500% S’N IVESIR SITYl ILIBRAR RIES Illallll lllll llllllllllllllllllllllllIllll ll 3 129300 This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Spirit of Japanese Capitalism: The Relationship Between Japanese Religions, Values, and Ideology and Economic Development in Japan presented by Fumiko Fukase has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Master' 3 degree in Sociology gm / Major professor Date é /Z//l/7 /4€3 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution ._ “*J—- * _¥_ _ -4 LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE _., ‘1 ”at/J h"‘ I h ‘57.) MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution cztcirchma-gt THE SPIRIT OF JAPANESE CAPITALISM: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JAPANESE RELIGIONS, VALUES, AND IDEOLOGY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN BY Fumiko Fukase A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of MASTER OF ART Department of Sociology 1993 ABSTRACT THE SPIRIT OF JAPANESE CAPITALISM: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JAPANESE RELIGIONS, VALUES, AND IDEOLOGY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN BY Fumiko Fukase This thesis examines how religion influenced economic development in Japan, a relationship Max Weber explored for the West in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Robert N. Bellah's classic study of the same question, Tokugawa Religion, is thoroughly analyzed examining its historical contexts in the late 1950s: modernization theory, Talcott Parsons, and Japanese Studies in the U. S. The thesis establishes a major limitation of Bellah's study, his "functions" of Confucianism, Shinto, and narrow focus on Buddhism, but also appreciates the continuing significance of his work today. Going beyond functionalist analysis, Michio Morishima's Why Has Japan Succeeded? is used to explain how religions and values were created and used by Japanese rulers economic development actually involved and elites . Thus , state manipulation of religion. The dark side of Japanese capitalism is revealed by demonstrating that ideals of harmonious society and corrective power were deeply related to elite ideology. Capyright by FUMIKO FUKAS E 1993 To My Parents Tadakazu and Ayako Fukase who raised their daughter with intellectual and spiritual inspiration and love iv ACKNOILEDGMENTB I would like to thank the many people who»supported.me in completing this thesis. First of all, I would like to»express my special thanks to Dr. Richard Child Hill, the chairperson of my committee, who guided, supported, and encouraged me with his extensive knowledge of political economy and deep understanding of Japanese culture. I am also grateful for his patient editing of my English in the first draft. I would like to thank to the rest of my committee, Dr. David S. Wiley and Dr. Kevin D. Kelly for their time, effort, and valuable suggestions. Dr. Wiley was particularly helpful regarding the sociology of religion. His suggestions were especially important when I organized the general framework of this thesis. Dr. Kelly's lectures contributed greatly to my theoretical understanding. In addition, I would like to thank Michael L. Indergaard for assistance in editing my English in the final draft. I also want to thank Mr. Junichi Rondo, director of Hokkaido University Library, Sapporo, and Mr. Shinichi Tamura, director of Hokusei Gakuen University Library, Sapporo, for letting me do research in their libraries. Finally, I would like to thank my parents for their great vi support. Thanks to my father, Tadakazu Fukase, a professor emeritus at Hokkaido University, and.my mother, Ayako Fukase, a professor at Hokusei Gakuen University, for recommending me to the university libraries. This made it possible for me to use these facilities. They were at all times the source of not only direct support but also intellectual inspiration, spiritual comfort, and continuous and powerful encouragement. TABLE OF CONTENTS . . Page List of Figures ix Chapter :I.INTRODUCTION......... ...... .........................1 Research Objectives Methodology II. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF BELLAH'S ”MGMAMIGIONOOOO0.0.0.000...00....0.0.0.0000... 7 Modernization Theory Talcott Parsons Japanese Studies in the 0.8. III. FRAMEWORK or mmGMARELIGIONOOOOOOOO0.00.0.0.0... 16 Weberian Approach: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of capitalism . . . Parsonian Analytical Framework and Definition of Modern Industrial Society . Definition of Religion by Paul Tillich and Max Weber IV. BELLAH’S ANALYSIS IN TOKUGAWA RELIGION. . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 The Japanese Value System and "Japanese Religion" The Relationship between Religion and the Political System . . The Relationship between Religion and the Economic System Conclusion of Bellah vii viii V. APPRECIATIONS AND CRITICISMS OE TOKUGHVA MCI-ON...O.DOC...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCIOOOO0.0.0.0048 Within the Historical Context: Modernization Theory Within the Historical Context: Talcott Parsons Within the Historical Context: Japanese Studies in the 0.3. and Japanese Academics in Japan Criticisms by Masao Maruyama Reexamination of Bellah's ”Rationalization of Religion" in Japan: Bellah's Later Work of Evolutionary Theory VI. ALTERNATIVE APPROACH: MORISHIMA'B WBY'RAS’JAPAN 'SUCCEEDED'?: WESTERN TECHNOLOGY.AND THB'JAPANESE WHOSOOOOOOOOOCOIO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOC00.0.0081 The Backgrounds and Framework of the book Morishima’s Analysis State Manipulation of Religion VII. COMPARISON BETWEEN BELLAE AND MORISNIMA: EUNCTIONALIST mCRITICAL”PROACBBBOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO000...... 109 The Same Foundation for Analysis Discussion VIIICcONCLUBIONOOOOOOO ..... .OOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOO0..116 ”MBSOOOOOOOOO0.0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.0126 ”PmeCOOOOOO00.00.000.000....0.0....00.0.0000000000000131 BIBLIOGRAPHY.... ooooooo eeeooeeoeeoeeeeeeeoooee00000-00000133 LIST OF EIGURES page 1. Functional Sub-Systems of the Social System. . . . . . . . . . . . 131 2. Summary of Comparison between Bellah and Morishima. . . . . 132 ix INTRODUCTION Research Objectives Max Weber published The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism in 1904 to explain how the Protestant ethic influenced economic development in the modern West.‘ Given the rapid success of industrialization in.modern Japan, it is interesting to ask whether religion influenced economic development. in. Japan. also. .Actually, Robert N. Bellah published Tokugawa Religion: The Values of Preindustrial Japan in 1957 to show that there was a functional analogue to Weber's Protestant ethic in Japanese religion.2 The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between Japanese traditional culture especially focusing on religions, values, and ideology and economic development in Japan, setting Bellah's Tokugawa Religion at the center of our arguments. Since Bellah's Tbkugawa Religion focuses on only functions of religions and values, another important aspect, manipulation of religions and values, will be pointed out through criticisms of Bellah’s Tokugawa Religion. The aspect of manipulation of religions and values will be thoroughly examined drawing upon significant ideas from Bellah's later 2 work, criticisms of Tokugawa Religion, and another study which also analyzes relationship between religion and economic development in Japan based on Weber’s Protestant Ethic, Why Has Japan ’Succeeded’?: western Technology and the Japanese Ethos by Michio Morishima.3 It is necessary to make clear here that religion is focused upon insofar as it is close to the core of the social value system. Religion is important in relation to society when it influences the social value system. In other words, religion, philosophy or theology for its own sake are not the problems in this thesis. It is also important to make clear that this thesis focuses on the idea that culture, including religions, values, and ideologies, influences the economic conditions and systems of a society, and therefore, its economic development as well. It does not necessarily mean that the opposite directional influence, the influence of the economic sphere over the cultural sphere, is denieda Intother words, this thesis fully supports two-way influences between the former and the latter. However, the central problem of this thesis limits its scope to the influence of the cultural upon the economic. This thesis is intended to promote mutual understanding between Japan and the U. 8. Thus, the second objective is to evaluate Bellah's Tbkugawa Religion from the perspective of how this work contributed to better understanding between the two countries, and to demonstrate its current significance. To this end, the different academic contexts for Bellah's book 3 in Japan and the U. S. will be carefully explained in chapter 5. That chapter shall be meaningful for people who are interested in a comparative study of academic situations between two countries. lethodology The research problem of examining the relationship between Japanese religions and values, and economic development will be discussed through locating, analyzing, and criticizing Bellah’s Tokugawa Religion. Chapter 2 discusses the historical contexts of the book: first, modernization theory; second, Talcott Parsons; and third, Japanese studies in the U.s.. Chapter 3 examines the basic foundation of the book: first, Bellah's research topic drawn from Weber's Protestant Ethic; second, his use of Parsons' theoretical scheme; and third, definitions of key concepts. Chapter 4 explains Bellah's core analyses in Tbkugawa Religion: first, the Japanese value system and Japanese religion; second, the relationship between religion and the political system; and third, the relationship between religion and the economic system. The first part of chapter 5 demonstrates how Bellah's Tokugawa Religion reflects American social science at the late 1950s, particularly, modernization theory and Parsonian sociology. Then, the thesis examines the different academic contexts of the U. S. and Japan, and shows how Bellah's book reflects the tenor of Japanese studies in the U. S. at that time. 4 The next part of the chapter 5 probably represents the special contribution of this thesis since the data analyzed was drawn from written work in the Japanese language and was collected through documentary research in Japan. The research was conducted in June and July in 1992 at the libraries of Hokkaido University and Hokusei Gakuen University in Sapporo, Japan. The purpose of the research was to study impact and influence of Bellah's Tokugawa Religion upon Japanese academics and locate evaluations of the book by Japanese scholars. The literature survey included volumes of Shakaigaku Hyoron (Japanese Sociological Review), an official journal of the Japan Sociological Society, between 1955 and 1990, and volumes of Soshioroji (Sociology) between 1983 and 1989. In order to understand how Morishima, who is the Sir John Hicks professor at the London School of Economics, is viewed in the field of Economics in Japan, volumes of Keizai Hyoron (Economic Review) between 1980 and 1991 were reviewed.‘ Related books and articles were identified through library searches at Hokkaido University and Hokusei Gakuen University. Because of limited time and resources, the research was not exhaustive. However, I believe that the most representative, relevant works were covered by this research. For example, the searches located a book review, "Bellah’s Tokugawa Religion” by Masao Maruyama, which Bellah himself identified as "the longest and most serious book review I (Bellah) have ever received" (Bellah 1985: xiii), and two books by the translators of Bellah's Tokugawa Religion from English into 5 Japanese, who, therefore, were probably at the center of Japanese scholars who were especially interested in Bellah's book: Nihon no Shukyo no Shakaiteki Yakuwari (Social Roles of Japanese Religion) by Ichiro Hori and Nihon no Seishinkozo Jyosetsu: Shukyo to Seiji ni okeru Kodo to .Kachi (An Introduction to Japanese Spiritual Structure: Actions and Values in Religion and Politics) by Akira Ikeda. Based on the data drawn through the research above, Bellah's impact and influence upon Japanese scholars, and their evaluations of him will be discussed in the next part of chapter 5. At the end of chapter 5, questionable points in Bellah's work identified in criticisms by Maruyama will be examined from the perspective of Bellah’s latter work of evolutionary theory. Here, the issue of manipulation of religion will be raised. Chapter 6 examines Why has Japan Succeeded? by Morishima, a work which considers not only the functions of religion but also the manipulation of religion, will be analyzed. Chapter 7 will identify assumptions or ideas shared by Bellah and Morishima, and determine in what sense Morishima's work can be considered as an alternative to Bellah’s. Then, a final analysis of the relationship between Japanese culture and economic development will performed through comparing and combining the ideas of both Bellah and Morishima. As a text, the first paperback edition in 1985, Tokugawa Religion: The Cultural Roots of Modern Japan, is used. In this text, the subtitle was changed from "The Values of Pre- 6 Industrial Japan" to ”The cultural roots of Modern Japan."’ Since an "Introduction to the Paperback Edition" is added, the text provides Bellah's reflection in 1985 on his original edition of Tokugawa Religion published in 1957. Chapter II THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF BELLAH’ S TOKUGAWA RELIGION Modernization Theory It is a significant task to locate the historical context in which a book is written. Tokugawa Religion clearly reflects some characteristics of American Social Science in the 1950s. The historical context will be established by examining three distinctive perspectives: first, modernization theory, second, Talcott Parsons, a leading figure in both modernization theory and the functionalist school which dominated American sociology from the 1940s until the 19603, and third, Japanese studies in the United States. Modernization theory is definitely a critical part of the context for Tokugawa Religion. However, a comprehensive study of modernization theory obviously lies outside the scope of this thesis. Only characteristics of modernization theory which are necessary and significant for examining the book will be discussed here. In order to identify significant implications of modernization theory, a good place to start is Wilbert E. Moore, a leading modernization theorist: What is involved in modernization is a ”total" transformation of traditional.or pre-modern society into the types of technology and associated social organization that characterize the "advanced," economical prosperous, and relatively politically stable nations of the Western World (Moore 1963: 89). 8 Bellah himself recalls the atmosphere in American social science at that time when the book was originally written: It was the heyday of modernization theory. Modernization theory, especially in the United States, was a kind of late child of the enlightenment faith in progress. Modernization was the process that produces all the good things: democracy, abundance-min short, a good society. Like ours. I’m afraid that was a major implication of the whole idea. America and a handful of other "advanced industrial societies” were, if not already good societies, so clearly headed in that direction that they made clear the end to which all the other societies, as they’ modernized, were tending (Bellah 1985: xii). The above quotations from Moore and Bellah reveal two important implications of modernization theory: first, an optimistic belief in progress; and second, Euro-American centric bias implicitly or explicitly implying Westernization of the world. We will return to these two tendencies when we assess the impact of modernization theory on Tokugawa Religion. Talcott Persons Bellah's Tokugawa Religion grew out of the doctoral dissertation which he presented to the Department of Far Eastern Languages and sociology at Harvard University in 1955. The following quotation captures the influence of Talcott Parsons on American sociology at that time: Within the general context of sociological orthodoxy at the time, normally referred to as structural-functionalism, Parsons reigned supreme (Hamilton 1983: 28). Describing the position of Talcott Parsons and Harvard 9 University in American sociology more specifically, "Harvard University was the center of American sociology until the mid 19608, largely because of Parsons" (ibid.:28). As was previously discussed, TOkugawa Religion is based on Weber's Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of the Capitalism. However, at the same time, we should note that.Talcott.Parsons was one of Bellah's thesis advisors and provided ”the theoretical framework within which the thesis was largely carried out" (Bellah 1985: ix). Bellah was greatly influenced by Parsons, who had his own interpretation of Weber. Therefore, it is crucial to understand some important ideas and tendencies of Parsons so that we can evaluate related aspects of Tokugawa Religion. First, some characteristics of ZParsons’ thought. and methodology will be discussed especially focusing on distinct differences between Weber and Parsons. Then, Parsons' general theory will be explained briefly. Parsons' view of modern society was quite different from Weberz'Weber was pessimistic whereas Parsons "was essentially optimistic about the nature of modernity" (Holton & Bryson 1986: 21). For ‘Weber, modern "capitalism, through its bureaucratic mechanisms, opposes 'spiritual freedom'" (Wearne 1989: 55). On the other hand, Parsons.questions whether it is possible that capitalism might again be made to serve 'spiritual' aims. Here, it is clear that modern capitalism for Persons does not necessarily oppose ’spiritual freedom.’ Upon reflection in 1985, Bellah wrote: 10 . . .Parsons had created an optimistic Weber. For Parsons the process of modernization, understood as Weber understood it as a process of rationalization, did not, as Weber believed, lead relentlessly to an iron cage. For Parsons the normal course of rationalization leads to a good society (Bellah 1985: xii). In this way, the optimistic tendency of Parsons, a leading modernization theorist, should be recognized here as the first distinct characteristic of Parsons being obviously different from Weber's pessimism. Methodology is another area in which Parsons departed from Weber. Weber analyzed religions comparatively in the global scale, and investigated the historical conditions for the development and change of economic institutions in modern society. Parsons, on the other hand, "consistently declared himself to be devoted to the creation of general analytic theory.” Therefore, he devoted himself to elaborate "a wide range of conceptual schemes designed to conform to his analytical realist strategy of theory construction" (Hamilton 1983: 130). His theory was obviously intended to be as universally applicable. Parsons interpreted Weber as also having attempted to construct a consistent and unified system of concepts to analyze social phenomena as he himself tried to achieve. However, it is important to stress that this interpretation of Weber is problematic. Let us consider how their approaches actually differ on this point. Weber’ 3 ”rational approach was a scientific concern for the problems of modern society" (Wearne 1989: 53). According to Wearne, Weber extended his research over the 11 whole of human history; however, his analytical concentration was fixed up on neither a single line of development nor a single analytical theory implying that the world would be lead on that single line of development. Instead, Weber's approach was global-historical, locating capitalism as a primary characteristic of Western society comparable to the leading aspects of other cultures at other times, in other places (ibid.: 54) . Indeed, unlike Parsons', his methodological approach was different from the one which aimed to construct a general universal theory. Examining Weber's ideal-type concept specifically, it was true that it "was an instrument of analysis,” but, "it also had historical connotations" (ibid: 55). As was described before, Parsons attempted to construct a general theory. Then, for Parsons, theory should be a tool to interpret societies. Actually, his general theory was not built on empirical evidences but based on a generous use of analogies, mostly those from biology and economics. The crucial question of whether the analogies are appropriate or not was paid little attention: Parsons had far too much confidence that his analogies were appropriate. He used them as though they provided evidence of the abstractions he wanted to explain and thereby seemed to avoid explaining the empirical phenomena to which his theory was addressed (Lackey 1987: 162). Therefore, Parsons' theory was not based on the empirical approach of creating a theory: "collecting observations and then arriving at a theory as a result of the observations" 12 (ibid.: 12). Instead, Parsons' approach was an abstract one: for study in accordance with a theory's concepts (ibid.: 12). In this way, the approaches of Weber and Parsons were distinctly different. In short, Weber would be identified as a economic historian (Nelson 1974), and.Parsons as an abstract theorist. Bellah’s Tokugawa Religion will be compared to these characteristics of Parsons in the chapter 5 when we evaluate the book. social action and developed a voluntaristic theory of social action opposed to positivism, utilitarianism, and reductionism in The Structure of Social Action in 1937. He then entered upon a new phase: It contains Parsons's movement away from the confines of social action theory in the direction of structural-functionalism, towards the elaboration of a more general ’theory of action' containing the crucial concepts. of 'system' and 'system needs.’ The books comprise the key works of this phase: The social system, 1951, and Toward a General Theory of Action, also 1951, and a book written collaboratively with Neil Smelser, Ebonomy and Society (1956) (Hamilton 1983: 19). During this phase, the AGIL scheme made its first appearance in WOrking Papers in the Theory of.Action in 1953, which was in collaboration with Robert Bales and Edward Shils. AGIL Stands for Adaption, Goal-Attainment, Integration, and 13 Latency. The scheme was fully developed in Economy and Society. It is the AGIL scheme as developed in these two books that Bel lah worked into the framework of Tokugawa Religion. A fuller explanation of this scheme will be presented during our examination of Tokugawa Religion in the next chapter. Japanese Studies in the U. 8. The circumstance and trend of Japanese studies in the United States is a basic context of Bellah's Tokugawa Religion. According to Japanese History: New Dimensions of Approach and Understanding by John Whitney Hall, the availability of academic studies of Japan in English was limited prior to World War II.l IHowever, during "the 1940's and 1950's a great deal happened to alter this picture: Starting in the 1920's the beginning of professional academic interest in Japanese studies were observable in the courses in Japanese language offered at Harvard, Columbia, and California universities, in the growing library collections of Japanese materials at these institutions and at the Library of Congress, and in the policy of support for training and research given by some of the major foundations. By 1940, a number of professionally trained American historians of Japan such as R. K. and E. 0. Reischauer, and Hung Borton, had begun to publish. The Pacific war provided a sudden stimulus to the study of Japanese language and things Japanese, so that by 1945 a large reservoir of Americans with language competence had been created (Hall 1961: 7). Interest in Japanese studies also grew after World War II: New centers for training in Japanese language and related subjects were developed at Yale, Columbia, 14 Michigan, Washington, California, Stanford, and a number of other universities. Japanese books in American libraries jumped in numbers from about 90,000 volumes in 1940 to 586,000 volumes in 1950 and 840,000 volumes in 1958 (ibid: 7). This postwar trend toward Japanese studies was strongly related with U. S. policy of helping less developed countries "rightly” modernize in order to prevent the spread of communism. Since Japan was the only non-Western country that had achieved industrialization by herself in the later part of the nineteenth century, Japan became an ideal subject for the West to study for constructing a general development scheme for underdeveloped countries. Consequently, American scholars in general tended to identify Japan as a nation in the broader context of East Asia, and be interested in making comparisons to other East Asian countries. There were two different perspectives on the sources of development of Japan according to Shoda.‘z One approach is to emphasize unique and traditional characteristics of Japan which are different from the West, and to recognize them as driving forces behind Japan’s development. An alternative approach shaped by Marx's dialectical scheme of world history focuses on common characteristics between Japan and the West, and identifies them as the driving forces for development. Following this approach, therefore, unique characteristics of Japan are identified as rather distorted parts different from the Western model of normal development. Concerning interpretation of the Restoration of 1868 and the Meiji Period particularly, the former perspective recognizes the nature of 15 this historical change as a reform within the samurai class still maintaining traditional values. On the contrary, the later perspective mainly emphasizes anti-governmental spirit or activities like peasant uprisings as the main force for change. In the post war era, the focus on I'unique and traditional characteristics" was obviously the trend of Japanese studies in the U. 8.. Since the aim of studying Japan was oriented to finding some characteristics in Japan which worked positively for her development, not surprisingly, an approach focusing on the success of Japanese development rather than its "distorted characters" became the trend of Japanese studies. The trend of Japanese studies in the U.S. is clearly a basic context of Bellah's Tokugawa Religion. Actually, the Harvard Yenching Institute, from which Bellah collected data and received some financial supports, was and still is one of the central institutions for East Asian and Japanese Studies in the United States.3 In sum, Tokugawa Religion should be identified as one of the most representative Japanese studies in the U. S. at that time: Bellah worked at Harvard with a mainstream framework, which focused on and appreciated.unique and traditional characteristics of Japan. Chapter III ERAMEIORR OE NKUGAWA RELIGION Weberian Approach: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of capitalism In this chapter the framework, core concepts, and definitions of keyword of Tokugawa Religion will be discussed. First, let us make Bellah's research topic in the book clear. Influenced by Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, in which Weber analyzes ”the relation of religion to the development of modern society, especially the modern economy," Bellah's investigation is focused on whether there was "a functional analogue to the Protestant ethic in Japanese religion” (Bellah 1985: 2-3). What he means by a functional analogue is: (we) shall attempt to understand as clearly as possible what Japanese religion actually meant to ordinary people, and we shall pay particular attention to any elements which might be connected with the rise of a modern industrial society (ibid.: 3). Having identified his topic, it is important to explain the methodological framework that he used in the book next. Parsonian Analytical Framework and Definition. of Modern Industrial Society Though it was explained that Bellah started by' raising questions based.on Weber's.Protestant.Ethic, the book was also 16 17 directly influenced by Talcott Parsons. First of all, Bellah uses Parsons' AGIL theory to analyze the Japanese value system.‘ Explaining this scheme, there are four main functional sub-systems of the social system: 1) economy, 2) polity, 3) motivational or cultural system, and 4) integrative or institutional system. Each of the four sub-systems has its own values: economic values, political values, cultural values, and integrative values. Each of the values are characterized by two pattern variables, one variable of universalism or particularism, and another variable of performance (achievement) or quality(ascription): it means that economic values are characterized by universalism and performance, political values by particularism and performance, cultural values by universalism and quality, and integrative values by particularism and quality. Also, following Parsons' scheme, Bellah categorizes the four major subsystems of social system in terms of the four dimensions of action: 1) adaptive dimension, 2) goal-attainment dimension, 3) latency dimension, and 4) integrative dimension. Therefore, the central concern of economy is adaptation, that of polity is goal attainment, that of motivational or cultural system is latency, and that of integrative or institutional system is integration. Based on this framework, Bellah develops his argument. Next, it is important to pay attention to how Bellah defines two key-words, "a modern industrial society" and "religion". Examining ”a modern industrial society” first, it 18 would be fair to judge that he directly uses Parsons' notions. Although many of Bellah’s concepts begin as derivatives of Weber, for example, rationalization of means, Bellah's own elaborations tend to follow Parsons. By "a modern industrial society," Bellah means "a society Referring to ”economic values" specifically, he argues those values "above all characterized the process of the rationalization of means" (Bellah 1985: 3). He explains the word, "the rationalization of means," as below: In the process of rationalizing means, or what may equally well be called instrumental action, the ends of action are for the moment taken for granted. The only problem is how to achieve a and the least expenditure of energy. Thisoinvolves above all adapting to the situational eXigencies, for if there were no obstacles in the way of attaining a goal there would be no problem of means Here, Bellah's notion of the rationalization of means is drawn from Weber. Then, according to the AGIL scheme, he also argues that "economic values" are characterized by "universalism" and "performance," two of the "pattern variables" and that they define the adaptive process or dimension. In this way, his definition of "a modern industrial society" is based on Parsons' framework of the AGIL scheme. It is important to understand how Bellah contrasts Japanese society and American society following the AGIL 19 scheme. He analyzes that the U.S. is characterized by a primacy of economic values: the U.S. is, therefore, a typical case of a modern industrial society. 0n the other hand, he states that "Japan is characterized by a primacy of political values, the polity takes precedence over the economy” (ibid.: According to Parsons’ scheme, formally, ...political values are characterized by the pattern variables of performance and particularism. The central concern is with collective goals (rather than with productivity) and loyalty is a primary virtue. Controlling and being controlled are more important than "doing" and power is more important than wealth (ibid.: 5). Although Bellah asserts that political values are primary 5). in Japan, he recognizes Japan as a modern industrial society, also. He argues that a society could be a modern industrial society even if the society is characterized by the primacy of some other value complex insofar as "economic values have a very high secondary importance". He states that though "the type case of a modern industrial society. . .is characterized by a primacy of economic values..., this is not a necessity" (Bellah 1985: 4). Indeed, he believes that Japan developed from a non-industrial to an industrial society as one of the following cases: It is possible...that an industrial society may develop without a shift in basic values, but rather through a process in which economic values become very important in certain spheres and the economy as a whole reaches a certain level of differentiation where it can develop freely and rationally with only minimal restrictions (ibid.:S). 20 Definition of Religion by Paul Tillich and Max Weber We will turn next to examine Bellah’s definition of "religion." He defines religion as man's attitudes and actions with respect to his ultimate concern following Paul Tillich.2 This ultimate concern has to do with two kinds of ultimate things, namely, ultimate values and ultimate frustration. Ultimate values are what are ultimately valuable and meaningful. On the other hand, ultimate frustrations are the ultimate threats to value and meaning. Ultimate frustrations are inherent in the human situation, but which are not manageable or morally meaningful. For example, death is the type case. Identifying functions of religion, Bellah asserts that: (the first major function is) to provide a meaningful set of ultimate values on which the morality of a society can be based. Such values when institutionalized can be spoken as the central values of a society (Bellah 1985: 6). On the other hand, (the second major function is) to provide an adequate explanation for these ultimate frustrations so that the individual or group which has undergone them can accept them without having core values render meaningless, and can carry on life in society in the face of these frustrations. This is done through some form of assertion that can overcome the ultimate frustrations (ibid.: 6- 7’ I The idea of religious symbols could be explained well using the idea of ultimate concern. Religious symbols are the ”objects" of ultimate concern, namely, sources of ultimate values and ultimate frustrations: they are denoted as the 21 "sacred" or "divine.” Considering religious action, it could be summarized that "religious action is any action directed toward the sacred and divine" (ibid.: 7). It is also necessary to clarify one more key notion, the idea of rationalization of religion, which is originally drawn from Weber, before moving on to discuss how he conceptualizes the relationship between an industrial society and religion.3 Rationalization of religion refers to the development of the religion from primitive to historic types: In primitive or "magical" religions the conception of the divine tends to be extremely diffuse. It is symbolized in terms of a pervasive force or power which inheres in many objects or in terms of a complex conglomeration of gods, spirits and.demons. The diffuse concept of the divine permeates daily life (ibid.: 7). The effect of this tendency is that "a very high.percentage of acts in social life are of a sacred or semi-sacred nature." Therefore, performing such acts incorrectly would not only be but also be sacrilegious. Consequently, morally"wrong, "religion undoubtedly contributes to the stereotyping and rigidity of life in traditionalistic societies" (ibid.: 7). On the other hand, historic religions (what are often called "world religions") are explained this way: . . .the concept of the divine which they hold is usually more abstract, in one sense, more simple, and less diffuse than that of the primitive religions. The divine is seen in terms of a relatively few simple qualities whiCh hold in all situations, it is seen as more radically "other“ and its entanglements with the world are drastically reduced (ibid.: 7). What Bellah explained here was to borrow Weber's famous 22 phrase, ”freeing the world of magic." Religious actions were simplified and made less situational. These rationalizing tendencies of religion are greatly important because they work to change people's attitudes and actions. Bellah argues that these rationalized religions may "lead to a rationalization of behavior" by "substituting...certain general non-situational maxims of ethical action" (ibid.: 8). Bellah clearly explains why rationalization of religion is crucial for freedom from traditionalism in "Epilogue: Religion and Progress in Modern Asia" in 1968. The essay's argument about institutions and individuals is worth mentioning. With regard to institutions, he argues: In the historic religions, particular religious roles and structures tend to crystallize, so that there is at least partial differentiation of a church or religious institution. Such a religious institution may provide a point of view from which other social institutions may be criticized or altered, may outlive any particular society, or may exist in several societies at once, possibilities that are available in only the most limited way at early stages (Bellah 1968: 177). For the individual, the historic religions provide the possibility of personal thought and action independent of the traditional social nexus to a quite unprecedented extent. A new consciousness of the self defined in relation to the divine takes shape at this stage (ibid.: 177). The quotations above clearly make the point that rationalization of religions, from primitive to historic religions, decisively contributes to freeing people from traditionalism. Let us finally move to examine Bellah's argument as to 23 why the rationalization. of religiont is the key' to ‘the development of modern industrial societies: The processes both of economic rationalization and of political rationalization require a considerable degree of freedom from traditionalism before they can begin to have an effect in leading to the development of industrial society. Virtually the only way this freedom can be attained is through the re-definition of the sacred, so that values and motivation favorable to the rationalizing processes will be legitimized and traditionalistic restrictions overcome (Bellah 1985: 8). Based on the idea above, he tries to show that the rationalizing tendencies in Japanese religion contributed to political and economic rationalization. The reason not only economic rationalization but also political rationalization are important for Japanese development is because in Japan the polity still takes precedence over the economy. Actually, he sees political rationalization as a mediating process to economic rationalization. Chapter IV BELLAH' S ANALYSIS IN NKUGAWA RELIGION The Japanese value System and “Japanese Religion" Bellah argues that the central values in Japan are political values appropriate to the goal attainment dimension of the social system. It implies that the combination of two pattern variables, particularism over universalism, and performance over quality, are emphasized in Japanese society. First, Japanese particularism is characterized by the importance of the collectivity of which one is a member, and of one's particularistic relation to it. It ”is indicated by the enormous symbolic importance of the head of the collectivity, whether this would be family head, feudal lord, or emperor" (Bellah 1985: 13). Therefore, particularism in Japan is symbolized as people's loyalty to their head, not as loyalty to a person but rather as that to a status, of the collectivity. Next, explaining performance, it means in Japan that the "concern is primarily with system goal rather than system maintenance" (ibid.:14). It implies that status itself does not validate until people who have the status perform in the service of the system goal. Consequently, combining these two pattern variables, particularism and ,performance, Bellah concludes that loyalty to a particularistic head with active service and performance actually appeared as a concrete 24 ‘ 25 expression of Japanese values. It is necessary to examine how Bellah analyzes the relationship between the primary political values appropriate to goal attainment and the social values appropriate to the other three dimensions in Japan. His conclusion is stated simply: economic values, integrative values, and cultural values are almost entirely subordinated to political values. In other words, adaptation, integration, and latency, are subordinated to the goal attainment dimension. First, economic values are subordinate to political values, because economic behaviors, the central concern of which is adaptation, are highly valued only when they are in pursuing the collectivity's goal. Economic values, which are normally characterized by universalism and performance, are highly limited in Japan by the variables, particularism and performance, which characterize political values. Economic behaviors should be "particularistic," because if they are done not for particularistic lords.but for somebody else, they may be judged ”selfish," and as a result, valueless. In "general, work itself is not a value, but rather work as an expression of selfless devotion to the collective goal is valued” (ibid. 15). In short, they are valued only when they are.seen as furthering the "collectivity's goal" symbolized by their head’s goal. Second, Bellah explains why integrative values tend to be subordinate. to political values. It is true that the "emphasis on harmony, on the maintenance of the collectivity 26 seemingly for its own sake is so great." However, Bellah argues: It would seem, though, that the dominant pattern exhibited the primacy of goal values. Appeals to loyalty to the head of the collectivity and to pre- eminent system goals could override concern for harmony and motivate the breaking through of old social forms, the disruption of old collectivities, and the abandonment of old forms of prescribed behaviors (ibid.: 16). He points out placing goal-attainment over integration "contributed to the dynamism and the ability for fairly rapid social change without disruption of the central values.” Then, he concludes that holding this possibility "differentiates Japan from societies in which system- maintenance-integrative values have primacy and are ends in themselves" (ibid: 16). He picks China as an example of societies which are characterized by the primacy of integrative values. Since comparison between Japan and China will take up an important part of the argument in chapter 6, it is worth paying attention to Bellah's understanding of Chinese society briefly here. According to him, Chinese society "is more concerned with system maintenance than with, for example, goal attainment or adaptation: more with solidarity than with power or wealth" (ibid.: 188). In terms of pattern valuables, it means particularism over universalism and quality over performance : This implies with respect to human relations that one is more concerned with particularistic ties, of which kinship is the type case but which may include common local origin, etc. , than with 27 universalistic attributes. It also implies that one is more concerned with qualities than performance, in Chinese terms, with "virtue” rather than deeds (Bellah 1985: 128-189). In concrete terms, . . .the Chinese saw the problem of system maintenance in terms of a determinate set of human relations that only needed to be kept in a state of mutual adjustment for a harmonious and balanced social system to result (ibid.: 189). In sum, he concludes that an "adjusted equilibrium was indeed the ideal of Chinese society" (ibid.: 189). Bellah also argues that the difference in value systems between Japan and China influenced the dramatic difference of social development between the two countries. Bellah points out that : ...they both have a strong emphasis on political and integrative values, on loyalty and filial piety, but that there is a difference with respect to primacy of stress. Thus the difference in social consequences is seen not in terms of the presence or absence of certain key values, but entirely in terms of the way in which values are organized (ibid.:192). Departing from discussing about China, let us move back to the argument about the relationship between political values and other values. Bellah points out that cultural values contain exceptional values. According to him, cultural values are distinguished into two types: one type is subordinate to primary, goal attainment values, and another type is not, which can be seen as an exception. The strong value on learning, study or scholarship (gakumon) is an example of the first type of cultural values: a "truly learned man will be a truly loyal and filial man" and "learning should 28 eventuate in practice." Religion is also identified in this group: "there is a tendency to fuse the religious end and the secular end, religious values and the secular goal-attainment values" (ibid.: 16). On the other hand, another group of cultural values are not subordinate to the central values. Bellah calls them the aesthetic-emotional values: those "values center not on collective goals but on private experience,” and "define an area of individual expression and enjoyment". For example, they might be "in the aesthetic appreciation of nature or art, in the delicate ritual of the tea ceremony, in the vicarious thrills of the theater, in the refined eroticism of the gay quarters, or in sentimental and effusive human relationships of love or friendship" (ibid.:1: 17). Since those values always poses a certain threat to the central value system, Bellah argues that they are restricted to rather well defined areas. Next, we will discuss Bellah's characterization of "Japanese religion": Especially by Tokugawa times so much borrowing had occurred between the various major religions that one can abstract out certain elements which are nearly universal and label these "Japanese religion“ (ibid.: 59). Bellah explains the relationship between various religions in Japan: In the national and family religions all the great traditions were represented and almost inseparably fused. Confucianism and Shinto had borrowed Buddhist metaphysics and psychology; Buddhism and Shinto had borrowed much of Confucian ethics; and 29 Confucianism and Buddhism .had been rather thoroughly Japanized (ibid.: 59). The word, "Japanized," warrants closer examination: what does the term really mean? The term actually implies an important aspect of Japanese religion. However, Bellah does not explain the meaning of the word, which would show that he does not take this aspect seriously. This tendency will be discussed in chapter 5 as the biggest weakness of his argument. Turning to consider Japanese religion from the viewpoint of the degree of rationalization, the following quotation clearly expresses Bellah's attitude: In Japan almost every religion and sect has both aspects (of primitive and salvation religions). While remembering that they are interwoven with magical and traditionalistic elements, it is the rationalizing tendencies with which we will be most concerned (ibid.: 8). What Bellah emphasizes above is that he pays attention only to the aspects of Japanese religion which have a tendency of rationalization. In other words, he ignores aspects which have a'tendency'of primitive religion, because this aspect, he argues, does not foster modernization. The problem of this partial focus of Bellah on Japanese religion will be also pointed out as another weakness of his argument in chapter 5. Bellah begins his argument by explaining the old religious system which had already existed before the beginning of the Tokugawa period. According to him, there had been already two basic conceptions of the divine in Japanese religion: The first of these is that of a superordinate 3O entity wh0>dispenses nurturance, care, and love.... This category shades off imperceptibly into political superiors and parents, both of whom are treated as in part, at least, sacred. The second basic conception...might .be described as the ground of being or the inner essence of reality (Bellah 1985: 61). These two basic conceptions ”are both to be found in almost every sect and they were not felt to be in any way mutually exclusive (ibid.: 61). The main types of religious actions can be referenced to these two basic categories of the divine. The action related to the first conception of the divine is as follows: Action with respect to deity as a benevolent superordinate gets us at once into the theory of on (blessing). Deity in some form dispenses blessings (on) and it is the obligation of the recipient to make return for these blessing (hoon). Religious action, then, is the various forms this hoon may take (ibid.: 70). Indeed, as Bellah discusses, there is enough "evidence from various periods and various religious sects and movements as to the great importance of on and hoon in Japanese religious thinking" (ibid.: 72-73). A critical point related to on and hoon is that.“the theory of on holds for superordinates within the social system, such as parents or political superiors, in exactly the same terms as it holds for entities above the social system, gods or Buddha, etc" (ibid.: 73). The implication from this will be also discussed in chapter 5. The action related to the second category of the divine is "that which seeks to attain unity with the divine conceived as the "Great Ultimate,"..., or whatever the term may be." There are two ways to attain this unity. One way is "through 31 private religious exercises or experiences, through withdrawal from the world" (ibid.: 74). Since this way had only limited influence among the upper classes in Japan, Bellah focuses on another way of attaining the unity which is more common to ordinary people. Another way is "through accumulation of ethical acts or "works of love," through participation in the world rather than withdrawal from it." Theoretically speaking, Bellah argues that "this approach seems to be an attempt to attain unity through the destruction of self as an ethical entity, by destroying division between self and other, . . . ,in a word by destroying selfishness (ibid. 74) . According to him, this way of attaining the unity with divine had a fairly broad and general influence on people among all classes. The idea of moral self-cultivation, being seen as a religious action of this second subtype, was frequently seen both in Confucianism and Shinto sects. An important implication is that both of these main types of religious activities call for rigorous activities in this world. Now, let us move to see what kind of worldly activities were actually drawn from these theories of religious actions and became quite common in the Tokugawa Period. According to Bellah, religious actions primarily took the form of ethical actions of fulfilling one's obligation in the world whether they are hoon, which is the first type of religious actions, or moral self-cultivation, which is the second type. Importantly, what is the most stressed by both religious 32 actions is obligation to political superiors and obligation to family in this world: it was understood as the temporal fulfillment of more ultimate obligations to an entity above the social system like God. A good example of activities in this world, obligation to political superiors and obligation to family, is filial piety (ko). Religious and ethical actions are obviously fused in this case also: in order to unify with the universe, which is a religious motivation, filial piety, an ethical action in this world, is understood as the best means. Importantly, this "theory" of filial piety has its origin in a family religion, ancestor worship. It continued to be virtually universal in Tokugawa Japan also. People were told, forget ”not the shielding love shown for ages by your ancestors. My parents for generations are my family Gods, they are the Gods of my house” (Bellah 1985: 80).' Then, ancestor worship contains the following idea: father "and mother are our family Gods, they are our Gods, child of man take greatest care and worship them" (ibid.: 82) .2 As these quotations show, if one’s ancestors and parents are Gods, it is indeed natural for them that filial piety (ko) should become the best means of attaining union with the universe. It is important to realize that the theory of filial Piety is also based on the idea of on and hoon. Therefore, everybody has an obligation to their ancestors and parents. As for the relationship between filial piety and loyalty, they do not compete with each other: rather, the former reinforces 33 the later in Japan. In the last analysis, filial piety actually means loyalty, because "when a father opposes the sovereign, dutiful children desert their parents and follow the sovereign" and this "is filial piety at its highest" (Bellah 1935: 82).3 Bellah summarizes the relationship between. Japanese religion and the Japanese value system: We have seen how the two types of religious action...have come to reinforce the central values of achievement and particularism. They establish the particularistic relation to superiors as sacred and insist on a high level of performance of obligations to them as necessary for religious justification or salvation (ibid.: 82). He points out that religion reinforced a strong motivational commitment to the institutional values of Japanese society. Put in the most formal terms, ...religion reinforced the input of pattern conformity from the motivational system into the institutional system (ibid.: 83). Finally, it is important to consider how religions cope with problems in societies. Bellah argues that for a society which is in a situation of strain, the old metaphysics or the old source of power will be inadequate in the new situation. As a result, one of the following will happen: 1) new religious institutions will develop, which channel the flow of religious motivation in a new direction, 2) anomie and higher levels of tension will occur if new religious institutions do not develop, or 3) the old religious system will be strengthened. In this case: Religious efforts to maintain the pattern and 34 tension may become more intense and and more motivation may be channeled manage rather systematic, into some of the nonreligious subsystems, than less (ibid.: 60). In the Tokugawa period each class, samurai (warriors), farmers, artisans, and merchants, had developed different kinds of problems. To borrow Bellah's words, "the various segments of society were subjected to somewhat diverse forms of strain" (ibid.: 83). He argues that the third type of religious reaction characterized the Tokugawa situation: Broadly stated, each main class had a status ethic, a form of the central value system especially adapted to its situation. The religious and ethical movements...both codified and formalized these status ethics, and introduced new and dynamic elements into them. The main direction of these new movements was not to introduce new values or weaken the old but to propagate stronger and more intense forms of the old values (ibid.: 83-84). In the next part of this chapter, we will examine how "Japanese religion" actually influenced other social systems during the Tokugawa era. The Relationship Between Religion and the Political System Here, our discussion of the relationship between religion and political rationalization will focus on three important features of the Tokugawa period: 1) bushido (the way of the 2) sonno (revere the emperor) movement, and 3) warriors), In order to explain kokutai (national polity) movement. it is necessary to briefly discuss classes of the Bushido, There was a legal and hereditary class Tokugawa Period. system dividing people into four classes: warriors (samurai), 35 farmers, artisans, and merchants. The first had the highest prestige, and the last had the lowest. The status ethic of the samurai class is bushido, which was gradually formed between 1156 and 1600 and fully exercised during the Tokugawa period. Bushi or samurai embodied the central values of Japan, and the ethic of bushido became a large part of the national ethic not only in the Tokugawa period but also in the modern period of Japan. To examine the actual practice of bushido which obviously contains a religious aspect, Bellah uses the following quotation from the.Hagakure, an epitome of bushido in the fief of Nabeshima: Whenever we may be..., any time or anywhere, our duty is to guard the interest of our Load. This is the duty of every Nabeshima man. This is the backbone of our faith, unchanging and eternally true. Never in my life have I placed mine own thoughts above those of my Lord and master. Nor will I do otherwise in all the days of my life. Even when I die I return to life seven times to guard my Lord' s house, we have sworn to do four things: namely: - (1) We will be second to none in performance of our duty. (2) We will make ourselves useful to our Load. (3) We will be dutiful to our parent. (4) We will attain greatness in charity (ibid.: 91).4 .Also, a strong feeling of gratitude is pointed out as the background of this entire obligation to the Lord: When you realize how for generations your family has served for the house of his lordship; when you remember how those who have gone before you served, and how those who are to come after you are to serve; you will be moved to a deep sense of gratitude. For you, there should be no thought but of service for the one who has claim on your grateful heart (ibid.: 92).5 36 What is apparent in these quotations is that such intense expression of bushido is closely related with two main religious orientations. Without being associated with the first religious conception of gratitude and the second religious conception of unity with the divine, such a thorough selfless attitude of loyalty would be hard to explain. The attitude toward death, a key feature of bushido, is a good example of demonstrating this relationship. "Death in the service of one’s lord was considered the most appropriate end for a samurai" (Bellah 1985: 93): "Every morning make up Every evening freshen thy mind in the thy mind how to die. thought of death" (ibid.: 91).‘5 It is clear that this attitude toward death is also deeply related with the second religious conception of the unity with the divine: being determined to die, the self is eliminated, and people can be unified with the divine. Having discussed religious aspects of bushido, Bellah develops his argument that the moral qualities ”are delivered from and rationalized by this religious orientation” (ibid.: 93). He analyzes two key features of bushido, first, attitudes of economy and diligence, and second, high regard for learning, to explain this relationship. According to him, Economy or frugality is the obligation to reduce individual consumption to a minimum and diligence is its obverse, the obligation to increase one's contribution to the lord’ 8 service to the maximum (ibid: 95). Explaining the high regard for learning, points out that "learning is not for its own sake" but it "has gakumon , Bel lah 37 as its aim the cultivation of self and the control of others” (ibid: 96). Indeed, obligation to political superiors, originating from religious actions in this world, are obvious in the morality of samurai. Before describing Bellah’s conclusion, it is necessary to indicate whom bushido actually influenced: Though the samurai might best embody the ethical code which bears their name, it was by no means restricted to that class.... Actually all the evidence available about popular sects and ethical movements indicates that they taught a virtually identical ethic (ibid.: 98). Bellah draws two significant conclusions. First, Finally, bushido did indeed embody the Japanese central value system, which was characterized by the primacy of political values, the values of performance and particularism, in other words, the primacy of goal-attainment. Second, it was shown that bushido was constructed by strengthening the old religious religion contributed to system, and, therefore, that reinforcing the central value system and rationalizing political values: they (people) were at one with Bushido in being "ethically activist" and "inner worldly ascetic." Such an ethic clearly reinforced the tendency to political rationalization. in all classes... (ibid.:98). We will now turn to describe the notion of sonno (revere the emperor) which rose in the Tokugawa period, though its roots could be found deep in history. This idea was indeed widespread in every movement, especially near the end of the period. The Kokugaku (literally, national studies) School 38 represents its most ardent advocates and propagandists. In the seventeenth century, the Kbkugaku School had its start in a revived interest in Japanese history, literature, and religion from the beginning. One with political implication Another characteristic was extreme rejection of China. characteristic was emphasizing the superiority of Japan over all other countries and justifying her glory by her unbroken line of emperors. Naturally, the native religion, Shinto, was greatly emphasized. Both Buddhism and Confucianism were rejected as the cause of corruption. The writings of Motoori Norinaga strongly linked Shinto to the emperor: The eternal endurance of the dynasty of the Mikado (the emperor's family) is a complete proof that the "way" called kami no michi or Shinto infinitely systems of all other countries surpasses the (ibid.:_101).7 Simply speaking, the KOkugaku School believed in the ancient myths as contained especially in Kojiki (Record of Ancient But if Kokugaku wished to return to the world of Things). myths, how could it have contributed to religious rationalization? Bellah explains how Kokugaku actually did contribute to religious rationalization: It (Kbkugaku movement) had a clear religious goal which could be realized on this earth: the restoration of the emperor to actual sovereignty and purging of Japan of all corrupt influences.... The effect of accepting the.KOkugaku message, then, would be to make men revere the emperor above all else and hope for or work for his restoration. Such a simple and effective message with its clear implications for action is...religiously rational (ibid.: 102). With rationalization of religion, Bellah argues that 39 rationalization of the polity also occurred: ...the political implications of the KOkugaku doctrine were the establishment of a strong centralized monarchy toward which every Japanese owed absolute allegiance and the destruction of the shogunate or any other power which stood between sovereign and people (Bellah 1985: 102). As a result, Bellah concludes that an enormous extension and rationalization of power was achieved by KOkugaku movement. The third significant feature during the Tokugawa period was the rise of the idea of kokutai (literally national body), a new politico-religious concept of the state. The idea was formulated by the Mito School, and was widespread among people of all classes. Under direction of'Tokugawa Mitsukuni (1628 - the Dainihonshi (literally, great Japanese history), 1700), Being different from.Kokugaku, "it.was started to be written. not agitational production. " However, its careful scholarship describing the time when the emperor ruled directly helped to undermine the legitimacy of the shogunate, and promoted a rise in sentiments favoring a return to the days when the emperor was not secluded but really ruled. According to Hammitzsh's explanation, ...the high regard for the emperor when linked to this identification of loyalty and filial piety has some very interesting implications for the concept of the state. God, emperor, lord and father tend to be made into equivalents. The whole nation is a single family (ibid.: 103).8 What the passage makes clear at once is that the idea of kokutai is a concept of the state which apparently contains religious, political, and familistic ideas merged together. Examining carefully the kokutai idea, it is closely 40 related to the two types of the divine. First, since the emperor is seen as a benevolent superordinate, "the emperor becomes the center of the national religion and the obligation to make return for his benevolence takes precedence over all other obligations" (ibid.: 104). Second, since the emperor and the:God (kami) are identified, the emperor’s will is God's people can unify with God if they unify will. Therefore, In such a way, religious their will with the emperor's will. actions appear to be identical with political actions in the kokutai idea. Finally, Bellah concludes the following about the influence of the idea of kokutai: The desire to make kokutai a living reality tends to put the goal-attainment dimension foremost. It acts to motivate a strong drive toward certain ends, at first the Restoration, then as it becomes a large part of the modern nationalistic ideology of Japan, toward building a strong country and finally toward imperialism (ibid.: 105). In this way, religious actions in accord with the.kokutai idea greatly contributed to rationalization of the polity which strongly emphasizes the goal-attainment dimension. The Relationship between Religion and the Economic System Having made clear that Bellah argues that religious ideas greatly effected political rationalization, the next step is to discuss how he explains the effects of religion and the political ethic upon economic rationalization in Japan. The first topic is economic ‘policy' in the Tokugawa ,period. Economic policy was based on two bodies of thoughts: Confucian P} _.e. is "" 41 theory and bushido. First, the "Confucian thinkers see a direct relation between economic well-being and morality," and also, they encourage "the political importance of economic life" (Bellah 1985: 108). Confucian economic policy was designed to ensure political stability by maintaining a balanced system: "Production is in order to attain sufficiency and economy is to see that sufficiency is not upset" (Bellah 1985: 110). Therefore, the policy encourages production and discourage consumption. Kaibara Ekiken wrote that: If the ruler wants to govern his people with benevolence, he should practice economy; There are limits to the productive capacity of land and so, if the ruler is given to luxurious and spendthrift habits, the resources at his command will soon be exhausted (ibid.: 109).9 In this way, the policy encouraged economy not only to people who were ruled but also for feudal rulers, the samurai class itself. Second, let us describe the effects of .bushido on economic rationalization. As has already been pointed out, bushido strongly emphasized diligence and economy as a means of goal attainment for the lord, which of course contributed to economic rationalization. According to Bellah, though "the samurai in the Tokugawa Period were not. . .directly involved in the economy" (ibid.: 110), the samurai economic ethic is significant mainly for two reasons. First of all, the economic ethic of the ruling class greatly effected the economically active merchant class. Second, the members of 42 the samurai class itself took leading roles in business and industry in the Meiji Period. Based on Confucian thinking and bushido, the government's economic policy encouraged both production and economy. The government used a system of gonin-gumi (five family group) to control people down to the lowest level. Families were organized into companies of five families each in a village. The five family group was responsible to the government for the behavior of individuals. Principles promoted encouragement of production, admonitions to "work hard, not neglect one's business, not waste time, etc." For the encouragement of economy, the "gonin-gumi regulations admonished strictly against amusements, luxuries, sports or gambling” (ibid.: 111). In this way, the government policy of diligence in production and economy in expenditures efficiently penetrated to the level of common people. Considering the Japanese analogue of a "calling," Bellah points out that, in "a fairly orthodox version of the Confucian theory of social development" (ibid.: 113), ”an organic or functional theory of society " can be seen: what "is presented is a system in which each part is necessary to the others and indeed its justification is based on the functions it performs for the others” (ibid.: 114). Developing out of the theory above, the notion of shokubun (literally, occupation) implied that the occupation was part of society, therefore, one's occupation was the fulfillment of what one owed to society. Also, he points out that there was 43 another term, tenshoku, which literally meant "heavenly occupation,” and it would be translated into a "calling.” In this pure Confucian thinking, "the implication is that this calling is a fixed and definite duty which demarcates each class and functional group in society" (ibid.: 115). Then, Bellah argues that these two rather static views of occupation based on a fairly orthodox version of Confucianism were transformed in Japan. Although based on Confucian theory, the Japanese concept of occupation developed in an unique way as it was being fused with the concept of the obligation to make a return for limitless on (blessing). In other words, occupations were also seen "as a means of fulfilling one's endless obligations to one's superiors.” Here, Bellah emphasizes that the special stress is laid on goal-attainment values rather than system-maintenance values. According to Bellah, the "idea of a social organism and of the necessity of harmony between its parts is maintained, but all the parts are seen as subordinate to a single end" (ibid.: 116) in Japan. In sum, Bellah characterizes the relationship as "the penetration of the economy by political values": . . .to the extent that the result was the encouragement of production, the encouragement of economy, and the development of a dynamic concept of the calling, this penetration must be seen as having a strongly favorable effect on economic rationalization (ibid.: 117). Having established the economic policy of the Tokugawa Period, it is important to know the concrete economic ethic of the merchant class who actually did business in that era. The 44 merchant house rules kakun (literally, house’s rules), whose practice was copied from the samurai class, is relevant here. All kakun generally stressed diligence and economy, which were understood as being related to on (blessings) and hoon (repayment of blessings). Obedience to all laws and notices from the government as a return for the blessing from one's country was obviously emphasized, and doing so was seen as tenshoku (calling). This shows that the economic policy strongly influenced the ethic of the merchant class strongly. Bellah concludes that this aspect of the merchants' ethic expresses the great importance of political values influenced by religion for economic rationalization. Another important aspect of the merchants' ethic was based on ancient worship, which was described earlier in this chapter. In religious thought, the house itself was seen as a sacred entity, and demanded the gratitude and service of all members. Labor in the family business was almost a sacred obligation which was a requital for the favor of the ancestors. Since the family was "semisacred," one "must not injure the reputation of the house or let the business decline as this would bring shame on the ancestors" (Bellah 1985: 125). As a result, "lazy, extravagant or dishonest behavior was condemned largely because it was an abrogation of family obligation," and also, high universalistic standards of honesty, quality and credit were reinforced for the reputation of the "sacred" family. Though this family system might have worked for just system-maintenance values depending on the 45 total social situation, Bellah believes that this system powerfully worked for goal-attainment values, and acted as powerful motivating factor in the direction of economic rationalization in the Tokugawa Period. This aspect of the merchant ethic shows the importance of the religious family system influenced by ancient worship for economic rationalization. In the end, it should be mentioned that a different kind of religious influence on economic rationalization existed: here, the intermediate importance of the polity and political values was lacking. The JOdo Shinshu is the most important example. "The Jade Shinshu was widely disseminated among the common people of Japan, both farmers and towndwellers" (ibid.: 117). Though it also stressed on and hoon, the obligations were directly to Amida (the Buddha Amitabha) rather than to one's feudal load, a superior in this world. In this sense, Bellah argues that the Jodo Shinshu was "the closest Japanese analogue to Western Protestantism and its ethic was most similar to the Protestant ethic” (ibid.: 122). However, Jodo Shinshu only partly effects merchant ethics, because "Shin was only one of many influences on the moral life of the merchant classes”, and also because "even among devout Shin believers, other elements played an important part in their ethical thinking" (ibid.: 122). The following sums up Bellah's assessment of the points discussed in this part of the chapter: ...I (Bellah) have tried to show the influence of 46 religion on the economy both directly and through the religiously influenced ideas of the polity and the family. I have tried to define an economic ethic characterized by strong inner-worldly asceticism and an analogue to the concept of the calling through which labor becomes a ”sacred obligation" which is rooted in these religious, political and familistic ideas" (ibid. 131). Conclusion of Bellah Before we move to the next chapter, it is important to summarize Bellah's conclusions in Tokugawa Religion. His first conclusion is that. "a strong ‘polity’ and.