy of ten, prior to being sent away to
school, this researcher looked after his parents’ cattle in
the Mishigida community of Durame District, located in
Kambaba and Hadiya province of Shoa administrative region
in southwestern Ethiopia. It was quite normal for boys to
fight each other, but it was rather repulsive to see older
and stronger boys mistreating younger, weaker boys. Even
while in school in a city far away from Mishigida, where
everyone was considered "civilized" by the rurals, the
mistreatment and beating of the weak was a norm which was
shocking to a young, country boy. Having been taught and
accepted that God loves all men and women unconditionally
as a basic affirmation on which everything else is built,
to see the small being mistreated was totally unpalatable.

God’s leave means that God gives us our own selves, life,

193
the earth, the sun, rain, crops, fruit, food and
happiness. God’s love is faithful and just, and His
justice consists in the fidelity and care with which God
makes abundant provision for our life, growth and wholeness
as men and women.in this world.

Therefore:

1. Whenever an individual is found without the means
required to meet human needs, without resources
for creative action and participative life in
society, injustice is operative.

2. If people do not care and share but seek to
dominate and oppress and, where some have plenty
of material resources and power while others do
not have enough, there is injustice.

3. If there is no justice, the love of God is
destroyed and people are impeded from experiencing
Him.

4. It is the duty and privilege of all who love God
to bring ‘His divine love and justice everywhere
possible and to remain loyal to Him and advocate
on behalf of the voiceless.

Refugees are the products of circumstances where
injustice prevails and overt oppression becomes
unbearable. People flee when the situation becomes
intolerable in their home country because the big and
strong are about to devour them. They cross borders in

search of peace, dignity, haven and justice but do they get

194

what they want? They may not be haunted and their lives
are not endangered. However, when they are treated like
babies who do not even know their own needs or what is best
for them (and some of the people who look after them are
not better, except they are not refugees), there may be an
external peace but there cannot be internal peace and the
dignity of being treated as free adults. One wonders if
the relief programs cause more damage in the long run.
Refugees escape one type of "big and strong" only to
encounter another kind of "big and rich"--the giver, the
doer who destroys the innermost by giving.

A grassroots approach to the project-planning process
would assume the prevalence of a "genuine" or "active"
participation, rather than a "symbolic" and "passive"
participation in the decision-making system. Refugees
should be allowed as full partners in the process which
should be open and understandable to the refugee
community. Programs that address the needs of refugees
should not be allowed to paternalize the beneficiaries.
Rather, as defined in the literature survey, through the
participation process, it is a mechanism to promote
efficiency, effectiveness, and equity. Project planning
must take into consideration the duration of agency
involvement and the eventual turnover of responsibility to
the refugees. Participation could accelerate the process

of liberating their arrested energies and making them

195
responsible actors in the great challenge of running their
own affairs.

Most NGOs operate with a considerable amount of
autonomy and enjoy the freedom of working directly with
communities. Where this exists, there is a significant
amount of freedom to exercise creativity and subsequently
to promote and experiment with refugee participation. NGOs
usually associate with the poorest of the poor and
marginalized. This gives them an extensive amount of
experience in capacity building. Therefore, they should be
in an advantageous position to know what works and what
does not work in allowing participation to the
beneficiaries.

In its 40-year history, the UNHCR has grown in size and
stature. Initially, the agency was created to care for
European refugees and people displaced by war. Most of the
assistance also came at that time from Europe. Today, the
complexities are great. Refugees are people from all parts
of the world and the numbers are not decreasing. The
refugee problem is intractable. The UNHCR, as a
non-political and non-operational agency, strictly adheres
to its mandate. However, it can and should play much more
of an advocacy role in the type of programs host
governments and NGOs administer. It is the only
organization with a mandate from the UN General Assembly to

care for refugees.

196

The challenge to the UNHCR and all NGOs involved in
responding to refugee needs is to face the host government
and responsibly negotiate for refugee participation.
Transformation of human lives should not stop when people
are forced to flee. Justice should prevail wherever people
who love justice and peace exist. The big and strong
should not be allowed to destroy the small and weak.

The following are some lessons learned from the
development literature that apply to programs:

1. Despite the special circumstances surrounding
refugee situations, NGOs can still work with them in ways
that support long-term development. That is, lessons
learned about working with other (non-refugee) groups, who
have experienced severe changes in their economic base or
who have migrated to new environments, are relevant to work
with refugees as well.

2. Refugees always have identifiable
capacities--skills they brought with them, social
structures that remain intact, respected leaders, and
"survivor" instincts that motivate people. These provide
the basis for development work.

3. Training and education are important elements of
developmental programming among refugees. Even if refugee
groups cannot achieve physical/material self-reliance, they
can move steadily (or readily) toward self-government and
active engagement in acquiring "portable" skills that can

be taken with them no matter where they go.

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4. Systems for active refugee participation in needs
assessment planning, implementation and evaluation of
refugee programs will ensure reliance on, and support of,
refugee capacities.

5. A key factor for refugee programming is the response
of the host government. Anderson & Woodrow (1989, p. 70)
cite a case which illustrates this:

In one case, refugees who crossed an international

border were allocated land, housing, and tools.

Within six months they were a self-reliant

community, fully integrated into the local economy

and political system.
The goal of participation is self-management. The basic
premise is that refugees can contribute positively in all
areas of the refugee assistance program. Therefore, it is
critical to involve refugees in:

1. the process of needs assessment and identification

of resources;
2. planning the course of action;
3. implementing the planned change to bridge the gap;
and

4. evaluating the results.
The UNHCR Social Service handbook states that:

The belief that people have a right to control

their own lives is widely shared. Where refugees

live as passive recipients of aid, they lack such

control (1984, p. 7.1).

Where there is no control, there is hardly human

development:

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Empowerment has thus become one of the key

strategies of people-centered development.
Because social change is always a political
process, political power is essential for

increasing the leverage of the poor to escape the
poverty trap (Dickinson, 1988, p. 86).
Empowering the community shifts the locus of control to the
people. This obviously becomes threatening to those in
control unless their consciousness level is higher.
According to Mayfield (1985, p. 163), "Village
participation was a most effective strategy to arouse
people’s consciousness and aspirations and thereby
accelerate the demand for democratic process."
After evaluating numerous PVO projects, Tendler (1982,
pp. 21, 24) divided participation into three categories:
a) genuine representative participation where
the ‘poorest groups are fully represented in
decision-making’;
b) top-down ‘sensitive’, where the PVO consults

with those to benefit from the project but
dominates service delivery decisions; and

c) ‘locate elite decision-making’ that allows
for local tailoring of projects by a limited
few.

Tendler further notes that the latter category represents
decentralized rather than participatory project management.
Research Limitations
Several factors circumscribed the efforts of this
research.

Time

 

The time dedicated to the field work was inadequate for

proper planning and implementation of the research. This

199
impeded the study considerably in terms of questionnaire
development, sample selection, and the actual
administration of the translated questionnaire using
research assistants. Had there been adequate time, the
development of open-ended instrumentation would have helped
to obtain better participation and in-depth probing of
responses. The time factor also limited the actual
administration of the instruments. Spending between 10
days and two weeks per camp with 120 respondents per camp
was inadequate for in-depth probing. Further, if the
period had been extended, the translation of the
questionnaire could have been refined to more adequately
garner the qualitative feelings of the respondents.
Additional time with the refugees would have strengthened
respondent trust of the research assistants which, in turn,
could have enhanced the reliability of responses. Time
limitations also led to the administration of the
questionnaire to a limited number of refugees.
LEEQEEQQ

The language spoken by the refugees was Portuguese.
However, most of them also spoke the language of the host
country, Malawi, which is called Chichewa. In one camp,
one ethnic group spoke the Sena language (dialect).
Although the instrument was translated into Chichewa,
revised three times, and then adjusted again based on the
results of the validity test, some necessary information

was not collected. This was further impeded by translation

200
complications between Chichewa and Sena. The translation
difficulty was this study’s major limitation. Without the
translation problem, and with additional interviews, more
empirical data collection would have resulted.
W

There was a sense of reluctance on the part of the
refugee respondents to speak freely because of fear. Some
indicated that, if they had spoken their minds, they might
be sent back to their home country. Occasionally, threats
were used against the refugees by the host government
police and other officials who worked in refugee camps,
such as the camp administrators. While verbal assurance
was given by the research assistants that they were not
government informants, fear may have influenced the
respondents, thereby limiting their openness in responding
to the scheduled interviews.

Recommendations

The following recommendations relate to the needs of
researchers, practitioners, and agency management and are
based on this study’s findings.

Recommendations for Further Research

As part of the descriptive research, this study has
deduced methodological and theoretical insights based on a
literature survey and field research. The participatory
development paradigm, as applied to the refugee situation,

was explored, established, and some implications for theory

201
and practice were identified. However, there is a need for
additional empirical research:

1. More research is needed to establish that refugee
participation is an important element in international
development. Case studies of participation in rural
development represent the approach for building the
knowledge base about participation.

2. Assumptions about refugee participation have to be
tested and refined. These include: the shifting of the
locus of power to structures which involve more refugee
participation, and the process of decision-making based on
cultural context.

3. Participation means different things to different
people. An in—depth, comparative study is required for
greater clarity.

4. As Christensen (1982, p. 1) has pointed out,
refugee research predominantly focuses on legal protection
issues. Social research on conditions of refugee camps in
Africa is particularly nonexistent. Therefore, it is
recommended that such research is highly needed, and be
carried out to increase the awareness of those involved in
the intervention of refugee needs.

Recommendations for Community Development Practitioners

1. As with any community, encouraging refugee
participation can be an effective strategy for
consciousness-raising, and thereby accelerating the move

toward more democratic processes. Generating sustainable

202

development requires building the refugees’ capacity, as
well as local host people, to do things on their own.
Focusing on both groups of people--refugees and the
hosts--not only minimizes the animosity between the two
groups (refugees are usually perceived better off than the
local people because of the relief food assistance), but
also would engage them in collective development efforts,
using the resources brought in as a result of refugee
influx to that area. Therefore, it is recommended that
agencies: (a) expend their energies to include
development, rather than concentrating on protracted relief
efforts; (b) focus on capacity-building of the people
involved; and (c) encourage the host people to participate
in development efforts so that if and when the refugees
repatriate to their home country, the benefits of
development will continue.

2. NGOs do not have the capacity to meet all the
material needs of refugees. Material needs can usually be
met by host governments, working with international or
bilateral aid agencies. Therefore, it is recommended that
NGOs focus their response on educational endeavors using
adult and non-formal education to help develop skills which
can be used after their status as refugees ends.

3. While refugees experience special problems because
of their status, the approaches that NGOs can take to work
with them should still emphasize and build on the refugee’s

capacities. Linking work inside refugee camps with

203
assistance to local populations will result in an expanded
developmental impact of the refugee assistance programs.

4. The international assistance community should give
more attention to the development of innovative,
income-generating schemes for both refugees and
refugee-affected populations.

5. For meaningful participation to occur, refugees
have to be effectively organized. Therefore, NGOs should
pay more attention to the organizational and leadership
development issues associated with refugee assistance.

6. Both the UNHCR and WVI-M have clearly stated
policies regarding refugee and community participation.
This is commendable. However, what is missing is a
strategy for interpreting those policies at the field
level. It is recommended that they not only develop such
strategies, but incorporate them as part of their operating
plan for which field workers will be responsible.

7. One of the primary impediments to refugee
participation are host government policies. Governments of
developing countries wish to protect all the employment
opportunities for their own people. The UNHCR is the only
organization which has the mandate and can negotiate with
host governments on behalf of refugees. It is recommended
that the UNHCR make refugee participation a part of its
negotiating point at the outset, when new influx of
refugees enter a country and when the host government

invites it to intervene.

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8. The existing structures in the refugee camps are
used mainly for "top-down" communication, i.e., from the
host government or its designate (in this case, the camp
administrators, Malawi Red Cross staff, and section heads
of refugee camps). The same structure could serve to
facilitate two-way communication. However, one of the
impediments voiced by the refugee respondents was the lack
of such communication. Therefore, it is recommended that
the host government, NGO staff, and UNHCR develop a
mechanism which encourages the refugees to communicate with
the officials about their needs.

Recommendations to Worlg Vision-Malawi

The Mozambican refugee population has exceeded more
than 10% of the population of Malawi. This has been a
burden to the host people and the government of Malawi, as
they have had to share scarce resources. The World Vision
Field Office in Malawi is the sole representative of the
Agency. Therefore, it is recommended that:

1. The Field Office emphasize the magnitude of the
problem to the World Vision partnership, coupled with
strategies and a plan of action which would involve more
training and skills development of the refugees.

2. To cope with the lack of high management and
leadership experience, the field office must engage in
leadership development for the staff who are directly

linked to the administration of refugee programs.

205

3. Documentation of needs assessment, reporting,
evaluating, and planning for refugee programs with full
participation of refugees themselves is a complex problem.
Therefore, it is recommended that the field office should
not hesitate to call for assistance from the partnership
for more staff development.

4. As indicated in the findings of this research,
refugees did not perceive themselves as participating in
the full cycle of program development. Yet, the policy of
the organization clearly states that it is committed to
work with those beneficiary communities developing their
God-given potential. Therefore, as the only representative
of the organization in the country, the field office
leadership is encouraged to design projects and programs in
which the beneficiaries (refugees) can fully participate.

5. Although they are not refugees, the host people
(Chambers calls them, "the hidden losers") are not much
better off than the refugees who benefit from the relief
assistance programs. Animosities can surface, which are
disadvantageous to the refugees. The field office should
be aware of these undercurrents and proactively design
development programs that are mutually beneficial to these
groups.

World Vision International Management

1. The WVI Board policy emphasizes the importance of

community participation and the organization’s commitment

to the poor. Aspects of this research should be

206
disseminated to the field offices--where the action is--to
determine the usefulness and potential contributions to the
organization’s future activities in the light of its stated
policy interpretation into action.

2. The existence of policy is one thing, but to have
strategies that define how those policies are interpreted
into action is another. The evaluation of projects and
processes should include tools for sustainability, which
emphasize the participation of beneficiaries as a
legitimate mechanism in refugee camps to promote
efficiency, effectiveness, and equity. This can be done by
supplying the necessary information to field workers who
are involved in program design, implementation, and
evaluation, and who, in turn, must increase the incentives
for inducing participation.

Final Observations
Constraints that Impede Refugee Participation

This study has revealed that "being a foreigner" is
perceived to be the first major constraint and "lack of
information" is the next major constraint to refugee
participation. These findings suggest that those, who are
responsible for refugee programs, appear to be ignoring the
fact that refugees always have identifiable capacities,
leadership structures, and instincts which motivate people
(Anderson & Woodrow, 1989). This feeling on the part of
the refugees that they "are foreigners" can promote a

negative attitude about being involved in any program. A

207
major contributing factor to this is possibly the behavior
of the host government in amassing employment opportunities
for their own people, and by treating the refugees with
some degree of suspicion for political reasons.

Refugee programs are mostly emergency oriented, which
calls for relief response. It is less dignifying to think
and behave in a manner that says that refugees are
foreigners, helpless, and do not know their needs. This
emphasis flows from the conviction that human beings have
value and dignity--not just needs and uses--and that the
pursuit of justice, equity, and the common good are basic
to human existence, although they may appear in different
forms in different societies (Dyal, 1979, p. 130).

Organizations and Refugee Participation

In this study, it was noted that refugee participation,
according to the perception of UNHCR personnel, is higher
than the perception of personnel associated with either the
Government of Malawi or World Vision International.
UNHCR’s personnel look at refugee participation from a
distance, as they are not directly involved in refugee
programs, whereas World Vision’s personnel work directly
with the refugees. As a nongovernmental organization
(NGO), World Vision is free from most restrictions of the
host government and is also in a position to bring
resources directly into the programs. The personnel of the
Government of Malawi are restricted by the government

policies, which may not be in favor of refugee

208
participation. This finding suggests that foreign NGOs may
be better able to enlist more participation of refugees
than local NGOs and the host government. This finding may
also be taken to mean that refugee participation can be
increased by organizations that have some control over the
resources they use in refugee programs.

The study also revealed that the UNHCR and World Vision
International have written policy statements requiring
refugee participation in their programs. It also appears
that the agencies of the Government of Malawi do not have
such written statements. NGOs appear to see the meaning
and importance of participation more clearly than
government organizations. Government organizations are
perhaps bound by predetermined packages of policies and
guidelines, which in some cases could be very "top-down."
Another major reason for this could be what Cuny (1987)
suggested when he wrote that governments hosting refugees
insist that the economic benefits of assistance programs go
to their own citizens rather than to the refugees.

The above findings of this study also reinforce the
statement by Cuny (1987) that voluntary agencies and the UN
system publicly advocate refugee participation as a
"desirable goal." However, in practice, they rarely
achieve a degree of meaningful refugee participation, and,

in some cases, do not even encourage it.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

QUESTIONNAIRE

209
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

(To be answered by the sampled refugees)

NEEDS ASSESSMENT PHASE:

1. When you first arrived here, did
any one of the officials ask you
what your needs were?

2. Since your arrival, have you ever
been asked by any of the officials
what your needs were?

3. As far as you know, has any one
of the refugees been asked what
their needs are?

4. If you know your needs, have you
been talking about them to the
officials?

PLANNING PHASE:

5. Has any one of the officials ever
asked you to assist in planning
programs to meet your needs?

6. Have you ever participated in any
planning meeting?

7. Did any of the officials discuss
future plans with you concerning
refugee programs?

8. Are you a member of any committee

that is related to planning
programs for refugees?

9. When you first arrived here, were
the refugees asked to be involved
in implementing any program for
the refugees?

10. Did you get any opportunity to be
involved in handling and
delivering relief commodities?

EVALUATION PHASE:

11. In your opinion, are the refugees
participating in distribution of
relief materials and in camp
administration?

12. Have you ever been employed for
any of the refugee programs?

13. Have you ever been asked by the
officials how refugee programs
are meeting your needs?

14. Have you ever been asked how to
improve reception and registration
procedures?

15. Do teachers discuss school
activities and problems with
parents and other adult refugees?

211

GOVERNMENT/AGENCY PERSONNEL QUESTIONNAIRE

How much do you agree with the following statements
relating to refugees’ participation in programs designed to
meet their needs?

Indicate agreement by circling one of the numbers given
next to each statement.

STRONGLY . . . STRONGLY
S.NO. STATEMENT DISAGREE AGREE

NEEDS ASSESSMENT PHASE:

1. Refugees tell their needs
directly to field workers. 0 1 2 3 4 5
2. Refugees let their needs

be known to field workers

through their chiefs or

through their elected

representatives. 0 1 2 3 4 5

3. Refugees indicate their

needs when agency workers
conduct surveys. 0 1 2 3 4 5

PLANNING PHASE:

4. Refugees’ response has

always been positive in

planning programs for them. 0 1 2 3 4 5
5. Officials discuss future

plans with the refugees. 0 1 2 3 4 5
6. Refugees participate in

planning committee
meetings. 0 1 2 3 4 5

STRONGLY . . . STRONGLY

IMPLEMENTATION PHASE:

7.

Refugees have many
opportunities to be
involved in implementing
programs designed to meet
their needs.

Refugees are very much
involved in handling and
delivering relief
commodities.

Refugees with skills are
always preferred over the
nationals to participate
in implementing programs.

EVALUATION PHASE:

10.

11.

12.

Organizations frequently
involve refugees in their
evaluation programs.

Refugee comments about
the programs are always
valued by the
organizations.

Organization personnel
discuss evaluation
results with refugees.

DISAGREE AGREE

0 1 2 3 4 5
0 1 2 3 4 5
0 1 2 3 4 5
0 1 2 3 4 5
0 1 2 3 4 5

APPENDIX B

CORRESPONDENCE

21J3

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

 

mummies-mum EASTWOMIOIIGANOWIO“
”MOIMGMDUATISOIOOL

December 12, 1990

Tesfatsion Dalellew
Education Administration
420 Erickson Hall

RE: LEVEL OF REFUGEE PARTICIPATION IN PROGRAMS/PROJECT DEVELOPMENT,
IRE! 88-483

Dear Mr. Dalellew:

The University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects' (UCRIHS) review
of the above referenced project has now been completed. I am pleased to
advise that the rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be
adequately protected and the Committee. therefore, approved this project at
its meeting on December 3.

You are reminded that UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year. If you
plan to continue this project beyond one year. please make provisions for
obtaining appropriate UCRIHS approval one month prior to December 3, 1991.

Any changes in procedures involving human subjects must be reviewed by the
UCRIHS prior to initiation of the change. UCIIHS must also be notified
promptly of any problems (unexpected side effects. complaints. etc.) involving
human subjects during the course of the work.

Thank you for bringing this project to our attention. If we can be of any
future help, please do not hesitate to let us know.

Sincerely.

 

DEW/den

cc: Dr. Howard Hickey

Male-WWW“

214

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UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REPUGEES Poul Hartling

 

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I UNDERSTAND PROM LATEST REPORTS OF WV STAFF IN HONDURAS THAT EL

' SALVADOR REFUGEES ARE IN PROCESS OF BEING MOVED PROM LA GUARITA TO A
SITE PAR FROM THE BORDER. WE ACKNOWLEDGE THIS MOVE MAY ENHANCE THE
SECURITY OF THESE REPUGEES. NEVERTHELBSS, WORLD VISION IS DEEPLY
CONCERNED THAT WITHDRAWAL OF INTERNATIONAL PERSONNEL FROM THE
FRONTIER GREATLY DECREASES THE PROTECTION PREVIOUSLY EXTENDED TO NEW
REPUGEES IN TRANSIT. RECENT HISTORY IS REPLETE WITH EVIDENCE THAT
NEW ARRIVALS WILL BE FORCED BACK TO EL SALVADOR, OR MEET WITH
VIOLENCE 0R DEATH. I AM CONFIDENT YOU SHARE THIS CONCERN. I URGE
UNHCR TAKE IMMEDIATE ACTION TO ESTABLISH THE CONTINUING PRESENCE OF
INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS. THIS IS AN ESSENTIAL STEP URGENTLY REQUIRED

EXPRESSED SIMILAR CONCERNS IN A LETTER DISPATCHED TO THE GOVT OF
HONDURAS.

WITH SINCERE REGARDS,

w. STANLEY Hoourvuan‘

FRGI: (Name)

 

IN ORDER TO SECURE THE RIGHTS OF THOSE SEEKING REFUGE. WVI HAS TODAH

 

 

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._HCF5A7I ATTENTION NR w STONALEY NCONEYNAN.

THANKS YOUR CAELE OF 25 NOVEMBER ERPRESSINC CONCERN ASCOT SITUATION
REFUCEES IN RONDURAS. RISR ASSURE YOU NE FULLY SHARE YOUR
PREDCCUPATION AND TNAT NO EFFORTS ARE SPARED ON OUR PART TO ENSURE
SAFETY AND HELL-BEING OF REFUGEES CURRENTLY IN RONDURAS AND OF
THOSE NEwLY ARRIVINO. ACTION IS BEINO INITIATED CN FOLLORINE NEASURES
PRIMO REFUGEES CURRENTLY CONFINED To ECRDER AREA NILL EE ALLDRED
TD NDVE FUkThEk INLAND To SAFER SETTLERENT ZONES. ONE SUCh ZONE
NAS ALREADY bEEN IDENTIFIED AND THE TRANSFER IS UNDER RAY. TRROUOR
NATERIAL ASSISTANCE PPDGRARNE. ARE AININC AT REFUGEES
SELF-SUFFICIENCY. SECURDO SMALL RECEPTION AND TRANSIT CENTRES
RILL EE ESTAuLISRED ALONG EOROER RRERE REFUGEE INFLUR IS TARINe
PLACE TERTTO HONDURAN GOVERNMENT HILL ENHANCE PROTECTION TO REFUGEES
IN BORDER AREA NRERE UNHCR REINPORCINC ITS PRESENCE (UNHCR OENEVAI
COL NCRSATI 25
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APPENDIX C

WORLD VISION DEVELOPMENT POLICY -

CONTENT ANALYSIS

20.2.

216

NORLD VISION DEVELOPMENT POLICY - CONTENT ANALYSIS

20.2.1

HOW IS PARTICIPATION FACILITATED?
Horld Vision’s Development Ministry
WAR!

- Hark through local partnership agencies. churches
or Christian agencies

- Evaluation of the impact of our sojourn with the
community (Praise God for positive contribution and
repent of failed efforts). ‘

- Respect for local situation-~learning from
receiving as well as giving.

- Focus on “people in community working together.“

- Hork through and employ local development
facilitators who are Christians.

- UV will subordinate its role to that of the local
church and commit ourselves to what the church has
to teach us.

- Project plans based on expressed needs of the
community.

20.2.2.0 51W
20.2.2.1 W

D) wherever possible. roJects will be done with and
through local churc es and Christian partner
agencies.

E) Projects managed by artners and staff who claim
Christ as Lord and ose lives bear‘witness to
His Lordship.

F) when; of the comunity shall participate in all
research, planning, implementation, and
evaluation activities to the maximum extent
possible.

217

20-2-2-2 ELAflfllfl§_AflD_B£EQBIIHE

A) Project plans shall be based on the expPessed

8)

needs of the community.

Community research summarized in the form of
written community descriptions and evaluation
baselines.

20-2-23 W

D)

4) an evaluation of the community’s readiness
to sustain it’s own development in the future.

20-2-4 W

20.2.4.3
E)

20.2.4.4
6)

H)

K)

R
All members of the community have an
Opportunity to use their gifts and skills in
the service of others.

PROCESS OF CHANGE CHARACTERIZED BY:

: Because much of'what
determines the process of change lies outside -
the control of either Horld Vision, our
gartners or the community, all projects will

ave a regular, internal evaluation process
which allows the community and Vorld Vision to
assess progress, identify problems, note
changes, in the context and thereby. redirect

_project plans.

W: Because all human
beings and their communities are in need of
redemption and transformation in varying ways
and to varying degrees, project lanning;
implementation and evaluation wi 1 reflect our
conviction that we and those we seek.to serve
are on a common pilgrimage and that each has
resources and gifts from God to contribute to
the journey of the other.

ownershipz'secause development is a process
already underway before we came and which will
continue after we leave, our involvement in
project planning and implementation will
affirm and encourage the fullest possible

218

participation by the community and its members
in identifying plans, allocating resources,
carrying out activities, and evaluating the
results, even if, in our judgment, their
decisions are not the ones we would make.

20.2.4.6 The least cost will mean:

A) UV will avoid becoming operational and will
seek to supply that which is missing or to
remedy that which is hindering the ministry of
at ers.

8) Using materials and methods which match normal
standards available to similar people in the
country.

C) Mobilizing the resources of families,
communities, and government agencies to
implement improvements.

' E) Keeping reporting systems simple and
appropriate, yet translatable to the donor in
a meaningful way.

20.2.5 KELSlBAIEfiIIS
20.2.5.2 Definition of roles

A)

B)

C)

"V will act in a way which affirms its
belief that the community and its
leadership is responsible for the
community’s future and all decisions
affecting that future, while
recognizing that there are barriers to
development which are outside their
immediate control.

W will act in way which affirms its
belief that the local expression of the
church is God’s chosen instrument for
His work in the world, and represents a
sign of the Kingdom of God in the midst
of the community. (See the Evangelism
Policy and Position Paper).

iiV will act in a way which affirms its
understanding that the partner
agency(ies) are authentic partners with
us in the task of enabling and
empowering the community and the local
church.

219

20.2.5.5 The technical support strategy of HV’s
development ministry will include:

A) The development and use of local
technical resource people wherever
possible.

8) A regular ongoing process of
participatory evaluation will be
carried out by UV and the community in
accordance with the project evaluation
policy of RV (See HV’s Evaluation
Policy).

HHAT KIND OF PARTICIPATION?

20-2-2-0 SIANDINE.D££I§IQN§

20.2.2.1 AudienanAoomsh
Members of the community shall participate in all

research

planning

implementation

evaluation activities (to the maximum extent
possible)

20.2.2.2 W119

project plans shall be based on the expressed
needs of the community.

20.2.2.3 Exaluatjon
A) Criteria

8) Annual project planning .
20.2.4 W
20.2.4.3 .B£&12E_flnman_£ntn:e
‘Decjsjon affecting the fUture of the community

Benefits - all share equitably in the benefits of
the development process.

20.2.1

20.2.4

20.2.4.5

220

20.2.4.4 Particular process of change Characterized by
K) Ownership: Because development is a pr6cess

already underway before we came and which will
continue after we leave, our involvement in
project planning and implementation will
affirm and encourage the fullest possible
participation by the community and its members
in identifying needs, problems, and
opportunities, developing plans, allocating
resources, carrying out activities, and
evaluating the results, even if, in our
judgment, their decisions are not the ones we
would make.

NHO PARTICIPATES

83mm:

- Neediest peoples - in a particular country as
determined by research concerning; material overty,
spiritual belief and practice, degree of iso ation,
physical weaknesses, vulnerability to disaster and
powerlessness (See Key Standards 20.2.4)

20.2.2.0 W
20.2.2.1 Woman

members of the community

iiV projects will meet individual and comunity
needs irrespective of religion, need,
ethnicity, caste or tribe.

' 15mm
20.2.4.3 Better Human future described as

A) Development by the people: All members
of the community actively participate,
in some way as local situations and
traditions permit, in decisions
affecting the future of the community
and all share equitably in the benefits
of the development process.

Values accompanying the development
ministry

221

F) Increasing participation by all parts
of the community especially those on
the periphery.

20.2.5.5 The technical support strategy

A) ‘The development and use of local
technical resource people wherever
possible.

FUNDRAISING - HARKETING SUPPORT STRATEGY
Key Objective - most appropriate donors - how determined

20.2.2.0 33mm
20.2.2.1 W

C) 0f the many development opportunities which
exist, HV will tend to select those which
provide both maximum ministry and marketing
potential within a 3 to 7 year period.

20.2.2.2 Weeding

E) Project reports will be collected regularly
which will cover I) the accomplishment of
activities, 2) an accounting for financial
income and expenditure. 3) a monitoring of key
evaluation baseline information and 4) the
needs of support offices to account to donors.
This information will be gathered on an
appropriate regular basis for the purpose of
providing the information necessary for
project supervision.

0) 5) an assessment of the benefit of the project
in germs of having met partnership marketing
nee s.

20.2.4.7 W will be those to
whom the story of people involved in their own
development is told accurately and in a way
which evokes respect along with compassion.

20.2.5.4 The marketing support strategy for HV’s
development ministry will encourage:

A) Support office involvement in the initial
research and design phases of develOpment
projects, wherever mutually agreeable.

222

B) Support office social marketing efforts
directed at educating donors to the importance
of development as an alternative to continuing
relief or social welfare responses.

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