WIWWII!”“WMlllliHlHllHHl?HWIUIWHHII

   

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF SELECTED NEWSPAPER ETHICS CODES

presented by

Brenna Lynn Maloney

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

MoA. degree in Journa1ism

 

[fine March 17, 1993

0.7639 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

 

 

 

LIBRARY
Michlgan State
l University

fir

 

 

 

PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record.
TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due.

I DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Inaitution

cMMS-DS

 

A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF SELECTED NEWSPAPER ETHICS CODES

By

Brenna Lynn Maloney

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

School of Journalism

1993

ABSTRACT

A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF SELECTED NEWSPAPER ETHICS CODES

BY

Brenna Lynn Maloney

A content analysis of 47 newspaper ethics codes was conducted to
determine how the watchdog watches itself; or, more specifically, to discern
how news organizations define their moral obligation as depicted through
ethics codes. Former AP Bureau Chief Frank Wetzel’s 1992 Newspaper Codes
of Ethics Hypercard program was the source of the codes; only those codes
from his program pertaining to print journalism in the United States were
selected for study.

Content was analyzed primarily from two perspectives: code structure
and code depth. How a code is constructed can be as crucial to the codes’
success as its content and degree of specificity.

In general, the codes touched upon many ethics issues, but rarely
defined the issues in a manner which would lend themselves to easy

application to what journalists might call ”real world” situations.

Stadium Ad Prosperandum
Voluntas in Conveniendumf

fThe will to succeed
The grace to compromise

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My thanks to those of you who helped see me finish this work and my
degree.

To my committee members: for your flexibility and faith in me as a researcher
and as a person. I would gladly serve for or with any of you in any capacity.

Dr. Davenport for your trust and reliance; no one had more
unquestioning faith in me than you.

Dr. Soffin for always providing me with opportunities to succeed and
for doling out good advice when I needed it most.

Dr. Fico for being my academic conscience at all times, for relentlessly
asking and answering all that needed to be addressed.

To the School of Journalism secretaries for keeping me going during the
tough months, especially Raye.

To my parents for their interest in and support of my work. And for raising
me to be a person of good character, a believer in hard and honest work. It
was your greatest gift to me.

To Brian for being my solace, my critic and my strength when mine failed me.

I am grateful to you all.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION-.. ............... -

 

 

JUSTIFICATION--. ..... - --

 

LITERATURE REVIEW--

 

RESEARCH QUESTIONS.. ----------- -- . - - - .......

METHODOLOGY

 

RESULTS - . - -------- - ......

 

CONCLUSIONS--. --------- - -------

 

APPENDICES------

 

 

A. Newspapers, Location, Circulation
Ownership -

 

Geographical Region (listing).. -

 

Geographical Region (map)---- -

 

B. Coding Protocol

 

 

 

Coding Form - -
C. Examples -- - -- - ------------
BIBLIOGRAPHY.--- ......... -

 

21

26

29

39

46

46

47
48

SIRSS

LIST OF FIGURES

 

 

 

 

Figure Page
1. Mainstream Ethical Orientation - - - -- - - - - - -- - 14
2. Circulation Size of Newspapers- - 29
3. Code Titles - - 30
4. Use of Enforcement Policies -- '34

vi

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. Use of Request Language According to Circulation Size..............34

2. Coverage and Definition of Ethics Tapics - '35

 

vii.

INTRODUCTION

John Godfrey Saxe's poem of the men from Indostan tells the tale of six
blind men who, never having seen an elephant, endeavor to describe
it according to their sense of touch. As each man lays hands upon a different
part of the animaluits broad side, tusk, trunk, ear and tail--each man

perceives the elephant differently: as a wall, a spear, a tree, a fan and a rape.

And so these men of Indostan
Disputed loud and long,

Each in his own opinion

Exceeding stiff and strong,

Though each was partly in the right,
And all were in the wrong!

So, too, is the scholar's attempt to study ethics and journalism. With
each attempt to lay hands upon the relationship of one to the other, the
scholar comes away with a different perspective, sometimes incongruous
with those of the past. For the working journalist, the dilemma is even more
taxing than for the scholar; the journalist must put theory into practice.
Intense criticism from the public has served to substantially muddy the
waters. Cries for accountability, social responsibility, integrity and truth by an
angry public have left journalists with the notion that the profession "needs
to clean up its own house before it condemns so insistently the moral squalor
in the houses of others" (Merrill, p.15). If the commonly perceived functions
of journalism are to inform, educate, entertain and serve the public as a
"watchdog" for society, what sould the profession's ethical responsibilities be?

This study attempts to discover how the watchdog watches itself. More

2

specifically, this study seeks to discern what news organizations perceive their

moral obligations to be as depicted through newspaper ethics codes.

JUSTIFICATION

Ethics is often defined as a branch of philosophy concerned with the
rightness or wrongness of human conduct. As philosopher Antony Flew
noted, ethics can be viewed as a "standard by which a particular group or
community decides to regulate its behavior" (Flew, p.112). By extension,
ethics codes can be defined as "voluntary sets of rules aimed at proscribing
certain types of conduct deemed unethical" (Hausman, p.125). The need for
such codes in journalism has become a much disputed issue.

For some, codes are a tool to tame unruly ethical tangles. Codes are
created with the intention of serving as a collection of standards by which
journalists can gauge their behavior, enabling them to maintain a clear
perspective in a challenging environment. As veteran journalist Hodding

Carter III aptly phrased it,

The domain of the mass media today is an ethical jungle in which
pragmatism is king, agreed upon principles as to daily practice are few,
and many of the inhabitants pride themselves on the anarchy of their
surroundings.
While the abuse levels in journalism have been substantial, so, too, has been
the scholarly and practical efforts to put right the ethical system. Elliot
suggests that "the process of producing a code of ethics is intellectually
healthy because it constitutes critical analysis of the profession by its
practitioners" (p.5). In other words, the sheer construction of a code enables

news organizations to formulate and crystallize ethical philosophies that

guide future conduct. Remember, ethics is a normative science; its aim is not

4

to describe the way people do behave in practice, but the way people ought to
behave (Omoregbe, p.3).

Some speculate that formal ethics codes elevate the stature of
journalism as a craft or a profession. Davenport (1990) writes, "Journalists
must be able to justify actions to themselves, realize the outcome of those
actions even before they take place, and successfully articulate their
judgments publicly" (p.81). Journalism ethics codes do not as yet have the
enforcement power of legal or medical ethics codes; they are not legally
binding, nor are they enforced by licensing agencies or policing bodies.
Nevertheless, the level of consciousness is raised as journalists are prompted
to direct their attention toward ethical conduct and public accountability.

In contrast, a healthy percentage of journalists bristle at the notion of
formalized ethics, envisioning, perhaps, unbreakable, rigid rules or, at the
other end of the spectrum, ambiguous, intangible prose. Codes often receive
criticism for being impractical, as principle and practice sometimes fail to

mesh. Christians, Rotzoll, Fackler (p.xv) write,

Two different mindsets are involved, making fusion difficult. The
study of ethics requires deliberation, careful distinctions and extended
discussion. The newsroom tends to emphasize other virtues:
toughness and the ability to make rapid decisions in the face of daily
crises.

Codes must be constructed and implemented with great care. Too stringent,
the codes act as a barrier, serving only to frustrate and confuse journalists.
Too innocuous, the codes fail to function, representing an "ideal system
which is all very noble in theory but no good in practice" (Singer, p.2). The
reverse should be true. Ethical standards that have no practical application
suffer, more than likely, from a theoretical defect; for, again, the purpose of

ethics and ethics codes is to guide practice. Elliot claims that the problem with

codes is not their intent, but the fact that "journalists can't seem to write
them [codes]." She writes, "Even if journalists can identify and agree upon
some behaviors that they condone and others that they condemn, what
emerges from most attempts to write codes is a confusing mix of the two
against an overlay of conventional practices" (Elliot, W1, p.1).

Other critics point to the fact that formal codes smell of censorship,
either imposed by government or by peers. "Neither form goes over well in a
field whose practitioners pride themselves on being independent,
autonomous and beholden to no one" (McCulloch, p.95).

Regardless of who professes to have the better argument, ethical
uncertainty has marked the field of journalism for quite some time.
Universal sensitivity to ethics was slow to evolve. The birth of newspaper
ethics codes came in 1923 at the hands of the American Society of Newspaper
Editors. These Cannons of Journalism were constructed at a time when
"journalism" was becoming more of an industry and a big business,
necessitating that some care be placed on ethical conduct and overall "image"
(Bertrand, p.18). The Society of Professional Journalists, Sigma Delta Chi
followed up in 1926 with a code of its own. The interest in ethics was largely
academic at first. A surge in ethiCs did not come again until the late 19605,
with an increased fervor in the public's interest in journalistic conduct and
the corresponding presence of ombudsmen (those who were designated to
field complaints and questions by readers). In the early 19705, the advent of
press councils, especially the National Press Council in 1971, confirmed a
societal anxiety over journalism ethics (Bertrand, p.18). Such councils served
as a forum for public concern over journalistic practices. And there were a

good many concerns:

0m 1972, politicians and journalists alike felt the brunt of criticism during the
Watergate scandal.

Cm 1979, the media again fell under scrutiny after Chicago Sun-Times
reporters Pamela Zekman and lay Smith nearly won a Pulitzer Prize for their
extensive report on shakedowns of small businesses by government
inspectors in Chicago. The "Mirage" case was condemned by some because of
the ethically questionable news-gathering techniques of the team.

0m 1981, it was the Washington Post, typically a leader in high ethical
standards for journalism, which shocked the nation by returning a Pulitzer
Prize. The dramatic account of "Jimmy," an eight-year-old heroin addict was
a fabrication by the tales' writer, Janet Cooke.

These examples mark only a few of the more publicized scandals.
Needless to say, by this time in history, "journalism ethics" was quickly
becoming an oxymoron. It comes as no surprise, then, that in the last twenty
years of scholarship and practice a great stir of self-examination and self-
regulation emerged. As an awareness of the journalists’ fundamental duties
to society feverishly spread, steps were being taken to correct ethical lapses of
the past. The focus came to rest on codes. Said one former ombudsman,
"Every time three or more newspaper editors get together they are likely to
write a code of ethics unless somebody stops them" (Seib, p.4).

News organizations that have codes give the appearance of moral
uprightness to their employees and, more importantly, to the public. Yet, the
existence of that code and the content of that code are two different things.
What do these codes say?

Davenport and Izard (1985) dissected media (print and broadcast) ethics
codes to determine the "fixed value system" of the news organizations that

produced those codes. A random sampling of 100 newspaper managing

7

editors and broadcast news directors nationwide indicated that across the
board, certain activities are considered to be more ethically acceptable than
others. Davenport and Izard also unearthed several areas of ambiguity:
enforcement of codes, management and financial interests, conflicts of
interest (p.4). In the last ten years, the Davenport and Izard study comes
closer than any other published in leading scholarly journals such as
Journalism Quarterly , Newspaper Research Journal, Journalism Abstracts
and Journal of Mass Media Ethics to examining specific content of media
ethics codes. The present study attempts to fill in a gap in the research by
circumventing the opinions of editors and dealing with the content of ethics
codes themselves.

There is an intrinsic value to the examination of journalistic codes.
While many scholars have delved deep into the literature of philosophy and
classical thinking, soaking sponge-like the wisdom of Aristotle, Kant, Rawl
and Mill, some theorists prefer to tackle the question of journalism ethics
from an occupational or professional perspective. Gewirth (1986) suggested
that, by definition, a professional works from a level of "expertise and uses
this expertise to provide valued services to other persons" (Gewirth, p.282),
much like a doctor, a lawyer, even a certified public accountant. Gewirth put
forth what is known as the "Separatist Thesis" which states, "professionals, by
virtue of their expertise and consequent roles, have rights and duties that are
unique to themselves and that may hence be not only different from, but
even contrary to, the rights and duties that are found in other segments of
morality" (Gewirth, p.282). So stated, the journalist, like other professionals,
is afforded unique rights as a result of his or her unique responsibilities. Yet,
consider momentarily the way ethics codes of journalists measure up to the

ethics codes of doctors, lawyers, and certified public accountants. The actions

of these professionals are governed by mandatory codes of conduct prescribed
by their respective professions. A breech in these codes may lead to lawsuits
and the loss of the right to practice. The ethics code of a journalist has not
historically been used as a yardstick for litigation. Journalism ethics codes

appear to be unlike other professional codes for this and other reasons.

LITERATURE REVIEW

The review of literature must cover significant ground to lay the
foundation for analysis of the codes themselves. Ethics is a field extensively
explored; what is represented here is, in actuality, only a small piece of what
has been researched on the whole. As far as code construction and usage is
concerned, what news organizations deem ethically important is somewhat
contingent upon the perceptions of society. Therefore, studies represented
here delve into journalists' perceptions of the current ethical "climate," the
industry's perceptions of ethics codes; public and media expectations of
conduct; journalistic motives for resolution of ethical dilemmas; individual
and collective decision-making; tactics of the industry for handling ethical
dilemmas; code enforcement possibilities; skepticism of codes.

Bill Moyers, former presidential press secretary and veteran journalist
once said, "What is happening often depends on who is looking." Indeed,
Mills' (1983) qualitative study on newspaper ethics revealed that there is a
great deal of variance and little agreement upon what constitutes an ethical
dilemma. Studying the views of 153 reporters and editors from 10 news
organizations across the United States regarding ethical decision-making,
including the scope and frequency of such instances, Mills discovered that the
most striking difference in perception rested in the very definition of what
ethics is. "At one end of the frequency scale, respondents felt they

encountered no ethical decisions in the course of their work. At the other

10

end, respondents perceived their jobs to be an unending series of ethical
decisions" (p.590). Mills provided several verbatim quotes from those who
claimed to be free from ethical dilemmas. These illustrate the narrow scope
by which ethics can be judged (p.590):

It just doesn't occur in the general run of news and features work
(reporter from a large metropolitan daily).

As a general assignment reporter, I don't have the kind of daily
working relationship with news sources which could conceivably lead
to ethical decisions (reporter from a medium-sized daily).

I'm in sports and seldom encounter ethical situations (baseball writer
for metropolitan daily).

Generally speaking, Mills' study yielded that "ethics were viewed as questions
of adherence to a narrowly defined code of professional behavior" (p.594).
Few professionals seemed to be able to project ethical dilemmas beyond a
limited set of rigid parameters.

While Mills found the ethical climate to be murky from a practicing
journalists' perspective, Anderson's (1987) study examined ethical attitudes
and practices among American journalists from what might be described as
the "industry's" point of view. In particular, Anderson sought evidence of
code usage by managing editors of daily newspapers throughout the country.
His findings indicate that existing codes are pervasive and high ethical
standards appear, on at least a cursory level, to be of importance to

management. He specifically noted the following results:

Codes
OEditors indicating that ethics codes were posted in their newspaper
buildings: 25%.

0Type of code displayed: ASN E Statement of Principles: 58%
SP] Code of Ethics: 38%

ll

APME code: 17%
Other: 21%

0Editors indicating that their newspapers had developed their own codes to

supplement the national code: 45%
Larger circulation papers having done so: 55%
Smaller circulation papers having done so: 34%

Practices

Editors indicating the following practices:

ODistributed codes to staff members: 46%
Larger circulation papers: 86%
Smaller circulation papers: 66%

OIssued memos to remind employees of particular ethics issues: 75%
Larger circulation papers: 71%
Smaller circulation papers: 60%

0Had attended convention seminars where ethics had been a featured t0pic:
79%

Larger circulation papers: 86%

Smaller Circulation papers: 72%

0Had taken a college course in ethics: nearly 33%
Larger circulation papers: 31%
Smaller circulation papers: 38%

0Had conversed with employees about ethical issues: ALL RESPONDENTS
OHad suspended a reporter or editor for unethical practices: 22%

0Had fired a reporter or editor for unethical conduct: nearly 25%

Anderson's study illustrates the level of awareness of ethical issues
among editors of large circulation and small circulation daily newspapers.
And, too, the results seem to demonstrate an effort on the part of editors to
educate employees and encourage ethical conduct. Ninety-five percent of the
editors agreed that it is important for employees to be made aware of the
various ethics codes in the field of journalism. More importantly, 67% of the

editors disagreed that codes of ethics are so vague that they are of little

12

practical value. The present study is designed to test this last assertion.
Levels of code specificity can be determined according to the amount and
extent of definition afforded to each separate ethics topic within a code.
Braman (1988) sought to measure public expectations of media conduct

against standards outlined in ethics codes. Prior to Braman's study, no
research had been done to examine the degree to which the public and the
media agreed on performance standards (p.71). Through a comparison of
public complaints, considered by Braman to be an expression of the public’ 8
level of standards, submitted to the National News Council and standards
offered in specific ethics codes, Braman searched for correlations between the
Council’s decisions and the codes’ pronouncements. Braman isolated nine
distinct categories of behavioral standards stated in the complaints and
echoed in the codes. The list includes standards pertaining to:

1. role of the media

2. media effects

3. facticity

4. logic of interpretation

5. fact-gathering procedures

6. reporting

7. presentation style

8. media knowledge base
9. public access

Several noteworthy results came from Braman's analysis. In regard to the
media's "role," the public view was directed toward placing limits on media
activities. Standards concerning facticity were among the most commonly
expressed. Standards pertaining to the logic of interpretation (the way stories
are put together from gathered facts) proved to be vastly different in the two
camps. Only two of the 18 standards mentioned by the public were also

13

mentioned in the media, suggesting that the public seeks a higher level of
standards for the fact-gathering procedures than does the media.
Additionally, the public had very specific ideas about the media's knowledge
base which should include: science, criminal law, law in general, education,
accounting, government, manufacturing, sexual distinctions, business,
weapons and defense (p.77). To remedy deficiencies in these areas, the public
recommended that journalists ought to know more, actively seek technical
explanations and have technical experts on staff. Braman found overall
discrepancies between the public expectations as illustrated in the complaints
and in the media expectations as delineated in the codes. Braman attributed
many of these discrepancies to the perceptions the public has of the press.
Consider her composite profile of the media derived from the public's

responses (pp.77-78):
0Has a sense of news as a fixed, finite and findable body of facts.

OBelieves media techniques are biased and can be used to serve
particular purposes.

°Assumes intentionality in errors or distortions of the news

0Expresses doubts regarding the comprehensiveness of the media's
knowledge base.

These views, of course, are neither shared by the media, nor are they
necessarily accurate. They do, however, illustrate several points of
contention and go far to explain why the media are so frequently at odds with
the public and why the public so harshly criticizes the press for unethical
conduct. It is important to recognize the differences in opinion. If one were
to accept the argument that codes are news organizations' tool to grandstand

to the public, public contentment with code content is essential. If one were

14

to accept the argument that codes are legitimate tools used by news
organizations to maintain high levels of accountability, public contentment
with content is still an issue.

Singletary, Caudill, Caudill, and White (1990) studied the motives that
journalists bring to the resolution of ethical dilemmas. Questions concerning
reporters' ethical orientation were posed to 61 professional journalists and
undergraduate mass communication students in attendance at a SPJ-SDX
conference. The researchers created a list of "motives" for ethical decision-
making and a corresponding list, based on consistent ethics literature, of
descriptive statements which juxtaposed ethics and reasons for acting.
Statements and motives were combined into a "deck" which the subjects
were required to sort along a continuum of Extreme Agreement to Extreme
Disagreement. Results of the study identified a significant proportion of
professionals-and students as having a Factor 1 or "mainstream" ethical

orientation.
Figure 1: Mainstream Ethical Orientation
Factor 1
Statements accepted
Credibility with audience
General sense of morality
Public's need to know
Standards of employer
Standards of the field

Statements rejected
Personal advancement
No knowledge of ethics
Pragmatism

Punitiveness

15

Existence of a "mainstream" ethical orientation suggests that despite the lack
of universal ethics codes (written or otherwise), there is some consistency and
commonalty in ethical orientation. This is valuable to the present study, for
it suggests that universal codes can be constructed to guide journalists.
Concerned with the notion that the majority of interest generated for
the sake of journalism ethics has manifested itself purely at the anecdotal
level (i.e., journalistic "horror stories"), Whitlow and Van Tubergan
(1978/79) attempted a more scientific, if not more SOphisticated,
understanding of media ethics through the use of Q-factor analysis. Qfactor
analysis describes human subjectivity with the rigor of science, but retains
much of an individual subject's cognitive system. Specifically, they sought to
determine if reporters adopted personal systems of ethics or if reporters, on
the whole, collectively adopted and followed a common set of professional
ethics. Q methodology necessitates a small sample of relevant individuals.
Therefore, 34 investigative reporters from a variety of backgrounds (varying
years of experience, newspaper size, education) were selected for the study.
Whitlow and Van Tubergan developed nine categories to which the
behavioral inclinations of the reporters were measured. These were

situations involving:

1. differences in values between reporter and news organization.

2. differences between professional values and private interests.
3. confidentiality.

4. the public's right to know and the reporter’s ability to suppress.
5. the news sources' offering of gifts or favors.

6. the rePorter's ability to influence events.

7. the obtaining of information through the reporter's buying the information with
real or implied threats or favors to the sources.

l6

8. the obtaining of information through the reporter's concealment of identity or
purpose through similar deceptions.

9. the obtaining of information through the reporter's use of other surreptitious, and
possible illegal, means of observation.

Three investigative reporter profiles were generated as a result of the study.

Reporter types A, B and C can be described by the following inclinations:

HERA
Less likely to: Engage in deception or potentially illegal acts to get a story

More likely to: View the law as presenting only a minimum behavior
standard; feel a reporter's job is not just to get a story; endorse compassion
and humanitarianism; be guided by a personal sense of compassion for others

HERB.

Less likely to: Agree that compassion is a basis for professional behavior; be
passive about "getting a story"

More likely to: Believe that a reporter's job is to get the story, no matter what
it takes; engage in deception and/ or illegal practices including: wearing
disguises, misrepresenting self, mislead sources, use false documents, steal,
pay sources for information, "romance" or have sex with source

HEEL: proved to be a middle-ground between Types A and B. Type C
reporters are less aggressive than Type B, but more willing than Type A to
overstep some ethical boundaries to "get the story."

While some of the behaviors expressed in the Whitlow and Van
Tubergan typology may appear shocking, their ability to group these behavior
tendencies into three categories is nontrivial. It demonstrates first, that
reporters do have collective tendencies in relation to ethical conduct. Second,
it clearly indicates that there is a rogue element-Type B reporters-which acts
outside of this ethical realm. What seems to differentiate one group from
another is the means by which information is gathered; specifically, what

conduct is acceptable toward such goal. Ethics codes and their enforcement

17

policies might very well have an impact on conduct; Type B reporters would
be quickly replaced at a newspaper that enforced a strict code.

The American Society of Newspaper Editors Ethics Committee
attempted to ascertain to what degree ethics codes were enforced in
newsrooms. A 1986-87 report produced by the Ethics Committee questioned
662 newspaper editors from across the United States to discover how editors
enforce ethical provisions in the newsroom. The Committee survey asked
not only which newspapers had codes and how editors viewed ethical
dilemmas, but in what ways were transgressors held accountable. The
Committee found that newspapers with ethics codes seem to encounter more
ethics violations than newspapers without codes. The cause and effect
relationship underlying this is not clearly defined: does having an ethics code
heighten awareness of ethics violations or did newspapers with ethics codes
choose to implement their codes based on need due to intensity and
frequency of violations? Editors from larger newspapers tended to have more
rigid views of what is considered ethical and unethical conduct. Other

findings showed (ASNE Ethics Committee, p.9):

OMore than one out of every three editors reported at least one ethics
violation occurred at his or her paper from 1983 to 1986.

0About one in six editors said at least one newsroom employee had been
dismissed because of ethics violations from 1983 to 1986.

0A third of the editors said they had an ethics code.

ONearly three out of ten of the editors said their code included penalty
provisions.

Editors were asked to indicate what action(s) they might take in a given series
of unethical hypothetical situations and what factors were taken in

consideration to make that judgment. Among the various forms of

18

discipline, those types most frequently chosen were (in order of severity):
verbal reprimand(as many as three), written reprimand, suspension,
dismissal. A reporter's attitude (motivation) and length of service and
experience were cited as being determining factors. Enforcement policies have
been a fairly significant discussion topic in journalistic circles. Whereas codes
were once written without such policies, the thinking on this is beginning to
shift: punitive codes appear to have more clout.

Pritchard and Morgan (1989) were dubious that ethics codes actually
helped shape journalist's decisions in ethically questionable situations. In
theory, the postulated relationship between formal, written codes of conduct
and behavior suggests that journalistic behavior will be regulated by codes.
Ethics codes are intended to set parameters for legitimate conduct. Given
those parameters--given ethics codes--a journalists' behavior might be
expected to be "more ethical." Yet as Pritchard and Morgan note, the actual
relationship between intensions and actions is problematic for, in practice,
ethics codes may have little or no bearing on how a journalist conducts him
or herself. Pritchard and Morgan used a "natural experiment designed to
examine ethical decision-making by journalists whose work is governed by
markedly different ethics codes" (p.934) from the Indianapolis Star and the
Indianapolis News. Although their news staffs are separate, the Star and the
News are owned by the same company, thus holding constant at least some
organizational attributes which may also affect journalistic attitudes and
behavior (p.936). The managing editor of the News was responsible for the
codes' creation in 1985. It was based on common elements borrowed from
other codes, a common practice. In length, the code is 1,060 words and focuses
exclusively on conflicts of interest (p.936). The Star's code was constructed in

1980. In addition to its conflict of interest segment, the 807 word code places

19

emphasis on fairness, sensitivity, and compassion in reporting (p. 936). In
questioning city/ state staff members, the general prediction which forecast the
Star's staff as being "more ethical" as a result of having a more encompassing,
albeit shorter, code, was not supported. Pritchard and Morgan's results led
them to believe that formal ethics codes may have less of an impact on
journalistic behaviors as scholars and practitioners might assume. Pritchard
and Morgan concluded that the link between ethics codes and journalistic
behavior is "almost certainly indirect and mediated by a wide variety of other
factors. Unwritten professional norms may be the best predictors of behaviors
in situations that give rise to ethical questions" (p.941). In this context, ethics
codes would serve a more symbolic purpose: to indicate to the press and
public alike that the news organizations support ethical conduct and
accountability.

Pritchard and Morgan are not alone in their skepticism over the
usefulness or wisdom of ethics codes, as evidenced by frequent articles in the
journalistic trade journals about codes. An example of such comes from
Washington Post staff writer Achenbach's 1991 article in The Quill .
Referring to the Post’s code of ethics he stated, "The truth is, this code of
ethics is a load of malarkey. No self-respecting journalist would be caught
near this thing....It never gets specific enough-Instead, the tone is so self-
righteous, so excruciatingly lofty, it makes the job seem like a favor we're
doing on behalf of the common man" (Achebach, p.22).

Black and Barney (1985) argued that codes may be of marginal use to a
neophyte working in the media but essentially useless to seasoned
journalists. Codes, they claimed, are of value only in that they attempt to
organize, standardize, and codify ethics, which is a sign to novices and non-

journalists that the industry is genuinely concerned with ethics. Beyond that,

20

Black and Barney stated that "codes tend to be bland statements drawn up in
response to public disenchantment with media. They are both unenforced

and unforceable" (p.7).

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The dispute over the virtues and vices of ethics codes is obvious, yet.
the use of codes-even for "appearances” sake-- is widespread. Before
conclusions can be drawn regarding their application, the content of these
codes bears examination. In light of this discussion, a number of questions

present themselves:

RQ1: How do codes vary in terms of:
a. length
b. number of ethics topics

H13: Larger circulation papers will have longer codes than smaller circulation
papers.

H1b: Larger circulation papers will cover a greater number of ethics topics
than smaller circulation papers.

The American Society of Newspaper Editors Ethics Committee's 1986-
87 study on ethics codes points to the notion that editors from larger
circulation papers tend to have more rigid views about what is and is not‘
ethical conduct, and one may discover as a result that ethics codes of larger
circulation papers are more extensive than codes of smaller circulation
papers. Larger paper codes may encompass a wider range of ethics topics than
those covered in smaller papers. Small circulation papers also have smaller
staffs. Editors may opt to communicate ethical guidelines informally. Larger
papers may have a greater need for formal, written guidelines, as it is more

difficult to communicate informally with a large group of people.

R02: How does the presentation style of codes vary?

21

22

RQ2: How does the presentation style of codes vary?

H2a: A greater percentage of codes will be structured with such elements as a
title, introduction, statement of purpose or preamble to familiarize readers
with the codes’ purpose and intent.

H21); Larger circulation newspapers will use command language with greater
frequency than smaller circulation papers.

HzczNewspapers with enforcement codes will be more likely to use command
language than request language.

Given that many journalists tend to be skittish around ethics codes,
how those codes are "presented" can be as important as what they include.
Presentation style can be defined in terms of elemental structure. Does the
code have a title, introduction, preamble or statement of purpose? Is there
cohesion among these elements? Code structure can be inducive to
understanding and accepting code content. A preface to the body of the code
made up of preliminary statements of purpose or introductions explain to the
reader the basic ethical philosophy of the news organization and detail why
such a code is needed. The value of the ethics codes rests not only in their
prescription of behavior, but also in their ability to express this ethical
philosophy. Codes that lack such structure lack the underlying justifications
that convince a reader of the importance of the code. Support for Hypothesis
2a can be attributed to two measures. First, Anderson (1987) revealed that
code writers frequently borrow code concepts from national ethics codes such
as the ASNE's Statement of Principles, SPJ Code of Ethics or APME code.
These beginning codes were carefully constructed to express ideology as well
as accepted behavior. Used as starting points, these codes can be altered to fit a

particular paper's needs. Studies indicate that a significant proportion of

23

code writers rely heavily on existing codes to serve as models. "Borrowing" is
a direct cause of code similarity. Pritchard and Morgan's (1989) study cited the
Indianapolis Star and Indianapolis News as examples of "piecemeal" codes.
Second, newspapers under the same ownership may carry the same codes. A
code at a Gannett paper on the East coast, for example, may be essentially the
same as a code at a West coast Gannett paper.

Style can also be viewed in terms of language and tone. Codes that use
command language project a more direct, aggressive (perhaps rigid), "us-
against-them" image, which journalists may find threatening or offensive.
Request language projects a more indirect, suggestive, flexible, "we're-on-
your-side image." To a reluctant "audience," these language distinctions may

have a significant impact on code acceptance and usage.

RQ3: What topics are included in the ethics codes and how are they defined?

H3a: A greater percentage of ethics topics will be stated but undefined in the

ethics codes. ’

H3b: Smaller circulation newspapers will be less likely to define ethics topics
than larger circulation newspapers.

Public and journalistic concern over ethical conduct has generated a
recognizable number of ethics topics which appear to be of the most concern.
These particular topics will surface during the content analysis and represent
a core of salient ethics topics. Nonetheless, code writers may generate codes
which intentionally lack specificity. Elliot (1990) noted that as codes are often
equated with the rules of conduct against which journalists will be held
accountable, news organization often opt for ambiguous, loosely constructed
codes. The very fact that the organization HAS a code is supposed to send a

signal to the public and journalists alike that the organization is ethically

24

conscious. However, these same codes are kept purposefully vague to ensure
"flexible interpretations." Codes may also lack specificity simply because they
are poorly written. N 0 code can be all-encompassing, but, as Elliot (1990)
states, "even if journalists can identify and agree upon some behaviors that
they condone and others they condemn, what emerges from most attempts to
write codes is a confusing mix of the two against an overlay of conventional
practices" (p.1).

Smaller circulation papers seem more able, according to Izard,
Hesterman and Davenport (1986-87), to justify what larger circulation papers
would consider ethical lapses, especially in terms of conflicts of interest issues.
While journalists in larger markets strive to remain relatively anonymous in
their communities, small circulation journalists may be very active in their
communities. Smaller circulation journalists claim that they are often
"needed to serve on communities or organize community activities, partly
because there aren't enough citizens to do it all. They also say small-town
readers are more likely to see the non-participation as a lack of interest or
aloofness" (p.11). Stein (1984) also points to the fact that smaller circulation

papers cannot afford the risk of losing advertising or libel suits.

RQ4: How do codes vary in terms of listing and defining enforcement
procedures?

H4a: Codes with higher degrees of specificity will be more apt to include and
define enforcement procedures than codes with low degrees of specificity.

H41): The use of "disclaimers" will be more prevalent in codes with low
degrees of specificity.
By their very nature, specific codes would inherently define

enforcement procedures if the code made such provisions. Beyond that,

though, consider that if news organizations take the time and effort to define

25

what is expected of their employees, they will be certain to include, in no
unspecific terms, the consequences of violations.

"Disclaimers" serve as catch-alls for news organizations. In the event
that any potential ethics violations have been overlooked in the drafting of
the code, which is likely in codes with low degrees of specificity, news
organizations remind employees that no code is all-encompassing Common
sense and judgment are required by journalists. When in doubt, journalists

are expected to seek an editor's advice.

METHODOLOGY

Forty-seven newspaper ethics codes were selected from former AP
Bureau Chief Frank Wetzel’s 1992 Newspaper Codes of Ethics Hypercard
program. The program is an assembly of media ethics codes Wetzel
accumulated at random from various newspaper societies, individual
newspapers, the Poytner Institute for Media Studies and from ethicist Eugene
H. Goodwin’s collection. Wetzel’s program was selected for two reasons.
Although this body of codes was not systematically gathered, it is, to this
researcher’s knowledge, one of the more extensive and accessible
compilations. Second, Wetzel markets the database as an aide to journalism
schools and newspaper publishers. It is designed for comparative studies and
ethical instruction. During a time when ethics instruction is becoming more
and more essential for students and professionals alike, this researcher saw an
importance in the analysis of a database proported to achieve this end.

The codes chosen for study relate only to print journalism; broadcast
codes were excluded. Several of the print codes were discarded as they
represented Canadian newspapers, were incomplete or did not fit the
guidelines of the protocol. Some of the codes date as far back as 25 years;
others have been revised and updated. All are said to be presently in use,
although less than half of the codes were dated. Wetzel’s program was
sporadic, at best, in this regard; hence, generalizations cannot be made about
the codes based on their construction time and revisions. From geographical

and circulation size vantage points, these 47 newspaper codes make up a fairly

26

27

respectable sample of US. dailies with ranges in circulation from over one
million to barely ten thousand (see map and table, Appendix A).

Content was analyzed primarily from two perspectives: code structure
and code depth.

How a code is constructed can be as crucial to the codes’ success as its
content. So stated, the codes were analyzed to determine 1) presence or
absence of content components (e. g., title, introduction, preamble, statement
of purpose, body, conclusion); 2) language tone as expressed through
”command” or ”request” verb phrases which , in effect, either order
obedience or suggest compliance with code stipulations. In relation to code
depth, it was necessary to examine how well-defined, specific and
encompassing each code was.

Depth was determined by 1) code length; 2) number of ethics topics
addressed; 3) degree of topic specificity (see Protocol, Appendix A). This study
not only sought the presence or absence of ethics topics (as deemed
paramount by the literature), but for the presence or absence of enforcement
policies. This was done to explore a possible trend toward ensuring
accountability-with such provisions written in, codes cease to exist in name
only.

Ethics topics were determined from an examination of all sample
codes. Several topics were especially difficult to define. To illustrate, news
organizations showed such variance in defining the category ”Conflicts of
Interest,” that its definition for coding purposes includes topics that deserve a
separate definition. ”Political Involvement” presented a similar difficulty. In
contrast, a clear distinction could more readily be made with ”Gifts”: Meals,

Lodging, Transportation, Books / Recordings, Free Memberships, Free Passes.

28

The topics coded for in this study are not all encompassing, rather, they
represent those topics used with the greatest frequency or consistency.

A reliability test was conducted between two coders when coding was
10% complete. Agreement was 95-100% in all categories save two:
”Independence” and ”Watchdog.” Scott’ 5 Pi was used to determine reliability.
The results on the test run on Independence and Watchdog were so low, they
should have been stricken from the study. Yet, this researcher felt that
despite the nebulousness of both, the two topics were essential components
of many of the codes. Both definitions were thoroughly revised and the
coders were retrained and retested. Agreement on these topics was then
100%. Estimates on code length showed some variance, as a formula was
used to calculate approximate length. Because the study was based on a
limited but randomly selected group of ethics codes, few generalizations can
be made beyond the study’ 5 sc0pe.

RESULTS

Of the 47 ethics codes analyzed, eight were produced by national
organizations or chains. These include: APME, ASNE, Dow Jones Company,
Inc., Gannett, Knight-Ridder, Scripps-Howard and SPJ/SDX. All other codes

came from newspapers varying in circulation size. (see Figure 2).

Figure 2: Circulation Size of Newspapers

(N=47)

Size Frequency
more than 500,000 9
250,001 to 500,000 6
100,001 to 250,000 10
50,001 to 100,000 4
25,001 to 50,000 8
10,001 to 25,000 2

Ownership of the newspapers was widely distributed (see Ownership,
Appendix A), although 15% of the analyzed newspapers were owned by
Gannett and 10% were owned by Knight-Kidder. None of the codes came
from the Mountain Standard Time Zone (see Map and Geographical Region,
Appendix A). Thirty-four percent of the codes came from the Eastern
Standard Zone. Codes from Central Standard and Pacific Standard were
evenly distributed.

The first research question sought variances in codes by length and
number of topics. No significant correlations could be made to link

circulation size with either the length of the codes or the number of ethics

29

30

topics covered in a single code. Correlation coefficients between circulation
size and code length measured at .0422; circulation size and number of ethics
topics measured at .0490. An obvious relationship exists between length and
number of topics: the longer the code, the more topics there are likely to be in
the code. Hypothesis 1a and 11;, however, cannot be statistically justified. It is
certainly true that some of the longer, more topically diverse codes fell within
the bracket of large circulation newspapers. The Philadelphia Inquirer’s
(circulation size: 443,629) code, for example, is more than 10,000 words long. It
addresses and defines 26 different topics. By contrast, the ethics code at The
Bellingham Herald (circulation size: 26,053) is only 676 words long and
addresses 12 different topics.

Hypothesis 2a, which speculated that codes would tend to include
elements describing the nature and purpose of the code, was supported.
Forty-five percent of the codes held either the title ”Code of Ethics” or
”Professional Standards.” Eight of the 47 codes were untitled. Figure 3

represents a list of titles frequently used.

Figure 3: Code Titles

0Ethical Standards

0Ethical Guidelines

0Ethics Policy

0Code of Professional Ethics

0Code of Conduct

0Ethics: A Statement of Principles
ONewsroom Policy

0Code of Professionalism and Ethics

Nearly 60% of the codes began with a preamble: an introduction or
series of explanatory Statements. The tone of these statements varied from

one code to the next; most presumed the honesty, integrity, trust and

31

professionalism of journalists; most presumed that a newspaper must strive
to attain the highest standards and to publish a newspaper that is fair, accurate
and objective. Yet, in addition to serving as general reminders of the duties
and obligations of a journalist, many of the preambles made special note that
the appearance of a journalists’ behavior must also be carefully guarded, lest a
misperception lead to a loss in public trust. The New York Daily News code
reminded readers that, ”Journalism carries heavy responsibilities in a
democracy"; which is why, as the San Jose Mercury News suggested, ”A
profession that subjects people and institutions to intense and constant
scrutiny must itself maintain the highest of principles.” The Charlotte
Observer (NC) had, perhaps, one of the best preambles for its overall

justification of the inherent value of ethics codes:

When a newspaper talks about ethics, ordinarily it has in mind the
sinners and the saints of the world at large. A major function of the
US. daily press is a ceaseless calling-to-account of public officials. That
chore is vital in a quite literal sense: Without the press’s continuing
attention, the muscular but delicate division of American political
power would collapse. But who calls the press to account? Ultimately,
the readers do, but a casual glance through us. newspapers will
confirm that their stewardship is not rigid. Bad newspapers can
prosper. In the short-term economic sense, then, The Observer’s ethics
policy is unnecessary. A fair number of people will buy the paper
whether it is written and edited by people who think about the ethical
implications of their actions. 50 when a newspaper like The Observer
adopts an ethics policy, it does so as a matter of self-discipline. The
newspaper is powerful; The Observer’s ethics policy is a way, perhaps
awkward, of trying to see that the power is used fairly. Awkward,
because that amount of self-consciousness may seem prissy. Awkward,
because no policy can cover every situation. And no policy can
supplant the editor’ 8 obligation to hire men and women of good
character. But in the gray areas, where private lives and public
responsibilities may meet, a policy can offer some guidelines.

Forty percent of the codes included a statement of purpose describing

the codes’ objective. Here, too, a great deal of variance exists from one code to

32

the next. Some preambles were nothing more than good rhetoric; others

tried to be a bit less ethereal. Several examples include:

0These standards aim to assist us in honoring our basic responsibility to
gather, report, write and edit faithfully, factually, impartially and fairly.
Albany Capital Newspapers

0...to reinforce these established journalism traditions of ethical conduct.
The Milwaukee Journal

0The code below represents the preferences of the senior editors of The Star as
to how they want news and editorial staff members to comport themselves.
The Minneapolis Star

0...to help you understand the standards of excellence and the editorial
principles that we have established for ourselves.
Rochester Times-Union

0...to offer ethical guidelines to help avoid conflicts.
San Jose Mercury Times

0...as guidelines of professional conduct for the management and staff.
San Francisco Examiner

OThese standards set forth guidelines of honorable conduct.
The Seattle Times

And perhaps the most puzzling statement of purpose comes from the Wilson
(NC) Daily Times ’ ethics code: ”The Wilson Daily Times has no separate,
formal ethics statement, but it does adhere to a strict code of ethics.”

Those newspapers with circulation sizes of more than 500,000; 250,001 to
500,000; and 100,001 to 250,000 were labeled as ”large circulation newspapers.”
All others were classified as ”small circulation newspapers.” Hypothesis 2b
regarding the use of command language by large circulation papers was not
supported. None of the large circulation newspapers used command

language more than 40% of the time. In fact, the use of request language in

33

all of the codes, regardless of circulation size, was overwhelming (see Table 1).

Only one code, from the Jersey Journal, was written with neutral language.

Table 1: Use of Request Language According to Circulation Size

(N=47)
Size % of Request Language N
more than 500,000 88.9 8
250,001 to 500,000 66.7 4
100,001 to 250,000 50.0 5
50,001 to 100,000 75.0 3
25,001 to 50,000 37.5 3
10,001 to 25,000 100.0 2

Significant conclusions cannot be drawn for Hypothesis 2c, which
suggested that newspapers with enforcement codes would be more likely to
use command language over request language. Enforcement policies were
measured through four variables: verbal reprimands, written reprimands,
suspension and dismissal. Forty-two percent of the codes (N =18) stated at
least one of these variables as an enforcement policy. 50 few of the codes
defined these variables, however (as Figure 4 illustrates), that to make
generalizations from the data to support Hypothesis 2c would be ill-advised.
The death of Hypothesis 2c is nontrivial, however, for it suggests one of two
things: either this sample of ethics codes did not accurately reflect the
industry’ 5 inclusion of enforcement policies or that public debate regarding
the necessity and value of enforcement policies has had little practical

application on the codes themselves.

Figure 4: Use of Enforcement Policies (N =47)

Variable Stated Defined
(frequency) (frequency)
Verbal 1 1

34

Written 3 1
Suspension 6 1
Dismissal _8_ Q

18 3

On the whole, codes tended to cover ethics topics without defining

them, fully supporting Hypothesis 3a- Table 2 illustrates the extent to which
ethics topics were defined. The first column shows the number of codes that
stated a specific ethics topic. The second column gives the number of how

many of those stated topics were define.

Table 2: Coverage and Definition of Ethics Topics

(N: 47)
Frequency

Ethics Topic Stated Defined
Gifts 45 3
Conflicts of Interest 41 33
Political Involvement 38 24
Secondary Employment 36 31
Transportation 34 21
Integrity 32 8
Meals 30 15
Books/ Recordings 24 18
Fairness 23 5
Inappropriate
relationship w/ sources 19 16
Accuracy 17 9
Watchdog 16 2
Anonymous Sources 16 3
Credible l4 6
Truthful 14 5
Lodging 13 3
Plagiarism 13 6
Independence 12 2
Free Membership 11 5
Misrepresentation 9 3
Obscenity 8 3
Misappropriation 7 2
Accountibility 6 3
Illegal Activities 6 2
Misidentification 5 2
Paid Sources 4 1

35

While Independence and Watchdog were difficult variables for this
researcher to define, they did make appearances in 25.5% and 34% of the codes
respectively. Interestingly, they were not well defined: both measured at
4.3%. As expected, several variables were frequently used, but infrequently
defined. Integrity peppered nearly 70% of the codes, yet was defined only
25.5% of the time it was used. Fairness appeared in approximately half of the
codes, yet was defined barely 10% of the time. True enough, these variables
are a bit nebulous; still, even the more tangible variables experienced a lack of
definition. Misrepresentation, Misidentification, Misappropriation and
Anonymous Sources were all poorly explained variables. A handful of the
variables which do appear to have been significantly defined ought to be
regarded, in all fairness, as ”loaded variables.” Conflicts of Interest, Political
Involvement and Secondary Employment each are variables that, to satisfy
the coding protocol (see Appendix B), are defined by a number of subtopics
that could bear categories of their own. In this way, the percentages of stated
and defined ethics topics may appear to be artificially bloated. Topics that did
make a healthy showing in the codes and were well defined include Meals,
Transportation, Books/ Recordings, Free Passes and Inappropriate
Relationships with Sources.

Smaller circulation newspapers proved to be less likely than larger
circulation newspapers to define their ethics topics. This supports Hypothesis
3b. Larger circulation newspapers were twice as likely to define their topics
than smaller circulation papers.

Degree of code specificity was measured by a simple ”count” command
on SPSS/PC+. Codes that both stated and defined their ethics topics were
given a higher numerical value than those that did not. Highly specific codes

cannot officially be said to be more apt to include enforcement procedures as

36

Hypothesis 4a posits because of the limited amount of defined enforcement
policies in the sample codes. While no statistically significant results can be
generated for the present study, this researcher did note a propensity for
highly specific codes to include such policies. Data does partially support
Hypothesis 4b, which suggests that the use of code disclaimers will be more
prevalent in less specific codes. Thirty-one percent of the codes classified as
”less specific” included code disclaimers. Interestingly, nearly 70% of all the
codes included a statement informing the reader to consult the editor if
uncertain how to proceed in an ethical dilemma.

A qualitative review of the codes revealed that the coding protocol did
not cover every ethics issue mentioned in each code, only those that appeared
with some frequency. A number of codes did provide segments on the ethics
of complaints, corrections, libel, abuses of press credentials, rape victims,
homosexuals, jury duty, absenteeism and even photographs of dead bodies.

Several of the codes were obvious versions of a national organization
or chain code but had been slightly altered to cover a specific issue of concern
to a particular newspaper. The Grand Forks (ND) Herald even
magnanimously thanked at the end of its code all the newspapers which had
unknowingly made ”contributions” to its code. The Washington Post
included sections relating both to pseudonyms and anonymous sources. Less
obvious, perhaps, but a another example nonetheless, the St. Paul (Minn)
Pioneer Press 6' Dispatch had a special section in its code relating to April

Fools’ Day. It read in part:

We will NOT run April Fools’ columns. These columns run
outlandish items about people and events which most people may
realize are phony but which others take at face value. We make
enemies with this approach.

37

Each code has its strengths and weaknesses, but the Wilson Daily Times’ code
is by far the most misguided. Not only did this 540-word code make
stipulations concerning a formal dress code for its reporters, it also concluded
with a few lines dedicated to gum chewing. It read: ”Chewing gum is
permitted in the newsroom; however, blowing bubbles adds no distinction to
the news staff. You may chew, but do not blow.”

There were several codes of distinction. Gannett produced two ethics
codes: one labeled ”Corporate,” one labeled ”News” to address both the
business and news sides of journalism. A code of impressive length was the
Philadelphia Inquirer’s 10,000 word code. The Inquirer’s code discussed a
brood of issues not covered by this study’ 5 protocol, including missing
persons, bylines, polls, attribution, rape victims, juveniles, crime news, court
proceedings, public meetings, public records, prior restraint, gag orders, search
warrants, shield laws, composite characters and privacy.

Of all the codes in this study, The Detroit Free Press Guidelines was the
most exemplary (see Guidelines, Appendix C). This is due largely to the fact
that the code both stated and defined its ethics topics. The code began with a
short note addressed to the Free Press newsroom expressing the need for
general ethics guidelines. In the introduction the code clearly described to
whom the code applied and how it was to be applied. Twenty-six different
ethics t0pics were addressed, the most of any code in the study. Of the 26
topics, only two were left undefined. These Guidelines also brought to light
topics not included in the protocol: race/ ethnic issues, privacy issues, sexism.
The code did not include any enforcement policies; nonetheless, it is a good
example of a thorough and well-defined code.

One of the poorest examples in the study came from the Jersey Journal

(see Jersey Journal, Appendix C). Barely 200 words long, this code covered

38

four ethics topics and did not define a single one. The code summed ”ethics”
up into ”two basic rules which should guide everyone.” The first of these
rules sketchily related to outside activities, while the second related to
receiving gifts from sources. That such a code could be used by journalists to
ensure ethical conduct is ludicrous. Nothing can be gained from reading this
code; it is too vague for application and less humorous than the Wilson Daily

Times’ code.

CONCLUSIONS

In George Bernard Shaw’ s Pygmalion, Colonel Pickering was appalled
by Alfred Doolittle’s suggestion that he be paid a fee for the ”use” of his
daughter. ”Have you no morals, man?” Pickering asked. ”Can’t afford them,
Governor,” Doolittle answered. ”Neither could you if you was as poor as
me.” Journalists may well think that they can’t afford morals either,
especially considering the effort it takes to formalize beliefs into ethics codes.
Are codes necessary? Are they useful? Are they worth it? The objective of
this study was two-fold. First, it sought to analyze newspaper ethics codes as a
means of discovering how the watchdog watches itself. Second, it sought to
assess Frank Wetzel’s database, which has been designed and is being
marketed for comparative studies and ethical instruction. Wetzel’s database
was, by far, the easier of the two tasks, for the watchdog does not consistently
value the ethics code.

The value of a journalistic ethics code is contingent upon a news
organization’s long-term expectation of it and the code’s overall orientation.
Two theoretical approaches can be taken: codes are either meant to present
the minimal expectations for all practitioners or the perceived characteristics
of the ideal practitioner (Elliot, Conceptual, p.6). One is attainable; the other is
not. Under the belief that codes set the minimal expectation level, those
journalists who fail to live up to the code will be held morally, perhaps

legally, blameworthy. This perspective suggests something of a negative

39

4O

feedback loop: a journalist will not be praised for following the code, only
punished for breaking the code. Punishment and praise are distributed
differently if a news organization cottons to the notion that a code presents
ideal expectations. In this case, a journalist is praised for coming close to the
ideal, but never chastised for falling short of it. If news organizations favor
the former, then enforcement policies are necessary. A code that establishes
minimal standards cannot rely on voluntary obedience; the code must be
applicable to all. Yet, as one journalist pointed out, ”It is human nature that
rules that lack enforcement mechanisms will be virtually ignored.”
Unfortunately, the profession is a long way from coming to an agreement on
hm enforcement policies should be carried out. Nonetheless, in making the
distinction between code orientation, two theoretical frameworks exist: one
idyllic, the other practical, one general, the other highly specific. Both types of
codes can be of use to journalists.

To accept that the concept of a journalistic ethics code is intrinsically
good raises a new set of questions: which ethics issues should codes cover and
how should codes be constructed. If the average newspaper reader is willing
only to plow through the first five paragraphs of a news story, it is safe to
assume that the average news professional is going to be stymied by a 15-page
ethics code. A codes’ length must not exceed reasonable limits. Codes in this
study ranged between 1,000 to 2,000 words-mo more than two to three pages.
Ideally, for a code to be tangible and applicable to practical situations, it should
have as many ethics t0pics as possible, all defined in the most specific,
concrete manner possible. Sheer practicality, however, suggests that any code
of ethics must first be digestible. Imagine the size and length of a code if code

writers attempted this: such a treatise would be monstrous, reaching epic

41

proportions. On the other hand, ill-defined, nebulous codes would prove to
be understated, inefficient and impractical. Is there a middle ground?

Undoubtedly, code writers must be judicious in selecting topics for
inclusion. Some topics can be dismissed out of hand, as they are more
applicable to a newspaper’ 5 legal bylaws or personnel policies and have little
to do with formalized ethics. Examples of such might include court
proceedings and gag orders or employee dress codes and absenteeism. In
narrowing this topic field down, it should be noted that every ethics code
needs to address accountability. News organizations as a whole and
journalists as individuals must always be prepared to accept responsibility for
their actions. If this issue is not made paramount, the goal of ethics codes is
defeated outright. In the case of minimum standard codes, accountability
might be expressed through enforcement policies; more idyllic codes would
hold the journalist on his or her honor to be personally accountable.

Beyond this, there is bound to be some variation in topics from code to
code. Certain topics, consequently, should be made universally important.
Codes would do well to provide a statement of purpose that would allow
news organizations to outline the code’s overall objectives and offer
justification of these objectives. This statement section might also address the
newspaper’ s role as a societal watchdog and emphasize the importance of
remaining free from governmental control and the influence of special
interests.

The average number of ethics topics covered by codes in this study was
11. With so many pressing issues, how are code writers to decide which to
address? The main body of the code might be divided into three sections

covering 1) General Conduct, 2) Truth and Accuracy and 3) Integrity and

42

Fairness. Each of these main headings would, of course, be supported by
numerous subcategories.

Integrity and Fairness might be the most essential category. If news
organizations are truly meant to serve society as a watchdog, then news
organizations must be as fair as possible in their assessment of that society.
Fairness denotes an even—handedness of news gathering and processing;
hence, it would prohibit Inappropriate Relationships with Sources and
practices such as Misrepresentation and Misidentification and other ethically
questionable newsgathering techniques. Integrity has more to do with the
moral uprightness and high moral standing of the news organization and its
employees. As such, issues relating to Politics and Conflicts of Interest would
need to be covered.

Truth and Accuracy focus on the product of the journalist’ s labors.
Truth demands factual, honest work. Accuracy demands technical or
mechanical correctness in the work. Plagiarism, Quotations, Corrections and
Facticity are all vital issues for this section.

Finally, the General Conduct category would include other pressing
issues, such as Freebies, Secondary Employment and other outside activities.

Choosing which topics to address in an ethics code may appear to be an
unwieldy task, but defining these topics may also present a problem. Some
topics lend themselves to succinct definition. Plagiarism, for example, can
easily be defined in this way: ”To take and use someone else’s ideas, writings
as one’s own.” Other topics are more difficult to define either because of
their encompassing nature or because of their ambiguity (e.g., Conflict of
Interest, Fairness). Is there a rule of thumb for defining these? Many news
organizations shy away from producing codes that are not vague and ill-

defined, primarily because they fear such codes would be misinterpreted and

43

used against them in litigation (Goodwin, p.16). Small circulation
newspapers are notorious for keeping their definitions on the hazy side.
Most of these newspapers are too small to afford sizable law suits.

One of the more frustrating aspects to practitioners, however, is that
codes lack consistency in their definitions. One man’s meat is another man’s
poison. Perhaps it would be safest to say that a ”good” definition ought to
have the following elements:

1. An explanation of the topic (e.g.,”Fairness means...”)
2. Some justification as to why a particular behavior is or is not
acceptable.

3. An example, if necessary.
4. What to do in the case of special circumstances.

The Detroit Free Press gives a ”good” definition of Paying for News:

When money is paid for information, serious questions can be
raised about the credibility of that information and the motives of
the buyer and seller. We generally avoid paying for information.
Exceptions must be approved in advance with the managing editor.

From reading this, a journalist understands what Paying for News is, what
the rationale behind the proscription is and what is to be done in the case of
special circumstances.

The pervasive use of request language in this study suggests that news
organizations wish to approach their employees in a non-threatening, non—
accusatory manner. Request language is, certainly, more aesthetically
pleasing than command language and, one could wager, a more supportive
means of communicating the news organization’s ethical objectives to its
employees.

Sometimes less is more. Keeping a code to a digestible length and

covering fewer, better-defined tOpics may be the best way to make the

44

strongest impression on journalists; it might raise their awareness level
without overwhelming them.

A replication of this study might focus on obtaining a larger, more
complete sample of ethics codes. One of the objectives of this study was to
evaluate Frank Wetzel’s database. Wetzel’s Hypercard program actually
inhibited much of this research. The program did not provide a scientifically
pure sample from which to study. Several of the codes were incomplete;
nearly all lacked dates of when the codes were written and possibly revised.
Wetzel provided a tempting convenience and good starting point, but one
that may not necessarily be of the highest value to scholarly research.

The study suffered from other maladies as well, independent of
Wetzel’s program. The coding protocol was not able to accommodate each
ethics topic that appeared in every code. Consequently, a number of well-
stated and well-defined ethics topics were not analyzed. It would have been
interesting, too, if the extensiveness of a topic’ 5 definition could have been
worked into the coding protocol. Sometimes comparing two codes because
they both stated and defined a topic was like dealing in apples and oranges:
one code’s definition was often inferior to another’ 5.

It is important to remember that ethics codes are not the end-all, be-all
to ethical living. Codes provide a framework within which particular
decisions can be made. Codes are only a small part of a whole process of
raising the journalistic level of ethics consciousness and accountability. News
organizations should try to view ethics as an onion-—something that is made
up of many overlapping and fragile layers. Having an ethics code is one layer,
posting the code is another, holding ethics seminars and informal meetings is
yet a third. None of these things by themselves is enough to ensure ethical

conduct. No news organization will ever produce the definitive ethics code;

45

no code will ever cover all situations. Yet, writing and disseminating a code
helps to crystallize a news organization’s moral philosophy and serves as a
guidepost to journalists, reminding them of what is minimally required
and/ or what is ideal.

”The fact that journalism ethics has never been better by no means
establishes that it is as good as it should be, or even as good as it needs to be to
perform its vital role” (Josephson, M_ap, p.39). One cannot, however,
underestimate the value of ethics codes and the deliberation and decision
making that goes on in news organizations to create these criteria.

How does one set the standards of rightness or wrongness of human
conduct? How often will these standards change over time? Can a code be
written that would transcend all of this? Should such a code be written? All
of these troubling questions remain. The need for ethics codes in journalism
may no longer be as great an issue as is the question of how these codes will
continue to take shape and how they will effect the behavior of news
organizations. The ethics codes of a mere 47 newspapers clearly echo that

uncertainty.

STATE
01 NY
02GA
03WA
04AL
OSN C
O6IL
07MI
08N Y

09N D
lONJ
llCT
12HI

13N]

14MO
lSFL
16CA
17KY
18FL
19WI
20Minn
21 NY
22FL
23CA
24PA
25NY
26Minn

27CA
28CA

29WA
305D
311L
325C
33WA

34MI
35C1‘
36CA
37DC
38Del
39NC

4OAPME
41 ASNE

46

APPENDIX A
NEWSPAPERS, LOCATION, CIRCULATION
(as cited in the 1992 Editor and Publisher Yearbook)

NAME

Albany Times-Union
Atlanta Constitution
The Bellingham Herald
Birmingham Post-Herald
Charlotte Observer
Chicago Tribune

Detroit Free Press
Elmira Star & Gazette
& Sunday Telegram
Grand Forks Herald
Hackensack Record
Hartford Courant
Honolulu Advertiser
Jersey Journal

Kansas City Star
Lakeland Ledger
Los Angeles Times
Lousiville Courier Journal
Miami Herald
Milwaukee Journal
Minneapolis Star Tribune
New York Daily News
Orlando Sentinel
Orange County Register
Philadelphia Inquirer
Rochester Times-Union
St. Paul Pioneer Pmss

& Dispatch

San Jose Mercury News San Jose Mercury/ News

San Francisco Examiner 6:
Chronicle

Seattle Times

Sioux Falls Argus Leader
Southern lllinoisan

The Sun News

Tacoma Morning News
Tribune

(Traverse City)Record Eagle

Torrington Register-Citizen

Visalia Times-Delta
Washington Post
Wilmington News-Joumal
Wilson Daily Times

OWNER CIRCULATION
Hearst 109,710
Cox Enterprises 510,378
Gannett 26,053
Scripps-Howard 175,462
Knight-Ridder
Tribune Company 620,173
Knight Ridder 911,679
Gannett 35,421
Knight Ridder 339,468
Macromedia, Inc. 161,797
Times Mirror Corporation 228,172
Persis Corporation 97,367
Newhouse Newspapers/ 66,131
Metro Suburbia
Capital Cities/ABC,Inc. 317,932
Lakeland Ledger Publishing Corp 79,379
Times Mirror Corporation 1,066,950
Gannett 232,034
Knight-Ridder Newspapers, Inc. 421,350
Journal/ Sentinel, Inc. 231,348
Cowles Media Company 408,365
Tribune Company 637,644
Tribune Company 279, 222
Freedom Newspaper 334,242
Knight-Ridder 443,629
Gannett 80,285
Northwest Publications 190,733
253,420
Chronicle Publishing Company 514,985
Hearst Corporation 520,840
Gannett 48,331
Lee Enterprises 29,518
34,400
Tacoma News, Inc. 121,544
Ottaway Newspapers 26,749
Eagle Publishing Group 17,125
Gannett 29,963
The Washington Post Company 747,503
Gannett 140,563
Wilson Daily Times, Inc. 18,596

ORGANIZATION CODES
43Gannett (Corporate) 45Knight Ridder

44Gannett (News)

42Dow Jones 8: Company, Inc.

47SPJ/ SDX

46Scripps—l-loward Newspapers, Inc.

01
02
03

05

07
08

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21

24

26
27
28
29

47

APPENDIX A (continued)
OWNERSHIP

Capital Cities / ABC, Inc.
Chronicle Publishing Company
Cowles Media Company

Cox Enterprises

Eagle Publishing

Freedom Newspapers
Gannett Newspaper

Globe Newspaper

Hearst Corporation
Knight-Ridder Newspaper,Inc.
Lake Enterprises, Inc.

Lee Enterprises, Inc.
Macromedia, Inc.

Newhouse Newspapers

New York Times Company
Northwest Publications, Inc.
Ottaway Newspapers

Page Publications

Persis Corporation

Phoenix Newspapers, Inc.
Society of Professional Journalists, Sigma Delta Chi
San Jose Mercury News
Scripps-Howard

Tacoma News,Inc.

Times Mirror

Tribune Company
Washington Post Company
Wilson Daily Times, Inc.
Journal / Sentinel, Inc.

48

APPENDIX A (continued)

GEOGRAPHICAL REGION (by time zone):

I.
PACIFIC
Bellingham, WA
Honolulu, HI
Los Angeles, CA
San Francisco,CA
San Jose,CA
Santa Anna,CA
Seattle, WA
Tacoma, WA
Visalia, CA

III.

CENTRAL
Birmingham, AL
Carbondale, IL
Chicago,IL
Grand Forks, ND
Kansas City, MO
Louisville, KY
Milwaukee, WI
Minneapolis, Minn
Saint Paul, Minn
Sioux Falls, SD
Traverse City,MI

IV.

EASTERN
Albany, NY
Atlanta,GA
Charlotte, NC
Detroit, MI
Elmira, NY
Hackensack, NJ
Jersey City, NJ
Lakeland, FL
Miami, FL
Myrtle Beach,SC
New York, NY
Orlando, FL
Philadelphia,PA
Rochester,N Y
Torrington, CT
Washington, DC.
Wilmington, Del.
Wilson, NC

49

APPENDIX A
(continued)

. I!

. m5 [mama

:1: II. .18 mrmwui-In-o N0.
.II-Ilu .

_. _atcou

‘ . .. c z
a 51PM
32.5.. y {3:25.93

2:5 I...
i

 

 

50

APPENDIX B

NEWSPAPER ETHICS CODE: CONTENT ANALYSIS CODING PROTOCOL
(07 February 1993, Tenth Draft)

V1. Code identification number
V2. Full newspaper name

V3. Circulation: based on divisions established in the 1992 Editor and
Publisher Yearbook:

1. more than 500,000

2. 250,001 to 500,000

3. 100,001 to 250,000

4. 50,001 to 100,000

5. 25,001 to 50,000

6. 10,001 to 25,000

7. 5,000 to 10,000

8. less than 5,000

V4. Geographic region: as designated by US. Standard Time Zones established
by the Uniform Time Act.

Pacific Standard Time=1

Mountain Standard Time=2

Central Standard Time=3

Eastern Standard Time=4

 

epeuea pue 's'n

 

sepoa 99w 19 sauoz ewu

 

51

V5. Ownership: The name of the organization which owns the newspaper.
This might be a chain owner like Gannett or an independent company.

V6. Title of code: Indicate if the code has a special title, such as "Standards and
Ethics," "Code of Principles," or "Code of Professional Standards."

V7. Length of code: Code length will be measured by word count. An inch of
text will be measured in each code. The number of words that appear in that
inch will be counted. By measuring the entire text and multiplying by words
per inch, the approximate word count for the entire code can be reached.

V8. Preamble: Does the code have an introduction or a series of opening
explanatory statements?

V9. Statement of purpose: Does the code contain a general statement which
describes or states the code’s objective?

V10. Command or request language: Language voice will be determined by
verb usage. Verb phrases are created when a verb's infinitive, present
participle, or past participle is combined with an auxiliary verb. Auxiliary
verbs will indicate whether code content is intended as a command or a
request. Command statements imply necessity, obligation, requirement.
Request statements imply suggestion, possibility, option. Command auxiliary
verbs include: will, must, shall; request auxiliary verbs include ought, should,
might, may, could.

Example: Command Request
Infinitive + Auxiliary will accept may accept

The verb phrase coded is the first one encountered after each ethics topic is
addressed. Codes will be classified as request or command based on the
majority of the language.

V11. Number of ethics topics: The number of ethics topics helps to indicate
how ethically extensive the code is. Topics are determined from an
examination of each of the codes (e.g., "Fairness," "Social Responsibility").
Most codes list ethics topics under separate headings, making them relatively
easy to spot.

V12. Comments: Add special notes about the code if necessary.

V13. Topic Specificity: Coders will look for the presence of characteristics
which define an ethics topic. The nouns and adjectives used to describe and
explain a topic create a level of specificity which prevents nebulous
interpretations on the part of the journalist.

52

V13a. Independence: Free from government control; free from official
coercion; free from influence from public/ private sector on direct news
content

V13b. Credible: Believable
V13c. Truthful: In accordance with fact; honest

V13d. Watchdog: The news organization acts as a constructive critic of society;
refers to the public’ 5 right to know; refers to the news organization’s
responsibility to public service and public welfare

V13c. Accountability: News organization accepts responsibility for its actions
and, if called to do so, will explain and thereby justify its actions.

V13f. Integrity: Can be expressed in two ways. First, as a general sense of "fair
play" on the part of the individual journalist. Second, through maintaining
the reputation of the news organization. Many of the codes make reference to
the notion that perceiyed ethical breeches are almost as damaging as actual
ethical breeches.

V13g. Accuracy: Refers to technical or mechanical correctness, e.g., correct
spelling of a proper noun, correct facts and information. Coders should also
look for mentions of misquoting, inaccurate quoting, quote corrections and
quote fabrication.

V13h. Fairness: Denotes an even-handedness of news collection and
production. Allows persons publicly accused the earliest opportunity to
respond. Bias and distortion of facts are two examples of the antithesis of
fairness.

V13i. Newsgathering Techniques (Misrepresentation): also known as
masquerading. Here the journalist assumes the role of someone else in order
to get information. Examples include posing as a law enforcement officer, a
lawyer, or a doctor.

V13i. Newsgathering Techniques (Misidentification): Occurs when a
journalist either purposefully misidentifies him or herself to a source or
allows the source to make false assumptions as to his or her identity.

V13k. Newsgathering Techniques (Misappropriation): To take dishonestly,
especially for one's own use. This might include stealing documents from a
news source or using newspaper property for personal use; also includes
using inside knowledge for personal gain.

53

V131. Anonymous Sources: Also known as unidentified sources or as
confidential sources. These are sources whose information is used under the
condition that they themselves will not be identified as the source.

V13m. Paid Sources: Source who will receive payment for information. The
payment may be monetary or otherwise (e.g., special favors, special
treatment).

V13n. Inappropriate relationships with sources:
A. Blood relatives

B. Spouses

C. Sexual

D. Monetary

V130. Conflicts of interest: Journalists are to remain free from obligations to
news sources and special interests. Outside activities become "conflicts" if
they:

a. Detract from or interfere with the employee’s duties

b. Irnpair the credibility or integrity of the newspaper

c. Dilute loyalty to the newspaper

Such conflicts may include:

OPublic speaking engagements and/ or
°Journalistic contests and/ or
OFinancial investments and/ or
0Community service and/ or
°Volunteer work and/ or

00ther (specify)

V13p. Secondary Employment: as a free-lancer or by moonlighting

V13q. Political involvement:

OMaking monetary contributions to a candidate or for a ballot issue
and/or

OHolding a public office

and/or

0Attending a banquet, dinner, rally, protest where their presense might be
interpreted as support

and/or

0displaying bumperstickers, posters, signs or other material advancing
political causes

and/or

“Other (specify)

54

V13r.Gifts (Freebies): A tangible item received without payment, whether in
cash, products, services or a combination of products and services. Coders
should note if there is a dollar amount limit specified

V138. Gifts (Freebies)

Meals: free food or drink/ discounts

and/or

Lodging: free accomodations/ discounts

and/or

Transportation: reduced travel rates, free trips

and/or

Books/Recordings: these items are often sent to papers for review
and/or

Free Membership: to a private club or similar organization
and/or

Free Passes: entrance into an event for which admission is charged to the
general public but not to the journalist

and/or

Other(specify)

V13f. Obscenity: Indecent, vulgar or obscene words, phrases or visuals

V13u. Plagiarism: To take and use another person's ideas, writings as one's
own

V13v. Illegal activities: drug usage or trafficking, gambling or other

V13w. Other (specify)

Additional Ethics Advice:

V14a. Code Disclaimer: Any general statement which suggests that the code is

not all-encompassing or does not apply to all situations

V14b. Use of Common Sense: Any general statement which suggests that
ethics is a common sense issue

V14c. Use of Judgment: Any general statement which suggests that journalists
must use their own judgment in certain ethical dilemmas

V14d. Editor's Advice: Any general statement which suggests that journalists
should consult with editors when faced with an ethical dilemma.

V14e. Other (specify)

55

Consequences of lapses in ethics: What happens to news members who break
the rules and guidelines

V15a. Verbal reprimand
V15b. Written reprimand
V15c. Suspension

V15d. Dismissal

56

APPENDIX B (continued)

NEWSPAPER ETHICS CODE: CONTENT ANALYSIS CODING FORM
(07 February 1993, Tenth Draft)
V1. Code identification number
V2. Full newspaper name W A
V3. Circulation 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

V4. Geographic region

 

V5. Ownership

 

V6. Title of code: YES=1 N 0:2

(1 i st )_ A _
V7. Length of code (Words)

V8. Preamble: YES=1 NO=2

V9. Statement of purpose YES=1 NO=2

(list)__

i.—
t

 

V10. Language: Request=1 Command=2 Neutral=3
V11. Number of ethics topics f

_V12.Comments:A

 

 

l

VllTopicSpedfidtflchedt .11 mum“
1
as

V13a.
V111.
V13c.
V111.
VIE.

VII.

Vl3g

V13h. .

V11

vuj.

V11.
V13.

Viki.
V131.

v11...

DDDEEEDDDE

1:1 EDDIE GUI: DDDDDDDDDDE

V1311;

V111:

V131:
vma
v11:
V1311

V133
Vim
V1311

V13jj

Vim

V1311

Vilma

Via-u
v13»
v13“:
vuqq

1:. EDGE: 1:11:1:1 amuamammmaag

I: meant: 1:11:11: Duuuuunmmas

V133. Gifts (Freda!) BMW? Hnwhlchonet?

i

1.11m: I] I] [I [1

storm I] I] [I [I

1111mm I] I] I] I]

mummy... I] I] [I I]

1:.qume I] I] I] I]

“up... I] I] I] [I

m. may I] [I [I I]

m. WW I] I] I] I]
W

[I I] I]

[I I] D

I] I] I]

I] I] I]

I] [I I]

 

EDGE!
EDDD

APPENDIX C

Detroit (MI) Free Press Guidelines

DETROIT FREE Pness

Dec. 1 8, 1 904

To: Ftee Press newsroom

Ftorn: Deve Lewrence

severe! eers ego we distributed 'professlonel guidelines' to deeI mostly wlh

conflict-c -Interest metters. We‘ve continued to send these guidelines to new steff members.

They fell short, however, of satisfying the need for e breeder set of ehlcs guidelines.
Insteed, we heve eddressed ehlcel questions es hey heve come as. below you'll find

broeder guldel Ines.

FREE PRESS GUIDELINES

1. introduction:

These guidelines ere Intended to serve In e verlety of situetlons. They epply to everyone

working for the Flee Press newsroom - fuiitlme end perttIme steff members, end freelalcas

on esslgnment. They obviously oennot envision ell circumstences. These as not iegel
stenderds. Other news orgenlzetlons mey view some metters differently. Those effected by
our ccverege mey differ with us over whet Is 'felr' or 'eccurete.‘ Occeslons will erlse where
news decisions must be mede het will be et verlence with these guidelines; neverheiess.
they represent whet we owseres strive for. Whenever doubt exists on e mestIcn of ehlcs or
teste or sensitivity, pleese discuss het doubt with e supervising editor.

3. Accuracy end feimess:

Ow fundementel objective Is felr. ecctaete coverege. We went to report ell sides of e story. it
Is lmportent to whet we believe In end to our credibility to obteln comment from

mentioned In on unfevoreble context. If one side cemot be reeched before ptbllcetlcn, we

will continue to try efter deedllne.

s. Attribution, unnamed sources:

01: reeders usuelly as best served when we cen Identify news souces nane. We should

work herd to Identify the sowe(s) elthoug'i there will be lnstences when piesult of Iruh

will best be served by not nemlng e source. Sources will be nemed unless the reescn not to
do so Is en overriding ccnslderetlon. Except In e Justlfleble Instence, we will not ellow at
mnaned source to use us to etteck en lndividuel or en crgenlzetlon. We will work had to
corroborete Inforrnetlon from eny unnerned sources. A decision to use mnerned scuces will
be mede with the edvice end consent of e supervisl editor.

When meterlel is used In e story from sources other he writer‘s own reporting. hoes

sources - other publlcetions, previous Free Press stories, redio or TV newscests, etc. - should

be Indlceted In he story. Thet ettributlon need not be mede for simple, verifiebie fects like
detes, but Is essentiel for lnfcrrnetlcn thet goes beyond simple fec - quotetlcns or
descriptions not head or seen by the current reporter, cherecterlzetions or other
relIzetlons not besed on he writer‘s own reporting, etc.
fictitious nerne will be used only In rere end Justifieble clrcunstences, end he decision to
do so will be epproved by e meneging editor. In such en instaioe. he story will stete
explicitly thet he person's nerne hes been chenged, end why.

4. Confidentlellty:

Since the 0.8. Supreme Com hes ruled thet he First Amenanent does not extend to

Joumellsts he ebsolute right to protect he confidentiellty of news souces, reporters on their

own oennot guerentee sources confldentlellty in e published story. If e demend Is mede efter

publicetlon for he source's Identificetlon, e court mey compel us to reveel he souoe. In
clrcumstences where he demand for aasolute confldentielity Is mede es e condition for

obteinlng he story. thet situetlon needs to be discussed with e supervising editor before e

commitment ls mede. Trust works boh weys - he editormust be eble to trust the reporter

fully, and vice verse.

s. Corrections:

We publish conections or cleriflcetlons for errors of feet end when we believe here Is en

omission, distortion or clroumstences which could rosult In en Imcrrect or mfelr

impression. When en error Is oonfinned, e strelghtforwad correction will be written
tiy. Corrections should report he ccnect Informeticn aid not restete the error accept
when clerlty demands.

s. Misrepresentetion:

Steff members generally should Identify hemselves es Free Press steff members. In hose
ustlfleble clrcumstences when we mey be uneble to report e story wlhout ocnceeilng ow
dentity, epprovel of e meneging editor s required. The story's velue should Justify the

decision to conceel cw Identity. Whenever we heve not disclosed or: Identity in reporting e

story, the story needs to sey so.

Steff members doing freelence work for enoher compeny should meke het feet clea to

sources.

meienoers m Identify hemselves es being on esslg'iment for he Hoe Press, but not es

Ree Press stef members.

1. Obscenity:

Ow guiding stenderd is wheher en Importent Joanellstlo propose Is saved by us

objectionebie lenguege. The hasher he lenguege. he more Importent cu purpose Id be.

Only he broedest sort of guidelines cen epply; e word or pirese het Is newsworthy in one

context mey be entirely objectlcneble In another. The use of eny obscene or testelees

59

APPENDIX C (continued)

language Is limited to quoted material. The speaker end he eudlenne are of prlrnay

Importance In detenrnlnlng whether any obscenity will be reported. Generally, when an

obscenl ls deleted In a quotation, hyphens will stand for ell but he first letter. Hash

obscenlt es may be used only with approval of a managing editor. See he Free Press style

gukhnbrnumedmhfls.

0. Outside review of copy:

We avoid promising sources or subjects of news stories an opportunity to review articles,

photos or artwork before publication. In he rare Instance when a prepubllcetlon review mlgnl

be justified, he decision will be made by e supervising editor with he knowledge of the

staff members Involved. In cases when a partial review may be desirable - to check

technical data, for example - e supervising editor should be consulted.

We avold promising sources het hey will be treated In a particular way In a story In

exchange for lnfon-natlon.

e. Paying for news:

When money ls paid for lnfonnatlon. serious questions can be raised about he credibility of

het Information and he motives of he buyer and seller. We generally avoid paying for
Information. Exceptions must be approved In advance by a managing editor.

1 o. Plagiarism:

Using someone else's work wlhout attribution - wheher deliberately or thoughtlessly - is a

serious ehlcel breach. Staff members should be alert to he potential for even small.

unintentional acts of plagiarism, especially In he reporting of complicated stories Involving

nunysounus.

Borrowing Ideas from elsewhere, however, ls considered fair joumeilstlo practice. Problems

also In he gray areas between the acceptable borrowing of Inspiration and the unacceptable

stealing of anoher's work. Our standards:

Words directly quoted from sources oher hen the writer's own reporting should be attributed.

That may mean saying he material came from a previous Flee Press story. from a television
Interview. from a magazine or book or wire service report.

When other work Is used as the source of Ideas or stylistic Inspiration, he result rrnust be

clearly your own work. That Is, what ls acceptable to learn from another ae he elanents of

'style and approach - tone. rhyhm. vocabulary, topic Ideas - and not specific words, pleases,
nuges.

Anyaquetst‘l'ons about what Is woeptable should be discussed wlh a smervlslng editor.

1 1 . uo a ons:

What appears wlhln quotation marks should be what he person said, wlh ellipses
Indicating omissions. Indirect quotations or partial quotations often can solve he problems

of a speaker's grammatical or syntactical error or the lack of clarity.

Quoting In dialect or using a non-standard spelling will be done only rarely, must be In good

taste and must serve an Important joumeilstlo purpose. Grammatical errors. when hey are

not Important to he news or when they would make he speaker look foolish or take on undue
Importance, are to be avoided.

If the speaker obviously meant to say somehl oher hen what was said, he Intended wort

may be Inserted parenhetically or outside he d rect quotation.

1:. Race, ehnlc origin:

The race of a person In he news won't be reported unless It Is clearly relevant to the story or
ls part of a detailed physical description. If a strong case cannot be made for mentioning

race, It should be omitted.

Reclall and ethnically derogatory terms ac to be treated as obscenltles; such a term

should spelled as an Initial followed by hyphens, and be used only in quoted material.

when It Is essential to a story, and with approval of a managing editor.

Photos or art work which foster racial stereotypes are to be avoided unless here is

justifiable news value. In such cases, a supervising editor should be consulted.

1 S. Recording interviews and phone conversations:

Except In rare and justifiable Instances, we do not tape anyone wlhout hat person's

knowledge. To do otherwise violates a general policy of treating people as we would warnt to

be treated. An exception may be made only If we are convinced he recording Is necessay to

protect us In a legal action or for some other compelling reason. and If other approaches

won‘t work. Such Instances require a managing editor's approval In advance.

14. Respect for privacy:

The public‘s right to know often needs to be weighed vIs-a-vls he privacy rlynts “min

he news. We need to respect not only heir legal rights, but also heir own and one '

sensibilities about what Is reasonable coverage and what Is unfair or Intrusive coverage.
Generally, we do not Identify Ilvlng victims of sex crimes or persons whose safety would

jeopardized by pnbllshlng their names or addresses. Exceptions must be approved by a

managing editor.

1 a. Sexism:

Women and men should not be treated differently. Physical description and fanlllel

connections of a women are appropriate only if a man would be described comparably in

similar clrcurnstances. We generally avoid terms that specify gender, e.g., police o cer

raher hen policeman, alhough such uses as actorlactress and walterlwaltress ae

acceptable. Phrases that suggest here Is somehlng unusual about he gender of someone

holding a job (woman lawyer. male mesa) should be avoided. When referring to membas of e

60

APPENDIX C (continued)

, a construction correctly using THEIR ls generally preferable to one requiring ltlS or
ER.

Photos which foster sexual stereotypes or exploit the subject's physique should have
justifiable news value to be used.
te.fiufleandtmun
We seek to avoid offending one readers and yet not compromise our reporting of he news. A
story or photo or drawing of questionable taste should have significant news value to justify
what some readers will regard as offensive. Whenever he slightest doubt exists about taste,
consult a supervising editor. Avold condescending tone or patronizing descriptions when
writing about people or places. We do not ridicule others' mannerisms, customs or errors in
language, no matter how subtly.
11. (lifts, books, records:
We accept nothing of value from news soreces or from souces whose activities as, or ae
likely to be, he subject of news coverage by he Flee Press. This Includes free travel,
merchandise, lodging, reduced rates or discounts available only to members of the media,
free memberships In ohms or organizations, and loans of cash or merchandise. Unsolicited
gifts should, where possible, be retwned to he donor wlh a note explaining our policy. If his
Is not possible, he gift may be donated to chari wlh a note to the donor explaining the
clrcrenstances. Gifts of token or Insignificant va us may be accepted If retrenlng hem would
be awkward or Inappropriate. Meals andlor cl'lnks shared wlh news sources should be paid
for, wherever possible, by the staff member. When he cost of a meal Includes an addltlornal
sum (for example, a Ssoo-a-plate political fund-raiser). the staff member will pay he price of
he meal and be reimbursed by he flee Press.
Books and records received for review purposes belon to he Pfee Press. Some books as
dlsblbuted to staff merrnbers for background uses. Boo and records assigned for review
belong to he reviewer, but are not to be sold or exchanged. No one should derive any profit -
elher by resale or tax writeoffs - from hese books or records. Books not reviewed or
oherwise distributed ae donated to local libraries. Unrevlewed records are given to
charities.
1 S. Tickets:
Free tickets to events forwhlch he ptbllc rrnust pay should not be accepted by staffmanberr
or members of heir households In behalf of he staff member. Staff members rerprlred to
attend events where press box facilities as not provided should purchase tickets and be
reimbursed by he Pres Press. Photogaphers and reporters assigned to cover sports or
political events may use such facilities as review seats, press boxes, press galleries or
press rooms which are necessary to cover he event. Access to press boxes or press galleria:
may be gented to other staff merrbers when he access ls necessay to davelcpirng
Inforrnetlon or skills.
1 0. Outside activities:
Staff members should avoid outside activities hat mlgnt conflict wlh he staff rnanber's
responsibility to he Flee Press and to our readers. Examples would Include work for an
employer who Is the subject of flee Press news coverage: work for an errnployer whose
employment of a flea Press staff member ml t Indlca e an endorsement by the Free Press
or the staff member of his or her product, serv ce or business; a staff member‘s andorsement
of any product or cause (for p or for m.) which might Irnply an endorsement by he flee
Press; work for an employer competes wlh he nee Press for elher circulation or
advertising revenue. Discuss any such activity In advance wlh a supervising editor.
The Ree Press Is he exclusive owner of he work for which It pays. An disposition of that
work requires nee Press approval. Freelance work Is perrnltted for pun Ioetions not In direct
competition wlh he Pres Press.
Appearances on radio or television by staff members are generally pennlssibie, but a
supervising editor should be consulted In advance of he appearance. A staff manber slnould
not enter Into a commitment for regular Involvement wlh a radio or television station
wlhout first consulting a managing editor.
to. Business Interests, Investments:
A staff member may not enter Into a business relatlornshlp wlh a news souoe. A staff
member may not make Investments which could come Into conflict wlh he staff manber's
duties. A staff member wlh Investments or stock holdings In corporatlorns should avoid
making news decisions that Involve hose corporations.
Unpunllshed Inforrnatlon gahered by he Flee Press may not be used by staff manbers for
investrnernt decisions. Staff members should try to ensue the confidentiality of Inforrrnatlon
gathered by he Free Press by making every effort to keep such Inforrnetlon from reaching
anyone who might atterrnpt to use It for personal gain before It Is published. Staff rrnernbas
should be careful In dealings wlh news sowces - and particularly hose In he Investment
comrrnunlty - not to disclose before publication he nature of any story that has he potential
to affect the Ice of any stock. And because timing of an investment ls often crucial, no one
outside he Press should know In advance he publication date of any such story.
When there Is doubt about he appropriateness of a business Investment or Uncut any
possible conflict of Interest, he staff member should discuss he situation wlh a
sucuvhungednon
21. Personal relationships:
Nosflufnnnunrshuudvnfleabouhnuurhumphmhgnphornukeanuwwrhxammudlbcut

61

APPENDIX C (continued)

any Individual related to him or her by blood or marriage or wlh whom he staff member has
a close personal relationship. Writing or editing a story about a friend's business, for
example, presents a conflict and should be avoided. A staff member who finds himself or
herself In a situation where a conflict of Interest (or he perceptions of such) becomes likely
should consult beforehand wlh a managing editor about he circumstances.

:2. Travel:

We do not accept travel junkets or special media rates from airlines, agencies and
governmental travel organizations or free travel with sports teams. In he latter case, we
will accept he same dlsccurnt he team receives. Transportation costs neces to the
performance of Pnee Press duties are paid by he Flee Press. Inaugu'al fllghts,w

government regulations prohibit he sale of tickets, will be taken only In cases where here
are compelling coverage reasons and hen only by he person(s) assigned to such ccv
Unique situations, e.g., military transportation necessary to covering a story, will be led
on a case-by-case basis In consultation wlh a supervising editor.

SS. Connections:

Staff members need to avoid using heir Free Press positions to obtain personal or financial
benefit for hemselves, family or friends. We canrnot use he company‘s nane to onery favor,
lrrnply a threat or pressure, seek personal gain, expedite personal business, or seek special
consideration. (For exanple, It would be innproper to use company stationery for a persornal
complaint letter.)

S4. Political activity:

Journalists should avoid work for pay or as a volunteer In a political gncr

organization. If a staff member has a close relative - spouse, parent, child, brother or sister-
or a person wlh whom he staff member has a close and continuing personal relationship,
who Is Involved in a political campaign or organization, he staff member should not cover or
make news judgments about he campaign or organization; If the Individual clrorenstances
are felt to justify another course of action, a managing editor needs to be consulted. If a staff
member feels compelled to seek punllc office, he executive editor’s permission ls rerplred.

62

APPENDIX C (continued)
JERSEY JOURNAL

The cornerstone of a newspaper ls Its Integ'lty. Jonenai reporters and editors -ln

protecting hls Integrity- must avoid Improprlety and appearance of Improprlety as well
as any conflict of Interest or he appearance of conflict.

TWo basic rules should guide everyone:

1 . News department employees shall not perform services of any kind on behalf of a prbllc
or political agency or Individual except wlh specific consent of he editor. Outside
employment Is not prohibited, but advance approval of the editor must be obtained by
employee who desires to engage In outside employment or on age In political activity or
punllc relations. No employee shall exploit his or her connect on wlh The Jersey Journal In
he course of activities outside working hours.

a. News department employees should show good judgnent In refusl to accept gifts or
gatultles from any person or organization In any way Involved with he Iness or The
Jersey Journal. common sense should prevail; gifts should not exceed a nominal value. Any
question ooncemlng he propriety of accepting such gifts should be discussed wlh tlne
swervlslng editor.

Acceptance of ss credentials for coverage of an evernt or trips related to special news
coverage must approved by he editor.

63

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Achenbach, Joel, “Oh, That Code of Ethics,” Mill (November/December, 1991):
22.

American Society of Newspaper Editors Ethics Committee, “Newsroom Ethics: How

Tough 1s Enforcement?” WW 2, no. 1 (Fall/Winter 1978/79): 7-
1 6.

Anderson Douglas, "How Managing Editors View and Deal with Ethical Issues,"
W. 64 (Summer/Autumn 1987). 341-345.

Banner.William Augustus, W (New
Yorszharles Scribner's Sons, 1968).

Barden, Garrett, Wes (Indiana: Universtiy of Notre Dame Press, 1990).

Bertrand, Claude-Jean, “Media Ethics in Perspective,” MW,
2, no.1 (Fall/Winter 1986/87): 17-22.

Black, Jay and Barney, Ralph D., “The Case Against Mass Media Codes of Etlnics,”
no. 1 (1985): 7- 9.

Bok. Sissela. W (New York. Pantheon
Books, 1978).

Bok. Sisscla. W (New York:
Pantheon Books, 1982).

Braman, Sandra, “Public Expectations of Media Versus Standards 1n Codes of Ethics,”
Ionmalismflumetlx 65 (Spring. 1988) 70-

Chichioco, Tess, “Ethics and the Media: Is there a Double Standard?” Edmund
Publisher (14 October 1989): 11-

Christians, Clifford B. ,“Beyond Quandaries: A Plea for Normative Ethics,” Mass
W(Fall 1979): 28- 31

Christians, Clifford B., “Enforcing Media Codes,” WM}; 1
(1985): 27-36.

Christians, Clifford B., “Fifty Years of Scholarship in the Media Ethics,” Journalism
Quamly, 27, no.4 (Autumn, 1977): 19-29.

Christians, Clifford B., Rotzoll, Kim B., Fackler, Mark, W
MmLReamnjng (New York: Longman, 1983).

Christians, Clifford B., Schultze, Quentin 1., Sims, Norman H., "Community
Epistemology and Mass Media Ethics," Wm 5, no. 2 (Summer 1978): 38-

64

65

Cooke, Janet, “Jimmy’s World,” W, (1981)

Cooper, T. W. “Communication and Ethics: The Informal and Formal Curriculum”
WW. 2 (1986): 71-79

”(I ' 1' 1":0. . 0 or. n '.t In O.‘Il' 1.. .J 1111 ,Cd.by
Frank McCulloch (Washington, D. C.: American Society of Newspapers Editors
Foundation, 1984).

Elliott, Deni, “A Conceptual Analysis of the Purpose of Ethics Codes,’ ’W
W1. no 1 (1985): 5 6

Elliot, Deni, “The Problem is Writing.” WW
1, no.10 (January 1990): 1.

Endres, Fred. F. “Influences on the Ethical Socialization of US Newspaper
Journalists,” W: 47-55.

Fink. Conrad. W (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, 1988).

Flew, Antony, Wew York: St. Martin’s, 1979).

Fry. Don. “Red Light. Green Light. Go!” WW. APME
Convention, Des Moines, Iowa (October, 1989): 3-6.

Gerwirth, Alan, “Professional Ethics: The Separatist Theory,” Ethigs, 96, no.2 (Fall
1986): 282-300.

Goldstein, Tom, W (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985).

Goodwin. Eugene H.. W (Iowa: Iowa State
University Press, 1987).

Harsanyi, John Q, “Does Reason Tell Us What Moral Code to Follow?” Em , 96,
no.2 (Fall, 1986): 42-55.

Hartley, Craig H., "Ethical Newsgathering Values of the Public and Press
Photographers, " W, 60 (1983): 301- 304.

Herlon g, Ann, "Journalism Ethics: Making Decisions the Rational Way," (21111131151
39ml], 59, no. 4 (April-May 1985):]0-12.

Hausman. Carl. W (New York:
Harper Collins, 1992).

Ingram, Timothy, "Investigative Reporting: Is It Getting too Sexy?" Iheflashingmn
MthJy (April l975):53-62.

Josephson, Michael, “A Map Through the Ethical Jungle,” W
Done, 2, no.2 (1989): 984-

66

Josephson, Michael, “Ominous trends Lead to Unhappy Predictions,”
W, APME Convention, Des Moines, Iowa (October, 1989). 5- 6.

Martin, June C., "The Case of the Lost Ethic: Making Moral Decisions," 19mm
Edam, 43, no.1 (Spring 1988): 11-14.

McKerns, Joseph P., "Media Ethics: A Bibliographical Essay," W, 5,
no. 2 (Summer 1978):50-68.

Merrill, John C,. "Ethics for the Journalist: Sound Principle, Judicious Deviation,"
W (November/December 1983): 15-18.

Meyers, Christopher, "Blueprint of Skills: Concepts for Media Ethics Course,"
45, no. 3 (Fall 1990): 25- 31.

Meyers. Philip. W (Washington. DC:
American Society of Newspaper Editors, 1983).

Meyers,Philip, r. , 011-. rr'i. 1'0 1.071 in. rrr‘sert .H are
(New York: Longman, 1987).

Mill, Rila Dean, “Newspaper Ethics: A Qualitative Study,” Joumafismflumfly, 60
(1983): 589-94, 602.

"Motives for Ethical Decision-Making," mum, 67, no.4 (winter
1990):964-

Olen, Jeffrey, WWew Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1988).

Omoregbe, Joseph. W111: (Nigeria: Cepco
Commuincation System Limited, 1979).

Pitts, Beverly J ., "The News Selection Process of Students & Professional
Journalists," WW 9, no.1 (Fall, 1987): 41-45.

Pollock, John L. “A Theory of Moral Reasoning,” Ethj§§_(Fall, 1986): 506-523.

Pritchard, David and Peroni-Morgan, Madelyn, "Impact of Ethics Codes on Judgments
of Journalists. A Natural Experiment," MW, 1989.

"Quest for Ethical Mechanism Renewed by Editor's Groups," W,
105 (3June, 1972)23:9.

Ramsey, Doug and Shaps, Dale Ellen, W (New York:

Foundation for American Communications, 1986).

Rivers, William L. and Mathews, Cleve, W (New Jersey: Prentice
Hall, 1988).

Schafer, Robert, “The Minnesota News Council: Developing Standards for Press
Ethics,” W (Autumn 1981): 355- 362.

Schulman, Robert, “Media in a Values Muddle,” WW, 2,
no.1 (Fall/Winter, 1978/89): 23-29.

67

Scib,PhiliPM., [no .1011..- "'7 e0 1 I ' 117.1. 121' ‘ -. o '01 -__1 1 '1
More: (Dallas: Taylor Publishing Company, 1987).

Shaw, David, "Deception--Honest Tool of Reporting?" W 20
September 1979.

Singer, Peter, W (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979).

Singletary, Michael W., Caudill, Susan, Caudill Edward, and White, Allen, “Motives
for Ethical Decision Making,” MW, 67, no. 4 (1990): 964-972.

Steele, Robert M., “Doing Ethics,” Ware, 4, no.2 (Spring, 1992).

Stein, M.L., “Who’s the ‘Ethics Conscience’ at Newspapers?” Editor and 211121151191.
(14 October 1989):13.

I1 '1 1'r_11._11'1'1 01' :. 'qrmo 1‘ «.11: '1-1 (New

York. Institute of Society, Ethics, and Life Sciences, 1980).

Vahl, Rod, "Legal vs. Ethical News Gathering Methods," W1, 64, no. 2
(December/January 1990):20-21.

Walker, Jerome, "Ethical Behavior Progress Seen in New AMPE Study," Edit’ or and
Euhlishg, 107 (November 23, 1974) 47:9.

Whitlow, 8. Scott and Van Tubergan, G. Norman, “Patterns of Ethical Decisions
Among Investigative Reporters,’ WM 1nter 1978-79): 2-9.

Wiley. Gale, “Ethics Codes on Disk,” Wm, 47, no.1 (Spring, 1992):
98.

"ll‘lltlntnr