HESIS llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll L 300911 7080 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Collegiate Athletes who Made the Grade: Reflections of Division I Football and Basketball Players presented by Barbara Bedker Meyer has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Physical Education & degree in Exercise Science Major professor ‘ 29, 1991 Date May MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE just A, q ,. 1‘ ' Ir. “A“ La «’96 Vagasam znmlfl j 3160 t V RSV: 2 ..r. HAP (1 th "fi 3' {tom Bt—U - V I‘JJ MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution c:\ck plus-p1 COLLEGIATE ATHLETES WHO MADE THE GRADE: REFLECTIONS OF FORMER DIVISION I FOOTBALL AND BASKETBALL PLAYERS By Barbara Bedker Meyer A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Physical Education and Exercise Science 1991 KNNTkww ii ABSTRACT COLLEGIATE ATHLETES WHO MADE THE GRADE: REFLECTIONS OF FORMER DIVISION I FOOTBALL AND BASKETBALL PLAYERS By Barbara Bedker Meyer For over 100 years faculty committees and national organizations have been trying to reform intercollegiate sport. As an indirect result of these reform movements, intercollegiate sport has become a popular research topic for individuals in a variety of fields. While these efforts have provided us with several improvements and a great deal of knowledge, they have provided us with little insight into the actual experiences and perceptions of, or coping strategies utilized by college student-athletes; the voice of the student-athlete is consistently absent from reports on and research addressing the world of intercollegiate athletics. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to use the information gained through in-depth interviews with former male Division I football and basketball players to better understand how big-time intercollegiate student-athletes experience and perceive college. As I examined my findings through the lens of critical theory, I focused on the student-athletes' critical thoughts about their situation, how the men acted on their awareness, the circumscription of their efforts by the athletic department, and the dynamic nature of the student-athletes' experiences. Specifically, the men were aware of what was going on around them. The men who acted on their awareness did so by defying the dependency training espoused by the athletic department and "mainstreaming” themselves into ”normal” college life. The efforts of the student- athletes to express agency were not always successful, however, as they were often circumscribed by the athletic department. In the end, it appeared as though the men were successful in spite of the system. While services to advance their educations were available, they were often seen by the athletes as more detrimental than beneficial. The fact that the men in the sample graduated does not necessarily mean that the institutional and national athletic systems in which they operated were effective; many outside factors influenced the athletes, and thus were the primary forces behind their academic achievements. Copyright by Barbara Bedker Meyer 1991 There have been many uncertainties in both my doctoral program and my dissertation. The one thing of which I have always been certain, however, is that this document would be dedicated to my husband Randall. Although there are many people who have been instrumental in the completion of this degree and this project, none has been more important. Randall has been the one consistent force in my life that allowed me to devote all of my time and energy to obtaining my degree and furthering my career. I know that it was not easy for him to put his future on hold while working long and tedious hours to support us financially. His responsibilities did not stop in the workplace, as there was always plenty of laundry and cooking for him to do when he came home. Still, he always found time to help me do research at the library, proof and edit papers, as well as challenge my thoughts and opinions by playing "devil's advocate." Only now am I able to thank him for resisting the bribes I offered if he would just write an introduction, a conclusion, or an abstract for me. Although my diploma and this dissertation have only my name embossed on them, I will always see his name there next to mine, as I could not have accomplished all of this without him. His unselfishness inspires me, and I can only hope to be half as supportive as he embarks on and progresses through law school. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Although my name will appear alone on this dissertation and on my diploma, there are many other people who deserve both recognition and credit for their contributions. This project would not have been possible if it were not for the cooperation of the Executive Director of the Varsity Alumni Club at BDU. This individual (who remains anonymous for confidentiality purposes) was responsible for providing me with the names of former athletes who lived in three nearby states, as well as paying for the retrieval of these records. Similarly, I am forever indebted to the 26 former student-athletes who "are" this study. Not only did these men take time from their busy schedules to participate in this study, they freely revealed to me what must have been very painful and embarrassing perceptions and/or experiences. May other athletes (and athletic departments) unselfishly follow their example. My advisor, mentor, and friend Annelies Knoppers was often the main force behind the completion of both this degree and dissertation. I know only a few individuals who are as cooperative, sincere, supportive, and honest as Annelies. Although this may seem contradictory, I thank Annelies most for being out of the city/country for half of my doctoral program. Her absence forced me to take charge of my own thoughts and actions, fostering both my independence and my confidence. My future advisees and colleagues will benefit greatly from my relationship with Annelies. Marty Ewing was another important member of my doctoral committee. Her continuously open door was extremely valuable, as she was often a sounding board for new Ideas. Marty also provided me with applied sport psychology experiences, which were most helpful in dealing with the athletes in my sample, and ultimately in the interview process. vii I will never forget the kindness of another committee member, Jayne Schuiternan. She was instrumental in the completion. of the comprehensive examination process, as well as the formative stages of my dissertation. Although Jayne was trying to complete her dissertation during this time, she always took time to read the latest draft of my proposal and provide direction. As a fellow student and a friend before becoming a committee member, Jayne was often the source of encouragement and ”candid answers." Most importantly, Jayne was a role model, showing me that it could be done. 1 During the early days of my doctoral program I heard stories from other students about the man who would become my fourth committee member. According to them,.Norm Stewart's classes were challenging, and he demanded a great deal from his students. It was those qualities, along with his unconditional support and encouragement, that made him a welcome addition to my committee. Norm always had time to discuss any concern I might have and make suggestions regarding issues of interest. He was, and will continue to be, a valuable sounding board and friend. Finally I would like to recogniie the fifth and final member of my committee member, Michael Kasavana. Although Mike and I often had ideological differences with respect to the methodological and philosophical principles applied in this dissertation, I believe that I produced a better dissertation as the result of his participation. Knowing that Mike would challenge my motives, methods, and conclusions forced me to think carefully about each and every aspect of my dissertation. Although the above committee members were invaluable in the completion of both my degree and dissertation, several other people deserve specific recognition. I thank Linda Lyman and Mary Kimbell for always being there to support me, both academically and personally. I think the most viii valuable lesson they taught me was to try to put things in a "realistic" perspective, and not always take everything so seriously. Specifically, Mary and Linda taught me that it was important to take time for myself and for recreational activities; after all, "you're smarter than you think." What would I have done the last two years without Jackie Goodway? Jackie gave me confidence to complete whatever task I was working on at the time, as well as acting as a valuable outlet for my latest crises; her ears must still be tired from listening. (P.S. thanks to Chuck tool). I believe the greatest contribution Jackie made, however, was understanding the real reasons why I couldn't ”come out and play." . _ I will never forget a phone call I got two days before my dissertation had to be turned in to my committee; it was Steve Walk calling to see if there was anything he could do. I am always touched by the sincere interest he took in my work. In addition to being a valuable sounding board for both academic and nonacademic pursuits, I could always count on Steve help me alleviate the stress my dissertation was causing me (i.e., attend a departmental seminar) and to interject some much needed humor into my graduate program. Most importantly, he taught me that sociological theory could be both useful and interesting. I would also like to recognize my college roommate, Kathleen E. Hanson. Although Kathy lives five hours away, she has continued to provide me with the support, encouragement, and confidence necessary to complete my degree. She was always there to listen when I needed to complain about the all the reading or writing I had to do. I must not have complained too much, however, as Kathy is now in graduate school herself; I hope I can help her as much as she helped me. Finally, I would like to acknowledge my oldest friend, Brent W. Hoag (who probably thinks I am saving the best for last!). Brent has been with me through 22 years of school, and has supported me in many ways over the years. As early as grade school he encouraged me to believe that there was nothing I could not do... even if it was just to play "the net" in tennis. More recently, Brent has provoked me intellectually, reminding me why I chose to write this particular dissertation and why it was important. His "Ignorance" about the lives of intercollegiate student-athletes motivated me to complete this project. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: Introduction and Review of Literature .................................... Sociological Perspectives ................................................................... The Structural Functional Perspective .................................. The Conflict Perspective .......................................................... The Critical Perspective ........................................................... A History of Intercollegiate Sport: Evolution and Embarrassment ................................................................ The Impact of Intercollegiate Athletic Participation ........................ Athletes and Academic Achievement ................................... Grade Point Averages ................................................. Graduation Rates .......................................................... Development of Career Goals ................................................ Retirement and Disengagement ........................................................ Rationale for the Study and Statement of the Problem ................. CHAPTER II: Methodology ............................................................................ Rationale for Interview Method ........................................................... Conditions for Conducting Effective Interviews ............................... Participants ............................................................................................ Selection of the Sample .......................................................... Confidentiality ............................................................................ x i (OV-kli 11 25 25 25 27 29 34 [33 41 41 44 47 49 52 The Interview ......................................................................................... 53 Site .............................................................................................. 53 Rapport ....................................................................................... 53 Length ......................................................................................... 55 Design and Instrumentation ................................................................ 56 Analysis ................................................................................................... 57 Background ............................................................................................. 58 Basketball .................................................................................... 59 Football ........................................................................................ 59 The Author ....................................................... . ............................ 60 CHAPTER III: Results and Discussion ............................................................ 64 Pre-College Expectations and Experiences ..................................... 64 The Life of the Intercollegiat Student-Athlete .................................. 87 ’ Introduction/toCQIJegQ .............................................................. 87 me Demands of A Ietics ......................................................... 94 Relationships with Coaches ...................................................... 98 Perceived Relationship Between Coaches and Professors ................................................................. 105 Personal Relationships with Professors .................................. 109 Relationships with Other Athletes ............................................. 1 1 9 Relationships with Other Students ........................................... 124 Coping with the Role of Student-Athlete ................................. 137 Combining the Roles of Student and Athlete ......................... 152 Attentiveness to Educational and Occupational Planning 165 Retirement and Disengagement ........................................................... 184 Leaving Sport ............................................................................... 185 Graduation .................................................................................... 193 Physical Activity and Retirement ............................................... 202 Support Services ..................................................................................... 210 Information Dissemination ......................................................... 211 xii Academic Support ....................................................................... 212 Grade Monitoring ............................................................. 212 Study Hall .............................................. - ............................ 214 Tutoring .............................................................................. 215 Miscellaneous Support .............................................................. 222 CHARIER‘IV: Implications and Future Directions ........................................ 228 Use a Functional Perspective? ............................................................. 229 Use 3 Conflict Perspective? ................................................................... 232 A Look at BDU Athletics Through the Lens of Critical Theory ......... 234 Awareness .................................................................................... 235 Eligibility ............................................................................ 235 Professional Chances ..................................................... 238 Commodification .............................................................. 239 Agency ........................................................................................... 243 Structural Constraints ................................................................. 248 Situation Specificity .............. ' ....................................................... 2 50 Personnel Changes ......................................................... 250 Sport ................................................................................... 252 Critical Incidents ............................................................... 252 Friends ................................................................................ 255 Background ....................................................................... 255 Conclusions ............................................................................................... 257 Limitations .................................................................................................. 259 Limitations of the Critical Perspective ....................................... 260 General Limitations of the Current Study ................................. 261 Implications for Athletic Personnel ........................................................ 262 Implimtions for Researchers .................................................................. 270 Suggestions for Further Study ................................................... 274 xiii APPENDIX A: UCRIHS Approval ...................................................................... 278 APPENDIX B: Reluctant Participant Follow-Up .............................................. 279 APPENDIX C: Unlisted Phone Numbers: Research Explanation .............. 281 APPENDIX D: Research Explanation .............................................................. 282 APPENDIX E: Consent Form ............................................................................. 283 APPENDIX F: Cary's Thank You ....................................................................... 284 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................... 285 x iv CHAPTER I Introduction and Review of Literature One of the first articles to document the experiences of college student- athletes from their pre- to post-college days appeared in the popular press in 1980 (Underwood, 1980). Underwood (1980) described how many male athletes often changed academic majors so they would not have to take the more difficult classes, had tUtors or others complete their assignments, allowed athletic advisors to plan their--the athletes'--every move in order to circumvent the system, and focused on professional sport careers at the exclusion of all else. In addition, in this article bright and promising former college athletes explained how they had gotten to their current stations in life as doormen and janitors. Underwood (1980) pointed out that these athletes did not accomplish this alone. They had the "help" of coaches, teachers, tutors, and teammates from junior high school to college. Underwood (1980) concluded that: The ”dumb jock" has now come into flower in the American educational system. He is fast becoming an national catastrophe. He is already a national disgrace... (p. 40). Others (Hoch, 1972; Sage, 1990) have argued that this situation is not so much the fault of athletes as it is of universities and athletic departments. They have named this. "exploitation." Intuitively, I would have expected that this 1980 article would have led to a rash of reforms and to demands for change by athletes. Although many 2 changes to benefit the student-athlete were--and still are--discussed, relatively few have materialized: 1) the development of various academic support services; 2) the elevation of admission standards (is. Proposition 48); and 3) the disclosure of graduation rates for athletes by each university . These were all steps in the right direction, but are these changes enough? Will athletes who enter college in the 19905 face fewer incidents of exploitation and emerge better prepared educationally and occupationally than those who entered a decade before? A decade after Underwood's consciousness-raising article there has been little change as student-athletes may still be facing exploitation. Once again an article has appeared in the popular press about men's football and basketball. According to Telander (1989), college athletes today are in no better circumstances than those who preceded them. In addition to summarizing many academic improprieties, Telander pointed to illegal use of professional sport agents, violations of recruiting regulations, inducements given to athletes illegally, and felonies committed by college athletes--and promptly covered up by coaches and/or universities. C These two articles are valuable because they helped to make the public more aware of what was going on in the world of big-time college Sport; a lack of empirical evidence, however, may have left some individuals questioning the validity of Underwood and Telander's claims. Consequently, researchers have begun to investigate various dimensions of intercollegiate athletics. The academic and career development of student-athletes have been studied (see 3 for example, Adler & Adler, 1991; Blann, 1982; Kennedy & Dimick, 1987; Meyer, 1990) as have the effects of specific counseling programs aimed at enlightening student-athletes in these particular areas (see for example, Harney, Brigham, & Sanders, 1986; Nelson, 1982; Whitner & Myers, 1986) . While these and many other studies (for an overview see Coakley, 1990) have yielded interesting and applicable results, the voice of the student-athlete is consistently absent from them. Yet who can better tell us what actually goes on in the intercollegiate athletic domain or what services are needed, but the athletes themselves? Listening to their voices may give sport scientists and athletic department personnel a better understanding of the experiences, perceptions, and academic/career needs of this population. Studies in which athletes are allowed to speak may point the way to procedures or practices which may enhance both the college and life-long experiences of student- athletes. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to use the information gained through in-depth interviews with former male Division 1 football and basketball players to better understand how big-time intercollegiate student-athletes experience and perceive college. The purpose of the literature review is to determine what is currently known about the student-athletes who participate in men's intercollegiate athletics. I begin this chapter by providing a brief overview of the three sociological perspectives typically used to study sport. In the second part of the review I will summarize the history of intercollegiate sport and discuss some of the problems that have existed in college sport during its 130 year existence. 4 This overview is important because it illustrates how the experiences of student- athletes today are in part a reflection of the history of intercollegiate sport, and how the exclusion of the voice of the student-athlete is in no way a recent occurrence. In the third part of the review I will present contradictory empirical research illustrating both the positive and negative influences of intercollegiate sport participation on student-athletes. Specifically, I will examine athletes and their academic achievements, career goals, professional sport opportunities, and retirement/disengagement processes. The fourth and final part of the review addresses the missing part of the research on the intercollegiate student- athlete experience, the voice of the athletes themselves, and the type of research methodology which may help to alleviate this void. 5 . I . I E I' As Stated above, there are three sociological perspectives (structural functional, conflict, and critical) typically used to study and explain sport. These three frameworks will be outlined and discussed below. Although such an overview may seem unusual, it is included here since the readers of this study may come from a variety of disciplines (i.e., counseling, physical education, administration, etc.), and therefore may be unfamiliar with these particular perspectives. W The structural functional perspective suggests that society is a system with many interrelated parts or institutions (i.e., family, sport, government, religion, education, etc.), each holding similar values and/or belief systems. 5 These institutions work together to help keep society functional (Coakley, 1990; Frey, 1986). This perspective assumes that society functions best when it is stable; change is only good if it enhances dominant values (Coakley, 1990; Frey, 1986). Thus, the purpose of any institution--including sport--is to create balance and interdependence within society. According to functionalists, the smooth operation of any social system depends on the satisfaction of the following four needs: pattern maintenance and tension management, adaptation, goal attainment, and social integration (Coakley, 1990). To be functional, sport--like any institution--must contribute to the system of needs of society. Through pattern maintenance, sport serves to reinforce , dominant societal values, "socializing people to fit into the mainstreams of life in their societies" (Coakley, 1990, p. 23). Specifically, participation in interscholastic and Intercollegiate sport is viewed as contributing to the enhancement of achievement motivation, the acquisition of social skills, the development of character, and the creation of educational opportunity (Coakley, 1990; Frey, 1986). In addition, since sport is seen as providing both spectators and athletes alike with “harmless” outlets for their tension, hostility, and aggression, it is assumed to contribute to tension management. Thus, functionalists view the institution of intercollegiate sport as helping to keep society functioning. Structural functionalists also see intercollegiate sport as contributing to the adaptation needs of society, that is, sport is seen as an institution which helps people cope with and adjust to the challenges of ever changing 6 environments. Specifically, athletic participation is assumed to contribute to the physical fitness skills of athletes, which may be necessary at some point during their lives. Since a functional society is one which celebrates commonality, functionalists assume that college sport integrates people to share common values and goals. It is quite common for thousands of individuals from different backgrounds to gather on Saturday afternoons for one purpose, to cheer their Bruins or Tar Heels to victory. Similarly, athletes also work together to achieve one common goal--victory. Functional theorists, therefore, see sport as an agent for teaching groups of seemingly different people to work together for the good of society (Coakley, 1990). Finally, functionalists assume that intercollegiate sport helps to legitimize the goals of society. This perspective purports that sport contributes to the upward mobility and status of athletes, both of which are necessary if society is to keep functioning at its same stable level. In a study of 15,000 athletes, for example, Ogilvie and Tutko (1985) found that successful athletes shared several characteristics. These common traits included high degrees of organization, respect for authority, great psychological endurance, self-control, and large capacities for trust (Ogilvie & Tutko, 1985). Sport participation, then, may mold individuals to benefit society. By saying that intercollegiate sport is functional is to assume that sport has consequences for society, and that the consequences are positive (Frey, 1986). Specifically, functional theorists claim that intercollegiate sport contributes to the welfare of athletes, and ultimately society, in some of the 7 following ways: educational attainment, occupational attainment and success, integration of the student body, unity of members across class lines, community visibility, and increased alumni support (Coakley, 1990; Frey, 1986). The bottom line of this perspective is that intercollegiate sport serves to mold individuals to fit society. Consequently, sport will continue to exist since it makes positive contributions to and meets the needs of society. Since athletic institutions tend to be functional, then any failure to experience success is often attributed to the individual rather than to structural constraints. Ii P iv Another framework commonly used to explain society and intercollegiate sport is the conflict perspective. According to this set of tenets, human behavior is a result of the influence of social environment (see Coakley, 1990 for an in-depth explanation of this perspective with respect to sport). Specifically, the conflict perspective argues that social order comes from a small group of people who have the power and resources to determine who and what survives in that particular society. Hegemony is the key to the conflict perspective, suggesting that the dominant ideology of the powerful--or the "haves"--is diffused to the powerlessuor the "have nots"--through various social institutions (i.e., schools, legal system, mass media, etc.) and cultural practices (i.e., welfare, etc.) (Sage, 1990). According to this perspective the ruling group works to legitimize how they operate; the powerless do not question the structure of society, and these two different entities within society view the situation as "normal." As a result, the powerless Individuals do not realize that they are being manipulated, 8 contributing to their false consciousness and feelings of alienation. In other words, the powerful use their resources to remain in control. As alluded to above, this is a very popular perspective for explaining intercollegiate sport in general, and the experiences of college student-athletes in particular. Coakley (1990) asserts that conflict theorists have focused on how sport is used by people in power to maintain the status quo. While hegemony and an imbalance of power and/or resources serve as ”the underlying principles behind this framework, conflict theorists typically examine specific relationships between sport and society to further their case against sport. For example, by limiting the terms of the athletic scholarship, the NCAA and member institutions are using student-athletes for financial gain by operating as a sport cartel (Sage, 1986). Specifically, items covered by an athletic scholarship, interorganizational mobility, and outside employment opportunities are restricted when an athlete accepts an athletic scholarship. The rights and opportunities of coaches and other athletic department personnel, however, are not limited; these individuals are allowed to earn money from outside sources (i.e., shoe contracts, speaking engagements, television and radio programs, etc.) and switch jobs without penalty. Student- athletes are often unaware of these paradoxes, which contributes to a false sense of security. Conflict theorists would explain this situation by stressing the differences in power and resources between these two groups, showing how the athletic department used their clout to remain in control and maintain the status quo. II D 'I' IE r I' As becomes evident, the functional and conflict perspectives are at opposite ends of the theoretical continuum. Functionalists focus on the Individual, and how institutions (i.e., sport) mold individuals to benefit society. From this viewpoint sport is seen as building character, facilitating upward mobility, and providing cathartic experiences. The conflict perspective, on the other hand, views human behavior as the result of environmental conditions, with social order resulting from coercion. Conflict theorists view sport as a creator of false consciousness and a facilitator of racism, sexism, elitism, and the like. The critical perspective is, in a sense, a combination of these two frameworks, focusing on the interaction between people and their environment. Specifically, the notions of constraint, dominant ideology, and hegemony discussed by conflict theorists are combined with the idea of agency espoused by functionalists, to form the critical perspective. Critical theorists acknowledge that both shared values and conflicts of interest can co-exist in the same society, the result of constant negotiation and transformation (Coakley, 1990; Sage, 1990). While individuals may be oppressed by historical and/or economic conditions, they do not lose their ability to think critically. The extent to which they are able to act-~to have agency--is constrained by structural forces. For example, athlete from working class families may have fewer options than those from privileged backgrounds. 1 0 Critical theorists assume that sport does not exist merely to meet the needs of the social system nor to reinforce the domination of the powerful (Coakley, 1990). Although critical theorists assume that power is also in the hands of certain groups, they also argue that sport is created by peOple interacting with each other, who use their own power and resources--or lack of them--to make sport into something that is meaningful to them (Messner, 1990; Sage, 1990). This perspective allows for diversity, as it accepts the fact that sport can reaffirm the status quo or offer opposition, as well as be a source of repression or liberation (Coakley, 1990). The extent to which this occurs depends on how individuals choose to act at that particular time. As Messner . and Sabo (1990) suggest: Culture (of which sport is one expression) is a space in which dominant classes attempt to ideologically legitimize their power. But the hegemony established by the dominant classes is always incomplete. Sport may be a cultural sphere that is dominated by the values and relations of the dominant class, but it does not fully strip working- class participants of the abilities to think critically and to reshape (at least in part) and redefine sport in such a way that it meets their needs or even becomes an arena of resistance (p. 8). While the basketball players studied by Peter and Patty Adler (1991) arrived at college with optimistic attitudes about their impending academic experiences, they soon learned how difficult it was to combine the roles of student and athlete. The men realized that they would not be able to devote 100% of their time and energy to both roles, and thus one activity would have to suffer. The student-athletes who had more athletic talent chose to emphasize 11 the athletic role, while the student-athletes with less athletic ability chose to stress the academic role. The men were aware of the structural constraints and circumstances which affected them, and decided to act accordingly. Critical theorists would give the following explanation for this scenario: Sport, then, is conceptualized as a cultural terrain in which meanings are always subject to contest and redefinition. In essence, dominant classes place structural and ideological constraints around people's thoughts and actions, but these constraints do not fully determine the outcome-people retain the ability to act as historical agents, thinking critically and acting transformatively (Messner & Sabo, 1990, p. 8). According to these three frameworks sport is either good, bad, or a combination of good'and bad. Similarly, one of these frameworks focuses on the individual, one focuses on the environment, and one focuses on the interaction between individuals and the environment. flnrlli :vlinnmrrmn The current structure of college sport had its origins In the single sex and single race colleges of the nineteenth century. Until the 18505 those individuals who attended college--generally males--were governed by very strict and conservative task masters-also males. This may have been due in part to the fact that these institutions of higher learning usually had religious‘affiliations. During the 18505 the students became restless and initiated sport clubs on their campuses to add excitement to their everyday schedules (Lucas & Smith, 1978). These original clubs or teams were controlled completely by the students; the 12 students themselves coached the teams, set up the contests, paid for uniforms and expenses, and in later years hired and/or paid the coaches. Even in this embryonic stage, college faculty and administrators were concerned, as student-athletes were being used for financial purposes. The first competition between schools, a crew contest between Harvard and Yale in 1852, was staged primarily for commercial reasons. The race was sponsored by the Boston, Concord, and Montreal Railroad which wanted to use the occasion to promote tourism--and their railroad as a means of transportation (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Thus, commercialism in male college sport was born at the first event. Three years later the question of eligibility arose for the first time in college sport, as the coxswain for the 1855 Harvard crew was an alumnus (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Eligibility was again an issue in the first Intercollegiate football game (1869) between Princeton and Rutgers. There may have been at least one player in this game, and possibly three others, who could have been ruled academically ineligible by today's standards (Telander, 1989). Because sport was in the hands of the students, however, there was no one with whom to register complaints. Similarly, no records were kept to detail how the athletes themselves felt about such incidents, and if their academic and/or occupational achievements were affected by their athletic participation. College sport continued to gain both popularity and profit under student rule. With the advent of commercial sponsors, the participants rarely had to support their own teams; in fact, the student-athletes were soon wearing 1 3 expensive uniforms, eating at costly training tables, and enjoying luxurious travel and accommodations (Lucas & Smith, 1978). As these intercollegiate rivalries became more popular, college athletics began to receive coverage in the local and regional newspapers of the times; these contests generated quite a bit of free publicity and university administrators used this to their advantage. As early as the 18705 sport was used to attract desirable students to the universities, to raise money, and to gain publicity (Lucas & Smith, 1978). In fact, it has been said that Notre Dame developed a football team for the sole purpose of recruiting students to the campus (Chu, 1985). Similarly, many college presidents did all they could to support athletics as superiority in athletics seemed to give a school legitimacy both on and off the field (Sojka, 1985). Presidents engaged in practices such as attending games and congratulating victorious teams, asking the board of trustees and alumni for money for athletic facilities, granting scholarships to students who were athletes, and hiring coaches-who were given the title of directors of physical training (Lucas & Smith, 1978). While college athletics were clearly gaining more attention and popularity nationwide, there is no record of how this celebrity status may have impacted the student-athletes themselves. As the 18805 arrived, white male intercollegiate athletics entered its third decade. While college presidents were singing the praises of athletics, faculty members were beginning to question the merit of sport on campus. They were concerned about a decrease In sportsmanship, practices held behind closed 14 doors, the use of biased officials, on-field player brutality, paid/professional coaches, misappropriation of gate receipts, and alumni solicitation and control (Lucas & Smith, 1978; Nixon, 1984). The faculty were also upset by the values transmitted via athletics (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Specifically, they felt that the competitors spent too much time on practice and travel, and that athletes often seemed to consider athletics more important than academics. The media glorification of the student-athlete as well as the gambling and drinking at the competitions were also seen as incongruent with the academic mission of colleges and universities. Other concerns were voiced by nonfaculty critics of sport; these concerns included brutality, paid/professional coaches, gate receipts, hiring "pseudo" students to perform on college teams, and alumni solicitation and control (Nixon, 1984). i It appears, then, that the increased commercialization, visibility and general importance of athletics may have had a detrimental effect on the entire university community. It would be interesting to know, however, how the athletes themselves perceived and coped with the professionalization and increased sport-related time demands that emerged. The increase in faculty concern led to faculty-imposed guidelines to help govern sport, and eventually to an athletic committee composed of faculty members (Lucas & Smith, 1978). It should be noted that while these committees were implemented to clean-up college sport and put the "student" back into the student-athlete, athletes were not included as members of these committees; the voice of the athlete again went unheard. 1 5 At some institutions the first action of the faculty athletic committee was to regulate the time, place, and number of games that a team could play. The 1882 Harvard faculty took a much tougher stance by prohibiting the use of professional athletes by cancelling games on any day but Saturday, by insisting on physical exams for all athletes and a final say in all coaching decisions, and by banning football due to alleged brutality (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Although some of these actions seemed to show concern for the athletes, it appears that others were undertaken to regulate or standardize athletic routines so that no school received an "unfair" advantage. In addition to the violence and brutality that persisted in college sport, . improprieties surrounding the recruitment and utilization of noncollege players swelled. During the 18905 the University of Michigan football team played seven players who were in no way connected to the school (Telander, 1989). A similar story involving a Pennsylvania college is described below. In 1896 he [Fielding "Hurry Up” Yost] ”transferred" from West Virginia University to Lafayette (Pa) College just before Lafayette played the most important game in Its history against the University of Pennsylvania, which was riding the crest of a 36-game winning streak. With the 6' 195-pound ”freshman" Yost playing tackle, Lafayette won 6-4. Yost almost immediately transferred back to West Virginia University, where he graduated ayear later (T elander, 1989, p. 52-53). As the problems in college sport continued, the first faculty controlled conference--The Intercollegiate Conference of Faculty Representatives-was developed in 1895. This conference, comprised of Big Ten universities, wanted to further control the abuses in sport and consequently set conditions or 16 guidelines that were to be followed. Among them were the statutes that: students who were delinquent in their studies could not participate, players would not receive compensation for their services, and professional athletes and coaches were prohibited from participating in intercollegiate athletics (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Although this second attempt by faculty members to regulate sport was more organized and effective, serious problems in sport continued to flourish. The major concern of critics at the turn of the century involved the violence and brutality surrounding intercollegiate football. In 1905 alone, 18 players were killed and 143 were seriously injured while playing the game (Davenport, 1985). It was at this time that Chancellor Henry McCracken of New York University headed a committee-appointed by President Roosevelt--to either reform or abolish football; the corresponding rule changes gave football much of Its present form (Lucas & Smith, 1978). Shortly after the formation of this faculty controlled conference, a group of national administrators came together to try and regulate intercollegiate sport. This group eventually became known as the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). The development of the NCAA in 1910 was accompanied by a shift in power and control over athletics from the students to the administrators of the institutions (Davenport, 1985). This group of administrators actually began to regulate intercollegiate sport. It should be noted that as early as the 18905 a persistent pattern was developed with regard to reform and intercollegiate athletics. New rules were 17 made that dealt with restraining and controlling the athletes, while little if any attention was devoted to changing the sport system that had facilitated the commercialization and professionalization In the first place. Sage (1990) claims that those in power were merely "tinkering with the system, while leaving intact the existing distribution of powers" (p. 183). He goes on to state that ”hope for meaningful reform by the NCAA so that It would better serve the interests and needs of all college athletes seems nowhere to be found” (Sage, 1990,p.183) As soon as athletics became affiliated with a legitimate university department (physical education), athletics began receiving institutional funds, causing sport--particularly football--to become more commercialized and business-oriented than ever. Another change in college athletics at this time involved freshmen Ineligibility, which was accompanied by an increase In the popularity of university Intramural sport programs (Davenport, 1985). Davenport (1985) even goes so far as to suggest that intramurals were developed to keep the future athletes in shape. Again, no documentation Is available to show how these changes impacted the athletes themselves. Arguably the most important college sport-related event in the 19205 was the 1920 release of the Carnegie Report, "American College Athletics” (Davenport, 1985). This three-year investigation detailed the abuses in college sport and encouraged administrators to take control and turn things around. It was also during this time that the NCAA began to appoint special committees-- Round Tablesuto address special concerns or situations in college sport 18 (Davenport, 1985). The 1933 Round Table discussed the recruitment and subsidization of athletes, while the 1934 committee studied and presented a code of legal and Illegal acts. In 1937 the Round Table focused on two issues: the need to have universities and colleges in charge of their own athletic programs, and the role of athletics In education. While on the surface it may appear as if these reports and committees were concerned about the welfare, growth, and development of the student-athletes, the fact that we are still struggling with many of these issues today suggests that these reforms may have been public relations maneuvers aimed at improving the reputation of intercollegiate athletics and universities that "sponsored” the teams. The 19405 saw attention shift to the war effort, with less energy devoted to intercollegiate sport. This change allowed athletics to exist in a more relaxed environment (Davenport, 1985). Some of the changes that accompanied this atmosphere included the opportunity for both freshmen and first-year transfer students to participate in athletics. It was also during this decade that the NCAA gained power of control. Since the NCAA began to assume an enforcement role In this decade, there was a decrease in the amount of control that Individual Institutions had over their athletic programs. While the more relaxed atmosphere may have allowed the student-athlete to devote more time to educational and/or career planning, social life, and outside Interests, the Increased role of the NCAA and their philosophy of standardization may have denied athletes of some of their individual rights and forced athletic departments to become more covert In many of their operations. 1 9 The 19505 and 19605 saw athletics begin to separate permanently from physical education at many institutions. This split meant that coaches lost their faculty rank and winning contests became more important than ever for job security. Although no records exist as to how this change Influenced student- athletes, I propose that the increased importance of winning games may have correspondingly increased the amount of time athletes were required to devote to sport. Two other factors, the Implementation of athletic scholarships and the desegregation of educational institutions contributed to the professional and commercial nature of college sport (Sojka, 1985). While desegregation made It possible for African-American students-who may also have been athletes-to attend white colleges, it was the Implementation of the athletic scholarship that turned those possibilities into realities. To the delight of coaches and recruiters everywhere, talented African-American athletes were now able to afford to attend college. As Coakley (1990) explained: The history of desegregation in American sport clearly shows that when a winning season is necessary to generate revenue for a sport team, there Is a tendency to recruit and play the best athletes regardless of their skin color. Although some teams tried to remain competitive without recruiting black players, they dropped their policies when they found that winning can be difficult when - the talents of an entire race of people are Ignored. The desire to win and make money can be very powerful (p. 209). Again, little If anything Is known about how the athletes themselves felt about this change. 20 In addition to the Implementation of athletic scholarships, the Increased attention of the media was transforming both African-American and white student-athletes Into media celebrities and commodities. Sport was becoming big business as winning and making profits were becoming more and more important each year (Davenport, 1985; Sojka, 1985). The major Infraction of the 19505 involved a point shaving scandal In the New York City League, In which gamblers offered basketball players money to "shave" points off the predicted margin of victory of games (Sojka, 1985). When the state of athletics was examined during this period, it became obvious that university presidents and faculties were losing the battle of control. At some . Institutions athletic teams were already playing a role in the fates of their presidents (Davenport, 1985). At NonNIch University, for example, It is said that President Homer L. Dodge resigned after receiving enormous pressure from alumni who were disappointed with the losing record of the football team (Davenport, 1985). The 19605 were no different in terms of the scandalous nature of college sport. Gambling and point shaving were as popular as ever, which meant that many talented players were banished from sport and would never realize their potential at either the collegiate or professional levels (Sojka, 1985). As the decade continued, so did the allegations of Irregularities. MflmThe role of sport at this level has been in question for a long time, as the preceding review of the first century of intercollegiate athletics has shown. Individuals who studied, critiqued, and analyzed Intercollegiate sport during this 21 time did so through a structural functional lens. The focus was on the Individual and how sport helped to mold Individuals to benefit society. Similarly, any failure to experience success was attributed to the Individual rather than to structural constraints. Up to that point the rules designed to govern and reform sport were aimed at restricting athletes, rather than modifying the system In which they operate. A5 Sage (1990) suggested: Rather than addressing the Inherent structural problems that plague big-time collegiate sports, the college sport establishment disguises the fundamental issues by repeatedly blaming the victim, in this case student-athletes (p. 184). After a century of focusing on the positive influence of Intercollegiate sport and citing the Individual as the most Important component in structure of college athletics, researchers and theorists began to examine the power relationships and structural constraints surrounding intercollegiate athletics. Sociologist Harry Edwards was largely responsible for this change, as he exposed the racism inherent In the American sport structure. Edwards publicized this message by organizing a proposed boycott of the 1968 Olympics by African-American athletes, and by writing and speaking about the "modern- day gladiatorz" African-American athletes admitted to college as a result of their athletic prowess (Eitzen & Sage, 1989; Lapchick, 1991). While Edwards opened the eyes of the world to the plight of the African- American athlete, a book by Paul Hoch (W W, 1972) suggested that sport was both a reflection of and contributor to the hegemony that existed in America. Among other things, 22 Hoch's book traced the history of American organized sport from a conflict perspective, claiming that sport had always been a creator of false consciousness and a facilitator of racism, sexism, and elitism. The world of Intercollegiate sport witnessed many changes during the 19705 and 19805. The passage of Title IX in 1972 meant that colleges and universities were required by federal law to provide equal opportunities for women in athletics. Title IX also Increased the interest in women's athletics as scholars, the media, and the general public began to take notice. The increasing popularity of men's basketball and football led to lucrative television contracts between the NCAA/conferences/member Institutions and the various television networks. In addition to increasing revenue for the conferences and institutions involved, this increased media attention was valuable for recruitment and public relations purposes. A third influential development during this period was the Implementation of Proposition 48 In 1986. This rule required aspiring-l college athletes to meet more stringent academic standards than were/ previously required for admission. In addition, many colleges and universities were forced to change their reaniting practices. The violations and moral issues that arose in the 19705 and 19805 were very similar to those that had occurred In the previous century. As before, gambling was a major problem. The occurrence of substance abuse among athletes, however, appeared to Increase during the 19705 and 19805. Drug and/or alcohol problems were not prevalent--or not reported-4n the early years of college sport, yet they have become quite widespread in the past several 23 years. Drug buying and selling, drunk driving, and steroid use are examples of the charges brought against college athletes in the 19805 (Gup, 1989; Telander & Sullivan, 1989). Another problem that is plaguing college sport Is the tampering with and fraudulent use of academic records. While these are hardly violations of state or federal law, NCAA rules and common morality are violated by these issues. As I reported earlier, In this decade critics of intercollegiate sport have begun to question a system which seemed to support the Importance of athletics at the expense of academics. For example, during the 19805 Arizona State football players received credits for off-campus extension courses. This in itself Is no violation of any sort-- the problem was that these athletes never attended the classes (Rader, 1983). Similarly, half of the schools in the PAC 10 Conference have admitted to "laundering" academic transcripts and granting false course credits to student- athletes (Rader, 1983). Similarly, Asher reported the following details of two other situations: At Tulane, for instance, admitting athletes with minimum NCAA requirements meant in some instance taking students whose combined verbal and math college board scores were 600-700 points lower than the average Tulane freshman (Asher, 1986, p. 7). And: A player now at a large eastern university. Going Into his final semester of high school, the player was ineligible under NCAA rules because his overall grade-point average was below a 2.0-a C. In that last senior semester, he apparently became, 24 relatively, an academic whiz, according to his transcript; B In language skills, B in economics, B in geometry, A In independent living, A In physical education, A In personal typing... (Asher, 1986, p. 7). As the University of Maryland has recently spent $220, 000 each year in academic support for Its athletes, and one Big Ten institution has changed its final exam schedule so interested students can attend bowl games, it becomes ever more clear that the role of--or at least the emphasis on--athletics in Institutions of higher education still need to be questioned (Asher, 1986; Davenport, 1985). As described above, the world of intercollegiate sport experienced many changes during the 19805. Another change during this period was the use of a W third theoretical framework to explain sport. he critical pfiaecfle combines the functional and conflict perspectives, focusing on the interaction between individuals and their environment. Although this perspective is In Its infancy In terms of explaining Intercollegiate sport, the premise that individuals do not lose the ability to think critically even though they may be oppressed by historical and/or economic conditions has made it a popular framework for examining both racial and gender issues in sport. I conclude this history by suggesting that intercollegiate sport is not Immune from problems. While the nature of the violations and irregularities have changed, the basic unethical and often illegal behavior remains. As Gup stated in his 1989 Iime article, ”corruption and exploitation are as old as sport itself" (p. 55). 25 m f r i ' ' I i As is apparent from the above review, there are a wide variety of scandals and Improprieties in intercollegiate sport. What Is not obvious from this review, however, is exactly what effect--if any--the big-business environment of Intercollegiate sport has had on the student-athletes themselves. In an attempt to answer this question, I will examine the academic and career achievements, the protessional sport opportunities, and the retirement and disengagement patterns of college athletes. hl I hi in As early as the 18805, university faculty and administrators were . concerned about what effects-if any--Intercollegiate sport participation had on academic performance; the mission of the university, after all, was to educate student-athletes. As sport became more commercialized and business- oriented, these concerns continued. Therefore, the relationship between intercollegiate athletic participation and academic achievement--typically defined In terms of graduation rates and/or grade point averages-has been the focus of a substantial amount of research In the past decade. Wages, One method generally used to assess academic achievement has been the computation of grade point averages. The majority of the researchers who have used this method have shown that athletes tend to have lower grade point averages than nonathletes (Edwards, 1984; Purdy, Eitzen, & Hufnagel, 1982; Raney, Knapp, & Small, 1986)). The overall grade point average of athletes at Colorado State University, for example, was 2.56 26 while the overall grade point average of the general student population was 2.74 (Purdy et al., 1982). Variations have existed, however, among the grade point averages of athletes. In the study at Colorado State University, Purdy et al. (1982) found that female nonathletes had higher grade point averages than male nonathletes, male athletes had lower grade point averages than nonathletes, and female athletes had slightly higher grade point averages than their nonathletic counterparts. A recent NCAA study compared the grade point averages of student- athletes with nonathletes who were Involved In time-consuming extra-curricular activities (Lederman, 1988). Overall, the entire student-athlete population In this study had lower-grade point averages than the nonathlete population, with football and basketball players having the lowest grade point averages of all athletes. The average grade for football and basketball players In this study was a "B", one-quarter of a grade lower than students participating in extra- curricular activities. Racial disparities have also been uncovered. It has been suggested that minorities tend to enter the university less well prepared academically compared to whites, and that these achievement discrepancies continue through college (Kiger & Lorentzen, 1986). Purdy et al. (1982) reported that African-American athletes had a 2.11 grade point average compared to 2.61 for white athletes at Colorado State University. Researchers have also compared grade point averages across sport. For example, Raney et al. (1986) reported that the mean grade point average of 27 male students at the University of Nevada-Les Vegas was 2.41, while the grade point averages for male basketball, football, and baseball players were 1.96, 2.18, and 2.48 respectively. At Colorado State University, male football players had the lowest grade point averages (2.30) while female volleyball players had the highest grade point averages (2.95). Athletes in individual sports had a higher mean grade point average than those athletes who participated in team sports (Purdy et al., 1982). Overall, the evidence presented on the relationship between athletic participation and grade point average suggests that athletes may in fact perform less well than nonathletes-particularly male athletes In revenue-producing sports. Since the mission of colleges and universities is to educate all students, administrators and educators should be concerned that some studentsnby virtue of their extra-curricular activities-are not receiving equal opportunity. W The examination of graduation rates has been the other method generally used to assess academic achievement. Adler and Adler (1985) found that the majority of male athletes entering a university ”feel Idealistic about their impending academic experience and optimistic about their likelihood of graduating” (p. 243). They reported that 92% of the individuals in their sample entered college with hopes of getting a degree. Such optimism Is delightful, but we should take a closer look to see what reality holds. Edwards (1984) asserted that athletes are uninterested in and unprepared for academics, resulting In, among other things, lower graduation rates than nonathletes. A study based on 1970-1980 data at Colorado State University 28 found that the graduation rate of 34.2% for athletes was lower than the 46.8% rate of graduation for the general student population (Purdy et al., 1982). In contrast, several studies have shown positive relationships between participating in intercollegiate athletics and graduation rates. A nine-year study at the University of Utah found that 49% of the athletes graduated compared to 45% of the total student body (Henschen & Fry, 1984). Similarly, a 30-year study at Michigan State University found that athletes graduated at much higher rates than nonathletes, 80% and 45% respectively (Shapiro, 1984). Finally, a recent study of recruited Division I athletes reported that 56.1% of all the athletes and 47.9% of all the nonathletes who entered college In the fall of 1984 graduated within five years (Lederman, 1991). The results, therefore, appear to be contradictory concerning the graduation rates of college athletes. Research has also indicated variations in the graduation rates of athletes within the same university. The previously mentioned study conducted at the University of Utah showed that male and female athletes had similar rates of graduation, 48.76% and 48.89% respectively (Henschen & Fry, 1984). Conversely, Purdy et al. (1982) at Colorado State University reported that the graduation rates for female athletes was 41% while that of their male counterparts was 38%. No comparative data were available on the‘graduation rates of nonathletes at Colorado State University. When researchers have examined graduation rates across race, they have consistently found that Whites graduated at higher rates than African-Americans (Purdy et al., 1982; Shapiro, 1984). 29 Another important variable that must be examined when evaluating graduation rates is the sport in which the athlete participates. Henschen and Fry (1984) found that among males, football players had the highest graduation rate with basketball players having the lowest rate. Among females, basketball players had the highest rates and gymnasts the lowest graduation rates (Henschen & Fry, 1984). In contrast, Purdy et al. (1982) reported football players as having the lowest graduation rate when compared to other sports participants. Purdy et al. (1982) also found that athletes Involved In Individual sports, such as tennis and golf, were more likely to graduate than those who participated in team sports like basketball and football. Finally, a recent study of all recruited Division I athletes found that basketball and football players graduated at the lowest rates of all athletes, 31.9% and 42.5% respectively (Lederman, 1991). While inconsistencies exist concerning the overall graduation rates of student-athletes and nonathletes, It seems safe to say that the average athlete graduates at a rate similar to that of the average nonathlete. Deviations do exist, and seem to be most prominent with respect to male athletes, African- American athletes, and those involved in revenue-producing sports. I n f Although the academic achievement of high school and college athletes has been a popular research topic for many years, it has only been recently that the occupational planning and attainment of these athletes has also come under study. Unfortunately many college athletes have seemed to focus on a 30 professional athletic career at the expense of a college education. Young people everywhere have sacrificed both academic and career exploration in order to concentrate on their athletic skills (Coakley, 1990; Edwards, 1984; Kennedy & Dimick, 1987). Thomas and Ermler (1988) suggested that educational Institutions have abandoned the responsibilities they have In "preparing the athlete to retire from high level competition and assume a nonathletic career" (p. 137). "I wanna grow up to be the best basketball player, I wanna be a pro” was the response of an 11-year old boy when he was Interviewed by a popular television news network as to why he participated in a particular basketball - program. His response, in all likelihood, is similar to the hopes and dreams of youth all over the country-~including my six-year old nephew. When the numbers are analyzed, however, this dream becomes a long shot to say the least. Specifically, only one In every 7,325 high school athletes will go on to play professional football or basketball (Lapchick, 1991). Upon closer examination of these facts, individuals with professional sport aspirations must learn to look at the big picture. Research on the average career length and salary of professional athletes has been less than optimistic (see for example, Edwards, 1984; Lapchick, 1991; Leonard, 1988; Eitzen & Sage, 1989). A look at nonathletic careers would show aspiring professional athletes that the'average lifetime salary for a doctor is $4.5 million, $3 million for a lawyer, $2.8 million for a businessperson, and $1.5 million for a university professor (Sailes, 1985). Over a 40 year career, that averages out to $112,500, 31 $75,000, $70,000, and $37,500 per year, respectively. A simple look at some of these other options may be all that is necessary, for as Lanning (1982) suggests, many college athletes are not aware of the nonsport options available to them. While all athletes should have the Opportunity to dream, I wonder how this dream might Impact their college experience. In light of such claims, the topic of career development among athletes has become a popular tepic of study. Through the use of several paper and pencil instruments researchers have become more familiar with the relationship between participation in athletics and the career development of athletes. One such Instrument, The Career Maturity Inventory ”measures the critical levels of attitudinal maturity and competency that exist in career decision making” (Kennedy & Dimick, 1987, p. 294). The other common method for measuring career development is the Student Developmental Task Inventory-2, which focuses on educational, occupational, and lifespan plans. As Blann (1985) explains: Task 2 consists of three developmental subtasks, mastery of which reflects achievement of the basic task. The subtasks include mature educational plans, mature career plans, and mature life-style plans (p. 116). A study comparing the career maturity of male scholarship athletes-- football and basketball players-and male nonathletes reported that the athletes in these sports possessed lower levels of career maturity than other students at all grade levels (Kennedy & Dimick, 1987). In fact, the mean career maturity score of the athletes was no higher than that of the average ninth grader. 32 Kennedy and Dimick (1987) reported that the athletes In their study--particularly the African-American athletes--were extremely unrealistic In their expectations for entering professional sport. Such a claim is not surprising since the role models that African-American youngsters look up to have tended to be concentrated In the sportsworld (Edwards, 1984). Similarly, white coaches may have given these athletes unrealistic expectations; by reinforcing athletic abilities In their athletes and thus justifying the time devoted to winning games coaches may have encouraged athletes to focus on athletics at the expense of all else. Concluding their study, Kennedy and Dimick (1987) claimed that their findings suggest: Athletes may be unprepared to take advantage of one of the most highly valued aspects of the college experience-the initiation and development of viable vocational plans (p. 296). Blann (1985) investigated the relationship of competitive level of participation in sport--Division I and Division IlI--and ability to formulate mature educational and career plans. He found that freshmen and sophomore male nonathletes formulated more mature educational and career plans than freshmen and sophomore male student-athletes at both levels of competition. Conversely, junior and senior male student-athletes at both levels were similar to junior and senior nonathletes in the development of mature plans, suggesting a more realistic perspective of their professional opportunities than their underclassmen teammates. The females in the study were all similar in their 33 abilities to formulate mature educational and career plans, regardless of grade, level, or athletic participation. Blann (1985) concluded that male college athletes are preoccupied with preparing for and participating In sports, and thus do not give adequate attention to educational and career plans. As a result, he makes the following suggesfion: Student affairs administrators who oversee Intercollegiate athletic programs might consult directors of athletics and coaches to help athletes, especially male underclass athletes, use academic and career planning services. By doing so, they can ensure that athletes give adequate attention to their educational and career plans (p. 118). Sowa and Gressard (1983) investigated the relationship between Intercollegiate athletic participation and achievement of developmental tasks. They found that athletes had a more difficult time than nonathletes In formulating educational goals and gaining personal satisfaction from their educational experiences. When male and female athletes were compared, the females averaged higher scores than the males on most of the measures of interest. Sowa and Gressard (1983) concluded their study by stating: athletic participation does affect student development. The time In sports-related activities on the high school level may inhibit the development of career and educational planning skills (p. 238). Overall, these three studies show that Intercollegiate athletes, especially males, tended to have a more difficult time than nonathletes in developing realistic and mature career goals. Those who focused on sport at the expense of everything 34 else were particularly vulnerable, as they wound up with few options when a professional career failed to materialize. As Lanning (1982) stated: Love of athletics does not mean that athletes must devote their entire life to them at the expense of what they might be doing at the termination of their eligibility. To bypass or ignore all of the career development Issues In an athlete's life during the college years Is to irretrievably lose some of the most satisfying options for a career that may have been. B I' | ID' | One of the Increasingly popular topics among sport scientists concerns the retirement and/or disengagement of college and professional athletes from sport. The lower levels of academic and career achievement among athletes (Blann, 1985; Edwards, 1984; Kennedy & Dimick, 1987; Purdy et al., 1982; Raney et al., 1986; Sowa & Gressard, 1983), as well as the saliency of the male athletic Identity (Messner, 1985), have increased the interest in the nonathletic careers of college and professional athletes. The research in this area tends to be focused primarily on life satisfaction after leaving sport (see for example, Kleiber, Greendorfer, Blinde, & Samdahl, 1987; Lerch, 1981). While the general findings tend to be contradictory (i.e., some studies [Kleiber et al., 1987; Lerch, 1981] show athletes being less satisfied than nonathletes, others [Haerle, 1975] claim the reverse is true), many claim that athletes who focused on academics and graduated from college were happier in their post-sport careers than those who had received neither good educations nor diplomas. 35 In studies of former baseball players, Lerch (1981) found that a high level of education was related to a high level of life satisfaction after retirement. Haerle (1975) reported that level of education exerted the strongest effect on the occupational attainment and status of the athletes. Similarly, Dubois (1985) found that the male Intercollegiate athletes In his sample were no better than their nonathletic cohorts in terms of occupational prestige or earnings. ‘In fact, the athletes were earning approximately $4000 less per year than the nonathletes. In a study of former Big Ten athletes, Kleiber et al. (1987) found that level of education was related to increased levels of life satisfaction, _ and that It was also the best predictor of occupational status. Thomas and Ermler (1989) echoed the sentiments discussed thus far and added that a smooth transition from athlete to nonathlete at any level is dependent upon the possession of a good education and marketable skills. When addressing retirement adjustment problems, Rosenberg (1984) claimed that there was a positive correlation between perceived likelihood of a professional athletic career and athletic retirement adjustment problems, and an inverse relationship between post-playing options and retirement adjustment problems. He went on to suggest that In many cases the attractiveness of voluntary (versus involuntary) retirement depends on the availability of post-career options. Rosenberg (1984) further suggested that the responsibility for the 36 retirement and disengagement problems faced by many former athletes lie with sport organizations and institutions. These organizations, however, tended to be ambivalent toward the post-playing plans of their players (Rosenberg, 1984). Rosenberg (1984) further asserted that pre-retirement planning is underutilized In athletics. Seventy-five percent of the professional baseball players In Haerle's (1975) study did not think about retirement and their post-baseball plans until they were in the last one-fourth of their athletic careers. This lack of planning may also be true of individuals in non-sport careers. However, professional athletes tend to have a sport career of three to five years, while nonathletes typically have a career of thirty to forty years. Thus, athletes have a more urgent need to plan. This, In addition to the fact that many athletes have concentrated primarily on their athletic development at the expense of all else since elementary school means that we are: often left with "athlete brats” who are unlikely to know themselves and less likely to be able to care for themselves, particularly when they leave the comfortable confines of the paternal athletic nest (Thomas & Ermler, 1989, p. 139). How much Influence does prior sport participation have on occupational attainment? Haerle (1975) claimed that while an employer may initially be dazzled by the prospect of having a well-known athlete associated with his or her organization, the novelty soon wears off. It Is at this time that the athlete's nonathletic ability, strongly Influenced by 37 years of education, became the top priority. Eitzen and Sage (1989) also found upward mobility In athletes to be related to athletic participation and college graduation. Coakley (1990) found previous athletic performance influenced occupational attainment to whatever degree the employer wished. Specifically, previous athletic participation was seen as an advantage only when employers were influenced by beliefs about supposed characteristics of athletes (I.e., have character, team player, etc). So what actually facilitates upward mobility among athletes? According to Coakley (1990), the following three factors contributed to social mobility of college athletes: 1) completing degrees and learning something valuable In the process; 2) coming from stable environments that stress overall growth and development; and 3) networking with and being exposed to role models outside sport. Downward mobility was expected when the opposites were true. Overall then, it appears that the retirement and disengagement issues that arose in both professional and intercollegiate sport could have been tempered through the implementation--or at least the suggestion--of some type of career counseling program. Thomas and Ermler (1989) best summarized the reasons for such an action. To develop In an athlete only athletic excellence is a waste of human resources by a group of professionals who are In one of the best positions to reclaim those resources. The moral Imperative to develop human 38 resources through the athletic medium appears clear. Not doing so makes no contribution to the larger society of which athletics are a part and creates a liability rather than an asset when the athlete retires to the nonsport world (p. 149). i n l n n f r l The archival, experimental, and survey research reviewed above provides us with a great deal of knowledge regarding the history of Intercollegiate athletics, as well as the educational and occupational achievements, the opportunities In professional sport, and the retirement and disengagement patterns, of intercollegiate athletes. These data furnish us with little insight, however, into the actual experiences and perceptions of, or coping strategies utilized by college student-athletes; the voice of the student-athlete Is consistently absent in reports on and research addressing the world of intercollegiate athletics. Recently however, two studies have addressed those exact issues, examining the more personal experiences and perceptions of intercollegiate athletes. During the 19805 Sociologists Peter and Patty Adler conducted a four-year participant-observation study of a successful Division I men's basketball program (Adler & Adler, 1991). Through Interviews and observations, the Adlers learned how their sample of male basketball players viewed educational and athletic systems and how they made choices to cope with the pressures they 39 faced both on and off the court. Their findings are Summarized as follows: [Contrary to popular belief, most athletes enter college with optimistic attitudes about their impending academic careers. However, their athletic, social, and classroom experiences lead them to become progressively detached from academics. A5 a result, they make pragmatic adjustments, abandoning their earlier aspirations and expectations and gradually reassigning themselves to inferior cademic performance (Adler & Adler, 1985, p. 241). Qualitative research techniques have also been used to study female athletes. Specifically, semistructured interviews were utilized by Meyer (1988, 1990) In a series of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies designed to examine the attitudes and subjective feelings of female collegiate athletes concerning their roles as student-athletes. The female basketball and volleyball players in her sample began college with an idealistic view of education; this view was strengthened over time. The athletic subculture of which the women were a part, as well as their classroom and academic experiences, may to some degree have influenced or reinforced their educational optimism. As alluded to above, the primary value of qualitative research in studying intercollegiate athletics is that the athletes are allowed to speak for themselves. The Implementation of such an approach may also send a message to athletes that they are valued for their thinking abilities, Indicating that they are capable of more than athletic performances. In 40 other words, their thoughts are taken seriously! For researchers and readers, qualitative data may provide a key to an insider's view of intercollegiate sport. The words of the athletes themselves shed new light on how college athletes perceive, experience, and cope with their dual roles. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to use the information gained through in-depth interviews virith former male Division I football and basketball players to better understand how big-time intercollegiate athletes experience and perceive college. Before proceeding with the methodology section of the , dissertation, I will briefly explain the qualitative research process (to be expanded in the following section). Unlike Its quantitative counterpart, qualitative research Is not predicated on hypotheses and/or theoretical frameworks. Rather, data are collected and then matched to the theoretical perspective which best "fits” or explains the results. This process allows the researcher to enter into the study with minimal theoretical biases, Inviting the data to "speak” and In a sense choose the perspective which fits best. CHAPTER II Methodology As I stated earlier, the purpose of this study was to better understand the perceptions, experiences, and perceived counseling needs of Intercollegiate athletes who attended a large, mldwest, Division I Institution [hereafter referred to as BDU]. In an effort to obtain such Information I interviewed '26 men, all former letter-winners who participated in revenue-producing sports. i n | f rln rvi w As Indicated in the previous chapter, research in the area of intercollegiate athletics has been primarily of an archival or quantitative/experimental nature, with researchers using quantitative assessments such as grade point averages, graduation rates, and scores on educational and career maturity scales to assess educational and ocCupational success. While the findings and resultant program decisions based upon them are important to both athletic departments and athletic counseling programs, the time has come to utilize all of our data collection options. As mentioned previously, the continued public relations problems associated with Intercollegiate athletics, as well as the continued mediocrity In the academic and career achievement of some student-athletes shows that the programs currently In existence may not provide adequate guidance (Blann, 1985; Kennedy & Dimmick, 41 42 1987; Sowa & Gressard, 1983). It is possible that such programmatic inadequacy results from an incomplete picture of the experiences, perceptions, and perceived counseling needs of college student- athletes based on a narrow range of research methodologies. Quantitative data may provide researchers with an incomplete picture of Intercollegiate sport for several reasons. First, the operational definitions utilized In quantitative research reduce everything to variables; If something cannot be measured, it Is not included. Consequently, Important concepts or ideas may be Ignored. Second, quantitative research techniques tend to promote the Idea of a homogeneous sample or group, thus losing sight of the individual and his or her own responses. Finally, quantitative techniques may lead to the researchers overlooking the perceptions, emotions, and feelings behind the actions of participants; these researchers are more interested in what happened, rather than perceptions, emotions, and feelings. Therefore, researchers are not obtaining the complete picture. As a result of these weaknesses, a methodology which also allows the Voices of athletes to be heard Is needed. Similarly, other problems arise when archival, survey, and experimental data Is used (Borg & Gall, 1983). One can never be completely certain about the genuineness and accuracy of historical sources; there is always the possibility that a source has been forged or that the information has been intentionally falsified (Borg & Gall, 1983). 43 The use of graduation rates and grade point averages to make program decisions is made difficult by such confounding variables as course difficulty, major area of study, and differences in computation techniques (Coakley, 1990). The use of tests to gather relevant Information Is also problematic, since such instruments tend to make assumptions about and highlight biases against particular groups. For example, quantitative Information does not tell us how student-athletes cope with the pressures they face nor why they make particular decisions. Such Information can be acquired, however, through the use of alternate methodologies. Information can also be obtained, however, through the use of qualitative methodology. Data of a more qualitative nature, such as semistructured Interviews, can be used to examine the decision-making process of athletes, as well as their thoughts and perceptions regarding support services. Use of this method enables the researcher to develop rapport with the Interviewee which often leads to greater self-disclosure by the participants (Bogdan & Biklen 1982; Backstrom & Hursch- Cesar,1981). Other strengths of using qualitative methodology related more specifically to the current topic Include giving each athlete a vbice through which s/he can explain what interventions and strategies may have made the college experience more educationally and occupationally rewarding. 44 Consequently, qualitative data collection techniques have gained popularity and have been used successfully by sport scientists in recent years. Adler and Adler (1985) combined participant observation and Interviews to trace the experiences of male basketball players through their college careers. Blinde and Stratta (1990) recently incorporated interview techniques into their research on athletic retirement and disengagement. Meyer (1990) utilized semistructured interviews to examine the attitudes and subjective feelings of female collegiate athletes concerning their experiences as student-athletes. The results of these studies should permit readers to receive a clear picture of what the athlete was experiencing during the time period In question. This sense of empathy or understanding can rarely be achieved through the use of quantitative techniques such as that which requires the subjects merely to check ”yes/no" or ”strongly agree/somewhat agree." Therefore, since the purpose of this study was to better understand the perceptions, experiences, and perceived counseling needs of intercollegiate athletes, I chose to utilize a qualitative research technique (I.e., semi-structured Interviews) in hopes of learning more about the experiences of male Intercollegiate athletes. Dl'l' IEII'EIII'II' Weaknesses exist with any method of data collection and the Interviews In this study are no exception. Unlike other methods of data collection, the appearance and demeanor of the researcher Is extremely 45 Important in the interview situation (Babble, 1973). Physical cues can provide the subjects with clues about the researchers attitudes and orientation, thus care must be taken to limit threatening or disapproving nonverbal indicators. Likewise, interviewers must guard against making value judgments about participant opinion and any resulting Invalid judgement Interpretation (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982). The failure of the Interviewer to devote time to relationship building may also Impede the data gathering process (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982). By developing a rapport with each participant and establishing some common ground, the researcher may be able to elicit more _ detailed and valuable information than If s/he were to jump immediately Into the Interview process. In addition, the interviewer needs to emit genuine interest in and respect for each respondent (Babble, 1972). Hopefully the participants will detect this concern and thus be more likely to cooperate and give careful thought to each question. Another possible limitation of the interview process Involves the actual questioning process and researcher control (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982). If the interviewer Is too controlling, the respondent may not have a chance to express his/her opinions and perceptions. Too little Interviewer control and the interviewee may embark on seemingly Irrelevant and time consuming tangents. Thus, a semistructured situation, In which both the participant and researcher are free to explore new areas within a specific framework, may be the optimal compromise 46 in an interview situation. This being the case, the researcher must be familiar with the topics s/he wishes to cover and ready to ask for clarification and further explanation if the need arises. Memory can also play a role in this type of retrospective data collection. Questions may go unanswered, or be answered Incorrectly, because a respondent does not remember his/her exact experiences or perceptions. Temporal distance can be advantageous, however, as It allows Individuals to put events and attitudes Into perspective, making the previous events, personal; perhaps an athlete did not like something that his/her coach did, but looking back on it five years later, can understand why it was done. The final limitation that may occur Involves interviewee bias. For example, rather than reporting true feelings the respondents may give responses to please the interviewer or provide socially desirable answers. By asking the same question several ways, however, the researcher may decrease the chances of such errors and may provide a way to triangulate interview data. While I could not control or plan for all possible problems In the data collection process, I had an adequate understanding of possible errors and their Implications as a prerequisite for conducting a meaningful and well designed study. 47 E l' . | Because BDU is a large [approximately 42,000 students] Division I Institution employing a business model of athletics, I felt that it was a particularly good place to study the perceptions, experiences, .and perceived counseling needs of student-athletes. Similarly, athletes at this university represent individuals from a variety of geographic locations, ethnic origins, and socioeconomic backgrounds, which make It easier to generalize the results of this study to other similar institutions. The participants In this study consisted of 26 former male letter-winning athletes, who graduated from BDU between 1980 and 1990. Twenty of the men had been members of the BDU football team, while six of the men had been members of the BDU basketball team. Nineteen percent of the participants were African-American, while the remaining 81% were white. The sample was comprised of both scholarship and nonscholarship athletes, including one nonscholarship basketball player and four nonscholarship football players. Approximately 27% of the men in the sample had participated in professional athletics. The distribution of graduation years was very equal across the decade, with only two years yielding no graduates. I chose to include only male athletes from revenue-producing sports for several reasons. First, the visibility of big-time revenue- producing intercollegiate sport makes male football and basketball players primary targets of concern and/or controversy, thus increasing 48 the relevance of the results of this study. The fact that both Underwood (1980) and Telander (1989) focus on athletes from these sports (i.e., football and basketball) suggests a need to study the intercollegiate athletic experience of such individuals. Second, the recent major reform efforts in Intercollegiate sport are primarily directed at men's football and basketball programs, making this an extremely topical sample. The sample was limited to men who had graduated for one main reason... success; by graduating from college, the student-athletes had exhibited some degree of academic success. There are currently an abundance of books, exposes, and stories written by and about college athletes who have "gone bad” (see for example, Golenbock, 1989; Whitney & Kourtakis, 1990; Wolff & Keteyian, 1990). On the contrary, we hear very little about those college athletes who have overcome obstacles to "make it," and even less about those men who survived regular, ordinary childhoods and have gone on to be successful. We know what coaches, athletes, and administrators should not do, but we know little about the forces behind the college career of successful student-athletes. Therefore, I felt that it was time that we--sport scientists-study athletes who have graduated, in hopes of uncovering ways to help those who are struggling. Most of the data that have been collected to date In sport sociology/psychology and counseling have been concerned primarily with current athletes (i.e., individuals who were athletes at the time of 49 data collection). There is a need, however, to collect data on former athletes. By sampling former athletes, we may benefit from their temporal and physical distance from Intercollegiate sport, as well as their retrospective reflections. The world of Intercollegiate athletics is dynamic and constantly changing. The big business atmosphere of college sport, the passage of Title IX, and the many recent rule changes may all contribute to a diversity of perceptions and experiences by college athletes graduating across different time periods. Therefore, as a result of these recent changes I decided to interview only those men who graduated from 1980 to 1990. While the men in the sample entered BDU from 1975 to 1985, I believe that the last decade in cellege athletics has been close enough to the current decade to permit their--athletes who entered BDU from 197510 1985--Inclusion, yet at the same time allows the sample to Include athletes who played under several head coaches and university administrations. W The list of 7000 letter-winning alumni athletes was obtained from the BDU men's Varsity Alumni Club. Due to the size of this group-and the fact that use of the Interview method of data collection necessitated physical proximity (i.e., driving distance) to the participants, l limited my sample to alumni who currently reside In three states that are near BDU. 50 Incidentally, these areas tend to have the largest concentration of BDU alumni. Once I had acquired the lists of alumni in this area, I highlighted the names of those men who had earned letters in either basketball or football and who had graduated between 1980 and 1990. I narrowed that list even more by highlighting In a different color those Individuals who lived within two hours (approximately 120 miles) driving distance from the BDU campus. The individuals who survived these two cuts (n=59) were potential participants in the study. After obtaining permission to conduct the study from the University . Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (Appendix A), I began contacting potential participants. l telephoned each athlete on the final list, explained my study, and asked for his cooperation. Before agreeing to participate, several of the men asked if I was interested in discussing steroids and/or rule violations. I explained that those issues would not be part of my study, but that they might come up. I assured them that they could refuse to discuss and/or answer questions at any time. Similarly, another former athlete asked me several times If I were a reporter. Again, I assured him that l was not, and offered to send him proof of my Identity and the purpose of the interview. He declined the offer and agreed to be Interviewed. Other athletes were eager to discuss their experiences and perceptions, so much so that some began to tell me about their collegiate days as we spoke on the phone. 51 When individual men agreed to participate, we set up an appointment for an interview. I asked each Individual If he would like to be called and reminded about the interview, and also asked that he contact me if he were unable to keep our appointment. Several men did call and say that something had come up that prevented our meeting; we promptly rescheduled. Two men, on the other hand, repeatedly missed out of town appointments. Specifically, one man missed three appointments and another cancelled three appointments. I felt that I had done my best to try and talk to these former athletes, and finally gave up. Those individuals who declined (n=3) were thanked for their time, and sent a follow-up letter (Appendix B) two weeks later that re- explained the study and asked them to contact me if they had reconsidered. One participant was obtained through this method. Lack of time and lack of Interest were the reasons cited by the other two men for refu5ing to participate in the study. Letters (Appendix C) that explained the study were also sent to Individuals who had unlisted phone numbers (n=4). Again, one participant was obtained through this procedure. Overall then, 44% of the former athletes who fit the criteria were Interviewed for the current study. The most common reason for eliminating potential participants was that they no longer lived in the area surrounding BDU. 52 II I Ii Before each interview began the participant was given a written explanation of the study (Appendix D) and then asked to sign a consent form (Appendix E). The participants were then asked If they had any other questions or concerns. The men were aware that the Interviews were being tape recorded; therefore I took time to reassure them that the results of their interview would be confidential and that I would rigidly adhere to this. I was the only one who had access to information regarding which participants provided particular information. The responses of particular participants were made available to no one nor were responses linked to participants' names in the dissertation. The only identifiers used were sport, race, and if the men had played professional athletics. These identifiers were not used in situations where their use might identify a respondent. In those cases anonymous identifiers (i.e., ”an athlete") were used. Data that may have identified a particular participant were not used. It was my hope that an absolute assurance of confidentiality would increase the former athlete's 'willingness to cooperate in the research as well as their ability to answer all questions honestly and protect their anonymity. During the discussion of confidentiality, the fate of the tape recorded interviews and transcripts were discussed with the participants. I informed the men that I was employing another Individual to help me transcribe the tapes. The tapes given to the other transcriber were 53 coded with numbers corresponding to the names of the participants, and I was the only one who had access to this list. I explained the purpose of the study to the second transcriber, and stressed the need for absolute confidentiality. While no names were written on the outside of the tapes, I could not guarantee that a participant's name or other Identifying characteristics would not be discussed during the interview. The second transcriber assured me that she would discuss the content of the interviews with no one. Immediately after transcription, l erased the tapes. Mandala Site After obtaining the athlete's consent to participate, I set up an appointment to conduct the interview. Each interview site was carefully chosen, as it needed to be convenient, semi-private, and safe. Interviews were conducted In some of the following locations: hotel lobbies and swimming pool rooms, restaurants (breakfast, lunch, and dinner), offices, and participants' homes. Banned As the interviewer, I attempted to develop a positive rapport 'with each participant by explaining the purpose of the interview, why he was selected as a participant, and by giving further assurance about confidentiality (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982). I also tried to Identify with each subject by relating my own undergraduate athletic experiences 54 whenever appropriate. It was my hope that the development of this rapport would lead to cooperative, revealing, and insightful participants. Good rapport was developed with the majority of the student- athletes in the sample. Examples of these relationships which are provided below, serve as evidence to the development of this camaraderie. I was shown countless pictures of children and spouses, and even asked to stop by a man's house to look at his wedding photographs. Another man who warned me that he was shy and had a difficult time opening-up, talked continuously. He shared with me what had to be painful and embarrassing experiences, and did so with little questioning on my part. Similarly, upon arrival at the interview site, another participant expressed concern about the length of the interview; he was running short on time and hoped it would not take the entire two hours. Later, when reminded about the time he said not to worry about it; he was enjoying himself, and I should take as much time as I needed. I was shown plays and blocking stances by one former athlete. This individual got down on the floor of my office, describing and demonstrating his play in a particular game, as well as muttering "I can't believe I'm doing this!” Likewise, many participants said "I can't believe I'm telling you/anybody this" when they revealed damaging and/or embarrassing Information. Another man was visibly emotional as he described his love of football, and what It meant to him to be a BDU athlete. I also took their grammar and their use of profanity as an 55 indicator of how comfortable the participants were with me and the interview situation. I noticed in many cases that as the interviews progressed the athletes became less concerned about their use of profanity and proper grammar. They had become comfortable with me, Increasing the likelihood of open and honest responses. A final indicator of the high degree of rapport came In the form of a "thank you" note from one of the participants-Cary (Appendix F). In addition to appreciating the chance to express his views, Cary helped me to set up an Interview with a former athlete--Bruce--who I had been unable to locate. When I phoned Bruce, I did not have to explain the study and ask for his participation; his friend had already explained what participation In the study would entail, and Bruce simply said ”Cary told me you'd be calling, when would you like to get together?” Incidents such as those described above, as well as the fact that the majority of the participants were interested in the results of the study, indicate that they felt comfortable with me and the Interview situation. ngth I had expected that each interview would last approximately two hours, a fact of which the participants were made aware as we arranged the interview appointment. This estimation proved fairly accurate, as the average interview lasted approximately two hours and thirty minutes. If neither the participants nor I had any time constrictions, I allowed the men to discuss their perceptions and experiences at length. 56 This Iaissez faire attitude explains the duration of the longest interview, four hours! I attempted to conduct each Interview session in the same, but flexible, manner. Inconsistencies inevitably arose as some participants offered answers more freely than others. Similarly, some men jumped ahead and discussed topics out of order. The variation in interview format should not have affected the results, however, since it is the information, not the order in which it was obtained that is most Important. Although not necessary, I was prepared to conduct follow-up interviews with the same men to collect additional data. W The questions discussed during each interview focused on five areas in an attempt to permit the interviewer to understand the experiences, perceptions, and perceived counseling needs of the former student-athletes. Since I used a semi-structured Interview schedule, the questions asked varied from Interview to interview. I attempted to ask questions which would help elicit the experiences, perceptions, and needs of each athlete. Below are the five areas of interest and a sample question from each. 1. Pro-College Expectations. How did you imagine the dual role of student-athlete ? 2. Freshman Year. Describe the process you went through to make out your schedule the first term. Was this the same every tenn/year? 57 3. Remaining Years. Did sport-related activities enhance or inhibit the development of your career and educational planning skills? 4. Retirement and Disengagement. Describe the feelings you had about leaving college and finding a job. 5. Support Service. What types of support services, If any, would have helped you in terms of educational and occupational planning? Analxsis The interviews were transcribed, and the data examined according to the topics and subtopics listed in the interview script. I then examined the data in each topic to look for common themes or assertions (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982). After establishing these assertions, I examined the data for evidence which supported each assertion as well as disconfirming evidence which failed to support each assertion. Note cards were used to simplify the process described above. For each topic and subtoplc I made a note card which contained the general trends In regard to that interview question, as well as examples of confirming and/or disconfirming evidence. This process allowed me to physically move and arrange the note cards by topic and assertion which aided In visualizing and understanding the development of the major themes that guided the results and discussion. It should be noted that the results and discussion section of this dissertation are not divided into the five subsections described above. This was done as the result of virtually undiscernible boundaries in the data. For example, it was difficult to differentiate between the data on 58 coach-player relationships during the freshman year, and this same relationship during later years. Thus, I discussed coach-player relationships as a whole. Similar assimilations were necessary in other areas. , Differences between the proposed and actual study, such as those described above, are common in qualitative research. Remember that qualitative research is not controlled by the researcher to the same extent as quantitative research. A major principle In qualitative research is that the researcher does not impose a framework or structure a priorI; instead, allowing the data to guide the entire process. flackgmcd Before continuing with the results and discussion section of the current study, I think that it Is important to briefly discuss the history of the BDU basketball and football teams. These sections are intentionally vague, for I feel that it is Important to protect the anonymity of the university, coaches, and athletes In question, while at the same time providing readers of the study with background information that may enable them to better understand the experiences and perceptions of the student-athletes in the sample. This discussion will be followed by a short "autobiography," aimed at making readers aware of my--the author's--own athletic experiences as well as my views and potential biases with regard to intercollegiate sport. It Is my hope that this insight 59 may help to explain the particular perspectives I take in. interpreting the results of this study. Saw The BDU basketball program has had the same head coach since 1976, meaning that all of the basketball players In the sample played for only one head coach (Frank) during their college careers. Frank has served on several national coaching staffs during his coaching career, and is well-respected In his field. BDU basketball teams have provided fans with great success during the years in question, including several conference championships, numerous NCAA tournament bids, at least one national championship, and several men going on to play in to professional leagues. The BDU basketball program has also seen rough times, as most programs have, Including losing seasons with no tournament bids, and periods of racial discord. EQQanfl Unlike the BDU basketball program, the football program has seen three head coaches since 1976; In fact, several of the men In the sample had played for all three individuals and their various assistants. Two out of these three coaches enjoyed symbiotic relationships with professional football leagues; it should come as no surprise, then, that both former assistant coaches and players enjoyed successful careers at that level. As was the case with the basketball program, the BDU football program also experienced prosperity during the time period In 60 question. Specifically, the football team won several conference championships, participated in and won several bowl games, and sent numerous players to the professional ranks. The program also experienced its share of adversity Including losing seasons, negative media publicity, and an NCAA-sanctioned probation. IhiAutht As mentioned above, I feel that readers of this dissertation may better understand the presentation and discussion of the results If they know about my own athletic background as well as my views regarding big-time intercollegiate athletics. The youngest of four daughters, I became Involved In competitive athletics at age six, first swimming and then tennis. This involvement continued at the college level, where I played tennis for two years at a midwestern NAIA (National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics) Institution. In the middle of my sophomore year I realized that l was not achieving the grades necessary to get into graduate school, and thus chose give up my position on the college team. Although I continue to teach both tennis and swimming, my own participation is purely for recreational and physical fitness purposes. In addition to participating In athletics, l was, and still am an avid sports fan. As a child my parents took me to various sporting events at all competitive levels, Including professional basketball and baseball games as well as tennis tournaments. l vividly remember sitting in front 61 of the fireplace on Sunday afternoons as my father explained the details of the Green Bay Packers latest offensive possession. In college my poor roommate was deprived of watching the usual sitcoms as l was known to commandeer the television to watch sports on cable. Even now I will arrange my daily or even weekly schedule to accommodate certain sporting events. .Not only do I enjoy the actual games themselves, but I am fascinated by the "behind the scenes" action and that which takes place away from the field/court. When attending live events I often spend more time watching the coaches, the players on the bench, and the other fans than I do watching the actual game. While it is obvious that I enjoy athletics, I have not always understood nor agreed with all of the principles and practices surrounding sport. Theoretically I had few, If any, complaints about athletics through the high school level. Although men's football, basketball, and baseball games drew greater crowds, tennis was a popular sport In my hometown and enjoyed great support from the entire community. Tennis at the college level, however, was an entirely different story. The lack of fan support did not surprise me as much as the differential treatment of teams by the athletic department. For example, the football team always received priority when it came to the inclement weather practice schedule; the women's tennis team was lucky to get 60 minutes of gym time, sandwiched between the football team and intramural leagues. I was even more surprised by the rumors 62 of preferential treatment given to football and basketball players In the classroom; those things happened at big-time NCAA schools, not In the smaller and less profitable NAIA. As the result of these experiences, I became cynical about college football and basketball In general, and their participants in particular; in other words, I blamed the athletes for these Improprieties and inequities. This attitude continued until early in my graduate school career when I began to read scholarly books and articles about intercollegiate sport. Since most of the literature at that time was written from a conflict perspective, it Is not surprising that my attitude changed. I now blamed the Institutions, the NCAA, and society In general for the problems in intercollegiate sport; the athletes were merely Innocent victims. Although I tried to put my personal feelings about college sport aside as l devised the interview script for this study, I continued to view sport from a conflict perspective. After approximately three or four interviews, however, my attitude began to change. I realized that the student-athletes in my study--and perhaps student-athletes everywhere-- were not inanimate beings who were only acted upon by outside forces. Rather, they were aware of what was going on around them‘and interacted with the environment/outside forces as they saw fit. It is natural for researchers to bring their own perceptions and experiences to the research process, and I am no exception. I was aware of the potential bias my attitudes might bring to the study, and thus 6 3 consciously tried to maintain both a ”value neutral" position and an open mind throughout the duration of this project. I feel that l was successful on both counts, as the theoretical perspective eventually used to explain the results of the study is different from the perspective I endorsed prior to the start of data collection. While I truly believe that l was objective in the reporting and discussing of the results of this study, I hope that this history of my own athletic experiences and my attitudes toward intercollegiate sport in general, will give you a deeper understanding of the direction of the qualitative process and a stronger ”feel" for my treatment of the data in this dissertation. CHAPTER III Results and Discussion Throughout the data collection and analysis processes I became aware of the fact that natural breaks or divisions existed in the Information I had acquired. Consequently, the results and discussion chapter of this dissertation is separated into the following four sections: pre-college expectations and experiences, the life of the Intercollegiate student-athlete, retirement and disengagement, and support services. As research (for a summary of the research see Coakley, 1990) has shown, Individuals who participate In high school athletics tend to attend college at higher rates than individuals who do not participate In Interscholastic sport . Although this higher aspiration rate for athletes has been attributed by some to the socializing effect of athletics, It has also been inferred that these Individuals want to attend college for the sole purpose of continuing their athletic careers. The latter explanation was notthe case for two-thirds of the participants (i.e., the "studiers") In this study; only one-third of the participants (i.e., the "jocks") in this study came to college to further their athletic careers. For one group of ”studiers,” there was no choice of whether or not they would attend college; familial expectations dictated that path. In the words of one football player: 64 65 I don't know, I guess it's just one of those things your parents... for me in my family there wasn't any doubt about it. There wasn't a choice of whether you wanted to go or not, or If I get a scholarship. I mean I was gonna go no matter what. With some people it's not that way, some families just... I can never recall thinking about not... you just expected to. That's the plan, get out of high school and go to college. Another participant, a basketball player, felt that family concern and a prep school background had Influenced his decision to attend college. Well I was pretty fortunate. My mom stressed education early. I had attended a parochial school all of my life and I went to a college prep school where 97% of the guys that attend that school go on to college. And it was almost, It was never thought that I wouldn't go to college. I was fortunate that I excelled in athletics, and It probably accelerated and made my choices a lot wider. But It was never any doubt that I would go to college. It was more of a doubt of how I would get there and what school I would go to. The other group of ”studiers' who attended college for nonathletic reasons claimed that they were influenced by the value society placed on a college degree, as well as the upward mobility that a college education could provide. Most of these individuals came from families who had not attended college, and who saw a college degree as a means of improving the life situations of both themselves and their families. As one participant explained: 66 l um, I grew up in a family of laborers. My father never went beyond the seventh grade and worked until his heart attack when he was 59 years old. I was a freshman In high school at that time and I just looked at the way he worked to support his family and I said "there's gotta be an easier way." Several "studiers' had been pushed toward college by parents who wanted them to have an easier life than they themselves had experienced. A football player expanded on this Idea: Well, I think it was always like a known fact in the family that you were gonna go to college. You know, just as an example, my father didn't go to college and his job was really--l wouldn't call It a bad job--but it wasn't... I don't think he really fulfilled his dreams, and he wanted to make sure that we had a chance to do that kind of thing. To do better in our lives. As indicated above, one-third of the participants chose to attend BDU primarily for athletic reasons. The following comments best summarize the attitudes of all of the ”jocks" with regard to attending coHege. My main reason was to play football. It was kinda a life time dream playing at BDU; that's what I always wanted to do. And that was my main thing, to go to college and play football. That was the number one thing. I really didn't think that much about studying or anything like that. Since the majority of the participants had not attended BDU to further their athletic careers, I was not surprised to learn how little they 67 knew about the school's athletic department. Most of the men had been fans of BDU's cross-state rival, and had followed its teams Instead. All of the men were familiar, however, with the conference with which the BDU's athletic teams were affiliated, and many had seen the basketball and football teams play on television. The following comments illustrate the Interest and knowledge the majority of the subjects had about their future teams: They brought me up to a couple games; met some of the players, bought some programs, and read about their program and who was at the position that l was gonna play. 50 I did a little bit of research on my own, but I didn't really know a lot about the university as a whole. Just for what I was concerned with at the time was "who am I gonna be competing against when I go and play?" That was all I wanted to know. Those Individuals who had been familiar with the athletic programs at BDU had either grown up In the area, or had relatives who had attended the school. While the majority of the men in the study had not attended college as a way of furthering or continuing their athletic careers, they had entertained--at one point or another--the idea of playing their respective sports at the professional level. As one individual explained: Sure, I think everybody does [dream about a professional athletic career] coming out of high school. Just the process of being recruited and all the major colleges wanting 68 you and they're saying you're the greatest thing since pockets. They make you feel like you can play anywhere. Another athlete mentioned that the strength of the athletic conference In which BDU participated had Influenced his thoughts about playing professionally. The Northern Lights Conference had a good reputation in basketball; many players from that conference had gone to the pros, so maybe he too had a chance. Although the men admitted to aspiring to play their respective sports professionally, they appeared to think realistically and keep their dreams in perspective. The following comment--by someone who eventually played professionally--was typical of how most of the participants viewed professional athletics and their chances of success. When I say I thought about that [playing professionally]. I don't want to put a whole lot of emphasis on that term. It wasn't something that occupied my entire day. I think it's just any kids dream to make It to the pro level. But I fully understood that my chances were limited, so therefore my thing was "try to get the education so you can get a good job.” It became evident early In the interview process that the athletes in the sample were concerned with more than athletic performance; they wanted to obtain solid educations, and eventually to receive their degrees. Of the sample, 75% were optimistic about their chances of graduating. These athletes fell into one of two groups. For one group, obtaining a college degree was the next step in the educational process; 69 they graduated from high school, attended college, and graduated from college. As one athlete explained: There was no optimism about it, that was the way It was going to be. My father... academics was stressed in my family. Although my mother didn't have a college degree it was just assumed that you go to college to get a degree. The other group of athletes consisted of individuals for whom the athletic scholarship was the primary reason for attending college. Although their parents and siblings may not have attended college, education was still viewed as Important--yet unaffordable. Now that these players had found a way to attend college, they were going to make the most of the opportunity, and come out with a degree. As a football player articulated: Oh yeah, yeah, no question... that's why I came here. Football is great and sports are great, but my main goal was to get a degree. I was always... academics was always the first thing In my life and that's something that came from my parents. My folks, neither one of them got a chance to grow up and even graduate from high school. And I have six brothers and sisters and I think the closest was two years In college and all the rest of them, none of them ever graduated. So It was kind of a goal to really get out and get that degree. As Indicated above, not all the athletes had been optimistic about graduating. Popular societal opinion tends to reinforce this tenet. Specifically, the general public asserts that high school athletes attend 70 college with no real Intention of obtaining degrees, thinking only about the material inducements often associated with athletic scholarships and professional athletic careers. While these claims may certainly be valid in some instances, they were not mentioned by the "pessimistic” men in this study. For example, one participant indicated that he tried not to think too far ahead to graduation; he realized that college was going to be difficult, and had planned on taking It one term at a time. Athletics were the priority of the other man in the study who was not optimistic or concerned about graduating. He recalled: Um, I just... I wanted to do was make it through the playing, the four years of football, and if I got a degree... My degree really didn't mean that much to me, 'cuz it wasn't the focus at all. These "pessimists" were neither necessarily anti-education nor self- 5erving, they merely had other priorities coming out of high school. During the interviews we also discussed the Importance that academic reputation had played when these men selected a college. For three-fourths of the athletes, the academic reputation of BDU had entered into their decision. One athlete backed-up his claim that academic reputation was Important by explaining the type of schools he had visited. But, um, I was always... I don't know if you want to call It success oriented, or I always wanted to be... I never wanted to be a professional athlete, I wanted to be an owner of a professional team. So the schools that l 71 chose kinda reflected that. I visited Duke, I visited Davidson, I visited Princeton, I visited Michigan. 80 the schools that I looked at Initially, all mostly because of the academic programs. lvisited Tulane. ldidn't visit the so called "basketball college.” I visited the schools where I liked the coach and they had a good academic reputation. Although so many of the participants stressed the Importance of a university's academic reputation, they actually knew little about the specifics of BDU's academic programs. The most frequently mentioned academic attraction to BDU was its conference affiliation. The athletes clearly saw the Northern Lights Conference as not only strong athletically, but solid academically as well. As one athlete remembered: [I knew about BDU's academic reputation] only to the point that they were a Northern Lights school, and I knew that they had standards in departments. Four athletes were also attracted to the school because of the prestige of a particular academic department or major. The following remarks were made by a participant who enrolled In BDU for precisely that reason. Well, they're very well known in the field, and where I work now we have--I don't know--maybe 20 to 30% are BDU graduates. So they're regarded very highly In that area. Finally, athletes were drawn to BDU because of the broad range of academic majors offered. Several of the participants had had no particular major In mind during recruitment, and thus liked the fact that 72 they would have many academic areas from which to choose when the time came. Those student-athletes who were very familiar with BDU's academic programs attributed familiarity to family and/or friends who had previously attended the school. This knowledge appeared to alleviate some of the stress involved with choosing a school based only on recruiting brochures and the words and/or opinions of recruiters. As one athlete reported: I had a lot of friends here--both adults and friends my age--so I chose BDU because I was comfortable here, and that's basically the reason. My '5 [relative] a faculty member and I'd always been working out at the IM [intramural] facilities. I guess that I figured I had kind of an edge on anybody else because I knew about BDU. So that's why I came here. Another area explored during the discussion of pre-college experiences and expectations, dealt with the career maturity (which has been defined as "the critical levels of attitudinal maturity and competency that exists In career decision-making" [Kennedy & Dimick, 1987, p. 294]) of the student-athletes. Educational planning, attitudinal maturity, and decision-making skills are all positively related to career maturity,~and thus indicate an ability to develop realistic yet challenging career goals. Previous studies (Blann, 1985; Kennedy & Dimick, 1987; Sowa & Gressard, 1983) of intercollegiate athletes and career maturity found that college athletes--particularly males--had a more difficult time than 73 nonathletes in developing realistic and mature career goals. Often these Individuals may focus on sport at the expense of all else, and may wind up with few viable career options when a professional athletic career fails to materialize. The findings In the current study were not consistent with these previous reports. Specifically, approximately half of the participants In this study entered BDU with career goals In mind, indicating perhaps, higher levels of career maturity than athletes in the above mentioned studies. As I will show later, however, In many cases these aspirations and/or goals were not permanent. There appeared to be little relationship between career goals and exposure to career guidance in high school, as the majority of the respondents reported receiving little or no direction from high school counselors. Several athletes mentioned that the guidance counselors at their schools dealt mostly with the problem students, thus they received very little attention. As one basketball player related: It was set up, but pretty much the counseling was geared toward negative students. I was an honor student. I was one of the better students; one of the self-sufficient. I would just go through the term... They would have to pretty much come and get me. It was very rarely that would happen. The counselors would come pull me in and say "what are you gonna do?" It didn't happen often enough, but the few times It did it was really helpful. Others, like the following athlete, received very rudimentary career guidance. 74 I think they gave you a couple standard tests where, you know, designated the kinds of areas that you'd be best in. But really not any counseling per so. A football player from a different high school reported receiving similar "help." Not real broad, It was basic; "here's a bunch of books, take a look at this stuff If you want to." . The respondents who appeared most satisfied with the career guidance they received prior to entering college, werethose who relied on family, friends, and significant others for advice. In the words of one such individual: There was a counselor available to us, but I never really did take advantage of that. Like my career advice or career planning or whatever centered around my family. Didn't go to external sources at that point In time. It was clear that sport had been a part of many of the participants' lives since early childhood. Like many boys, they were socialized to accept the athletic role, which often includes athletic participation dictating other decisions. In grade school or high school this may have entailed missing a family camping trip to play baseball or sacrificing the Homecoming dance to 'compete In the state tournament. As these athletes approached college, however, their Involvement in sport Imposed on much more Important areas of their lives. For example, a good portion of the participants had dreamed of one day playing their 75 sport at the college level; few realized, however. what it would be like to face the daily reality of being collegiate student-athletes. One theme which emerged was that the men expected the experiences of a collegiate student-athlete to be similar to the experiences of a high school student-athlete. One football player admitted: I didn't realize how much time football, and how Important football actually was at a major university like that. I thought it would be kind of like high school; show up and play, and go home, and go to bed. While the preceding player had not been worried about combining sport and athletics, the following player--who also thought college would mirror high schooI--was a bit more apprehensive. I figured It would be hard because In high school It was hard. I'd come home every night and eat dinner by myself at 7:00 and think about doing some studying. I knew It would be hard, but I just figured I would just see how it goes and take it as It is. I really didn't know. Another participant made the following reflective comment when asked how he had planned to handle the dual roles: I couldn't have been prepared for that, even if you would've told 'em, I wouldn't have believed that It would be so stressful; that it would be so much expected of an 18-year old. Conversely, several athletes claimed that they had known what the future would hold for them as Intercollegiate student-athletes. They credited family and/or friends who had participated In big-time athletic 7 6 programs for such Insight. In the case of one Individual: my brother was here. The advice that I got was "budget your time, be careful about how you use your time." Like the way he said it to me is "knowing when you can let things slide and when you can't, especially in the classroom.” Knowing when you can skip the reading and so forth. ...I guess I was conditioned by the fact that I knew somebody intimately who had done It and was doing it. Not experiencing It myself, but watching. I didn't come up here thinking this was gonna be cake-walk, but I also knew it could be done. I had seen him pull through It, so I figured "If he can do it, I can do it.” - Although the athletes had few ideas what it would actually be like . to be college student-athletes, they were adamant about the fact that they had not expected to receive special breaks or perks as the result of their athletic status. The fact that BDU was just coming off an NCAA sanctioned probation for rules violations was one reason why some of the men had not expected to receive any perks. Three other men credited their up-bringings and their families for this attitude; they weren't looking for any breaks, and were focused on getting an education. Yet others mentioned the reputation of the institution and the Northern Lights Conference, as well as the attitude of the head coach when explaining why they had not expected differential treatment. As one football player explained: It's kind of funny 'cuz some colleges 1 went to for recruiting trips, yeah, they may have nothing like a car or anything... I never got anything, but more or less everybody in the 77 Northern Lights was just more or less straight lace. They did everything by the book and they said "I can't promise you anything, you are gonna get what you deserve and If you show us what you got, then you'll play.” You know It's... you know I appreciated it and I respected It. And they had to be honest and straight forward; you can't promise anything like you're gonna play or whatever you want... a car. A final reason cited by several of the men for not expecting breaks was that they had come from small high schools and had not been ”blue chip” recruits. In the words of one such athlete: I wasn't that heralded out of high school and I didn't have a big ego. And I was just happy to be part of the program. I didn't look for any kind of greatness-even coming off the championship. I figured, you know, that we would get sponsored by Coke, Keds, Converse. And you know, you might get a pair of tennis shoes that was legal or something, but that was enough for me. Converse would put your name on your shoes; holy cowl While the majority of the participants had not expected to receive any perks as a result of their athletic abilities, a handful of the men admitted to thinking they might receive some type of special treatment. As the following quotes Illustrate, these expectations ranged from the legal to the Illegal. One football player made the following remarks as we discussed whether or not he had expected extra benefits: No, not all. I expected, just from things that I heard... I expected maybe alumni to be more, to help you out a lot more... try to get you a 78 job In the summer and this kind of thing. And that's basically what happened. I got some jobs over the summer through the alumni, but I didn't expect any perks. Several of the men In this group expreSsed concern over the difficulty that athletes may have scheduling their classes, and thus thought they would receive ”assistance” in that area. Oh, I probably figured that that would take place, but I wasn't asking for anything unreasonable; just that... a little help or cooperation with the scheduling because our schedules were so different and maybe it would be a little helpful to get in some classes because our schedule is so... you know afternoons are gone. It might eliminate you to get Into certain classes or something. And the football team helped me get into college with my grade point average. It wasn't bad, It was about average according to standards, but it helped me get into BDU and in high school I got turned down just from a regular application from BDU. I got accepted to other good universities, but BDU turned me down. Another athlete who thought he would receive preferential treatment In college defended his belief by describing incidents where he had been singled out In the past. For example: I mean when you're an athlete it's a feeling like you know that you're gonna get breaks. You know you can get away with more than the average person. Because when you walk to a restaurant and people ask you for your autograph. That used to boggle my mind you know, because all right, why do these guys want my name on a piece of paper? 79 The Idealistic expectation of these male athletes echoes those of athletes in other studies. The men comprising Adler and Adler's (1985) sample entered college feeling Idealistic about their imminent academic experiences. They also wanted to graduate and were optimistic about their chances. Similarly, the female basketball and volleyball players In Meyer's (1990) sample also began college with an optimistic view of educafion. There are several factors that may have accounted for the Idealistic expectations of male athletes about their impending college experiences. First, several researchers (for a summary of the research see Coakley, 1990; Spreitzer & Pugh, 1973) have found that high school athletes tend to have higher academic aspirations than nonathletes. Coakley (1990) attributed these college aspirations to prestige, increased academic support, encouragement, and preferential treatment. The optimism of the present sample may have been partly based on "successful” academic careers in high school (Adler & Adler, 1991). The men had graduated from high school, so there was no doubt in their minds that they could graduate from college. This may have been particularly true for those men who thought that their experiences as high school student-athletes would be repeated at the college level. Second, while the athletes were In the recruiting process, coaches and others may have emphasized the attainment of an education and stressed the availability of academic supports such as tutors and study 80 halls. Thus these athletes may have assumed that graduation was Inevitable. While proximity to home and family were the most common reasons for choosing to attend BDU, three-fourths of the men In the sample claimed that the academic reputation of the school had also been Important. Studies of both male Division I athletes (Adler & Adler, 1991) and nonathletes (Stewart, Johnson, & Eberly, 1987) have produced similar results. Several factors may have contributed to the consistency of findings of the current study with those studies cited above. First, athletes may have drawn their strength from their families; for many It would be their first time away from home, so it was Important that they be close enough to allow their parents to travel to games, and they--the athletes-~to travel home if necessary. The comments of a football player provided evidence for this speculation: plus it was close enough to home where my parents could come down to every game. Second, the purported higher academic aspirations of high school athletes (for a summary of the research see Coakley, 1990; Spreitzer & Pugh, 1973) may have led the men to place particular emphasis on the academic reputations of the universities they were considering. Finally, the nature of the sample may have contributed to the Importance placed on the academic reputation of the institution. The sample consisted only of athletes who had graduated, which may 8 1 indicate that the participants were academically motivated prior to their arrival at BDU. The fact that the athletes in this sample had not attended college for the sole purpose of continuing their sport involvement was inconsistent with the conclusions of other researchers (Coakley, 1990; Edwards, 1984; Kennedy & Dimmick, 1987), who suggested that young people often sacrifice both academic and career exploration in order to concentrate on their athletic skills. There are several reasons why the men in the current study may not have conformed to the patterns found by these researchers. Perhaps the BDU athletes were more realistic about their actual athletic abilities, thus they knew that their chances of making professional athletic teams were slim. The claims of a basketball player, and then a football player, supported this Idea. 1 was able to recognize levels of talent. I'm a good athlete, but I'm not a fancy athlete. I can jump just as high as a lot of fellows with different styles than I do, but I'm not at a level at which the NBA players are... and I knew that after playing with them in the summer time. In the words of the football player: l was not a ”blue chip" high school player. I wasn't like... I was 6'2, 225; didn't run that well. So I wasn't like the guy everybody thought would come In and start right away, or save a program or anything. I wasn't a franchise player. 82 Several of the respondents had family or friends who had participated at the intercollegiate level, and thus these athletes knew people to whom they could compare skills and experiences. Similarly, they may have been aware of the eventual long-term success--both athletically and financially--of Individuals who are drafted by professional teams (Edwards, 1984; Eitzen & Sage, 1989). The men had been unwilling to risk future success and financial stability for the unlikely longshot of a lengthy, lucrative professional career. Finally, the nature of the sample may have contributed to the current findings. The participants were volunteers, or self-selected; those who elected not to participate or who were excluded from the population as the result of the ”graduation requirement” may have cited athletic, or other noneducational motivations for attending college. As stated earlier, all the athletes in the study had dreamed--at one time oranother--of playing their respective sports professionally. These findings are consistent with those of other researchers, (Edwards, 1984; Kennedy & Dimick, 1987). However, the men in this study did not need much time to come to view their chances realistically. By the end of their freshman year, most of the men had abandoned their professional Sport aspirations; the size and speed of the athletes In the Northern nghts Conference, as well as early exposure to injuries and subsequent operations prompted the athletes to stop dreaming and devote more 83 time to academics. Seven of the participants did, however, go on to play professionally. There seems to be a common perception In our society that many college athletes-particularly football and basketball players--go on to play their sports at the professional level. The fact that most professional football and basketball players come from the college ranks may In part explain this belief. Although only a small percentage of college athletes ever play professionally, research (Edwards, 1984; Lapchick, 1986) suggests that African-American athletes invest more time concentrating on professional sport careers than their white counterparts. The current study yielded no evidence to support or refute such claims; I did find, however, that considering the subjects Involved In this study, proportionately more African-American participants played professionally than white participants. Specifically, 40% of the African- Americans and 24 % of the whites interviewed for this study went on to play at the professional level. This does not Indicate, however, that the African-American athletes devoted less time to their studies than the 'white athletes. On the contrary, these African-American athletes came from families that stressed academics, and whose lives did not reVolve around sport. In fact one of these men mentioned never wanting to be a professional athlete; Instead, he had always wanted to be the 'owner of a professional team. 84 The financial support of an athletic scholarship played a large part in the continued athletic participation at the college level for approximately half of the men Interviewed in the present study. Similarly, Sack (1989) reported that 45% of Division I athletes play primarily to pay their way through school. Both of these reports should serve as evidence that not all athletes attend college as a route to professional sport; they played Instead, to receive a ”free” college educafion. The fact that approximately half of the participants in this sample arrived at college with career goals in mind is In direct opposition to the results of other studies. Specifically, other researchers (Blann, 1985; Kennedy & Dimick, 1987) have found that male college athletes-- particularly Division I football and basketball players--had lower levels of career maturity than both their athletic and nonathletic counterparts. As the data show, family emphasis on academics, realistic awareness of athletic ability, and knowledge of the risk of Injury may all have contributed to the occupational maturity of the men in this sample. The fact that the men were remembering back to earlier years when discussing this Issue may also have influenced their career matunty; Blann (1985) suggested that younger athletes-college freshmen and sophomores--formulate more mature educational and occupational plans than older athletes. That the men In this study had not yet entered 85 college when they made these career decisions may explain why such a high percentage of them had career goals In mind. Throughout this portion of the interviews I also learned that the majority of the men had not expected to receive special breaks or perks as a result of their Impending athletic status. I have learned, through teaching undergraduate sociology of sport classes and speaking at seminars and conferences that this is a view inconsistent with the particular view of many people. A common assumption is that big-time college athletes expect to receive material compensation for their athletic abilities, and often attend the Institution that offers them the best ”package." One reason why the men In the current study may not have expected preferential treatment was because they had received none in high school. Similarly, the self-perceptions of the participants may have accounted for this nonexpectant demeanor; In the mens' minds only stars or ”blue chippers" received breaks, and that was not how they perceived themselves. As one participant articulated: I didn't really count on It [special breaks or perks] or think that it would be there. Mostly because I wasn't... I was recruited by a few other schools-quite a few and that--but I wasn't one of the super athletes. You know I think those are the guys that get their heads pumped full of all these big expectations of everyone bowing down to them coming in. And I was more of a hard worker. It was all gonna be on my shoulders where I went from there. It wasn't gonna be handed to me. 86 The definition of a perk may also explain why the men did not expect to be singled out. They may have been thinking along the lines of cars and money, and thus did not see tutors or early registration as an advantage, but rather a regular aspect of college life. Finally, the fact that the BDU was just coming off an NCAA sanctioned probation when many of the participants were recruited and enrolled may have forced the athletes to abandon any hopes they had of special treatment. In summary, as their first year of college approached, the men In the study had not focused their thoughts solely on athletics. They had realized the Importance of a college education, and thus were . concerned about the overall academic reputation of the Institution they decided to attend. The participants were also optimistic about eventually graduating from college, and approximately half of the men had possible career goals in mind before they arrived on campus. If the athletes were naive at all, it was about what the life of a collegiate student-athlete would entail. Many expected the experience to be a repeat of high school, while others--who knew someone that had been Involved In athletics at the collegiate leveI--had much more realistic ideas of what it would be like to cope with the dual role on a daily basis. Finally, It should be noted that the participants were not completely education oriented; the majority of the men had at one time or another entertained the Idea of a professional sport career. Such goals, however, did not appear to Influence their expectations regarding preferential treatment. 87 The majority had not expected to receive preferential treatment as a result of their athletic abilities. II I'[ III II II '| El | H”! In the second section of the Interviews I examined the experiences and perceptions of the student-athletes during their tenure at BDU. This topic will be discussed In terms of the following ten subareas: their introduction to college, their athletic-related time demands, their relationships with coaches, the perceived relationship between coaches and professors, their relationships‘wlth professors, their relationships with other athletes, their relationships with other students, their ability to cope with the role of student-athlete, their ability to combine the roles of student and athlete, and their attentiveness to educational and occupational planning. W The first year of college tends to be a difficult one for many students; separation from home and family, adjustment to communal living, and acclimation to new academic policies may make the transition from high school difficult for even the most hardy individuals. For student- athletes the transition can be even more arduous, as they must ‘also learn to deal with athletics as a job and a revenue-producing venture (Meyer, 1988). The arrival of the basketball players on campus resembled that of the nonathletic students; live out of the six men moved onto campus during the traditional "Welcome Week.” The one man who 88 arrived early did so In order to acclimate himself to the university. Overall, there was nothing out of the ordinary In their first week expefiences. For the football players In this sample however, freshman year began five weeks before that of first year nonathletic students, and one week before the veteran athletes reported to "training camp." The rookies spent most of their time that first week adjusting to a new football system. As one participant recalled: the first week I remember freshmen coming In three days ahead of the upperclassmen, and we ran a lot and we went through blocking schemes. And we got our play books and we did our studying and a lot [of] position meetings and getting to know the guys. With the arrival of the veterans came the start of "two-a-days;" during this time the players had a three hour practice in the morning, another three hour session In the afternoon, and meetings in the evening. One athlete described the schedule in this way: We had two-a-days; It was the worst time In my life! The men also admitted to being both scared and excited by what -they were experiencing those first few weeks. Athletic ability-~or lack of same--was In the forefront of the following athlete's mind: Well the first week on campus would have been for just football so school would not have been In season yet, and yeah, I can remember some of the thoughts I had... I was 89 scared to death! They brought you in just as freshmen to start with, so we practiced with each other. They had physical testing and lift weights, and see how much you could lift and all that. How fast we could run and so forth. I remember thinking I was never gonna... after we ran a 40 yard dash I thought ”Oh gosh, I'm gonna be In big trouble here if they're gonna judge us on this” cuz I didn't run a particularly good time; I don't remember the time, but I remember the guy I ran against and he beat me by... it was like I was staring at his rear end and his elbow and this was only 40 yards. So yeah, I guess I remember being pretty scared, excited; a lot of mixed emotions. Another athlete, who appeared equally apprehensive, compared his first few weeks on campus to being away at summer camp. In his words: It reminded me of camp or something. Being In a dormitory, it was exciting, it was really exciting. Eighteen years old and I didn't know where l was going; I had no idea where I was going on campus. I had a little map. Within in a week to two weeks I knew just about wherever I need to go. It was exciting on campus freshman year, first week. While the other men were not so direct, they agreed that these days devoted completely to football were long and busy. When discussing their first week on campus, many of the athletes-- football and basketball players alike--mentioned the size of the campus. Although they had all been to BDU before, It seemed much more enormous now that they were there ”permanently." As one football player admitted: 90 I was lost, totally lost. I had so many things to do, so many places to be, and It was just a big place. I just felt lost and I did for quite a while. Another participant, a basketball player, remembered the feelings he had that first week and how he dealt with them. I was fumbling around, and I was lost... It was an experience. I made sure that I had all day to experiment and get it right 'cuz I don't want to be lost everyday... So I made sure that first week if I have to make mistakes and get lost and learn how to use stuff--facilities and everything. I would try to get all that done In the first week so I could relax and go to classes. I remember not knowing how to ride the bus and not knowing which buses to catch. It was confusing and scary because here you are and you know, It's getting dark and you're not where you're supposed to be and I'm lost; I don't know how to get back to my place... It's an experience. While the football players devoted most of their time to athletics those first few weeks, they did take time out to secure their academic schedules for the fall semester. The basketball players were also allowed to register before the nonathletic student body. In addition to ensuring seats in popular, required, and often full classes, early registration prevented the athletes from having to stand In lines and endure tedious procedures; thus, they were able to spend more time on their respective sports. As one athlete reported: you're there a month before anybody else and they pretty much want your classes to be situated because by the time football season 91 starts you've got enough to think about without trying to add on to It. The regular registration process at BDU was time-consuming and much maligned. The non-computerized process Involved intense competition among students for classes as they travelled from room to room In a huge building In order to drop and add classes, have fees assessed, pay fees, and so forth. The athletes, however, conducted all of their registration business in one room. A football player remembered: They brought us in--all the freshmen-4 think like a day or so early ahead of the rest of the athletes, and they... you know, we had a little tour of campus and they kind of put us through a little testing so you tested into certain levels In each course. And then the guy that was there was Joe Martin [athletic academic advisor], he sort of got together with each student and tried to figure out what direction they were heading and whether or not they were science or communications or whatever, and sort of directed 'em from there. He told us some of the things we had to take as far as the basic sciences, english type courses. I guess there was no math requirements, but I knew that I wanted to start out into some sort of math, so that's what... I knew some of the things but he also told us what I had to take. As alluded to above, the athletic department's academic advisor was extremely instrumental in the registration process. Through the Interviews I learned that the athletes were often counseled to enroll in ”manageable” courses until they--the athletes--became accustomed to 92 their lives as student-athletes. For some of the participants this was welcome advice. There were two people I had to talk with; talked to my regular advisor and I talked to the sports guy. And the sports advisor, I guess they wanted like a first term... take a light load; take one or two core classes and then take an HPE [physical education] or whatever just so you could get used to things. And I did that my first term, and then after that I pretty much just got right on time. I mean I didn't take a lot of HPE classes. They pretty much said ”well this is what you should do because you're on the road... you're not there so when ya gonna be able to study and keep up?” I think that's when I finally got the routine. It worked out pretty well. Other athletes, however, recalled having little If any voice In what courses they took. As one participant articulated: There was no process, my schedule was made out for me by the athletic department; probably by Abby or one of her associates. And they said first term was gonna be a tough one for ya with football, with adjustment, so take a light load. A similar scheduling experience was reported by another athlete: I think they gave me one... athletic department... they had an academic advisor who oversaw the student-athletes. I remember that we went to the Administration Building, we all signed a bunch of cards and they said ”here's your schedule" [laughs]. I had no idea what was going on so I just said "OK, fine.” 93 The athletes above seemed to accept and perhaps appreciate such direction. This was not the case, however, for all of the student- athletes. Several of the men entered into the world of intercollegiate athletics with their eyes wide open, and refused to be denied an education regardless of influence. For one athlete, this meant utilizing the registration procedures designed for the general student body. I went to the normal student... They have a special orientation for athletes... I just went to the normal student orientation--some time in July or August or something like that--and I just did It myself. I took a nat. sci. [natural science], I took a math--I took Math 108--and I took ATL [English]. Eleven credits, and then I took one other class to give me twelve credits... So that's all I did. Oh yeah, oh yeah [made out his own schedule every term]. I wasn't gonna take the chance of letting someone In the athletic department screw me up. There was no way. AnOt her participant was obviously still irritated years later by what had OCCU rred as he attempted to register for classes that first term. In his Wo rd 5: I told 'em to kiss my ass, literally. And Frank called me in and told me, and he send me to where all the black athletes go. He said "Jim, I'm gonna get you a good grade point." And I said "fuck the grade point, I want an education." And he said this was important. I said "you got me In a class that I don't want to take." I said "I don't need to take basketball, I'm pretty good at it." I said "I don't need to take two criminal justice courses because you know the prof.“ And unfortunately instead of 94 them saying ”damn, this is a pretty good guy"... and it made me look bad. And I was the villain. They didn't care where I went to high school; they didn't care about that stuff. I' D I I EIII I' As the interviews progressed and I learned how much time the men devoted to their respective sports, It became clear why so much attention was paid to getting them "manageable" schedules. On average, the basketball players reported that they spent five hours per day on basketball during the season. Although the practices lasted only two hours, the men were often required to arrive early and stay late; pre- and post-practice treatments, films, and meetings occupied a great deal of their time each day. After practice It was time to go to training table and then on to study hall. One participant gave the following account: Realistically probably about... practice was probably about... you don't practice that much In basketball, probably about five or six hours. But the thing is It's even worse than that because really If you're good, your whole day Is consumed by it. I mean it's all consuming; It's not like you just went to practice and you go home. You woke up In the morning and you're wondering how your day was gonna be. And my God, If it was In-season and you got [U00] and [North Tech] coming up and you wake up in the morning and you know you got class and... but you got [GSU] in a little while. Those guys are on your campus. So it's really, even though you say four or five hours, it's really all-consuming. Because that's all you think about. It's all you care about, because that's what your focal point is. 95 The off-season schedule, while less demanding, still Occupied two to three hours of the men's time each day. Running, weight lifting, and playing unsupervised pick-up games were the norms during this time. The men agreed that the amount of time they devoted to their sport--both in and out of season--remained consistent over the years. The football players' schedules were more rigorous, as they devoted an average of 6.6 hours per day to their sport during the season. The comments of the following man best summarized their routine: If I remember correctly, the normal routine was... You would get out of class, quickly go over to the football building, go in for treatment if necessary or taping. Sit around and relax for a few minutes, get dressed. You had a meeting. Get stretched, out to practice probably around 3:00 and then practice from 3 to 6. Six-thirty you're inside; post-practice treatments for If you have a sore shoulder or something. Or you go right In to lift; linemen I think would lift Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, and backs would lift on alternate days. And then hit the showers. You might have a post-practice film session, then it was off to training table. And then you would go to study hall at 8:00. When the football season ended so did the demanding schedule. The men still devoted 3 hours a day to football, but all agreed that the running, weight lifting, and ballet classes-which were required for flexibility during one coach's tenure--were easy compared to the PhYSical practices they endured in the fall. This reprieve did not last long, however, as the arrival of spring signalled a return to long and 96 physical practices. The five hours devoted to football every day for five weeks In the spring often seemed longer because the athletes knew their friends were relaxing and enjoying the warm weather and any available sunshine. The time required of the football players had not remained constant over the years. Several men mentioned that the time demands fluctuated with the change In coaches. As one athlete remarked: It got worse. Once Roger left and Tracy came In It got worse. It was more intense. .You know, [until] 8:30, 9:00. 'Cuz my offensive line coach was really hard core. We had meetings on top of meetings and it'd be dark and we'd be out there. That was just his way. So It was that way or the highway. But it got worse as it went along. Others attributed the increased demands on their time to an Improvement in athletic abilities. The comments of the following participant illustrate this point: In fact it [the amount of time devoted to football] Intensified. Junior and senior years It was probably more. Plus the fact that I didn't start until my junior year. And if you started or if you played a lot, then more time was spent In meetings than If you were third or fourth string. Another football player, while agreeing that the demands on his time varied, claimed that it had become easier for him to deal with these demands as he progressed through the program. 97 The first year, like I said, I had to work; I studied quite a bit. And then you find tricks on how to study and how to learn without putting in all that time. Then you find you don't have to be In such a hurry. Being a freshman you're always new at something and so you're always In a rush... rush... and you didn't have to do It In later years. Similarly, the early registration and advanced scheduling processes recounted by the men in this sample have been found nationwide; unlike the time demands described above, these perks do not discriminate across gender and/or sport lines (Adler & Adler, 1991; Meyer, 1988). Coaches and university officials may actually think they are helping the athletes by providing them with simplified registration procedures and enrolling them in manageable albeit meaningless courses. Others, however, may simply be controlling their Investments (Adler & Adler, 1991; Meyer, 1988). If everything Is taken care of for them, the student-athletes have no excuse for devoting too little time to athletics. Overall, the early experiences described by the student-athletes in this sample appeared to be consistent with those reported by other researchers. Specifically, It Is not unusual for men Involved In revenue- producing sports to devote 40 to 60 hours a week to their respective sports (Adler & Adler, 1991; Coakley, 1990; Leonard, 1985; Meggysey, 1989; Sack, 1985). Pre- and post-conference games Increase travel and practice time, and thus the time spent on sport-related activities. In 98 addition, the need for programs to remain competitive may help explain, in part, this "keep up with the Joneses'” mentality (Weistart, 1987). B I I' I I 'II C I When discussing their treatment by coaches, 81% of the athletes in the sample had been satisfied; they were either treated well or with Indifference, both of which were tolerable. In the words of one athlete: [I was treated] like a rookie, like a rookie. I remember the coaching staff at the time telling me that they were glad to have me. They were very enthusiastic that I signed, but that now that I'm on the team I've got to start at player #16; and player #15 was the manager. So in other words, I had to work my way up. And that's the way they did it. But they gave me a lot of encouragement. They worked with me, they were very patient with me. They realized that I had some ability and they pushed me to realize that ability. Similarly, the players were very positive about their relationships with assistant and/or position coaches. It was these coaches who took a more personal interest in the athletes, looking out for them on as well as off the field. One participant made the following remarks as he talked about his position coach: . he was a good coach and he kinda almost just took me by the hand and said "look, you're gonna get your degree." You know he would... had a little pride in his players you know, which I don't... Which I feel It should be anyways. You know you try to be a head coach and take care of 124 players; you're gonna leave someone out. But If you're Individual coaching, you have 20 to 30 99 players to look at. I mean they're your kids for four years. You better take care of 'em. Not only do you want to make an All-American, but you should... Several of the other athletes I talked to had been recruited by Assistant Coach Smith, and had played for Position Coach Jones. I listened to many stories of how these two individuals interacted with their players In both athletic and nonathletic environments. The following remarks best summarized these stories: . he would take everybody that he recruited and he'd have us over to dinner. I think that spring he had each one of us over to his house, or a couple of us at a time. Like there was another guy from Indiana that came in at the same time I did, so we went there and had dinner. And the guy I played for directly--l respected him quite a bit--and he did things... I don't know If you ever heard stories about [assistant coach], and he would try and teach the offensive linemen... He was real big on manners and learning to become a gentleman and all those kinds of things. So we'd sit down before a meal--dinner before games and that kind of thing, or the night before the game... He gave us a handout at one point In time; which spoon and fork, all this stuff to use. Yet another athlete thought of his position coach as a friend. Your position coaches are hard-asses on the field, but normally you're close to them and they can relate to you a little bit, and It's a little personal. My personal position coach I had a very good relationship with I think. I stayed close to him the whole time. No one thought 100 of him as a coach, but a friend when I left. That was nice cuz I feel like I could turn back to him. Conversely, other athletes did not appear to receive such unconditional support. Several claimed that the coaches treated people differently, based on how much they--the coaches-thought an individual could contribute to the team. The following are comments from an athlete who was a projected first-year starter. I was treated very well because of my reputation here In the state. And it was [like] they almost thought of me as the second coming, you know, because I was treated very well by the coaches. Likewise those who were not going to achieve Immediate superstar status, including many walk-on and nonscholarship athletes, were often Ignored or overlooked. When asked about his relationship with the coaching staff, a participant from a small Class C high school remarked: Not [treated] very well. Um, It was different for Individual people. I came In here, they projected me, that I wouldn't play for two years. And that became obvious to me because like you know "you're here but we're not really gonna mess with ya for two years because you're not gonna be ready to play." It was like you're not gonna get the benefit until two years. So the other freshmen that I came in with, they were projected as immediate players. Ironically, once this man was able to play, he contributed so much that he was drafted by a professional team. 101 A final Issue discussed during the examination of the student- athletes' relationships with their coaches concerned the attentiveness of the coaches to the educational and occupational plans of the athletes. The majority of the participants did not think their coaches were very interested in either their academic or career plans. Rather, eligibility and graduation rates appeared to be the main concern of the coaches. As one athlete explained: I think their intention was to make sure that you had enough credits and grades to be eligible. They weren't so interested in What you were doing as a career move. Another participant agreed with the above statement, and offered several explanations for this opinion. I really don't think that they cared. As long as you stayed eligible and you increased your playing, that was basically all that they had to worry about. basically you're looking at a coach in the Northern Lights, he's gonna take a job to produce. He's gonna use you to produce and if you do that for him, that's fine... Keeps his job. But if you don't, well he loses his job so that's... It's just hard to get used to, very impersonal here compared to high school. I'm sure every kid goes through that. And then all of a sudden money enters that picture and it's a different way to look at the game. It's no longer we're playing for the thrill of competition, you know? When coaches were concerned about the future of their players, It almost seemed more self-serving than genuine Interest and concern for the athlete. The comments of the following athlete illustrate this point: 102 Let me say this, I know that Frank was very much so [concerned] because after I left BDU l was 26 credits short of graduating, and I had signed a pro contract and I was making very good money. But Frank was still on my case [about] getting back up and graduating. I felt like I would've done It, but I would've done it In my own time. And I would've probably taken my time; I would've procrastinated. But Frank and Joe Martin [academic advisor], they were constantly on me to get back and finish. Frank's point was ”Okay, we're recruiting someone and we're sitting down and we're telling their parents 'hey, we have Mitch who was an Academic All-American, and that Is sort of Indicative of the way we stress academics.’ 'Okay, did Mitch graduate?‘ 'No, he hasn't graduated yet'. You know, it's almost a contradiction." So he stayed on me to get back. Finally I got tired of him bugging, I got tired of my parents bugging me so I went back. And I'm glad they did. While the majority of the athletes did not think that their coaches in general had been very concerned about their academic and career plans, they felt that their position coaches had been more attentive than their head coach. As one football player recalled: I had a [position coach]... and he was really attuned to academics and was really Into people's progress and how they were doing and if they were going to graduate. [From the head coach you got] your basic stuff; "go to class, keep your mouth shut and good things will happen." Our position coach really took an emphasis In it and was concerned about what we were doing. He'd actually come In and Instead of talking about football he'd talk about what you were gonna do when you 103 graduated and stuff like that. He was good. I think It was kind of uncommon. I think he was more concerned about that. He was really concerned about the total person rather than just the football player. He was more concerned about manners and trying to educate people from a social standpoint as well as football. Similarly, a basketball player remembered how one of his assistant coaches discussed more than offense and defense with the players. We had one coach... and he was probably, out of all the coaches that we've had, was more Interested in developing how would you say It, getting goals in your life. And he actually made all the players write down goals and what they expected to get accomplished through the year. Not only in sports, but academics too, which I thought was really good. Throughout the discussion of the attentiveness of the coaches to the Players' educational and occupational plans, the athletes seemed to be apologizing for their coaches lack of interest. One athlete, the son of a coach [not at BDU], offered: They're just coaching. They're not academic advisors. That's the roughest, what a lousy job It is. I mean travel around the country, four months are on the road and then you want 'em to babysit kids too. I mean that's why they have to have strictly an academic advisor or two or whatever it takes. The coach shouldn't... I don't think it should be his job to be tracking down the grades. They only pay a coach 35, 40 grand at BDU, and that's not being paid that much to be working a full-time job plus be an academic advisor. 104 Similarly, another athlete commented: [Coaches were] not too concerned. More concerned about here and now; here and now and maybe next year. As far as career plans and life goals, they've got enough things to think about. Is It something they should think about? I think they now presently have more people on staff for that type of thing. Coaches kind of take care of their things. There are several factors which may have aCcounted for the nature of the relationship patterns between the athletes and their coaches. The number of individuals on a team, particularly in football, may have prevented the head coach from interacting with each member on a personal level; those athletes the head coaches had the most contact with were the starters. The fact that the starters were generally on scholarship may also have influenced the communication between head coach and athlete. To the coach, a grant-in-aid may have represented a right to involve himself in the lives of his athletes; the student-athletes' off the field activities and personal lives may have influenced their performance on the field, thus the coach was interested. F'Inally, It is logical that assistant coaches may have more personal relationships with the athletes on their respective teams. It is not unCommon for head coaches In all sports to delegate responsibilities related to athletes to their assistants (Meyer, 1988); one assistant may be cOncerned with the academic performance of the team, another may be in charge of conditioning, still others may be responsible for . 105 individuals who play certain positions on the team. This gives assistant coaches the opportunity to work with smaller groups of people, facilitating their ability to get to know and understand their athletes. Overall then, most of the basketball and football players were satisfied with the way they were treated by their respective coaches during their college tenure. There appeared to be some differential treatment based on ability, yet a majority of the men reported being treated with reserved warmth and impartiality. If any special attention was showered on the athletes, it appeared to come frOm their assistant or position coaches. r i R l I n hi w n h n Pr f r As part of my discussion of the relationship between players and coaches, I focused on whether or not the athletes thought their coaches could influence BDU professors and/or administrators. Most of the participants in the study claimed that their coaches had little or no influence, but thought it could be done; such information had simply not been necessary in their cases. As one athlete explained: I really don't think the coaches really had much Influence; at least none that l was aware of personally. Just for my coaches. I don't really know if they intervened. I know that they got a weekly or at least a monthly report of grades, but I don't know if one of my coaches would go to one of my professors and say "hey, give him a break," or anything like that. And I don't know of It happening with any of the other athletes. 106 Another athlete [who I later learned failed two classes at BDU and also went on to play professional ball for many years] expressed gratitude that he had not been not ”helped" by the influence of his coach. In his words: Well I Imagine in any collegiate setting that If a coach wanted to exert pressure on a professor to pass a student that shouldn't be passing, it probably can be done... It probably can be done. I'm glad in my case It wasn't done. I'm glad In my case it wasn't necessary. But I Imagine that's something that can be done, especially at a major university and the success of sports sometimes can be so Important to revenue. One athlete who thought that coaches could exert some pressure claimed that this would be easier to accomplish when the athletes were underclassmen. In his view: I'm sure as freshmen and sophomores they could have all the Influence in the world because when you're at BDU, no matter what you're Into. You have to take your ATL's [English], your nat. scis., your social sciences. There's 50 different teachers that teach every one of 'em, and one or two of 'em are pipelined right into the athletic department. You wouldn't see a lot of freshmen and sophomores in trouble. I think you'll see a lot more juniors In trouble because you don't have to declare [a major] until the end of your sophomore year. So you can skate through. Now If I'm majoring in business and l have to take Marketing 301, well rather than 40 teachers there's two teachers and both of 'em are gay and hate football. Hey I'm sorry, but the coaching staff and the athletic department's out of the picture. 107 It should be noted that the basketball players in the sample were particularly adamant about the fact that their coaches had no influence on professors and/or administrators. As one basketball player reported: If one of the players went to Frank and say "Frank, I'm not handling this class; will you go in and talk to the professor?" Frank would probably say "You get your ass back to class and you study! And do your best and get to class." But Frank's not gonna... Frank could never... 'Cuz Frank's kinda a scholar himself, he's a very intelligent man. He's not gonna try to get someone through school. While there appeared to be little if any overt pressure exerted by the coaches, the student-athletes mentioned many subtle ways in which their coaches may have been influential. For instance, many players found themselves enrolled in courses taught by professors who were sympathetic to the demands placed on student-athletes. As one athlete recounted: All I remember is that for some reason you kind of signed up for certain teachers. And I don't know... I'm pretty sure that the coaches weren't spending lots of time trying to get guys grades or something; going out of their way to butter these guys up. Or if it was more of a subtle thing that over time they found guys that were kind of supportive of athletics. Other forms of subtle influence surfaced as the athletes mentioned that “‘9'" Professors were often present at study table, and occasionally 108 accompanied the football team on road trips. One participant shared his recollections about such activities: One of the things that the second coach [Tracy], he did was... he always brought a couple of professors from different areas on each travelling trip. I thought that was cool, so all the faculty would get a chance to go. But I never knew If It was helping anyone. Another athlete reported an experience he had with a professor who had attended the athletic study hall. I had professors who were at my study table. I can remember an occasion where a net. sci. professor--who I had his class the next day, we had a test--and he's asking some question and there were a couple of my other... this was at study hall... And finally he just goes ”God dammit,” and he open up his brief case and he takes out the actual exam and he starts reading the questions on It. Inconsistencies emerged between the results of this study and those of other researchers concerning the influence of coaches on professors and/or university administrators. Specifically, the men in this Sample thought that their coaches had little influence, while the men ' StUdIed by the Adlers (1991) believed their coaches had a great deal of Clout. Several factors may have contributed to the difference in these findings. First, university and conference standards may have influenced the quality of student-athletes recruited to participate In athletics at the two schools. Northern Lights Conference academic standards are more stringent than those required by the NCAA, thus the 109 athletes recruited to play for the schools in that conference may not have needed their coaches to intervene on their behalf. Second, the men In the current sample did not enter college expecting to receive special breaks or perks, and therefore may not have been looking for them. Conversely, the men in Adler and Adler's (1991) study did expect to receive assistance, and may have been more persistent in seeking these perks. Third, the subtle nature of the breaksand/or influence described in the current study may not have been perceived by the student-athletes as significant; receiving grades for claSses not attended and being provided with test answers may have been considered signs of a coach's power, as opposed to merely taking classes from professors with allegiance to the athletic department and having professors present at study table. Finally, the recent NCAA probation Imposed on BDU may have limited the amount of power the coaches could exert on professors and administrators. E lEl'l' 'IIEt Another group of people with whom the athletes had frequent Iriteractions were professors. There were no real extremes as the Sindent-athletes discussed their relationships with professors; some reF>