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State Policy and Gender Construction
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Jacqueline Georgi

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STATE POLICY AND GENDER CONSTRUCTION
IN NICARAGUA

BY
Jacqueline Georgi

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University

in partial fullfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1991

ABSTRACT

STATE POLICY AND GENDER CONSTRUCTION
IN NICARAGUA

BY
Jacqueline Georgi

On July 18, 1979, the Sandinista National Liberation
Front triumphantly marched into the streets of Managua,
Nicaragua, overthrowing the Somoza dictatorship, and giving
birth to the beginning of a revolutionary, democratic
society based on the principals of "socialist pluralism."
The Sandinistas' commitment to women’s emancipation, along
with the political mobilization of thousands of women during
and after the Revolution, brought hope to feminists and
scholars all over the world who are concerned with the
state's impact on gender equality.

The focus of this study has been to analyze how the
Sandinista revolutionary government constructed or
reproduced gender roles in Nicaragua, by analyzing
government policy towards the family system and sexuality.

A methodology of language, and an analysis of women's
practical and strategic gender needs were used as a criteria
to analyze government documents on the family and sexual
relations. The conclusion of this study has been that
traditional and not revolutionary gender roles may have been

constructed by the Sandinistas during their ten years in

power.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank Melissa Barker whose stimulating
insights and guidance greatly motivated me throughout this
study, and Kevin Kelly and Marty Merger for their thoughtful
advice and recommendations.

My deepest gratitude is also extended to my family, to
Sec, and to my friends who all supported me in their own
unique ways. A special thanks to my grandmother and my

ancestors for their protection and companionship.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION
FOCUS OF STUDY
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

Somoza Period: 1937-1979

General Situation of Women Under Somoza

The Triumph: The Overthrow of the Somoza Government
Women's Participation in the Nicaraguan Revolution
Period of Reconstruction: Sandinista Nicaragua
Philosophical Foundations of the FSLN

FSLN's Position on Women's Emancipation

FSLN POLICY TOWARDS WOMEN:
LANGUAGE AND GENDER CONSTRUCTION

Analysis of Documents
FSLN POLICY ON FAMILY RELATIONS AND SEXUALITY
FSLN Policy: 1979-1984
Summary of Findings
FSLN Policy: 1985-1989
Summary of Findings
CONCLUSION

Limitations of study
Postscript

BIBLIOGRAPHY

iv

10

12
14
17
18
20
22
23

25
26
29
31
34
36
48
50

53
54

57

INTRODUCTION

During the last decade, social science scholars in the
0.8. have experienced a rediscovery of the state as a
central concept in understanding economic, political, and
social reality (Charlton, Everett, Staudt, 1989: 1). Since
1980, the dominant theoretical frameworks in the social
sciences have viewed the concept of the state as either an
organizational instrument of the dominant class, or as a
potentially autonomous organizational entity. Current
scholarly work conceptualizes the state as an "actor" that
can be influenced by the particular society that surrounds
it, while also having the potential to shape social and
political processes (Skocpol, 1985: 9). Other theorists
have identified and conceptualized variations in time and
space with regards to state autonomy, and have also studied
the impact of state policies and structures on social
conflict (Hamilton, 1982).

Political scientists who are concerned with development
in Latin America have also looked at the concept of the
state with renewed interest (Bourque, 1989: 121). Earlier
studies of how nations in Latin America could achieve
economic growth and political stability, such as the
"modernization theories," have been largely criticized as
being inadequate (Kohli: 1986: 12-13). Considering the

increasing political instability and poverty of most Third

2
World nations, fundamental concepts have been formulated to
gain a clearer understanding of what the meaning of
development is in the Third World, and what processes help
or impede development in these countries. Dependency theory
(Nunck, 1984: 7-15) has illuminated the ways in which
development in the "dependent" periphery nations has been
interrelated and unequal with the development of the
metropolis countries. In other words, dependency theory has
shown how historical relations between the metropolis and
the periphery nations is the key to underdevelopment in the
periphery countries. Yet, it does not address the
variations and the internal sources of change in the
"dependent" nations.

Looking at the internal processes of the state as well
as reassessing the relationships among the state elites and
the public have been two areas of renewed interest. These
new concepts are crucial links in analyses of the state, and
analyses of gender relations. This is because groups of
women in countries around the world have criticized the
existing development policies: yet their voices remain
unheard by the state and international agencies that create
and implement development policies (Sen 8 Brown, 1986: 40).

Around the same time that these new conceptualizations
of the state were being formulated, Western feminist
scholarship has produced some discoveries of its own,

challenging fundamental concepts and theories in its search

3
for understanding the inequalities of gender relations and
the economic, political and social consequences of these
inequalities.

In trying to understand the processes of gender
inequality, many feminist scholars now argue that our
concepts of gender, instead of being biologically
determined, immutable categories, are socially constructed,
changing historically, with cross-cultural variation, and
open to conscious manipulation (Bourque, 1989: 115). In
other words, a woman's role in human social life is not in
any sense a product of what she does, or what she is
biologically: rather it is the meaning her activities
acquire through concrete social interactions. The
significance women give to these activities can be more
clearly understood through analyses of the relationships
women form and the social contexts they create. As Rosaldo
states,

Gender in all human groups must, then, be
understood in political and social terms, with
reference not to biological constraints but
instead to local and specific forms of social
relationships and in particular, of social
inequality (1980: 400).

Conway, Bourque and Scott further argue that the
production of culturally appropriate forms of male and
female behavior is a central function of social authority,
one that is mediated by the complex interactions of the

economic, social, political, and religious institutions

(Conway, Bourque, Scott, 1987: xxi-xxx). Subordination or

4
domination are not fixed positions, but are current outcomes
of dynamic and interactive processes which are open to
challenge and change. Since the concepts of power and
hierarchy are central to the study of gender inequality,
many feminist scholars have criticized the ways in which
government policies have contributed to the disadvantaging
of women. Yet, until the 19803, little attention was paid
to studying the structure and ideology of state
bureaucracies with regards to their impact on gender
inequality (Charlton, Everett, Staudt, 1989: 9).

While feminist scholars in the last decade have
recognized the importance of studying the role of the state
in the construction of gender relations, there is no
consensus on what the "ideal" role of the state impact
should be with regards to achieving gender equality
(Bourque, 1989: 115). Feminist analyses of the state run
the spectrum of totally rejecting the state as a masculine,
militaristic, and authoritarian entity (Charlton, 1989: 29-
35), to fully embracing the ability of a socialist state to
promote an egalitarian ideology (Bourque, 1989: 115). For
example, Frances Fox Piven (1984) views the state as a site
of the struggle in which gains can be made by women.
Similarly, Zillah Eisenstein's work (1983) suggests that
because of the existing conflicts between patriarchy and
capitalism, the state can be seen as an arena for mediating

conflicting class and gender interests in which women can

struggle to meet their needs. On the other end of the
spectrum is Eileen Boris and Peter Bardaglo's work which
views the state as "an instrument of male control over
women." In this view any policy reform affecting gender
relations merely means a trade-off between family patriarchy
and state patriarchy (Bardaglo & Boris, 1983: 70-93).

Whether "pro" or "anti" state, there are certain
shortcomings to the various feminist perspectives of gender-
state relations. For example, as women of color and Marxist
feminists have pointed out, the term ”woman" should not be
used as an undifferentiated category. The idea that women
share a common oppression disguises and distorts the variety
and complexity of women’s social experience. Racism, class
privilege, and sexist attitudes divide women (Hooks, 1984:
44). Therefore, in theorizing about women's struggles for
social change, it is essential to recognize differences, and
not assume homogeneity among women (Molyneux, 1985: 232).
We also need to be careful not to assume that all states
share the same values and ideologies. There is great
diversity among state officials, therefore, they "are both
potential sources of access as well critical actors in the
creation and maintenance of hierarchies" (Bourque, 1989:
115).

To summarize the above discussion, the statist
(Skocpol, 1985), development (Abraham and Abraham, 1988),

and feminist literature (Bourque, 1989), despite the

6
creative directions of these bodies of theory and research,
all have some limitations, and it is important to understand
that all three would benefit greatly by making important
linkages. For example, theoretical discussions on the
nature of the state may focus on the degree of state
autonomy or the degree to which states can act independently
of social classes and specific groups in society. Examining
how the issue of autonomy is relevant to the efforts in
women's organizations to affect public policy is a link that

can enrich both theories of the state and gender inequality.

FOCUS OF STUDY

In theory, during a period of social revolution, the
state is supposedly transformed, thus offering the potential
of serving gender interests (Molyneux, 1981: 1021).
Authority becomes unstable in both the public and private
spheres as old structures and ideologies crumble, giving the
opportunity for gender roles to be transformed. In the
words of Barbara Wolfe Jancar:

In such a situation, women have easier access to
political roles, since dominant institutional
patterns are weak. Moreover social change affects
women directly in every aspect of their lives.
Hence, there is a greater likelihood of political
interest and political response...role
differentiation according to sex tends to diminish
as women find they have to perform tasks formally
considered male, such as waging guerilla warfare
or working in armaments factories...Finally,
because the new order has not yet been established
the real possibility of change still exists
(Jancar, 1978: 113-114).

7

To investigate Jancar's claim, this study will address
the particular role the Sandinista National Liberation Front
(FSLN) revolutionary government has played with regards to
constructing new gender roles (or maintaining the existing
ones) by analyzing government policy towards the family
system and sexuality in Nicaragua.

Susan Bourque (1989) argues that a systematic approach
to the study of gender and the state is most successful when
attention is paid to four areas of analysis. According to

her work, scholars first need to identify the roles of state

policies in strncturing_access_to_contrel_9f_seeiet¥1s
:esgnzgg§_hy_gende;. This includes focusing on the legal

and property systems, as well as employment, education and
health provisions, and the creation and use of new knowledge
and tools. The second dimension is understanding the
prevailing attitudes towards sexuality and its control by

: 7. ,o - ; ; no -- 0.; o: ,- ;..' . g. ,o. o
and_abgztign. Looking at how the state treats sexual

preference and how it controls sexual violence and rape is

also included in this area of analysis. understanding_tng

: . ": 1‘ e' . ‘ :; go .go eneA; .0 g ‘ ; .Q ‘; .-

clasal_9ender1_and_race_t9_sstabliah_eecial_ccntrel is the
third dimension. Here it is important to analyze how gender
is used in conjunction with, or in opposition to, class,

race, and ethnic divisions to serve state purposes. The

last area of analysis is identifxin9_the_nsa_and

f 8
Why
focusing on how authority and legitimacy are conveyed
through gender imagery (Bourque, 1989: 116). Even though
this study will focus on only one of the four dimensions, it
is crucial to understand that all four areas of analysis are
interrelated, and a change in one affects a change in the
other three.

This paper will focus on Bourque's second dimension of
gender-state relations by studying the FSLN’s policy towards
family relations and sexuality. This area was selected
because it is important to understand "private-public"
relationships and how these are not "separate spheres" but
are part of one continuous spectrum of social relations.

Susan Tiano (1988) has illustrated this in her critique
of women's work in the public and private spheres. She
argues that conceptualizing social reality in terms of the
public-private dichotomy distorts our understanding of
women's roles in the economy. A distinction implies that
the family and women's reproduction activities are not
political and that the household is socially and
economically autonomous (Tiano, 1988: 35). Viewing the
public-private spheres as separate makes it possible to
assume that women's reproductive activities and the family
lie outside of the political realm when the opposite may be
true: these activities form an essential part of the social

structure. In addition, these implications neglect the

r 9
ongoing interdependence between the family and government as
well as other institutions (Thorne, 1982: 17). As Chuchryk
suggests, "Not only do women perform important reproductive
activities for the state but also that the state has
historically played an active role in defining and
delimiting those activities" (1989: 137). In 1986, Sonya
Alvarez proposed that "the Latin American State has confined
women to their ostensibly natural functions within the
family or the 'private sphere' by politically and
institutionally reinforcing the boundaries which have
limited women’s lives socially and historically" (Chuchryk,
1989: 137). By analyzing the FSLN's policy towards the
family system and sexuality in Nicaragua, I intend to
explore whether the revolutionary FSLN government reinforced
these socially defined boundaries by defining and
reproducing traditional rather than revolutionary gender
roles.

This paper will be organized in the following way: The
next section will provide a historical overview of the
Nicaraguan family system, paying particular attention to the
gender division of labor and how it was strongly affected by
the growth of agro-export economies. This section will also
describe the role of women in overthrowing the Somoza
regime, and it will discuss the early gains made by the
Revolution which specifically benefited the majority of

women. The third section will analyze FSLN government

10
documents toward women by using a "methodology of language“
described by Passaro (Passaro, 1987: 52). The fourth
section will discuss the FSLN policy on family relations and
sexuality, and focus on the intended and unintended
consequences of these policies for women's practical and
strategic gender needs. Finally, the conclusions of this

study will be presented.

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

The small country of Nicaragua, nestled between Costa
Rica and Honduras, has had a long history of colonial
domination beginning in the 16th century when the
conquistadors of Spain colonized these lands in 1523 (Barry
and Preuch, 1986: 271). Similar to other areas in Latin
America, the Spanish occupation was characterized by
ruthless exploitation of the native peoples. For example,
Bartolome de las Casas, a Spanish bishop who wrote about the
treatment of Central American Indians, said that they
"suffered as much as possible the tyranny and bondage which
the Christians imposed upon them...[and] subjected to so
much evil, butchery, cruelty, bondage, and injustice that no
human tongue would be able to describe it“ (Barry and
French, 1986: 271). On the Pacific coast, large areas of
land were turned into plantations which the local people
were forced to maintain under a system of slavery imposed by

the Spanish (Walker, 1985: 13). This colonial

11
infrastructure was limited to the Pacific Coast, however,
since due to the intense resistance of the Carib Indians,
the Spaniards failed to incorporate the Atlantic Coast.
This area, known as the Miskito Coast, was dominated by the
British and remained separate until 1894 (Barry and Preusch,
1986: 271).

Known for their militancy, the Nicaraguan Indian
population would not submit to colonial rule, and throughout
the 17th and 18th centuries, local revolts were common.
There is some evidence which suggests that women may have
also taken part in the struggle to resist colonial rule.

For example, legend has it that a group of Indian women who
were raped by the Spaniards killed themselves rather than
bear children into slavery (Collinson, 1990: 3). Yet, in
spite of pervasive resistance, the result was mass genocide
of the native population. Today, only 4% of the population
are full-blooded Indians, the rest are of mixed Spanish and
Indian descent.

Nicaragua achieved independence from Spain in 1821, but
the legacy of colonialism still continued in the form of a
new imperialist power; the United States. As early as 1856,
0.8. military presence became visible in the region when
Thomas Walker not only invaded Nicaragua, reinstating
slavery, but also declared himself President, and was
recognized as such by the 0.8. government (Burns, 1987: 13).

Soon after, 0.8. based commercial companies moved in, taking

12

advantage of Nicaragua's natural resources, particularly for
timber, metal ore, and fruit. To secure their interests and
political dominance, the U.S. in 1909 brought in the Marines
who remained in Nicaragua until 1934 (Chomsky, 1985: 127).

Following the legacy of resistance of his ancestors,
Agusto Sandino was one political figure who refused to
comply with the new colonizers, and he organized a peasant
army to fight the Marines. Despite six years of fighting,
the U.S. was unable to defeat Sandinos's army. The U.S.
finally left Nicaragua in January 1933, but not before
establishing the National Guard and installing the regime of
Anastasio Somoza (Burns, 1987: 15). After he assassinated
Sandino, and declared himself President, Somoza set up an
oligarchic, corrupt system that would rule the country in
the interests of his own family and their United States

allies for almost half a century (Collinson, 1990: 3-4).

W

During the Somoza dictatorship, Nicaragua joined the
ranks of those countries lowest in per capita income and
life expectancies in the world. It became one of the
countries with the highest infant mortality and population
growth rates and levels of illiteracy (Williams, 1985: 3).
The following statistics compiled in 1971 by USAID further
illustrate the oppressive conditions of the majority of

Nicaraguans: approximately 5% of the population owned 58% of

13
arable land, of which 23% was owned by the Somoza family.
It was estimated that 80% of the people were illiterate in
the countryside. Nearly 50% of the population survived on
an income of 90 dollars a year, 80% had no running water,
59% had no electricity, 47% had no sanitation facilities,
and 69% lived in houses with dirt floors. These kinds of
living conditions were further deteriorated by epidemics of
malaria, tuberculosis, polio, typhoid, and gastroenteritis.
Out of every 1000 infants born, 100 of them died, and 6 out
of 10 deaths were from curable infectious diseases (The
Amanecida Collective, 1990: 6).

The expansion of agro-export production in the 1950's
had a tremendous impact on the Nicaraguan social structure.
It created an unequal distribution of the land, seasonal
migration, and an irregular labor force (Burns, 1985: 3).
For example, between 1950 and 1965, a cotton boom took place
in which many gampgsing families were driven off their
lands, usually by the National Guard, and were forced to
migrate into the cities. In 1950, 65% of the population
lived in the rural areas: and by 1963, the figure had
dropped to 49% (Barricada, April 30, 1984: 9).

This migration was accompanied by the loss or
displacement of many cottage industries, causing many to be
unemployed. Those who could find jobs in the cities tended
to work in the service sector for very low wages. Due to

strong competition in the labor market, many families were

14
forced to work in the streets, including the children. They
would shine shoes, sell newspapers and flowers, as well as
beg. The girls and women worked as vendors while the men
searched for the seasonal jobs of harvesting coffee, cotton,

or sugar cane (Barricada, April 30, 1984: 9).

W

The situation of Nicaraguan women prior to the
overthrow of Somoza was very similar to the general
situation of women in Latin America. Due to Nicaragua’s
dependent capitalist economy and its extremely low level of
economic development over the last 100 years, most of the
women of Nicaragua were forced to bear the double burden of
maintaining the household responsibilities while also
working outside the home. Unemployment, poverty, and
insecurity led many men to abandon their families, leaving
women as the sole supporters of their families (Randall,
1981: V). For example, in the urban workforce, women made
up 34% of the labor force, and in the rural areas 9.2%.
Women's wages on the average, however, were lower than men's
and their rates of unemployment higher with a longer
duration of unemployment (Williams, 1985: 3). It should be
pointed out however that women's economic participation has
been underestimated in official statistics. For example,
before 1979, about 85% of single mothers who worked did so

in areas that were extensions of their domestic duties such

15
as selling homemade food, doing laundry, and working as
domestic maids (Collinson 1990: 28). Their participation in
the salaried workforce nevertheless was very high for Latin
America. For example, in 1950, the proportion of women wage
earners was 14 percent. In 1970, it was 21.9%, and in 1977
the figure rose to 28.7% (Randall, 1981: V).

While there were laws that proclaimed equal rights for
women, in practice they were paid significantly less than
men. This was especially true in the rural areas where
women were not only paid less than men, but where their
wages were handed over to their husbands (Williams, 1986:
3). In fact, as late as 1938, the National Assembly was
still debating whether women should be given citizenship.
One legislator concluded "that the state will grant
citizenship to women, but not the right to vote, as they are
incapable of exercising such a right" (Barricada, August
1984: 4). This derogatory view of women was also reflected
in the fact that they were not given the right to vote until
1955 (Collinson, 1990: 109).

In education, both men and women had an illiteracy rate
of over 50%. Drop out rates were also very high. For
example, of those who enrolled in first grade, only 25%
finished the sixth grade. With these high drop out rates,
only 1% of the population entered the university: of those
who did, men were overepresented in the business and science

fields, and women in the humanities and social sciences

16
(Williams, 1985: 3).

Perhaps the area in which women were the most severely
affected was in health. Located primarily in the urban
areas, health facilities in Nicaragua were notorious for
being understaffed, and poorly supplied. This contributed
to high birth rates due to a lack of access to contraception
methods and a high mortality rate. For example, by the
time the average rural woman reached the age of 34, she
would have given birth to 8 children of which 4 or 5 would
have died (Williams, 1985: 3-4).

In addition to the existence of strong social class
differences, where a few lavished in tremendous wealth while
the vast majority lived in extreme poverty, explicit gender
discrimination was also evident (Williams, 1986: 1). As
Bustos suggests:

...the division of the sexes evolved into the

division of labor, which relegated women to work

at home and men to work outside, thus creating a

complex ideological and legal superstructure that

legitimized this division and discrimination it
implies. The superstructure is perpetuated by
presenting as natural many characteristics

pertaining to both sexes, which are real but

basically result from the division of labor and

its derivatives. These characteristics are not a

principal cause of the division of labor, as both

men and women believe. As a result of this

division, man granted himself more rights than

duties and to woman, who in general consents, he

gave more duties than rights. (1980: 34).

This tradition of male dominance, and the gender division of
labor was prevalent everywhere, especially in the country

side.

17
In summary, Nicaraguan women were severely
discriminated against during the Somoza years. They were
generally kept from political power and denied access to the
public sphere by illiteracy, isolation in the home, working
the long hours of the 'double shift', and by traditional

attitudes of "male superiority" (Chinchilla, 1986: 19).

WW

By the early 1970s, the Somoza dynasty began to
disintegrate as Nicaraguans of all social classes
increasingly began to question Anastasia Somoza's endless
greed and brutality. This popular discontent was
accelerated by two major events. First, after the
earthquake of 1972, which literally destroyed the capital
city of Managua, Somoza and his allies funneled
international relief funds into their own pockets. The
second event was a successful hostage-ransom operation by
the Sandinista Front of National Liberation, the guerrilla
army. Somoza reacted by declaring a state of siege,
ordering full censorship of the press and commanding the
National Guard to wage a campaign of terror in the rural
areas, in hope of capturing the guerrillas (Walker, 1985:
20). In one year, from 1975 to 1976, 3000 peasants were
murdered by the National Guard and thousands were imprisoned
or exiled (Ruchwarger, 1987: 18).

Formed in 1961, and named after Agusto Sandino, the

18

Sandinista Front of National Liberation led the final
offensive into Managua in July 19, 1979, culminating in the
fall of Somoza. Besides the revolutionary army, mass scale
grass-roots organizations were crucial in overthrowing the
Somoza dictatorship. The Sandinista Defence Committees, the
Sandinista Workers Federation, the Rural Workers
Association, the National Union of Farmers and Ranchers, the
Association of Women Confronting the National Problem, and
the Sandinista Youth were among the six major organizations
(Serra, 1985: 65). In the words of Orlando Nunez:

The politics of unity of the Sandinista revolution

meant the utilization of all forms of struggle--

legal, clandestine, unionist, subversive. It

signified politics based on alliances with

hegemony of an armed organization, ensuring the

development of the struggle in favor of the

working classes independent of the support of

those who participated in the movement that

opposed the established order (Chinchilla, 1983:

13).
Thus, without this massive participation of the population,
the successful overthrow of Somoza could not have been

possible.

I! ’El"l’ Illlli Elli

With the exception of Vietnam, women's participation in
the Revolution had been unprecedented in recent times
(Molyneux, 1985: 227). Much of this participation was part
of the general population's uprising against the repression
of Somoza, yet during the last two years of the

dictatorship, women's grass-roots involvement was stimulated

19
and coordinated by the women's organization called the
Association of Women Confronting the National Problem
(AMPRONAC) (Chinchilla, 1990: 371).

In its embryonic stage, AMPRONAC was composed of 70
professional women who created study groups to discuss
social problems and solutions. The overwhelming conclusion
from these discussions was that in order to solve their
specific problems as women, they needed to overthrow the
dictatorship (Barricada, Oct. 11, 1984: 6). Nora Astorga, a
founding member of AMPRONAC, and Deputy Foreign Minister
during the Revolution, phrased the position of the
organization in this way:

In Nicaragua we cannot conduct a struggle of a

western feminist kind. This is alien to our

reality. It doesn't make sense to separate the

women's struggle from that of overcoming poverty,

exploitation and reaction. We want to promote

women’s interests within the context of that wider

struggle (Molyneux, 1985b: 147).

AMPRONAC massively mobilized Nicaraguan women in all
aspects of the struggle in the final insurrection known as
the "War of Liberation” (Walker, 1985: 20). They organized
food stores, prepared safe houses for the guerrillas,
controlled the supplies of drugs and the network of
clandestine medical clinics, organized the network of drop
boxes for supplies and materials, and participated in civil
defense (AMNLAE Bulletin, 1979: 1). By the time of the
Sandinista victory, AMPRONAC had up to 8,000 members

(Molyneux, 1985b: 146).

20

The participation of women against Somoza strengthened
their resolve, brought on a sense of self-respect, and
precipitated many changes in their views of traditional
gender roles. For example, in the words of a domestic
worker with nine children: "Women weren't aware of anything:
they only washed, ironed, cooked, had children and that was
it. But now, I tell you, we're awakened“ (Ruchwarger, 1989:
76). This was no guarantee however, that women's
participation in a revolutionary movement would lead to
emancipation of their gender oppression. There were many
previous examples in which women participated in social
movements but were forced back into their traditional roles
once the revolution was achieved (Ruchwarger, 1989: 76).
Although socialist parties and governments all over the
world claim to be fully committed to the principal of gender
equality, many feminist scholars have been quick to point
out that not only does gender inequality persist, but that
women's workload has been increased without substantial

redefinition of gender relations (Molyneux, 1985: 229).

WWW
Before analyzing the Sandinista government policy
towards women, it is important to describe briefly the
context in which the revolutionary process began to unfold
and the new state's political and philosophical position.

After the overthrow of Somoza, the Nicaraguans were

 

21
left with the enormous task of reconstruction. The country
was in shambles and many lives were lost. A conservative
estimate suggests that about 35,000 people died during the
eight months before the overthrow. This was about 1.5
percent of the entire population. Of these deaths, eighty
percent were from government bombardment of civilians
(Booth, 1985: 47).

The economy also felt the destructive impact of war.
For example, before leaving the country, Somoza and other
government and military leaders looted the national
treasury, taking several hundred million dollars, leaving
only about 3.5 million dollars which was not sufficient for
paying even two days worth of vital imports (Ruchwarger,
1989: 9). Altogether, about 500 million dollars worth of
property damage was done, including the destruction of
dozens of factories, schools, and hospitals in Nicaragua's
major towns (Booth, 1985: 47).

Due to these conditions, the new revolutionary
government established three major goals. These consisted
of rebuilding the devastated economy, redistributing income
towards workers and peasants, and dismantling the social

bases of the old regime (Ruchwarger, 1989: 10).

22

The Sandinistas distinguished themselves by their
commitment to political pluralism, nonalignment, and a
socialism based on the principles of a mixed economy
(Molyneux, 1985: 236). There were many accusations from the
Reagan Administration and the deposed Somoza government that
the new system was the "first domino" of the Soviet system
that would abolish private enterprise, civil liberties, and
religion (Walker, 1985: 24). While most of the leaders in
the FSLN claimed to be Marxists, their goals did not
encompass the elimination of private property. In the words
of Jaime Wheelock, one of the founding members of the FSLN:

It is important to understand that the socialist

model is a solution for contradictions that only

exist in developed capitalist countries. Now, for

a series of reasons, many of them political, and

having to do with hunger and desperation, certain

peoples have made a revolution in the worst

conditions of social development...This is our

case. Even though we have socialist principles,

we cannot effect the transformation of our society

by socializing the means of production. This

would not lead to socialism, rather, on the

contrary, it could lead to the destruction and

disarticulation of our society (Ruchwarger, 1989:

10).

In contrast to the Somoza dictatorship which based
its power on a corrupt, U.S. military trained structure and
a small elite, the new revolutionary forces based their
strength on grass roots organizations (Walker, 1985: 22).
The FSLN did not want to betray the humanistic goals for
which so many people had organized and for which many had

died. Therefore, despite their overriding concern for

23

reconstructing the economy, the primary objective of the
FSLN was to improve the conditions of the country's poor,
mainly the workers and peasants (Ruchwarger, 1989: 11).

With regards to abolishing religion, many of the
Sandinistas were influenced by Catholic social doctrine and
seriously wanted to improve the conditions of the poor.
After being inspired by the 1968 Conference of Latin
American Bishops at Medellin, Colombia, which denounced the
oppressive social, economic, and political conditions of
Latin America, many members of the FSLN wanted significant
changes. Regardless of their faith, most of the FSLN
leaders felt that religion should be respected, and if
possible, church involvement should be sought in the

revolutionary process (Walker, 1985: 24).

ESIHIS EQSjIjQD QD HQDQD'S ENBDQiDflijQD

The Sandinistas’ commitment to "socialist pluralism"
became a symbol of hope not only to socialists, but also to
those concerned with gender inequality, and women's
liberation. As early as 1969, the FSLN's commitment to
women's emancipation was made public in the Program;
WWW
("Historic Program of the FSLN"). The program stated that
"women will be given a more dignified place in society,“
adding that "all their rights in society will be enforced so

that they are not subject to discrimination" (Angel,

24
Macintosh, 1987: 16).

While other socialist states have had similar phrases
about women in their constitutions, the FSLN’s distinction
was their recognition of the specificity of women's
oppression. Unlike other Marxist vanguard parties, the
Sandinistas did not denounce feminism as divisive or
counterrevolutionary. In addition, only weeks after they
were in power, a law was passed that banned the media's
exploitation of women as sex objects: furthermore, the
Sandinistas filled high positions in the government as
ministers, vice-ministers, and regional coordinators of the
new FLSN state with women (Molyneux, 1985: 237).

Despite these positive acts and proclamations, little
substantive progress was made to improve the subordinate
position of women. In the first major speech on women's
status in 1982, Minister of Defense Tomas Borge admitted
that "women remain fundamentally in the same condition as in
the past" (Passaro, 1987: 52).

The growing concern with defending the Revolution may
have been a reason for the FSLN's failure to confront
women's specific problems. Another reason, found usually in
official doctrines, may have been that gender inequality has
been a form of social relations which has survived from the
past. While these two reasons may have some validity with
regards to the case of Nicaragua, the following sections of

this paper will argue that the existence of gender

25
inequality may have been reproduced in the FSLN state policy
towards women through the use of language and by meeting

women's specific, not strategic gender needs.

FSLN POLICY TOWARDS WOMEN:
LANGUAGE AND GENDER CONSTRUCTION

In Joan Passaro's 1987 article on conceptualizing
gender, she defines "gender" as a "conceptual and
classificatory feature of particular processes of
oppression" (Passaro, 1987: 50). She argues that gender is
"socially constructed." That is, women are "made” and not
born, and the processes through which the concepts of
"masculine" and "feminine" get defined vary historically.
Passaro also explores the ways that gender identities get
formed in their interaction with diverse types of public
affirmation. In the words of Virginia Dominguez:

Social identities do not exist without public

affirmation. Social identities are simply not who

we are genetically nor how we as individuals think

of ourselves. They are conceptions of the self,

constructed in time and place both

epistemologically and socially in opposition to

other such selves (in Passaro, 1987: 52).

In studying the historicity of gender through an analysis
of public documents, Passaro proposes a methodology based on
a theory of language (Passaro, 1987: 52). While noting the
limitations of Raymond Williams' argument that everything is

considered equally part of material social process,

(Williams, 1977: 165), Passaro agrees that "language is not

26

a medium: it is a constitutive element of material social
practice" (Passaro, 1987: 53). In other words, Passaro
argues that gender is socially constructed through language.

In this section, I will use Passaro’s methodology of
language as my method of analysis. I will discuss the ways
in which language was used in public documents and policies
to define and reproduce gender roles in Nicaragua during the

first four years of the Revolution.

Wheat:

The first document to consider is the "Historic Program
of the FSLN", which was mentioned earlier. The following
excerpt is the section that deals with the category "women".

Emancipation of Women

The Sandinista people's revolution will abolish the
odious discrimination that women have been subjected to
compared to men: it will establish economic, political,
and cultural equality between mother and child.

A. It will pay special attention to the mother and
child.

B. It will eliminate prostitution and other social
vices, through which the dignity of women will be
raised.

C. It will put an end to the system of servitude that
women suffer, which is reflected in the tragedy of
the abandoned working mother.

D. It will establish for children born out of wedlock
the right to equal protection by the revolutionary
institutions.

E. It will establish day-care centers for the care
and attention of the children of working women.

F. It will establish a two-month maternity leave
before and after birth for women who work.

G. It will raise women's political, cultural, and
vocational levels through their participation in
the revolutionary process (Borge, 1982: 20).

27
While the document clearly states the intention to

abolish discrimination and establish economic, political,
and cultural gender equality, upon closer inspection, there
are some contradictory definitions of the category “women"
in the specific propositions that follow. For example, 5 of
the 7 propositions consider ”women" to be mothers, and their
interests are aligned with children's interests. The two
remaining points view women as being recipients of
"dignity", and "raised" levels of political, cultural, and
vocational levels. As Passaro has pointed out, women are
seen as "victims [of odious discrimination] and mothers, are
certainly not agents of their own liberation" (Passaro,
1987: 54). The category "woman" has two implied
definitions that negate each other: On the one hand "woman"
is defined as being a mother, a victim, and a political
object: on the other, "woman" should be equal to men. This
implies that women are subjects. Yet, how can they be both?

The W
("Government Program of National Reconstruction”) which
was made public in a communique by the FSLN Exterior
Commission in 1979, also has a section on women. Article
3.8 is titled "Attention to the woman, the child, and the
elderly." The document makes it clear that the FSLN will
give dignity to women, making effective all their rights in
society, so that they will not be subject to discrimination.

In the same paragraph, it further adds "a pregnant mother,

28
or one who is breast-feeding, will be given priority in the
planning of health programs" (FSLN Program for National
Reconstruction, 1979: 11: my own translation).

The title concerning the section on women is aligned
with children's rights. Again, women are defined as being
mothers, and their interests are concerned with fulfilling
their motherhood roles. The language used here also assumes
that women are objects, to be acted upon and changed by the
new state. According to the document, she will be given
"dignity" and her "full rights in society so that she will
no longer be subject to discrimination." In addition, the
fact that women are "lumped in" with the elderly and the
children, as noted above, implies that "women" are weak
"victims" to be protected.

In the 1984 FSLN party platform, the section on women
acknowledges the participation of women in the general
struggle, specifically mentioning their combative role in
the front lines, It went on to say:

The destruction of the old order brought with it

dignity for women. The Sandinista Front will make

the greatest possible efforts for women to enjoy

full participation in society, and will continue

defending the nuclear family and integrity of the

home" (Barricada, July, 1984).

The contradiction which can be pointed out here is that
while the proclamation acknowledges women in a
nontraditional role such as participating in front line

fighting, in the same sentence, the category "women" is

associated with the family and the private sphere.

29
Although, the Sandinistas wanted to change women's
subordinate position in Nicaragua, the documents themselves
referred to women as recipients and objects of social change
rather than subjects and active participants in the

Revolution.

FSLN POLICY ON FAMILY RELATIONS AND SEXUALITY

In this section, the actual policies of the family laws
will be analyzed. The question here is, how did the FSLN
define or reproduce gender inequality in family relations?
Because the language in the official policy aligns the
category "women" with primarily being responsible for the
reproduction of society in the biological sense, analyzing
the Sandinista policy towards the family may give some
insights as to how traditional gender roles are defined and
reconstructed by the state. As Maxine Molyneux wrote in
1981:

The family is regarded as an institution of

primary importance in socialist societies. It is

conventionally referred to as the 'basic cell of

society,’ functioning as an agent of socialization

parallel to the institutions of the state, and as

the main focus of day-to-day responsibility for

the welfare of children and the elderly (Molyneux,

1981: 1027).

Thus, revolutionary governments tend to see the
importance of women's needs in the first period of
transformation for the purpose of accomplishing three goals.

The first one is to extend the base of governments'

political support. Second, to increase the labor force, and

30
third, to help bring the family in conjunction with the
planning objectives of the state. Once the pre-
revolutionary family has been restructured to be compatible
with development goals, then the new family can act as a
socialization agent of revolutionary values for the new
generation (Molyneux, 1985: 246).

In order to evaluate the state's impact on gender
equality, it is important to understand what interests are
being met by the state's policies. Maxine Molyneux in 1985,
distinguishes two kinds of gender interests: each one
involves different implications for women's subordination.

The first type Molyneux identifies are strategic
inreresrsr which derive from analyzing women's
subordination. These are interests which are derived at
deductively. Abolishing the gender division of labor,
alleviating the burden of domestic work and child care,
attaining freedom of choice over childbearing, removing
institutionalized forms of discrimination, achieving
political equality, and obtaining adequate ways to stop male
violence and control over women are all examples of
strategic objectives that may be applied to overcome women's
subordination.

The second type of interests are those arrived at by
women themselves in the subordinate position within the

division of labor. These are identified as prngriggl
gender_inrer§sts. They are a response to "an immediate and

31
perceived need" and not to the goal of gender equality
(Molyneux, 1985: 233). Unlike strategic needs, practical
interests arise out of gender subordination without
challenging existing inequalities. Using these distinctions
of gender interests, the following section will describe and
critically analyze the laws that affected the family and

sexuality in Nicaragua under the Sandinistas.

£318 £9119“. 1222-123!
It was primarily the women's organization, "Luisa
Amanda Espinosa Nicaraguan Women's Association” (AMNLAE)
which drafted these laws, and presented them to the Council
of State. Formerly called Association of WOmen Confronting
the National Problem (AMPRONAC), the organization changed
its name in 1979 to honor the first woman in the FSLN to die
in combat (Chinchilla, 1990: 376). AMNLAE led the campaign
to reform the legal status of women. This organization
confronted the traditional status of men and women by
directly removing certain male privileges, and challenging
those that remained. It had a permanent representative in
the Council of State who was responsible for drafting,
circulating, and presenting new legislation to be ratified
(Molyneux, 1985b: 153). The first law proposed by AMNLAE
was the Lay_de_Adgpgign ("Adoption Law") in 1980, which gave
single women the right to adopt fully, and it prohibited the

export of Nicaraguan children for adoption abroad. That

32

same year, a law promoting breastfeeding was passed, and
powdered milk advertizing was banned (Collinson, 1990: 111).

There were two other laws passed by the Council of State
which specifically affected family relations. The first law
was called. WWW ("Law of
Relations between Mothers, Fathers, and Children"), and was
passed in 1981. The law replaced the practice of Earria
Potesrad (literally it means "father power") which gave men
the automatic status of being the head of the family with
complete property rights over women and children (Barricada,
March, 1985: 5). This new law sought to create equal rights
and responsibilities over children by both sets of parents,
and it recognized the legal rights of illegitimate children
(Molyneux, 1985b: 154). The second law called Lgy_dg
Alimenrgs ("Law of Nurturing" or "Provision Law") was
drafted in 1982. This law put into effect a previous law
which made it possible for women to receive support for
their children by fathers who claimed paternity, but also,
it charged children, parents, and grandparents with the
responsibility of taking care of each other and with shared
responsibility of domestic labour (Maier, 1985: 125-130).

Both of these laws were designed with the perspective

of the family unit as being the basic institution of
society. They sought to achieve several objectives. First,
there was the desire to promote greater family cohesion.

Strengthening the family structure was considered necessary

33
due to the historical erosion of family ties and prevalence
of male migration. The lack of public resources also
encouraged the idea of family unity in order to get basic
needs met. The second objective was to redress some of the
injustices suffered by women. It attempted to do this by
securing a financial base within the family by protecting
women against male desertion, migrancy and serial polygamy,
which left many women to be sole providers for the welfare
of their children (Molyneux, 1985b: 154).

The public debate regarding the social value of
housework, and the "lack of a biological mandate for women's
domestic labor and parenting" (Chinchilla, 1990: 380),
generated controversy in the Council of State in October
1982, and was heatedly discussed in the "100 Popular
Assemblies" which were attended by trade unionists,
entrepeneurial market women, Sandinista Defense Committees,
and public sector employees (Molyneux, 1985b: 154-155).
Here, a 27 year old peasant woman commented:

Women should no longer be just another tool of

men. It must be recognized that today we women

have demands and one of them is that we are no

longer seen as simple entertainment. This is a

problem because men go off womanizing whenever

they want to. It seems like they see us as a

sport, as one more leisure activity. We don't

think it is right that men see us like this

because we have seen that with the Revolution that

everything has changed and our lives have to
change as well (Meier, 1985: 104).

A taxi driver said:

34

This law has come to change everything. Before,

if a guy liked a girl, he could talk to her a

while and then go off to do with her what is

natural. He never worried about anything. Now

with this law of AMNLAE, first he has to ask the

girl what she is using so she doesn't end up with

a big belly and this takes the naturalness

completely out of the thing (Meier, 1985: 115).
Despite all the public discourse these laws aroused, the
"Provision Law" was passed by the Council of State, but not
by the Junta,1 and public discussion of the issues it

raised was greatly diminished by 1983 (Molyneux, 1985: 239).

W

In accordance with the socialist character of the FSLN,
policies were targeted for the poorest sectors of the
population, focusing on basic needs such as health, housing,
education, and food subsidies. Because the majority of the
women were poor, most women were positively affected by the
government's redistribution policies.

From 1979 to 1984, the Sandinistas drastically reduced
the illiteracy rate from 50.3 percent to 12.9 percent. They
also doubled the number of educational establishments and

 

‘ The five-member Governing Junta of National Reconstruction
(JGRN or Junta) exercised formal executive authority, and was one
of the three governing branches of the FSLN government. The other
two jbranches were: the Council of State, and the Courts of
Just ce.

35
increased school enrollment (Barricada, July 9, 1984: 9).
People were provided with basic health care, and fatal
diseases such as malaria, polio, measles, and dengue
(tropical fever) were largely eradicated due to the mass
scale vaccination campaigns (Barricada March 12, 1984: 9).
Compared to conditions under Somoza, housing programs
greatly improved by integrating urban reform, national
planning, rural housing, and marginal urban neighborhood
programs into the national development policies (Williams,
1985: 385). With regard to land reform, land was
distributed directly to thousands of rural workers or secure
jobs were given in the state farms and cooperatives
(Molyneux, 1985: 248).

These policies were particularly significant for women
who, by their position in the gender division of labor, were
disproportionately responsible for basic needs. Therefore,
many of these policies met women's practical gender
interests.

Prevailing interests however, were not challenged. The
FSLN policy towards the family did show some concern in
meeting women's strategic interests by attempting to end the
irresponsibility of men for the welfare of their families
and in making them "liable for a contribution paid in cash,
inkind, or in the form of services" (Molynuex, 1985: 249).
But, there seemed to be more focus on strengthening family

unity than on challenging traditional gender roles. Most

36
policies did not seem to question women's traditional roles.
While the "Nurturance Law" was an attempt to change the
traditional division of labor in the home, it was never
ratified. State policy towards the family did not
adequately focus on eradicating other laws and attitudes
that maintained male privilege, such as divorce, domestic

violence, and family planning.

ESIH E 1' . 1585-1555

A few years later, debate in the streets once again
flourished over the drafting of the new Nicaraguan
Constitution. From 1985, to 1986, open town meetings known
as saplings were held in each region of the country. These
were organized as separate forums for peasant farmers, for
soldiers, for youth, and for women. All of these groups
gave their opinions on the Constitution, thus transforming a
formal document into a nationwide debate. Many women
attended these meetings, enthusiastically voicing their
demands to the Constitutional Commission. For example, in
the words of a participant, Lucinda Broadbent, with regard
to the Managua meeting:

The hall was crammed with well over 1,000 women,

seated in rows and standing in all the aisles,

many with their children...Six members of the

Constitutional Commission arrived to listen to

them including town prominent government leaders,

Dora Maria Tellez and Carlos Nunez, who invited

anyone who had a point to make to step forward.

There was a sudden rush as 75 women stood at once

and poured to the front of the hall while the rest
of us burst into applause... The majority made

37

very specifically feminist demands--insisting

again and again that the Constitution must

enshrine a woman's right to control her own

fertility, including the right to abortion...Men

were attacked for rape and domestic violence, for

leaving housework to women, for abandoning women

with children, being responsible for prostitution

and failing to understand that the Nicaraguan

Revolution includes women (Collinson, 1990: 113).
The outcome of these meetings was the new Constitution
adopted in 1986 by the National Assembly (who replaced the
Council of State after the 1984 elections), and inaugurated
in January, 1987 (Zarate-Laun, 1987: 10). For the first
time in Nicaraguan history, the Constitution established
"the absolute equality of men and women." In addition,
Article 5 stated "Nicaragua opposes all forms of
discrimination..." Article 27 further stated, "All
individuals are equal before the law and have the right to
equal protection under the law. There shall be no
discrimination based on...gender" (Zarate-Laun, 1987: 19).

AMNLAE played an essential role in drafting these parts
of the Constitution. The Women’s Legal Office, which opened
in Managua in 1983, expanded its role to include education,
research, and work on proposals for the Constitution. For
example, by 1987, "2000 agreements."2 for couples were
drafted (Collinson, 1990: 112).

While AMNLAE received political and ideological

guidance from the FSLN, it remained independent and

 

’ These agreements were drafted for the purpose of laying
new ground rules for marital relationships.

38
autonomous (Harris and Vilas, 1985: 94). The relationship
between AMNLAE and the Sandinistas, however, was and
continued to be a close one. AMNLAE literally owed its
creation to the Sandinistas, and, like other mass
organizations, it consulted frequently with the FSLN on
various campaigns and priorities (Chinchilla, 1990: 383).

By 1983, however, the frequent expression of women's
discontent with their daily lives began to grow and be
heard. The shortages due to the U.S. imposed blockade and
the Contra War increased women's daily burdens without
promises or plans for the future. In response to this
discontent, AMNLAE began to integrate many more feminists'
demands into their political platform. In April of 1985,
AMNLAE organized an assembly to create new proposals. Over
40, 000 women in 600 base assemblies were in attendance to
discuss their ideas with the 1,000 delegates who were
elected to attend the Second National Assembly in September
of 1985 (Chinchilla, 1990: 385).

The FSLN also responded to women’s concerns by creating
the Prgglgna ("FSLN Proclamation”), a policy document on
women's oppression and participation in the revolutionary
process. The document was made public on March 8, 1987,
International Women's Day. First, the document acknowledged
women's participation by describing some of the achievements
of women. The following statistics are some examples:

31.4% of the leadership government positions are
held by women.

39
26.8% of FSLN regional members are women, and
24.3% of the FSLN membership are women.
34.3% of the volunteer literacy teachers who
participated in the 1980 literacy campaign were

women .

Between 55% to 80% of the volunteer health workers
are women.

5.40 % of unionized farm workers are women.

6.67% of Sandinista Defense Committee members are
women.

(Through Our Eyes, 1987: 3).

The 1987 Proclama dealt specifically with such issues as
irresponsible paternity, domestic violence, and the burden
of the division of labor in the home, and was the first
proclamation to define and condemn naghisng. It stated:
"Machismo exalts a supposed masculine superiority, excluding
women from activities and work that are considered to be for
men. Machismo provided men the right to mistreat women and
to establish prerogatives and rights unavailable to women"
(Through Our Eyes, 1987: 2).

As part of a strategy to end women's discriminatory
status, the document called for all Nicaraguans to promote
massive incorporation of women into the task of the
Revolution, and to struggle against all forms of oppression.
In this document, the FSLN rejected any separatist
tendencies, proposing that the emancipation of women be
carried out as a single struggle of women against men,

favoring instead both working together (Collinson, 1990:

40
137). Unlike the Constitution, the Proclama was not a law.
Therefore, to analyze FSLN policy towards the family and
sexuality, further attention needs to be paid to the
Constitution and the proposals that were and were not passed
concerning women's specific problems.

To begin with, the Constitution gave single people the
right to adopt children, and more importantly, a new
definition of the family was formulated. The nuclear family
was no longer the only legally sanctioned household unit
which could claim rights and benefits of a family (Matthews,
1987: 29). At first, the family was defined as a married or
unmarried couple and their children, but protests erupted by
those women who felt that their children or relatives were a
"nucleus of society" even though they did not live with a
man in a couple relationship. In the final version, the
family was defined as being the 'fundamental nucleus of
society,’ leaving the term "fundamental nucleus" open to
definition (Collinson, 1990: 8)

According to a pamphlet published by the Legal Office
of Women, before 1988, legislation controlling marriage and
divorce dated back to the 1904 Civil Code (Benjamin, 1989:
105). The law stated that a man could divorce his wife on
the grounds of "adultery" if she was ever caught being
unfaithful. Infidelity by the husband, however, was
considered 'concubinage." As long as he was not scandalous

with his mistress in public or brought her to live in the

41
household, the wife could not seek legal action for divorce
(Ramirez-Horton, 1982: 149). Also, if a husband died
without a will, a mistress could legally inherit more than a
wife (Nicaragua National Network, 1982: 3). Section 130 of
the Penal Code established that if one marriage partner
caught the other in the act of committing adultery and
murdered one or both participants, the penalty, if found
guilty, would be 2 to 5 years in prison. Since only women
are defined as "adulterers," this part of the law is only
applicable to men. In addition, the law prohibited anyone
divorced due to adultery from getting remarried. This, on
the other hand, only applied to women (Williams, 1988: 285).

Almost a decade after the revolution, these outdated
laws were replaced by the Hueya_Lgy_del_piygrgig ("New
Divorce Law") of 1988. This law gave either party the
unilateral right to divorce. A marriage could be dissolved
by either spouse or by mutual consent. Another important
provision of the divorce law states that work in the home
and wages should be recognized when dividing up goods
(Collinson, 1990: 15).

One of the major concerns that became public after
1985, was the issue of domestic violence. Fifty-one percent
of the cases brought in to the Women's Legal Office dealt
with some form of domestic violence (Benjamin, 1989: 99).
Due to the high numbers of battered women who visited their

offices, the Women's Legal Office and the Office on Family

42
Orientation and Protection conducted a study in 1985. The
results showed that violence against women was pervasive in
all social sectors, not just among the working class men.
The study found that in a random sample of women between the
ages of 25-34, 44% were victims of beatings (Collinson,
1990: 17). While the report challenged the "privateness" of
the issue by helping promote public debate, domestic
violence was not specifically outlawed (Benjamin, 1989: 99).
The Constitution however, laid the basis for laws to prevent
domestic violence because it guaranteed every citizen the
right to physical, psychological and moral integrity, and
any cruel, inhuman, or degrading behavior was deemed a crime
punishable by law. Also, since the 1987 Proclana officially
recognized male violence against women, the police could
arrest and hold a man in custody for one day, and then bring
him to a tribunal if the woman wished to take the matter
further. New demands were also established in the 1988
Women and Law Conference. A law was proposed that would
treat domestic violence as a crime comparable in punishment
to other violent crimes that are committed outside the
family structure (Collinson, 1990: 16-17).

Like domestic violence, the issue of rape and child
abuse had also been kept quiet from public discourse until
around 1988, when reports on rape and child abuse were more
frequently reported in the press. As of February 1989, the

penal codes concerning rape provided a sentence of 6 to 12

43
years: longer terms applied, especially if the rape was
considered to be extremely cruel (U.N. Document Report on
Women's Status, 1989: 41). However, an amendment was put
forth by AMNLAE and the National Conference of Professionals
(CONAPRO) to reform this law. In their proposal, the
definition of rape would have been extended, and the
sentences increased to 20 to 30 years (Collinson, 1990,
115).

The issue of reproductive rights was another "topic of
silence" in the 19805. This was primarily the result of two
social trends. First, the Contra War and the war with
Somoza had increased the public's general commitment to have
families. This attitude needs to be seen in the context of
Nicaragua as one of the major targets for U.S. birth control
programs. Many Nicaraguans have associated family planning
with imperialism because during the Somoza era, USAID
followed a blunt doctrine: "It's cheaper to prevent a
guerilla from being born than to get rid of him once he’s
grown" (Barricada, March 19, 1984: 9). USAID development
policy put a tremendous amount of money, directly and
indirectly into family planning programs. In the last years
of the regime, 50% of all the loans and grants to the
Nicaraguan government for health programs were targeted for
these programs (Williams, 1985: 284). According to the
United Nations projections, however, the population of

Nicaragua is predicted to exceed five million by the year

44

2000. This is an annual growth rate of 3% (United Nations
Population Fund, 1989: 4). Second, the Catholic church,
with its strong impact on social relations in Nicaragua, has
been adamantly opposed to any kind of birth control.

Recently, however, these traditional attitudes have
begun to be questioned. To illustrate, in a conference
organized by the Agricultural Worker's Union (ATC), and
AMNLAE, women farmworkers argued that low-cost contraception
should be made available nationwide. It should be "as
accessible as a quart of milk," said Lea Guido then the
National Secretary of AMNLAE, as she addressed the
conference (Collinson, 1990: 117).

While ostensibly contraceptives have been free since
the early 19808, in practice, the war with the Contras
restricted women's access to contraceptives. As with other
health supplies, the amount that could be imported was
limited by scarce foreign exchange reserves (Chinchilla,
1985-86: 23). In 1983, 22.1% of women between the ages of
15 and 49 were using contraception provided by government
health facilities: 75% of these women were using the pill,
15% were using the IUD, as well as other methods. These
figures however, are not very accurate since many women, for
fear of embarrassment, preferred to buy their contraceptives
from market stalls, rather than going to the state health
clinics. In 1988, sterilization became possible for women

without requiring permission from their husbands. Because

45

of government cutbacks in health spending, however, this
service was limited to women over 35 years old. In
addition, eligibility was granted only to women who already
had at least 6 children (Collinson, 1990: 117).

In the first years of the Revolution, the Sandinistas
did not view sex education as a priority. With the 1987
Constitution, however, sex education became an established
right. In 1985, AMNLAE, the Sandinista Youth, and some
trade unions organized a National Commission on Sex
Education funded by the United Nations. The committee has
promoted and co-ordinated teaching and communication
activities through newspapers, radio, and television. Due
to the cutbacks mentioned above, however, there were not
enough funds available to upkeep the video technology upon
which the committee had been largely dependent (U.N.
Population Fund, 1989: 7). Despite this, creative resources
were implemented. For example, in 1989, live theatre was
used as a medium to teach sex education. Puppets, music,
and class participation have also been used as teaching
techniques (Dinur, 1989: 12). In one class,a 40 year old
woman with 10 children and 18 grandchildren learned about
the female reproductive organs when the teacher used joggres
(a small oval-shaped fruit), string beans, and an avocado
half to represent the ovaries, fallopian tubes, and uterus.
Later, when she learned the fertilization process, she

exclaimed:

46

"The men plant the seed in the fields and they
grow. We women harvest the plants... I thought
it was the same with babies...the men plant the
seeds in us and the baby grows and we harvest it.
Now you're telling me I have eggs and they have
something to do with it? Then why have women been
putting up with so much crap from men for so
long?!" (Wessel, 1989: 6).

Another comment made about family planning and sex education
by Flor Ramirez who is one of the leaders of the tobacco
section of the Union of Agricultural Workers, was:

"In Nicaragua, we're beginning to tackle the need
for sex education. Just imagine, had I been
taking the pill I would never have had seven
children. Now I'm more in control of my life, but
that's me. Many others aren't, and abortion isn't
the answer. Both men and women tell you it's
God's will. Is God going to provide dinner for
all her children? I'm not criticizing anyone's
belief, let them believe in the devil, but we want
to have the choice whether to be pregnant or not.
I mean, if the conditions aren’t right because of
the war and economic blockade, why the hell burden
yourself with another mouth to feed? Now we women
are trying to get a law passed to make abortion
legal. We don't want anymore back-street
abortions..."(Angel & MacIntosh, 1987: 127-128).

Perhaps the biggest controversy regarding women's
reproductive rights has been the issue of abortion. In
Nicaragua, abortion is still illegal, punishable by up to
four years in prison. Nevertheless, it was FSLN policy not
to prosecute the women who have had illegal abortions or
those who perform them (Collinson, 1990: 118).

A study done by the staff at the state run Bertha
Calderon Women's Hospital titled "Illegally Induced
Abortion: Its Costs and Consequences“, made public for the
first time the shocking statistic that illegal abortion is

47
the single greatest cause of death for women who are of
childbearing age at the Hospital (Sangree & Hunter, 1986:
25). From 1983 to 1985, 45% of the admissions to the
Hospital were from women who had undergone an illegal
abortion. Of these, 26% were left sterile and 10% of the
women died (Ruchwarger, 1986: 196-197).

The main reason that the provisions for legal abortion
were left out of the Constitution was strong Church
opposition (Zarate-Laun, 1987: 19). With a country that is
80% Catholic, the FSLN leadership feared a clash with the
Church hierarchy and with the religious right, which was
also a strong opponent of legalizing abortion.

The dramatic increase of the labor shortage caused by
war casualties was another stated reason for not changing
the law. In a 1987 'Face the People' meeting to celebrate
the 10th anniversary of AMNLAE, President Daniel Ortega
argued that U.S. policy towards the population of Nicaragua
was to limit its growth, based on the logic that a
population increase could cause a revolutionary change.
This 'policy of genocide' was also evident in the U.S.
sponsored Contra war, which caused an estimated 40,000
deaths. These numbers are very high considering Nicaragua's
population is only about three million people (Molyneux,
1988). Making abortion legal was one way to collaborate
with this 'genocide.’ In response to audience comments on

legalizing abortion, he said:

48

The ones fighting in the front lines against this
aggression are young men. One way of depleting
our youth is to promote the sterilization of women
in Nicaragua--just imagine what would happen then-
- or to promote a policy of abortion. The problem
is that the woman is the one who reproduces. The
man can't play that role...some women, aspiring to
be liberated, decide not to bear children. A
woman who does so negates her own continuity, and
the continuity of the human species (Chinchilla,
1990: 386-387).

Responding to the argument that Nicaragua needs to increase
its population, Vilma Castillo, a clinical psychologist,
said:
People in our country have always used the
argument that we need to populate. What have the
results been? Unwanted children, abandoned
children, mistreated children. No population nor
political law can be defended which manipulates
the reproductive capacity of women. INSSBI (The
Ministry of Social Welfare) still doesn’t have the
capacity to care for these abandoned children.
This is the reality. In this country paternal
irresponsibility continues to exist. To have
children should be a conscious act (Ruchwarger,
1987: 196-197).
Thus, while the arguments given by the FSLN to keep abortion
illegal may have been valid to some degree, they were open

to interpretation and debate.

Winnings
In the second half of the Revolution, concern for
meeting women's strategic interests was increased by the
shift in policy-making towards the family and sexuality.
During the first five years, state policy seemed to accept
the division of labor and the subordinate status of women

within it, but in the latter half of the decade, policy was

49
aimed more towards challenging fundamental structures of
gender inequality. For example, the new definition of the
family and the new divorce laws challenged a rigid
definition of the nuclear family and the privilege of men
within the family structure. The increase in public
recognition of domestic violence and rape was also very
important in addressing women's strategic concerns: yet, the
proposals presented to the National Assembly to change the
definition and increase the prison sentencing of these
crimes remain to be ratified. Acknowledgement of women's
reproductive rights became more prevalent by the creation of
sex education programs and the increase in the availability
of contraception, yet abortion remained a closed issue.

Even though women's strategic needs were more seriously
addressed in the last five years of the Revolution, there
may have been other motives besides the more obvious one of
women's emancipation. The Sandinistas were aware that
conservative sections had coopted frustrated housewives into
reversing progressive change in other Latin American
countries. For example, in Chile during the political
economic crisis of the Unidnd_2opular_('Popular Unity")
socialist government of Salvador Allende in 1972, the
conservative opposition successfully manipulated upper- and
middle-class women to mobilize against the government by
organizing street demonstrations and provoking officers in

the armed forces to intervene and overthrow Allende

50
(Chavkin, 1989: 205-206). To avoid a similar situation in
their country, the Sandinistas were pressured to critically
evaluate and change their approach to women's subordinate
position. In the presence of growing discontent, keeping
women from being co-opted by the opposition may have been a

major reason for the policy changes of the last five years.

CONCLUSION

This study has tried to show that the existence of
gender inequality may have been reproduced by the
Sandinistas' state policy towards women through the use of
language in their early documents, and by largely meeting
women's specific not strategic gender needs. It may be
impossible to find another government in the world which was
more willing to listen to women's demands and more committed
to abolishing all forms of oppression, than the Sandinista
government. However, abstract proclamations of women's
rights were not always matched by concrete implementations
of those rights. That is, the findings of this study show
that the gender-state relationship in Nicaragua was a
dialectical one.

While the Sandinista government policies made the
greatest gains in the history of Nicaragua towards
eradicating gender inequality, women's traditional roles
were not changed: instead they were politicized, taking on a

new meaning (Molyneux, 1985: 228). In fact, most of the

51
women who became members of AMPRONAC, did so out of their
traditional roles as mothers, grandmothers, and spouses,
rather than out of any desire to change their specific
gender roles. For example, in 1978, AMPRONAC politicized
Mother's Day by saying that this day is used for commercial
purposes, as a day in which women are commercialized and
objectified. Working class women used street theatre to
portray their situation with the slogan: "Instead of gifts,
we want a free country" (Barricada Oct. 11, 1984: 7). Thus,
the concept of "combative motherhood" was born.

Another example of the exaltation of the traditional
role of motherhood was President Ortega's acknowledgement of
the heroic role women played in the struggle to overthrow
Somoza and in the Contra war. He placed particular emphasis
on the "conscious and steadfast strength" of the women who
had lost their sons in the wars, claiming they were a great
example of revolutionary tenacity and heroism (Barricada,
Oct. 11, 1984: 6).

Traditional gender roles may have been blurred by some
women who took leadership roles in the militia to overthrow
Somoza and fought alongside the male combatants. However,
participation in front line fighting by women in the Contra
war became minimal after "the Triumph." As early as 1979,
the uneasiness of the Sandinistas in maintaining women as
fighters became more apparent during the process of forming

a new professional army. Comandante Luis Carrion, a member

52
of the general command, proposed that there should be
separate training for men and women and that special units
should be created for women soldiers (Collinson, 1990: 155).
In addition, regarding the new Ley_de_§gnsgripgign
("Conscription Law") of August 1983, which called for two
years of compulsory military service for young men between
the ages of 18 and 25, women could register as volunteers
but they were not to be called for military service
(Collinson, 1990: 157-158). These state policies encouraged
and "honored" women's traditional role as mothers of
combatants, instead of being soldiers themselves.

While the emphasis on ”combative motherhood" is an
example of reproducing traditional gender roles, it is
important to remember that a mother's role in Nicaragua was
not a passive one of taking care of the family and being
subordinate to her husband. Instead, women’s roles as
mothers most often entailed full economic and emotional
responsibility for their families (Ruchwarger, 1989: 75).

It appears that women's traditional subordinate roles
were challenged on the condition that they coincided with
national development policies. This may explain the
contradictions in the state's action towards women's roles
which has been shown to exist in both the language of the
early FSLN documents, and in their policies towards women.
For example, as already mentioned, one of the first laws

that the Sandinistas passed specifically to challenge

53
women's traditional role as sex objects was the "Provisional
Media Law." This new legislation prohibited the use of
women's bodies for commercial purposes such as advertising
and for public display of women as sex objects (Collinson,
1990: 111). In 1988, however, on the grounds that a "morale
boost" was needed for the troops, the Sandinista Youth, the
army, and the Sandinista TV system sponsored a series of
beauty contests. During the event, young army men escorted
young women in bathing suits and high heels before the
judges. Tomas Borge, Interior Minister, implicitly endorsed
the beauty pageants by his sometime attendance (Benjamin,
1989: 103).

This evidence suggests that women's traditional roles
may have been reproduced for the purpose of meeting the
wider development goals of the state, thus illustrating the
dialectical relationship of gender-state relations in
Nicaragua. In this example, internal security, not gender

equality was the overriding concern of state policy-making.

W
While this study has attempted to enrich the link

between the research on gender and the state, its
limitations should be noted. First, an analysis of state
policy towards the family and sexuality was limited to
studying legislation primarily through the use of documents
and newspaper articles. While this has its obvious

54
advantages such as providing a clear focus for the study,
the main disadvantage is that it is difficult to grasp the
particular flavor of Nicaraguan society by just studying
documents. Questionnaires and interviews with state elites
and Nicaraguan women and men would provide a more thorough
understanding of the prevailing attitudes and the
implementation of state policies towards sexuality and its
control. Second, this study has focused on only one out of
four dimensions of Bourque’s gender-state analytical
framework. Studying how the other three areas of analysis
are interrelated and how they affect each other may further
illuminate the ways in which the Sandinista government has

defined and reproduced gender roles.

Postscript
The Second General Election since the 1979 Triumph,

occurred on February 25, 1990. To the surprise of many
international spectators who sympathized with the Nicaraguan
Revolution, Sandinista President Daniel Ortega was not re-
elected. Instead, the presidency went to the U.S. backed
National Opposition Union (UNO) candidate, Violeta Chamorro
(Chinchilla, 1990: 390). Because her husband, a famous
newspaper editor, Pedro Joaquin Chamorro was killed by
Somoza's National Guard, President Chamorro identifies with
thousands of women who lost their loved ones in the

overthrow of the dictatorship (Collinson, 1990: 188). This

55

solidarity however, does not mean that the policies of her
administration will benefit women's strategic gender needs
or create more egalitarian gender roles. In fact, it could
be that her image of a traditional Nicaraguan mother and her
emphasis on the traditional family will engender the
opposite. Future areas of study could entail a comparative
analysis of UNO’s state policies with the Sandinistas’
policies towards women. While UNO's political platform is
silent about women's liberation, its "social program"
strongly implies a conservative ideology of the family and
women's roles.

In fact, according to some feminists in Nicaragua, the
new economic adjustment plan announced by UNO in March 3,
1991 is greatly contributing to the feminization of poverty.
Aimed at reducing hyper-inflation, the "stabilization plan"
is cutting back on social gains such as health care,
education, and social security which were created during the
ten years of the Sandinista government. Since the UNO
government took power a little less than a year ago, 460,000
people have lost their jobs, with women often being the
first to be laid off (Barricada, April, 1991: 19). In
addition, there is a strong wave of religious influence from
the new government which, in its fundamentalism, advocates
that women return to their traditional role of housewife
(Barricada, April, 1991: 18).

Other interesting areas for future research are women's

56
responses to the changing policies of the new state and the
effect of women's organizations on state autonomy. These
are especially important considering the conservative
ideology of the UNO coalition and the fact that many
Nicaraguan women have acquired much independence and self-

confidence in the past decade.

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