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This is to certify that the
dissertation entitled
Death Anxiety and Future Time Perspectives
in Adolescence Following the Death
of a Classmate or Peer

presented by

Elizabeth Ann DeRath

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Ph . D. degree in Psychology

 

Date February 6, 1991

 

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DEATH ANXIETY AND FUTURE TIME PERSPECTIVES IN
ADOLESCENCE FOLLOWING THE DEATH OF A

CLASSMATE OR PEER

BY

Elizabeth Ann DeRath

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Psychology

1991

ABSTRACT

DEATH ANXIETY AND FUTURE TIME PERSPECTIVES IN
ADOLESCENCE FOLLOWING THE DEATH OF A
CLASSMATE OR PEER

BY

Elizabeth Ann DeRath

Empirical research is lacking concerning adolescents
and grief issues. The purpose of this research is to add to
the sparse empirical knowledge concerning adolescents and
death, but to enhance the understanding of how peer death
might affect adolescents' future time perspectives and death
anxiety.

The subjects were asked to complete the Consent Form
for Adolescents, the Personal Associations test, six Cards
of the Thematic Apperception Test, the Death Anxiety
Questionnaire, and a Personal Data Form. Approximately half
of the subjects had experienced the death of a classmate or
peer since their sophomore year in high school.

Regarding analysis of Personal Associations Test
results, findings revealed that regardless of loss
experience as death anxiety scores increased, future time
perspective scores decreased, and that subjects who
experienced a loss had a primary past or present time

perspective. Contrary to prediction, subjects who

experienced the loss had a significantly more dense future
time perspective than subjects who did not. Although not
specifically hypothesized, findings also suggested that
males who experienced the death of a classmate or peer had
significantly shorter future time perspectives than females.
Regarding post hoc findings, analysis of Personal
Association test results reveal that the loss male group had
a foreshortened future time perspective which was also
impacted by the time since the loss occurred and the
relationship with the deceased when compared with the female
loss group. The Thematic Apperception Test results appear
to be less affected by gender. There were significant main
effects for time since the loss occurred and for
relationship with the deceased on future time perspective,
and a significant main effect for relationship with the
deceased on the past-present versus future time perspective
issues. There was also a significant main effect for
primary place of residence, with rural subjects having a
significantly higher score on the Death Anxiety

Questionnaire than city subjects.

To my mother, Gladys Katherine McLean Small

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my appreciation to my committee: to
Dr. Hiram E. Fitzgerald who served as Chair and principal
advisor through my advanced graduate program, and who has
been a good friend; to Dr. Albert I. Rabin who inspired many
of the ideas embodied in this dissertation and who has been
a significant mentor to both me and my husband; to Dr. John
P. McKinney who has provided incentive, support and friend-
ship; to Dr. Ellen Strommen for her support and encourage-
ment both in this dissertation and for her developmental
perspective throughout my graduate studies; and to Dr.
Bertram P. Karon for his willingness to assist and provide
meaningful input. I would also like to thank Dr. Lucy R.
Ferguson and Dr. Helen Benedict for their contributions to
my graduate career.

I also wish to acknowledge and express my appreciation
to John Palmatier for his assistance with statistical
analyses and other technical aspects of this dissertation.

Finally, but most importantly, I thank my husband, Dr.
Gilbert W. DeRath for his love, encouragement, support, and,
most of all, for his faith in me. A special thank you to
our children, Gib, Richard, Brian, and Renee, who have each

provided a unique contribution to this dissertation and to

V

my life, and to our many friends who have extended their

friendship, caring, and confidence over these many years.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES . O C O O O O O O 0 ix

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . x
CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . 1
II. LITERATURE REVIEW . . . . . . . 9
Adolescent Death Concepts . . . . . 9
Theoretical Concepts . . . . . 9

Developmental Perspective of Death
Concepts . . . . ll

Variables Related to the Study of
Death Concepts. . . . . . . 15

Death Anxiety . . . . . . . 17
Death Anxiety In Adolescence . . . 17
Other Variables Related To Death
Anxiety in Adolescence. . . 19

Defense Mechanisms Related To Death
Anxiety. . . . . . . . . 21

Grief Reactions. . . . . . . . 24
In Adolescence. . . . . . . 24
Other Variables In Child/Adolescent
Grief Reactions . . . . . . 32

Time Perspective . . . . . . . 33
Theoretical Concepts . . . . . 33
Future Time Perspective . . . . 35
Measurement of Time Perspective . . 36

Developmental Aspects of Time Perspective 38

Relationship Between Time Perspective and

Thoughts of Death . . . . . . 39
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . 43

Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . 44
Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . 44
Hypothesis 3 . . . . . . . 46
Hypothesis 4 . . . . . . . 47

III. METHOD . . . . . . . . . . 48
subjects 0 O O O O O O O C 48

Measures . . . . . . . . . 50
Personal Associations Test. . . . 50
Thematic Apperception Test. . . . 53
Death Anxiety Questionnaire . . . 56
Personal Data Form. . . . . . 57

Analyses . . . . . . . . . 58

vii

IV.

APPENDICES

G.

REFERENCES

RESULTS . . . . . .
Post-Hoc Analyses . . . .
Time Since Death Experience. .
Future Time Perspective .
Past-Present Time Perspective
Time Perspective . . .
Effects of Relationship. . .
Future Time Perspective .
Past-Present Time Perspective
Time Perspective . . .
Additional Analyses. . . .
DISCUSSION . . . . . .
Hypothesized Results . . .
Post-Hoc Results . . . .
Time Since Death . . .

Significant Findings in Relation to

Future Time Perspective .

Significant Finding in Relation to Past-
Present Time Perspective Vs.

Perspective . . . .
Effects of Relationship. . .

Future

Future

Future Time

59
63
63
63

65
66
66

68
69

70
71
74
74

74

75
77

Significant Findings in Relation to Future

Time Perspective . . .

Significant Results in Relation to Past—

Present Vs. Future time Perspective

Additional Analyses. . . .

Significant Findings . .
Summary. . . . . . .
Implications For Future Research
Conclusion . . . . . .

PROCEDURES FOR SCORING TIME-SPAN
IN TAT STORIES . . . . .

DEATH ANXIETY QUESTIONNAIRE .
CONSENT FORM FOR ADOLESCENTS .
PERSONAL ASSOCIATIONS TEST . .
INSTRUCTIONS FOR TAT . . .
PERSONAL DATA FORM . . . .

WRITTEN FEEDBACK SHEET . . .

viii

77
78
79
79
80

81
97

100
104
106
108
110
111
114

117

TABLE

LIST OF TABLES

Mean Future Time Perspective Scores of Males
and Females on the Personal Associations Test

Mean Past-Present Time Perspective Scores of
Males and Females on the Thematic
Apperception Test

Mean Shorter Future Time Perspective Scores
on the Thematic Apperception Test as a
Function of Degree of Relationship

Mean Shorter Future Time Perspective
Scores on the Personal Associations
Test as a Function of Degree of
Relationship

Past/Present Time Perspective on the
Thematic Apperception Test

ix

64

66

67

68

69

FIGURE

1.

LIST OF FIGURES

Personal Associations Test Mean Scores as
a Measure of Future Time Perspective for
Males and Females With and Without

Death Experience

60

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

The United States is generally considered a
death-denying culture, and it has only been in the last
several decades that the study of death has become a
"respectable field of inquiry" (Shneidman, 1976, p. xxii).
However, there have been few empirical studies of
psychological phenomenon related to death. Yalom (1980)
states that of twenty-six hundred books and articles on
death written prior to 1972. fewer than two percent report
empirical research.

The topic of death appears to be overlooked as an
important concern particularly in the study of adolescents.
As currently as 1990, Wolfelt (1990) refers to adolescent
mourning as an historically neglected topic in the grief
literature. Twenty-four years ago, Laufer (1966) noted that
only a few clinical papers dealt with mourning in
adolescence. Wolfenstein (1966) added that relatively
little had been reported on children's reactions to loss of
a major love object of children from the beginnings of
latency into adolescence. Kastenbaum (1974) believes

developmental psychologists have tended to regard death

2
cognitions as peripheral to the main course of mental and
personality development. Ten years ago, Yalom (1980)
perceived a marked discrepancy between the importance of
death concerns to children, including adolescents, and the
meager attention paid to the topic in the child development
literature. Fleming and Adolph (1986) also point to the
omission of adolescence as a distinct developmental stage in
grief research. Despite references to different labels such
as mourning, reactions to loss, death cognitions, death
concerns, the dearth of information specifically concerning
adolescents and death issues has not changed to any great
extent in the past twenty years with the possible exception
of adolescent suicide (Corr and McNeil, 1986). Corr and
McNeil state,

Much has been written about adolescence,

and--especia11y recently--a good deal has been

written about dying, death, and bereavement. But

very little has been written about the issues

involved in the conjunction of these

phenomena--with the notable exception of

adolescent suicide. (p. xiii)

It is generally accepted that adolescents have an
adult-like death concept in that they recognize the
universality and permanence of death (Becker, 1977; Dunton,
1974; Hagin and Corwin, 1974; Kastenbaum, 1974; Kubler-Ross,
1983; McGuire and Ely, 1984; Schowalter, 1970). However,

Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) recommend distinguishing

3

between two forms of death concepts, death of others, and
death of self. They suggest that the concept of death of
self, or the idea that "I" will die, assumes an awareness of
individuality and death as more real and personal. In a
more recent publication, Kastenbaum (1986) points out that
the adolescent men fighting in Viet Nam were not only
vividly experiencing the deaths of young men around them but
also were experiencing direct threats to their own lives.
He further states that, "the life and death questions raised
in adolescence creates a sense of vulnerability that we
spend most of our adult years trying to conceal and
forget." (Corr et al, p. 14). Yalom (1980) and Kubler-Ross
(1983) both suggest that beneath the recognition of the loss
of a loved person is the reality of personal death and
anxiety related to that loss. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg
(1976) and Rando (1984) posit that the increased sense of
individuality and aloneness that develops in adolescence
creates a particular vulnerability related to the awareness
of personal mortality. Yalom (1980), states that
adolescents tend to show higher overt death anxiety than
other age groups, and Hamovitch's study (cited in Morrissey,
1965) found that children over ten who were experiencing a
terminal illness showed the greatest anxiety in relation to
their own death.

It does appear evident that with the adolescent's
increased sense of identity along with greater emancipation

and self-determination that an increased awareness of

4
anxiety related to personal mortality also develops. In
connection with previous literature, the current study
addresses the issue of death anxiety in relation to one's
own death as impacted by the loss of a classmate or peer in
adolescence.

In general, however, even though adolescents may
intellectually realize the universality and permanence of
death, and may experience some death anxiety, they likely
defensively believe that death is something that happens to
someone else generally late in life. They also, like most
adults, tend to avoid the reality that children or
adolescents or peers die, perceiving death as something that
happens in the temporally distant future. The death of a
child is always untimely which adds a significant
complication to normal grief. When the death of a child or
adolescent does occur, the reality of personal mortality is
vividly demonstrated to surviving children or adolescents,
with various emotional, physical and behavioral conse-
quences. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) suggest the
possibility that apprehension about death may be a main
factor in the adolescent's tendency to limit thoughts about
the future to those that are short-range or to the near
future rather than to the distant future. The current study

explores the relationships among death anxiety, the

experience of losing a classmate or peer, and the range of

the adolescent's future time perspective.

5

Adults in the United States tend to be future-oriented
with concerns for retirement, more leisure time, and family
relationships. Adolescents, by age thirteen or fourteen,
tend to be oriented toward the immediate or near rather than
the distant future, and have developed conceptions of the
past, the future, and the continuity of time. By virtue of
the fact that as long as one is alive death resides in the
future, it seems reasonable to conclude that a relationship
exists between thoughts of the future and thoughts of
death. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) refer to the general
difficulty of forming death concepts without some conception
of time. Doob (1971) indicates that the age of a person is
important in making temporal judgments because it reflects
that person's distance from death, which in turn influences
experiences and how an individual organizes and utilizes
such experiences in regard to the future. He also connects
the person's death-related experiences and/or thoughts to
his or her time orientation.

Although little empirical research has been conducted,
it is generally concluded that adolescents have achieved the
concepts of universality and permanence with regard to
death. The majority are also capable of comprehending the
possibility of the death of another and of their own death.
In adolescence, issues regarding individuality and aloneness
increase the awareness of personal mortality which results
in increased overt, at least, death anxiety. Denial-based

defense mechanisms which assist the individual in coping

6
with death anxiety also enable the person to place thoughts
of their own death and that of most significant others into
the distant future. However, because thoughts of personal
death are distant, adolescents are especially likely, as
Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) suggest, to limit their
thoughts to contemporary concerns rather than those in the
distant future. A question addressed in the current study
is whether the death of a classmate or peer increases death
anxiety and whether or not increased death anxiety is
related to limiting thoughts of the future. Specifically,
does the death of a classmate or peer foreshorten the
adolescent's future time perspective or influence thoughts
more predominantly to the present or past?

A general goal of this exploratory study is to enhance
understanding of how peer death affects adolescents.
Specifically, a goal of this research is to add to the
relatively sparse empirical knowledge concerned with
adolescents and death, particularly the death of a classmate
or peer.

This research assumes that eighteen- and nineteen-year—
old adolescents have attained an adult-like death concept
that includes notions about the universality and permanence
of death. It also assumes that these adolescents have

achieved a level of time perspective which encompasses an

awareness of the past, present, and future, as well as a
sense of the continuity of time. It is also assumed that

given enrollment and participation at a college level, each

7
subject will be of at least average intelligence.
Undergraduate eighteen- and nineteen—year-old students who
had and who had not experienced the death of a classmate or
peer were included in this study. Four measures were used
to generate the data: a Personal Data form, the Thematic
Apperception Test, the Personal Associations time
perspective measure, and a death anxiety questionnaire which
focused on issues related to personal death rather than the
death of someone else.

It is hypothesized that: (1) Subjects who have
experienced the death of a classmate or peer will score
higher on the Death Anxiety Questionnaire than students who
have not experienced the death of a classmate or peer; (2)
Subjects who have experienced the death of a classmate or
peer will have a shorter future time perspective than
students who have not, as measured by responses to the
Thematic Apperception Test and to the Personal Associations
test. Additionally, it was hypothesized that the loss group
will also have a less dense future time perspective than the
n0?IOSS control group as measured by responses to the
Personal Associations measure; (3) Subjects who have
suffered the loss of a classmate or peer will be found to
primarily have a past or present time perspective rather
than a future time perspective as measured by responses to
the Thematic Apperception Test and to the Personal
Associations test; (4) Whether they have experienced a loss

or not, subjects who have high death anxiety scores on the

8
Death Anxiety Questionnaire will have shorter future time
perspective scores than students with low death anxiety
scores as measured by responses to the Thematic Apperception
Test and the Personal Associations Test, and less dense
future time perspective scores as measured by responses to
the Personal Associations test.

Automobile accidents are the leading cause of death in
adolescence, and homicide and suicide rank second and third
respectively. Given the rate of increase in adolescent
suicide since the 1950's alone, it is reasonable to assume
that many adolescents will experience the death of a class-
mate or peer during their adolescence. While crisis
intervention in the schools at a time of a student's death
is in its infancy, it is important to begin to learn about
and to understand the adolescent experience regarding death
in order to develop effective intervention programs aimed at
helping adolescents deal with grief and its resolution. In
a recent publication, Feifel (1990) states that
psychologists must "expand our information base so that
application does not outrun knowledge" (p. 541). As Feifel
notes, appropriate and meaningful responses to individuals
who are grieving is not only necessary to benefit the
immediately involved survivors, but the community at-large

as well. According to Feifel (1990), "....there is growing

comprehension that community sharing of grief decreases
feelings of guilt and depression in survivors and minimizes

the break in the societal fabric" (p. 540).

Chapter II

LI TERATURE REVI EW

As stated in the introduction, there has been very
little written conjoining the issues of adolescence and
death, even though each has a fairly extensive literature.
As late as 1990, Wolfelt (1990) concludes that "adolescent
mourning" has been a neglected area in the grief literature.
There is a need not only for empirical research but also for
a specific body of literature that explores the conjoint
issues of adolescence and death. Kastenbaum (1986) advises
caution in considering adolescence and death together--
caution against taking only information that results in an
ego-syntonic construct. He clearly states that all of the

facts and limitations of our knowledge must be examined.

Adolescent Death Concepts

 

Theoretical Concepts:

 

Theoretical concepts related to death in adolescents
are neither defined well enough nor organized well enough to
provide a meaningful basis for understanding the adolescent

death experience. As a body of knowledge related to both

10
experiential variables and theoretical concepts, it appears
that much empirical research is needed to tie down many of
the variables which currently appear to have their bases
mainly in theory.

Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) state: "It is
difficult, in practice, to maintain a clear distinction
between concepts and attitudes" (p. 372). They cite the
complexities of death concepts which change with respect to
developmental level and which have ambiguous goals. Corr and
McNeil (1986) agree that the topic of death is not a static
phenomenon but goes through transformations related to
personal, social and environmental circumstances. According
to Hagin and Corwin (1974), individuals continue to modify
their orientations toward death throughout their lifetimes.
Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) caution that there is no
consensus on what constitutes a mature death concept. They
pose the possibility that a mature death concept is achieved
relatively early in life, then a regression occurs to a more
socially sanctioned position. Other authors (Becker, 1977;
Feifel, 1974) have noted that the concept of death does not
necessarily hold together as a unified, internally
consistent structure. Specific to children, Wahl (cited in
Becker, 1973) concurs that children's death concepts are

complex and may vary among individuals and cultures.

Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) distinguish between two
concepts of death, death-of-the-other, and I-will-die.

Death—of—the-other is related to the perception that with a

11
death the other is not present, the other is absent.
Closely related for the young child is a sense of
abandonment which triggers uncomfortable internal feelings
and may trigger anxiety-related symptoms. A sense of
limitless separation follows, which, if the death involves
the loss of a significant other, could lead to a broader
sense of separation from the environment. I-will-die
implies one has achieved the developmental levels of
"self-awareness, logical thought operations, conceptions of
probability, necessity, and causation and of personal and
physical time, of finality and separation" (Kastenbaum and
Aisenberg, 1976, p. 376). Yalom (1980) and Kubler-Ross
(1983) both suggest that beneath the recognition of the loss
of a loved person is the realization of personal mortality.
Because of the exploratory nature of this research, the
assumption was made that the eighteen and nineteen-year-old
college student subjects recognize the universality and
permanence of death, and that they had attained the ability
to conceptualize both the death of another and their own
death. These assumptions are given further support in the
following research regarding developmental aspects of death

concepts.

Developmental Perspective of Death Concepts

 

In one of the early studies on children's concepts of
death, Anthony (1940) studied approximately 130 children

aged three to thirteen in Great Britain during the early war

12
years of 1937-39. She used parental reports in thirteen
cases, and both a story-completion test and the 1937
Stanford-Binet in the remaining. She found normal children
often think of death as a sorrowful separation or as the
ultimate result of aggression. These findings are not
surprising since these children were in the midst of an
international war at the time, were frequently separated
from their families, and were exposed to the realities of
death and dying. Williams (1974) suggests that reflections
on death are an integral part of growing up. Feifel (1974,
1976), strongly supported by Yalom (1980) and others
(Kastenbaum, 1974; Mauer, 1974) stresses the importance of
the development of an individual's philosophy of life and
death as the core of meaning, value, and personality. He
also believes the meaning of death is a major organizing
principle in determining conduct. Yalom (1980) believes
adolescents become aware of death as an ultimate concern.
Defensive mechanisms associated with death anxiety help the
adolescent integrate a developing philosophy related to
death. He perceives this process as an important task of
adolescence.

According to Kastenbaum (1974), Nagy's 1948 research
findings regarding children's concept of death appear valid.
Nagy (1948), studied 378 three-to ten-year-old Hungarian
children using their compositions, drawings and discussions
to elicit thoughts and feelings about death. Nagy found

three major stages in the development of a death concept. In

13
the first developmental stage, ages 3-5, death is perceived
as temporary and reversible. Life and consciousness are
attributed to the dead. There is also a close relationship
between death and departure at this stage, which according
to Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) is likely to result in
distress related to the separation aspect of the death. In
the second stage, ages 5-9, children tend to personify death
in that death is seen as a separate being, but personal
death can be avoided. Children could conceive of others
dying, but not of their own death. In the third stage, ages
9 to 10+, death is perceived as universal, final and
inevitable. Like adults, children in this stage recognize
the permanence of death (Becker, 1977; Dunton, 1974; Hagin
and Corwin, 1974; Kubler-Ross, 1983; McGuire and Ely, 1984;
Schowalter, 1970).

Gordon (1986) states that,

the early adolescent becomes aware of death, and

the late adolescent attempts to impart a meaning

to death (as well as to life) that transcends

everyday events and infuses the future with hope.

Failure to endow the future with optimism results

in death of the spirit or suicide. (p. 28)

In spite of the evidence suggesting that by adolescence
the necessary developmental steps for the recognition of the
universality and finality of death have been achieved, most
authors indicate that death has unpleasant associations and

most people avoid thoughts of the reality of their own and

14
their loved ones death (Peretz, 1970). Schowalter (1970),
in discussing 10-year old and older terminally ill
children's reactions to their own likely death, indicated it
is doubtful an individual can fully conceive of the fact of
his or her own death.

In summary, research suggests that there is a develop-
mental process associated with the integration of concepts
of death. It appears to initially involve denial of or
failure to comprehend personal death associating death with
separation. There follows a stage where death applies to
others. Finally the permanence and reality of one's own and
other's death is integrated. Death has unpleasant
associations and may be related to avoidance and denial of
the topic. A part of the difficulty in assessing the status
of death concepts is the distinction between death-of-other
and death-of-self. Affective responses to the topic, as
well as defensive strategies developed for coping with the
anxiety it evokes, also complicate the assessment. It is
likely easier for individuals to intellectually acknowledge
the universality and permanence of death in general, than it
is to respond to issues regarding personal death, which is
not only difficult to conceive, but painful thoughts of
which are avoided. Development of a realistic notion of
death, both one's own and the death of others, is a

significant aspect of child and adolescent development.

15
Variables Related to the Studyfof Death Concepts:

The literature suggests that age alone correlates
consistently and significantly with the stages of children's
death concepts (Tallmer, Formanek, and Tallmer, 1974).
However, other variables are also important. In their study
of 199 children ages 3-9, Tallmer, et al (1974) found lower
class children were more aware of the concept of death. The
possibility exists that lower class children may use fewer
defensive strategies, such as denial or repression, to avoid
thoughts of death, and/or may have had more exposure to
death experiences. A 1966 study by Mauer (cited in Hagin
and Corwin, 1974) reported a positive correlation between
the adolescent's academic success and the maturity of
attitudes toward death. They identified the "maturation"
steps of awareness, denial, projection, curiosity, and
personification as being associated with immature attitudes
toward death in the low academic group. Some of these could
be classified as defensive strategies employed to avoid
death anxiety. Propitiation, dare-deviltry, substitution,
contempt with laughter, acceptance of inevitability, despair
and transmutation into idealism were characteristic of
successful students with more mature attitudes toward
death. Some of these could also be classified as defensive
coping mechanisms to compensate for death anxiety. The
differences could be attributed to the maturity of defensive
strategies which appear to have as their purpose protection

against death anxiety. Also, again, the issue of "mature"

16
attitudes needs clarification. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg
(1976) also believe situational contexts related to specific
death experiences may elicit one type of death cognition
among several, or may stimulate development of new or
modified concepts. Furman (1964) believes the child's
ability to comprehend death is clouded if she or he loses a
deeply loved or needed person. It would be important to
assess at what age the loss occurred. Dunton (1970)
suggests that problem-solving attitudes and skills in the
family has an effect on the child's death concept, as does
the family's socio-economic status (Dunton, 1970; Williams,
1974).

Numerous other variables in addition to age are related
to the development of child and adolescent concerns about
death. It is evident that there is no clear definition of
adolescent death concepts. In general, difficulty in
definition and assessment also occur because of the
complexity and ambiguity and developmental changes
associated with the concepts. It is likely accurate to
state that by adolescence most individuals recognize the
universality and permanence of death, at least on a
cognitive level. The death of others sometime in the future
appears to be more easily integrated into one's concept of
death than is personal death. Self-awareness, logical
thought operations, concepts of probability, necessity and
causation, and of personal and physical time and of finality

and separation, all components suggested by Kastenbaum and

17
Aisenberg (1976) of the ability to recognize the reality of
personality mortality facilitate a more mature adolescent
concept of death. Age, SES, situational contexts, previous
loss experiences, family problem-solving skills and possibly
academic success are all variables that also affect death
concepts. Death anxiety and accompanying protective
defenses, a review of which follow, also have an impact on

adolescent death concepts.

Death Anxiety

 

Death Anxiety in Adolescence:

 

Most authors allude to the existence of fear of death.
Morrissey (1965), specifically referring to children with a
fatal illness, defines death anxiety as the apprehensive
responses related to the child's concerns with limitation of
his or her existence. A study by Solnit and Green (cited in
Morrissey, 1965) suggest that each child has his or her own
fearful concepts about the nature of death. Gordon (1986)
asserts that, "like masturbation, adolescent death fears are
universally experienced" (p.20) and, like sexual issues, are
secretly discussed with peers who likely also have little
accurate information. Yalom (1980) also believes that death
anxiety is universal and that all individuals are confronted
with it. According to Yalom, this anxiety results from a
fear of death which follows the child's discovery of his or

her own mortality and the realization that there is no

18
escape from death. He also states that adolescents tend to
show higher overt death anxiety than other age groups.
Austin and Mack (1986) also report that senior high school
students experience a higher level of death anxiety than
either junior high school students or adults. They
attribute this to a greater level of stress accompanying the
physical, emotional, and cognitive changes of adolescence,
as well as the adolescents' awareness of and willingness to
report their feelings. This is consistent with Hamovitch's
study (cited in Morrissey, 1965) findings with fifty
children hospitalized with leukemia. Compared to leukemic
children aged ten and younger, the children over age 10 in
that study showed the greatest anxiety related to the
possibility of their own death. Adams and Deveau (1986) in
their discussion of dying adolescents state,

It is against the very nature of adolescents to

accept their own death without contention. They

naturally believe that they are going to reach

adulthood regardless of their illness and to live

many more years beyond. Personal death is not

meant to be in the adolescents' repertoire. (p.

79)

Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) relate the adolescent's
vulnerability to thoughts of his or her own death to the
struggle to establish and maintain individuality, whereas
Mauer (1964) connects death anxiety with the tasks of

identity and purpose in adolescents. Schneider (unpublished

19
manuscript, 1990) reports that adolescent death anxiety
focuses on sudden, unanticipated death and is often
associated with fears of being unable to fulfill future
goals. According to Peretz (1970), death anxiety studies
indicate that death is represented in the imagination as
separation from those who provide love and nurture, and with
an awareness of being isolated and alone.

Gordon (1986) points out that, "The classic texts on
adolescence, such as Conger and Petersen (1984), Josselyn
(1971), or Anna Freud (1958), mention death fears only in
passing, if at all" (p. 22).

Fear of death, like death concepts, is a complex
phenomenon with considerable individual differences that is
not clearly delineated. Feifel (1990) reports that, "fear
of death is not a unitary or monolithic variable. Various
subcomponents are evident, for example, fear of going to
hell, loss of identity, loneliness" (p. 539). It seems that
death anxiety is more related to death-of-self than death—
of-other, subject to develOpmental considerations, and is
also connected with the other major developmental tasks of

adolescence.

Other Variables Related to Death Anxiety in Adolescence:

 

Yalom (1980), and Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976), are
critical of research that fails to distinguish between one's
fear of one's own death and the death of another, or the

effects of one's death on others. Yalom (1980) also

20

differentiates between conscious and unconscious attitudes,
and between conscious, manifest anxiety and unconscious
anxiety. He is critical of the reliability and validity of
instruments currently used to measure attitudes and anxiety
related to death. He also perceives a bias in current
research approaches, which he attributes to adult fears and
denial of death.

Mauer (1964) reported that awareness of fear in
relation to death is negatively correlated with intellectual
ability until the retarded level. Her subjects were 17- to
19-year-old girls who scored from the lst to the 99th
percentile on the ACE test. The sample reportedly included
a good representation of racial, SES, and religious groups.
She used an unstructured method, asking what came to mind
when you think of death? These results would suggest a
relationship between intellectual ability and conscious
death anxiety. The results do not really address the
relationship between I.Q. and death anxiety, conscious and
unconscious. Yalom (1980) cites several research findings
regarding death anxiety: Students who have lost a parent
have higher death anxiety, devoutly religious individuals
have less death anxiety, and death fears were found to be
extremely important concerns in a study of 1000 college
co-eds. Keller, Sherry, and Piotrowski (1984), summarizing
previous studies of death anxiety, found no evidence to
support systematic sex-related differences in death anxiety,

although they add that more recent research indicates

21
females fear death more than do males. They cite their own
research involving eighteen- to twenty-three-year-olds in
which women were more concerned than men about their own
death. They also concur with Yalom (1980) that strong
religious commitments seemed to lessen fear of death.
Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) also found subjects who have
a longer future time perspective expressed lower manifest
death concerns.

The variables related to the study of death anxiety,
like other issues in the study of death and death concerns,
are complex and often not well-defined. The most critical
variables in regard to research appear to be related to
specifying anxiety or concerns related to death-of-self,
death-of-other or the effects of one's death on another or
others. The conscious or unconscious nature of the anxiety
further complicate matters, especially related to
measurement.

Thus, in addition to specific variables, it is clear
that the mechanisms by which individuals cope with death

anxiety also impact on research.

Defense Mechanisms Related to Death Anxiety:

Little empirical research relating to clearly defined
defense mechanisms exist, though frequent reference is made
to these mechanisms. Mauer (1964) contends that adolescents
must find a sublimation for conscious death anxiety. Many

authors (Furman, 1970; Mauer, 1964; Peretz, 1970; Yalom,

22
1980) cite denial-based strategies, such as suppression,
repression, displacement, belief in personal omnipotence, as
well as religious beliefs, as adaptive coping mechanisms for
death anxiety. Morrissey (1965) reports findings that older
boys tend to "act out" death anxiety, while older girls are
more likely to become depressed. However, Mauer's (1964),
study of seventeen- to nineteen-year-old girls found
"genuine enjoyment of life" to be one of the most effective
defenses against death anxiety. Leviton and Forman (1974)
describe the psychological defenses used by some youths
against death anxiety. They include avoidance, depression,
and manifestations of guilt and anger, especially if the
student is recently bereaved.

Yalom (1980) presents the most complete developmental
picture of how children defensively protect themselves
against death anxiety by developing protective coping
mechanisms. He believes these protective mechanisms, such
as displacement, sublimation, and conversion, pass through
several stages of sophistication and efficiency. In a
manner consistent with psychoanalytic theory, awareness of
death is relegated to the unconscious, and the overt fear of
death abates. However, during adolescence, childhood denial
systems become less effective, and adolescents are again
faced with issues related to death anxiety. He speculates
that two basic defenses against death terror--belief in
personal inviolability and in an ultimate rescuer--originate

in infancy when parents perform those tasks. Even though

23
adolescents and adults intellectually may realize the
universality of death, on another level theoreticians
believe that adolescents wish to believe death is something
that happens to someone else. Another method discussed is
that the child and adolescent ward off death anxiety by
avoiding or denying the reality that children die. When the
death of a child does occur, children attempt to resolve the
situation by making a distinction between dying and being
killed, relegating death to the future, a time beyond
imagination even for adolescents who tend to perceive
immediate future, not distant. The personification of death
which is primarily evident between ages five to nine,
lingers through life, as an outside force which externalizes
death, making it a figure of a separate being which can be
influenced or delayed. Older children, as previously
mentioned (Mauer, 1964), appear to relieve fear of death by
confirming aliveness. Yalom (1980) contends that adults
also deny the reality of death of self by incorporating the
mechanisms of denial into life styles and character
structure.

Again, as with other facets of this area of study, how
one protects oneself against death anxiety is not fixed with
regard to choice, efficiency or sophistication. Some of the
methods are adaptive coping mechanisms and some maladaptive,
depending on the individual and circumstances. Adolescence,

however, according to Yalom (1980) is a time when denial

24
systems become less effective, resulting in increased death
anxiety.
Many of the defense mechanisms appear not to be

well-defined and often lack empirical research evidence.

Grief Reactions

 

In Adolescence

 

Much of the literature in this area refers to death of
a parent and/or death of a sibling, and is closely related
to defense mechanisms. However, again, Fleming and Adolph
(1986) point out that even these topics have received little
attention in grief research.

Wolfelt (1990) suggests that although adolescents have
the ability and desire to grieve, i.e. "the internal
experience of thoughts and feelings that follow death" (p.
29), they do not mourn, i.e., "the shared social response to
loss" (p.29). He points out that when a friend dies,
usually, but not always, suddenly, and always tragically,
the surviving adolescent friend may not be recognized as
being bereaved which may further complicate the grieving
process. Wolfelt alludes to the risk of suicide in the
surviving friend, particularly if there was conflict in the
friendship at the time of the death. In general, he
contends that adolescents tend to suppress their grief.
Bouvard (1988) also suggests that adolescents, "keep the

pain of that death inside us" (p.76), when a friend dies,

25

due to the fact that adolescents are less likely to have
peers who have also experienced the death of a friend. She
contends that, given that situation, bereaved adolescents
will tend to think that they are unusual or abnormal because
of the pain and confusion, and, therefore, won't turn to
others.

Gordon (1986) asserts that the death of friends

rips asunder whatever fantasies of immortality

that may still exist. The death of a peer forces

a confrontation with one's own death at any age.

For youth, it calls the logic of the natural order

into question, challenges God's existence, and

violates the ideals of fairness, justice and

goodness.... (p. 26)
She goes on to state that the suicide of a peer "taps into
adolescent fears about the future and the ability to
appropriately manage the tasks of adulthood" (p.26). She
alludes to the adolescents' tendency to "deny the physical
consequences and finality of actual death" (p.27). Like
other authors, Gordon perceives the common risk-taking
behavior observed in adolescence as being counterphobic
behavior in many ways. She goes on to say that dangerous
situations can stimulate death fears while at the same time
providing an outlet by testing the body. However, these
high-risk behaviors, such as car racing and excessive use of
alcohol and drugs, remain "cloaked in the remnants of belief

in immortality" (p.27).

26

Rando (1984) reports adolescents may feel helpless and
frightened after a "significant" loss, with a corresponding
desire to return to childhood states when there was
protection from death awareness and exposure and the conse-
quences. If the adolescent has lost a parent, yearning for
that deceased parent may precipitate a sense of regression,
which is especially frightening to an adolescent in search
of his or her own identity and independence. Rando argues
that if this yearning for the closeness and powerlessness of
childhood is repressed, the adolescent may become more
susceptible to pathological mourning. Anger, which, she
says, is more easily expressed, may produce a sense of power
as well as contribute to depression. The adolescent may use
denial as a defense against the idea of mortality and the
fear of losing control. According to Rando (1984), typical
adolescent problems may complicate their mourning:
"resistance to communicating with adults; overconcern about
the acceptability of their responses to others; alienation
from adults and sometimes peers; lack of knowledge of the
social expectations" (p. 162). Other adolescent develop-
mental issues, such as separation/dependency conflicts,
identity formation, heightened emotionality, and sexual
conflicts may also affect the mourning process. If guilt,
likely due to unresolved issues in the relationship
preceding the death, is experienced by the adolescent in the
mourning process, several grief reactions may result:

"exaggerated pseudoadult behaviors; identification with the

27
dead person; withdrawal and depression; sexual acting-out;
and care-eliciting behaviors designed not only to secure
care, but to release tension, self-punish, and sometimes
replace the deceased" (p. 162). The specific mechanisms for
development of these more pathological reactions is unclear
and are areas for further research.

Wolfelt (1990) cites several issues which complicate
adolescent mourning. He points out that when an adolescent
experiences the death of someone close, that death is
usually unexpected and traumatic--a parent suffers a heart
attack, a sibling is killed in an auto accident, a friend
commits suicide. These types of death lead to a prolonged
and heightened sense of unreality. Adolescence is a time
for many changes, and, in the context of those changes,
conflicts often occur--with siblings, parents, friends.

When a death occurs during a period of conflict, a sense of
culpability can result. And, when a friend dies, often the
adolescent is not recognized as a legitimate mourner because
the focus is on the immediate family. Wolfelt points out
that for the teenager to admit that he or she needs someone,
particularly an adult, is counter to the major developmental
task of moving toward autonomy. Adolescents, he says, tend
to suppress their grief, to suppress feelings related to the
loss, and many adolescents end up feeling alone and
abandoned. Grief work is often delayed to adulthood. As a
result of these kinds of complications in conjunction with

normal adolescent developmental concerns such as separating

28
from parents and self-concept difficulties, as well as
academic and achievement pressures, Wolfelt states there is
a "virtual epidemic of complicated mourning among today's
teenagers" (p. 52). He cites symptoms such as chronic
depression, sleeping difficulties, restlessness, low self-
esteem, academic failure or indifference to school,
deterioration in relationships with family and friends, drug
and alcohol abuse, fighting, inappropriate risk-taking,
sexual acting-out, denial of any problems with grief with
accompanying image of hypermaturity, symptoms of chronic
anxiety, agitation, restlessness and difficulty in
concentrating.

Gordon (1986) points out that personal experience with
the death of a significant person in adolescence challenges
the notions that death is "distant, violent or beautiful"
(p. 22). These feelings of "rage, loneliness, guilt and
disbelief" (p. 22), that are frequently experienced by
bereaved adolescents are usually unexpected and frightening.
Resources for help and support are often not available.

Even friends and peers, unless they, too, have experienced a
significant loss, will withdraw (Gordon, 1986; Wolfelt,
1990).

Fassler (1978) presents a less complicated picture of
childhood mourning. Initially, there is disbelief and/or
denial; later, remembrances and discussions occur--a time of
sharing even ambivalent feelings such as anger and/or

guilt. Lastly, a substitute relationship will be searched

29
for and developed. Adams-Greely and Moynihan (1983) also
report adolescents who are coping more adequately and
positively. They describe adolescents who, following the
death of a significant other, value their roles and the
opportunities to assume responsibility, even though the
overall situation may be negative.

Wolfenstein (1966) and Adams-Greely and Moynihan (1983)
describe adolescents' seeming inability to cry, which they
both suggest is an attempt to deny the reality and resulting
anxiety. Other adolescent reactions were reported and
discussed: inner emptiness of feeling, possibly a defense
against regression; delinquent behaviors, such as truancy
and stealing, as a result of acute anxiety and a need to be
punished for the guilt they experience (Adams-Greely and
Moynihan, 1983).

Wolfenstein (1966) reported observational research with
3-19 year old children who had lost a parent. The majority
of subjects were adolescents in treatment and were found to
be immersed in everyday activities, not withdrawn. When
depressed moods occurred, primarily in adolescence, they
were isolated from thoughts of the death of the parent. She
explains these findings as reflecting denial of the loss
with an expectation that the parent would return. There was
no report of findings regarding the impact of treatment
effects, and it is not clear whether or not the subjects had

experienced the death of a parent at the same age or

30
developmental level. The length of time since the death of
a parent was experienced also was not reported.

Garber (1984), in some contradiction, noted more inner-
directedness, depression, sadness, loneliness, withdrawal,
and preoccupation in children whose parent had died than in
children of divorce. Other reported reactions to death of a
parent were: identification with the dead parent; a demand
to be cared for; sleeping and eating disturbances; and
physical aches and pains. (Adams-Greely and Moynihan, 1983;
Furman, 1970; Garber, 1984; Glick et a1, 1974; Lindemann,
1965). Kubler-Ross (1983), who perceives teenagers as being
more affected by the loss of a parent, describes reactions
she considers are defensive in nature to the threatened loss
of a parent or sibling: acting-out behaviors, such as
destructive behavior and promiscuity, and nightmares,
moodiness, and an inability to concentrate.

Yalom (1980) and Rando (1984) theorize that the death
of a sibling is a major traumatic loss as it undermines the
defensive belief against death anxiety that children are not
expected to die. Yalom (1980) as well as others (Furman,
1970; Willis, 1974) have observed sadness and guilt with the
loss of a sibling, likely, at least in part, the result of
competitive and hostile feelings. Willis (1974) adds that
children who experience the loss of a sibling may have
distorted concepts of illness and death and disturbed
attitudes toward doctors, hospitals and religion; they may

also develop psychosomatic symptomatology. Disturbed object

31
relations, involving a detached way of relating and a fear
of getting close to peers or adults may result because of
fear of hurting that person (omnipotence), or the fear of
risking the emotional energy of another relationship that
might result in painful loss.

As previously cited, somatic symptom formation has been
noted as a reaction to loss (Willis, 1974). Carr and
Schoenberg (1970) claim support for the concept that
bereavement is associated with increased mortality. They
cite a study by Rees and Lutkins that found bereaved
relatives to have a much higher mortality rate during the
first year of bereavement. They also cite a study by Greene
and Miller of thirty-three children and adolescents with
leukemia. In thirty-one of the patients there were
precursory events which could be interpreted as separations
or loss. Dohrenwent and Dohrenwent (1985) suggest that
evidence has increased linking stress responses and health
consequences.

It is clear that adolescents grieve significant
losses. It is outside the scope and intent of the present
research to determine the normal or pathological nature of
their grief reactions, and it is not clear from the
literature what reactions are normal and which are
pathological. Clearly empirical study of such issues is
needed. The connection made in the literature between grief
reactions and defensive strategies suggests that the

undiluted emotions resulting from a significant loss could

32
be overwhelming, and defensive mechanisms can be adaptive in
nature. Components of death anxiety are not specifically
delineated and need to be identified in order to clarify
what defensive strategies are defending against. Other

variables can also impact on adolescent grief reactions.

Other Variables in Child/Adolescent Grief Reactions:

 

In addition to defensive coping measures, variables
affecting a child's grief reaction include age, the causes
and circumstances of the loss, such as witnessing or causing
the death, and pre- and post-family relationships (Rando,
1984). Kubler-Ross (1983) adds the parent's openness and
the child's participation in the dying process, as well as
the involvement of the family in the grief process. Furman
(Adams-Greely and Moynihan, 1983) cites cognitive ability,
previous experiences with loss, and social support
networks. Altschul and Beiser (1984) also feel the
involvement of the child during the time of the dying and
following the death of a loved person, as well as whether or
not the death was expected will influence the effects on the
child. Wiener (1970) lists the personality of the child,
while Peretz (1970) adds cultural prescriptions. Although
not specified, death by accident or by disease would likely
have an effect.

Several authors (Doob, 1971; Kastenbaum and Aisenberg,
1976) make a connection between thoughts of death and

thoughts of the future. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976)

33
suggest that apprehension about death may be a main factor
in the adolescent's tendency to limit thoughts of the future
to the near rather than to the distant future which may be a
positive and effective defensive coping mechanism.

It is difficult if not impossible to separate death
concepts, death anxiety and concomitant defense mechanisms,
at least from the literature to this point. Also, when an
adolescent suffers a significant loss, he or she grieves,
whether that grief and repercussions follow a normal or
pathological course, and that grieving includes previous as
well as current attitudes or concepts regarding death, death
fears or anxieties and defensive strategies utilized to
c0pe. There does not appear to be a concise definition for
grieving in adolescents and not enough studies to separate

normal and pathological grief.

Time Perspective

 

Theoretical Concepts:

 

Wallace and Rabin (1960) point out that earlier
studies of time perspectives often contain different
interpretations of the concept and do not clearly define the
concept. As early as 1939, Frank (1939) conceived of the
continuum of time as being a multi-dimensional and highly
variable phenomenon with immediate "beliefs, necessities,
perplexities and emotional feeling tones" (p. 349), of the

present projected forward to the future or backward to the

34
past. Wallace (1956), Kastenbaum (1961) and Rabin (1976)
define time perspective as an individual's preferential
tendency with respect to the past, present, or future, and
the timing and ordering of personalized events along the
dimension of time. Doob (1971) defines temporal perspective
as the consistent direction of awareness ranging along a
continuum where individuals order personal events from the
most distant past to the most remote future. He adds that
we "recollect something from the past then determine in the
present to act in the future," or we "anticipate in the
present by recollecting something from the past or by
anticipating something about the future" (p. 10). He also
refers to the influence of wishful thinking and other
drives, or retroactive inhibition in contributing to
distortion of past intervals. The accuracy of the past is
diminished by intervening subsequent events. Fantasy plays
much the same role in relation to the future where the
unanticipated may upset the anticipated.

Similarly, Fraisse (1963) proposes that a temporal
perspective involves the placement of events, such as going
to high school or joining the Army, in time in relation to
each other and all bounded by longer periods such as
childhood, adolescence, or young adulthood. Thus, each
period also contains various life events associated with
it. He uses the term temporal horizon to delineate past and
future events from current events on the continuum of time.

He states that "present activations are constantly referring

35
us to what has already passed away or to what has not yet
come to be" (p. 151).

Even though time perspective may imply definite time
periods such as past, present, or future, it is clear that
it is not a static concept nor are the periods sharply
delineated; rather, even though one may be primarily
oriented toward the past, present, or future, one
perspective is usually influenced by events of the other or
by an individual's perceptions of the past, present, and

future as well as intervening events.

Future Time Perspective:

 

Fraisse (1963) states that the future time perspective
"depends on the capacity for anticipating what is to come"
(p. 176), and also, to a great extent, on the individual's
present emotional state. Individuals may, for example,
anticipate future events in time in a pessimistic or an
optimistic way, and this can have an effect on where events
are placed in the future continuum of time. A desire for
and the awareness of the possibility of achieving a goal are
also important aspects of the future time perspective. For
example, a desire for wealth may be present in both a poor
child from the inner-city and a middle—class child from a
more affluent suburb. The suburban child may perceive the
possibilities of achieving wealth more clearly and easily

through family contacts and education than can the

36
inner-city child who has not been exposed to success and
sees little chance of achieving wealth.

Future time perspective, according to Doob (1971), is
the timing and ordering of future personalized events.
Characteristics of future time perspective include: (a)
extension, or the time intervening between the present and
the most distant future personalized event; (b) density, or
the number of future events listed in free-response
situations; and, (c) coherence, or the consistency of the
ordering of personalized events (Rabin, 1976). Rabin (1976)
notes that extension relates to the extent of planning for,
imagery about, and anticipation of the future. Wohlford
(1966), specifies extension into the future as "protension,"
leaving "extension" to encompass the length of a time span

encompassed by a cognition.

Measurement of Time Perspective:

 

According to Wallace and Rabin (1960), time perspective
involves not only long periods of time, but also the "total
personality, memory for past events, and hopes and
aspirations, and anticipations of future events" (p. 232).
Both projective and non-projective measures can be used to
illustrate time perspective. One might list memories,
current thoughts, and future expectations. Using projective
techniques such as the Thematic Apperception Test, one could
analyze projective stories for these same dimensions along a

continuum of past, present, and future (Doob, 1971, Wallace

37

and Rabin, 1960). Examples of measures include analysis of
time span on Thematic Apperception Test stories, and density
and identity regarding the future, or paper and pencil
tests. Other techniques such as the Tell-Me-A-Story Test,
incomplete sentences tests, and the Rorschach, where the
tendency to produce Human Movement responses was associated
with future orientation, are also useful in examining
temporal perspective. Wallace and Rabin (1960) also report
questionnaires and interviews may be used to obtain data of
individual or group perceptions of the continuum of time.

Wallace and Rabin (1960) cite research difficulties
resulting from the lack of clear definitions of time
perspective, which, along with methodological differences,
makes it difficult to generalize results. Problems also
exist regarding selection of appropriate methodology, which,
in part, relates back to the lack of precise definitions.
Rabin (1976) comments that measurement techniques regarding
Future Time Perspective are lacking, and a need exists for
development of stable and reliable methods of assessment.

Because of the exploratory nature of this research, the
present study does not resolve the issue with regard to
development of new techniques, but rather uses both
questionnaires and projective and non-projective
techniques. Future research will undoubtedly provide more

effective techniques for analyzing time perspective.

38
Developmental Aspects of Time Perspective:

Wallace and Rabin (1960) believe there is ample
empirical evidence to suggest a developmental nature to both
the concept and perspective of time. On the basis of
previous research, they propose that by age two or three, a
child has acquired at least a limited notion of past,
present, and future time; however, the primary concern is
with the immediate present until about age eight. The
expanding time concept continues to develop through thirteen
or fourteen years of age when the idea of continuity of time
and its relatively accurate estimation are reached.

Doob (1971) states that all studies regarding the
development of temporal orientation (time perspective) agree
on one point: that children are oriented to the present,
then gradually develop conceptions of the past and of the
future. Observations on a sample consisting of American
children found that concepts regarding the present tended to
be developed first, and concepts pertaining to the future
were used ahead of those referring to the past. However,
Doob (1971) agrees with Fraisse (1963) that there is
evidence to suggest that the orientations regarding the past
and future may develop simultaneously even though concepts
regarding the future may be used ahead of those referring to
the past.

According to Yalom (1980), thoughts of death and death
fears increase during adolescence. According to Kastenbaum

and Aisenberg (1976), because thoughts of death usually are

39
referred to the distant future, adolescents tend to be more
oriented toward the near future, perhaps as a means of
protecting themselves against death anxiety.

Doob (1971) states that "each age group has a different
attitude toward time" (p. 240). In childhood, time is not
seen as being controllable; in adolescence, time perspective
is concerned with the near rather than the far future; and,
in old age, time is perceived as no longer belonging to him
or her, future is foreshortened and there is an increase in

concerns about death.

Relationship between Time Perspective and Thoughts of Death:

 

Regarding the relationship between time perspective and
death, Doob (1971) indicates that age is critical when
considering an individual's temporal judgments about their
death. In most circumstances, the younger the person the
more death is placed at a distance. This distance
influences experiential learning about viewing the future.
In support of this notion, he notes that when a person is
facing terminal disease and the more immediate possibility
of death, their orientation likely will be more toward the
present. Often people in these circumstances really begin
to live actively in the present rather than delay activities
to a future date. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) suggest
the possibility that apprehension about death may be a major

factor in the adolescent's tendency to limit thoughts about

40
the future to the near future rather than the distant
future.

Dickstein and Blatt (1966) compared students who had
heightened concern regarding death with those less
concerned. The high death anxiety group appeared to be more
past oriented, with a foreshortened Future Time Perspective.

In a study by Wohlford (1966), it was hypothesized that
an individual's affective state may causally influence his
or her extension of personal time into the future
(protension). The hypotheses were: (a) positive affect
tends to lengthen protension, and, (b) negative affect tends
to shorten protension. Subjects were 147 undergraduate men
and women who were assigned to one of three affect
arousals: anticipating a(n) (1) pleasant experience:
"Someday in the future, you will have a quite pleasant
experience" (p. 561); (2) unpleasant situation: "Someday in
the future you will have a quite unpleasant experience"

(p. 561); and (3) personal death: "Someday in the future
you will die" (p. 561). In all three conditions, subjects
were asked to write a brief description of the event as it
would actually happen, dealing with circumstances and
feelings in detail. Protension was measured directly by a
personal association method wherein subjects write down as
many ideas or events they can remember thinking about or
talking about in the past week or two, and by a TAT
measure. The personal association data supported the

hypotheses, but the TAT data did not. Further, it was found

41
that negative affect increased the frequency of cognitions
regarding the past and shortened the length into the future
of future cognitions. The shortening was observed to be
greater under the Personal Death condition. In discussing
his results, Wohlford suggested that an individual's horror
of nuclear war may lead to the realization of death of
self. In turn, this realization and negative affect will
likely shorten his or her extension into the future and
decrease the frequency of cognitions concerning the future,
which may then produce a reluctance to act to achieve a
long-range goal, such as the prevention of war.

Many authors agree that there is a relationship between
limited future orientation and anxiety. (Rando, 1984;
Yalom, 1980). Yalom (1980) reports that over thirty-five
percent of ninety children aged five to ten expressed a
preference for staying young in story completions since they
linked growing old to death. Kastenbaum (1974) believes
that death thoughts influence and are influenced by concepts
of past and future, of time as quantity. He further states
that death may be seen as having an aura of overwhelming
catastrophe. Often it is something that even adults feel
they can't cope with or talk about and generally avoid.
Problems may result from the child's limited ability to
conceptualize futurity in general when adult models avoid
distant future orientation. Austin and Mack (1986) in
discussing nuclear war and the future, report that recent

research suggests children both acknowledge and live with

42
their nuclear fears and deny them. They state, "Many
adolescents simultaneously fear that they will have no
future, yet continue to develop future plans" (p. 67). These
authors also suggest some adolescents are so overwhelmed by
an uncertain future that they live in the present.

Schneider (unpublished manuscript, 1990) relates time
perspective to the defensive strategy of "letting go" in
response to loss. This "letting go" capacity is “the
ability to ignore past and future and focus on the moment"
(p. 435), providing "respite and freedom from the urgency to
change and the emptiness, loneliness and helplessness of
being aware of the 'big picture'" (p. 435).

In summary, there appears to be significant evidence to
support a meaningful relationship between death thoughts and
time perspective. Doob (1971) indicates that temporal
judgments are affected by perceived distance from death. He
adds that when one is facing the possibility of dying, the
orientation will be more toward the present. Especially
under the condition of describing the circumstances and
feelings related to one's own death in Wohlford's (1966)
study, the frequency of cognitions regarding the past were
increased and fUture cognitions were less distant into the
future. Dickstein and Blatt (1966) found subjects who had
heightened concern regarding death to be more past-oriented
with foreshortened future time perspective when compared to
subjects less preoccupied with death. Kastenbaum (1974)

implied that a child's ability to conceptualize the future

43
may be impaired by death thoughts. Several authors
(Dickstein and Blatt, 1966; Doob, 1971; Kastenbaum, 1974;
Wohlford, 1966) have indicated that those subjects who
demonstrated heightened concern regarding their own death
tended to be present or past oriented with shorter future
time perspectives. In actual bereavement situations, Rando
(1984) points out that following a significant loss,
adolescents often wish to return to the past safety of
childhood. As recently as 1990, in an effort to explain
psychology's delayed involvement in exploration of death and
dying issues, Feifel (1990) maintains that in an achievement
and future-oriented society such as ours, the, "prospect of
no future at all, and loss of identity, has become an
abomination. Hence, death and mourning have invited our

hostility and repudiation" (p. 537).

Hypotheses

 

The present study is exploratory in nature. As
previously stated, there is little available research
information specifically related to adolescence and death
issues. However, specifically related to the death of
friends, Gordon (1986) asserts that the death of a friend
"rips asunder whatever fantasies of immortality that may
still exist. The death of a peer forces a confrontation
with one's own death at any age" (p. 26). The present study

examines the relationship among adolescent college students'

44
experiences with the death of a classmate or peer and death
anxiety and future time perspective.

Hypothesis 1. If they don't focus on death anxiety, most

 

authors allude to its existence (Gordon, 1986; Morrissey,
1965; Yalom, 1980). Austin and Mack (1986) report that
senior high school students experience a higher level of
death anxiety than either junior high school students or
adults, and in a study of leukemic children, Hamovitch
(cited in Morrissey, 1965) found that children over age ten
showed the greatest anxiety related to the possibility of
their own death. Several authors suggest a relationship
between the loss of a loved person and anxiety related to
one's own death (Kastenbaum and Aisenberg, 1976; Kubler-
Ross, 1983; Rando, 1984; Yalom, 1980). Hypothesis 1
proposes that adolescents who have experienced the death of
a classmate or peer will score higher on the Death Anxiety
Questionnaire than students who have not experienced the
death of a classmate or peer. A covariance matrix
reliability analysis was conducted on the Death Anxiety
Questionnaire to establish reliability of the measure. An
ANOVA was used to test for significance of Hypothesis 1.

Hypothesis 2. Several authors (Doob, 1971; Kastenbaum and

 

Aisenberg, 1976) make a connection between thoughts of death
and thoughts of the future. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg
(1976) state that because thoughts of death usually are
referred to the distant future, adolescents tend to be more

oriented toward the near future, perhaps as a means of

45
protecting themselves against death anxiety. Doob (1971)
reports that in adolescence time perspective is concerned
with the near rather than the far future. Dickstein and
Blatt (1966) found students who had heightened concern
regarding death appeared to be more past oriented, with a
foreshortened Future Time Perspective when compared with
students who were less concerned about death. Wohlford
(1966), comments that protension, or the length of the time
span encompassed by a cognition into the future, is shorter
in subjects of "lower socioeconomic class, delinquents,
depressives, and schizophrenics relative to controls, and
that those who have short protension seem to be under the
influence of a common affect--unhappiness, anxiety, and/or
dysphoria" (p. 560). Using the Personal Associations
measure and the Thematic Apperception test, Wohlford (1966)
found that negative affect increased the frequency of
cognitions regarding the past and shortened the length into
the future of future cognitions. In addition, the
shortening was observed to be greater under the Personal
Death condition which involved writing a brief description
of the event of one's own death as it would actually happen,
dealing with circumstances and feelings in detail.
Hypothesis 2 states that subjects who have experienced the
death of a classmate or peer will have a shorter future time
perspective than those students who have not as measured by
the Thematic Apperception Test and the Personal Associations

test. They will also have a less dense future time

46
perspective as measured on the Personal Associations test.
An ANOVA was used to test for significance.
Hypothesis 3. Again based on Wohlford's (1966) study using
the Thematic Apperception Test and the Personal Associations
measure, findings suggest that subjects under the personal
death condition had an increased frequency of cognitions
regarding the past. Yalom (1980) reports that over thirty-
five percent of ninety children aged five to ten expressed a
preference for staying young in story completions since they
linked growing old to death. Austin and Mack (1986) suggest
some adolescents are so overwhelmed by an uncertain future
that they live in the present. Schneider (unpublished
manuscript, 1990) contends that, in response to loss,
ignoring past and future and focusing on the moment may
provide a respite from the affect aroused related to being
aware of the "big picture." Doob (1971) indicates that when
one is facing the possibility of dying, the orientation will
be more toward the present. And, Dickstein and Blatt (1966)
found subjects who had heightened concern regarding death to
be more past-oriented. In actual bereavement situations,
Rando (1984) points out that following a significant loss,
adolescents often wish to return to the past safety of
childhood. Hypothesis 3 proposes that subjects who have
experienced the death of a classmate or peer will have a
primary past or present time perspective rather than a

future time perspective as indicated by the Thematic

47
Apperception Test and Personal Association test results. An
ANOVA was used to test for significance.

Hypothesis 4. Most authors agree that fear of death exists,

 

and some authors suggest that fear of death is highest in
adolescence (Austin and Mack, 1986; Hamovitch, 1965; Yalom,
1980). Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) suggest that
apprehension about death may be a main factor in the
adolescent's tendency to limit thoughts of the future to the
near rather than to the distant future. They also found
that subjects who have a longer future time perspective
expressed lower manifest death concerns. Hypothesis 1
proposes to explore the relationship between death of a
classmate and fear of death as measured by the Death Anxiety
Questionnaire. Hypothesis 4 is that subjects in both the
experimental and control groups who have high death anxiety
scores on the Death Anxiety Questionnaire will have shorter
future time perspective scores than students with low death
anxiety scores as measured by the Thematic Apperception Test
and the Personal Associations test. They will also have a
less dense Future Time Perspective as measured on the
Personal Associations Test. A correlational analysis was
conducted to determine whether or not these factors were, in

fact, related.

Chapter III

METHOD

Subjects

The sample was drawn from a population of Michigan
State University undergraduate psychology students Winter
Term 1989. Subjects were all 18- or 19-year-old male or
female college students who volunteered to participate, and
who received extra credit in their psychology class for
their participation. Experiment sign-up sheets were posted
with the experiment name of "Impact of the Death of a Friend
or Classmate in Adolescence."

Student subjects were asked to sign a "Consent Form for
Adolescents" (see Appendix) which included their consent to
participate in the study. The consent form also outlined
the testing procedures as well as specifying a debriefing
session at the end of the assessment phase during which the
subjects would be able to ask questions or talk about issues
related to the death of the classmate or peer, as well as
death issues in general (see Appendix).

A total of 105 students participated in the study.
Males and females were tested separately in groups, two
groups of females and two groups of males as in Wohlford's

1966 study. The first group tested, females, included 31

48

49
subjects, the second group, males, 13; the third group
tested, males, included 28 subjects, and the fourth group,
females, 33. Of the total, 64 subjects were female and 41
subjects were male. There was a total of 64 students who
were 19-years-old, 37 female subjects and 27 male subjects;
and 41 who were 18-years-old, 27 female subjects and 14 male
subjects. Fifty-four students had experienced the death of
a friend or classmate since their sophomore year in high
school, 36 female subjects and 18 male subjects; 51 subjects
had not, 28 female and 23 males.

Of the 54 subjects who had experienced the death of a
classmate or peer since their sophomore year in high school,
7 rated that person as being most like a "best friend," 29
rated that person as being most like a "friend," 16 rated
that person as most like an "acquaintance," and 2 rated that
persoH as most like someone they didn't know.

Of the 54 subjects who had experienced the death of a
classmate or peer since their sophomore year in high school,
for 13 subjects the death had occurred within one year, for
16, one to two years, for 12, two to three years, and for
13, three to four years. For all but 6 subjects the death
of the classmate or peer was unexpected. In addition,
approximately 75% of the total sample had previously
experienced the death of someone they considered close to

them.

50
Measures
All individuals who participated in the study were
asked to complete the "Consent Form for Adolescents" (see
Appendix), the Personal Associations test, six Cards of the
Thematic Apperception Test, the Death Anxiety Questionnaire,
and a Personal Data Form. The measures were administered in

the above order to avoid a tendency toward death responses.

Personal Associations Test:

 

The Personal Association test (see Appendix) was used
as a direct measure of time perspective (Wohlford, 1966). It
permits separate or joint assessment of direction and
extension of personal time as well as density (Wohlford,
1966). Each subject was asked to list as many ideas or
events as he or she could remember thinking or talking about
in the past week or two. The subjects were then requested
to go back over their written list of Personal Associations
and to write in the space provided after each item listed
(1) whether that idea or event was connected more to the
past, present or future, and, (2) how much time has passed
since that idea or event has occurred or will pass until
that idea or event happens. They were asked to give their
estimate of time in years, months, weeks, days, hours, or
minutes (Steindel, 1978; Wohlford, 1966). Subjects were
then requested to rate the personal importance of each item
as either very important, important, or not very important

(Steindel, 1978).

51

The estimate of time passage since the idea or event
was converted to scaled scores according to methods outlined
in Wohlford's 1966 study. The scale was devised to provide
a representative weight to each item according to what
seemed to be phenomenally meaningful units of time to his
undergraduate introductory psychology student subjects
(Wohlford, 1966): O=under 2 hours; 1=2 hours to under 1
week; 2=1 week to under 1 month; 3=1-4 months; 4=4-12
months; 5=1-4 years; 6=over 4 years. Anticipated events
were scored for the average extent of time intervening
between the present and most distant future personalized
event, or protension, and past events were scored for the
average extent of time intervening between the present and
the most distant past event, or retrotension. The two
scores were summed to obtain the value for total extension.

Future time perspective scores equaled the present plus
the future association scores divided by the total number of
present plus future associations. The past-present (versus
future) time perspective scores equaled the number of past
associations plus the number of present associations divided
by the total number of past, present and future
associations.

The number of events, or density, of the past, density
of the present and density of the future was calculated by
counting the number of events related to each time category.
Future density scores were determined by the percentage of

future associations in relation to the total number of

52
associations. Total density equaled the summed scores. The
past-future distinction determined temporal direction as per
Wohlford's (1966) study.

Because Wohlford's (1966) study included subjects
involvement in an affect arousal procedure, half of each
measure was given prior to the affect arousal procedure and
the other half following the procedure. The split-half
reliability coefficient of the Personal Association
protension pretest was calculated by applying the Spearman-
Brown formula to the correlation between its odd and even
halves. The odd-even reliabilities of the total group's
men's and women's PAT protension pretest were .74 (N=147),
.78 (N=70) and .69 (N=77) respectively. Thus, the PAT
protension measure had high internal consistency (Wohlford,
1966). In addition, two people independently scored all PAT
responses from all 147 subjects. "The percentages of
identical PA scores, considering men and women separately,
ranged from 93 to 96%" (p. 561), suggesting the PAT measure
of protension and retrotension had highly objective bases.

The random assignment of subjects to the three

pretest conditions provided an opportunity ....to

obtain an additional check upon the PA measure. A

two-tailed-t-test for the differences between

independent means was used between pairs among the
three conditions, three time indices, and three

subject groups." (Wohlford, 1966, p. 561)

53
Only one of the 27 PA differences was significant: men
under the unpleasant condition had shorter PAT retrotension
than men under the pleasant condition. In general, the
random assignment of subjects to the type of arousal
condition led to comparable PAT pretest scores. "The lack
of significant differences among the PA measures increases
confidence in their stability and that differences obtained

by them are not due to chance" (Wohlford, 1966, p. 561).

Thematic Apperception Test:

 

Six cards (Cards 1, 2, 6BM, 7BM, 13B and 13MF, omitting
the girl in bed, for males, and Cards 1, 2, 7GF, 8GF, 13G
and 17GF for females) of the 19-card set of the Thematic
Apperception Test (TAT) were used as an indirect measure of
time perspective (Wohlford, 1968). This set successfully
discriminated on protension in Wohlford's (1968) study. The
cards were reproduced on transparencies and presented by
means of an overhead projector to each group following
Atkinson's (1958, p. 837) (see Appendix) recommendations for
group administration. Both the structured administration
and the later order tended to lengthen retrotension and
protension scores in Wohlford's (1968) study. Scoring was
conducted using the Epley and Ricks (1963) (see Appendix)
system for retrotension, protension, and overall extension.

Future time perspective scores equaled the sum of the

TAT prospective scores. The past-present (versus future)

54
time perspective score equaled the mean retrospective score
minus the mean prospective score.

Wohlford (1966) used the TAT in his study exploring the
influence of an individual's emotional state on extension,
the length of the time span encompassed by a cognition, and
on personal time into the future, protension. One hundred
forty-seven male and female undergraduate subjects were
assigned to one of three affect arousal situations,
anticipating a pleasant experience, an unpleasant
experience, or personal death. The correlations of scores
obtained by the two independent scorers of TAT protension
and retrotension were .74 and .75 for the 147 subjects,
reflecting, according to Wohlford (1966), a measure of
protension and retrotension with a highly objective base.

To check the TAT's internal consistency, a two-tailed—t-
test, "for the differences between independent means was
used between pairs among the three conditions, three time
indices, and three subject groups. Seven of the 27 TAT
differences were significant....Generally, the random
assignment of subjects to the arousal condition led to
comparable PA pretest scores, but did not lead to comparable
TAT pretest scores" (p. 561). According to Wohlford (1966),
"The significant between-condition differences in the
pretest scores would invalidate the comparisons of these
groups' change scores. Furthermore, these differences
render the TAT method questionable, if not unreliable, as a

measure of extension and its components" (p. 561). Overall

55
in Wohlford's study, the TAT data did not support the
hypotheses that (1) positive affect tends to lengthen
protension, and, (2) negative affect tends to shorten
protension, while the PA data did. Wohlford (1966) felt
that the results were influenced by the differences in the
structure of the tests, the TAT instructions being more
structured in specifying temporal direction, story form and
stimulus cues than the PAT, in addition to the level of
consciousness studied being indirect under the TAT
conditions.

Wohlford (1968) again used the TAT (Cards 1, 2, 6BM,
7BM, 13B and 13MF, omitting the girl in bed, for males, and
Cards 1, 2, 7GF, 8GF, 13G and 17GF for females) as an
indirect measure of personal time. Subjects were again
college undergraduates and the measure was administered
under group conditions according to Atkinson's (1958, p.
837) recommendations with some modifications in the
unstructured administration. Data were scored using Epley
and Ricks (1963) system for retrotension, protension and
overall extension. Later order and structured administration
tended to lengthen retrotension, or extension into the past,
and protension, or extension into the future, scores on the
TAT. All cues in the final set correctly discriminated 75%
or more of the subjects on protension. Epley and Ricks
(1963) also used the TAT to investigate the possibility of
using this method to measure future and past time span. A

full set and an abbreviated set of TAT pictures were

56
administered to male undergraduate subjects with one year
intervening. The two sets of TAT's were independently
scored by two judges to estimate scoring reliability. Rank
order correlations between the two judges were .66 for
prospective span and .74 for retrospective span on TAT 1,
.78 for prospective span and .79 for retrospective span on
TAT II. Because of the time span involved between
administrations, different examiners, and different types of
pictures administered, the inter-test reliability of .33 for
retrospective span and .46 for prospective span was
considered to justify belief in the stability of individual
time span.

The current study utilized Wohlford's (1968)
procedures. Subjects were administered the six TAT cards
that successfully discriminated on protension in a
structured situation (Cards 1, 2, 68M, 7BM, 13B and 13MF,
omitting the girl in bed, for the males, and Cards 1, 2,
6GF, 8GP, 13G and 17GF for females). Atkinson's (1958, p.

837) recommendations for group administration were followed.

Death Anxietyguestionnaire:

 

The Death Anxiety Questionnaire (see Appendix) was used
as a direct measure of death anxiety. It is a 15-item
forced-choice measure developed by Conte, Bakur-Weiner,
Plutchik, and Bennet (cited in Steindel, 1978). Subjects
are required to choose among options: not at all, somewhat,

and very much, indicating the degree of worry they

57
experience about certain thoughts about death and dying.
"Not at all" was scored 0, "somewhat" scored 1, and "very
much" scored 2. Scores can range from 0 (no reported death
anxiety) to 30 (highest death anxiety). Death Anxiety
Scores in the present study equaled the summed scores. This
measure relates to death-of-self and includes questions
regarding the impact of one's death on others. In the
present study, a covariance matrix reliability analysis was

conducted to establish reliability of the measure.

Personal Data Form:

 

The Personal Data Form (see Appendix) requested
information regarding gender, age, place of residence and
with whom resides, religious affiliations, and religious
self-rating and beliefs in life-after-death, information
regarding loss experiences, sources of information about
death issues and to whom does the responder turn to answer
questions about death or death-related issues. Items about
the responders current health status and current physical
functioning, such as eating and sleeping habits, were also
included. A question regarding hopefulness about the
respondent's future and why was also included.

A debriefing period was provided at the conclusion of
each testing session. Subjects were informed that they
could ask questions about the study or express feelings
and/or ask questions about death-related issues in general.

They were provided a written feedback sheet in addition to

58
verbal communication of the information on the sheet, and

information regarding normal grief reactions.

Analyses: ANOVA was used to test for significance of

 

Hypotheses 1, 2 and 3. A correlational analysis was
conducted to determine whether or not the factors in
Hypothesis 4 were related. Because of the exploratory
nature of this study, the significance level was set at .10
in order to increase the probability of detecting existing

differences.

Chapter IV

RESULTS

Due to the paucity of available information relevant to
its use, a covariance matrix reliability analysis was first
conducted on the Death Anxiety Questionnaire. Scale
reliability was .72.

The first hypothesis predicted that subjects who had
experienced the loss of a classmate or peer during
adolescence would score significantly higher on the Death
Anxiety Questionnaire than subjects who did not experience
such a loss. ANOVA revealed no significant main effects or
interactions, therefore providing no support for the
hypothesis.

The second hypothesis predicted that subjects who had
experienced the death of a classmate or peer would have a
shorter future time perspective than subjects who had not.
ANOVA of TAT scores revealed no significant main effects or
interactions, therefore providing no support for the
hypothesis.

Also regarding the second hypothesis, results of ANOVA
on the Personal Associations Test (PAT) scores revealed no

significant differences between the loss and no loss groups.

59

60

 

35X
"5' Mele + Femele

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2-r
L76
rh
------- ‘m
_____________ L66
M 1.5" ...............
: w """
n ‘L4O
p
A
T 1--
8
o
o
r
e
litbd-
0 i
Vie We

Experienced The Deeth of Cleeemete/Peer

Eigure 1

Personal Associations Test Hesn Scores
as a Measure of Future Ties Perspective for

Males end Fseeles With end Without Death Experience

61
However, as shown in Figure 1, ANOVA of PAT scores revealed
a significant main effect for sex [F (1,100)=2.82, p<.09]
and a death experience by sex interaction [F(1,100)=2.88,
p<.09]. The future time perspective of males who
experienced the death of a classmate or peer (M=1.40,
S.D.=.54) was significantly shorter than the future time
perspective of females (M=1.76, S.D.=.51) who also
experienced the death of a classmate or peer.

Hypothesis Two also predicted that subjects who had
experienced the death of a classmate or peer would have a
less dense future time perspective as measured by the PAT.
Results of an ANOVA of PAT scores revealed a main effect for
death experience [F(1,100)=2.95, p<.09]. However, contrary
to prediction, subjects who experienced the loss of a
classmate or peer had a significantly more dense future time
perspective (M=.38, S.D.=.18) than subjects who hadn't
experienced such a loss (M=.31, S.D.=.19). There were no
significant main effects or interactions for gender by
Density of future time perspective.

To summarize, the hypothesized differences between the
loss and no-loss groups in length of future time perspective
was not supported by either the TAT or PAT. However, for
subjects who experienced a loss, the future time perspective
of males was significantly shorter than that of females.
Finally, and contrary to prediction, the loss group had a
significantly more dense future time perspective than the no

loss group.

62

The third hypothesis predicted that subjects who
experienced the death of a classmate or peer would have a
primary past or present time perspective rather than a
future time perspective as indicated by TAT and PAT results.
Analysis of TAT scores revealed no significant main effects
or interactions. ANOVA of PAT scores revealed a main effect
for death experience [F(1,100)=2.95, p<.09]. Subjects who
experienced a loss (M=.62, SD=.18) were significantly less
oriented toward the past or present than were subjects who
did not experience a loss (M=.69, SD=.19), although all
subjects had a primary past or present time perspective,
lending some support to the hypothesis.

Hypothesis Four predicted that subjects with high death
anxiety scores on the Death Anxiety Questionnaire would have
shorter future time perspective scores than students with
low death anxiety scores. Moreover, it was expected that
high death anxiety scores would be related to less dense
future time perspectives.

Analysis revealed a significant correlation (-.13,
p=.10) between death anxiety scores and future time
perspective scores as measured by the PAT, but not the TAT.
That is, subjects with high death anxiety scores had a
shorter future time perspective, as predicted. However,
analysis showed no significant correlation between death

anxiety scores and density as measured by the PAT.

63

POST HOC ANALYSES: Because of the exploratory nature of

 

this study, it seemed appropriate to examine several factors

not originally hypothesized to be related to time

perspective.

Time Since Death Experience

Future Time Perspective: The first question of interest

 

concerns the impact of length of time since subjects had
experienced the death of a classmate or peer on length of
future time perspective. Results of an ANOVA on TAT scores
revealed no significant main effects or interactions for
time since loss.

Results of an ANOVA on PAT scores revealed a main
effect for sex [F(1,94)=6.05, p<.02] and a significant time
by sex interaction [F(4,94)=2.00, p<.10]. As indicated in
Table 1, the mean future time perspective scores of female
subjects who have experienced the death of a classmate or
peer increased linearly until the three-to-four year post-
loss time period when it decreased slightly (.05) from the
two-to-three year period. After the first year post-loss,
the mean future time perspective scores of female subjects
are larger than both males and females who have not
experienced such a loss. Additionally, females with a death
experience had larger mean future time perspective scores at
each time period than did males. Regarding male subjects,

only those in the one-to two-year post-loss period had a

64
mean future time perspective score larger (.02) than males

or females experiencing no loss; in all other post-loss

 

Table 1
Mean Future Time Perspective Scores of Males and Females

On The Personal Associations Test

 

 

 

Male Female
TIME Mean SD Mean SD
No Loss 1.66 .69 1.66 .40
0-1 yr 1.47 .75 1.55 .50
1-2 yr 1.68 .66 1.78 .56
2-3 yr 1.07 .11 1.93 .51
3-4 yr 1.26 .40 1.88 .43

 

periods, male mean future time perspective scores were
smaller than either males or females experiencing no loss.
Results suggest that, in general, the mean future time
perspective scores of males are foreshortened under the
death of a classmate or peer condition. Results also
suggest that the amount of time that has passed since the
loss occurred may have a significant impact on future time
perspective as measured by the PAT, but only when gender is

a factor.

65
ANOVA of PAT scores revealed no significant main
effects or interactions regarding time since loss in

relation to density.

Past-Present Time Perspective vs. Future Time Perspective:

The second post hoc analysis question is related to the
third hypothesis. Will time since the loss of a classmate or
peer affect subjects' past-present versus future time per-
spective? Results of an ANOVA of TAT scores showed a
significant main effect for time since loss [F(4,95)=2.97,
p<.02].

As indicated in Table 2, regardless of loss status, all
subjects had a future time perspective. However, the
strength of the future time perspective varies. By the
three-to-four year post-loss period, the loss group had
lower mean scores than at previous post-loss periods.

Scores at that time period were also lower than the no-loss
group. Only during the one-to-two year post-loss period did
loss subjects also have lower mean scores than the no-loss
group.

Results of an ANOVA of PAT scores revealed no
significant main effects or interactions for time since

loss.

66

 

Table 2
Mean Past-Present Time Perspective Scores of Males and

Females on the Thematic Apperception Test

 

 

Time since loss Mean SD

No Loss -1.22 1.40
0-1 yr -l.32 1.20
1-2 yr - .54 .95
2-3 yr -2.12 2.03
3-4 yr - .30 1.50

 

Effects of Relationship

Future Time Perspective: The third set of post-hoc analyses

 

examined the effect of degree of relationship on future time
perspective. As shown in Table 3, results of an ANOVA of
TAT scores revealed a main effect for relationship
[F(3,95)=2.90, p<.04].

Simple effects tests indicated that there were
significant differences between Best Friend and Friend [F
(3,95)=7.33, p< .001], No Loss and Friend [F (3,95)=6.87, p<
.001], and between Acquaintance and Friend [F (3,95)=2.51,
p< .100). No other comparisons among the groups were

significant.

67

 

Table 3
Mean Shorter Future Time Perspective Scores on the Thematic

Apperception Test As A Function of Degree of Relationship

 

 

Relationship Mean SD

No Loss 21.28 10.61
Best Friend 26.54 8.22
Friend 15.24 7.39
Acquaintance 20.14 8.92

 

Results of ANOVA for PAT scores revealed a main effect
for relationship [F(3,94)=2.60 p (.06], a main effect for
sex [F(1,94)=5.94 p<.02], and a relationship by sex
interaction [F(3,94)=3.35 p<.02]. Table 4 shows means and
standard deviations for males and females as a function of
relationship.

Simple effects tests revealed no sex differences within
the No Loss group, the Acquaintance Loss group, nor the Best
Friend group. However, simple effects tests did reveal a
highly significant difference [F(3,94)= 11.96, p.< .001]
between males and females who experienced the death of a

Friend.

68
Post hoc analysis of PAT scores for relationship,
revealed no significant main effects or interactions for

density.

 

Table 4
Mean Future Time Perspective Scores on the Personal

Associations Test as a Function of Degree of Relationship

 

 

 

 

Male Female
Relationship Mean SD Mean SD
No Loss 1.66 .69 1.66 .40
Best Friend 1.53 .43 2.08 .61
Friend .96 .13 1.74 .55
Acquaintance 1.74 .59 1.73 .34

 

Past-Present Time Perspective vs. Future Time Perspective:

 

ANOVA of TAT scores revealed a main effect for relationship
[F(3,95)=2.95, p<.04]. (See Table 5).

Although all subjects were future oriented, subjects
who experienced the loss of a friend were least future
oriented, whereas subjects who experienced the loss of a
best friend were the most future oriented. Simple effects
tests revealed significant differences between Best Friend
and Friend [F(3,95)=8.9l, p.<.001], Best Friend and

Acquaintance [F(3,95)=4.11, p.<.01], Friend and No Loss

69
[F(3,95)=4.50, p.<.01], and between Best Friend and No Loss

[F(3,95)=3.59, p.<.05].

 

Table 5
Past-Present Time Perspective on the

Thematic Apperception Test

 

 

 

Relationship Mean SD
No Loss -1.22 1.40
Best Friend -2.35 1.36
Friend - .49 1.12
Acquaintance -1.00 1.41

 

Post hoc analyses of PAT scores for relationship
revealed no significant main effects or interactions.

Additional Analyses: Further post-hoc analyses considered

 

the impact of city vs. rural primary residence, church

affiliation, self-rated strength of religious belief, reli-
gion's belief in life-after-death, personal belief in life-
after-death, talking with someone about feelings after the
loss, and previous loss experience on death anxiety scores.
The only significant effect was that attributed to place of
residence [F(1,102)=3.06, p.<.08]. Subjects whose primary
residence was in a rural environment (Mean=14.06, SD, 4.86)
scored significantly higher on the DAQ than subjects whose

primary residence was in the city. (Mean: 12.29, SD, 4.85).

Chapter V

DISCUSSION

As stated in the introductory chapters, the purpose of
this research was to enhance the understanding of how peer
death might affect adolescents, and to add to the relatively
sparse empirical knowledge concerned with adolescents and
death, particularly the death of a classmate or peer. That
these issues are of concern is clearly evident from the
literature review. As currently as 1990, Wolfelt refers to
adolescent mourning as an historically neglected topic in
the grief literature, and Corr and McNeil (Corr and McNeil,
1986) indicate that little has been written about adolescent
bereavement. Gordon (Corr and McNeil, 1986) lends credence
to the idea that the death of a classmate or peer might
logically have a significant impact on surviving
adolescents. She states that the death of friends,

rips asunder whatever fantasies of immortality

that may still exist. The death of a peer forces

a confrontation with one's own death at any age.

For youth, it calls the logic of the natural order

into question, challenges God's existence, and

70

71

violates the ideals of fairness, justice and

goodness....." (p. 26).

The specific issues related to the hypotheses evolved
as a result of literature that made connections between
thoughts of death and thoughts of the future (Dickstein and
Blatt, 1966; Doob, 1971; Kastenbaum and Aisenberg, 1976;
Rando, 1984; Wohlford, 1966; Yalom, 1980), and the fact that
the preponderance of the literature at least referred to the
existence of death anxiety in adolescence. More specifi-
cally, Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) suggest that
apprehension about death may be a main factor in the
adolescent's tendency to limit thoughts of the future to the
near rather than to the distant future. Many authors
(Austin and Mack, 1986; Dickstein and Blatt, 1966; Doob,
1971; Rando, 1984; Schneider, 1990; Wohlford, 1966; Yalom,
1980) Suggest a relationship between death concerns and

experiences to a primary present or past time perspective.

Hypothesized Results

 

The results of the study, even with the .10 level of
significance used, revealed only one segment of two
hypotheses to be significant. There was a significant
correlation between high death anxiety scores on the Death
Anxiety Questionnaire and shorter future time perspective
scores as measured by the Personal Associations Test.
Regardless of loss experience, as death anxiety scores

increased, future time perspective scores decreased, as

72
predicted. This finding is consistent with Kastenbam's and
Aisenberg's (1976) theory that apprehension about death may
be a factor in the adolescent's tendency to limit thoughts
of the future to the near rather than to the distant future,
and their findings that subjects who have a longer future
time perspective expressed lower manifest death concerns.
However, given the significance level used, the relationship
can only be taken as suggestive, rather than as hard
evidence in support of their theory.

A portion of the third hypothesis predicting that
subjects who have experienced the death of a classmate or
peer will have a primary past or present time perspective
rather than a future time perspective as measured by the
PAT, was supported by the data. However, all subjects had a
primary past or present time perspective, and the loss group
was significantly legs oriented toward the past or present
than the no-loss subjects. This could be related to the
percentage system used for scoring wherein loss subjects may
have listed fewer total overall responses with a greater
number being self-rated as "future."

Contrary to prediction, subjects who had experienced
the loss of a classmate or peer had a significantly more
dense future time perspective than subjects who had not
experienced such a loss. However, density equaled the
number of future associations in relation to the total
number of associations. It is possible again that the loss

group had fewer total responses. It may also be a result of

73
what subjects themselves classified as "future," "present,"
and "past," since these were self-determined responses.
Also, since subjects were young college students who were
tested in separate groups at different points during the
term, this finding could perhaps be explained by what was
occurring in their lives at that point in time, such as up-
coming final exams, week-end plans, etc. It is also
interesting to note that related to the third hypothesis,
subjects were primarily past or present-oriented as measured
by the PAT. So, even though the future may be more dense,
the orientation is toward the present or past.

Though not predicted, there were significant results
related to the hypotheses. While there were no significant
differences between the loss and no loss groups on the PAT
relative to length of future time perspective, there was a
significant main effect for sex and a death experience by
sex interaction. Findings suggest that on the PAT males who
experienced the death of a classmate or peer have
significantly shorter mean scores (shorter future time
perspectives) than females who have also experienced such a
loss. If this sex difference is related to death anxiety,
it is difficult to explain since Keller et al. (1984) report
that while they found no evidence to support systematic sex-
related differences in death anxiety, more recent research
indicates that females fear death more than do males. In
their own research they found women to be more concerned

than men about their own death.

74

The present research revealed no significant gender
differences on the Death Anxiety Questionnaire. Again,
given the scoring criteria, it could be that males tended to
list fewer responses on the PAT measure than did females.
It is possible that males have a shorter future time
perspective than females. However, it also is possible that
the future time perspective of males who have experienced
this type of loss is more affected than the future time
perspective of females. Regardless, the criterion adopted
for significance requires caution in interpreting this sex

difference.

Post Hoc Results

 

As mentioned in the previous chapter, because of the
exploratory nature of this study, several additional factors
were examined although they were not originally hypothesized

to be related to time perspective.

Time Since Death

Significant Findings in Relation to Future Time Perspective
Results suggest that, in general, the mean future time
perspective scores of males are foreshortened under the
death of a classmate or peer condition. Only during the
one-to two-year post-loss period did males attain a slightly
higher mean future time perspective score than the male no—

loss group. The 0-1 year post-loss period was the only

75
period during which females scored below the no-loss groups.
It appears then that the amount of time that has passed
since the loss occurred may have a significant impact of
future time perspective as measured by the PAT, but only

when gender is a factor.

Significant Findings in Relation to Past-Present Time

 

Perspective vs. Future Time Perspective

 

All subjects had a primary future time perspective as
measured by the TAT which is not surprising given Wohlford's
(1966) comments about the TAT being more structured than the
PAT in specifying temporal direction. "What will happen in
the future" is a specific direction to responders in the
instructions. It is perhaps interesting to note here that,
related to the original hypotheses, all subjects had a
primary past or present time perspective versus a future
time perspective as measured by the PAT. Again, this
difference is likely due to the nature of the measures
utilized.

Results of an ANOVA of TAT scores also showed a
significant main effect for time since loss. While this is
perhaps one of the stronger outcomes of this research, it is
important to keep in mind that all subjects had a primary
future time perspective rather than a past or present
perspective on this measure. However, the strength of the
future time perspective was found to vary relative to time

since the loss occurred. By the 3-4 year post-loss period,

76
the loss group had lower mean scores than at previous post-
loss periods and when compared to the no-loss group. Only
during the 1—2 year post—loss period did loss subjects also
have lower mean scores than the no-loss group. Females
showed a linear progression in strength of mean scores from
the first year of bereavement until that 3-4 year post-loss
period. While it is possible that the actual loss
experience may be the catalyst for this finding, or that
previously utilized defensive coping strategies are becoming
less effective, it may just be a result of the fact that
these young college students are adapting to the college
environment, living away from home, studying, focusing on
surviving in that environment, whereas during their high
school years they were planning for their future college
career. However, this does not explain the finding of the
1-2 year post-loss period. This may be the crucial period
for bereaved adolescents in relation to the loss of a
classmate or peer. Aside from the possibility that these
adolescents may not be legitimized as grievers, it is also a
time period during which most of society as well as the
bereaved adolescent would believe that everything is back to
"normal," everything is O.K. If adolescents during that
time period have no support systems and/or information, it
certainly may effect a tendency for the bereaved adolescent
to be less likely to turn to others and may impact their

future time perspective.

77

Effects of Relationship

Significant Findings in Relation to Future Time Perspective

Results of an ANOVA of TAT scores revealed a main
effect for relationship, and, again, was one of the more
significant results of this study. Simple effects tests
indicated that there were significant differences between
Best Friend and Friend, and between No Loss and Friend.
Subjects who had experienced the loss of a Best Friend had
significantly longer future time perspective scores than did
subjects who rated the loss as being that of a Friend. It
may be that Best Friends receive more social support and
recognition of their loss than do Friends, thereby being
less subject to complicated grieving. Or, the results may
be a function of self-rating, although only seven of the
fifty-four loss subjects rated the loss as being that of a
Best Friend. It is also possible that the loss of a Best
Friend might motivate the bereaved survivor to accomplish
future goals not only for themselves but also for their Best
Friend or in their Best Friend's memory. This same reason
may also explain the significantly higher future time
perspective scores for Best Friends when compared to the No—
Loss group.

The results also reveal a significant difference,
although less so, between Acquaintance and Friend. And,
again, those who rated the loss as being that of a Friend

scored significantly lower on this measure of future time

. .

if
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78
perspective than did those who rated the loss as being that
of an Acquaintance. In fact, the Friend category had the
lowest mean future time perspective scores of any group.
The loss of an Acquaintance may not have that great an
impact on future time perspective. The scores of the No
Loss group and the Acquaintance Loss group were not
significantly different, and, in fact, were the closest of
any two groups (21.28 to 20.14 respectively). It may be
that the category of Friend is most impacted because of the
greater likelihood of lack of recognition of their grieving
status and lack of social support. Whereas Best Friends may
be able to channel their grief in productive ways and may
receive more recognition and support of their grief, and
Acquaintances may not feel the same impact from the loss.

Friends are more in limbo.

Significant Results in Relation to Past-Present Time

Perspective vs. Future Time Perspective

 

Again, the result of an ANOVA of TAT scores revealed a
main effect for relationship. Although all subjects were
future-oriented on this measure, subjects who experienced
the loss of a Friend were least future oriented, whereas
subjects who experienced the loss of a Best Friend were most
future oriented. Simple effects tests revealed significant
differences between Best Friend and Friend, Best Friend and
Acquaintance, Best Friend and No Loss, and between Friend

and No Loss. And again, the Acquaintance Loss group was not

79
significantly different from the No Loss group. This
suggests that the death of a self-rated acquaintance is
similar to not having lost a classmate or peer at all.
Since the relationship issue does not take time since loss
into consideration, it is possible that Best Friends have
been most effective at integrating the loss into their
lives, especially if some time has passed. It is also
likely that Best Friends are more likely recognized as
legitimate grievers than the Friend survivors, and that they
receive more social support for a longer period of time.
Wolfelt (1990) strongly suggests that legitimatization and
support are lacking for adolescent grievers, in general.
Investigation of these issues may further clarify what

happens to adolescents when a classmate or peer dies.

Additional Analyses

Significant Findings

 

Because of the lack of findings in relation to death
anxiety and the strong suggestion in the literature that
death anxiety might have an impact on how an adolescent
would perceive the future, several additional factors were
considered in relation to death anxiety. These factors
included urban versus rural primary place of residence,
religious affiliation and beliefs, the issue of talking with
someone after the loss, and previous loss experience. The

only significant finding was that subjects whose primary

8O
residence was in a rural environment scored significantly
higher on the Death Anxiety Questionnaire than subjects
whose primary residence was in the city. It could be that
rural adolescents are more isolated and have fewer social
support networks, fewer people with whom they can talk if
they do have anxieties of this sort. It could be that in
rural communities there is more of a stoical attitude toward
death and anxiety that would predispose an adolescent to
keeping these concerns inside. There is a possibility that
rural adolescents would have had more exposure to death
situations, such as with death of animals, etc., and their
concerns were stimulated by the questions on the measure.
Rural children may have been witness to suffering animals,
to the fact that animals are likely sooner forgotten, and
that when an animal dies it does not come back. Much more
information would be necessary to attempt to explain this

difference.

Summary

Findings suggest a relationship between death anxiety
as measured by the Death Anxiety Questionnaire and future
time perspective when measured by the PAT. Regardless of
loss experience, as death anxiety scores increase, future
time perspective scores decreased. The PAT was also
apparently effective in determining that the loss group was
primarily past-present oriented rather than future oriented,

even though the loss group was less past-present oriented

8..

A.

n?

81
than the no-loss group. However, given PAT results in
relation to density, contrary to prediction, the loss group
had a more dense future time perspective than did the no-
loss group.

In relation to PAT results, it appears that gender is
an factor. The loss male group had a foreshortened future
time perspective which was also impacted by the time since
the loss occurred when compared with the female loss group.
The male loss group also had a foreshortened future time
perspective which was impacted by the relationship with the
deceased.

The TAT results appear to be less affected by gender.
There were significant main effects for time since loss and
also for relationship with the deceased on future time
perspective, and a significant main effect for relationship
with the deceased on the past-present versus future time
perspective issue.

There was a negative correlation between death anxiety
scores and PAT future time perspective scores. There was
also a significant main effect for primary place of
residence, with rural subjects having a significantly higher

Death Anxiety score than "city" subjects.

Implications for Future Research

 

Many authors have alluded to the difficulties they have
experienced in completing projects that deal with the topic

of death on a timely basis. It means coming to terms with

 

82
many of the investigator's own questions, concerns and
anxieties related to the area of grief. In spite of my
involvement in working with bereaved parents for several
years prior to the initiation of the research, and my
commitment to the area of grief support services, initially
the literature review was emotionally draining making
organization and progress difficult, at best. It has also
been interesting to note that in my work and training in the
area of bereavement it has become evident that many of the
professionals in the area are involved due to their own
experiences with grief. Therefore, it is advisable that
individuals interested in research in the area of death and
bereavement have at least some insight into their
motivations, have made some attempts to come to a resolution
of their own grief issues, and have support systems to which
they can turn.

Secondly, and related to the previous cautions, future
researchers must be prepared to meet with rejection and
skepticism when working with death-related topics and
attempting to recruit subjects. As cited early in this
dissertation, the United States is generally considered a
death-denying culture, and death studies have only recently
become a "respectable field of inquiry (Shneidman, 1976, p.
xxii)." The original intention of this research was to
investigate the hypotheses related to high school students
who had experienced the loss of a classmate or peer three

months previously but within thirteen months of the loss.

83
This time frame was proposed in order to avoid the initial
upset and reactions but to encompass the first year
anniversary period. I contacted high schools within a
fifty-mile radius of the Lansing area where there was a
student death known to have occurred. Over a nine-month
period, only one school was willing to cooperate, and, while
it had, in previous years experienced the death of several
students, it had not within that particular year. In
addition, the contact person on the counseling staff at that
school left suddenly and under unfortunate negative
circumstances. Administrators, in general, were unwilling
to cooperate. Comments ranged from the notion that, after
three months, all of the students were "back to normal," to
the contention that if the school were to allow this type of
research (i.e., "death"), parents would be unwilling to
approve of increased school millages. Efforts were
frustrating, and, ultimately, fruitless. It was easy to
understand why, alealom (1980) cited, of 2600 books and
articles on death written prior to 1972, fewer than 2%
reported empirical research. However, these events occurred
in the mid-1980's; in my opinion derived from my experiences
working as a grief counselor with community-wide contacts,
many school personnel have become more aware of the need to
understand adolescent grief reactions, particularly when a
student in that school has died. Hopefully that awareness
will lead to more cooperative efforts with researchers

attempting to explore these types of issues. It is

84
important that the researcher know the community and the
schools, and to be able to present oneself as a reliable,
trustworthy member of the community.

Even though this research was intended to be
exploratory, many things combined to lead me to believe that
the hypotheses attempted to encompass too broad a focus,
particularly given that there was no previous research
specifically related to the hypotheses and the specific
situation of a classmate's or peer's death. Very few, if
any, of the issues related to the hypotheses were clear-cut
and well-defined. Even in citing the lack of information
relating to adolescents and death, authors refer to
different labels without clear-cut definitions, labels that
could be limited in perspective or that could encompass
broad areas. Wolfelt (1990), and Laufer (1966) refer to
adolescent "mourning," but it is unclear whether or not they
are discussing the same phenomena. Wolfenstein (1966)
refers to children's reactions to loss of a major love
object, Kastenbuam (1974) to death cognitions, Yalom (1980)
to death concerns. This diversity of definition makes it
difficult to integrate the already sparse literature dealing
with children and grief issues, and even more difficult to
make generalizations based on the available information.

And the preceding is not even delving into the question as
to whether or not children "mourn," which has been another
debate in the literature. So, to future researchers, a

clear definition of the topic, or at least a consistent

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85
definition of the topic, based on the limited available
research is necessary.

A related issue is the definition of "adolescence." At
least in common terminology, adolescence refers to that
period of time beginning at thirpggp and including ninepggp.
By way of more anecdotal information, it is also possible
that adolescence really begins when a child enters middle/
junior high school and ends when s/he finishes high school.
Is adolescence an all-inclusive term? Maybe that depends on
the frame of reference. However, I believes that there are
significant differences in many areas between early
adolescence and later adolescence and believe that this is
backed-up by research. Future research in this area, much
as in the area of sexuality, must be specific to what age
groups are encompassed in the study. It is also not
generally clear from the literature whether or not
references to "children" also includes adolescents. Because
I was restricted, by virtue of difficulties encountered in
recruiting subjects and the desire to investigate the
hypotheses in relation to "adolescents," to using the
subject pool of undergraduate introductory psychology
students, all subjects were aged eighteen or nineteen. This
age group may be significantly different from younger
adolescents or even like-aged high school students. Only
research specifically investigating these issues will

illuminate differences if they exist.

86

It is generally accepted that adolescents have an
adult-like death concept in that they recognize the
universality and permanence of death (Becker, 1977; Dunton,
1974; Hagin and Corwin, 1974; Kubler-Ross, 1983; Kastenbaum,
1974; McGuire and Ely, 1984; Schowalter, 1970). While this
fact seems likely to be true, I was unable to find research
that specifically analyzed "adolescents'" death concepts.
While it may be true that adolescents, in general, recognize
the universality and permanence of death, are there other
components that enter into death concepts for adolescents?
For that matter, what are adult-like death concepts?
Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976) caution that there is no
consensus on what constitutes a mature death concept. They
pose the possibility that a mature death concept is achieved
relatively early in life, then a regression occurs to a more
socially sanctioned position. Many authors (Becker, 1977;
Feifel, 1974) have noted that the concept of death does not
necessarily hold together as a unified, internally
consistent structure. This appears to be a very important
and very basic concept, the understanding of which warrants
and requires exploration if any consensus is to be reached
in the areas combining adolescents and death, and if any
progress is to be made in understanding the adolescent death
experience.

It is generally accepted, as previously noted, that
adolescents have an adult-like death concept, which, again,

requires definition. I found no empirical research that

87
substantiated that claim, although most of the authors
supported the notion that death concepts at least modify
developmentally, and that age alone correlates consistently
and significantly with the stages of children's death
concepts (Tallmer, et al, 1974). Most authors, if they
proposed this notion, relied on Nagy's 1948 research to
substantiate the claim. She found three major stages in the
development of death concepts. In the third stage, ages
nine to ten (plus), death was perceived as universal, final
and inevitable. Her study included 378 three- to ten-year
old Hungarian children, and did not include adolescents.
These children likely had been exposed to the conditions of
war in Europe at that time, and had likely suffered the
consequences of that experience. Variables need to be
explored. Do death experiences contribute to death
concepts, are there cultural differences in death concepts?
Unfortunately, the present research did not make a
contribution to this question. It was assumed, in part due
to the exploratory nature of the study, that the adolescent
subjects had an adult-like death concept that included
notions about the universality and permanence of death.
While it is likely true that intellectually "normal"
adolescents do cognitively recognize and understand the
notions of universality and permanence in regard to death,
do they recognize and understand these issues affectively as
well? Perhaps this is where Kastenbaum's and Aisenberg's

(1976) issues of understanding death-of-other and I-will-die

88

need to be explored. It is unlikely that empirical research
alone will answer these questions. Anecdotal information is
also important as is listening to adolescents' thoughts and
ideas. Obviously, these are not issues for short-term
research, but, rather, will take time to investigate.
Individual differences may be significant.

Most authors allude to the existence of death anxiety.
And, if it is true that death anxiety is heightened in
adolescence as many authors suggest (Austin and Mack, 1986;
Kastenbaum and Aisenberg, 1976; Kubler-Ross, 1983;
Morrissey, 1965; Rando, 1984; Yalom, 1980), more effort must
be undertaken to understand what variables are operational
in death anxiety. On the Death Anxiety Questionnaire
utilized in this study, only 7 subjects reported worrying
about dying "very much;" the majority, 81, reported worrying
about dying "sometimes," while 17 reported worrying about
dying "not at all.” Schneider (unpublished manuscript,
1990) reports that adolescent death anxiety focuses on
sudden, unanticipated death and is often associated with
fears of being unable to fulfill future goals. The second
question asked, ”Does it bother you that you may die before
you have done everything you wanted to?" The responses lend
some credence to Schneider's statement: Only 15 subjects
indicated that they didn't worry about that issue at all,
while 52 indicated that they worried about it "sometimes,"
and 38 reported that they worried about it "very much."

There was no question related to dying suddenly. Related to

89
Peretz's (1970) notions that death anxiety involves
separation from those who provide love and nurture and an
awareness of being isolated and alone, question number 12 on
the DAQ asked if the thought of leaving loved ones behind
when you die was disturbing. Sixty subjects responded that
they worried about that "very much." Only 10 subjects
claimed that they didn't worry about it at all, and 35 said
they worried about it "sometimes." It also seems that
question 14 is related to the issue of separation: Does the
thought worry you that with death you may be gone forever?
Here, 45 subjects indicated that they never worried about
that issue, with 30 subjects worried about it "sometimes"
and "very much." This finding may be tied to the issue of
death concepts, or it may be related to defensive
strategies. Feifel (1990) reports that, "fear of death is
not a unitary or monolithic variable. Various subcomponents
are evident, for example, fear of going to hell, loss of
identity, loneliness" (p. 539). In any case, future
research must investigate the issue of death anxiety. Does
it exist? Is it more prevalent in adolescence? What does
it consist of? Are there differences between conscious and
unconscious death anxieties? While this research did
include a measure of death anxiety, it was a direct measure
and did not attempt to explore unconscious thoughts and
feelings that may exist. And, while there were significant
differences between those students who listed their primary

place of residence as being in the city versus those who

90
listed their primary residence as rural, there were only 33%
of the students who listed their primary residence as rural.
While there were few other significant findings in relation
to death anxiety in the current study, if it does exist, it
likely will have an impact on other measures used to study
death-related issues, and must be taken into account when
trying to understand adolescent's responses to death issues.
Efforts must be made to develop measures that reflect
adolescent death concerns. Kastenbaum and Aisenberg (1976)
and Yalom (1980) are critical of research that fails to
distinguish between one's fear of one's own death and the
death of another, or the effects of one's death on others.
Future research and measures also need to consider these
issues.

In relation to previous literature, death anxiety
issues should evaluate its relationship to intellectual
ability, gender, and religiosity. The present research
found no relation between death anxiety scores and gender or
self-reported religiosity. However, there was only one
self-rating question that asked the subject to rate the
strength of his or her religious belief.

Even though no attempt was made to evaluate defensive
strategies in this present research, the review of the
literature would indicate that it is a worthwhile, and
perhaps critical, area that warrants exploration. Gordon
(1986) alludes to the adolescents' tendency to "deny the

physical consequences and finality of actual death" (p.27).

91
Particularly in relation to the findings of significant
differences between Best Friends and other groups in
relation to time perspective, and the lack of clear-cut
findings in relation to death anxiety, it is possible that
denial-based defensive strategies are operating. Do
subjects who lose a Best Friend delay their grieving?
Wolfelt (1990) states that adolescents tend to suppress
their grief and grief work is often delayed to adulthood.
In addition to test results, what are the behavioral
responses? Morrissey (1965) reports findings that older
boys tend to act out death anxiety, while older girls are
more likely to become depressed. Leviton and Forman (1974)
cite avoidance and depression as two psychological defenses
used by some youths against death anxiety, and include
manifestations of guilt and anger, especially if the student
is recently bereaved. At this stage, it is not clear that
even if defensive strategies are operational that they are
maladaptive or pathological. Since most of the literature
that deals with defensive strategies relate defensive
measures to death anxiety, it seems apparent that future
research needs to evaluate defensive strategies and death
anxiety in relation to loss when trying to understand what
happens when an adolescent loses someone important in his or
her life. Gordon (1986) states that, "the early adolescent
becomes aware of death, and the late adolescent attempts to
impart a meaning to death (as well as to life) that

transcends everyday events and infuses the future with hope"

 

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92
(p.28). Further, such research should not rely on objective
or subjective measures alone, but should also include
behavioral analysis. Defense mechanisms also need to be
more clearly defined and operationalized.

Time perspective is another area that lacks a clear-
cut, concise definition of the concept. Much like death
concepts, the concept is multi-dimensional and highly
variable. Previous theoretical literature and empirical
research suggests that future time perspective may be
impacted by an individual's present emotional state which,
in turn, can be influenced by the individual's perceptions
of the past and the future. The present study revealed a
significant correlation between death anxiety and future
time perspective on PAT results--as death anxiety scores
increased, future time perspective decreased. It may be
interesting to note also in relation to the findings of this
study, that all students were future oriented on the TAT
measure, and all but 10 of the 105 subjects reported feeling
"hopeful" about the future. As an aside, TAT stories were
subjectively rated by this examiner as being ”negative",
"positive" or "neutral" in relation to the outcome of the
story. Of the 630 stories, 246 were "neutral," 212 were
"positive," and only 172 were "negative." In addition to
operationalizing the concept of future time perspective,
future research needs to attempt to take into account or
evaluate the subject's present emotional state and to

consider the subject's perceptions of the past and future.

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93

Rabin (1976) notes measurement techniques for future
time perspective are lacking, and a need exists for
development of stable and reliable methods of assessment.
Because of the exploratory nature of the present study, I
used measures utilized by Wohlford in his 1966 study which
was conducted ten years before Rabin's (1976) comments about
the need for development of stable and reliable methods of
assessment for future time perspective.

Although the TAT is a widely-used and time-tested
measure, it did not differentiate between the loss and no-
loss groups in this study. Relative to post hoc analyses of
past-present versus future orientation when considering time
since death, all subjects had a primary future time
perspective. However, it did differentiate among the
different time periods since the loss occurred, as well as
among different self-reported degrees of relationship.

Analysis of PAT results revealed a negative correlation
with death anxiety scores, and supported the hypothesis that
loss subjects would have a primary past-present versus a
future time perspective, although all subjects had a past—
present perspective and the loss subjects less so. Analyses
of PAT results, however, appeared to be more sensitive to
gender, with significant differences between males and
females in relation to length of future time perspective
when comparing the loss, no-loss groups and when considering
time since death and relationship. Contrary to prediction,

subjects who had experienced the loss of a classmate or peer

 

ti

94
had a significantly more dense future time perspective than
the no-loss subjects.

It must be kept in mind that the two measures are
different. The TAT is an indirect measure of time
perspective whereas the PAT is a direct measure, and the TAT
specifies temporal direction in the instructions. While the
scoring of the PAT is specific to time intervals, whether or
not the thought or idea relates primarily to the "past,"
"present," or "future" is self-rated by the subject.
Wohlford (1966) found that the PAT results supported his
hypothesis that an individual's affective state may causally
influence his or her extension of personal time into the
future, but the TAT results did not.

I am not necessarily condemning the use of these
measures in future research. Perhaps what is needed is more
research utilizing these measures in order to establish
better reliability and validity. There also appears to be a
need to establish what constitutes "present," "past," and
"future," in relation to adolescents. Again, the terms need
to be operationalized. The present study seems to indicate
that the two measures may be sensitive to different
variables, but this finding needs to be further evaluated.
Also, and perhaps most importantly, subjects and their
commitment to the project need to be considered. By the
content of the responses, it was clear to me that some
subjects took the tasks more seriously than others. If at

all possible, it is recommended that other-than-subject—pool

95
subjects be used. While the subjects may have been
motivated to receive extra credit, it is not clear that they
were motivated to conscientiously complete the tasks
required. This may severely limit the generalizability of
the results even without taking the likely homogeneity of
the group into account.

Also in relation to measures, the Death Anxiety
Questionnaire may not adequately measure an adolescent's
anxieties about death issues. Even though scale reliability
was .72, it may not have been an adequate measure for
adolescents. Attempts to contact the authors for further
information were unsuccessful as was attempting to locate
additional information regarding its use. Previous
literature would also suggest that new measures be developed
and researched, particularly differentiating between
conscious and unconscious death anxiety (Kastenbaumm and
Aisenberg, 1976; Yalom, 1980), and considering defense
mechanisms in relation to death anxiety. It was interesting
to note that, in the literature review, findings related to
maturity of death concepts also related to defense
mechanisms: denial, projection, personification,
propitiation, dare-deviltry, substitution, contempt with
laughter (Mauer, 1974). Many authors (Furman, 1970; Mauer,
1964; Peretz, 1970; Yalom, 1980) cite denial-based
strategies, such as suppression, repression, displacement,
belief in personal omnipotence, as well as religious beliefs

and "genuine enjoyment of life (Mauer, 1964) as adaptive

96
coping mechanisms for death anxiety. Morrissey (1965) cites
seemingly more maladaptive strategies such as older boys
acting out death anxiety and older girls tendency toward
depression. It is possible that the findings in relation to
loss of a Best Friend in the present study relate to defense
mechanisms. Much more study would have to be conducted,
however, before this kind of assertion could be made.
Before determinations can be made about the effects of loss
in relation to death anxiety, efforts must be made to
establish the variables related to death anxiety, and, again
to operationalize the definition. Are adolescents different
from children and from adults? Are there differences
between early and late adolescence? Schneider (unpublished
manuscript, 1990) reports that adolescent death anxiety
focuses on sudden, unanticipated death and is often
associated with fears of being unable to fulfill future
goals; According to Peretz (1970), death anxiety studies
indicate that death is represented in the imagination as
separation from those who provide love and nurture, and with
an awareness of being isolated and alone; Feifel (1990)
cites, "fear of going to hell, loss of identity, loneliness"
(p. 539).

Given the nature of and the volunteer status of the
subject population as well as limitations of the present
study, generalizability of the results is very limited.
However, the goal of adding to the sparse empirical research

was met. Also, hopefully some clarification was made of

97
what happens to an adolescent when a classmate or peer dies,
although there is absolutely a need for further research.
Perhaps this study will lead to the delineation of some of
the variables that seem to occur.

The results of the present research were somewhat
disappointing in relation to the few significant findings
specifically related to the hypotheses. However, these
findings coupled with significant results related to post-
hoc analyses certainly do illuminate the glaring need for
not only empirical research in the area of adolescence and
death, but also for a commitment from all those working with
grieving adolescents to listen and learn, and hopefully to

share that knowledge.

Conclusion

Related to the hypotheses, only two findings were
significant in the predicted direction. There was a
negative correlation between scores on the Death Anxiety
Questionnaire and future time perspective scores on the PAT,
and the loss subjects had, in fact, a present-past time
perspective rather than a future time perspective, even
though the loss group had a less present-past time
perspective than did the no-loss group. Contrary to
prediction, loss subjects had a more dense future time
perspective. Post hoc analyses suggested that gender

appeared to be a significant variable in relation to the

98
PAT, and both time since loss and relationship seemed to
have an impact on TAT results.

Clearly the measures utilized had shortcomings, and
future research either needs to refine these techniques or
develop new measures. Research needs to utilize not only
objective measures but also subjective measures, and
listening to and learning from bereaved adolescents must
occur if this area is to be clarified. Concepts related to
the area of death studies and time perspective need to be
analyzed and operationalized, and the results incorporated
into future research.

Perhaps the present study raises more questions than it
answers. However, as Kastenbaum (1986) advises, caution
must be taken against including only information that
results in an ego-syntonic construct when considering
adolescence and death together. He clearly states that all
of the facts and limitations of our knowledge must be
examined. And Feifel (1990) states that psychologists must,
"expand our information base so that application does not
outrun knowledge" (p.540). Given the apparent increased
interest in and concern about what happens to classmates
when an adolescent dies, at least in some local schools, it
appears mandatory that our information base be expanded, and
quickly, in order to most effectively benefit bereaved
adolescents.

Again, Feifel (1990) very recently notes that

appropriate and meaningful responses to individuals who are

99
grieving is not only necessary to benefit the immediately
involved survivors, but the community at-large as well.
According to Feifel, ..."there is growing comprehension that
community sharing of grief decreases feelings of guilt and
depression in survivors and minimizes the break in the
societal fabric" (p.540). Hopefully this study has forged a

beginning. It clearly is not the end.

APPENDICES

100

APPENDIX A

PROCEDURE FOR SCORING TIME-SPAN IN TAT STORIES

1. When to Score

A. Do not score stories containing 1) irreal beings,
plants and animals; 2) impossible actions and events.

Some examples of (1) are: legendary figures (vampires,
dragons, witches, devils, classical gods, and assorted
monsters); theriomorphic beings (half-man half fish, a woman
who turns into a panther, animals with human intelligence);
personified plant life (flowers that eat human flesh, drink
blood); ghosts or ghostly, bodiless voices or limbs
(bodiless hands, huge, saucer-like eyes in the sea; ghostly
clouds or storm); science fiction, flying saucers, space-
travel and paraphernalia beings from outer space, radio
messages from other planets, travel to other planets).

Examples of (2) are: otherwise realistic persons who
defy limitations of space and time by possessing or being
possessed by supernatural powers (allowing them to fly, live
under water, pass through walls, control another's will,
prophecy the future); by returning from the dead; by an
unusual growth process (reversed growth, quick growth, aging
without awareness (Rip Van Winkle); by supernatural speed
(in work, achievement, translocation).

These stories manifest a quality of the dream and often
occur in the story as a dream from which the protagonist
awakes at the climax.

B. Do not score vague plots. A plot is often vague
when the person actually describes details of the picture
without really composing a plot, or when he discusses the
feelings and thoughts of the principal figures without
weaving them into a plot, or when he interprets the picture
as symbolizing something else (man's struggle against
nature, against himself). Sometimes, even when there is a
plot, the span of the actions described may be so open to
conjecture as to defy any reasonable classification. Since
most people tell at least ten scorable stories--enough for a
wide range of separate spans--it is not necessary to risk a
mistake by scoring ambiguous ones.

C. Do score stories containing 1) realistic beings,
plants and animals; 2) possible actions and events.

101

The range of the possible is limitless, but while there
are innumerable ways for a person to manifest any length of
span, a few general classes seem to describe the most
frequent ones. Passing from the short to the long: 1) All
of the action may take place either before or after mention
of the situation depicted in the card. That is, the entire
story may occur exclusively in retrospect or in prospect.

1a. The plot may be laid in the past with the present
in the story (defined as description of the picture) as the
climax; or,

1b. It may end as a horrible impasse, an unresolved
conflict, or statement of uncertainty and impending choice
between several alternatives. (In such cases, the neglected
zone is scored as absent ("0") for that story).

2) The main plot of the story may be a simple proceeding
performed by the protagonist alone (he paces the hall of a
maternity ward, strolls along a street, chops down a tree);
or the protagonist may do something alone (practices his
violin) and then go to join others (runs off to play ball).

2a. The central plot may be a transaction between two
or more people (the hero asks for assistance and receives it
or is rebuffed; he tells his mother about a nightmare and
receives consolation; he presents a law case to a court and
is successful; he loses his job and asks for it back; he is
wounded in battle, he commits suicide, or murders another
person).

3) The story may center about a prolonged translocation or
transportation (a voyage, a quest, an expedition). 4) The
main plot of the story may concern a serial process (series
of proceedings) of degeneration, decomposition, and
regressive, destructive change (dissolution of a promising
career; decomposition of a marriage and family; gradual loss
of virility; gradual physical decomposition through disease,
especially syphilis; a process of mental deterioration
leading to insanity). 5) The story may concern a serial
endeavor or a continuous process of growth, development, and
progressive, constructive change (development of a career:
the hero undertakes and successfully performs work of
increasing difficulty and importance; deepening of a
relationship; mutual understanding and love in a friendship
or marriage through long association and many crises;
raising of children; growth of a business; continuous
competitive struggle for status, prestige, success and
material symbols; scientific experimentation and research;
spiritual and intellectual development of people over a
life-span; a lifetime of devotion to a cause; fighting
against the spread of communism, a struggle to subdue
nature; organizing a beneficent government bureau; building
a machine or a violin; writing a novel.

102
11. How to Score

Unless the criteria for a realistic story are met,
other kinds of time are involved, so do not look for time—
span. When the criteria do apply, however, use the
following scale:

1. span less than hour

2. span greater than hour, less than day

3. span greater than day, less than week

4. span greater than week, less than month

5. span greater than month, less than half-year

6. span greater than half-year, less than year

7. span greater than year, less than four years

8. span greater than four years, less than decade

9. span greater than decade, less than life (career)
10. life span

Two variables are scored with this scale: retrospective
span, the span from the beginning of a described action to
the present in the story (description of the picture); and
prospective span, the span from the present to the end of
the action. In a single story, one variable may be scored
without the other, both may be scored at different length,
or neither may be scored; and when the separate averages are
taken, unscorable stories are not taken into account.

III. General Comments

1. We are oriented, in the main, toward the actions and
interactions of a protagonist; however, it seems quite
permissible to score a story that deals primarily with a
relationship between two people or two groups of people, or
with the growth or destruction of a people.

2. It is important to distinguish between the setting,
situation or temporal location of the story as described,
and the actions that take place within the setting. For
example, a story may be located in Sophocles' Greece, in the
Germany of World War II, in Orwell's 1984, in a Communist
Utopia. But we are principally concerned with the actions
of the central figures in relation to their time and place,
and not to the time and place of telling the story; so that,
instead of scoring a span of 2500 years in the first case,
if the person described the rise to prominence of a Greek
acrobat, only his career would be scored.

3. The time-span a person receives for any particular story
depends half on what he has put there, and half on the
extent to which the scorer's knowledge approximates his.
This is to say that to assign a score the scorer must share
with the person a common knowledge of socially-fixed spans.
For example: the college span is four years and graduate

103

school is between four and ten years; for a draftee, the
army is either six months or two years; a professional
career in business or in the academic world is ordinarily
between twenty-five and forty years, a battle may last
between a few hours and a few days, a campaign six months to
a year, a war from a year to four years. It takes a few
minutes to stroll around the block; a day to cross the
continent by plane, four days by train; a murderous act may
be over in a few seconds; and so forth.

There is also a whole class of spans (endeavors) more
difficult to appraise. The time required for one man to
write a novel may be quite different from another man's
span: one might dash it off in a month, another need a
lifetime. Consider two scientists pursuing their vocation,
the first content to make a discovery and then to move
quickly on to something new, the second pursuing over a long
period all the implications of one insight. Unless there is
a specific reference in the story to the duration of the
serial, these personally flexible activities may appear to
defy classification. However, within the twenty-story
context of a protocol, it is often possible for the scorer
to get a pretty fair intuitive grasp of a person's span, and
in uncertain cases this may help to assign a score.

4. For the sake of consistency in scoring among a group of
person's, it is a good idea to set an arbitrary span for
some types of vague, or idiomatic statements. For example:
score #7 (4 years) for a "a few years," and #8 (10 years)
for "quite a few years"; if doubtful from the context, score
#4 (a month) for "soon after"; and also score #4 for the
span "getting over" a refusal, death or failure; and stick
to these arbitrarily unless they blatantly contradict one's
intuition.

5. It is my experience that stories with fairy-tale endings
("and they lived happily ever after," "they parted and never
saw one another again") do not indicate prospection, but
just the opposite: a disregard for the reality of outcomes.
When these occur, score the action up to that point and then
quit.

104

APPENDIX B

DEATH ANXIETY QUESTIONNAIRE

Listed below are a number of questions concerning thoughts

that people sometimes have about death and dying.

Please

indicate how much you worry about the things described by
each of the questions by placing an "X" in the appropriate
category.

10.

Do you worry about dying?. . . . .

Does it bother you that you may die
before you have done everything you
wanted to?. . . . . . . . . . . . .

Do you worry that you may be very
ill for a long time before you die?

Does it upset you to think that
that others may see you suffering
when you die?. . . . . . . . . . .

Do you worry that dying may be very
painful? . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Do you worry that the persons most
close to you won't be with you when
you are dying? . . . . . . . . . .

Do you worry that you may be alone
when you are dying?. . . . . . . .

Does the thought bother you that
you might lose control of your mind
before death? . . . . . . . . . .

Do you worry that expenses connected
with your dying will be a burden for

other people? . . . . . . . . . .

Does it worry you that your
instructions or will about your
belongings may not be carried out
after you die? . . . . . . . . . .

at Some-

 

Very
Much

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15.

105

Are you afraid that you may be

buried before you are really dead?

Does the thought of leaving loved

ones behind when you die disturb
you? . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Do you worry that those you care'

about may not remember you after
your death? 0 O O O O O O O O 0

Does the thought worry you that

with death you may be gone forever?

Are you worried about not knowing

what to expect after death?. . .

 

 

 

 

 

 

Very
Much

106

APPENDIX C

CONSENT FORM FOR ADOLESCENTS

1. I freely consent to take part in a scientific study
being conducted by Elizabeth DeRath, M.S., under the
supervision of Hiram Fitzgerald, Ph.D., Professor and
Associate Chairperson of the Department of Psychology at
Michigan State University.

One part of this research will require that I complete
a test called the Personal Associations test. On that test,
I will be required to list ideas or events and how they
relate to past, present or future time. Another part of
this research will involve viewing and telling a story about
six picture cards of the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT).
The Thematic Apperception Test is a test that is made up of
a series of pictures; one example is a picture of a young
boy looking at a violin that is lying on a table in front of
him; another is a picture of a female with books in her arms
standing in front of a background where a man is working in
the field and a woman is looking on. A third part of the
research will require that I answer a fifteen item
questionnaire which asks questions about death and dying
that I will answer, "Not at all," "Sometimes," or, "Very
Much." An example of a question is, "Do you worry about
dying?" I also understand that I will complete a twenty-
five item Personal Data Form on which I will answer
questions about myself, such as age, grade, place of
residence.

Students who have experienced the death of a classmate
or friend will also answer several questions regarding their
relationship to the deceased classmate or friend. For those
students, your signature and willingness to participate in
this study implies your willingness to respond to these
questions.

Following the assessment phase of the study, I will
participate in a debriefing session which will allow me to
ask questions about the study and/or to express concerns and
feelings I've experienced as a result of participation. I
will also have an opportunity to talk about issues related
to the death of my friend or classmate and/or death issues
in general. I further understand I will not be required to
talk or participate in this debriefing session, but my
attendance will be requested. I also understand that
information about normal grief reactions will be presented
during the debriefing session.

107

Participation in this research will involve
approximately two hours of my time. The debriefing session
will be one hour, or longer if necessary or requested.

2. This study has been explained to me. I understand the
explanation that has been given and what my participation
will involve.

3. I understand that I am free to discontinue participation
in the study at any time without penalty.

4. I understand that the results of the study will be
treated in strict confidence and I will remain anonymous.
Without these restrictions, results of the study will be
made available to me on my request.

5. I understand that my participation in the study does not
guarantee any beneficial results to me.

6. I understand that, at my request, I can received
additional explanation of the study after my participation
is completed.

 

 

(Name) (Date)

108

APPENDIX D

PERSONAL ASSOCIATIONS

List below as many ideas or events you can remember thinking
or talking about in the past week or two.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_ 1. /
_ 2- /
_ 3- /
_ 4. /
__ 5. /
_ 6. /
_ 7. /
__ 8. /
__ 9 /
__ 10. /
_ 11. /
_ 12. /
_ 13. /
__ 14. /
__ 15. /
__ 1e. /
_ 17. /
_ 13. /
_ 19. /
_ 20. /

21. /

 

 

109

TIME OF OCCURRENCE OF PERSONAL ASSOCIATIONS

Now, go back over your list of PERSONAL ASSOCIATIONS written
on the previous page(s).

Each of the ideas or events listed is related specifically
to a past, present, or future occurrence.

In the space provided AFTER each item listed, please write

(1) whether that idea or event is connected more to
the PAST, PRESENT, or FUTURE
LIVE

(2) how much TIME has passed since that idea or event
has occurred or will pass till that idea or event
happens. Give your estimate of time in YEARS,
MONTHS, WEEKS, DAYS, HOURS, or MINUTES.

Do this for every association you listed. If you feel the
item listed belongs to more than one time category, indicate

whether it is most closely related to the past, present, or
future.

110

APPENDIX E

INSTRUCTIONS FOR TAT

Picture Interpretations: Instructions

"You are going to see a series of pictures, and your task is
to tell a story that is suggested to you by each picture.
Try to imagine what is going on in each picture. Then tell
what the situation is, what led up to the situation, what
the people are thinking and feeling, and what they will do.

"In other words, write as complete a story as you can--a
story with plot and characters.

"You will have 20 second to look at a picture and then 4
minutes to write your story about it. Write your first im-
pressions and work rapidly. I will keep time and tell you
when it is time to finish your story and to get ready for
the next picture.

"There are no right or wrong stories or kinds of pictures,
so you may feel free to write whatever story is suggested to
you when you look at a picture. Spelling, punctuation, and
grammar are not important. What is important is to write out
as fully and as quickly as possible the story that comes
into your mind as you imagine what is going on in each
picture.

"Notice that there is one page for writing each story. If
you need more space for writing any story, use the reverse
side of the paper."

On each story sheet these four questions are printed with
about a three-inch space for writing following each
question: 1. What is happening? Who are the persons? 2.
What has led up to this situation? That is, what has
happened in the past? 3. What is being thought? What is
wanted? By whom? 4. What will happen? What will be done?

The picture is presented for 20 seconds and then removed.
Four minutes are allowed for writing the story. At the end
of each minute, the investigator says informally, "It is
about time to go on to the next question." About 30 seconds
before the end of the fourth minute, the investigator says,
"Will you try to finish up in about 30 seconds?" At the end
of four minutes he says, "All right, here is the next
picture." (Review other statements of this procedure in
[272, Ch. 3] and in the various chapters of this volume.)

111

APPENDIX F

PERSONAL DATA FORM

Student Number

 

1. Sex: (1)Male (2)Female

2. Age: (1)15 ___ (2)16 ___ (3)17 ___ (4)18 ___ (5)19 ___
3. Grade: (1)9 ___ (2)10 ___ (3)11 ___ (4)12 ___
(5)College ___

4. Primary place of residence: (1)City ____ (2)Rural

5. When you are not at school, do you live with:
(1) both parents
(2) mother

 

 

 

(3) father
(4) someone else who?
6. Do you belong to a church? (1)Yes (2)No
7. Please estimate the strength of your religious belief

on a five point scale, 1 indicating you are not at all
religious and 5 indicating you are extremely religious:

 

not at all extremely
1 2 3 4 5
8. Does your religion endorse a belief in life-after-
death?
(1)Yes ____. (2)No ____ (3)Don't Know ____
9. Do you endorse a belief in life-after-death?
(1)Yes ____ (2)No ____ (3)Uncertain

10. Have your parents talked with you about death?
(1)Yes ____ (2)No ____

11. What or whom do you consider your most important source
of information concerning your knowledge about death?

(1)Mother (2)Father (3)Teacher
(4)Friends (5) Priest/Minister/Rabbi

(6)Other (7)Don't Know

112

For those students who have not experienced the death of a
classmate or friend, go to Number 16. If you have
experienced the death of a friend or classmate from your
sophomore year in high school, please answer the following
questions.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.
19.

20.
21.

22.

Think of all your friends and acquaintances. Rate your
very best friend(s) number 3; rate a friend(s) number
2; rate an acquaintance(s) number 1, and someone you
don't know rate a 0. Write it down however you want if
that will help you remember. Please rate your
relationship with your deceased friend or classmate
using your list above as a guideline. Was your
relationship with your deceased friend or classmate
most like your relationship with the person you rated
number 3, 2, 1, 0?

Did you expect your friend or classmate's death?
(1)Yes ____ (2)No

How long has it been since his or her death?
(1)1 year or less (2)1-2 years
(3)2-3 years (4)3-4 years

Have you talked with anyone about your feelings about
your friend/classmate's death? (1)Yes (2)No

If yes, whom?

(1)Father ___ (2)Mother ___ (3)Both parents ___
(4)Brother/sister ____ (5)Other relative ___ Who?___
(6)Teacher ___

(7)Counselor: (a)School (b)Mental Health ___

(c)Private—::_
If you talked to a counselor, were you talking with
this counselor prior to the death? (1)Yes ___ (2)No ___
(8)Friend(s) ___ (9)Priest/Minister/Rabbi ___

Have you ever experienced the death of someone close to
you before?
(1)Yes (2)No If yes, who?

 

Please estimate your current health status:
(1)Poor (2)Fair (3)Good
(4)Very good (5)Excellent

Do you have trouble eating? (1)Yes (2)No
Are you gaining weight? (1)Yes (2)No

Are you losing weight? (1)Yes (2)No
Do you have trouble sleeping? (1)Yes (2)No

Do you feel tired for no reason? (1)Yes (2)No

23.

24.

113

Do you feel hopeful about the future?
(1)Yes _ (2)No _

Please explain why you do or you do not feel hopeful
about the future:

114

APPENDIX G

WRITTEN FEEDBACK SHEET

My interest in the area of death, dying and bereavement
has evolved through my role as Professional Advisor to a
group of parents who have lost children. It was of interest
to me that parents reported that friends and classmates of
the deceased child frequently maintained contact with them
over long periods of time, while school personnel appeared
to aid students in coping primarily with the immediate
crisis of the loss. In talking with adults and adolescents,
I discovered the loss of a friend, classmate or peer often
has a significant impact on the survivors. Review of the
literature revealed sparse empirical studies concerning
adolescents and death, and particularly the death of a
friend or peer. Several authors suggest adolescents
experience death anxiety and that that death anxiety may
increase when a peer dies. It is also suggested that death
anxiety in adolescence may contribute to an adolescent's
relatively short future time perspective.

While it is my desire to add to the empirical research
data through this study, it is also my hope that the results
will help professionals and others who are working with
bereaved adolescents to better understand the grief process
in adolescence. To these ends, you have been requested to
complete a Death Anxiety Questionnaire, a Personal
Associations Test, several cards of the Thematic
Apperception Test set, and a Personal Data Form. You will
also be provided information regarding normal grief
reactions, an opportunity to discuss your own experiences or
feelings regarding death issues and/or grief, and follow-up
referral information should you so desire. A copy of the
references will be available per your request.

Thank you for your participation.

Elizabeth A. DeRath, M.S., Investigator
517-349-2011

Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Ph.D., Faculty Supervisor
517-355-4599

115

As explained on the feedback sheet, my interest in the
area of death and dying has evolved through my role as
professional advisor to a group of parents who have lost
children. I have learned through that group that friends
and the deceased child often maintain contact with that
child's parents. In talking with adolescents and adults who
have experienced the loss of someone their own age, I found
that that loss often has a significant impact. However, in
reviewing the literature, I found little information in
general about how loss by death affects adolescents, and
less than that about what happens when an adolescent loses
someone close in age--a friend, classmate, etc.

Often "grief," "mourning," and bereavement are used
interchangeably. Grief involves not only psychological
reactions, but somatic (physical) and social, as well. It is
a process of letting go of what was and being ready for what
is to come. Mourning refers more specifically to internal,
intrapsychic processes, conscious or unconscious and
implies, also, a cultural response. Bereavement is more
specifically the state of having suffered a loss.

One does not have to experience loss by death--divorce,
separation, argument, etc.--can all induce a state of
bereavement. Although there are some common features
associated with grief, much of the process is
individualistic. It is important to remember that grief is
a NATURAL reaction to loss--it is not necessarily
pathological. Grief is also not a static process, but
neither do most people progress at an even, steady pace
through the experience. The work of grief is to separate
from the lost person, readjustment, and finally the desire
to form new relationships. It is also important to realize
that there is no set period of time in which to resolve
grief. To a certain extent, it is dependent on the
individual and the impact of the loss.

Initially, people may respond to the death of someone
with disbelief and shock--they may tend to deny that the
death has occurred. Some people may experience physical
pain--"heartache," stomach aches, headaches, etc. Feelings
of great sadness are also common, again somewhat dependent
on the degree of closeness of the relationship. This
sadness may be more likened to a feeling of overall
depression--people may experience eating disturbances, sleep
difficulties (insomnia, early awakening), and in general not
feeling very hopeful or optimistic about the future. Social
withdrawal often occurs. Anger is also another common
response to the death of someone you know. People are often
angry at hospitals, doctors, drunk drivers, or in the case
of a murder or accidental death, at the person who was
responsible. In suicide, there is often anger toward the
person who committed suicide. People are even often angry

 

116

at God. Inability to concentrate (grades), not displaying
emotion, hyperactive--these are all normal reactions. You
can't go around, over or under grief--it is important to go
through grief to successfully get to the other side in which
there is finally acceptance and a desire to get on with your
own life with a view to the future. Any questions or
comments?

If any one is interested in references, please contact
me. Also, if anyone feels a need for further consultation
or if anyone experiences anxiety or upset particularly with
regard to the completion of these measures here tonight,
please feel free to contact me. Thank you all very much for
your time, help, and cooperation.

LIST OF REFERENCES

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