..... ..r......., ..;:_ 11.1... ._ . A. . r7. .... ‘ . ( —______—— RSIBITYL I|I|IIIII|IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII IIIILIIIIIIIIII I 3 1293 00914 .‘I , “is i I". This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Profits, Legitimacy And Public Service: The Development of Ethics And Standards In New York City‘s Newspapers, 1870-1920 presented by Mary M. Cronin has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degreein Mass Media ( I L’T)‘ ”WLL: Major professor Date NOV. 5, 1992 / MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 _ .__.r__,_— *ii -fi 4 i__._‘_ ll ”2.12 fl! 7/ WI 71 7! 7/ // LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE L—— MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution c:\circ\deteduepm3-p.1 7,7 x," ,7,” , 7——-.w:m PROFITS, LEGI‘ THE DEVELOP“ Ill IIBI YORK C . Mic] in Partial } ID. Pr Ph “liege of Co AND PUBLIC SERVICE: ICS AND STANDARDS PROFITS, LEGITIMACY 1870-1920 THE DEVELOPMENT OF ETH IN NEW YORK CITY'S NEWSPAPERS, BY Mary Margaret Cronin A DISSERTATION Submitted to _ Michigan state University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Ph.D. Program in the Mass Media. c°11698 of Communication Arts and Solences 1992 Il\ ‘flKflTTSr LEG II [3‘ 203! la: «lay did journalis :alance, truthfulness “acres that questio :25: influential city “‘4 I tiller“ ‘ ....zing years, 18 ..5teai, standards ar “unease-3‘. by seven : mil,“ .- r~tose :ro : a targei .55 agents' propa ‘~‘l‘.itecollar, pmfe icinoleclcal and b mil intreaqeq filthe acade ' k.n“ nlnq w. a ABSTRACT PROFITS, LEGITIMACY AND PUBLIC SERVICE: THE DEVELOPMENT OF ETHICS AND STANDARDS IN NEW YORK CITY'S NEWSPAPERS, 1870-1920. BY Mary Margaret Cronin Why did journalism adopt such standards as fairness, balance, truthfulness and independence? This research explores that question by examining journalism's center and most influential city—-New York—-during the press' formative modernizing years, 1870-1920. The research reveals that the development of standards did not follow a progressive path. Instead, standards and ethics developed at differing rates, influenced by seven major factors: changes in the press' purpose from a largely editorial role to a news role; the influence of the late nineteenth-century professionalism movement that swept through many occupations; two periods of Vigorous public protest against the press: in early 1900 after the height of yellow journalism and in the early 19205 following public anger against World War I propaganda and press agents' propaganda; the influence of the emerging white—collar, professional editors on their news staffs; technological and business changes among newspapers, including increases in the amount of news flooding newsrooms and the broadening of readerships from groups with narrow political and social interests to mass audiences; social hinges among the pub rates and decreasing the influences of suc associations, schools Journalism's fur has been its dual pur fer-profit businesses 751'! reality has alwa N of infect, the pres: gv '- n) '1 LL I l (D {L . _J O . _l 1 (D .D“ .;vv ' I ng.eCL."lle ins. ‘ I"“ 1‘ tic-»- Iurnalisa produces anodity is shaped :fluences, includir cutlooks, demands ft the constraints anc tactitioners. Indee aiopted an d adapted ‘h I tions. changes among the public, particularly increased literacy rates and decreasing interest in sensational material; and, the influences of such professionalizing agents as press associations, schools of journalism and trade publications. Journalism's fundamental problem in adopting standards has been its dual purpose. Newspapers have been and are both for-profit businesses and public service institutions. This very reality has always shaped, and will continue to shape and effect, the press. Unlike such traditional professions as law and medicine, therefore, the press is not a collective institution with public service at its center. Journalism produces a sellable commodity. And, how that commodity is shaped is determined by a variety of influences, including publishers' political and personal outlooks, demands from the public, financial considerations, time constraints and the intellectual outlook of its practitioners. Indeed, as has been shown, the press has adopted and adapted standards and practices to suit these considerations. MARY] Copyright by MARY MARGARET CRONIN 1993 FOR MY MOTHER DISCOVERING A R Ideals and Ec APress for t Standards and The Rise of t The Press as lbtes . . , CRITICAL VOICE The Custodia The Ideal m Establishinc Seeking the Toward an I} The Decline A Master fO' Notes . ALL THE news rop‘down M From Calli New CODten Old Meets Higher Trt e Press The Bureat NEWCQmer 1 *9 Respor Failihgs a Notes . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. DISCOVERING A ROLE IN SOCIETY . . . . . . . . 1 Ideals and Economic Realities . . . . . . . 2 A Press for the People . . . . . . . . . . 5 Standards and Profits . . . . . . . . 7 The Rise of the Commercial Press . . . . . 11 The Press as Watchdog . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 II. CRITICAL VOICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 The Custodians of Culture . . . . . . . . 37 The Ideal Newspaper . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Establishing Standards . . . . . . . . 42 Seeking the Moral High Ground . . . . . . . 44 Toward an Independent Press . . . . . . . 46 The Decline of the Gentleman . . . . . . . 49 A Master for the Watchdog . . . . . . . . . 58 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 III. ALL THE NEWS THAT FITS . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Top-down Management . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 From Calling to Business . . . . . . . . . 93 New Content for New Audiences . . . . . . 95 Old Meets New . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Higher Truths . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 The Press as Big Business . . . . . . . . . 106 The Bureau of Accuracy . . . . . . . . . . 113 Newcomer from California . . . . . . 115 The Response to Sensationalism . . . . 121 Failings and Strong Points . . . . . . . . 129 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 ii u. more or m swools of J< the Need for the Influenci the Society 1 Professional Editor and Pi the Arginent Notes . . . I. THE JOURNALIST Standardizat The Ideal Be Origins of N The Journali The Press Mu Notes . . . VI- All "AVALANCHE Ill. Criticism F) Democracy, ( Journalism 1 Standardizai Ethics Cour: Practice or Press Codes Notes . CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPH IV. V. VI. VII. VESTIGES OF PROFESSIONALISM . . . . Schools of JournaliSm . . . . . . The Need for Ethics Courses . . The Influence of Journalism School The Society of Professional Journa Professional Associations . . . Editor and Publisher . . . . The Argument for Standards . . Notes . . . . . . . . . . THE JOURNALIST AS EXPERT . . . Standardization and Homogenization The Ideal Becomes Reality . . . . Origins of Muckraking . . . The Journalist as Expert . . . . The Press Muckrakes Itself . Notes a I I o u o o o o o 0 AN "AVALANCHE OF REALITY" . Criticism From Within . . . . Democracy, Objectivity and Public Journalism Education at Twenty . Standardization . . . . . . . . . Ethics Courses . . . . Practice or Ph.D? . . Press Codes . . . . . Notes . . . . . . . CONCLUSION . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . s . . . lists . a o o I Opinion 143 146 156 160 161 163 165 167 178 186 189 200 204 208 214 223 230 234 243 250 256 263 267 270 281 294 316 Die: the transformation thaneditorial; it I psychological, it we transfonation of A: urbanization, urbat concentration of tea men, the broadenii standardization, den more." Today many jou: told: it is a quasi profit business. Th the elbodiment of f realities of these newspapers have dev these perceived ro independence and a ideals put forth i Although Amer the founding of th ideals did not eve hr. The reason is standards cannot until employees i Purpose, a role. Chapter 1 Discovering a Role in Society ”The transformation of the newspaper was, in fact, far more than editorial; it was physical, it was economic, it was psychological, it was moral. It was part of the transformation of America itself--of the process of mechanization, urbanization and centralization, of the concentration of economic control, of the emancipation of women, the broadening of social interests, the standardization, democratization, and vulgarization of culture.” Today many journalists see the press' role as three— fold: it is a quasi—profession, a public servant and a for- profit business. The press also has a symbolic role--it is the embodiment of free speech. Although the virtues and realities of these visions are subjects of debate, over time newspapers have developed a series of standards to meet these perceived roles. Accuracy, fairness, balance, independence and a role as the government's watchdog are the ideals put forth in textbooks and professional publications. Although American journalism can trace its heritage to the founding of the nation itself, the majority of these ideals did not even begin to take form until after the Civil War. The reason is relatively straightforward. Ideals and standards cannot develop in any occupation or profession until employees in that field link their work to a sense of Purpose, a role. Although journalism has always been a 1 m, until the W of the mm aptlY We mmlists sonati little group of livi mm of a histori participated without their labor was to 1 In the past 301 through four diffen news and watchdog f‘ partisan vehicle, t dig business and th be discussed briefl lmderstanding . Ideals and Economi When colonial Stamp Act, their a ideal of freedom 0 standards suggeste integrity, seemed included such resp Franklin and Willi fulfill the preSS‘ democracy, these 2 messenger, until the 18705 its producers exhibited little understanding of the press' place in society. As one historian aptly noted: "The press as it exists, is not, as our moralists sometimes assume, the wilful product of any little group of living men. On the contrary, it is the outcome of a historic process in which many individuals participated without foreseeing what the ultimate product of their labor was to be."2 In the past 300 years the American press has passed through four different phases before settling on today's news and watchdog function. These four foci--the press as a partisan vehicle, the press as a news provider, the press as big business and the press as a non-partisan watchdog--will be discussed briefly to provide a sense of historical understanding. Ideals and Economic Realities When colonial printers in 1765 rallied against the Stamp Act, their actions exemplified the core democratic ideal of freedom of speech and press. Upholding the standards suggested by this ideal, such as honesty and integrity, seemed certain initially since the printers included such respected men as Isaiah Thomas, Benjamin Franklin and William Bradford. Therefore, if anyone could fulfill the press' perceived role as the manifestation of democracy, these men should have been the ones. But the may printing C inevitably drew the following the revel press primili has on, but they ha Colonial-era the publishers uh disinesses could Yj of colonial printel store, book store «‘ income from his ne‘ other printers, a1 irinters found ext their incomes.3 Partisanship ti'entieth century independent newsp HWY 01‘ Printi has noted that “bushel in the 3 romantic image of the lonely pamphleteer as a public servant diminished as quickly as did printers' initial solidarity. Certain realities emerged. The press did not exist in splendid isolation; society greatly influenced newspapers. Although non-partisan before the revolution, printers' ideals would give way to financial survival. Political parties' printing contracts provided needed cash, which inevitably drew the press into vicious partisan infighting following the revolution. From its earliest times, then, the press primarily has been a business. Ideas could be put forth, but they had to be paid for. Colonial-era newspaper printers could not become full- time publishers until their financially precarious businesses could yield stable profits. Even the most famous of colonial printers, Benjamin Franklin, ran a small general store, book store and book bindery to supplement his meager income from his newspaper and magazine. Franklin, like many other printers, also secured a job as postmaster. other printers found extra work as government clerks to supplement their incomes.3 Partisanship remained the norm until well into the twentieth century (although calls for politically independent newspapers began in the 18705). In his The History of Printing in America, colonial printer Isaiah Thomas noted that of the approximately 350 newspapers published in the United States in 1810, all but 50 claimed realist or Republ mining of the civ mars chiled a Upholding denoc tertiary considerati costs following the colonial papers was inscriptions rathe frequently found it on; nus.6 Social and po Value of the press. in erns t° the gene WRONMMJ In tit only speller: in those went 5 VOiCe. NE Ch further. The Dress ion 4 Federalist or Republican affiliation.4 As late as the beginning of the Civil War, more than 80 percent of all newspapers claimed a political affiliation.5 Upholding democracy had to be a secondary or even tertiary consideration for colonial printers teetering on the brink of financial ruin. The typical newspaper of the time was usually written, edited and printed by the same person. Until political parties began covering printers' costs following the revolution, the financial basis for colonial papers was almost entirely obtained from subscriptions rather than advertisements. And, publishers frequently found it difficult to get subscribers to pay their bills.6 Social and political leaders quickly recognized the value of the press. Given that newspapers were read aloud in taverns to the general public, the press began influencing public opinion.7 Indeed, speeches could rouse the public, but only those members within hearing distance of a speaker's voice. Newspapers could spread political messages much further. The press achieved its greatest success as a political vehicle early in the nation's history. As vigorous political debate built over the governing of the new nation, federalists and anti—federalists established newspapers, or supported existing newspapers, to promote their ideas.8 The party press was a necessary part of the election process. Social none during mies dictated mm, political m press m1 sought elected offi beyond rarely 1mmi tequently mpaign political seats the newspaperS-m This nineteenth centurY~ and across the 9°“ Horace GreeleY: Ne York Sun Editor H05 hitelav Reid and N all ran for, or '91 llress for the ___Pe< Despite the P1 People had not EXP‘ Circulation for me has approximately none of the nation national influence loot transportatic Concerns. 12 Imprc «teracy rates am 5 Social norms during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries dictated that it was improper for politicians to campaign. Political life was a duty, not a profession. The party press campaigned instead for those individuals who sought elected office.9 Newspaper partisanship often went beyond merely publicizing the party line, however. Editors frequently campaigned for their parties and often ran for political seats themselves through the pages of their newspapers.lo This pattern continued throughout the nineteenth century. Many prominent publishers from New York and across the country, including New York Tribune Publisher Horace Greeley, New York Times Publisher Henry Raymond, New York Sun Editor Moses Beach, New York Tribune Publisher Whitelaw Reid and New York World Publisher Joseph Pulitzer all ran for, or were appointed to, political posts. W Despite the press' political role, before 1830 many people had not experienced newspapers. The largest circulation for metropolitan daily publications before 1830 was approximately 3,000.11 Furthermore, until the 18305, none of the nation's newspapers wielded any regional or national influence. Poor printing technology and equally poor transportation meant most newspapers remained local Concerns. 12 Improving financial conditions, rising literacy rates and advances in printing technology helped steal press, rising change-the allergen predolinant source could be financiall Penny Press nevspa Herald, the Baltim Proved that inexpe not sinply a publi Profits did not 1e sense 0f purpose a 5a“newspapers prio C0liercialisul at t] opened to any form aprofit. New urba and an entertainme outright fake Stor loon, attracted la 6 spell the decline of political parties as sources of revenues. These factors also contributed to the growth of newspapers as business concerns. The development of the steam press, rising literacy rates and a major financial change--the emergence of advertising as the increasingly predominant source of revenue--demonstrated that newspapers could be financially—viable businesses. The success of suCh Penny Press newspapers as the New York Sun, the New York Herald, the Baltimore Sun and the Philadelphia Public Ledger proved that inexpensive newspapers were revolutionary and not simply a publishing trend.13 Growing audiences and profits did not lead to a parallel growth in an intellectual sense of purpose among publishers, however. Most publishers saw newspapers primarily as profit-making enterprises. Commercialism at this stage meant the publishing floodgates opened to any form of newspaper content that could generate a PrOfit. New urban audiences saw the press as both a news and an entertainment vehicle. Lurid stories of crime and outright fake stories, such as the discovery of men on the moon, attracted large audiences. Indeed, the content of penny neWSPapers clearly signaled a changed in journalism. Benjamin Day, founder of the New York Sun, and his rival James Gordon Bennett, founder of the New York Tribune, relied on Sensationalism to sell newspapers. They believed that the common man "was an emotional rather than a reaSOHing creature. Scandal and crime, with a dash of ”1mm m, of Sensati Mmle, met 15,000 a dar'said irihme clailed a 5 largeli t° “mam subscribers. BY con WW5: the New Inch snaller Circul subscribers Within Post had a circula In large measure P keeping on top °f t changes brouqht °“ thought to the in"?: although penny 9“” none of these neVSI iithout this criti' if ' their power. On 7 romance, were the baits offered him."14 The allure, and success, of sensationalism took hold. By the early 18605, for example, Bennett's Herald boasted a circulation of 75,000 a day--said to be the largest in the world; the Tribune claimed a 55,000 circulation but its weekly, mailed largely to northern states, was said to reach 232,000 subscribers. By contrast, the city's two conservative newspapers, the New York Times and the Evening Post, had much smaller circulations. The Times claimed 40,000 subscribers within its first six years while the Evening Post had a circulation of 18,000. Publishers harbored few ethical concerns in the 18305. In large measure penny press publishers were too overwhelmed keeping on top of the social, economic and technological changes brought on by the industrial revolution to give any thought to the press' potential purposes. Therefore, although penny press newspapers reaped substantial profits, none of these newspapers attempted to lead public opinion. Without this critical element, publishers had no true gauge of their power. Only their profitability appeared clear. Standards and Profits Profitability was the key motivation behind the standard of timeliness. Indeed, as more and more penny newspapers appeared to compete against one another, both diversity and timeliness became critical. In actuality, the ‘ pm of tineline' before penny nevSPal mile nevsnaapel courier and EnquireJ aneffort to be fir‘ mtile journals meme their ma the Courier and 3" um and carriaq scooping conpetito In an era “he over news content: nitten, personal If the image of th had disappeared by Rev York publisher: Gordon Bennett. We frequently attacke a"moral pestilenc Witutes regarc Chim Webb. pm me in a brothel Bennett Was 5X ample! Bennett ‘ e EVen‘ Mg 3‘ lgn th e monster 7 4—...- 8 element of timeliness had begun making inroads shortly before penny newspapers appeared. Two of New York's top mercantile newspapers, the Journal of Commerce and the Courier and Enquirer, developed a news-gathering rivalry. In an effort to be first with foreign news, these two mercantile journals sent boats out to greet incoming ships and remove their mailbags. James Watson Webb, publisher of the Courier and Enquirer, also started a system of express riders and carriages to Washington, D. C. as a means of scooping competitors on federal news.15 In an era when publishers remained the dominant forces over news content, such competition led to vigorous, written, personal attacks by publishers against one other. If the image of the gentleman publisher had ever existed, it had disappeared by 1840.16 The most prominent battle among New York publishers was between James Watson Webb and James Gordon Bennett. Webb caned Bennett on two occasions but more frequently attacked him in print. Webb described Bennett as a "moral pestilence" whose newspaper should be banned. Prostitutes regarded the Herald as their favorite newspaper, claimed Webb. "Indeed, a gentleman would as soon choose a wife in a brothel as marry a woman who read the Herald."17 Bennett was not without a poison pen himself. For example, Bennett called a rival publisher, Park Benjamin of the Evening Signal, "half Jew, half infidel, with a touch of the monster, crippled due to a curse of the Almighty."18 uerml jouma he mos when 501'“ in. Greeley '35 mics. let W0“? purpose, a place in nine becale a 1° always been there; Inland politica penny press and p muddled the press' other journalists the news article-- the 18605. While Greeley public opinion, hiu ludern ideal of th idea too remote fo their partisan pea although reporters still small. Clear Exist. The publish business policy wt As Greeley mi ‘he New York pres center of publish SXpanding its inf 9 Personal journalism reached its pinnacle beginning in the 18405 when Horace Greeley's New York Tribune debuted in 1841. Greeley was notorious for his lists of friends and enemies. Yet through Greeley the press developed a sense of purpose, a place in society. Under Greeley's tutelage the Tribune became a leader of public opinion. The potential had always been there; colonial printers had published essays on moral and political issues. But the sensationalism of the penny press and publishers' bouts of poison penmanship had muddied the press' potential sense of purpose. Greeley and other journalists discovered that the editorial—-rather than the news article-~was where the money was, at least until the 18605. While Greeley showed that the press was a leader of public opinion, his newspaper clearly was partisan. The modern ideal of the independent, objective newspaper was an idea too remote for him to comprehend. Newspapers reached their partisan peak at the time of Greeley. Furthermore, although reporters existed, the staff size at newspapers was still small. Clear-cut divisions of labor did not entirely exist. The publisher still dictated both office policy and business policy while overseeing all news coverage. As Greeley made the editorial form of news predominant, the New York press gained equal prominance as the nation's center of publishing. As such, the city's press began expanding its influence and tapping the mass market across nus. W '3' 0,045, new York min; big bus on steam presses, m5500 a week in circulation of 45,0 his paper boasted enlarged to eight lBilly edition. 19 PIOI 1830 to matherinq, la have substantial c city. For example, 1851 were $100,000 ”is: the main 1119“. high mortality rat. least thirty-two n llRhesus.” Risim delund for newspap ”mus. By 1856 annually at a cost $60,000 annually c ellJensa. For exam; 1llllroxiinately $20 Despite the "ewspapers embrac 10 the U.S. through the development of cheap weekly editions. By 1845, New York newspapers were well on their way to becoming big businesses. For example, the Tribune had its own steam presses, a staff of 30 reporters and typesetters and $500 a week in earnings. By 1849 Greeley claimed a total circulation of 45,000 and, by 1850, almost 50,000. By 1850 his paper boasted a staff of 125, cost two cents and had enlarged to eight pages. Greeley also offered readers a weekly edition.19 From 1830 to 1860 fixed costs rose markedly for newsgathering, labor, paper and presses. Publishers had to have substantial capital if they wanted to succeed in a big city. For example, the New York Times' start-up costs in 1851 were $100,000. Rising fixed costs and a scarcity of rags, the main ingredient for paper in the 18505, meant a high mortality rate for New York City's daily newspapers. At least thirty-two newspapers ceased to exist in the early to mid-18505.20 Rising paper costs and growing consumer demand for newspapers only added to publishers' financial concerns. By 1856 New York's newspapers used 12,000 tons annually at a cost of $2 million. The New York Times spent $60,000 annually on paper alone.21 Presses added to the expense. For example, Hoe lightning presses cost approximately $20,000 each. Despite the high costs, the majority of New York's newspapers embraced new communication technologies almost as assoon as they Her The invention developments of vi photographs as wel technology led to Mics and engravi host of other desiu these innovations u letrupolitan press Colllieu with an ev illp in Mill the n “bloopers in New “thongh the they Here the by- 11 quickly as they were invented. All the city's newspapers, except for the Evening Post, seemed to rapidly adopt any new printing inventions, from the telegraph to better presses, as soon as they were developed.22 The invention of the linotype and the rotary press coupled with cheaper paper sped the production of newspapers. A continuing drop in telegraph costs, the developments of wire services and the halftone process for photographs as well as the invention of color press technology led to "Extra" editions, Sunday newspapers, color comics and engravings, photograph reproduction and a whole host of other design and production innovations.23 All of- these innovations contributed to the modernization of the metropolitan press. The result of these massive changes, coupled with an ever-increasing city population, was a rapid jump in both the number and circulation of daily and weekly newspapers in New York. The Rise of the Commercial Press Although the array of technological advances was vast, they were the by-products, not the causes, of the press' modernization in both organization and subsequent practices. Instead, the passing of the partisan press and the rise of large circulation newspapers which used advertising as a commercial base were at the center of a profound reorganization in the nature of the American press.24 Prior to 1880 subordinate to news newspapers was bas after the stories generated the lion' med advertisers. subscriptions alon predolinated. Few 'display' advertis thedewelopment of distribution and t1 inthe late 18005 . “Wailers and adv Stmo and tradema and llanufacturers VehiCies through H consequent-ll. New advertisements b1- liiiion‘ifi By 192 9 511; . u eueluunent of n iiuio e ‘Ll 10h HEarst,s Lhe more aStute be - In tilled "th at wh 12 Prior to 1880 most publishers viewed advertisements as subordinate to news stories and editorials. Indeed, the amount of advertisements published in most New York newspapers was based on the space left blank on each page after the stories had been laid out. Since circulation still generated the lion's share of revenues, publishers did not need advertisers. A sufficient profit was made on 25 As such, classified advertisements subscriptions alone. predominated. Few editors and publishers wanted the large "display" advertising common to today's newspapers.26 But the development of new industries, mass production, mass distribution and the subsequent need to advertise products in the late 18005 changed the relationship between newspapers and advertisers. Therefore, when department stores and trademarked products evolved, these retail stores and manufacturers saw newspapers and magazines as the only vehicles through which large audiences could be reached.27 Consequently, New York newspapers found themselves flush with money from advertisements. In 1899 for example, advertisements brought newspapers and magazines $95.8 million.28 By 1929 advertisers spent $1.1 billion.29 The surge in advertising also was caused, in part, by the development of news and feature stories for women in William Randolph Hearst's and Joseph Pulitzer's newspapers. Many of the more astute managers of retail stores in New York realized "that while American men earn the money, the women is such, the press of content experin Historians have no of New York's news century was the va ouueraqe.32 The N the business class intellectuals; th buster of trusts-- business paper had bylincoln Steffer uuuspaperman's new in the United Stat the Sun was "a sou ability.u3‘ Pulitz 'Ppearance in 189 the mix. Given the di Slrprising that e stlle, not in mar intullectual atti 13 spend it. "30 Advertisers' interests in reaching the largest audiences possible and publishers' desires to gain advertising revenues placed metropolitan newspapers' circulations at the center of commercial competition.31 As such, the press' new-found commercialism led to a flurry of content experimentation among the city's newspapers. Historians have noted that perhaps the most striking feature of New York's newspapers at the end of the nineteenth century was the variety of their editorial tone and coverage.32 The New York Times was the paper of choice for the business classes; the Evening Post catered to intellectuals; the Tribune was the people's champion--the buster of trusts--the Commercial Advertiser, a once stodgy business paper had been transformed into a literary vehicle by Lincoln Steffens and the Sun, known as "the newspaperman's newspaper, the ambition of half the reporters in the United States“, was a writer's newspaper.33 Work on the Sun was "a sort of certificate of journalistic ability."34 Pulitzer's arrival in 1883 and Hearst's appearance in 1895 added the ingredient of sensationalism to the mix. Given the diversity of the newspapers, it is not surprising that every New York newspaper had its own writing Style, not in manner alone but in substance and general intellectual attitude. "Cynicism dominates one paper, or ridiculous acco newspaper Ian's and." Indeed, d reporters tended t writing style of standards and ethi publisher's view Such practic lillion which boas several dozen week often‘fierce comps costs. Expenditure like the Herald a1 Meek, according newspapers which I stories with a di light not be in b The growing then spur, the de ‘iork City's news; waiving into bi; 14 sensationalism another, business common sense a third, society a fourth and men and things must be judged by the reporter in light of this point of view from which he is lured to write, said critic and journalist Will Irwin. "News is padded or omitted, made plausible or doubtful, impressive or ridiculous according to its bearing on certain opinions-— a newspaper man's ideas are his paper's ideas," he added.35 Indeed, during the progressive era the city's reporters tended to conform not only to the individual writing style of their neWspapers36 but also to the standards and ethics, if any, of each paper based on each publisher's view of his newspaper's role in society. Such practices were necessary in a city of only 1.2 million which boasted as many as 15 daily newspapers and several dozen weeklies.37 The number of newspapers led to often-fierce competition for news which in turn caused high costs. Expenditures at some newspapers in the late 18805 like the Herald and the Tribune averaged $20,000 to $35,000 a week, according to Charles Dana.38 Editors knew that newspapers which did not get exclusive stories and present stories with a different slant from that of the competition might not be in business for long. The growing industrial revolution helped first to slow, then spur, the development of standards and ideals at New York City's newspapers. Like other industries rapidly evolving into big businesses, the press had developed clear mans of labor Murillo Speed dams left nears a prom or directi: positions began to reporters) and the distinct expectati, the press develope Publishers re tell into the 1920 dissatisfaction vi increased competit before publishers standards as accu Editors, by c adoption of standa their publishers ' Values. Given tha‘ Came from white c jobs that offered Claimed, with jus the 18805 and 189 3° the point of \ 'I‘fitchdogs. In par Cotunercial newsp; seandal rather t 15 divisions of labor by the time of the Civil War. At first, the dizzying speed of technological, industrial and social changes left news staffs with little time to contemplate the purpose or direction of newspapers. Yet, as distinct positions began to emerge (i.e., publishers, editors and reporters) and the power of the press continued to grow, distinct expectations of positions and specific purposes for the press developed. Publishers remained a pervasive force in the newsroom well into the 19205. As will be seen in Chapter 3, public dissatisfaction with newspaper content coupled with increased competition for advertising revenues had to occur before publishers paid more than lip service to such standards as accuracy and fairness. Editors, by contrast, played a large role in the adoption of standards. They were, however, stuck between their publishers' dictates and their own moral and business values. Given that late nineteenth-century editors often came from white collar families,39 these editors wanted jobs that offered a sense of prestige. But many critics claimed, with justification, that members of the press in the 18805 and 18905 faked stories, exaggerated information to the point of untruth, invaded privacy, and failed as watchdogs. In particular, critics believed the new commercial newspapers, with their emphasis on crime and scandal rather than politics, appealed to the lower and lation said the Dr 'ahdicate the func lit upon the pride ithas Iade itself sonar-‘1 Anothe increased their ci reporters to "pan readerI by provid' usually obtained itself labeled a sole members from direction. Editor Within-newsroom so accuracy and fair: news suppression , they supported th ethics, trade put all potential for Reporters wt Standards for th society had an '1 Standards as we] lack of power it Siunnled a train 16 lower-middle classes purely for profit.40 The shift in content alarmed critics. One press critic writing for The Nation said the press' "mercenary spirit" had led it to "abdicate the function of a teacher or leader, and, having hit upon the principle of ‘giving the public what it wants,’ it has made itself more and more a purveyor of gossip and scandal."41 Another critic, in 1887, claimed publishers increased their circulations by instructing editors and reporters to "pander to the degraded appetites of the reader" by providing details of crime and domestic incidents usually obtained by invading privacy.42 The press found itself labeled a "rag picker."43 The press clearly needed~ some members from within the occupation to provide direction. Editors, as will be seen, provided much of the within-newsroom support for adopting standards such as accuracy and fairness. Furthermore, editors attempted to end news suppression, fake stories and partisanship. Similarly, they supported the emerging schools of journalism, codes of ethics, trade publications and profeSsional associations-— all potential forms of professional guidance. Reporters would have less of a say in developing standards for the press. Yet, their noticeable presence in society had an impact on the development of behavioral standards as well as reporting techniques. Despite their lack of power in editorial policy, the rise of the reporter signaled a tremendous change in journalism. Now the extent «reporting gave maper staffs ardafevvonen, tyiines. But as th fuous. 'l‘hey "qav political status, Their succes Wanted reporters transitional one. areas of coverage develop stories. age for reporters ‘rise,' therefore restructuring of his literary hab audiences or eve With these hSterne evident. rehurting, the It City's corrupt '1 17 of reporting gave the press its power. Before the 18805 newspaper staffs had only a handful of reporters. These men, and a few women, toiled anonymously, largely lacking bylines. But as the need for news grew and America entered an age of literary professionalism at the end of the century, some reporters became famous. As editors began assigning reporters to different beats, reporters became experts on politics, crime, courts and immigration. Men like Julian Ralph, Jacob Riis, Richard Harding Davis, Abraham Cahan, Lincoln Steffens and David Graham Phillips, became famous. They "gave reporting new intellectual credibility, political status, even flamboyant celebrity."44 Their success was due in large measure to the autonomy granted reporters in the 18805. The decade was a transitional one. Although newspapers assigned reporters areas of coverage, editors gave reporters great latitude to develop stories. Indeed, the 18805 were considered a golden age for reporters, the age of individuality. "The reporter's ‘rise,’ therefore, coincided with a broadly based restructuring of his social role, his work experience, even his literary habitat--in ways not always welcomed by audiences or even by reporters themselves."45 With these reporters, the power of the press quickly became evident. For example, through early investigative reporting, the New York Times managed to dismantle the city's corrupt Tammany Hall political machine. Reporters The last two press wield its i tenelent construe Public parks and distractions. Th W's publishers Public journals pt Same as watchdogs for the Pilblic." Alarming char wilted newspape; htehdog role. Mo imutants, the g 3°Ipanies that ha and the supremacy ‘°° overwhelming Slims had first a c‘Jhtinual arriva that by the 1870 proPortions. neve 18 uncovered the depth of political corruption in city hall and forced the corrupt politicians out of office.46 Investigative reporting became an important tool and was used repeatedly to force social and political change. The Press A5 Watchdog The last two decades of the nineteenth century saw the press wield its influence regularly to help change laws on tenement construction, ban adulterated foods, establish public parks and enforce school attendance laws, to name but a few actions. These successes, in large measure, led New York's publishers to begin describing their newspapers as public journals possessing a duty and responsibility to serve as watchdogs of both the government and social issues for the public.47 Alarming changes in social and political conditions prompted newspapers to heighten the importance of the watchdog role. Most notably the squalid living conditions of immigrants, the growth of the great "trusts" (i.e., large companies that had integrated horizontally and vertically) and the supremacy of corrupt political machines had become too overwhelming for the public and the press to ignore. Slums had first appeared in New York in the 18305. The continual arrival of immigrants throughout the decade meant that by the 18705 and 18805 New York‘s slums had grown to Proportions never imagined. Poverty and encroaching slums id forced the cit: largely abandon Ilh me 'uptovn.‘ Although a nu (migrants-turned than, penned sto to changes in ten city's press had Weaposing and t Starting in t head and his col “piling the city My men kept ‘ thousands of doll illrovements vhic °°St only a fract Iheed and his ass waver. separate and Harper's Week hall but into jaj Much of the Skillful politic: “'1' Years Nast‘ . sflperls knew ex 5eProvided in t “pt the Pressur 19 had forced the city's elite, wealthy and well-educated to largely abandon much of the lower region of the city and move "uptown." Although a number of journalists, most notably (immigrants-turned-journalists) Jacob Riis and Abraham Cahan, penned stories on the miseries of the slums that led to changes in tenement and health laws in the 18805, the city's press had discovered its real power ten years earlier by exposing and temporarily ending city hall corruption. Starting in the late 18605, New York Mayor William M. Tweed and his colleagues began a four-year binge aimed at emptying the city's treasury in now-legendary fashion. The Tammany men kept two sets of books. Payments for hundreds of thousands of dollars of improvements on city hall-- improvements which were never made or those which in reality cost only a fraction of that ended up being kicked back to Tweed and his associates. By the end of the summer of 1871, however, separate media campaigns by both the New York Times and Harper's Weekly had run the rascals not only out of city hall but into jail and, in one case, out of the country. Much of the credit has to be given to Thomas Nast's skillful political cartoons in Harper's Weekly. For almost four years Nast's pen displayed images of corruption which Harper's knew existed, but could not prove. The proof would be provided in time by the New York Times. Nast's cartoons kept the pressure on city hall. More importantly, however, poorer, including readers of the pu tier. Nast's cart captions, such as about it?" to f Prior to the Chi) that grew im highly popular am tired inadequate : for the poor and i bursting With one This early 1 as successful as 20 they dramatized the first major investigative reporting undertaken by the city's press. Public interest peaked with the cartoons. The press discovered it could wield great power, including among non—readers. Even the illiterate members of the public could look at Nast's cartoons of a giant thumb pressed down on the city or the drawings of Tweed and his henchmen depicted as vultures and understand them. Nast's cartoons came replete with simple, one-line captions, such as Tweed asking, "What are you going to do about it?" to further fire public indignation. Prior to the media campaign, Tammany Hall, a political club that grew into a full-fledged political machine, was highly popular among New York's lower classes. Tammany had fixed inadequate sewers, roads and docks. It provided relief for the poor and handed out over 12,000 jobs to a city bursting with unemployed immigrants.48 This early investigative reporting might not have been as successful as it was if the then-recent advances in printing technology that allowed the publication of detailed engravings had not come into being. Then too, investigative reporting was a relatively new approach to news coverage by the press. Historian Thomas Leonard points out that although much of the public and the city's newspapers knew that corruption was occurring somewhere in city government, most Of the press had not painted harsh pictures of Tammany Hall early because much of the city's press, like Tweed himself, the New York oorruption eventua shortly after the the times was run understanding of charges that T neuspapers' campa' and failed to get hot information 1 handled badly. For rePorters had the Officials had pain has undertaken to ne'si’aper's read the Tweed ring's dozen contractor other buildings previously chm forgotten. The 1 The call t in “tor whiten»: hung),Out the 21 held democratic leanings. Boosterism paid. Criticizing the party did not.49 The New York Times' nine-month series on city hall corruption eventually brought down Tweed. The articles began shortly after the paper's founder, Henry Raymond, died and the Times was run by a publisher who had no real understanding of the press' role or power. Despite frequent charges that Tammany members were swindlers and frauds, the newspapers' campaign floundered. It never offered any proof and failed to get any city employees to talk. Furthermore, what information the Times' reporters obtained, they often handled badly. For example, although the newspaper's reporters had the names of the contractors to whom Tammany officials had paid huge sums of money, little investigation was undertaken to find out the names of these contractors and to expose them.50 The public began thinking that the charges were baseless--until one day in July 1871. The newspaper's readers found a reproduction of ledger sheets, the Tweed ring's secret accounts of payments to more than a dozen contractors for repairs never made to city hall or other buildings (many of which did not exist). The Times’ previously clumsy handling of the investigation was forgotten. The ledgers' publication ended Tweed's career. The call to battle was continued by New York Tribune Editor Whitelaw Reid. Reid trumpeted the watchdog platform throughout the 18705. All of New York's journalists needed h be vigilant on journalists also declining moral 5 Vice and illegal . New York Sun lreater view of t Press could stop Puliticians and p Press had the no nothing would e The Percei attractive Care 1 . hose with soci 22 to be vigilant on three issues, Reid warned. First, local government needed to be constantly scrutinized, particularly where taxes and local debt issues were concerned. For over 15 years local government had indulged in municipal extravagance at the expense of taxpayers, Reid stated. Equal vigilance needed to be directed at charities. Reid claimed abuses by charities were as startling and immoral as those wrought on the community by politicians. Finally, New York's journalists also needed to address the population's declining moral standards. Laws to protect citizens from vice and illegal alcohol sales were not being enforced.51 New York Sun Publisher Charles Dana took an even greater view of the watchdog role of the press. Only the press could stop local corruption and immorality if the politicians and police would not. More importantly, the press had the most important role in society because it was the safeguard, the last hope, for protection of individuals' personal liberties. If the president was to trample on personal liberties, if the army was to support the president and if the courts refused to act, only the press could save democracy.52 Certainly Dana's statement was implausible, but that was irrelevant. The watchdog fire had been lit and nothing would extinguish it. The perceived power of the press made journalism an attractive career choice to many individuals, particularly those with social reform interests. Many editors and fl reporters in the 1 jmalis- was a c hiltor Arthur Bris civilization.“ Ne fight for the educ officials.55 Ten y sirilar, yet more clailed that when longer see a murdl reporter to some 1 beliefs. They dec ranking alongside elevating influen The new lead illllied a new acc Puss realized 1 discovered that ‘ political) force “1th Church, "58 have t° Provide rural Standards‘ heir watchdog e rulers of SOCie carruption and d exaggerated or f 23 reporters in the late nineteenth century believed that journalism was a calling.53 According to New York Journal Editor Arthur Brisbane, journalism could heighten civilization.54 Newspapers, said Brisbane in 1901, should fight for the education of children and turn upon faithless officials.55 Ten years earlier, Lincoln Steffens expressed similar, yet more subtle, watchdog views. For example, he claimed that when a Commercial Advertiser reporter could no longer see a murder as a tragedy, it was time to shift that reporter to some other heat.56 Critics also echoed these beliefs. They declared newspapers educational institutions, ranking alongside of schools, churches and libraries as elevating influences in society.57 The new leadership role the press had assumed also implied a new accountability to the public, whether the press realized it or not. Members of the press soon discovered that if the press was to be a moral (and political) force in the community, standing "side by side with church,"58 then newspapers and their staffs would have to provide accurate, factual news that met the public's moral standards. This was the root of the problem. Although their watchdog efforts led to some social betterment, many members of society considered the topics of poverty, corruption and death unclean and immoral. Furthermore, in the frenzy to gain circulation, newspaper reporters often exaggerated or faked news stories outright. Then too, publishers' cla' since the pr with little or no Iany of the city' reporting techni denounced the pre trust. The task t bYsoclal critic lCCllpations soug 18005, the press behaviors could t a1like more difi thes of newspape Cllhesive institul WM, competing between members . jourllalism to a u ‘6le as a trad 24 editors and publishers had their biases. Although many of New York's publishers claimed they produced non-partisan newspapers, the contents of those newspapers did not match publishers' claims. Since the press had taken on a new ideological role with little or no forethought, it is not surprising that many of the city's newspapers, their content and their reporting techniques soon came under attack by critics who denounced the press as immoral and unworthy of the public's trust. The task to conform to standards of conduct expected by social critics would prove a difficult one. Although many occupations sought to professionalize themselves in the late 18005, the press lacked agreement on what standards and behaviors could be considered professional. Consensus was all the more difficult to achieve because the differing types of newspapers made clear that the press was not one cohesive institution. Instead, it was a series of privately owned, competing enterprises. Furthermore, rifts developed between members of the press who wanted to elevate journalism to a profession and those who saw newspaper work merely as a trade. Despite these hurdles, press members who sought to elevate journalism began developing some of the requirements for professionalization. Editorial associations, schools and courses of journalism, ethics codes and trade publications all began. This new professional drive was evident with the mm of s atiml NW9“ mpg: Publishe mber of state p! oollege students, Journalists.59 Despite the professionalizing irprove. Many pro included uncertai and the unwillin professionalism. to founder as fre 25 establishment of such news—oriented organizations as the National Newspaper Association in 1885, the American Newspaper Publisher's Association in 1887, the increasing number of state press associations and the formation, by college students, of the Society of Professional Journalists.59 Despite the growing number of potentially— professionalizing organizations, journalism was slow to improve. Many problems existed. The most glaring problems included uncertainty about the parameters of professionalism and the unwillingness by many members of the press to adopt professionalism. It was not surprising then, the press was to founder as frequently as it moved forward. Revolution, eds lortheastern Uni (lorcester, Mass 5. Joseph c. Q, will, (Washingt 103. 6- Hazel Dicken-C X999). 39. Clar (Philadelphia: U1 ‘2' Charles Journalism," Am 13- Cr out 1360' u gilamElr 26 Notes 1. Henry Steele Commager, The American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950), 69. 2. Robert Park, "The Natural History of the Newspaper," in Interpretations of Journalism, ed. Frank Luther Mott and Ralph D. Casey (New York: F. S. Crofts & Co., 1937), 124. 3. Perhaps the best account of Colonial printing conditions is Lawrence C. Wroth's work, The Colonial Printer 2nd ed. (Portland, ME.: 1938). See chapter 9 on printers' various non- newspaper enterprises. See also, Stephen Botein, "Printers and the American Revolution," in The Press And The American Revolution, ed. Bernard Bailyn and John B. Hench, (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1981), 17. 4. Isaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America (Worcester, Mass.: 1810), 517-552. 5. Joseph C. G. Kennedy, Preliminary Report on the Eighth Census, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1862), 103. ' 6. Hazel Dicken-Garcia, Journalistic Standards in Nineteenth- Century America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 39. Clarence S. Brigham, Journals and Journeymen (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1950), 23-26. 7. See Arthur Schlesinger, Prelude to Independence: The H§fl§peper War on Britain. 1764-1776 (Westport, Conn.: (keenwood Press, 1979), 20—22. See also, Philip Davidson, Propaganda and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1941). 8. Donald Stewart, The Opposition Press of the Federalist EEEEQQ (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1969), 4. 9. Ibid., 38. 10. Ibid. 11. James L. Crouthamel, "The Newspaper Revolution in New York: 1830—1860," New York History, 45 (April 1964), 93. 12. Charles H. Levermore, "The Rise Of Metropolitan Journalism," American Historical Review (April 1901), 449. 13. Crouthamel, "The Newspaper Revolution in New York: 1830- 1860," 91. 14. John George 61 allow (levlork, 1930), 16.Crouthalel, 9 17.Ibid., 9s. 13.1bid., 97. 19.1bid., 101. 20.1bid., 143-1 21. Lyman H. flee United States 6 ennak Lift (New York, 12. Calder H. Pi the 19th Century 40?. 23. See Edwin Bo L801! of the ll Hall, 1972), par‘ I(lire. The Ye (Tallahassee: F1 GarCia's and Chr Changes that occ "- Emery. The P ChFiStllllher Wil University of G "Fm ‘Journal Mani. 11 Steffens, "The ‘ 1‘97: 447-467. 25' "Reminiscen 531. 26- Michael Sch yaks! 1978), S o rk; Prentice- 27‘ “lid. Schu 27 14. John George Glover and Bouck Cornell, ed. The Development of American Industries (New York: Prentice Hall, 1932), 144. 15. James L. Crouthamel, James Watson Webb and the New York Courier and Enquirer, 1827-1861, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Rochester, 1958, 41-45; Victor Rosewater, History of Cooperative News-gathering in the United States (New York, 1930), 15-18. 16. Crouthamel, 96. 17. Ibid., 98. 18. Ibid., 97. 19. Ibid., 101. 20. Ibid., 143-144 & 105. 21- Lyman H. Weeks, AMMW United States, 1690-1916 (New York, 1916), 195, 223-224; David Hunter, Papermaking, The History and Technigue of an Ancient Craft (New York, 1943), 285-286. 22. Calder M. Pickett, "Technology and the New York Press in the 19th Century," Journalism Quarterly (Summer 1960), 398- 407. 23. See Edwin Emery, The Press in America: An Interpretive History of the Mass Media (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice- Hall, 1972), particularly chapters 16 and 17. See also Sidney Kobre, The Yellow Press and Gilded Age Journalism (Tallahassee: Florida State University Press, 1964). Dicken- Garcia's and Christopher Wilson's books also explore the many changes that occurred in the late nineteenth-century press. 24. Emery, The Press in America, Chapters 15 and 16; See also Christopher Wilson, The Labor of Words (Athens, GA.: University of Georgia Press, 1985), 18; Truman A. DeWeese, "From ‘Journalism' to the \Newspaper InduStrYI'" Ins W, 11 December 1902, 2953—2956; and, J. Lincoln Steffens, "The Business of a Newspaper," Scribners, October 1897, 447-467. 25. "Reminiscences Of An Editor," The Forum, January 1896, 631. 26. Michael Schudson, Discoverin the News (New York: Basic Books, 1978), 93; John V. Lund, Newspaper Advertising (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1947), 10—11. 27. Ibid., Schudson, 93; Ibid., Lund, 13—14. available. 11.1111, Ne 10. Carl Crow, Th rodBrothers, 194 11. Schudson, Dis m, 18; and J (lerlork: Harper 32. S. N. D. (Washington, D.C. 33. 1111 Irwin, roman, 1942), 9: had its downside W5 m was In: Presented the jar journalism of Arne (lewlork: F. A. “- Willis Abbot Brown and Co., 1' 35. Norman Hapgor 1597. 119. 35. Ibid. J7- The 1889 N. 33- Charles A. Appleton, 1900) 28 28. Two points need to be made about these figures. First, magazines and newspapers are lumped together because census figures for newspaper advertising alone did not appear until 1909._Second, the figures cited are national in nature because advertising data from New York newspapers alone is not available. 29. Lund, News a er Advertisin , 1. 30. Carl Crow, The Great American Customer (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1943), 127. 31. Schudson, Discoverin the News, 93; Wilson, The Labor of Words, 18; and Jason Rogers, Building Newspaper Advertising (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1919), 28—32. 32. S. N. D. North, The Newspaper and Periodic Press (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880), 77. 33. Will Irwin, The Making of a Reporter (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1942), 92. The Sun's personal journalism style also had its downside. Reporter Moses Koenigsberg claimed that Dana's §gp was more of a select club than an open forum. "It presented the journalism of Charles A. Dana rather than the journalism of America." See also, Moses Koenigsberg, King News (New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1941), 171. 34. Willis Abbot, Watching the World Go By (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1933), 24. 35. Norman Hapgood, "Reporter and Literature," Bookman, April 1897, 119. 36. Ibid. 37. The 1889 N. W. Ayer and Son's Newspaper Annual lists 15 commercial daily newspapers: the Commercial Advertiser, the Evening Post, the Sgp, the Telegram, the New York Graphic, the New York Herald, the Mail and Express, the Morning Journal, the New York News, the New York Press, the Star, the New York Times, the New York Tribune, the Up—Town News and the New York Eggld. Some historians credit New York with more than fifteen newspapers because several of the city's newspapers produced morning and evening editions with very different staffs. I have chosen, however, to list the number of papers based on title only. 38. Charles A. Dana, The Art of Newspaper Making (New York: D. Appleton, 1900), 6. Godlin: 'lle coul 11th him. Let hi breadth from the bell, book and c the: a very gene] 'Tbe Policy of t] 42- Critics rail. °f the press to r web as the horn “St”. "Trial 8 1887. 526-527; a1 ThQMM. July 1 cbarobs in their have been read PittSburgh Press held in contempt all aspects of 44- Wilson, The ‘5- Wilson, The 46- Ibid.. 17. 47- See Charles 13- Appleton, 19 (New York: Hol 3°“Ce t: The 1% (Ames Micularly c legal Practice 29 39. Jack Hart, "Horatio Alger in the Newsroom: Social Origins of American Editors," ournalism Quarterly, 53, (Spring 1976), 15. Hart found that by 1900, 78 percent of American editors came from business or professional families. 40. In "The Best Men," Sproat notes that the gentry did not like the Democratic party for similar reasons. Democrats, catered "to the irresponsible whims of the working class . . "The Democratic party was the first to treat character as if it were of no consequence," Godkin charged. John G. Sproat, “The Best Men," Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 65. 41. "Journalism in New York," The Nation, 3 August 1893, 78. In an article from The Bookman, critic Richard Kemp says of Godkin: "He could never see any good in those who differed with him. Let his most cherished proteges swerve one hair's breadth from the true Godkin gospel, and they were dammed with bell, book and candle, and'sometimes so savagely as to win for them a very general sympathy and support." See Richard Kemp, "The Policy of the Paper," The Bookman, December 1904, 312. 42. Critics railed against the increasingly powerful ability of the press to cover what were once considered private areas such as the home and the church. See, for example, Roger Foster, "Trial By Newspaper," The North American Review, May 1887, 526—527; and, W. S. Lilly, “The Ethics of Journalism," The Forum, July 1889, 507. Members of the press countered such charges in their own trade publications, which may or may not have been read by their critics. George Wardman of the Pittsburgh Press wrote in The Journalist that reporters are held in contempt by the public simply because they investigate all aspects of society, including the church and the railroads. "The Reporter," The Journalist, 23 February 1889, 12~l3. 43. Dion Boucicault, "The Decline and Fall of the Press," The North American Review, 145 July 1887, 34. 44. Wilson, The Labor of Words, 17. 45. Wilson, The Labor of Words, 19. 46. Ibid., 17. 47. See Charles Dana, The Art of Newspaper Making (New York: D. Appleton, 1900); Whitelaw Reid, Some Newspaper Tendencies (New York: Holt, 1879); Timothy W. Gleason, The Watchdog Concept: The Press and the Courts in Nineteenth-Century America (Ames: Iowa state University Press, 1990), particularly chapters 1—4; Timothy W. Gleason, "19th-Century Legal Practice and Freedom of the Press: An Introduction to an 9o (3) (January 15 18. monas C. Le Oxford University 49. Ibid., 109 . 50. Ibid., 122. 51. Reid, Some Ne 53. "Long Look Yilllruin, "All Kay 1911, 17; He that since 1905, tonrd their cal has brought abo Thorpe! edo' T 1915). 12-13; For a bet and how journali 18th centurys see (Philadelphia: Ur 55. Ibid. ii Lincoln W iinuary “915”“ i 30 Unfamiliar Terrain," Journalism History 14 (Spring 1987): 26— 33; Norman L. Rosenberg, "Thomas M. Cooley, Liberal Jurisprudence, And The Law of Libel, 1868-1884," University of Puget Sound Law Review 4 (1980): 49-98; and, David M. Rabban, "The First Amendment in Its Forgotten Years," Yale Law Journal 90 (3) (January 1981): 514-595. 48. Thomas C. Leonard, The Power of the Press (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 106-107. 49. Ibid., 109. 50. Ibid., 122. 51. Reid, Some Newspaper Tendencies, 48-49. 52. Dana, The Art of Newspapermaking, 24. 53. "Long Look Ahead," The Fourth Estate, 5 January 1901, 10; Will Irwin, "All the News That's Fit to Print,“ Collier‘s, 6 May 1911, 17; Merle Thorpe in "The Coming Newspaper," claims that since 1905, a distinct change ill editors' attitudes toward their calling, their Competitors and their community has brought about a professional consciousness. In. Merle Thorpe, ed., The Coming Newspaper (New York: Henry Holt, 1915), 12-13; For a better understanding of the ideal of a calling, and how journalism parallels the role of the clergy in the 18th century see, Donald Scott, From Office to Profession (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978), 6-12. 54. Thorpe, The Coming Newspaper. 55. Ibid. 56. Lincoln Steffens, "Wanted: Good Writers," in Interpretations of Journalism, 285. 57. North, The Newspaper and Periodic Press, 52. 58. "The Moral Force Of The Press," Editor and Publisher, 11 January 1902, 4. 59. For histories of some of these organizations see, Hiley Ward, "A Popular History of The National Newspaper Association," Publisher's Auxiliar , 10 July 1975, 14~15; Edwin Emery, History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1950). Edwin Emery, ANPA—-75th Anniversary (New York: American Newspaper Publishers Association, 1962). For insight into the founding of the Associated Press, see Melville E. Stone, Fifty Years a Journalist (Garden City: Doubleday, Page and Co., 31 1922). Also see the golden jubilee issue of Editor and Publisher, (21 July 1934) for a multi-faceted coverage of the history of journalism from the 18805 through the 19305. 'No other More than a York World illus immalisn. His and crusaded for Yet its content Stories as the d isvell as high : its publisher wa‘ “Ployees stood . 11111; about thei 111d invading pri contrast sharply Critics cha itHints." The c c(intent. And, w] helped change 1; I”elitzer became PfeVious 1y unhe Chapter 2 Critical Voices "No other profession has been so wept over."1 More than any other newspaper, Joseph Pulitzer's New York World illustrated the inconsistencies of the new journalism. His newspaper laid claim to the watchdog role and crusaded for a variety of social and political changes. Yet its content was often sensational, filled with such stories as the deaths of prostitutes and underworld figures as well as high society's indiscretions. Furthermore, while its publisher waved the banner of professionalism, his employees stood accused of coloring and faking stories, lying about their identities to gain access to crime scenes and invading privacy. Pulitzer's stated ideals seemed to Contrast sharply with the practices of his staff members. Critics charged Pulitzer with "giving the public what it wants." The charge was justified. Readers did want the Content. And, while Pulitzer's crusades through The World h91ped change laws, the paper also profited handsomely. Pu1itzer became a millionaire and the newspaper claimed a preViouSly unheard of readership of almost 300,000- 32 m realiti not his staff liv whim nevspa naspaper's lie of industryouide political biases, lelbers of the p< "WWW. The 5‘ Crusades aimed a la111 members of however, Pulitze filled With new The World‘ ane\iispaper silt Whit)! acti the Cornerstm innitZer proc cAhAchu 33 Two realities become apparent. First, neither Pulitzer nor his staff lived up to the ideals expected of the crusading newspaper. Many factors contributed to the newspaper's mistakes, inconsistencies and biases: the lack of industry-wide accepted standards, Pulitzer's personal and political biases, a reporting staff whose training began largely at the printing case, a lessening of standards in the face of competition, sloppy work and time constraints. Second, Pulitzer's choice of content revealed just how far newspaper readership had changed in the second half of the century. Prior to Pulitzer's arrival in New York the majority of newspapers sought relatively well-educated, middle class readers. The less prosperous and less-educated members of the population largely found themselves without a newspaper. The stories Pulitzer provided, including the crusades aimed at improving life, seemed to be just what many members of this public wanted. To the upper classes, however, Pulitzer's newspaper was an immoral scandal sheet filled with news polite society did not publically discuss. The World's content mirrored Pulitzer's belief of what a newspaper should be-—a public trust and a vehicle for community activism. In a glowingly idealistic speech during the cornerstone-laying ceremony for the new World building, Pulitzer proclaimed his belief that newspapers should be: forever unsatisfied with merely printing news, forever fighting every form of wrong; forever independent; forever advancing in enlightenment and progress; forever wedded to Presented storie rite among tenem botched abortion abuse. The World 11°91! of encourag One of the fight against a brutish enough. fuIther to city chen'icals, "Bob" 3°ch old--whic salt, borax, so infected and in ihroughout the cm11d not claim f00d laws, the 34 truly democratic ideas; forever aspiring to be a moral force; forever rising to a higher plane of perfection as a public institution.2 As a public institution, a newspaper should be "a daily school-house and a daily forum; an instrument of justice; a terror to crime; an aid to education; and an exponent of true Americanism," Pulitzer said.3 He realized his ideas through his crusades to help the masses. Pulitzer dismissed all criticism that stories of crime and slum life were immoral and continued to provide his audience with activist journalism. His newspaper presented stories about the alarmingly-high infant mortality rate among tenement dwellers, young women who died from botched abortions, child abuse cases and government/police abuse. The World sought the government's ear in the earnest hope of encouraging social legislation. One of the World's more successful crusades was the fight against adulterated foods. Tenement life was short and brutish enough. The quality of food stuffs only contributed further to city miseries. Candy which was colored with toxic chemicals, "Bob" veal--the meat from a calf less than a month old--which was indigestible, and milk adulterated with salt, borax, soda, vermin, snakes or parasites and other infected and infested food were continually reported on throughout the 18805 by the World. Although the newspaper could not claim full responsibility for the passage of pure food laws, the World could take a large share of the credit. journalists were lee York's world than they [the y their rights an Independent ask The Indepe laitrity of con 1W journalism Claimed to be or headlines as "112 “'0 Days To Conn Stooking'n'l focr Wlitical affai tr‘ltical. One e almost Entirely newspapers}3 The replae with he“ of C: longer aPDEare he ' Emmi gOVerr A 35 Pulitzer had his supporters as well as his detractors. His crusades attracted the attention of at least one religious journal, The Independent, which stated that yellow journalism might be sensational and vulgar, but yellow journalists were the only members of the press representing New York's working poor. "What high-class papers are quicker than they [the yellow press] to help the masses, show them their rights and, if need be, fight for them? The Independent asked.4 The Independent largely stood alone, however. The majority of conservatives and the religious press saw the new journalism as a threat. Although editors and publishers claimed to be watchdogs,5 their news stories, boasting such headlines as "Hacked Himself To Death—-It Takes A Dentist Two Days To Commit Suicide"6 and "strangled With Her Stocking,"7 focused on sensational crimes rather than political affairs. Media watchers had the right to be critical. One editor admitted newspapers chose this content almost entirely to boost circulation. Sensationalism sold newspapers.8 The replacement of editorials and political commentary with news of crime and scandal, as well as the conduct of journalists, alarmed some members of society. Journalism no longer appeared to be a gentlemanly occupation aimed at keeping government in check and guiding public opinion. It had become a big business with profits at its center. The given the domin the press was c volune of sever The time was ri forvard said, pervasive force itself around t qrovth is an in Other direction If press it Professionals 2 leaning of the: to establish a W the press. “110le of New tine as one of sllhost standa The work A‘ 36 watchdog role seemed relegated to a secondary or even tertiary role in the View of some critics. This watchdog concept depended upon a basic eighteenth-century democratic concept--the assumption that government, if left unchecked, had a natural tendency to abridge the public's liberty. Freedom of the press gave people the power to counter the threat of government's abuse of its power.9 The public's concerns seemed all the more justified given the dominance of the press in society. The power of the press was confirmed by the 1880 census, which devoted a volume of several hundred pages to the newspaper industry. The time was right for such an in-depth study, the census' forward said, because the press had grown to become a pervasive force in American life: "The press has thus wound itself around the very pillars of our institutions and its growth is an inseparable consequence of growth in every other direction."10 If press members insisted upon calling themselves professionals and watchdogs without any clear sense of the meaning of these terms, critics believed it was up to them to establish a set of professional standards and behaviors for the press. For the most part these critics--particular1y a group of New York's Republican elite--stood alone at the time as one of the few forces which attempted to actually SUggest standards.11 The work of these press critics was not an isolated mm: W rumination of of industrializai names, particu over hulan velfa oppose oapitalis. becole lore resp excesses had to The najori its earlier, ed leaders of publ Particularly Net role vas an urgc lwhines ran mu. W. and often °f Protestant tynan Trumbul elite‘ In his 37 phenomenon, however. It was part of a much broader reexamination of society that grew out of the rampaging pace of industrialization. Gilded Age critics found social changes, particularly the emphasis of industrial success over human welfare, alarming. While these critics did not oppose capitalism, industries, including the press, had to become more responsive to the needs of the people; their excesses had to be curbed.12 The majority of critics wanted the press to return to its earlier, editorial roles as government watchdogs and leaders of public opinion. Encouraging the press, and particularly New York City's press, to adhere to a watchdog role was an urgent task for elite critics. Corrupt political machines ran much of the nation's cities, including New York, and often—violent labor strikes occurred regularly. Such events highlighted the real fears of elite critics: political corruption, the general breakdown of social order and the pervasive lack of morality in society.13 The Cpstodians of Culture The most vocal critics of New York's newspapers were largely wealthy Republicans educated predominantly in Eastern, elitist institutions and imbued with a firm sense 0f Protestant values. Politicians like Samuel J. Tilden, Lyman Trumbull and Grover Cleveland were members of this elite. In his younger years, Theodore Roosevelt also belonged to this noted author and lliotllorton. Th they viewed as e including newspa patriotism, fai holiness." 001 any situation a concerns. This educated and no Society as well 1nd, they vievei roles. In an agi Hidescale labor value system, s aPost-civil Wa social and indu The New Yc HeirY Villard 2 Richard Watson iPIth American Provided the e< OPtside of New Springfield Re 38 belonged to this group. So, too, did literary figures like noted author and editor William Dean Howells and Charles Eliot Norton. They possessed an intellectual and moral outlook that separated them from other wealthy and well— educated members of New York society. The values and virtues they viewed as essential for politics and businesses-— including newspapers-—were integrity, truthfulness, patriotism, fair-dealing, scrupulousness, simplicity and manliness.l4 Doing what was right and morally correct in any situation always superseded political or business concerns. This genteel elite believed that only the best educated and most moral men, "the best men," should run society as well as be the leaders of cultural standards. And, they viewed themselves as the ones to take on these roles. In an age filled with corrupt political machines and widescale labor unrest, the elite clung tightly to their value system, seeing it as the only way to maintain order in a post-Civil War society filled with factionalism and rapid social and industrial changes.15 The New York Evening Post's E. L. Godkin, Carl Schurz, Henry Villard and Horace White, Century Magazine publisher Richard Watson Gilder and four magazines, The Nation, The North American Review, Harper's Weekly and The Century provided the editorial voice of New York's genteel elite. Outside of New York, Samuel Bowles, publisher of the Springfield Republican, and three other publications, Iston's Atlanti lork's corrupt Hide range of no education and 5 he would not p social wrongs h perceived them Spread their op restricted audi according to hi Given thei and cultural st felt duty~bound “9' journalism °Pinion-oriente In attempi Vieved themsel‘ Press seemed tl attempted to b the elite set Then they atte Practices base 39 Boston's Atlantic Monthly and two largely religious magazines, The Outlook and The Independent also provided forums for New York's genteel elite. Richard Watson Gilder, editor of The Century, perhaps displayed the group's cultural custodianship best. In private life he opposed New York's corrupt Tammany Hall political machine, encouraged a wide range of municipal reforms, argued for children's education and served on the city's tenement commission. Yet, he would not publish accounts-~fictitious or factual--of the social wrongs he lobbied So hard to correct because he perceived them as vulgar.16 The genteel elite's magazines spread their opinions and essays to "comparatively restricted audiences who could appreciate the ideas," according to historian James Woods.17 Given their self—appointed role as the opinion leaders and cultural standard bearers of society, this genteel elite felt duty—bound to attempt to set standards for the brash new journalism of the 18805 that had so quickly eclipsed the opinion-oriented press that the elite had always expected. In attempting to set standards for the press, the elite viewed themselves as having taken on a daunting task. The press seemed to have so many problems. The genteel elite attempted to bring remedies to the press in two ways. First the elite set forth their view of the purpose of newspapers. Then they attempted to establish a set of standards and practices based on their View of the press' role. lasses, teachin nigh all subjec Given the critics wanted information on needed, the eli as a role model The selec one newspaper— transition from surprising, the newspaper of ti 0f the ideal m the press shou unbiased, inde Watchdog and a but also of so Evening Post e a Critic writi disseminator has aimed , by 40 The Ideal Newspaper Even though the popular press of the 18805 offered much crime news and feature stories, these newspapers did have sway over public opinion, a fact not lost on critics: "Our journals are the guides, philosophers, and friends of the masses, teaching them to think what they do think on well- nigh all subjects."18 Given the high circulations of the popular press, elite critics wanted newspapers to provide the masses with more information on government functions. What the popular press needed, the elite believed, was a newspaper that could serve as a role model for proper public leadership. The selection of that role model was an easy task. Only one newspaper--the New York Evening Post--never made the transition from a journal of opinion to a news vehicle. Not surprising, then, the Evening Post, always the preferred newspaper of the genteel elite, served as the elite's model of the ideal newspaper. It embodied what the elite believed the press should be—-conservative, moral, accurate, honest, unbiased, independent. Most important, the newspaper was a watchdog and a teacher to the public, not only of politics, but also of social, cultural and moral concerns.19 The Evening Post embodied the best qualities of journalism, said a critic writing for The Outlook.20 The newspaper was a disseminator of ideas, not merely a purveyor of news: "It has aimed, by definite conviction, by power of statement, andby independence of while opinion; to sha] exerting a definite ant readers."21 Members of the p01 these values. The trade exalple, also encourage and morality.22 The elite's insisi avatchdog derived fron andtheir desire to de: original Tammany Hall 1 by an activist New Yorn incarnation was back i‘ my of the nation's in industries. Corruption to name but a few. The Pllblisher Samuel Bowle by stating that the pr government is what we and honest and just UN i‘ith incessant interes The press' failur Ein)! articles. For exa the overwhelming cont: the New Haven Railroac 41 and by independence of action, to lead rather than to follow public opinion; to shape the policies of the country by exerting a definite and consistent influence upon readers."21 Members of the popular press did not oppose many of these values. The trade magazine The Journalist, for example, also encouraged accuracy, political independence. and morality.22 The elite's insistence that the press' role be that of a watchdog derived from their concerns about good government and their desire to destroy the trusts. Although the original Tammany Hall political machine had been dismantled by an activist New York Times in the 1870s, a new incarnation was back in business. Furthermore, trusts ran many of the nation's municipal governments and heavy industries. Corruption abounded in steel, oil and railroads, to name but a few. The conservative Springfield Republican Publisher Samuel Bowles summed up the elite's concern best by stating that the press must realize that "democratic government is what we make it, and that it will not be clean and honest and just until we put those qualities into it with incessant interest and watchfulness and service."23 The press' failure as a watchdog was pointed out in many articles. For example, an article in The Nation about the overwhelming control of the Rhode Island legislature by the New Haven Railroad blamed the press for the corruption much as it blaled pnhlic believes the ne railroad, said The Net bribes paid by the rai preferential bills pas neespapers can find 0 have expert reporters, detectives if they ch crookedness in the no one else's."2‘ Establishin Standard If the press was position as a public enforcement of standai elite's criticism focn the popular press: it: its lack of morality, (Which, in turn, caus finally, staff member behavior.26 Elite critics re members of the media. that intelligent repc Political corruption . cOver their subjects 42 as much as it blamed the railroad's board of directors. The public believes the newspapers are in league with the railroad, said The Nation, because the press did not reveal bribes paid by the railroad to a political boss to get preferential bills passed by the state's legislature: "The newspapers can find out everything if they want to; they have expert reporters, and they have the means to hire detectives if they choose. If they do not uncover all the crookedness in the body politic, it is their own fault and no one else's."24 Establishing Standards If the press was to achieve its ideal, and necessary, position as a public trust, the establishment and enforcement of standards were essential.25 Therefore, the elite's criticism focused on four specific shortcomings in the popular press: its lack of well-educated staff members, its lack of morality, its lack of political independence (which, in turn, caused the press to lack accuracy) and, finally, staff members' perceived lack of professional behavior.26 Elite critics recognized that education was crucial for members of the media. They believed, overly-optimistically, that intelligent reporting could spell the end of social and political corruption. Educated reporters would be able to cover their subjects more effectively and with greater aomracy. Furthermore, of college graduates, inprove}7 Although educati professions of the t' ignored the fact that newspapers did indeed graduates. A large pr reporters, of newspap Journal and the Sun in and Midwestern univer Dartmouth, Bowdoin an editors held law degr Journalist and c exaggerating, that by employees had college New York's most promi Dana, Joseph Pulitzer Reid had always seen staff members.29 Elite critics s: ahearing journalism the new schools gave Critics valued colle criticized the value Judgment was said to 43 accuracy. Furthermore, as newspapers hired greater numbers of college graduates, writing quality was expected to improve.27 Although education was a key factor for many emerging professions of the time, critics seemed either unaware of or ignored the fact that from the 18905 onward, New York's newspapers did indeed hire growing numbers of college graduates. A large proportion of the editors, and some reporters, of newspapers like the Times, the World, the Journal and the Sun held degrees from prestigious Eastern and Midwestern universities, such as Yale, Harvard, Dartmouth, Bowdoin and the University of Ohio. Several editors held law degrees and some had Ph.D.s as well. Journalist and critic Will Irwin noted, perhaps exaggerating, that by 1909, 75 percent of the New York Sun's employees had college degrees.28 Leaders of a number of New York's most prominent newspapers, including Charles Dana, Joseph Pulitzer, William Randolph Hearst and Whitelaw Reid had always seen the value of hiring college-educated staff members.29 Elite critics said little on the issue of the newly— appearing journalism schools, however. The few articles on the new schools gave them mixed support. For example, while critics valued college degrees in some subjects, the elite criticized the value of journalism skills courses. News jUdgment was said to be impossible to teach. similarly, editing was-not to be newspapers were fillet writing and editing wc generation of reporter schools that relied on to train new reporter reporters would be be arts background that history and languages 'keenness and breadth judge . . . the valu Seekin the Moral Hi The critics' mo establishment of a no development of yellow noted increases in or wholesome fare. To tl the popular press ofi corrupting and contar offered "minute and I Morality”? that were "any elite critics bi poverty and corrupti Innocent and unsuspe hihlishers whose pra 44 editing was not to be taught because so many of the nation's newspapers were filled with erroneous headlines. Teaching writing and editing would only pass on bad conduct to a new 'generation of reporters.30 Critics had little faith in schools that relied on former members of the popular press to train new reporters. The elite believed that future reporters would be better served by choosing a broad liberal arts background that included courses in political science, history and languages. Such knowledge gave journalists "keenness and breadth of vision, and . . . enabled them to judge . . . the value of evidence," one critic noted.31 Seeking the Moral High Ground The critics' most frequent call was for the establishment of a morally—sound press. Even before the development of yellow journalism, critics in the early 18805 noted increases in criminal news and other less than wholesome fare. To these religious, conservative critics, the popular press offered too much material aimed at corrupting and contaminating society. Newspapers which offered "minute and filthy reports of scandalous public morality"32 that were "not fit for women and children." Many elite critics became convinced that coverage of crime, Poverty and corruption by the press was leading "the innocent and unsuspecting from the path of virtue." Publishers whose practices disregarded every consideration ofdecency and sound 1 polluted homes.33 The elite's real poverful popular pres contribute to social living in squalid con stories.“ Strikes any workers, occurred reg 18905. Furthermore, a including a series of to the turmoil. The t The custodians c the possibility of Inc the sensational news; which may incite the Similarly, a writer : newspapers appealed ‘ that unearthed dispa‘ For example, one new tax and inheritance Independent claimed do what the elite fe Politicians out of C The elite's rem Press was overly sill discarded by much 01 45 of decency and sound morality produced "foul sheets" that polluted homes.33 The elite's real concern was their great fear that the powerful popular press' coverage of crime could directly contribute to social disorder. Semi-literate immigrants living in squalid conditions might get ideas from the stories.34 Strikes and riots, particularly by sweatshop workers, occurred regularly in New York in the 1880s and 18905. Furthermore, almost continuous financial instability, including a series of depressions in the late 18005, added to the turmoil. The times required a responsible press. The custodians of culture clearly feared the public and the possibility of mob rule. An article in The Nation said the sensational newspapers ". . . recklessly use language which may incite the crack-brained to lawlessness . . ."35 Similarly, a writer for The Independent claimed that some newspapers appealed to class prejudices by covering stories that unearthed disparities between the rich and the poor. For example, one newspaper truthfully reported the fact that tax and inheritance laws favored the rich over the poor. The Independent claimed such reporting could get the public to do what the elite feared--go to the polls and vote certain politicians out of office.36 The elite's remedy to curb this immoral, dangerous press was overly simple: Christian teachings, seemingly discarded by much of society in the rush to industrialize, had to be resurrected silple Iorality was tl 'l'he elite's solui code, grounded in Pro1 fro: which they judge reform attempts for 13' included encouraging Christian values. Wit publish information no face to face.39 Repor‘ replaced with the ace and scientific matter Toward an Independent The popular pres Political and financ: had to be above repri ideal paper, the Eve. editors never allowe svayed or shaped by Concerns.“1 Samuel B Press wanted to gair. newspapers had to ac independence from pc Advertiser com Particularly concerl 46 had to be resurrected and applied to journalism. Stern, simple morality was the only thing needed.37 The elite's solution was not surprising. Their moral code, grounded in Protestant values, provided the foundation from which they judged everything.38 As such, the elite's reform attempts for businesses and politics almost always included encouraging the wayward to return to good, Christian values. With such morality newsmen would not publish information which they would not tell their families face to face.39 Reports on crime and scandal would be replaced with the acceptable content of past days--religious and scientific matter.4o Toward an Independent Press The popular press also had to be independent in its political and financial dealings. As watchdogs, newspapers had to be above reproach. Critics again pointed to their ideal paper, the Evening Post, and claimed the Post‘s editors never allowed the columns of their newspaper to be swayed or shaped by either business' or readers‘ concerns.41 Samuel Bowles echoed similar concerns. If the press wanted to gain, and keep, the public's confidence, newspapers had to adhere to the standards of honesty and independence from political and commercial concerns.42 Advertiser control of New York's newspapers particularly concerned elite critics. Politicians held little sway over big , existed that corporat beconcerned. New Yor Russell, for example, at New York's newspap policy.“ Businesses, nevspapers did not me derogatory comments a attack particular bus avoid socialist, clai owners of corporatior P°rtraying strike lea characters."4 Such cc elite's view that th. to corruption becaus Healthiest men in He The World was n set such policies. M stories to fit "offi day.“ The critics' ic' influence paralleled of political parties the elite believed, abuses attacked. 47 C newspapers that see? 47 little sway over big city newspapers, but too much evidence existed that corporations did. Critics had a good reason to be concerned. New York World City Editor Charles Edward Russell, for example, said the greatest source of inaccuracy at New York's newspapers was due to unspoken "office policy." Businesses, he claimed, paid handsomely to see that newspapers did not mention industrial accidents, make derogatory comments about certain executives or outright attack particular businesses.43 Furthermore, Russell, an avoid socialist, claimed that the World sided with the owners of corporations, viewing labor as the enemy while portraying strike leaders and critics as dishonest and bad characters.44 Such comments only confirmed the genteel elite's view that this watchdog press would turn a blind eye to corruption because it was indebted to some of the wealthiest men in New York.45 The World was not the only New York newspaper said to set such policies. Many journalists claimed that slanting stories to fit "office policy" was the expectation of the day.46 The critics' ideal of a press free from advertiser influence paralleled their belief in politicians independent of political parties. It was only through such nonalignment, the elite believed, that corruption could be curbed and abuses attacked.47 Critics vigorously denounced any newspapers that seemed to be influenced by advertisers. "Clearly, a power thrust a golden 1 exclusive chattel journalism, manac or in bondage to vorthily, or tru1 its fetters chaf: . . . How can pa] and illegal activ directors of com} when the paper '1; Another critic: claiming metropontan that news stories "ca the level of fine art These critics di they also saw the tol burdens of sweatshop custodians of culture did they reject indus Socialist writers of Of industrial leader‘ Edi ' ting moral Correc' 48 "Clearly, a power greater than journalism has thrust a golden ring through its nose and leads it, exclusive chattel and creature. And what can journalism, manacled and branded as private property, or in bondage to its advertisers, say bravely, or worthily, or truthfully, about anything, so long as its fetters chafe and constrain? . . . How can papers expose and denounce the erroneous and illegal actions of monopolist officials and directors of companies who plunder or dilute stocks when the paper is owned by monopolists?"48 Another critic, in 1887, uttered similar beliefs, claiming metropolitan journalism's debt to advertisers meant that news stories "carried the craft of misrepresentation to the level of fine art."49 l These critics did believe in free enterprise.50 Yet they also saw the toll from industrial accidents and the burdens of sweatshop labor. A balance had to be struck. The custodians of culture were not radical reformers. In no way did they reject industrialism like many anarchist and socialist writers of the time.51 But many of the actions of industrial leaders clashed with the elite's belief of putting moral correctness above business interests. Therefore, as with politics, the press had to be a watchdog of business. And, the elite believed the press could not present news and editorial comment both fairly and impartially if powerful advertisers were able to influence editorial decisions. A standard of editorial independence had to be established. Critics placed the blame for newspapers' content squarely on publishers. The elite viewed publishers as irresponsible men who threatened the whole York's newspapers bec elite believed that c because such standar This was a consi For example, The Nati spirit" had led it t leader, and, having public what it wants, purveyor of gossip a 1887, claimed that 1 its circulation, pub to “pander to the de providing details of obtained by what crii Privacy.S4 Critics ca The Decline of the G: Critics linked Personal conduct—-to The elite believed p ladies) in the late- P°Pular press member this view of profess resorted to lying at 49 irresponsible men whose ruthless desire for wealth threatened the whole purpose of the press. Indeed, once New York's newspapers became commercial enterprises, the genteel elite believed that character and dignity were removed because such standards did not bring in money.52 This was a consistent theme in the elite's criticism. For example, The Nation claimed the press' "mercenary spirit" had led it to "abdicate the function of a teacher or leader, and, having hit upon the principle of ‘giving the public what it wants,‘ it has made itself more and more a purveyor of gossip and scandal."53 Another critic, in 1887, claimed that in order for the yellow press to increase its circulation, publishers instructed editors and reporters to "pander to the degraded appetites of the reader" by providing details of crime and domestic incidents usually obtained by what critics claimed was invasion of privacy.54 Critics called the press a "rag picker."55 The Decline of the Gentleman Critics linked another aspect of professionalism-- personal conduct—-to the press' choice of newspaper content. The elite believed professionals must be gentlemen (and ladies) in the late-Victorian meaning of the terms. Yet popular press members' reporting techniques clashed with this view of professionalism. For example, many reporters resorted to lying about their true identities to gain adlission to crime so of prominent individ perceived invasion of Century Magazine att to the virtually unc the city's press.56 The question fa realize that they ha their claim to profe unable to find ways the elite eventually solution. First, new ind, the public shou vriter for the Canton solution. Editors, he reSponsible for theii the paper's staff. I: has because the edit hands and fakes over because dismissals 0 “Cor. Second, the p newspapers by not pu Should not believe t then could dignified Although New Yo 1h often-romantic i ze 50 admission to crime scenes. Others dug into the private lives of prominent individuals to gain facts for stories. This perceived invasion of privacy was what most galled critics. century Magazine attributed such practices, in large part, to the virtually unceasing competition among the members of the city's press.56 The question facing critics was how to make news staffs realize that they had a behavioral obligation as part of their claim to professionalism. Critics fumbled on this, unable to find ways that could bring about real change. What the elite eventually proposed was a two~fold, albeit weak, solution. First, newspaper staffs should reform themselves. And, the public should stop buying sensational newspapers. A writer for the Century Magazine best illustrated the elite's solution. Editors, he said, had to be held personally responsible for their newspaper's tone and the conduct of the paper's staff. If a newspaper's ethics were wrong, it was because the editor's ethics were wrong to begin with. Frauds and fakes were said to be the policy of the editor because dismissals of reporters for such stories so rarely occur. Second, the public should ignore sensational newspapers by not purchasing them. Failing this, the public should not believe the contents of these newspapers. Only then could dignified newspapers flourish.57 Although New York's genteel elite mired their solutions in often-romanticized visions of times past, they did get the attention, and it glance, however, it failed. Journalists culture. The best an article from Charles York Times. In his a levspapers," Miller the new form of jour in the business of n to religious leader Killer, critics want righteousness. That Pay when crimes occu imoral as the crime elite held an erronei tiller agreed, shoul should not be social said Miller, "would or controlling numbe That they cannot be different from what Furthermore, Mi llithout credentials ”had the entire N: such critics did n01 newSpapers in sociel 51 the attention, and ire, of the popular press. At first glance, however, it appears as though the elite's attempts failed. Journalists vigorously denounced these custodians of culture. The best and most perceptive criticism came in an article from Charles R. Miller, editor—in-chief of the New York Times. In his article "A Word To The Critics Of Newspapers," Miller realized the elite could not comprehend the new form of journalism. He stated the popular press was in the business of news, not of morals. Editors did not look to religious leader John Knox as their mentor. But, said Miller, critics wanted newspapers to be bastions of righteousness. That the press was supposed to look the other way when crimes occurred and not cover them was nearly as immoral as the crime itself, said Miller.58 Indeed, the elite held an erroneous view of the press‘ role. Newspapers, Miller agreed, should be political watchdogs, but they should not be social uplifters and moral guardians. Critics, said Miller, "would make the newspapers what no considerable or controlling number of their readers want them to be, and what they cannot be until society has become something very different from what it is now."59 Furthermore, Miller stated that critics were wholly without credentials to judge the press. Too often they judged the entire New York press by a few examples. And, such critics did not represent the majority opinion on newspapers in society. If men mistook their personal tastes and views for the vie initself explained w attention fro: member Killer didn't e critics' charges, ho said. "I should be g title to high public Newspapers that, as that appealed to low featured sensational should be criticized had to learn to disc New York. Some ne watchdog work. Mille actions by the press political bodies to Tribune's Fresh Air vacations for city c The New York press' interests and provid (given that the mate was not sinful, deba other editors Editor Frank Colby : Pitched too high: We wish t but we ho 52 and views for the views of society, said Miller, then this in itself explained why such critics received so little attention from members of the popular press.60 Miller didn't entirely disagree with all of the critics' charges, however. Newspapers should be better, he said. "I should be glad to see the newspapers win and hold a title to high public respect and confidence."61 Newspapers that, as a matter of policy, accepted stories that appealed to low or vulgar tastes or newspapers that featured sensational material or untrustworthy material should be criticized, said Miller. But, he added, critics had to learn to discriminate between the types of newspapers in New York. Some newspapers were noted for their social watchdog work. Miller gave examples of a series of watchdog actions by the press to oust unscrupulous members of political bodies to support his point. Furthermore, the Tribune's Fresh Air Fund--a charity that provided rural vacations for city children--also benefitted the city.62 The New York press' ability to know its readers' cultural interests and provide news and features for those interests (given that the material was neither immoral nor improper) was not sinful, debasing or vulgar, Miller said in sum. Other editors echoed similar responses. Magazine editor Frank Colby said the elite's views of the press were Pitched too high: We wish to be behind no man in rebuking sin, but we hold that it is sometimes proper to _ __.__.___..._....—- dismount fr: more on the newspapers. crusadersp are under 11' ourselves, - we are weak No other profess over. 64 The trade press elite critics' attack Journalists lived in Journalists' work mea all classes of [3601316 pointed out the lopsi Compared the working Practice to the pract 53 dismount from our moral cockhorse and talk more on the level. If we must attack the newspapers, let it be as critics, not as crusaders, for the people who write for them are under no stricter obligations than ourselves, and they are weak precisely where we are weak--in wit rather than in morals.63 No other profession, said Colby, had been so wept over.64 The trade press was less diplomatic in its response to elite critics' attacks. Editor and Publisher said journalists lived in glass houses. The very nature of journalists' work meant that the press faced criticism from all classes of people on a daily basis. The trade magazine pointed out the lopsidedness of the elite's criticism by compared the working standards and levels of journalistic practice to the practices and standards of the medical profession. Critics, said Editor and Publisher, pounced on every error in the press. No consideration was given to the conditions under which journalists toiled. A story written on deadline was expected to be every bit as accurate as stories which had taken hours to compile. The article essentially asked why journalism should be held to higher Standards of accountability than those required of other professions. Drawing parallels to other professions, Editor and Publisher asked, "Supposing that the work of the PhYSician was subject to this same degree of criticism and espionage, what would be the condition of a doctor's peace of mind at the end of a few weeks?"65 The elite critic fueled criticisms 0f Press. is historian J constantly faced the virtually invited the exclusiveness, their fastidious approach t Much of the popu not unwarranted. The accept the New York r the self~estab1ished elite erroneously as: social culture they l for the entire publi< reflect the elite's : Furthermore, the pop' its Watchdog role to wasunacceptable to Mtical and social 18903, particularly required newSpapers of the SOCial Order. But, the lower cultural stand eheriences a ards C nd entr un‘ uerstand the 1m, gr I 54 The elite critics' inflated sense of self—importance fueled criticisms of them by members of the commercial press. As historian John Sproat points out, the elite constantly faced the ridicule of the press but they virtually invited these attacks by advertising their ultra- exclusiveness, their class-consciousness, and their fastidious approach to politics.66 Much of the popular press' criticisms of the elite were not unwarranted. The genteel elite could not and would not accept the New York press"shift in orientation to news. As the self—established custodians of metropolitan culture, the elite erroneously assumed that the genteel literary and social culture they had established was the accepted culture for the entire public.67 Since the new newspapers did not reflect the elite‘s standards, they were unacceptable. Furthermore, the popular press had decided to expand beyond its watchdog role to provide entertainment as well. This too was unacceptable to the elite. In the elite's view, the political and social turmoil that marred the 18805 and 1890s, particularly labor strikes and a lengthy depression, required newspapers that first and foremost were guardians of the social order. But, the lower and middle classes had established cultural standards of their own.68 The elite's narrow experiences and entrenched views left them ill—suited to understand the largely non-Protestant public. As New York editor John Swinton p the millions, not alo give heed to the thou yearnings, the amuserr uhich, let me say, at cultural custodians s the same world as dic Given the moral cultural custodians a claim to be strong 5. their newspapers. If aPublic trust, the allllropriate moral be was the way to glory The central prc as that they were c lad Passed away/.71 J ttSPre-Civil War r, rare. Therefore, the those on the press tounercial pres 5 re: indpractiCQs’ but _ recallSe they failed L ers « lto :‘u’OIV 1 fig corporate 55 editor John Swinton pointed out, "Papers are now made for the millions, not alone for the millionaires, and they must give heed to the thoughts, the rights, the interests, the yearnings, the amusements, and the whims of the masses, which, let me say, are neither immoral or silly."69 The cultural custodians simply did not, and could not, belong to the same world as did journalists. Given the moral views of the genteel elite, these cultural custodians also could not reconcile the press' claim to be strong social reformers with the content of their newspapers. If newspapers were to assume their role as a public trust, the elite expected selfless devotion and appropriate moral behavior. For the elite, "the path of duty was the way to glory."70 The central problem with the elite's commentary, then, was that they were clinging to the views of an order which had passed away.71 Journalism was not going to return to its pre-Civil War role and offer predominantly editorial fare. Therefore, the standards that elite critics sought to impose on the press also would not work. Not only did the commercial press resent outside attempts to impose standards and practices, but the elite's standards could not work because they failed to reflect the new commercial culture in which journalists worked. The new breed of publishers, reporters and editors were more representative of the evolving corporate business structure than they were of [ire-Civil War Christ' But despite the critics' efforts did the century was a ti fields, including jo may of the same sta for twenty years ear greater separation o newspapers detached and unbiased reporti Similarly, from its Editor and Publisher bring dignity, legit Ietropolitan press. Like the elite, control was the key aprofession and lea ideal among members alike could be imbue sense of clean busir lelil and medical pl It the public's resl newsPaper which Edi l°1itically indepen guardian of communi tunCtions would, of A 56 pre-Civil War Christian businessmen.72 But despite the commercial press' lashing at the elite, critics' efforts did not entirely fail. Although the turn of the century was a time of growing professionalism in many fields, including journalism, journalists began calling for many of the same standards that the genteel elite had called for twenty years earlier. Publisher Adolph Ochs called for greater separation of editorial and advertising departments, newspapers detached from political parties, public service and unbiased reporting, among other standards.73 Similarly, from its founding in 1901, the trade magazine Editor and Publisher echoed Ochs' concerns as it sought to bring dignity, legitimacy and professional standards to the metropolitan press. Like the elite, the trade magazine recognized that control was the key quality that would elevate journalism to a profession and lead to the development of a professional ideal among members of news staffs. If reporters and editors alike could be imbued with a sense of control as well as a sense of clean business practices, such as those seen in the legal and medical professions, a true profession, and with it the public's respect, might prevail.74 The ideal newspaper which Editor and Publisher promoted was politically independent, a watchdog of society and a guardian of community morals. A newspaper with such functions would, of necessity, offer news as its primary staple-mews that two values similar to th Like the elite, the turn of the cent bringing professiona to establish journal after the Civil War, such notions, seein the only viable mea journalists.76 Yet uillion endowment t establish a school elite, foresaw univ journalists with a understanding of tha journalist, said Pu safety and welfare he said, was more t uoral power aimed a righteousness" as w Organizations, incl Ilalazine Editor anc Education.78 Journa outlined many of ti Called for by elit Therefore, de A4 57 staple——news that would be accurate, truthful and unbiased-- values similar to those proposed by the elite.75 Like the elite, many members of the popular press after the turn of the century also saw universities as a force in bringing professionalism to journalism. Although proposals to establish journalism courses and schools first surfaced after the Civil War, many popular press editors scoffed at such notions, seeing the traditional apprenticeship route as the only viable means for individuals to become journalists.76 Yet when Joseph Pulitzer gave his $2 million endowment to Columbia University in 1904 to establish a school of journalism, he, like some of the elite, foresaw university training as providing young journalists with a sound ethical grounding and a firm understanding of the watchdog function of the press. A journalist, said Pulitzer, "is there to watch over the safety and welfare of the people who trust him." The press, he said, was more than just a commercial power, it was a moral power aimed at "upholding the standard of civic righteousness" as well.77 other popular press members and organizations, including Lincoln Steffens and the trade magazine Editor and Publisher, also supported journalism education.78 Journalism textbooks and ethics textbooks outlined many of the same moral and professional guidelines called for by elite critics.79 Therefore, despite the vigorous criticism the popular ..‘4 press launched at th elite's agenda of va professional later p press. Certainly eli the development of p influence of the ove growing number of ed professionals80 and develop standards a practices were amon development of prof reporters during th their shortsightedn having attempting t professionalism and Master for the Wa‘ Alongside crit emerging in the 188 defining and encour Journalist, The FOL the potential to p1 their role and sub: Pilblications had In ra”ks within the p theY had the poten AA 58 press launched at these custodians of culture, the genteel elite's agenda of values and virtues they viewed as professional later paralleled those adopted by the popular press. Certainly elite critics were only one influence in the development of professional values and standards. The influence of the overall professionalization movement, a growing number of editors who viewed themselves as professionals80 and the perceived need of publishers to develop standards as a means of obtaining sound business practices were among the reasons that influenced the development of professional standards among metropolitan reporters during the Progressive era. Elite critics, despite their shortsightedness at times, must be credited with having attempting to define the boundaries of professionalism and encouraging its adherence. A Master for the Watchdog Alongside critics, the trade publications that began emerging in the 1880s seemed to offer yet another voice for defining and encouraging standards. Magazines like The Journalist, The Fourth Estate and Editor and Publisher had the potential to provide a forum for press members to debate their role and subsequent standards. Because these trade publications had national circulations and were read by all ranks within the press from publishers to reporters,81 they had the potential to wield great influence. Unfortunately, 1 Journalist, only part the magazine referre its three editors ov uderstandinq of vha editorials rarely se called professional . journalism, profess' received almost no The lack of su lack of clear edito magazine's founding magazines had salut direction, The Jourr years after the mag: Allan Forman claimed because he wanted tr newspaper-men.” The magazine offered a advertising and onl Crusade. During the mag Editors The Journal issues——editorial i raporters . Viewing Watchdog function I 59 Unfortunately, the first trade publication, The Journalist, only partially seized the opportunity. Although the magazine referred to journalism as a profession, none of its three editors over the years ever revealed an understanding of what professionalism meant. The magazine's editorials rarely set forth any set of values and practices called professional. Furthermore, the emerging schools of journalism, professional societies and codes of ethics received almost no notice in the pages of The Journalist. The lack of support for professionalism, and even a lack of clear editorial purpose, was evident from the magazine's founding. Although most late-nineteenth century magazines had salutary editorials that set forth editorial direction, The Journalist lacked such a statement. Many years after the magazine's founding (in 1883), Publisher Allan Forman claimed that he began The Journalist simply because he wanted to establish a newspaper for newspapermen.82 The content supported his statement. The magazine offered a wide range of articles on journalism and advertising and only rarely found a cause for which to crusade. During the magazine's first year under its first two editors The Journalist promoted only two professionalizing issues--editorial independence and increased pay for reporters. Viewing independence as crucial to the press' watchdog function, The Journalist called for newspapers to heindependent, both alliances. The .aqaz friends who never we frequent criticism w levspapers that fell uould never gain an journalists, the ma Editorial ind journalists of the professional norm.84 discussion was that toward political pa years. Yet The Jour standard. The trade maga independence was mi for improved wages in the nineteenth c status, journalists them. Most issues c articles highlightf emphasizing the im] Through editorials management, the mar labor tasks that r Pointed out that m 60 be independent, both from political parties and business alliances. The magazine said such alliances led to lists of friends who never were criticized and enemies who received frequent criticism within the pages of certain newspapers. Newspapers that followed such biased editorial policies would never gain any respect by the public or other journalists, the magazine said.83 Editorial independence was indeed a topic that journalists of the time frequently cited as a necessary professional norm.84 The problem with The Journalist's discussion was that it dissolved quickly. Editorial biases toward political parties and publishers' friends existed for years. Yet The Journalist rarely discussed the need for this standard. The trade magazine's concern with editorial independence was minor compared to its interests in lobbying for improved wages for reporters. Although many occupations in the nineteenth century sought to improve their financial status, journalists had a trade publication to lobby for them. Most issues of The Journalist featured one or more articles highlighting the low wages reporters received while emphasizing the importance of reporters to journalism. Through editorials and unsigned articles aimed at management, the magazine expounded on all of the skilled labor tasks that reporters undertook. Then The Journalist pointed out that most reporters lacked standard salaries and were paid instead ac Iaqazine vigorously space system. The s of some editors who than they actually disgraceful and dis ranging from $8 to and averaging $25 a lover than those of Newspapers, said Th reliable and accura to deter reporters lccording to the ma Iuch trouble they w their efforts would Newspapers that cut criticized.87 The magazine a working conditions The byline issue we reporters and write they would not obt.‘ higher wages, The . The crusade t largely from the f lEre members of th 61 were paid instead according to how much they wrote. The magazine vigorously denounced this practice known as the space system. The space system and the subsequent practice of some editors who paid journalists for fewer column inches than they actually wrote (called "bill cutting") were called disgraceful and dishonest.85 The salaries of journalists, ranging from $8 to $25 a week in New York City for reporters and averaging $25 a week for city editors, were said to be lower than those of illiterate, immigrant dock workers. Newspapers, said The Journalist, needed alert, intelligent, reliable and accurate reporters. But, bill cutting was said to deter reporters from going the extra mile in their work. According to the magazine, reporters knew that no matter how much trouble they went through to procure reliable news, their efforts would not be paid for nor appreciated.86 Newspapers that cut bills found themselves severely criticized.87 The magazine also attempted to improve reporters' working conditions by urging newspapers to adopt bylines. The byline issue was linked back to salaries. Until reporters and writers had their names above their articles, they would not obtain the recognition necessary to demand higher wages, The Journalist claimed.88 The crusade to increase reporters' standing resulted largely from the fact that most of The Journalist's staff were members of the New York Press Club. The press club, fourded in 1872, was heaters of the press and focused on inpro In a publication wri Press Club simply ti argued that journal' pay and an overall some services towar recreation and rela itself. More import salaries, the club social services, in hospitals and free the Cypress Hills C about better workinu crusade to increase Aside from the about other aspects educational standar Granted, the march professional organi until the Kansas Er Critical voices fr< until after the tu: Celleges offered j' Journalist offered 62 founded in 1872, was more than a fraternal organization.89 Members of the press club viewed journalism as a profession and focused on improving the quality of life for reporters. In a publication written by the members of the New York Press Club simply titled, Journalism, press club members argued that journalists, as professionals, deserved higher pay and an overall better quality of life. The club provided some services toward those goals itself, including recreation and relatively inexpensive dining within the club itself. More important, for those journalists with meager salaries, the club raised money to provide a variety of social services, including free medical care at three city hospitals and free burial services at the club's own plot at the Cypress Hills Cemetery.90 Given the Club's concerns about better working conditions and wages, The Journalist's crusade to increase reporters' pay was not surprising.91 Aside from the pay crusade, The Journalist said little about other aspects of professionalism, such as increasing educational standards or licensing, during its first year. Granted, the march to professionalism was still a crawl. No professional organization would put forth a code of ethics until the Kansas Editorial Association did so in 1910. Few critical voices from within the profession would emerge until after the turn of the century. And, only a few colleges offered journalism courses. Despite this, The Journalist offered little to define the standards and practices of an occu referred to as a pro that denounced the t distortion, coloring actions that a nunbe outside journalism c The Journalist as a profession esso by the personal jo two editors. C. A. flew York theater or some of the worst t men allowed a flip uagazine's article Both Byrne and and friends. They c ESpecially Joseph I hostility toward Pt the first year. Ric newspaper, The New gossip column call« Sunday supplement. SUqgests Richardso resulted from the suPplement, which Richardson attacke 63 practices of an occupation the trade magazine consistently referred to as a profession. Only a few articles appeared that denounced the then-common practices of faking, distortion, coloring the news and suppressing facts, all actions that a number of journalists as well as critics from outside journalism called unprofessional.92 The Journalist's meager attempts to promote journalism as a profession essentially were derailed in the first year by the personal journalism tactics of the magazine's first two editors. C. A. Byrne and Leander Richardson, both noted New York theater critics, allowed The Journalist to exhibit some of the worst tendencies of personal journalism. Both men allowed a flippant tone to pass for wit throughout the magazine's articles.93 Both Byrne and Richardson clearly had lists of enemies and friends. They often viciously attacked many publishers, especially Joseph Pulitzer. Leander Richardson's open hostility toward Pulitzer was evident in many issues during the first year. Richardson had once worked for Pulitzer's newspaper, The New York World, writing a man—about—town gossip column called the "Town Listener" for the newspaper's Sunday supplement. Pulitzer biographer George Juergens suggests Richardson's open hostility to Pulitzer may have resulted from the World's suspension of its Sunday supplement, which ended the "Town Listener" column.94 Richardson attacked Pulitzer frequently in his magazine. Early articles queSt financial dealings. heritage.95 Following their and Richardson attac example, in an artiC which was printed to sarcastically refer! sprung from the gut‘ The Journalist said character or intell- reporters in an ins Such attacks c resulted in The Jou reSpectahility, sut: lltmnaee within tr. “”97 Byrne and R “thin 51 Year. Pub} ofThe Journalist l D*‘lluzine was porch.- F0moan Claimer Journalist Would d illecks against ed '11 Stance his edito .oruan said that h Prod - I 64 Early articles questioned Pulitzer's news judgment and his financial dealings. Other articles attacked his Jewish heritage.95 Following their line of support for reporters, Byrne and Richardson attacked editors as well as publishers. For example, in an article titled "The Absurd City Editor," which was printed twice in two years, city editors were sarcastically referred to as "demi-gods" who might have sprung from the gutter or from a second-hand clothing shop. The Journalist said such editors often possessed little character or intellect and would never fail to speak to reporters in an insulting manner.96 Such attacks coupled with an unendingly flippant tone resulted in The Journalist's failure to gain any respectability, substantial circulation or advertising patronage within the newspaper industry, during its first year.97 Byrne and Richardson had to retire as editors within a year. Publisher Allan Forman assumed the editorship of The Journalist until he retired in 1907 when the trade magazine was purchased and absorbed by Editor and Publisher. Forman claimed, that under his direction, The Journalist would discontinued the magazine's personal attacks against editors and publishers. In an attempt to distance his editorship from that of his predecessors, Forman said that he knew the former publishers had prejudices and, thus, had gained enemies. Yet, Forman said that under his direc foster and increase make The Journalist and yet not scurrilc Furthermore, on the that if the trade p‘ our profession, sha‘ subdued, we shall c Despite this p journalism style th and Richardson's ed friends while criti shtsand personal Circulated, especie advertise in the me adopted a wholly be lheJournalist's c; maclc‘lzine with stor. There was One her period from 1 the census of Profe disc UsSio 1'18 of b ot he ris 65 that under his direction The Journalist would attempt to foster and increase goodwill among journalists. "We hope to make The Journalist bright, without being nasty; aggressive, and yet not scurrilous, dignified, but not ‘tame.'" Furthermore, on the issue of professionalism, Forman pledged that if the trade publication found "wrongs to be righted in our profession, shams to be exposed, petty tyrants to be subdued, we shall cheerfully undertake the work..."98 Despite this promise, Forman continued the personal journalism style that had marred the magazine under Byrne's and Richardson's editorship. Forman frequently praised his friends while criticizing his enemies. He endured libel suits and personal assaults while charges of blackmail circulated, especially from companies that would not advertise in the magazine.99 By the 18905, however, Forman adopted a wholly benevolent tone in an effort to increase The Journalist's circulation.loo He filled much of the magazine with stories from press clubs across the country. There was one exception to this content. For one six- year period from 1885-1891 The Journalist devoted itself to the cause of professionalism. The magazine's pages included discussions of both standards and behavioral issues.101 The rise of sensationalism appears to have caused this abrupt change. Pulitzer had arrived in New York in 1883 and other newspapers soon imitated his brand of sensationalistic presentation of the news. Forman's editorials during this Sensationalism was Iorality. He also 91 public was losing r belief that the pre confidence in order leader, provided th against sensational Newspapers whi and gossip found t Journalist.1°2 Form: Federal bill which "filthy and disgust bill also banned c Journalist always 5 claimed that was nc sensational news m: necessary to proter and vice.103 When E libel suits for ex rallied to the sid function of the pr of the watchdog fu servants. Forman 5 0‘11}! to uncover wr 66 time period often railed against sensational newspapers, especially their content and reporters' conduct. Sensationalism was in opposition to Forman's sense of morality. He also was alarmed at his perception that the public was losing respect for the press. This fear, and his belief that the press needed to regain the public's confidence in order to resume its rightful place as a social leader, provided the foundation for all of his arguments against sensationalism. Newspapers which ran articles on divorce, sex crimes and gossip found themselves vigorously condemned by The Journalist.102 Forman went so far as to support a pending Federal bill which would have made it a felony to publish "filthy and disgusting" news and advertising matter. The bill also banned coverage of trials. Forman claimed The Journalist always supported freedom of the press, but claimed that was not an issue when it came to banning sensational news matter. He argued that such a ban was necessary to protect young readers from exposure to crime and vice.103 When public officials slapped newspapers with libel suits for exposing corruption, the trade magazine rallied to the side of newspapers, however. The watchdog function of the press had to be upheld—-at least that part of the watchdog function which kept an eye on public servants. Forman said it was the press' responsibility not only to uncover wrongdoing but to demonstrate such wrongdoing as inor newspaper to corre in its power. So 10 the best purifier, Forman claime standards that new newspapers, should conservative conte threefold purpose: news, they had to they had to be wat hrthermore, since their staffs had tr sound moral charac were friendly riva extreme jealousies newspapers had to Forman believed nc Newspapers ar standards and prac For example, in a lollrnalists, the ‘ aimed to gain cirr 0f the community. The Journali Critics. Despite 67 wrongdoing as immoral. "It is one of the duties of a newspaper to correct and purify public morals so far as lies in its power. So long as it clings to truth, and truth is the best purifier, it has a right to go ahead boldly."104 Forman claimed the two most important professional standards that newspapers, particularly metropolitan newspapers, should aspire to were editorial independence and conservative content. In addition, newspapers had to have a threefold purpose: they had to present truthful, factual 1 news, they had to be moral leaders of their communities and they had to be watchdogs of government and society.105 Furthermore, since good newspapers were community leaders, their staffs had to be composed of gentlemen and ladies of sound moral character who got along with their superiors and were friendly rivals with staffs from other newspapers. The extreme jealousies exhibited among staffers of rival newspapers had to end. Without such practices and behaviors, Forman believed no honor could come to journalism.106 Newspapers and staff members that embraced such standards and practices received The Journalist's praise. For example, in a reference to the tactics of yellow journalists, the trade magazine said the Tribune had never aimed to gain circulation by appealing to the lowest tastes of the community.107 The Journalist also defended reporters from outside critics. Despite frequent charges that reporters invaded privacy, the trade I such actions were m were gentlemen and 1 did not want to be : no manners and no e Forman dealt o Journalists who too press agents to sup rebuke. Not only di emerging standard c Shirked their dutie is a city official refereuce to matter M” to dismiss hj Criticism was direc editorial independe enemiesllo and jour stories .111 l SUCh ; overed the pr 655' During this f in 68 privacy, the trade magazine claimed, idealistically, that such actions were not true. Forman claimed that reporters were gentlemen and men of honor. They had to be. Newspapers did not want to be represented by uncivil men who possessed no manners and no education.108 Forman dealt out criticism as quickly as praise. Journalists who took second jobs as court stenographers or press agents to supplement their salaries received vigorous rebuke. Not only did these reporters deviate from the emerging standard of autonomy from government, but they also shirked their duties for their newspapers. "A reporter who is a city official cannot be expected to remain unbiased in reference to matters affecting the politicians who have the power to dismiss him," The Journalist warned.109 Similar criticism was directed at newspapers which gave up their editorial independence to promote friends or attack enemies110 and journalists who faked or plagiarized stories.111 Such press members were unscrupulous and lowered the press' standing in the community’s estimation. During this five-year period Forman also sought to improve reporters' social and financial standing using the same arguments as his predecessors. Forman lobbied Vigorously against newspapers who cut reporters bills. He encouraged reporters to form a "protective association," a sort of union. Letters from reporters which recounted tales of non-payments or low payments for stories ran frequently on the editorial pat freelancers on accey stories were publish also laid some blamv competition for fret metropolitan newspa; each others' prices kept high, newspape stories, Forman sai Forman's discu discussion of such Journalism and code associations receiv these groups becaus protection, consult 69 on the editorial pages. Magazines which did not pay freelancers on acceptance of stories, but instead paid when stories were published, also-received criticism.112 Forman also laid some blame at reporters' feet. Even though competition for freelance stories was fierce at many metropolitan newspapers, journalists should not undercut each others' prices for special stories. If the rates were kept high, newspapers would have to pay the full worth of stories, Forman said.113 Forman's discussion of professionalism largely lacked discussion of such professionalizing agents as schools of journalism and codes of ethics. Only state press associations received occasional mention. Forman praised these groups because they allowed journalists to gather for protection, consultation and advancement. Most important, editorial organizations received praise for encouraging exchanges of ideas among press members. Forman said these discussions led to better newspapers and greater respect among rival colleagues.114 Forman's decision to ignore other professionalizing agents, particularly schools of journalism, is difficult to explain. The most plausible explanation seems to be that Forman was uncertain to the point of being overwhelmed by the concept of professionalism. The professional standards and behaviors he put forth were much narrower in scope than those offered by elite critics. Indeed, he argued not so much for turning j°‘ ending sensational The Journalist after 1891. In an a trade magazine incr news, theatrical nc shift in content me journalism. What st clippings from otht business matters. ' consisted primaril' notices from freel The Journalis PIQSS' uncertain d Irvin noted the cc journalism, he sai OEtrumpets, but i consciousness of 1 Journalism a pro fl overreaChed their do ' . t In Vain, howe' be ISSUES had been g all d! to a 16836}: ‘n r n on louder after 7O much for turning journalism into a profession as he did ending sensational content. The Journalist lost almost all of its crusading vigor after 1891. In an attempt to gain a broader audience the trade magazine increased its coverage to include magazine news, theatrical notes, poetry and literary sketches. The shift in content meant fewer articles appeared about journalism. What stories on journalism remained were largely clippings from other newspapers on technology, copyright and business matters. The rest of the journalism coverage consisted primarily of press club information and social notices from freelancers across the country. The Journalist's lack of vision was indicative of the press' uncertain direction. Critic and journalist Will Irwin noted the confusion in his study of the press. The new journalism, he said, "has burst into the world with a flair of trumpets, but it has not even crept into the slow consciousness of the philosophers."115 Those who called journalism a profession before the turn of the century had overreached their ideals. The claims of professionalism were not in vain, however. The ideals of accuracy, fairness, balance and editorial independence as well as behavioral issues had been given a public hearing of sorts by critics, and, to a lesser extent, by the trade press. The call for industry—wide adoption and enforcement of these values would grow louder after the turn of the century. The press would follow the lead of t through education, 1 publications. Waninl interests in workinn sweeping middle cla contribute to the p Continued unce slow the process, h of newspapers meant limited by What the c‘msullption of lite many different type Nineteenth-century newspapers as popuj interests used the; Publishers continur literature-hungry l 71 follow the lead of other professions and seek betterment through education, professional organizations and trade publications. Waning public support, press members' personal interests in working within a respected occupation and a sweeping middle class professionalization movement would all contribute to the press' drive toward standards. Continued uncertainty over the role of the press would slow the process, however. The increasingly-corporate nature of newspapers meant that content and direction was only limited by what the market would support. A surge in public consumption of literature in the 18805 and 18905 allowed many different types of newspapers to flourish. Late nineteenth-century publishers seized the moment. Some saw newspapers as popular literature. Others with social reform interests used their newspapers as public trusts. Yet other publishers continued the tradition of a partisan press. A literature-hungry public seemed to welcome all. 1.1-". w. Colby, "1 hugust 1902, 534' 2. Part of a SP69 Pulitzer's 60th Anni p. 30. No title or probably was printe< 3. Ibid., 31. l. "The Other Side c larch, 1900, 786. 5. See, for example lurk: D. Appleton, Tendencies (New Yor Watchdog Concept: 7 Centur America (An particularly chapte M, 5 January 1 Fit to Print," Colli Muses, lz-T For a better and how journalism 18th centur . y see, (Philadelphia: Univ 6. “Hacked Himself 7 7' "Strangled ' . W sentember 1896, lit 8. n ~ . Reminiscences O 9' Ibld' I 18 . 10. We“? Power of corn:ae of Polit Ption l ‘e ed t thiamine it? 15 ectur E! 72 Notes 1. FR M. Colby, "Attacking' The Newspapers," The Bookman, August 1902, 534. 2. Part of a speech reprinted in a pamphlet issued for Pulitzer's 60th Anniversary Birthday Dinner on April 10, 1907, p. 30. No title or publisher were given, but the pamphlet probably was printed by the newspaper. 3. Ibid., 31. 4. "The Other Side of Yellow Journalism," The Independent, 29 March, 1900, 786. 5. See, for example, Dana, The Art of Newspaper Making (New York: D. Appleton, 1900); Whitelaw Reid, Some Newspaper Tendencies (New York: Holt, 1879); Timothy W. Gleason, Tpg Watchdog Concept: The Press and the Courts in Nineteenth- Century America (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1990), particularly chapters 1-4; "Long Look Ahead," The Fourth Estate, 5 January 1901, 10; Will Irwin, "All the News That's Fit to Print," Collier's, 6 May 1911, 17; See also, The Coming Newspaper, 12-13. For a better understanding of the ideal of a calling, and how journalism parallels the role of the clergy in the 18th century see, Donald Scott, From Office to Profession (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978), 6-12. 6. "Hacked Himself To Death," New York World, 9 April 1885, 3. 7. "Strangled With Her stocking," New York Journal, 3 September 1896, 1. 8. “ReminiScences Of An Editor," The Forum, January 1896, 634. 9. Ibid. , 18. 10. S. N. D. North, The Newspaper and Periodical Press (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office: 1880), 51. The growing power of the press, particularly evident in its coverage of politics and its growing ability to expose corruption led the press to be dubbed the "fourth estate." The term was coined by British essayist Thomas Carlyle in 1840 in one of his lectures on heroes and hero worship: [Edmund] Burke said there were Three Estates in Parliament; but, in the Reporters’ Gallery yonder, there sat a Fourth Estate more important far than they all. It is not a figure of speech, or a witty saying; it is a literal fact,--very momentous to us in these times Printing: WhiC] say often, is ' Democracy is 1; brings univers see at present the whole nati government, Wi in all acts of Thomas Carlyle, fle_r Co., 1888), 230. 11. The early tr; publishers, editor: profession. Further associations, pres: professional-orient 12. Much has been v example see, Richar w (New Yo Steele Commager W Yale University Pr W t 1975);. Arthur Man (ganbrldge: Belkna er, AW Baker N mi ew York: Cl hail“ 8' Spree M (New ‘ 1 mas Bender N .. 387), 219 ' fi ‘14, Sproat' "The E lork Intellem ‘ Belkn James inkyR ElaYste ‘erl e Pre 73 in these times. Literature is our Parliament too. Printing, which comes necessarily out of Writing, I say often, is equivalent to Democracy: invent Writing, Democracy is inevitable. Writing brings Printing; brings universal every-day,extempore Printing, as see at present. Whoever can speak, speaking now to the whole nation, becomes a power, a branch of government, with inalienable weight in law-making, in all acts of authority. Thomas Carlyle, Heroes and Hero Worship (Chicago: Henneberry Co., 1888), 230. 11. The early trade press as well as many memoirs of publishers, editors and reporters refer to journalism as a profession. Furthermore, many editorial associations, press associations, press clubs, schools of journalism and other professional-oriented groups developed at this time. 12. Much has been written on reform writers and critics. For example see, Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York: Vintage Books, 1955), 186-188; Henry Steele Commager, The American Mind: An Interpretation of American Thought and Character Since the 18005 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950); Peter J. Frederick, Knights Of The Golden Rule (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1976); Arthur Mann, Yankee Reformers In The Urban Age (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1954). See also: Ray Stannard Baker, American Chronicle: The Autobiography of Ray Stannard Baker (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1945), particularly 31-33. 13. John G. Sproat, "The Best Menz" Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New Ybrk: Oxford University Press, 1968), 6; Thomas Bender, New York Intellect (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987), 219. 14. Sproat, "The Best Men:", 68; See also, Thomas Bender, New York Intellect (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1987), 181. 15. See Sproat, "The Best Men," Chapter 5 and Michael E. McGerr, The Decline of Popular Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), Chapter 5. 16. Larzer Ziff, The American 18905: Life and Times of a Lost Generation ( New York: Viking Press, 1966), 129. See also, Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines Vol IV., (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1957). 17. James Playsted Woods, Ma azines in the United States (New York: Ronald Press Co., 1956), 74. See also, Alan and Barbara Novrie, American Mass-Market Magazines (New York: Greenwood g%5,1990), 453' 18. W. S, LillYI "1 1889, 505. 19. The issue of a p nanytimes. See, f0 Press: Its Opport‘ W, Jilly 1906/ November 1910, 563- 19 December 1912, W's articles role in political d lubed latitude morality and accura won, 137. 20. Given that it beauties: publi balanced in its cos the newspaper cove 1 not appear to model publication. 21. "A Real Newspa 22. Examples can be example J ‘ see: Jos lessens: 1 Jr . I buuulist, 11 Jul n.1bia. 24. "The Number 1 I 43~44. Press A] 915. 535 :3 BY generally-c MESS already clai 2b See Fltbrengyfyor exan Demand e Forum \ 581‘68501- sensat 74 Press, 1990), 458. 18. W. S. Lilly, "The Ethics of Journalism," The Forum, July 1889, 505. 19. The issue of a politically-independent press was discussed many times. See, for example, Samuel Bowles, "The Independent Press: Its Opportunities And Duties," The North American Review, July 1906, 40~46; "Print The News," The Outlook, 12 November 1910, 563-564; "Mr. Reid and Journalism," The Nation, 19 December 1912, 581-582. Related to these values, see Egg Bookman's articles on the evils of publicity bureaus and their role in political disinformation. "Tainted News As Seen In The Making," The Bookman, December 1908, 396-403. For more on morality and accuracy see, "What is News?" The Outlook, 23 May 1908, 137. 20. Given that its conservative stance regulated what the Evening Post published, the Evening Post certainly was not balanced in its coverage of events. Nor, for that matter, did the newspaper cover all events. Yet the cultural custodians did not appear to notice the inherent biases in their own model publication. 21. "A Real Newspaper," The Outlook, 23 November 1901, 765. 22. Examples can be found in issues at least once a month. For example see: Joseph Bishop, "Newspaper Espionage," 1gp Journalist, 31 July 1886, 1; "The Human Publisher," Tpg Journalist, 11 July 1891, 8. 23. Ibid., 43-44. 24. "The Press And Political Corruption," The Nation, 14 November 1915, 535. 25. By generally-conceded standards I mean standards that the press already claimed to observe, at least in theory. 26. See, for example, Noah Brooks, "The Newspaper Of The Future," The Forum, July 1890, 569-578; John H. Garnsey, "The Demand For Sensational Journals," The Arena, November 1897, 681-686; J. B. Montgomery-McGovern, "An Important Phase of Gutter Journalism: Faking," The Arena, February 1898, 240-253; “Offenses Against Good Journalism," The Outlook, 29 February 1908, 479; Samuel W. Pennypacker, "Sensational Journalism And The Remedy," North American Review, November 1909, 587-593; "The Gentlemanly Reporter," The Century Magazine, November 1909, 149-150; "Print the News," The Outlook, 12 November 1910, 563-564. 27. Ibid. 28. Will Irwin, "Ti? January 1909, 304. 29. Paradoxically, many young men and w The success of Puli their large circula been able to ach: superstar reporter Phillips, Hutchins 1 Thompson, Jacob Rii political and socia gave journalism in: power and star qua many young men and causes. 30. ‘llorace White, W. J. m 6 March 31. lbid. ii .Geor‘le Rider, W, N 35' "RES ' . . Septembegonslbllit 75 28. Will Irwin, "The New York Sun," The American Magazine, January 1909, 304. 29. Paradoxically, it was yellow journalism that encouraged many young men and women to pursue journalism at universities. The success of Pulitzer's and Hearst's crusades coupled with their large circulations gave the press a power it had never been able to achieve before. Furthermore, the rise of superstar reporters like Lincoln Steffens, David Graham Phillips, Hutchins Hapgood, Stephen Crane, Julian Ralph, Vance Thompson, Jacob Riis and Julius Chambers--and the subsequent political and social reforms which these writers encouraged-- gave journalism intellectual credibility, political status, power and star quality. It was an appealing combination to many young men and women who began flocking to journalism courses. 30. Horace White, "The School of Journalism," The North American Review, January 1904, 27; "Schools of Journalism," The Nation 6 March 1990, 197-198. 31. Ibid. 32. George Rider, "The Pretensions of Journalism," North American Review, November 1882, 476. 33. "The Decay of American Journalism," The Dial, 16 April 1897, 238; "Responsibility For Yellow Journalism," The Nation, 26 September 1901, 239. 34. Elite critics failed to realize that most immigrants were not newspaper readers, especially since many of the poorest immigrants did not have a working knowledge of English. 35. "Responsibility For Yellow Journalism," The Nation, 26 September 1901, 239. In another article in The Nation, the writer focuses on the power of the sensational press. The fear that such newspapers could directly or indirectly cause their readers to commit acts of violence was based on the elite's belief in 'the power of these newspapers. "Moreover ‘these journals for the half— illiterate millions enjoy the great advantage that they can actually influence, directly and immediately, the opinions of their subscribers." "The Press As A Big Stick, " The Nation, 10 September 1908, 228. Similarly, another critic commented: "They have acquired the power of giants, and have become tyrants in the use of that power. They indulge in the open boast that they can make or unmake any man or woman, any set of men or any institution, any line of thought or any reform; and they are pretty nearly right. " Garnsey, "The Demand For Sensational Journals," 682 36. “Abetting Class 1911, 212. 37, Sproat, "The BE 38. Ibid.. 9« 39. Ibid. an. “Journalism In Garnsey, "The Demai 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid., 45. 43. Charles Edward Hodder and Stought 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid., 292. 46. "Newspaper Tyr, 33?. 3. See also, article claimed 1 Pbblishers insist rePbrters to work :thlcal principles T e Adulteration and 1 ' a Cemetery]: p rt“ “s Sproat, "The 2 43' Rider. "The p 49‘ Dion , Boucica WW so. harden“ May, Prc - Harper 5,? 31‘ Arth\lr Mann 1 an Press, 'lg 76 36. "Abetting Class Antagonism," The Independent, 26 January 1911, 212. 37. Sproat, "The Best Men", 68. 38. Ibid., 9. 39. Ibid. 40. "Journalism In New York," The Nation, 3 August 1893, 78; Garnsey, "The Demand For Sensational Journals," 681. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid., 45. 43. Charles Edward Russell, These Shifting Scenes (New York: Hodder and stoughton, 1914), 291. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid., 292. 46. "Newspaper Tyranny and Veracity," The Journalist, 9 AugUSt 1884, 3. See also, "The Reporter's Say," 4. The author of the article claimed that the only remedy for reporters whose publishers insist on distorting or coloring facts is for those reporters to work only for papers that advocate the same ethical principles as do the individual reporters themselves. "The Adulteration of News," The Nation, 12 August 1880, 107 and Ziff, particularly chapter 7, "The School in the Cemetery." . 47. Sproat, "The Best Men", 9. 48. Rider, "The Pretensions of Journalism," 473. 49. Dion Boucicault, "The Decline and Fall of the Press," North American Review, July 1887, 35. 50. Henry May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1949), 163-169. 51. Arthur Mann, Yankee Reformers In The Urban A e (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1954), 145-174. 52. Boucicault, "The Decline and Fall of the Press," 34. See also] _Sproat, "The Best Men," 65. 53. "Journalism in New York," 78. In an article from The Bookman critic Richard Kemp says of Godkin: "He could never see any good in those who differed with him. Let his most cherished proteges Godkin gospel, and candle, and some’f-ill general sympathy an of the Paper," 111; 54. Roger Foster, m. (May 1887), Journalism," The F0 Pittsburgh Press w. held in contempt by all aspects of s railroads. "The Rep 12-13. 35. Boucicault, "Tl 56. "The Gentleman] 1909, 150. Former member Noah Brooks The Future," The F 57. "The Gentleman :3- C- R. Miller, Limb August 1393 51mm” 713. 5048111.. 713 s 7 61' Ibid. 714. 62.1mm, 715. 63' Colby, "Attdcj in Ibid. 65‘ NJ 0urna1‘ 7 lst Decemyger 19015 I 77 cherished proteges swerve one hair's breadth from the true Godkhn gospel, and they were dammed with bell, book and candle, and sometimes so savagely as to win for them a very general sympathy and support." See Richard Kemp, "The Policy of the Paper," The Bookman, December 1904, 312. 54. Roger Foster, "Trial By Newspaper," The North American Review, (May 1887), 526-527; and, W. S. Lilly, "The Ethics of Journalism," The Forum, July 1889, 507. George Wardman of the Pittsburgh Press wrote in The Journalist that reporters are held in contempt by the public simply because they investigate all aspects of society, including the church and the railroads. "The Reporter," The Journalist, (23 February 1889), 12-13. 55. Boucicault, "The Decline and Fall of the Press," 34. 56. "The Gentlemanly Reporter," The Centur Ma azine, November 1909, 150. Former New York Tribune and New York Times staff member Noah Brooks agreed. See, Noah Brooks, "The Newspaper Of The Future," The Forum, July 1890, 570. 57. "The Gentlemanly Reporter," 150. 58. C. R. Miller, "A Word To The Critics Of Newspapers," ng Forum, August 1893, 712. 59. Ibid., 713. 60. Ibid., 713 & 715. 61. Ibid., 714. 62. Ibid.,, 715. 63. Colby, "Attacking The Newspapers," 534. 64. Ibid. 65. "Journalists Live In Glass Houses," Editor and Publisher, 7 December 1901, 4. 66. Sproat, "The Best Men," 57-58. 67. Henry May, The End of American Innocence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959), 6. 68. Thomas Bender states that Richard Watson Gilder and other genteel elite viewed the immigrants and working class as merely objects of philanthropy-—"a population in need of uplift." He did not believe that they could seriously partake 0f culture. Bender, 215. 69. John Swinton, Editors: Pt. II," I 70. Bender, m points out that the respect for tradit; rewards and spirit Best Men", 9. ll. Bender, New Yon 72. Sproat, “The B1 73. Of course, be professional stand: editors before the their professional 18-19; Adolph Ochs 19 August 1896, 4; York: Harper and B W (New Yor 7b Virtually ever flrSt seventeen Standards: Practic 0 e Prefessiona 78 69. John Swinton, "The New York Daily Papers and Their Editors: Pt. II," The Independent, 52, 25 January 1900, 238. 70. Bender, New York Intellect, 124-125; 136. Sproat also points out that the elite sought to convince businessmen that respect for traditional moral values produced both material rewards and spiritual satisfaction. See also, Sproat, "The Best Men", 9. 71. Bender, New York Intellect, 221. 72. Sproat, "The Best Men," 4. 73. Of course, both editors recognized that adherence to professional standards was sound business policy; however, few editors before the Progressive era had so publicly professed their professional faith. Dana, The Art of Newspaper Making, 18-19; Adolph Ochs, "Business Announcement," New York Times, 19 August 1896, 4; Gerald W. Johnson, An Honorable Titan (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1946), 55-56; Moses Koeningsberg, King News (New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1941), 171-172. 74. Virtually every issue of Editor and Publisher during its first seventeen years featured at least one article on standards, practices and behaviors considered by the magazine to be professional. Many of the articles were editorials. Other articles promoting professionalism were reprints of speeches by well-known editors and publishers. Editor and Publisher also devoted considerable coverage to schools and courses of journalism. 75. All of the following are from Editor and Publisher: "The Best is None Too Good," 29 June 1901, 4; "Publishers Should Protect The Public," 24 August 1901, 4; "The Crime Of The Yellows," 14 September 1901, 4; "The Independent And The Party Newspaper," 12 October 1901, 4; "The Moral Force Of The Press," 11 January 1902; "After the Fakirs," 8 February 1902, 4; "Punish the Fakirs," 22 February 1902, 8; "The Newspaper Profession," 19 April 1902, 4; "What Makes Good Reporters?" 31 May 1902, 4; "The Responsibility of Editors," 1 November 1902, 4; "Reckless Correspondents," 3 January 1903, 4; "A5 A Profession," 15 August 1903, 4; "Power and Responsibility," 25 March 1905, 4; "The Honest Newspaper," 19 January 1907, 4, to name but a few. 76. "First Schools of Journalism Scorned," Editor and Publisher, 21 July 1934, 160; K. Tim Wulfemeyer, "Butterflies or Goldmines: The Development of Courses of Instruction for Journalism In American Colleges and Universities." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism, Boston, August 1980. 77. Joseph Pulitz American Review, 112 78. Lincoln Steffe Bio—lump, October frequently devoted lectures. 79. See, for exampi Helps and Hints fc School of Journal: Practice of Journa L. Shunan, Practi< Co., 1908); Charle Henry Holt, 1911), Writing and Editir 1913), 349-350; Me YOIN: Henry Holt a Mom 1916). 80'. Jack R. Hart Origins °f Ameri (Spring1976), 14. 81. Letters to th show that PUblishe all Circulation 5 read the trad 8 including pre 8 2‘ w my, man Forman 3; lllndependenCe 84, 1; "An Edit 8 s dise journalis rm bibliourablsiycan b 79 77. Joseph ‘Pulitzer, "The College of Journalism," North American Review, May 1904, 656, 659 and 679. 78. Lincoln Steffens, "The New School of Journalism," The Bookman, October 1903, 175-177. Editor and Publisher frequently devoted whole pages to journalism school events and lectures. 79. See, for example, Edwin L. Shuman, Ste 5 Into Journalism: Helps and Hints for Young Writers (Evanston: Correspondence School of Journalism, 1894); Edwin L. Shuman, The Art and Practice of Journalism (Chicago: Stevans and Handy, 1899); E. L. Shuman, Practical Journalism (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1908); Charles G. Ross, The Writing of News (New York: Henry Holt, 1911), 18-19; Willard Grosvenor Bleyer, Newspaper Writing and Editing (Cambridge, Mass.: The Riverside Press, 1913), 349-350; Merle Thorpe, ed. The Coming Newspaper (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1915); Don C. Seitz, Training for the Newspaper Trade (Philadelphia; J. B. Lippincott Co., 1916). 80. Jack R. Hart, "Horatio Alger in the Newsroom: Social Origins of American Editors," Journalism Quarterly, 53: (Spring 1976), 14-20. 81. Letters to the magazine as well as article submissions show that publishers, editors and reporters from newspapers of all circulation sizes, from all across the U.S. and Canada, read the trade press. So too did members of other professions, including politicians, advertisers, public relations professionals, magazine writers and editors, and individuals involved in book publishing, to name but a few. 82. "Allan Forman Dead," Editor and Publisher, 21 March 1914, 787. 83. "Independence The Crying Need," The Journalist, 17 May 1884, 1; "An Editor's Duty," The Journalist, 16 May 1885, 4. 84. From the time of Whitelaw Reid in the 18705, many journalists discussed editorial independence as a necessary professional norm. Discussions on the topic and its value to journalists can be found in most of the memoirs cited in the bibliography. 85. "Cutting Bills," The Journalist, 5 April 1884, 6; "The RePorter's Say," The Journalist, 29 March 1884, 8; "The Bill Cutter Must Go," The Journalist, 26 April 1884, 4; "Cutting Bills," The Journalist, 10 May 1884, 4. 86. “Reporter's Pay," The Journalist, 12 April 1884, 3. 87. “The New York 1 as. “The Reporter': “The Question of 1889, 8. 89. The term frater primarily a men's < woman member-Anna small but growing I century, no inform more women did not 90. Journalism, (N 91. Much of the prv about minimum sal Professionalism. 92' See, for exam borii 1884, 3; G Journalism, accorv managing editor 1 W as the Pulitzer revived j “ligating it to ' m ”‘9 lOUrnalism Urna W’ 2 . W m J0111- . lSt, W, 12 J 96, n 80 87. "The New York Herald," The Journalist, 5 April 1884, 2. 88. "The Reporter's Say," The Journalist, 29 March 1884, 8; "The Question of Signature," The Journalist, 21 September 1889, 8. 89. The term fraternal is not meant to be sexist. The club was primarily a men's organization. By 1906 the club had only one woman member--Anna Ballard. Although the New York press had a small but growing number of women reporters by the turn of the century, no information has been located that explains why more women did not join the press club. 90. Journalism, (New York: New York Press Club, 1906), i-lO. 91. Much of the professionalization literature lists concerns about minimum salaries as one of the factors that define professionalism. 92. See, for example, "The Reporter's Say, The Journalist, 5 April 1884, 3; Good journalism was implied to be factual journalism, according to The Journalist. Amos J. Cummings, managing editor of the New York Spp, was praised by 22g Journalist as the editor who ended personal journalism [until Pulitzer revived it] by taking opinion out of news stories and relegating it to the editorial page. He also was praised for making journalism more factually sound. 93. "Hints to Young Journalists," Th§_gppppaii§p, 22 March 1884, 2; "Hints to Young Journalists," The Journalist, 29 March 1884, 8. 94. George Juergens, Joseph Pulitzer and the New York World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), 12. Richardson later admitted in a letter to The Journalist that the attacks on Pulitzer were his own doing and stemmed from his personal animosities toward the publisher. "Mr. Richardson Expresses Himself, " The Journalist, 14 March 1885, 3. 95. "The Boastful World," ED§_QQEEBQLL§£I 28 June 1884' 1' See also "Pulitzer and ChicagO," 19 JU1Y 1884' 2 f°r another attack on Pulitzer' s abilities as a journalist as well as some anti-semitic attacks; "Jewseph-Puntzer s,Advertisements, " The Journalist, 5 July 1884, 1. See also, "3mUttY Literature, " The Journalist, 26 July 1884, 4; "Some Curious Methods," The Journalist, 17 January 1885, 4; "The Coachman in Politics, " The Journalist, 24 January 1885, 4; "Anecdotal Picture," The Journalist, 12 July 1884, 1-2- 96 "The Absurd City Editor, " The Journalist, 19 July 1884, 3, reprinted 11 July 1885, 4. For other caustic articles on editors see, for example, "Mr. Watterson," The Journalist, 10 January 1885, 1; January 1885, 1. By editors at the end 97. ibid, 308. 98. The Journalist, of The Rise of Edit 99. Frank Luther Mr 1% (Cambridge, The 100. No explanation explain the magazir the benevolence v circulation. Under graphic/content cl broader audiences. primarily for pres all writers, and a 101. Little was wr ew times a year a press however, non the rural press. I Ezciniques were a 0&wa York S new: 102‘ n Jo Indecgnt JO“ ’ a March 1887’ 8' I 103. “in the Rign 104, "Truth N0 Li 105' "The Power 0 81 January 1885, 1; "Requiescat in Pace," The Journalist, 17 January 1885, 1. Byrne and Richardson ended their tenure as editors at the end of January 1885. 97. Ibid, 308. 98. The Journalist, 7 February 1885. Reprinted in "The Story of The Rise of Editor and Publisher," 308. 99. Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines 1885- 1905 (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press, 1957), 243. 100. No explanation can be given with absolutely certainty to explain the magazine's shift in tone. This researcher believes the benevolence was in large part an attempt to boost circulation. Under Forman, The Journalist underwent four major graphic/content changes in various attempts to appeal to broader audiences. The magazine started off as a publication primarily for press members. Later it broadened its scope for all writers, and again later to include artists as well. 101. Little was written about non-metropolitan newspapers. A few times a year an article would be written about the rural press however, none of those articles was ever critical about the rural press. Instead, financial difficulties and business techniques were addressed. Because of its location in New York, The Journalist's frequent praise and criticism focused on New York's newspapers. 102. "Indecent Journalism," The Journalist, 27 March 1886, 12; Joseph B. Bishop, "Newspaper Espionage," The Journalist, 31 July 1886, 1-3; "A Filth Supplement," The Journalist, 31 July 1886, 8; "What is Legitimate News?" The Journalist, 19 February 1887, 2; "In The Right Direction," The Journalist, 5 March 1887, 8. 103. "In the Right Direction," 8. 104. "Truth No Libel," 8. 105. "The Power of the Press," The Journalist, 11 April 1891. 106. For a few examples see, "Editors, Now and Then," The Journalist, 28 February 1885, 4; "Office-Holders as Reporters," The Journalist, 7 March 1885, 4; "Keyhole Journalism," The Journalist, 28 March 1885, 3; Frank R. Bigney, "The Reporter," The Journalist, 11 April 1885, 1; Matthew Unit, "Explanatory Journalism," The Journalist, 21 November 1885, 1; Matthew Unit, "Truthful and Independent Journalism," The Journalist, 5 December 1885, 1; George F. Williams, "Pernicious Reporters," The Journalist, 19 December 1885, 7-8; Matthew Unit, "The Ideal Reporter," The Journalist, #4 26 December 1885, 1 The Journalist, 23 Policy.“ The._J°_ufl Press," The Jouri Journalism," The Jc I" and "A Filth Sup "Newspaper Jealous Matthew Unit, "Joui 25 September 1886 Journalist, 23 Oct The Journalist, 8 .' m, 12 Feb W. 19 W. 23 Feb W 11 the Press)" The Jo "The Responsibilit 7: "Truth No Libe York,n W 1507- “New York‘s l 108. "The Dreadfu: £9. "Office‘HOId 85, 4; "A Journa man, 9, jjj' “aitbev Unit M7 5 Dec‘ jll- George F WI 19 Up “New JEI‘SeyIn T 12‘ "T . 1885 .enBlll-Cu 17 Oétoge A QUest All "Keep Up the 114, n 1891, ghe ‘75er 115 w. ‘ 111 . January isiiwln' v 1 82 26 December 1885, 1; Matthew Unit, "Bohemianism in Reporting," The Journalist, 23 January 1886, 1; "Honesty is the Best Policy," The Journalist, 20 January 1886, 4; "Pulpit vs. Press," The Journalist, 6 February 1886, 4; "Indecent Journalism," The Journalist, 27 March 1886, 12; "The Editorial I" and "A Filth Supplement," The Journalist, 31 July 1886, 8; “Newspaper Jealousies," The Journalist, 4 September 1886, 8; Matthew Unit, "Journalistic Esprit De Corps," The Journalist, 25 September 1886, 2; "An Editor's Qualifications," The Journalist, 23 October 1886, 13; "Newspapers in Our Homes," The Journalist, 8 January 1887, 7; "Indecent Journalism," Thg Journalist, 12 February 1887, 8; "What is Legitimate News?" .The Journalist, 19 February 1887, 2; "In The Right Direction," The Journalist, 5 March 1887, 8; "The Reporter," Thg Journalist, 23 February 1889, 12-13; "Faking in Journalism," The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 4; B. F. Fritz, "The Power of the Press," The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 5; Maude Meredith, "The Responsibility of Writers," The Journalist, 2 May 1891, 7; "Truth No Libel," The Journalist, 6 June 1891, 8; "New York," The Journalist, 15 August 1891, 4. 107. "New York's Newspapers," The Journalist, 21 March 1891, 50 108. "The Dreadful Reporter," The Journalist, 2 May 1891, 8. 109. "Office-Holders as Reporters," The Journalist, 7 March 1885, 4; "A Journalistic Lobbyist," The Journalist, 8 January 1887, 9. 110. Matthew Unit, "Truthful and Independent Journalism," Thg Journalist, 5 December 1885, 1. 111. George F. Williams, "Pernicious Reporters," The igurnglist, 19 December 1885, 7-8; J. Townley Crane, "Faking in New Jersey," The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 4. 112. "The Bill—Cutting Question," The Journalist, 31 October 1885, 4; "A Question That Should Be Settled," The Journalist, 17 October 1885, 4; "A Reporters' Protective Association," IQQ Jourhalist, 21 November 1885; "Another View--The Reporters' Protection Association," The Journalist, 5 December 1885, 1; "Pay on Acceptance," The Journalist, 20 February 1886, 4; "Pay as You Go," The Journalist, 27 February 1886, 4. 113. "Keep Up the Prices," The Journalist, 15 January 1887, 8. 114. "The Value of Organization," The Journalist, 25 March 1891, 8. 115. Will Irwin, "The Power of the Press," Collier's, 46 21 January 1911, 15. “The noblest cause defunct newspaper Editors had 1 professional stan: editors very much themselves comple little real power policy. Editors had news and directin policies and edit 0f PUblishers anc‘ unt'11 well into t c°ntr°1 of their not Yet ready to Publications of i of the age of pe: was a bit Short- Bennett had died Pulitzer and Wil D . AervaslvenESs of Chapter 3 All the News that Fits “The noblest cause in creation cannot be promoted by a defunct newspaper . "1 Editors had the unenviable position of serving as the professional standard bearers for their occupation. Although editors very much became a professional class unto themselves complete with a set of standards, they possessed little real power to enforce their beliefs via newsroom policy. Editors had the responsibility of selecting each day's news and directing reporters' work, yet decision-making on policies and editorial content remained largely in the hands of publishers and managing editors, not newsroom editors, until well into the 19205. Publishers had maintained tight control of their newspapers since colonial times and were not yet ready to relinquish their hold. Although the trade publications of the late 18805 and 18905 applauded the end of the age of personal journalism, their self-congratulation was a bit short-sighted. Horace Greeley and James Gordon Bennett had died, but Charles Dana, Adolph Ochs, Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst continued the pervasiveness of the publisher's dictates in the newsroom.2 83 The editor's rather than a shaI of modernization. develop clear-cut growth. As circula skyrocketed, newS] found their role 3 that of their col. circulation, adve editing had to be Given the hi 18703, the days 0 editors, like eng as a life-long ca DIOfessionals. Ur medicine and relj lacked the tradit in Stead, an Editc 84 The editor's primary role as a gatekeeper of news rather than a shaper of editorial policy was a development of modernization. Newspapers, like other industries, had to develop clear-cut divisions of labor to cope with increasing growth. As circulations and advertising revenues skyrocketed, newspapers became corporate entities. Owners found their role becoming further and further removed from that of their colonial-era ancestors. Specialists in circulation, advertising, news selection, reporting and editing had to be hired.3‘ Given the high costs of owning a newspaper by the 18705, the days of the editor—owner had ended.4 The new editors, like engineers and social workers, saw their work as a life-long career and thus viewed themselves as professionals. Unlike the traditional professions of law, medicine and religion, however, these new professionals lacked the traditional autonomy that the status implied. Instead, an editor was a white collar, salaried employee.S Journalism and the other emerging "professions" offered a new and different view of what professionalism meant, if indeed the term could still be applied. This new professionalism did not mean autonomy for journalists. Indeed, occupational and structural distinctions seemed irrelevant. What largely occurred in the name of professionalism was control and adherence to the dictates of superiors, not the tradition of autonomy.6 But for editors, there was more to professionalism w more than just a Furthermore, stan professionalism. By 1900 edit themselves with s unchanging routir systematized. Th: direction, contri their respective at the time were the most importa news. The night stories. More in the newspaper ea direction of the business, Sport: “9W5 for his fir City edito of pWer. Their reporters and 9 leading dailies reported to the was uncha,1g ing. 1‘ . eading Wm: H 85 there was more to it. The adoption of the cloak of professionalism was a means of enhancing status, of being more than just a salaried employee in a corporation. Furthermore, standards would be adopted to meet this new professionalism. By 1900 editors, like other business employees, found themselves with specific job tasks and an essentially unchanging routine. Newspaper operations had become systematized. The editor-in-chief, under the publisher's direction, controlled policy and assigned section editors to their respective tasks. Since most of the city's newspapers at the time were morning newspapers, the night editor was the most important. He oversaw the entire production of the news. The night editor essentially had final say on editing stories. More important, he decided what stories went into the newspaper each day. Section editors worked under the direction of the night editor, collecting the foreign, business, sports, city, state, national and entertainment news for his final selection.7 City editors of the time also possessed a fair amount of power. Their responsibilities included supervising reporters and generating story ideas. By 1900, New York's leading dailies had from 12 to 40 reporters, many of whom reported to the city editor.8 On any given day the routine was unchanging. Night editors fell into the pattern of reading over the previous day's newspaper to see if their orders had been ca newspapers to see City editors deve assignment book. ‘ stories. By all a over reporters at contemporary edit develop in a stor questions to ask coverage. These 6 respcmsibility or newsPapers was as °f their rivals. to the PUblisher should not be ov. newsPapers to be Superiority reported their c topped the 100'0 quantifying res; Historian Robert seemed to Exist little Sens e of statisticS to me Newspapers there is little 86 orders had been carried out. They then read competitors' newspapers to see if their own newspapers had been scooped. City editors developed story topics which they wrote in an assignment book. They then selected reporters to cover those stories. By all accounts these editors exerted more control over reporters at the turn of the century than do contemporary editors. Editors told reporters what points to develop in a story, what sources to interview, what questions to ask and what facts to highlight in their coverage. These early editors had the enormous responsibility of making certain that the quality of their newspapers was as good, if not better, than was the quality | of their rivals. Failure to do so meant answering directly to the publisher. Furthermore, the element of editors' pride should not be overlooked. Editors clearly wanted their newspapers to be superior to those of their rivals.9 Superiority was quantified by circulation. Newspapers reported their circulations with pride, especially when they topped the 100,000, 200,000 or 300,000 mark.10 The quantifying response was a product of the industrial era. Historian Robert wiebe noted that in an age where everything seemed to exist on a large scale, individuals left with little sense of direction turned to weights, measures and Statistics to make sense of their world.11 Newspapers did not quite fit Wiebe's thesis, however. There is little indication that editors seemed confused on social direction. Nowhere was this 1 physical manifest: the city's newspa] growing industry, their success. By its zoo-foot buil dominance was app New York World. N issued a SPECial newspaper's inner building Which fe «Peoplels PalaCe, building had beer World's fincanciai BusinesS 5W editors. By One ‘ salaries ranging compared to $1.2 editors made a g Hearst, Pulitzer the very lack of editors. drive t The lack of editors to work practices that 87 social direction. The era's watchword was competition. Nowhere was this more evident than in the New York press' physical manifestation of their presence: Park Row. Most of the city's newspapers called Park Row home. In this era of growing industry, the city's newspapers built monuments to their success. By 1875 the Tribune dominated the street with its 260-foot building. By 1890, the new journalism's dominance was apparent in the 309-foot headquarters for the New York World. Never shy about promoting itself, the World issued a special edition about the building and the newspaper's inner workings. The $2 million, twenty-story building which featured a gilded dome was referred to as a "People's Palace." The newspaper noted with pride that the building had been paid for with cash, a testament to the World's financial independence.12 Business success translated into growing salaries for editors. By one account the leading editors received salaries ranging from $3,000 to $12,000 per year, as compared to $1,200 and up for reporters.13 Although editors made a good living for their time, publishers like Hearst, Pulitzer and Ochs earned millions. Paradoxically, the very lack of ownership was partly responsible for editors' drive toward professionalism. The lack of conflict with business concerns freed editors to work toward developing a set of standards and practices that seemed professional.14 Standards were crucial for editor both their salarie Journalism largel} century, howeverJ circulation and ti great power in so from white-collar Powerful career c A profile of for white collar awerage citizen a 1" life.“ Althou York Editors, a r editors revealed at least one p are editors tended t< the population, 1 had graduated fr‘ degree. By COmpa; Population at th New York's elite. For examp all attended (:01 undergraduate de a graduate of Ur anda attended or 88 crucial for editors as their social position was tied to both their salaries and the prestige of their occupation. Journalism largely lacked prestige at the turn of the century, however.15 Yet the press, as indicated by circulation and the ability to sway public opinion, had great power in society. Thus, many well—educated individuals from white-collar families saw editing as an attractive, powerful career choice. A profile of New York's editors reveals their fitness for white collar work. Editors had more education than the average citizen and usually obtained their first job later in life.16 Although figures are not available for only New York editors, a national study of turn-of—the-century editors revealed that 30 percent of all American editors had at least one parent who had been an editor. And, these editors tended to be far better educated than the rest of the population. By 1900, over 72 percent of American editors had graduated from high school and 41 percent had a college degree. By comparison, only six percent of the U.S. population at the time held high school diplomas.l7 New York's editors exemplified the nation's educated elite. For example, the New York Times' three top editors all attended college. Editor Charles Miller held two undergraduate degrees from Dartmouth, Editor Henry Cary was a graduate of Union College and Managing Editor Carr Van Anda attended Ohio University for two years. Similarly, at the Sun, Editor-1r alumnus while Mane Hamilton College. stocked with c0111 one of the earlie: staff members. Re} Cornell Universit Columbia Universi law degree from t literature from D graduated from Mi Editor Morrill cc at the New York i had Similar EduCe eastern univers i1 What their 1 implied was that career and a pro owned busineSses as their life's contrast, Often the ladder to a frequently quit homer, tended their liVQS. Mar ihe highly Comps 89 the Sun, Editor-in-Chief Edward P. Mitchell was a Bowdoin alumnus while Managing Editor Chester Lord had attended Hamilton College. Joseph Pulitzer's World also was well stocked with college-educated staff members. Pulitzer was one of the earliest proponents of hiring college-trained staff members. Reporter and Editor Julius Chambers was a Cornell University graduate who had also studied law at Columbia University. Managing Editor George Harvey held a law degree from the University of Nevada and a Ph.D. in literature from Dartmouth- Editorial Editor Frank Cobb had graduated from Michigan Agricultural College while Sunday Editor Morrill Goddard held a degree from Dartmouth. Editors at the New York Herald, Tribune, Evening News and Journal had similar educational backgrounds, with law degrees from eastern universities being the most popular. What their family backgrounds and educational status implied was that these editors saw their work as both a career and a profession. Many could have practiced law, owned businesses or taught at colleges but chose journalism as their life‘s work instead. Less-educated reporters, by contrast, often saw journalism as merely the first rung up the ladder to a literary career. As such, many reporters frequently quit journalism within a few years.18 Editors, however, tended to remain in their positions for most of their lives. Many, however, bounced between publications. The highly competitive nature of the New York press meant that publishers a] Hearst became 169‘ forth so frequent: job statuses.19 JC one editorial p05. to managing edito: In keeping w profession, edito professional, eth follow editors‘ r if their violatio necessary since e rePorters who had than the classroc the turn of the c with little under “0 introduction 1 standards or behr TWO main etl 8thl content am editors! time. Er a respectable pr Pie 5 I tories, many 0f C0 . n artists, Kno to check on the 90 that publishers always sought better editors. Pulitzer and Hearst became legendary for hiring top management back and forth so frequently it became confusing to track editors' job statuses.19 Job jumping often meant a promotion from one editorial position to another, such as from city editor to managing editor. In keeping with their views that journalism was a profession, editors began outlining what they perceived as professional, ethical practices. Reporters who failed to follow editors' rules found themselves reprimanded or fired if their violations warranted dismissal.20 The task was necessary since editors in the 18805 and 18905 oversaw reporters who had graduated from the printer's case rather than the classroom. The lack of journalism programs before the turn of the century meant reporters came to journalism with little understanding of the press‘ role in society and no introduction to any sort of agreed-upon industry standards or behaviors. Two main ethical factors--accuracy and fairness in story content and the behavior of reporters--occupied editors' time. Editors linked both standards to putting out a respectable product. For example, although a number of Press agencies existed to supply newspapers with feature stories, many of these freelance associations were owned by con artists. Knowing this, editors frequently sent reporters to check on the accuracy of these stories, always alert fOr fake news which m; similarly, editor: checking for fact Although neither provide accurate most editors at 1 product.23 Similarly, t curbed. Critics r raporters invader as claiming to b1 entry to crime s, evidence--a tact invasion of priv began firing rep news, Suoh as bu editors and thei for proVidinq mc critic in 1910’ by editors were Instead, miStak, In Selecting an< decisi‘ms on th Upholding Q‘ . 1W editOrs wh 91 fake news which might embarrass the newspaper.21 Similarly, editors also read competitors' newspapers, checking for factual differences in similar stories.22 Although neither practice guaranteed that newspapers would provide accurate accounts of the day's events to readers, most editors at least attempted to produce a sound product.23 Similarly, the behavior of young reporters had to be curbed. Critics had ample support for their claims that reporters invaded privacy, lied about their identities (such as claiming to be fire marshals or police officers to gain entry to crime scenes) and went through trash to find evidence-~a tactic which many critics claimed was a blatant invasion of privacy.24 In response, some city editors began firing reporters for inappropriate means of obtaining news, such as bullying sources.25 As a result, city editors and their staffs found themselves praised by critics for providing more accurate accounts of the day's news. One critic in 1910, for example, claimed that most mistakes made by editors were not the result of intentional deception. Instead, mistakes were attributed to haste. The time factor in selecting and publishing news had become so limited that decisions on the truthfulness of stories had to be made quickly.26 Upholding standards was a delicate balancing act for city editors who, more than any other staff members, upheld beliefs in accura also had to prese to attract and M fake or exaggerat the competitive *5 Although the the professional personal journali The professional increasingly 601‘} evolution was en< publishers--all < William Randolph Hull-fledged b1 their methods. 1L0 ‘dovm Manageml The Journal guard in a rare Gordon Bennett J “mm in night d reilization that ii-eu news] fro that it Was the r eporters I Who The Shift t 92 beliefs in accuracy and truthful reporting.27 Yet they also had to present stories with different angles in order to attract and keep readers. Despite their efforts, outright fake or exaggerated stories sometimes passed by editors in the competitive drive to scoop the competition.28 Although the 18805 saw the development of the rise of the professional editor, this did not signal the end of personal journalism. Publishers remained firmly in control. The professional editor was more a symbol of the increasingly corporate nature of the press. This corporate evolution was encouraged and shaped by a new set of publishers--all outsiders to New York. Joseph Pulitzer, William Randolph Hearst and Adolph Ochs all saw the press as a full-fledged business enterprise. What set them apart were their methods. Top-down Management The Journalist depicted the changing of the editorial guard in a rare cover illustration on March 21, 1885. James Gordon Bennett Jr., publisher of the New York Tribune, was shown in night dress and stocking cap awaking to the realization that the competition was stealing the stuffing [i.e., news] from his feather bed. Most notable was the fact that it was the city's other publishers, and not editors or reporters, who ran off with the goods. The shift to corporate, commercial journalism coupled vith an ever-incr publishers to exp vould pay for. Th dailies all vying publishers often business than in often took a back 501116 0f the membe sensational and r From Callin to E New York Tr] instigated the ct 1870s. Hailed by decade, Reid was veering away fror had clung to so 1 would be CODSide: order, His Style at the well‘edm technOlmliccal ch “808' He rIEVer of 1879, Reid to that nevspapers Melt eight pa f ornat would Con 93 with an ever-increasing need by the public for news allowed publishers to experiment with content to see what the public would pay for. The result was a city with at least 15 dailies all vying for advertising revenues. Given this, publishers often concerned themselves more with staying in business than in promoting standards. Ethical considerations often took a back seat to financial concerns. Critics viewed some of the members of this new press as arrogant, sensational and not above being vulgar for profit. From Calling to Business New York Tribune Editor Whitelaw Reid largely instigated the change in editorial direction during the 18705. Hailed by many press members as the editor of that decade, Reid was a pioneer of independent journalism, veering away from the partisanship that all other editors had clung to so tightly. But in less than 15 years, Reid would be considered less a pioneer than a symbol of the old order. His style of literate, high-minded journalism aimed at the well-educated failed to meet the social, economic and technological challenges and changes that occurred in the 18805. He never even saw the changes coming. As late as June Of 1879, Reid told the Editorial Association of New York that newspapers would change little in the future. The then- current eight page length and high-minded format political format would continue, because it met society's needs.29 Even more th guard. An Irish 1 personal affair. was unimportant. unimportant. Godk mind with him. According tc saw journalism as Godkin's high moi Scandals which in; Godkin's SGIECtic newspaper, Godkii religious and so commentary, And, Stances on polit newsPapers, thei literary and mor Christian. In dee mine 18903, Go nearest approach By the earl SYMOIS Of What _ 9 4 Even more than Reid, E. L. Godkin epitomized the old guard. An Irish immigrant, Godkin viewed journalism as a personal affair. Newspapers were not businesses. Circulation was unimportant. What his readers wanted was largely unimportant. Godkin wrote for those readers who were of like mind with him. According to journalist and critic Will Irwin, Godkin saw journalism as a "mission and a trust." For example, Godkin's high moral standards would not allow him to cover scandals which might disgrace individuals.3° As a result, Godkin's selection of news was highly subjective. A newspaper, Godkin believed, should offer political, religious and scientific news as well as editorial commentary. And, its editors should passionately take stances on political issues. Above all else, Godkin believed newspapers, their editors and their readers should have high literary and moral standards. A good editor was first a good Christian. Indeed, when yellow journalism reached its height in the 18905, Godkin declared that such reporting was "the nearest approach to Hell in any Christian state."31 By the early 18805, however, Reid and Godkin had become symbols of what had been. Two key factors had changed--the audience and the role of the press in society. The publishers that succeeded Godkin and Reid would not have been successful in changing the content of their newspapers if the composition of the audience and the role of the press in society had no New content f out Sociologist audiences in a 19 newspapers could and serious conte millions rather * professional and This tremen Subsequently con seen before. The relatively easil independent, Alt than editorials, consistent as We well-educated 1‘: new press gainec Promineth in N! increased the s stepped in as s guidance. when claimed in the than ever be for social leaders] c Ommercialized 95 in society had not changed first. New content for new audiences Sociologist Edward Alsworth Ross noted the change in audiences in a 1910 article in The Atlantic. Ross said newspapers could no longer be expected to produce dignified and serious content because they catered to the common millions rather than to their former audiences--the professional and business classes.32 This tremendous broadening of audiences, and subsequently content, from 1880 onward reached a scale never seen before. The pre-Civil War press had fallen into relatively easily-defined categories-~partisan or independent. Although some of the papers offered more news than editorials, the newspapers, in general, were largely consistent as were their audiences--conservative, relatively well-educated readers. By appealing to wider audiences the new press gained more than readers, it also gained social prominence in New York. As industrialization and immigration increased the structurelessness of New York, newspapers stepped in as social institutions, providing a sense of guidance. When New York Journal Editor Arthur Brisbane claimed in the 18905 that the power of the press was greater than ever before, he was not just boasting. But beyond being social leaders, newspapers also were businesses. The newly— commercialized press discovered the best way to compete for readers and rever York before the t different newspap from all social < readers, the New information-oriei stories and reli. analysis, embodi the Tribune and Joseph Pulitzer' Journal, which 0 featured primari entertaining; ar Advertiser and t feature Stories The Varying responses to tilt expenditUres at like the Herald a week, aCCordi 01d m from old to he“ s cholars Consic' r . Edllty he embc 96 readers and revenues was to offer diverse content. And, New York before the turn of the century was well-suited to different newspapers since the city was filled with people from all social classes and occupations. Responding to these readers, the New York press offered three types of content: information-oriented newspapers that featured hard news stories and relied on factual reporting with little analysis, embodied by the New York Times, the Evening Post, the Tribune and the Herald; sensational newspapers such as Joseph Pulitzer‘s World and William Randolph Hearst's Journal, which often staged events to create news and featured primarily soft news stories in an attempt to be entertaining; and, literary newspapers like the Commercial Advertiser and the New York Sun, which offered news and feature stories written in distinctly literary styles. The varying editorial directions were necessary responses to the quest for circulation and profit. Weekly expenditures at some New York newspapers in the late 1800s like the Herald and the Tribune averaged $20,000 to $35,000 a week, according to Charles Dana.33 Old Meets New The editor who best represented the transitional phase from old to new journalism was Charles Dana. Although many scholars consider Dana part of the older generation, in reality he embodied many of the ideals, and the time period, of both old jourr not go as far as journalism as a 1 one of the first profession. As Sl things--intellig editors, a loyal guidelines for t COllege graduate To Dana: "the most e [the pressj intelligent and honor 1 make it a v mischief: 1 be turned . bEhind and dispositio Clearly th PUblic's decrea Dana, He attemp uanaging edito: was to Produce entertain-lng a1 cross the line Dana sought re] his reporters stiles, Dana b reputat '10,]. In 97 of both old journalism and new journalism. Although Dana did not go as far as Pulitzer, Hearst and Ochs, seeing journalism as a full-fledged corporate enterprise, he was one of the first publishers to view journalism as a profession. As such, Dana believed journalism needed four things--intelligent practioners, editorially-conservative editors, a loyal staff and a set of editorial and behavioral guidelines for them. He solved the first problem by hiring college graduates from the best Eastern colleges every May. To Dana: "the most essential part of this great mechanism [the press] is not the mechanism itself; it is the intelligence, the brains, and the sense of truth and honor that reside in the men who conduct it and make it a vehicle of usefulness-—or it may be of mischief: because what is useful can just as easily be turned to mischief if the engineer who stands behind and lets on the steam is of an erroneous disposition."34 Clearly the tactics of yellow journalism and the public's decreasing esteem for journalism were not lost on Dana. He attempted to combat this by putting conservative managing editors in charge of his paper.35 Their objective was to produce a highly readable paper filled with entertaining and interesting stories, but ones that did not cross the line into sensationalism. To achieve this goal Dana sought reporters who also were fine writers. By giving his reporters the latitude to develop their own writing Styles, Dana built a newspaper with an international reputation. Indeed, the Sun never lacked in job applicants. Reporter loyalty cupsfrequently club-like atmospl for years. For ti hsta job that 1 never deviated f‘ gentlemanly code matDana expect always a Sun man Dana's ethi his life, but hi Shffmembers. I uaa Dana expla "I . Gt but t1 II. c. perfe III. ledge IV. N matte adver V. Ne eithe Unles for C VI. i that trut} VII. do m the ' 98 Reporter loyalty was not lacking either. New York's press corps frequently referred to the newspaper as possessing a club—like atmosphere.36 Many staffers stayed with the Sun for years. For them, work at the newspaper was a career, not just a job that provided a paycheck. Others left but often never deviated from the ethical standards and the gentlemanly code of conduct, both in manner and in dress, that Dana expected of his staff. The adage, "once a Sun man, always a Sun man,"37 held true while Dana was alive. Dana's ethical standards remained unwritten throughout his life, but his code always appeared to be understood by staff members. During a lecture to journalism students in 1888, Dana explained his rules: "I. Get the news, get all the news, and nothing but the news. II. Copy nothing from another publication without perfect credit. III. Never print an interview without the know- ledge and consent of the party interviewed. IV. Never print a paid advertisement as news matter. Let every advertisement appear as an advertisement; no sailing under false colors. V. Never attack the weak or the defenseless, either by argument, by invective, or by ridicule, unless there is some absolute public necessity for doing so. VI. Fight for your opinions, but do not believe that they contain the whole truth or the only truth. VII. Support your party, if you have one. But do not think all the good men are in it and all the bad ones outside of it. VIII. 1 is adv: life a1 lives, than t] Dana was so understood these appeared to dict Editor John Swin "interfered with curtail my persc his second job c "MI- Dana justly with its Policy enough to know i Dana Valuec interest in am nevSpaper.s goo sense of ViCtor were apparent t Editor Henry Ma u1lked exciting Peculiar and e); cause or a Wror only Sanguinar) against moral,” i 99 VIII. Above all, know and believe that humanity is advancing; that there is progress in human life and human affairs; and that, as sure as God lives, the future will be greater and better than the present or the past."38 Dana was so confident that reporters and editors understood these rules, and abided by them, that he never appeared to dictate editorial policy in his newsroom. Sun Editor John Swinton recalled, for example, that Dana never "interfered with my moral independence, never sought to curtail my personal rights..." and never found fault with his second job of giving socialist speeches.39 Indeed, "Mr. Dana justly expected every one on the paper to fall in with its policy and he assumed every one to be intelligent enough to know what that policy was,“ Swinton said.4o Dana valued accuracy above all other ideals. His interest in accuracy was based both on keeping his newspaper's good reputation intact as well as on a deep sense of Victorian morality. His Victorian sensibilities were apparent to all who worked for him. Former Exchange Editor Henry Mann said Dana's quest for good copy meant he "liked exciting stories of adventure, of hunting, of peculiar and extraordinary daring, whether in a righteous cause or a wrong one, but he frowned on incidents that were only sanguinary. The use of certain words defining offenses against morality was also forbidden."41 Dana's values kept his newspaper from receiving the same type of criticism accorded to Jose; Indeed, Dana part to avoid sor journalism. Acco: staff members kn personal conduct they were expect the trash, no pr anonymity was gi Practices result knew that if a s (illickly become a Dana's lite 5W1 standards. laden Style of 2 Presented to re. a novel.-a harr analysis imbue d host impol‘tantj story behind th Literary r Advertiser Were pictorian 50m rise in the grc reading materia perlodicals as 100 accorded to Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst. Indeed, Dana created his unwritten rules of conduct in part to avoid some of the more venal practices of yellow journalism. According to former Sun reporter Will Irwin, staff members knew Dana's expectations included a code of personal conduct. Since reporters represented the newspaper, they were expected to be decent-~no stealing documents from the trash, no prying into things, once a promise of anonymity was given, that promise was kept. These behavioral practices resulted in more contacts for Sun reporters. Dana knew that if a source scorned a reporter, the reporter quickly become a liability.42 Dana's literary style of journalism also necessitated such standards. Most newspapers offered a detached, fact- laden style of reporting. What literary journalists presented to readers was news in a style more reminiscent of a novel--a narrative containing details, dialogue and analysis imbued with the reporter's "feel" for the facts. Most importantly, literary reporters attempted to reveal the story behind the facts.43 Literary newspapers like The Sun and The Commercial Advertiser were part of the fruition of mass culture in late Victorian society. The period was marked by a tremendous rise in the growth and personal purchase of all forms of reading materials, including books, magazines and periodicals as well as newspapers.44 -_,.._. ......__.__.~_ Commenting I century New York literary newspapu writing style an publications pos example, reporte picturesque feat were important" Literary jc create interesti aware of this. I hmerestingIIv he bores the readei mind and no one tadiouslygmé Si tobe accurate, been lied to, f "A fallow lOl Commenting on the literary leanings of late nineteenth- century New York papers, reporter Hutchins Hapgood said literary newspapers allowed reporters greater autonomy in writing style and in subject matter. Furthermore, these publications possessed a less rigid definition of news. For example, reporters interviewed colorful individuals for picturesque feature stories "irrespective of whether [they] were important" or newsworthy.45 Literary journalism's greatest challenge, then, was to create interesting, yet accurate, stories. Dana was well aware of this. "The invariable law of the newspaper is to be interesting," he said. "If you tell the truth in a way that bores the reader, what is the good. Truths don't stay in the mind and no one thinks better of you if you tell the truth tediously."46 Stories had to be exciting yet they also had to be accurate. If members of the public discovered they had been lied to, few would continue to purchase the offending publication. Truthfulness was a standard beyond question: "A fellow that is practicing the art of deception may last a little while, but he cannot last long. The man who stays is the man who has the staying power; and the staying power is not merely intellectual, it is moral. It is in the character, and people believe in him, because they are sure he does not mean to say anything that is not so." Ironically, the very nature of Dana's style of journalism meant readers did at times doubt the truthfulness of his publication. Will Irwin noted that although journalists reco< literary standarc literature often history, it larg gave the Sun its succeed without slow decline. Al known newspaper, 0f personal jour the newspaper ru % Lincoln Ste further. While [ fom’ the Commei offered bOth her not newsworthy 1 Advertiser Was ] liccording to rev engage in lunch newspaper Shoul editors alike (1 that featured t Sldffepso F01: with the Jewish freqUently Wrot 102 journalists recognized the Sun as a paper of "peerless literary standards,"48 the line between truth and literature often was blurred.49 Throughout the newspaper's history, it largely was Dana's good name and reputation that gave the Sun its credibility. The literary style could not succeed without it. When Dana died in 1897 the Sun began a slow decline. Although he had produced an internationally- known newspaper, Dana's creation also revealed the failings of personal journalism--take away the person at the helm and the newspaper runs aground. Higher Truths Lincoln Steffens took literary journalism a step further. While Dana's reporters told the news in literary form, the Commercial Advertiser under Lincoln Steffens offered both news and sketches of New York life that were not newsworthy but possessed literary value. The Commercial Advertiser was more of a real-life artistic experiment. According to reporter Hutchins Hapgood, the staff would engage in lunchtime debates about life, art and how the newspaper should represent life in New York. Both staff and editors alike desired to produce an unconventional paper that featured the personal writing styles of each staffer.50 For example, reporter Hapgood became fascinated with the Jewish immigrants of the city's Lower East Side. He frequently wrote sketches and personality profiles of these immigrants. Some and poets of the senseof newswor Thomas Connery, to depict the or beyond the bound The Commerc the new realism Notables such as ”Wis: Upton Si Period. While wt to expose the WI against Califorr speculators, jm Hutchins Hap gooc democratic Sympe generations. The apostles of a m The fact t1 society was nor. yet they did mo experiment The lincoln Steffen literatUre and hangs of SOcie St 103 immigrants. Some of the sketches focused on noted artists and poets of the ghetto, but other subjects largely lacked a sense of newsworthiness. According to journalism historian Thomas Connery, "Hapgood pretty much confined his attempts to depict the ordinary and commonplace, and thereby go beyond the boundaries of traditional news. . ."51 The Commercial Advertiser's journalism was rooted in the new realism movement that had sprung up in literature. Notables such as William Dean Howells, Stephen Crane, Frank Norris, Upton Sinclair, Jack London and Jacob Riis led the period. While writers like Norris used the novel as a form to expose the wrongdoings of the Southern Pacific Railroad against California farmers or the evils of Chicago's wheat speculators, journalists like Riis, Abraham Cahan and Hutchins Hapgood exposed tenement life. These authors had democratic sympathies never before seen in previous literary generations. These writers were, in effect, the "public's apostles of a new democratic spirit."52 The fact that these authors exposed the shortcomings of society was more than change enough for the literary world. Yet they did more. They saw their work as a literary experiment. The greatest experimenter of the time was Lincoln Steffens. To Steffens, newspapers could provide literature and serve as a form of public trust, exposing the wrongs of society. Reporter Hutchins Hapgood said of Steffens: "His interest when he became a city editor was distinctly that detail the pictu city. He liked a see, while getti behind the news. According t written, factual found interest 1 newspaper, Steff that was editori Steffens set out loved New York a have it [New yo: not merely read good, Ugly but i Steffens Urged 1 account of an e‘ occurrence. He ‘ both attract re: the City as Welj social ills, St: objectivity t emy As SUch, t] recorder of ma 1 I situation, What 104 distinctly that of the artist. He felt keenly and in great detail the picturesque and amusing side of the life of the city. He liked articles written so that the reader could see, while getting the news, the background of the men behind the news."53 According to Steffens, the city's public sought well- written, factual stories, especially given society's new— found interest in literature. To create a literary newspaper, Steffens began by trying to create a newspaper that was editorially free of publisher's dictates. Then Steffens set out to create a paper that employed writers who loved New York as much as he did. ". . . my ambition was to have it [New York] reported so that New Yorkers might see, not merely read of it, as it was: rich and poor, wicked and good, ugly but beautiful, growing, great."54 As such, Steffens urged reporters to go beyond writing a bare-bones account of an event based on the simple facts of the occurrence. He wanted lively, vigorous accounts that would both attract readers and graphically portray the beauty of the city as well as wrongdoings of officials and New York's social ills. Steffens, said one scholar, demanded objectivity tempered by subjectivity.55 As such, the Commercial Advertiser's was not just a recorder of reality. The newspaper's articles were interpretive, yielding more than just the simple facts of a situation. What Steffens got his writers to produce was the "higher truth"--1 when Steffens he: assigned it to 01 the following ad‘ "Here, Caha: murdered hi: crime. We d. story in it enough once her enough find out ju and this mu yourself an take your t tragedy . ll 56 The ideal f aStorY So compl the subject's p1 such narl‘atives. wanted to be Wri journalists, Ste alcoholics and c women, To encom traditioDal star conduct. He ins; had no set Writ; demanded or i gin- rules abom pm fr‘ be . ats, and best ti 105 "higher truth"—-the story behind the facts. For example, when Steffens heard of a particularly gruesome murder, he assigned it to one of his top reporters, Abraham Cahan, with the following advice: "Here, Cahan, is a report that a man has murdered his wife, a rather bloody, hacked-up crime. We don't care about that. But there's a story in it. That man loved that woman well enough once to marry her, and now he has hated her enough to cut her all to pieces. If you can find out just what happened between that wedding and this murder, you will have a novel for yourself and a short story for me. Go on now, take your Eime, and get this tragedy as a tragedy."5 The ideal for such stories, Steffens said, was to tell a story so completely that the reader could see himself in the subject's place.57 To obtain reporters who could build such narratives, Steffens combed universities for people who Wanted to be writers but not journalists. The majority of journalists, Steffens claimed with exaggeration, were alcoholics and cynics. He wanted young, enthusiastic men and women. To encourage these cubs Steffens discarded the traditional standards of professionalism and codes of conduct. He insisted on a policy of no policies. The paper had no set writing style or rules. Instead, Steffens demanded originality. According to Steffens: "There were no rules about promptitude, sobriety, accuracy; no lists of friends or enemies of the paper; no editorial policy; no beats; and best of all, there was no insistence even upon these rules, which were broken at anyone's convenience."58 By setting aside Steffens actuall fostered a sense to produce the t paper they possi newspaper they c The Commerc vehicle. By the llith McClure's 1 to a more tradil business, etc. : little mark on DEWSpaper did dl newSpapers to S‘ were Presented mm The Coroner newspaper if the buying the prod reality that he would Supp or t . Evening Post, d growing commerc was both a powe uslness DOWer 106 By setting aside the traditional restraints of newsrooms, Steffens actually encouraged professionalism. He subtly fostered a sense of professionalism by encouraging his staff to produce the highest quality, best written, best edited paper they possibly could--indeed, the most professional newspaper they could without saying so openly. The Commercial Advertiser did not last as a literary - vehicle. By the turn of the century Steffens had taken a job with McClure's magazine. The Commercial Advertiser returned to a more traditional notion of news coverage--politics, business, etc. Steffens' literary experiment seemed to make little mark on influencing standards in journalism. His newspaper did demonstrate that the public did want newspapers to serve as watchdogs, especially if the stories were presented in an interesting fashion. The Press as Big Business The Commercial Advertiser would not have been a viable newspaper if members of the public were not interested in buying the product. Steffens' newspaper exemplified the reality that newspapers could print whatever the market would support. This fact applied even to Edwin Godkin's Evening Post, despite his disdain for commercialism. The growing commercialism brought the realization that the press was both a powerful leader of public opinion and a rising business power. The costs of newspapers as well as their sheer physical 5 day had passed v newspaper and n be purchased wit promissary notes purchase of the was minor compa: including salar the World in th newspaper was p he died in 1912 The New yo 110' quickly pro newsPapers. In Times for $75,c “9W5 formula ar Price of the ne York Times gene the entire Opem oh Broad“), in The SPeCt; Paradox for me. strong Press t anticipated th entity. NeWSpa evils of Capit 107 sheer physical size as businesses reflected these facts. The day had passed when an individual publisher could purchase a newspaper and run it with little help. Newspapers could only be purchased with large bank loans, stock shares or promissary notes for payment. For example, Pulitzer's purchase of the New York World set him back $346,000. That was minor compared to the $2 million a year in fixed costs, including salaries for 1,300 people, that it took to produce the World in the 18905. Despite the costs, Pulitzer's newspaper was profitable and was valued at $10 million. When he died in 1912, Pulitzer was worth $18 million. 59 The New York Times provides an even better example of how quickly profits could be reaped from successful newspapers. In 1896 Adolph Ochs purchased the then—failing Times for $75,000. Through a combination of a conservative news formula and an astute business decision to drop the price of the newspaper from three cents to a penny, the New York Times generated millions. Within eight years Ochs moved the entire operation uptown to a new, $2.5 million building on Broadway in what is now Times Square.60 The spectacular growth of the press proved an alarming paradox for media critics. While these critics wanted a strong press to lead public opinion, they had not anticipated the emergence of the newspaper as a corporate entity. Newspapers, theoretically, were supposed to keep the evils of capitalism in check. The development of trusts and monopolies broug the public. Inde noted: "If there times, it was th of control over onerous as polil Yet critics Problem, not pai businesses were Petroleum or ra circulations in newspapers EXpr Physical Plant and editors gav contents of the while the Wealt business news, Political news Joseph 1311] corporate news} similarities 01 PulitZer and G( they oChieved . Post claimed i' clamoring to h f or demoCracy 108 monopolies brought on by industrialization alarmed much of the public. Indeed, as media historian Douglas Birkhead notedr "If there was a preponderant critical theme of the times, it was that wealth and capital were laying a pattern of control over society, a subjugation more subtle yet as onerous as political despotism."61 Yet critics saw the new newspapers as part of the problem, not part of the solution. Although newspapers as businesses were not on the billion-dollar level of steel, petroleum or railroads, by the 18905 they each had circulations in the hundreds of thousands. These new newspapers expressed their corporateness not only in physical plant size but also in editorial spirit. Publishers and editors gave consideration to what sold newspapers. The contents of these newspapers differed along class lines. While the wealthy still wanted political commentary and business news, the middle and lower classes preferred political news and sensational stories. Joseph Pulitzer's New York World exemplified the new, corporate newspaper. At the same time, it had some similarities of purpose to the Evening Post. Indeed, both Pulitzer and Godkin saw the press as a public trust. Yet how they achieved this goal differed tremendously. The Evening Post claimed it gave readers "not so much what they are clamoring to hear as the things which we consider it best for democracy to know."62 Pulitzer believed he could give the public what all at once. The meant achieving meant poweruthl political wrong: newspaper was t‘ was not like it talk to a natio Pulitzer f Paars earlier E had discovered middle classes. in 1883 with n, became a watchc followed a pati newspaper, the worked to help newspaper Crus. battlety for Cli Pulitzer turne managed to qui advocating tax He also Wight mm“ of vc His lobby readers who We 109 the public what it wanted, improve society and make a dollar all at once. The functions were intertwined. Making money meant achieving a large circulation. A large circulation meant power-~the power to change perceived social and political wrongs. Although Pulitzer admitted his favorite newspaper was the genteel Evening Post, he claimed his World was not like it in content or form because he wanted "to talk to a nation, not to a select committee."63 Pulitzer found his large audience easily enough. Fifty years earlier Benjamin Day, publisher of the New York Sun, had discovered an untapped audience in the middle and lower middle classes. Joseph Pulitzer resurrected this in New York in 1883 with "the journalism that acts." His newspaper became a watchdog attacking social ills. Pulitzer's approach followed a pattern set earlier in St. Louis at his other newspaper, the Post-Dispatch. In St. Louis Pulitzer had worked to help the middle class and small businesses. His newspaper crusaded against monopolies, attacked vice and battled for cleaner living conditions. In New York, however, Pulitzer turned to help fellow immigrants and the poor. He managed to quickly alienate the wealthier classes by advocating taxes on luxuries, large incomes and monopolies. He also sought to reform the civil service, abolish the practice of vote buying and stop corrupt officials.64 His lobbying efforts gained him large numbers of readers who were tired of the rich and privileged running the city. But, . were either imm crusades to hel‘ public. The Wor conditions, san to the poor. Pu reporting regul hungry in a cit believed that s Pulitzer's new be displayed 1, The sheet physi to dare attack The Crusa< t°Pics Were no life was Seen ‘ PulitZer took that the publi Some PEopleus sensational ism it should be C suggestiVe' ev the moral tone the duty of a ContinLlec an 110 the city. But, in a city where four of every five citizens were either immigrants or the children of immigrants, his crusades to help the poor most endeared Pulitzer to the public. The World crusaded for years to improve housing conditions, sanitary conditions and the quality of food sold to the poor. Pulitzer's paper gave poverty a human face, reporting regularly on what it was like to be poor and hungry in a city of plenty. Like the elite, Pulitzer believed that society was advancing, yet unlike the elite, Pulitzer's newspaper showed that the city's wrongs needed to be displayed in public to correct corruption and wrongdoing. The sheer physical size of Pulitzer's newspaper allowed him to dare attack the privilege members of society head on. The crusades lent themselves to criticism because the topics were not ones that polite society discussed. Slum life was seen as vulgar to the wealthier classes. But Pulitzer took the role of watchdog when criticized, claiming that the public must be informed, even if the news violates some people's sense of morality: "Now about this matter of sensationalism: a newspaper should be scrupulously accurate, it should be clean, it should avoid everything salacious or suggestive, everything that could offend good taste or lower the moral tone of its readers; but within these limits it is the duty of a newspaper to print the news," he said.65 Continued attacks by the city's genteel elite only encouraged Pulitzer's belief that the course he plotted was the correct one Pulitzer claimel offended the mo about the diffe cultural custod not mean omitti construed as of said. Rather, " demands that f] of moral tone t bm'lght face t: Pulitzer': his newsPaper. °f the news as headlines, Stig crime SCEnes a work of Editor belief in "Viv Cockeriyl thur urban undeerI carried Way v and half‘truty large measure that to appea "make the has 111 the correct one. In response to continuing criticism, Pulitzer claimed his newspaper could not succeed if it offended the morality of his readers. Pulitzer was upfront about the differences in moral views between himself and the cultural custodians. Good taste and good moral judgment did not mean omitting every reference or story that could be construed as offensive to Victorian sensibilities, Pulitzer said. Rather, "what I mean is the kind of good taste which demands that frankness should linked with decency, the kind of moral tone which is braced and not relaxed when it is brought face to face with vice."66 Pulitzer's claims did not always match the reality of his newspaper. Much of the problem lay in the presentation of the news as well as the topics themselves. Large headlines, suggestive wording and realistic drawings of crime scenes accompanied articles. Much of these were the work of Editor John Cockerill. Cockerill shared Pulitzer's belief in "vivid writing about crime and vice . Cockerill thundered in unison with Pulitzer against the urban underworld on the editorial page."67 Yet he also got carried away with suggestive headlines, titilating gossip and half-truths in order to make good stories. Pulitzer, in large measure, encouraged this content. He told reporters that to appeal to the poorer classes of society they must "make the basis of their stories a pretty woman, a large sum 0f money, or an important speculation."68 The excesses gave ammunition The graphi boost circulati comics and wide brash journalis public's eye ar changes and the critics' concei what they wantq Despite t] as a Professio: We of which llis beliefs la eXPected repor realm“? inac ihfihencE' Fur Pilblic servant before any per PatChdogs’ Pu] independent ar good in societ to be denounct had to be more to be moral f( PulitZQr the growing W] 112 gave ammunition to critics and tarnished the newspaper. The graphic changes were part of Pulitzer's plan to boost circulation. Although large headlines, drawings, color comics and wider columns demonstrated just how different and brash journalism could be, these changes also caught the public's eye and support. Readers clearly liked the visual changes and the World's circulation soared.69 Indeed, critics' concerns that the press began to "give the people what they wanted" were largely true. Despite the sensationalism, Pulitzer viewed journalism as a profession. As such, he put forth a set of standards, some of which seemed in opposition to the World's content. His beliefs largely resembled those of Charles Dana. He expected reporters and editors to stick to the truth, realizing inaccuracy and exaggeration lessened a newspaper's influence. Furthermore, he expected all journalists to be public servants. As such, the public's interests came first before any personal interests of press members. As watchdogs, Pulitzer expected his staffers to be politically independent and vigorous in attacking wrongdoings. What was good in society had to be commended, while what was bad had to be denounced "without fear or favor." Finally, newspapers had to be more than chronicles of news events. They also had to be moral forces, leading public opinion.70 Pulitzer's sense of professionalism largely represented the growing white collar business ideal of professionalism as subservience that adopting t improVe the bus the public's t1 advertising re‘ least in theorj Dreiser recalla exhorting repc; standards: "ACt When? How? The 519115, Dreiser preper order f inSisted Upon exCellent trai execution as C might Suppose. Pulitzer social CODtrol from above, Pu like faking or 1‘ WW 113 as subservience to a superior's dictates. Pulitzer believed that adopting this form of professionalism would only improVe the business fortunes of his newspaper. Increases in the public's trust meant increases in circulation and advertising revenues. Pulitzer's dictum was accuracy, and at least in theory he promoted it in the newsroom. Theodore Dreiser recalled seeing posters throughout the newsroom exhorting reporters and editors to follow Pulitzer's standards: "Accuracy, Accuracy, Accuracy! Who? What? Where? When? How? The Facts--The Color—-The Facts.“ Despite the signs, Dreiser noted, "I knew what those signs meant: the proper order for beginning a newspaper story. Another sign insisted upon Promptness, Courtesy, Geniality! Most excellent traits, I thought, but not as easy to put into execution as comfortable publishers and managing editors might suppose."71 Pulitzer largely promoted such canons as a means of social control within the newsroom. Restraints on reporters from above, Pulitzer believed, could end some of the abuses like faking or color of news and thus reduce lawsuits.72 The Bureau of Accuracy Joseph Pulitzer's son, Ralph, continued the notion of social control in the newsroom with a unique, professionally-oriented experiment-—the Bureau of Accuracy. Former police reporter Isaac White pitched the idea for the Bureau, which w inaccuracy was newspapers face public's trust The bureai accuracy and f2 out fakes and 1 conscientious : Spread the gosl throughout the was no surprisr 0f journalisti Standards, for newsPaper need editorial page Satire; origin condensation, Ralph Pul journalism as told journalis 1°“rnalism wac for the exists He encouraged Profession by ISaac Wh: 114 Bureau, which was established in 1913. White believed inaccuracy was the greatest obstacle that New York's newspapers faced. Inaccurate newspapers failed to gain the public's trust and support.73 The bureau had the following objectives: "To promote accuracy and fair play, to correct carelessness and to stamp out fakes and fakers, to insure better and more conscientious service in its [the World's] own columns and , spread the gospel of accuracy and fair play in journalism throughout the world."74 The bureau's focus on accuracy was no surprise given that accuracy was virtually an article of journalistic faith for Joseph Pulitzer. In explaining his I standards for the World Joseph Pulitzer stated: "What a newspaper needs in its news, in its headlines, on its editorial page is terseness, humor, descriptive power, satire, originality, good literary style, clever condensation, and accuracy, accuracy, accuracy!"75 Ralph Pulitzer agreed with his father's belief in journalism as both a public trust and a business concern. He told journalism students at Columbia University that journalism was a calling. "Truth telling is the sole reason for the existence of a press at all," said Ralph Pulitzer. He encouraged the students to elevate journalism to a profession by considering the work a public trust.76 Isaac White, head of the World's legal department, ran the Bureau. It had a two-fold purpose: the Bureau served as an internal reg reporting and i unprofessional The system was Printing and Br postage stamps As an inte the World's bus claimed that ac Practices in j( tOdal's ombudSI “mild investig; was warranted, letter to the ‘ be taken if a : track of repor (carelessness in Story COVer any punishment staff. Offense or diSMissals. The Burea Stories did nc misinformatior During the fir dismissals for 115 an internal regulatory mechanism to correct careless reporting and it also served to stamp out such unprofessional practices as faking and coloring the news. The system was based on one developed by the Bureau of Printing and Engraving in Washington to count millions of postage stamps without error. As an internal regulator, the Bureau helped to enforce the World's business practices and ethics. The Bureau claimed that accuracy and fair play were inseparable practices in journalism.77 Its work was not unlike that of today's ombudsmen. When a complaint was filed, the Bureau would investigate the article in question. If a correction was warranted, the newspaper ran one. The Bureau also sent a letter to the complainant explaining any actions that would be taken if a mistake was uncovered. The Bureau also kept track of reporters who turned in carelessly done work (carelessness was not defined) or who exhibited unfairness in story coverage. The legal staff that ran the Bureau left any punishment of reporters or proofreaders to the news staff. Offenses could be punished by reprimands, suspensions or dismissals.78 The Bureau of Accuracy discovered that most errors in stories did not come from reporters' inaccuracies. Instead, misinformation from sources seemed to be the problem.79 During the first two years, only three reporters received dismissals for carelessness.80 Whether or newspaper's cre difficult to as reducing the I'll however. Withil World had disc< corrections an M Although between the st business pract haVe come clos C(’mi3t”.i§itior1 fr in New York i]- pmfessiOnalis Historian Hem represented jc ideals Parana Hearst Saw he was t° have t] New York. To ‘ spectacUlar S‘ whatever DOpu If the c imm‘lralitv of 116 Whether or not the Bureau's work increased the newspaper's credibility in the eyes of the public is difficult to ascertain. The Bureau was successful in reducing the number of libel suits and fake stories, however. Within six months of the Bureau's establishment the World had discovered 11 fake stories, published 73 corrections and faced only three libel suits.81 Newcomer from California Although Pulitzer largely failed to strike a balance between the standards required of a public trust and the business practices needed to secure large profits, he might have come closer to reconciling the two factors if not for competition from William Randolph Hearst. Hearst's arrival in New York in 1893 reversed much of the early gains toward professionalism and public trust that had been attempted. Historian Henry Steele Commager notes that Hearst represented journalism at its commercial worst.82 His ideals paralleled those of many of industry's robber barons. Hearst saw newspapers as profit-making enterprises. His goal was to have the largest, loudest, most-noticed newspaper in New York. To achieve his goal, Hearst indulged in spectacular sensationalism, extreme jingoism and championed whatever popular issues would gain him more readers.83 If the city's elite reeled over their perceived immorality of Pulitzer's World, the gentry's concerns soon increased when steered it on a Hearst had bee] even before He. Pulitzer's ble: attracted a la chsses, it al service to the underdog.84 He. certainly thin its vast audie the people is im‘iqine why ar for that purpc Editor Ar journalism B] role as doing newspapers ace Like P111 aimed at aidi York Crusades Francis“). In lower Water r imp): (Nemeht S critic ' "may but it is Und 117 increased when Hearst bought the New York Journal and steered it on a similar editorial path with the World. Hearst had been an admirer of Pulitzer's brand of journalism even before Hearst took over the San Francisco Examiner. Pulitzer's blend of sensationalism and idealism not only attracted a large following from the lower and middle classes, it also appealed to Hearst, who at least paid lip service to the ideals of public service and sympathy for the underdog.84 Hearst told the London Daily News in 1903: "I certainly think that a journalism which employs the power of its vast audience to accomplish beneficial results for all the people is the journalism of the present. I cannot imagine why anyone should want to print a newspaper except for that purpose."85 Editor Arthur Brisbane agreed. He believed in activist journalism. Brisbane said conservative newspapers saw their role as doing no more than putting forth the facts. Modern newspapers acted for their readers.86 Like Pulitzer, Hearst embarked on a series of crusades aimed at aiding the poor and middle classes. Hearst's New York crusades continued the style he had developed in San Francisco. In California Hearst had fought for, and won, lower water rates for the public. He also sought improvements in railroad service. Hearst's motives, said a critic, "may have been dubious and his methods wholly brazen but it is undeniable that the public has benefitted from his actions and act Although i odds with the e for journalists the future coul and material tv benevolence div more than Puli' conservative r Brisbane echoe is the only am maul ought t furdishes the Willis Abbot c Hearst's top E read the Class in his ability attracted rear around the Woi used by Phine; of such Stunt; circulatio“. most succesSf Although over 100,000 critics Voile 118 actions and achievements."87 Although Hearst's and Pulitzer's newspapers seemed at odds with the elite's professed set of professional values for journalists, their crusades displayed the belief that the future could be better than the present in both social and material terms.88 At the same time, however, benevolence did not sell papers. Sensationalism did. Even more than Pulitzer, Hearst knew that entertainment, and not conservative reporting, was what his readers wanted. Arthur Brisbane echoed this sentiment when he said: "The newspaper is the only amusement that a great many people get . . . We really ought to give them a little excitement. The newspaper furnishes the vaudeville element in their lives."89 Editor Willis Abbot confirmed this. He claimed that although Hearst's top editor, S. S. Chamberlain, was a gentleman who read the classics and studied astronomy, Chamberlain reveled in his ability to carry out stunts which created news and attracted readers. For example, reporter Nellie Bly went around the world in less than 80 days via the same means used by Phineas Fogg in the Jules Verne novel. The success of such stunts was measured by the stunt's effect on circulation. Chamberlain, said Abbot, "was the original and most successful yellow journalist."90 Although Hearst managed to achieve a circulation of over 100,000 shortly after arriving in New York, elite critics volleyed criticism at the Journal and its proprietor for its lack 01 first few iSSllt watchers noted of real talent but it was quit that of securi Hearst to those of Pulit stories. One 5 about the expl American War. the Series was PrOVided. Wher to the Clallant the readers r< bonds, foreig] ““13- Abbot . Trifl'mg? Und Similarly, th and Color Sun entire family boosting Circ One him; of large‘SCal of making H1011 N55 too milch 119 for its lack of generally-conceded standards. Following the first few issues of Hearst's newspaper, critics and media watchers noted that "there was, and is, an enormous amount of real talent and ingenuity in every issue of the Journal, but it was guided in those early days by no principle beyond that of securing circulation at any cost."91 Hearst took his circulation-boosting techniques beyond those of Pulitzer's by sometimes printing totally fictitious stories. One successful story involved a series of articles about the exploits of a fictitious general in the Spanish American War. According to Willis Abbot, the readers knew the series was a fake but enjoyed the entertainment it provided. When the final article suggested that a monument to the gallant general be built with readers' contributions, the readers responded with worthless money--confederate bonds, foreign currency and stock shares from bankrupt firms. Abbot called the series "journalistic horseplay. Trifling? Undignified? Of course, but it sold papers."92 Similarly, the development of color comics by the mid—18905 and color Sunday supplements filled with articles for the entire family also provided entertainment for the purpose of boosting circulation. One biographer of Hearst attributes Hearst's allowance of large-scale faking and sensationalism as the necessities of making money. Hearst spent millions obtaining news and was too much of a monumental spender not to be concerned with money. The literary qualit less revenue. 3 been a factor, newspaper. Accv worship of 5121 biggP-St, the si explanation is Hearst needed Pulitzer and A M display or accuracy and t interested in that Hearst he toward the new Noted, Hearst and perSOnal i Hearst's hisfrequent best editors merely the re characteristi upheld the Gi the values of in the 13903. HQArStI. 120 with money. The newspapers with political news and/or literary qualities had lower circulations and brought in less revenue. Yet it is doubtful that even if money had not been a factor, Hearst would have chosen to produce a quality newspaper. According to a biographer, Hearst "had a juvenile worship of size, noise and display. He wanted to be the biggest, the showiest. Quiet quality bored him."93 This explanation is not completely satisfactory, however. Indeed Hearst needed to make money, and lots of it, but unlike Pulitzer and Adolph Ochs of the New Yorvaimes, Hearst did not display or foster the expected ethical values of accuracy and truthfulness because he was not really interested in being a news man. Even staff members observed that Hearst had only a marginal sense of responsibility toward the news. As his critics and media scholars have noted, Hearst's agenda included social reform, entertainment and personal achievement.94 Hearst's drive for circulation, his competitiveness and his frequent raids on other newspapers' staffs to obtain the best editors and reporters possible for the Journal were not merely the results of Hearst's large ego. Rather, such characteristics demonstrated that Hearst (and Pulitzer) upheld the Gilded Age value of competitiveness as well as the values of efficiency and expertise which were so popular in the 18905. Hearst's yellow journalism techniques alarmed critics. Both the percei scope of yellor Rockhill Nelsm Star, remarked main problem w. more newspaper target. So man were eager to that publisher if any, reserv encroachment c Cheice but to Circulation! 5 W HearSt. S audienCeS wer‘ bOth newspape: Br' lsbane I S Sa WhiCh shOCked decreases in Was a S . little.knOWn business Sam 121 Both the perceived immorality of Hearst's tactics and the scope of yellow journalism's reach drew fire. William Rockhill Nelson, founder and publisher of the Kansas City Star, remarked in the 18905 that the metropolitan press' main problem was that William Randolph Hearst edited far more newspapers than he owned. Nelson's statement was on target. So many newspapers in the 1890s and the early 19005 were eager to imitate yellow journalism to make a profit that publishers in effect followed Hearst's lead with few, if any, reservations.95 Some editors resisted the encroachment of yellow journalism, but they often had no choice but to adopt the methodology or rapidly lose circulation, according to Will Irwin.96 The Response to Sensationalism Hearst's and Pulitzer‘s achievements in attracting wide audiences were impressive but costly efforts. Financially both newspapers cost millions to run. Editor Arthur Brisbane‘s salary alone was a reported $1 million, a sum which shocked the journalism world at the time. Yet decreases in prestige and the loss of the public's trust would prove to be the greatest costs of all. What was needed was a newspaper that could fill the gap between the city's staid, elitist publications and its sensational press. A little-known Tennessee publisher possessing a great deal of business savvy would burst onto the New York journalism stage in 1896 v relatively str; cover the city possible. Its a standards and the public, cr alike. The dic amore anonymo offer a comple the direction New York Times to be POSitiVe illPortant, he “her PUblishe Through i standards and linked, the NE newspaper to s Ochs was hEIpe already f0Cusv the types of 2 When OCh: three ingredi. helped make ti an editor-lal , critics an d a 122 stage in 1896 with just such a newspaper. His plan was relatively straightforward. The newspaper would have to cover the city of New York thoroughly, and as accurately as possible. Its editorial staff would have to hold high standards and keep to those standards to gain the respect of the public, critics, advertisers and other journalists alike. The dictates of the publisher would be there, but in a more anonymous fashion. In effect, the newspaper would not offer a completely new product and approach. Instead, under the direction of publisher Adolph Ochs, the newspaper--the New York Times--pulled together all of what Ochs perceived to be positive values and standards under one roof. More important, he actually put those standards into action while other publishers merely paid lip service to such values. Through his newspaper, Ochs demonstrated that profits, standards and respectability were not polar opposites. Indeed, the New York Times is the only New York City newspaper to survive to the present day in its initial form. Ochs was helped by the fact that the paper he purchased already focused on political and business news, rather than the types of features that so alienated the elite. When Ochs purchased the then—failing Times, he added three ingredients to the already-conservative newspaper that helped make the newspaper a success: a keen business sense, an editorial morality that closely paralleled that of elite critics and a detached coverage of events that left most personal opini successful. Ir "one of the at world. . ."97 "reflects our perfection. "95 years the Tim. failure to a . AUantic attr but also to h imPersonal, c Mrsonal deci Ochs' pu 'Whe Times is be ashamed tc meaning to OC mal Concerns 0m beat the 0Chs' dj first 810g an toPrint" wa: Does Not Soij StatemEnt Se‘ CritiCS: "If a s newspap Fequ‘lre lHdUstr 123 personal opinion on the editorial page. Ochs' policies were successful. In 1894 Charles Dana called the New York Times, "one of the ablest and most trustworthy newspapers in the world . . ."97 Similarly, The Atlantic said the Times, "reflects our complex institutional culture in faithful perfection."98 Much of the public concurred. Within three years the Times went from a newspaper on the verge of failure to a circulation of 75,000. A writer for The Atlantic attributed Ochs' success not only to his honesty, but also to his conformity.99 Yet, his policy of an impersonal, corporate newspaper was, in fact, a very personal decision. Ochs' publishing goal was embodied in his statement: "The Times is the sort of newspaper, which no one needs to be ashamed to be seen reading."loo There was a deeper meaning to Ochs' comment which partly exposed one of his real concerns. Ochs intended to meet yellow journalism head- on, beat the competition and secure a profit. Ochs' dislike of yellow journalism was reflected in his first slogan for the Times. Before "All the News That's Fit to Print" was used, the newspaper's flag had the words, "It Does Not Soil The Breakfast Cloth." His first public statement set forth values called for by earlier elite critics: "If a sincere desire to conduct a high-standard newspaper, clean, dignified and trustworthy, requires honesty, watchfulness, earnestness, industry, and practical knowledge applied with common se succeed 1 thoughth the New-l Unlike m< newspapers as literary VEhi( personal, pol statement wen' statement was York Times as PUblisher to noted, Ochs m successfully, into policy. In Pillitzerts Se bu“ding tric publications elite believe religion and Times: less ( rarely Criti( To meet of accul’acy, especially, ‘ building tec would not of cartistic and 124 common sense, I entertain the hope that I can succeed in maintaining the high estimate that thoughtful, pure-minded people have ever had of the New-York Times.101 Unlike most of the elite, however, Ochs clearly viewed newspapers as businesses. His newspaper would not become a literary vehicle like the Commercial Advertiser or a personal, political soapbox like the Evening Post. Yet his statement went beyond business practice. Implicit in Ochs' statement was the acknowledgement that he viewed the New York Times as a public institution. Ochs was not the first publisher to recognize this, but as Henry Steele Commager noted, Ochs more so than any of his predecessors was able, successfully, to translate "acknowledgment of responsibility into policy."102 While Ochs recognized that Hearst's and Pulitzer's sensationalism tactics were merely circulation- building tricks, he knew his readers viewed such publications with great alarm. Indeed, New York's genteel elite believed sensationalism undermined morality, subverted religion and led to the decline of civilization.103 The Times' less colorful, but factual, no-nonsense reporting was rarely criticized by elite media observers. To meet the role of a public trust, Ochs set standards of accuracy, impartiality,104 conservative delivery, and, especially, comprehensiveness. He ignored the circulation— building techniques of yellow journalism. His newspaper would not offer much of the content, the story play or the artistic and typographical techniques of the World or the Journal. Furtl top editors--< Springfield Re Sun as managil Under Va] conservative . Pulitzer's or not use "scoo Score some. I SCientific pr analyzing the form as possi Van Anda expe as Possible. further means reperters, "I think YOu knc Vice of 9116.55 Similar] Storiesgoe T adamant abom banner of inc crusades and managed to a} both Sides 0 Instead, Och 125 Journal. Furthermore, Ochs chose two conservative men as his top editors--Charles Miller, formerly of the respected Springfield Republican, as editor, and Carr Van Anda of the Sun as managing editor. Under Van Anda, the newspaper charted a steady, conservative course to circulation success. Unlike Pulitzer's or Hearst's newspapers, the New York Times did not use "scoops" to build up circulation, although it did score some. Instead, Van Anda saw news as an almost scientific process. Reporters dug for facts and spent time analyzing their stories to present the news in as complete a form as possible. One of the Times' strong points was that Van Anda expected as many first-hand accounts of happenings as possible. The practice helped increase accuracy. As a further means of obtaining accuracy, Van Anda told reporters, "Learn to distinguish what you know and what you think you know and write only what you are certain of. The vice of guessing is never eradicated."105 Similarly, Van Anda did not allow opinion to color news stories.106 The New York Times under Ochs and Van Anda was adamant about being non—partisan. Pulitzer had waved the banner of independence a decade earlier, but through his crusades and support for taxes for the wealthy he had managed to antagonize the upper classes. Therefore, getting both sides of story certainly did not begin at the Times. Instead, Ochs followed the lead of both the Kansas City Star and the Chicag partisanship 1 1908, for exa‘ Republicans a 30,000 as Dem difference be newspapers wa preached. Con most still e) Democractic c Althougl conservative Without Some Particularly cover murder between the was that the to Criticism graphic illu Presentat i 01‘. accounts of acceptabl e. panic in t} Hall‘Mills r interested . New York Ti) 126 and the Chicago Tribune. Both newspapers saw non- partisanship as a profitable virtue. During the elections of 1908, for example, the Tribune's coverage of both Republicans and Democrats led its circulation to increase by 30,000 as Democrats began buying the newspaper.107 The difference between the New York Times and the city's other newspapers was that the Times usually practiced what it preached. Competitors often claimed to be independent, but most still exhibited partisan leanings, particularly Democractic ones. Although Ochs gained world-wide acclaim for his conservative ethical standards, his newspaper was not without some of the content that alarmed elite critics, particularly crime news. Indeed, the New York Times did cover murders, often on the front page. The difference between the Times and the city's more sensational newspapers was that the Time's presentation of that news did not lead to criticism. The Times never used screaming headlines or graphic illustrations to accompany sensational stories. The presentation style, coupled with tremendously-detailed accounts of the crimes in question, made even crime news acceptable. One media observer noted that if a member of the public in the 19205 read about the sensational, unsolved Hall-Mills murder in a Hearst newspaper, then the reader was interested in murder. But if the same reader followed the New York Times accounts--which devoted twice as much Space to the death 1 trial of the : "sociological Ochs' ed personal valu financial int used previous the Chattanoo Policy statem statement he Tennessee hen “ms of busi the latest he that readers DailY‘Times V conserVatiVe be partisan : Ochs said, i] CitY and its retul‘ned to . Perhaps statement Wa businesS pri City like Ch indllstry and S . uch informa 127 to the death of the minister and his lover and the murder trial of the surviving spouses—-then the reader had a "sociological interest in crime."108 Ochs' editorial policies derived from his strict personal values, which included honor, truthfulness and financial integrity. He also incorporated methods he had used previously in the revival of another dying newspaper-— the Chattanooga Daily Times.109 Ochs' New York Times policy statement essentially paralleled the four—part statement he laid out for his Chattanooga paper. The Tennessee newspaper would be an "indispensable organ" to all forms of business and commercial enterprises. It would offer the latest news, and attempt to cover the news so thoroughly that readers would not turn to a second newspaper. The Daily-Times would take the side of the politically conservative democratic party in editorials, but would not be partisan in its presentation of news stories. Finally, Ochs said, in exchange for the newspaper's support of the city and its businesses, the paper wanted such support returned to the Daily-Times.11° Perhaps the most telling phrase within the editorial statement was a reference to conducting "our business on business principles." Ochs realized that a rapidly growing city like Chattanooga sought reliable information on industry and commerce. And, Ochs discovered he could supply such information and profit from it.111 To crea1 believed firr members: "No new: editors. staff, : income with the greatly supervis only to gated tc Ochs' p] that was done rec°—rh_4rn nil-l 224 15. Will Irwin, "The Fourth Current," Collier's, 18 February 1911, 24. 16. Will Irwin, "The Spread and Decline of Yellow Journalism," 19. 17. "Keep Clean," Editor and Publisher, (19 November 1910), 3. 18. "Press Muckraked," Editor and Publisher, 12 March 1910, 8. 19. Charles Watson Meade, "The City Editor," Bookman, September 1904, 25-35; See also H. L. Mencken, Newspaper Days 1899-1906, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968) for insight into how the system of "pack journalism"--i.e., the practice of a pack of reporters covering city hall, police stations, etc. led to faking and coloring the news. See also, E. L. Shuman, Practical Journalism, (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1908). Not all editors liked the changing management practices however. Willis Abbot nostalgically claimed that his experiences in the nineteenth century could not be repeated in the twentieth as "system and order have descended on papers." Willis Abbot, Watching the World Go By (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1933), 137. 20. "Cutting Bills," The Journalist, 5 April 1884, 6; "Copy Butchering," Editor and Publisher, 3 August 1901, 7; "Fake Interviews," Editor and Publisher, 18 February 1905, 4. 21. Will Irwin, "The Spread and Decline of Yellow Journalism," Collier's, 19. 22. "Reid on the Press," The Fourth Estate, 16 March 1901, 7. "Journalists Live in Glass Houses," Editor and Publisher, (7 December 1901), 4. Julius Chambers supported these statements as well. "An editor frequently has to decide in a very brief space of time whether or not to print a news feature that looks dangerous. Intuition and experience alone can guide him." Julius Chambers, News Hunting on Three Continents (New York: Mitchell Kennerley, 1921), 331. 23. Will Irwin, "The Editor and the News," Collier's, 1 April 1911, 21. 24. "Errors and Corrections," Editor and Publisher, 21 January 1905, 4. 25. Merle Thorpe, ed., The Coming Newspaper (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1915), 7. New York papers were not the only ones to have correction boxes. The idea was becoming common in major metropolitan newspapers across the country. The Baltimore Sun had been running correction boxes on its editorial pages since 1912, for example: Thorpe, The Coming DFCIMHl-‘Swgl 225 W, 6. 26. Will Irwin, "The Spread and Decline of Yellow Journalism," 18-19. See E. L. Shuman's comments on college-educated journalists as well in: E. L. Shuman, Practical Journalism (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1908), 110. 27. George Ochs, "Journalism," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 28 (July 1906), 51-52 & 56- 57. 28. Or at least the criticism of such practices diminished. 29. Delos F. Wilcox, "The American Newspaper, A Study in Social Psychology," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 16 (July 1900), 56-92; "Tainted News As Seen In The Making," The Bookman, December 1908, 396- 403; "Is Sane and Honest JOurnalism Possible?" Review of Reviews, January 1910, 93-94; Edward .Alsworth Ross, "The Suppression of Important News," The Atlantic, March 1910, 303- 311; "Print the News," The Outlook, 12 November 1910, 563-564; Will Irwin, "Our Kind of People," Collier's, 17 June 1911, 17- 18; Will Irwin, "The Foe From Within," Collier's, 1 July 1911, 17-19; Willard Grosvenor Bleyer, Newspaper Writing and Editing (Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1913), 348-349; "What You See in the Papers," The New Re ublic, 10 December 1919, 40-42. 30. Ibid. 31. Shuman, Practical Journalism, 169-170. 32. Wilcox, "The American Newspaper, A Study in Social Psychology," 56. 33. William Peter Hamilton, "The Case for Newspapers," Egg Atlantic, May 1910, 651. 34. Arthur and Lila Weinberg, The Muckrakers (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961), xiii. 35. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism In American Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1963), 197. 36. Ibid. 37. Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan To F.D.R. (New York: Vintage Books, 1955), 186-198; Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Movement (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 1—15; Henry Steele Commager, mpg American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950), 75-76. ltd“:- PUB-=- 226 38. "Tainted News As Seen In The Making," The Bookman, December 1908, 396; "Endowed Journalism," The Literar Di est, 24 August 1912, 303. 39. Ida Tarbell's work on Napoleon doubled sales for the magazine. McClure's went from a circulation of 40,000 to 80,000. Her later work on the life of Abraham Lincoln boosted circulation again from 120,000 in August of 1895 to 250,000 in December 1895. See: Samuel S. McClure, My Autobiography (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co., 1914), 218. 40. McClure, My Autobiography, 237; Hofstadter, The Age of Reform, 192-193. 41. McClure noted this in the January 1903 editorial of his magazine. This has been reprinted in Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Movement, 1900-1915, 16-17. 42. Ibid., 17. 43. Robert Stinson, "McClure's Road to McClure's: How Revolutionary Were 18905 Magazines?" Journalism Quarterly, 47 (Summer 1970), 257. 44. Commager, The American Mind, 75. 45. Irwin, "The Editor and the News," 18. Villard of the Evening Post told Irwin that editors and publishers "are here to help lead the world and to improve it." 46. Thorpe, "The Coming Newspaper," in The Coming Newspaper, l. 47. Thorpe, The Coming Newspaper, 11. 48. Hearst helped break up the Ice Trust in New York. Pulitzer made inroads in helping with tenement reform. 49. Julius Chambers, "The Press And The Public Official," The Egrum, July 1910, 20-23. 50. Ibid., 20. 51. Commager, The American Mind, 75. 52. Ibid., 74. 53. Arthur Mann, Yankee Reformers In The Urban Age (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1954), 145-174. See also Edwin D. Mead, "Boston Memories of Fifty Years," Elisabeth M. Herlihy, ed. Fifty Years of Boston, A Memorial Volume (Boston, 1932). H. F. Cline, "Benjamin Orange Flower And The Arena, 1889—1909," 227 Journalism Quarterly 17 (June 1940), 139—150; H. F. Cline, "Flower and The Arena: Purpose and Content," Journalism Quarterly 17 (September 1940), 247-257; David Dickason, "Benjamin Orange Flower: Patron of Realists," American Literature 14 (May 1942), 148-156; Roy P. Fairfield, "Benjamin Orange Flower: Father of the Muckrakers," American Literature 22 (1950), 272-282; Peter J. Frederick, Knights Of The Golden Rule (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1976), 79—112; Louis Filler, The Muckrakers (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1967). 54. Ray Stannard Baker, American Chronicle (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1945), 184. . 55. Hofstadter, The Age of Reform, 186-198, 56. Ida M. Tarbell, All In The Day's Work (Boston: G. K. Hall and Co., 1985), 198-200; Lincoln Steffens, The Autobiography of Lincoln Steffens, Vol. II, (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1931), 357-364; Louis Filler, The Muckrakers (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1976), 110-126. 57. McClure, My Autobiography 243. 58. Ibid., 244. 59. Ibid., 245. 60. Ibid., 240 & 243. 61. Ibid, 239-243. 62. Anonymous, "The Patent Medicine Conspiracy Against Freedom of the Press," reprinted in The Muckrakers, Arthur and Lila Weinberg, eds. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961), 179-195. The article was written by Mark Sullivan, a New York attorney and friend of Edward Bok, editor of the Ladies' Home Journal. The article was too lengthy for the Journal so it appeared instead in Collier's without a byline on November 4, 1905. 63. Teddy Roosevelt named the muckrakers after a character in Pilgrim's Progress. The "man with the muck-rake" was a character who always looked downward, "who was offered a celestial crown for his muck-rake, but who would neither look up nor regard the crown he was offered, but continued to rake to himself the filth of the floor," said Roosevelt. Roosevelt was not opposed to the muckrakers. In fact, in the first few years he strongly encouraged their work, and often consulted on policy decisions with muckrakers. These reporters served as his eyes and ears in many cities. Yet Roosevelt was worried that muckraking had become too 228 excessive, too dangerous, that the public might revolt against so much corruption. For a reprint of his speech see, Hofstadter, The Progressive MovementI 1900-1915, 18—19. Historian Henry Steele Commager concurred: "Dedicated as they were to exposure and reform, they [the muckrakers] came to have almost a vested interest in corruption and concentrated on it to the exclusion of what Howells had called ‘the more smiling aspects of American life.’ "They suffered, too, from the qualities which afflicted the whole protest movement for which they spoke, its opportunism, its sensationalism, and its philosophical superficiality. Certainly it was remarkable how short lived the whole phenomenon proved to be." Commager, The American Mind, 76. 64. McClure, My Autobiography, 243. 65. Theodore Roosevelt, "The Public Press," in Frank Luther Mott and Ralph D., Casey, eds., Interpretations of Journalism (New York: F. S. Crofts and Co., 1937), 473. 66. McClure, My Autobiography, 257. 67. Hofstadter, The Age of Reform, 196-197. 68. Advertisement for the series, Collier's, 46, 14 January 1911, 12. 69. Will Irwin, "The Power of the Press," Collier's, 21 January 1911, 15. 70. Will Irwin, "The Dim Beginnings," Collier's, 4 February 1911, 16. 71. Irwin, "The Fourth Current," 14-17; 24, 27; Irwin, "The Spread and Decline of Yellow Journalism," 18-20; 36. 72. Irwin, "The Fourth Current," 24. 73. Irwin, "The Spread and Decline of Yellow Journalism," 19. 74. Ibid. 75. Irwin, "The Editor and the News," 18-19. 76. Will Irwin, "All the News That's Fit to Print," Collier's, 6 May 1911, 17—18. 77. Ibid. 78. Irwin, "All the News That's Fit to Print," 17-19; 30. For an analysis of Irwin's series see, Robert V. Hudson, "Will Irw1n's Pioneering Criticism of the Press," Journalism 229 Quarterly, 47, (Summer 1970), 263-271. 79. Will Irwin, "The Advertising Influence," Collier's, 27 May 1911, 15. 80. Ibid. See also: Will Irwin, "The Unhealthy Alliance," Collier's, 3 June 1911, 17-18. 81. Irwin, "The Unhealthy Alliance,“ 17. 82. Irwin, "The Advertising Influence," 15. 83. Ibid. 84. Will Irwin, "The Foe from Within," Collier's, 1 July 1911, 17. 85. Will Irwin, "The New Era," Collier's, 8 July 1911, 16. 86. Irwin, "The Unhealthy Alliance," 17. 87. Irwin, "The Advertising Influence," 25. 88. Irwin, "The New Era," 25. Chapter 6 An "avalanche of reality" "No one knows just what the public wants."1 A wave of nostalgia engulfed the press in the early 19205. Journalists, critics and educators alike longed for- the days of personal journalism. They remembered dominant publishers guiding public opinion and staffs of dashing, bohemian reporters, who, despite erratic work habits and bouts of drunkenness, never saw work as toil but instead as a game of investigation and nerve. The images, although erroneous at times, took on an almost mythic quality.2 Although upper class members of society did not respect these journalists, they worked for powerful newspapers that led public opinion. The hit 1920s play, "The Front Page,"3 a farce about a journalist who hides a convicted anarchist in his roll-top desk so he can get an exclusive story, accounted in part for these overly-romanticized recollections of reporters and newspapers of the past. But concerns about the changing status of journalism were far more responsible for the nostalgia. The journalists and newspapers of the 19205 lacked much of the power and respect of past years. The days Of romantic gallantry, if they had ever really existed, had 230 231 clearly passed, replaced by the white collar reporter-- sober, clean, an individual with a family and a nine-to-five job. "The reporter of today rather likes and respects his editor, and is quite apt to be more or less in accord with the policy of his paper," a journalism school dean noted. Yet, the new reporter often failed to be critical enough and was less resourceful than his predecessors, he added, with a feeling of regret.4 The newspapers of the 19205 had changed as well, resembling business enterprises more than literary or political endeavors. These newspapers had larger staffs, made more money and offered far more news than did their predecessors,5 yet they could not lay claim to the same glory and power newspapers held in past years. Newsgathering, and with it, newspapers, had become systematized and in the process, lost power. Twenty years of journalism school education, forty years of the professionalism drive and the new trend of chain newspaper ownership led to an excessive sameness among many newspapers. Although the 19205 saw a resurgence of sensationalism in the form of tabloid newspapers that focused on sex, crime and scandal,6 most newspapers offered roughly the same content as their counterparts. Since political independence had become the norm, editorial pages lacked distinction in both the personal direction and the partisan opinions of the past. 232 Homogeneity of product did have its advantages, however. Faking and colored news diminished greatly during this time period. While part of the credit can be given to the rising professionalism movement and the influence of journalism school training, some of the credit had to be given to economic factors as well. Newspapers had reached their circulation peaks in the 19205. The rise of sensationalistic tabloids in the 19205 was the last gasp of the circulation wars. Publishers shifted their concerns instead to increasing their advertising revenue. With the days of reckless spending largely over, staffs felt less pressure to seek scoops—-traditionally one of the main sources of fake and colored news--as a means of differentiating their newspapers from their competitions' newspapers.7 Furthermore, the increased use of wire service copy by the city's newspapers also decreased the amount of fake and colored news. The Associated Press and other wire services could not stay in business financially in an era of heightened scrutiny concerning accuracy if their products could not be trusted. Journalism schools, which had been multiplying rapidly, also helped change newspapers. Schools, in conjunction with editorial associations, had been encouraging industry-wide professional standards through such means as ethics and law courses as well as through professional publications. The effect of the influence of thousands of journalism school 233 graduates on the press could be seen in the pages of Editor and Publisher in the 19205. The magazine‘s articles revealed an almost 100 percent consensus by press members that accuracy, fairness and independence had become agreed upon ideals, at least in principle. And, bylines and attribution had become the norm by the 19205, helping to stimulate accuracy. Reporters could no longer hide behind unsigned columns.8 Despite these improvements, the press' power to shape public opinion, long considered to be its self-appointed role, had waned.9 Worse yet, an editorial in the New Republic in 1919 said the public's disbelief of news had never before been greater.10 A resurgence of sensationalism, a backlash against the newly-emerging chain journalism and, especially, widescale publication of propaganda during World War I all contributed to the public's distrust of the press and journalism's subsequent decrease in its ability to sway public opinion. Furthermore, the development and predominance of press agents who supplied the press with often-exaggerated or outright fake news releases and the press' inability or unwillingness to double-check the facts of these releases, only increased the public's distrust of the press.11 Public relations experts dated back to the previous century. They proliferated in the twentieth century following the muckraking movement. As giant corporations found themse] corporations gatekeepers . business. Uns themselves p1 press releas¢ it turned it: Far nor. was its cove‘ outbreak in to influence J0urnalists the value of national mor his Committe manipulatea angered the metropolitar The pu] press: seem led journal philosophic Pioneering Journalists 234 found themselves and their business practices exposed, these corporations hired press agents to serve as information gatekeepers. Managing and manufacturing news became big business. Unsuspecting and lazy editors often found themselves printing erroneous or exaggerated stories from press releases. When the public realized it had been duped, it turned its anger on the press.12 Far more damaging to the press' credibility, however, was its coverage of World War I. From the time of the war's outbreak in 1914, all sides involved in the conflict sought to influence the American public's opinion with propaganda. Journalists and public relatiOns experts quickly realized the value of propaganda in maintaining or destroying national morale. George Creel's postwar book addressing how his Committee on Public Information so successfully manipulated the public's opinion through propaganda deeply angered the public and raised suspicions about the metropolitan commercial press.l3 Criticism From Within The public's distrust of journalism coupled with the press' seeming inability to improve itself professionally led journalists to undertake the first truly wide-scale philosophical scrutiny of their profession.14 Will Irwin's pioneering criticism from the previous decade had given journalists a thoughtful model from which to follow. Much of the criticis commercial n socialist cr commercialis More moderat of content, because it c' Althoug before the : greatly in 1 particularlj newspaper 0. and largely ower the ye Who cared 1 he could pr Somewhat er conCerned, market in a WOUld have 19203, Mun: sun! the c; the weakne: theSe newS] and James ‘ 235 the criticism centered on the press' ever—increasing commercial nature. As historian Marion Marzolf notes, socialist critics like Upton Sinclair saw the press' very commercialism as the cause of all coloring and distortions. More moderate, progressive critics bemoaned the homogeneity of content, seeing chain journalism as a danger to democracy because it decreased the number of media voices.15 Although chain journalism had existed for decades before the 19205, its impact had not been felt or seen greatly in New York City in previous decades. Critics particularly turned their wrath on publisher and chain newspaper owner Frank Munsey. Munsey, a once impoverished. and largely uneducated man from Maine, had made a fortune over the years in publishing. Critics saw Munsey as a man who cared little for what the printed word said so long as he could profit from his publications.16 The image was somewhat erroneous, but media observers had reason to be concerned. Munsey managed to conquer the New York newspaper market in a way that Hearst or the long since dead Pulitzer would have envied. Within the first three years of the 19205, Munsey purchased three major daily newspapers-~the Sun, the Globe and the Herald. The purchases demonstrated the weakness of personal journalism. Following the deaths of these newspapers' publishers--Charles Dana, Joseph Pulitzer and James Gordon Bennett, Jr., all of the newspapers began to lose circulation and revenue, despite the efforts of their staffs Newspapers' The Nat Sun, noting publishing r Nation criti admitted the little advei the hope the newspaper. ' claimed. Thl Conditions 3 seem to be Conditions, Both T Charitable later. The "NOt one wc ““10 sen the Cold-b] Vehtures o, The M Globe as a1 The magazi; amateur jo, pe”laps di 236 their staffs to continue their publishers' visions. Newspapers' fate became consolidation or death. The Nation lamented the merger of the Herald with the Sun, noting the impossibility of continuing two distinctive publishing personalities within one newspaper. Although The Nation criticized Munsey's purchase and merger, the magazine admitted that New York had too many newspapers and too little advertising to sustain them all. The Nation held out the hope that Munsey would create a truly unbiased newspaper. The public needed such a newspaper, the magazine claimed. The city's population was nervous, facing economic conditions never before seen. The city's newspapers did not seem to be addressing the nation's changing economic conditions, however.17 Both The Nation and the New Republic were less charitable to Munsey when he purchased the Globe three years later. The Nation called Munsey's purchase a "civic crime." "Not one word, be it noticed, about journalistic ideals, or public service, or the nobility of a great profession--just the cold-blooded business view of a man who sees in his ventures only the making of dollars, The Nation railed.18 The New Republic also saw Munsey's purchase of the Globe as an assault on democracy as well as on liberalism. The magazine accused Munsey of being an ultra-conservative amateur journalist who either failed to comprehend, or perhaps disliked, the Globe's liberal tradition. The Nation concurred, c Democracy co the magazine country need to be one of friends or e Upton E journalism w Check, his 5 that the mei favored big He also Cla business in Of printing rePIItations, business th as What hap "ownership bribery_22 SinCla abolishing in the met: mum to 1 controvErs: endOrSed t] such “QWSp; 237 concurred, claiming Munsey was a threat to democracy. Democracy could flourish only when multiple voices existed, the magazine stated.19 The New Republic claimed the country needed newspapers like the Globe. The Globe was said to be one of the few newspapers that had no hidden lists of friends or enemies--it told the news as it was.20 Upton Sinclair fired a more volatile shot against chain journalism with the publication, in 1920, of The Brass Check, his socialist critique of the press. Sinclair charged that the metropolitan press was a capitalist tool that favored big business and industry at the expense of workers. He also claimed newspapers blacklisted anyone who challenged business interests. Furthermore, Sinclair accused the press of printing almost anything that would hurt individuals' reputations. Sinclair claimed the press was controlled by business through four means—~ownership of newspapers, such as what happened to the former muckraking magazines,21 "ownership of owners," advertising subsidies and simple bribery.22 Sinclair put forth several suggestions aimed at abolishing bias while encouraging increased professionalism in the metropolitan press. For example, he suggested a return to using pamphlets as a means of getting controversial viewpoints to the public.23 Sinclair also endorsed the idea of municipally-owned newspapers. He said such newspapers were the "orthodox Socialist solution." Sinclair adn of the solut still be fre in a nod to formation 01 decent wage: be consider: ethics and a curb faking aimed at pu] laws would i could not b. fake or err be fined a forced to r Not su received Sc mainstream, leanings an biaSed repc critie.28 W thesis. If was the rec 5°1Ution nc answer, Li; anyome, p a1 238 Sinclair admitted that city-owned newspapers were only part of the solution at improving the press. Other groups would still be free to publish their own newspapers, Sinclair said in a nod to democratic society.24 He also suggested the formation of reporters' unions to provide workers with decent wages. But, he noted that if reporters ever wanted to be considered professionals, they had to establish a code of ethics and adhere to that code.25 Finally, in an effort to curb faking, Sinclair endorsed consumer protection laws aimed at punishing newspapers that printed fake news. The laws would work much like the Pure Food and Drug laws--news could not become an adulterated product. Upon discovery of fake or erroneous news, Sinclair suggested that newspapers be fined a set fee, at least $5,000 to $10,000, and be forced to run an immediate correction.26 Not surprisingly, Sinclair's exploration of press bias received scathing criticism from many members of the mainstream, metropolitan press.27 Sinclair's socialist leanings and his bohemian background coupled with the book's biased reporting gave Sinclair little credibility as a press critic.28 Walter Lippmann shot down Sinclair's socialist thesis. If the capitalist nature of the metropolitan press was the root of all bias, asked Lippmann, why does the solution not lie with reading socialist newspapers?29 The answer, Lippmann said, was that Sinclair could not convince anyone, particularly himself, that the socialist press presented "i any more the was no one 1 view, said 1 Perhap criticism ti Despite his study of th the book at to print hi Sinclair st exact facts bias and ur CorrUption A pre: evidence d; consPiracy 0f ProfESs frOm both 7 industry." Contem same Concl L- Mencken HitchCOck, noted that lead to se 239 presented "the fair body of truth" in an unbiased fashion any more than did the capitalist-oriented press.3o There was no one real truth. There were only different points of view, said Lippmann. Perhaps unknowingly, Sinclair opened himself up to criticism through his approach to muckraking the press. Despite his claim that he wanted to put forth an objective study of the press, Sinclair spent the first two—thirds of the book attacking every publisher and editor that refused to print his works throughout the years. And, although Sinclair stated: "I am trying in this book to state the exact facts,"31 his work was so riddled with socialist bias and unsubstantiated allegations of capitalist corruption that he failed to gain many supporters. A present-day researcher observed that Sinclair's evidence did not support his claims of a capitalist conspiracy but instead "displays the inadequacies and lack of professional training of the press, and the pressures from both advertising and the fast-growing publicity industry."32 Contemporary critics of Sinclair's time had reached the same conclusions. Editor Frederick Allen of The Atlantic, H. L. Mencken and University of Chicago Professor Curtice Hitchcock, although in disagreement with Sinclair's focus, noted that the press' capitalistic orientation did indeed lead to self-interested bias at times. Yet these more 4 mainstream < product of 1 agree with .' capitalistiw to destroy Indeed, Hit question "W examining t Profes concerning through mun t0 Suppose many Specia in [power]- any more tc Promote the instead the Continue ii the medica: educationa; noted that ethical bej Althow Sinclair‘s failure. Ti pr"Video Y 240 mainstream critics asserted that such self interest was the product of human fallibility.33 They were unwilling to agree with Sinclair's conspiracy theory that the capitalistic press and its "wage slave" reporters intended to destroy individual liberties by presenting biased news. Indeed, Hitchcock noted that Sinclair's fixation on the question "Why is the press so biased?" kept him from examining the larger question--"Why are people biased."34 Professor Hitchcock also took Sinclair to task concerning his suggestion that bias can be eliminated through municipally-owned newspapers. "Is there any reason to suppose that a government in power would not have just as many special interests to promote--for the sake of staying in [power]—-as any private owner? Or that it would hesitate any more to color, kill, or manipulate news stories to promote that interest?" Hitchcock asked.35 He suggested instead that the only means of improving the press was to continue improving the training of journalists. Just like the medical and legal professions, journalism needed educational requirements. Along with training, Hitchcock noted that journalists must develop a set of industry-wide ethical beliefs in order to become a real profession.36 Although criticism of The Brass Check was severe,37 Sinclair's effort at muckraking the press was far from a failure. The book's publication, shortly after World War I, provided yet another catalyst that spurred the media to critically e of Journalis although Si] the intempe: worthy of s Oregon's pu A two-day c discuss new adoption of the editors Sincla Nelson Cray cited Sincl Selutions ] c°1'1temporzn rePorters ; interest! : Sincl and more m L’ Mencken crawfol‘d's and trainj Programs, educatione Meme“ nc every Ame] 241 critically evaluate itself. Eric Allen, dean of the School of Journalism at the University of Oregon, noted that although Sinclair's criticism did not succeed "because of the intemperance of his methods," the issues he raised were worthy of study. And, Allen, along with 100 of the state of Oregon's publishers and editors, did study Sinclair's work. A two-day conference was held at the University of Oregon to discuss newspaper problems. The meeting resulted in the adoption of a state wide code of ethics ratified by all of the editors and publishers in attendance.38 Sinclair's work also led to the first ethics text-- Nelson Crawford's 1924 work, Ethics of Journalism. Crawford cited Sinclair throughout although he termed Sinclair's solutions both unrealistic and simplistic. Like his contemporaries, Crawford sought educational standards for reporters and editors. similarly, and perhaps in self interest, he also wanted ethics codes adopted.39 Sinclair's charges also were not lost on two powerful, and more mainstream, press critics--Walter Lippmann and H. L. Mencken. Mencken's views paralleled Hitchcock's and Crawford's. The press' main problem was its lack of vision and training. Despite the proliferation of journalism programs, the press as a whole still lacked formal educational standards for admission. Overstating the case, Mencken noted that the majority of journalists "in almost every American city, are still ignoramuses, and proud of it. All the law every reaso: knowledge ti police capt brokerage h puerilities everything common know Journa profession deeper know ideal educa and editors music.41 "I widespread that makes VUlgar' anc Furthe produced a dull repom faults but enterpriSe literary a: The CI p°sitive p‘ solvent an 242 All the knowledge that they pack into their brains is, in every reasonable cultural sense, useless; it is the sort of knowledge that belongs, not to a professional man, but to a police captain, a railway mail-clerk, or a board-boy in a brokerage house. It is a mass of trivialities and puerilities . . ." "What is missing from it, in brief, is everything worth knowing--everything that enters into the common knowledge of educated men."4o Journalism could never be trusted or elevated to a true profession unless its employees possessed a broader and deeper knowledge of the world. Mencken implied that the ideal education would be largely a classical one. Reporters and editors alike would know philosophy, literature, art and music.41 "It is this vast and militant ignorance, this widespread and fathomless prejudice against intelligence, that makes American journalism so pathetically feeble and vulgar, and so generally disreputable."42 Furthermore, Mencken claimed that chain journalism produced a dull, homogenous product because it attracted dull reporters and editors. Personal journalism had many faults but it had attracted reporters with wit and enterprise, Mencken noted. The age of experimenters and literary artists had passed.43 The chain journalism that replaced it did have some positive points, however. Chain newspapers were financially solvent and therefore, financially beholden to no one. Mencken sai was stupid, agenda to p order.44 By having beer played poli obscenely e AlthOL Kant's phi] example, Me Other profe extent, on pointed to members. A2 a PrefeSSi< members of journalism 0f individi and to otht W Waite: concerns, ‘ philOSODhi. News Was p. criticism, 243 Mencken said editors might think an order from Frank Munsey was stupid, but they recognized that there was no hidden agenda to please a friend or advertiser behind the order.44 By contrast, Mencken saw personal journalism as having been "cheap, trashy, stupid and corrupt. They all played politics for what there was in it, and leaped obscenely every time an advertiser blew his nose."45 Although one could argue how useful a knowledge of Kant‘s philosophy would be to a police reporter, for example, Mencken's comments were not entirely off base. Other professions at the time did indeed depend, to an extent, on a classical knowledge. Mencken's criticisms pointed to a bigger, and continuing, flaw among press members. Although journalists increasingly called their work a profession, no consensus yet existed among journalists members of the press about the nature of their work. While journalism was seen as a profession by an increasing number of individuals, to some it was still a form of literature and to others merely a trade. DemocracyI Objectivity and Public Opinion Walter Lippmann's press criticism went beyond specific concerns, and instead took on a broader, and more urgent, philosophical outlook. His 1920 press book, Liberty and The News was perhaps the most damaging of all 19205 press criticism, not only because Lippmann was such a respected figure but of the Amer unworkable news which journalists functioning Lippma As such, t] informati01 early 1920; "will gene of the Lef Governing. Centered o Presentati Lippm truth and infOrmatic the faCts Otherwise, 0btaihing in any sit Lippmann I upon the 1 witneSSeS beyend tht 244 figure but also because it so eloquently stated the danger of the American press. Democracy, said Lippmann, had become unworkable because American society made its decisions from news which too often came from dangerously ill-trained journalists. Truth, so necessary to government's proper functioning, had become too scarce a commodity.46 Lippmann saw newspapers as "the bible of democracy." As such, the public had to be guaranteed unbiased, objective information-~something he believed it was not getting in the early 19205--to make informed decisions. If not, democracy "will generate into this dictatorship either of the Right or of the Left, if it does not become genuinely self- governing."47 The press' role in ensuring democracy centered on striving toward greater accuracy in its presentation of information. Lippmann recognized the difficulties both in defining truth and in obtaining unbiased accounts of newsworthy information. Truth, said Lippmann, can only prevail if all the facts surrounding the information in question are known. Otherwise, false ideas can be as effective as true ones.48 Obtaining a relatively impartial investigation of the facts in any situation was almost an impossibility, however, Lippmann noted. "It is denied us, because we are dependent upon the testimony of anonymous and untrained and prejudiced witnesses; because the complexity of the relevant facts is beyond the scope of our hurried understanding; and finally, because the educate the the controi Despii three-fold the press 1 keeping am Finally, t] take perso: news.51 Thj Articles c rePorter, associatio newspapers DIOblems, once the a Plaintiff. libel Snit t00 EXpens Althc he reCOgnj within. tr prESs. "Ti disillusic baffled ar theSe Omer 245 because the process we call education fails so lamentably to educate the sense of evidence or the power of penetrating to the controlling centre of a situation."49 Despite these stumbling blocks, Lippmann put forth a three-fold solution to ensure democracy. First, members of the press had to receive better training. Second, record keeping and analysis of events had to be improved.50 Finally, the public had to put pressure on journalists to take personal responsibility for the truthfulness of news.51 This latter issue was the easiest to resolve. Articles could easily be bylined with their source, be it a reporter, a wire service, a syndicate or a press association. Falsity should be made illegal, but punishing newspapers for printing false news posed a number of problems, noted Lippmann. Libel law did not work well since once the allegedly libelous material was printed, the plaintiff's reputation was tarnished. Furthermore, many libel suits never got to court since protracted trials were too expensive for the average individual. Although Lippmann was not sure where the solution lay, he recognized that if the press did not reform itself from within, the public would force Congress to control the press. "There is everywhere an increasingly angry disillusionment about the press, a growing sense of being baffled and misled; and wise publishers will not pooh—pooh these omens," said Lippmann.52 Lippma journalisti parallels t have specie Journalists opinion, he amateur ma) said.53 Lippma reporters s Predecessoi out of the reporting 1 the best t; had to f0c1 Marion Mar: had been a: to have be obtai] discerning c°nSidered work Liber they Were 1 Went, the facts, to make a pic 246 Lippmann saw proper training as a requirement for journalistic practice as part of the solution. Drawing parallels to medicine, Lippmann noted that surgeons had to have special training before they could pick up a scalpel. Journalists, despite their enormous influence on public opinion, had no educational requirements. "The untrained amateur may mean well, but he knows not how to do well," he said.53 Lippmann suggested the press create a new generation of reporters so well trained and so superior to their predecessors that they could drive any incompetent reporters out of the newsrooms. His plan hinged on two factors. First, reporting must be elevated to a respected career, otherwise the best talent would be difficult to lure. Second, training had to focus on the issue of objectivity.54 As historian Marion Marzolf points out, the idea of bias-free journalism had been around for years, but the term "objectivity" seems to have been coined by Lippmann.55 Obtaining objective information was as difficult as discerning the truth, Lippmann realized. Although he considered the terms "news" and "truth" synonymous in his work Liberty And The News in 1920, he realized later that they were not. "The function of news is to signalize an event, the function of truth is to bring to light the hidden facts, to set them into relation with each other, and to make a picture of reality on which men can act," Mencken noted in In The me that the pi truthfulne: few basic ‘ murdered, i the facts interprets discipline truth. A11 recollecti none of wh Giver that Lippn holding ec Sources 01 members c, was impos: the trUth hovever, : interview In p thesis ab somewhat SEDSe of infOrmed 247 noted in Public Opinion.56 The main flaw of journalism, according to Lippmann, was that the press lacked exact tests to determine the truthfulness of the information it gathered. Outside of a few basic facts, such as the fact that an individual was murdered, or that someone was in a car crash, the rest of the facts as well as the telling of the story could be interpreted in many different ways. Unlike scientific disciplines, journalism had little control to determine the truth. All reporters had to work with were various recollections of eyewitnesses, all of which may differ but none of which may be false.57 Given these caveats, the only journalistic standard that Lippmann believed could be enforced was unilaterally holding editors responsible for the reliability of their sources of information. Lippmann recognized that press members came into contact with so many individuals that it was impossible to always know which ones were not telling the truth. When editors discovered liars and gossips, however, Lippmann suggested such individuals should never be interviewed as one means of improving accuracy.58 In Public Opinion, Lippmann realized that his earlier thesis about the press being the bible of democracy was somewhat incorrect. The press' abilities to record and make sense of all of society so that the public could make informed choices was an impossibility. The press could not get at trut account of institution received in journalists informatior Upton Sinci "is too fr; sovereigntj democrats T such a bod indgment. The r Public's d role of pr threat of desPite s< adVance t1 the (Nest of rightn seemed to Past year their new The increas-1r mindset s 248 get at truth any more than it could arrive at an objective account of an event. Furthermore, the government and major institutions were so bad at record keeping that the press received incomplete and flawed accounts even when journalists turned to official documents for information.59 The press was not a conspiratorial power as Upton Sinclair indicated. Instead, said Lippmann, the press "is too frail to carry the whole burden of popular sovereignty, to supply spontaneously the truth which democrats hoped was inborn. And when we expect it to supply such a body of truth we employ a misleading standard of judgment. We misunderstand the limited nature of news.“60 The revelations of these press critics coupled with the public's distrust of the media, concerns about the growing role of press agents in handling the news and the emerging threat of radio made journalists awaken to the reality that despite some strides, the press had failed to seriously advance the cause of professionalism. To many press members, the quest for a clear purpose, a solid identity, a feeling of rightness and an ability to feel pride in one's work seemed to be slipping away. Achieving the credibility of past years became an essential task to press members who saw their newspapers' circulations and appeal disappearing.61 The press sought to regain its credibility by increasing its professionalism drive. This intellectual mindset seemed in direct opposition to the journalism of the l9205--tabl murders, pi tales of se however. Th filled with and H. L. l4 Scopes tria involving 1 minister's Browning d; shocking S1 and subseq Furthermor matter onl newspapers Even Particular eVents. Tr 0f moralit Browning 1 New York < New York , PerceivEd As E newspaper details f 249 l9205--tabloids filled with news of gangsters, sensational murders, pictures of criminals being electrocuted and lurid tales of sex and scandal. The content reflected the times, however. The 19205 had the distinction of being a decade filled with notorious trials. Journalists like Damon Runyon and H. L. Mencken covered such famous trials as the infamous Scopes trial, the Hall-Mills case, (a notorious trial involving the murder of a minister and his lover by the minister's wife and in-laws), the "Daddy" and “Peaches" Browning divorce trial, (a May-December marriage with shocking sexual escapades) and Ruth Snyder's murder trial and subsequent execution in the electric chair.62 Furthermore, the tabloids that printed all of this lurid matter only accounted for a small percentage of all of the newspapers in New York. Even Editor and Publisher chastised the press, particularly the tabloids, for their coverage of these events. The magazine criticized the press for its violations of morality and decency, particularly in its coverage of the Browning trial. Editor and Publisher particularly opposed New York City's three tabloids--the New York Graphic, the New York Mirror and the New York Daily News--for their perceived flagrant immorality.63 As Editor and Publisher noted, however, not every newspaper had lowered itself to presenting all of the sordid details from these trials to the public. Many journalists were as app Working pre sought to I encourage 1: an increase of codes of W Univei means of t] the appreni universiti: handful in entering j, The Press ; in more th. Percent in 31,000 jeu Altho of trainin confines o recogniZed like Schoo of the 0th served as 250 were as appalled as the critics were at the coverage.64 Working press members who viewed themselves as professionals sought to return the press to a position of prestige and encourage professionalism predominantly through two means, an increased emphasis on journalism schools and the adoption of codes of ethics.65 Journalism Education at Twenty Universities by the 19205 had become the predominant means of training young journalists. Schools had replaced the apprenticeship system, allowing the number of universities offering courses to skyrocket from just a handful in the 18905 to 206 schools by 1922.66 Women began entering journalism in record numbers between 1910 and 1920. The press saw a forty percent increase in women, resulting in more than 9,000 women journalists, while only a 1.2 percent increase in the number of men (numbering about 31,000 journalists).67 Although some journalists still scoffed at the notion of training reporters at universities rather than within the confines of a newsroom, increasing numbers of press members recognized the importance of the schools to journalism. Much like schools of social work, engineering, education or any of the other emerging professions, journalism programs served as symbols of respectability and achievement. The necessary skills and knowledge base for journalism more and more had t though an But j the blame their foun elevate jo Despite an by 1926, o profession individual around. Un rec{Hire co Codes as r Fllrthermor reporting, inacCuraci Educa lack of pr United frc appeared j ace°mplisr profeSSor SCh001S cc ProfeSSOr more Seric number 0 f 251 more had to be obtained through higher education rather than though an apprenticeship system.68 But journalism programs also had to take a fair part of the blame for the press' credibility crisis, however. Since their foundings, journalism schools claimed they would elevate journalism to its proper role as a true profession. Despite an estimated 10,000 graduates engaged in journalism by 1926, one-fifth of those women,69 schools' promises to professionalize journalism appeared empty to many individuals. The press as a whole had not been turned around. Unlike other professions journalism still did not require college training, licensing or adherence to ethics codes as requirements for admission to press work. Furthermore, despite journalism schools' courses in reporting, editing, ethics and law, newspapers still had inaccuracies, instances of faking and sensationalistic copy. Educators, noting the continuous criticisms about the lack of professionalism among press members, put forth a united front to defend their work. Numerous articles appeared in scholarly and trade publications citing the accomplishments of journalism schools. For example, one professor highlighted six achievements for which journalism schools could take at least partial credit. First, the professor claimed that reporters had begun taking ethics more seriously. Faking and inaccuracies did exist, but the number of such instances in the 19205 were much less than in previous yi credit. Jo paralleled percentage constantly attracted status to exhibited reporters, better the HEWSpaperE measure t< reporters courses, 1 graduatin their Ver‘ Schools h Scho Particula OHCe Scat had eXper quality c knowledgE members v their Dre The old I 252 previous years. Admittedly, schools could not claim all the credit. Journalism schools' efforts at teaching ethics paralleled editors' efforts within the newsroom. Second, the percentage of reporters and editors with college degrees was constantly increasing. That journalism increasingly attracted college graduates lent a sense of dignity and status to the press. Third, and related, newspapers exhibited an increasing interest in college-educated reporters, believing that college graduates would perform better than untrained employees. Fourth, writing quality at newspapers was said to have clearly improved, due in large measure to the increasing number of college-educated reporters. Fifth, most journalism schools now offered ethics courses, unlike the previous two decades. Now reporters were graduating with a set of standards and beliefs. Finally, by their very existence as professionalizing agents, the schools had added a sense of dignity to journalism.70 Schools of journalism also gained some support from one particularly unlikely, yet powerful, critic--H. L. Mencken. Once scathing in his views of journalism programs, Mencken had experienced a change of attitude by the mid 19205. The quality of schools clearly impressed him while the lack of knowledge by non-college graduates angered him. Press members who claimed that young journalists could gain all of their press training on the job were wrong, said Mencken. The old newsroom, he admitted, was a poor school. Journalist: of trivia, there was romantic r Schoo Although s existed, t understood determinat college-ed more salar understood a PrOfessi journalist in journal Menck needed b0c come under academics About whet at a Univ: Came from “Guano; of SChOOls from a ha] by 1926,73 253 Journalists who graduated from the printer's case knew lots of trivia, but trivia was not professional knowledge. And, there was little professional spirit in newsrooms, despite romantic reminiscences to the contrary. Schools of journalism had changed this, said Mencken. Although some bad programs and poor quality textbooks existed, the good schools turned out graduates who understood the dignity of journalism and possessed "a determination to safeguard it," said Mencken. The new, college-educated reporter read more, drank less and demanded more salary. New reporters were less prone to temptation and understood the role of journalism in society. Journalism was a profession, not a sport. When these young, college-trained journalists supplanted their elders, an immense improvement in journalism would result, Mencken concluded.71 Mencken's commentary gave journalism schools a badly- needed boost. Like the press itself, these programs had also come under fire, from both members of the press and other academics as well. Working press members remained divided about whether or not journalism could be taught adequately at a university. Indeed, greater support for these programs came from non-journalist critics than from those within the occupation itself.72 At the same time, although the number of schools offering journalism programs continued to grow from a handful at the turn of the century to more than 200 by 1926,73 most of these programs did not have the respect and suppor‘ Much of th universiti tradition philosophy Admit relatively answered c the purpos centered < Place sch< schools, Second, h. needs of Jour Standards journalis Anterican JOllrnalis dEVelopec that was law Schoc and much in expla. like med three Cd‘ 254 and support accorded other programs by fellow academics. Much of the problem was simply journalism's newness to universities. Journalism could not lay claim to a rich tradition of academic study, like such other disciples as philosophy, foreign languages, mathematics or history. Admitting that "our courses in journalism are a ."74 journalism professors relatively new adventure . . answered critics by spending much of the 19205 reassessing the purpose and potential of their programs. Their debate centered on two major concerns: First, what could be done to place schools of journalism on par with other professional schools, such as law, medicine, engineering and teaching? Second, how could schools of journalism better meet the needs of the industry? Journalism professors saw wholesale adoption of ethical standards as the most obvious way that journalists and journalism schools could achieve prestige. To this end, the American Association of Schools and Departments of Journalism, a professional association for professors, developed an accreditation system for journalism schools that was similar to the systems used to analyze medical and law schools. "The professional point of view is aimed at, and much emphasis laid upon ethics,"75 noted one professor in explaining the new rating system. Journalism schools, like medical and law schools, would be placed into one of three categories: Class A, Class B, or Class C. Class A schools of: journalism Class B prl journalism facilities schools of not offer The r journalism schools. B nothing t Classifica an assessm POtentialj beneficial Promoted a schools th ACtua far more C faCulties. jOUrnalisn number of ethiCs Coi Ph‘Ds. A1: been Unde] Educ; 255 schools offered from 10 to 30 courses completely on journalism subjects leading to a B. A. degree in journalism. Class B programs offered enough work for a minor in journalism but lacked "special departments or other facilities which would make them class A." Finally, Class C schools offered four or more courses in journalism but did not offer enough classes for either a minor or a major.76 The ratings system provided a source of prestige for journalism faculty, particularly for those at the Class A schools. But the ratings system fell short since it did nothing to improve the schools. It was merely a classification of what courses schools offered, rather than an assessment of quality. A quality ranking system, although potentially difficult to quantify, might have been more beneficial to improving journalism schools as it would have promoted a sense of competition and improvement among schools that wanted to receive an ‘A' rating. Actual improvement of journalism programs required the far more difficult task of improving coursework and faculties. Indeed, the debates on heightening the quality of journalism schools centered on four points: reducing the number of schools, standardizing coursework, instituting ethics courses and increasing the number of instructors with Ph.Ds. All of these concerns paralleled changes that had been undertaken previously by other professional schools. Educators realized that in the rush to establish schools of By 1922, 2 ranging fr come to pa Bulletin 1 will be a professior medical s< half. As 1 standards Furthermo: quality.7‘ % Univ necessary gaining t and other journalis agreement th°se cor number of no conser Programs. journalis called t1 256 schools of journalism, too many programs had been started. By 1922, 206 universities offered journalism courses, ranging from just a few to full majors.77 The time had come to pare back this number. If not, warned Journalism Bulletin (the predecessor of Journalism Quarterly), "there will be a period of oversupply and low standards in the profession of journalism."78 The journal added that medical schools had previously decreased their numbers by half. As the number of students decreased and entrance standards raised, the quality of medical training improved. Furthermore, the public was aware of the increase in quality.79 Standardization Universal standardization of course work also was necessary for both improving the quality of schools and gaining the respect of the public, practicing journalists and other academics. The task proved a challenge. University journalism programs in the early 19205 possessed no agreement on the types of courses offered, the contents of those courses, the number of credits per course or the number of courses needed to graduate. Similarly, there was no consensus on what these schools should be called. Some programs, for example, referred to themselves as colleges of journalism, others as schools of journalism. Some programs called themselves departments of journalism and yet others used the ‘ titles wa: press‘mem differenc size of p Agre titles wa schools c prevailed both stan journals. for stand Professor C°uld not teaching the Unive mOVemeht, Off er the amount of basic cur feature w c°mparatj not all s absomte] Scho01s t journalis 257 used the term division of journalism. The use of different titles was highly confusing. Students, other academics, press members and the public were left wondering if the differences in titles implied differences in curriculum, size of program, or perhaps something else.80 Agreement on standardization of coursework and program titles was necessary because a proper system of ratings for schools could not exist until general agreement on standards prevailed.81 Recognizing this, professors debated ways to both standardize and improve their schools through scholarly journals. Numerous articles on principles and requirements for standardization appeared throughout the 19205. Professors' efforts would largely fail, however, since they could not agree on even the basic foundational principles of teaching journalism. For example, Leon Flint, a professor at the University of Kansas and a leader in the standardization movement, offered the most encompassing plan. Courses should offer the same material, under the same names for the same amount of credits per course at each school, Flint said. A basic curriculum should include reporting, copy editing, feature writing, editorial writing, criticism, history, comparative journalism and ethics, said Flint. He noted that not all schools offered these courses. He realized that absolutely identical courses remained an impossibility. Schools that offered only five, ten or twenty hours of journalism could not offer instruction parallel to those schools th instructic journalisn uniformity of teachir Flint admi Flin1 noting tha the same . differenc« had won t] departmen 0the the nuts Instead, Universit theoretic had to of the world upon it m t0 eVer t a depth c TWO Teachers JournaliS 258 schools that offered fifty or sixty hours of journalism instruction. "And even among schools and departments of journalism offering approximately equal amounts of work, uniformity would suggest a sort of finality in our notions of teaching which would be little short of ridiculous," Flint admitted. 82 Flint drew parallels to other professional schools, noting that law and medical courses, while not all exactly the same in coursework, had more similarities than differences. For this reason, schools of law and medicine had won the respect of their colleagues in other academic departments.83 Other academics seemed less concerned than Flint about the nuts and bolts of course titles and credit hours. Instead, professors such as Eric Allen, the dean of the University of Oregon's School of Journalism, had deeper, theoretical concerns. Allen believed journalism education had to offer a theory component. The place of journalism in the world, how journalism developed and the forces acting upon it must be taught to students. If journalism was going to ever be more than a trade, its practitioners had to have a depth of understanding of the press' role in society.84 Two early university associations, the Association of Teachers of Journalism and the Association of Schools in Journalism united to attack the standardization issue. The groups joined together to inspect all 206 schools and courses of of minimum groups anr Journalism the docume scholars a University Eric w. A: Crawford 1 first eth The p forward. through a grounded Politics, reporters the mere reSult. J themSQIVE Anot Eric A116 just pm, understa1 the rela, instruct bachelor 259 courses of journalism as a first step in formulating a set of minimum standards of instruction. In December 1924 the groups announced a set of "Principles and Standards for Journalism Education."85 The group of scholars who created the document consisted of the most prominent journalism scholars at the time including, Willard G. Bleyer of the University of Wisconsin, author of a number of textbooks; Eric W. Allen, dean of the University of Oregon; and Nelson Crawford of Kansas State Agricultural College, author of the first ethics text. The principles and standards were simple and straight- forward. The best means of training young journalists was through a four-year course of study. Course work should be grounded in liberal arts with a solid knowledge of history, politics, economics, sciences and literature, since reporters covered news of all aspects of life. Furthermore, the mere acquisition of knowledge could not be an end result. Journalists had to be taught not only to think for themselves, but also to fearlessly pursue the truth.86 Another principle, most likely drawn up by Oregon's Eric Allen, said journalism schools must offer more than just practical courses. Young reporters must be trained to understand the responsibility of journalism to society and the relationship between the press and government. Finally, instructors of journalism had to have, as a minimum, a bachelor‘s degree and professional journalism experience by latter programs, from the c in communi offered M. schools di graduate < such as E1 The 1 and the d. was evide With such instructo nine had establish of Six Ye teaching , instruCto Thes York's to the Eveni Evening P least a s thus, 90c 260 experience.87 This final principle seems extremely lacking by latter day standards, but like many emerging professional programs, journalism schools sought their first instructors from the occupation itself. Furthermore, no Ph.D. programs in communication existed. And, although a few programs offered M.A. degrees in journalism or communication, most schools did not, requiring those professors who wished graduate degrees to seek them through other departments, such as English or History. The uncertainty over the importance of advanced degrees and the difficulty of finding faculty with graduate training was evident by examining the actual number of professors with such degrees. By 1925, for example, over 450 instructors and professors of journalism existed, yet only nine had Ph.D.s and 17 had M.A.s. The larger, more established programs had faculties which boasted a minimum of six years of professional experience each before teaching. Smaller programs usually had less experienced instructors.88 These principles received support from some of New York's top editors including, George Mallon, city editor of the Evening Sun and Frank Noyes, managing editor of the Evening Post. Both editors believed that reporters needed at least a superficial knowledge of almost everything that interested readers in order to obtain good interviews and 89 thus, good stories. The s concerned Associatic academic L housed unc Journalisz schools 11 identity : The l for a B.A 0f core c °°PY read magazine) law.91 Alth requhtme them, Suc American this docu twenty ra COPY read taught hj Course Of diverSe S journalis mail adVe 261 The second section of the document dealt more with the concerned echoed earlier by Kansas Professor Leon Flint. The Association called for journalism instruction to be its own academic unit--a department or school rather than being housed under an English or Fine Arts department. The Journalism Bulletin agreed. "The greatest need of the schools in their uphill fight for recognition is separate identity and the dignity that such identity confers."90 . The group also set 120 credit hours as the requirement for a B.A. degree. Furthermore, the group established a list of core courses for journalism degrees, including reporting, copy reading, editorial writing, special article (i.e., magazine) writing, history of journalism, ethics and law.91 Although these courses seemed like such obviously basic requirements that no journalism program would be without them, such was not the case. A comprehensive study of all American journalism programs undertaken four years after this document was released found, for example, that of twenty randomly-selected programs, all taught reporting, copy reading and editorial writing. Yet, only seventeen taught history and law while just thirteen taught ethics. Course offerings for the rest of the schools included such diverse subjects as business management, community journalism, agricultural journalism, the short story, direct mail advertising, news illustrations, advertising campaigns and press The Associati statewide law, for standardi standards Furthermc scholarl) the stanc English. for pron dOing ace encouragl Parallel StUdents all of ti ASSOCiat °°mparab dEpartme The UnsucCes Separate na’Cllre O louthali diffeI-en 262 and press associations.92 The 1928 study showed the shortcoming of the Association's standards--they were not enforceable. Without statewide exams and a licensing procedure, like medicine or law, for example, journalism programs had no impetus to standardize their course offerings. The Association's standards did bring these issues into the open, however. Furthermore, the Association encouraged journalism programs' scholarly side by encouraging such schools to adopt some of the standards of other academic departments, notably English. For example, the Association's requirements called for professors to contribute to journalism literature by doing academic research. Furthermore, the Association encouraged journalism professors to have class sizes that paralleled those of English departments. The number of students could not exceed an instructor's abilities to grade all of the papers and help all of the students. The Association said that workloads for instructors should be comparable to those of writing labs in English departments.93 The effort to standardize programs was largely unsuccessful. Journalism programs, like newspapers, retained separate identities with different content. The competitive nature of the programs and the lack of licensing exams for journalists were the main factors that accounted for program differences. Furthermore, in their efforts to improve A journalis professor could pro often the as good a experienc Ethics Cc Jour encouragi near uni\ SEQUences discussic been incl One of t} Was the z aCCeptan, however. UDiversi‘ Separate includin. 01‘6an a reportin The 0f Seller 263 journalism While bringing legitimacy to journalism schools, professors tried too hard to demonstrate that their programs could produce immediate, beneficial results. results. "Too often they are trying to turn out a college graduate who is as good a reporter as he would have been in one year of experience after finishing his high school course."94 Ethics Courses Journalism professors had slightly more success in encouraging the teaching of ethics. The 19205 included a near university-wide push to include ethics in journalism sequences. Journalism programs had offered ethical discussions prior to the 19205, but most of the work had been included within courses on reporting, editing and law. One of the most significant changes in journalism education was the adoption of separate ethics courses.95 The acceptance of separate ethics courses was slow in coming, however. By the late 19205 only three schools, including the University of Michigan and the University of Kansas, had separate ethics courses.96 But many other programs, including Syracuse, Illinois, Kansas State, Wisconsin, Oregon and Columbia included ethics sections within reporting, copy editing, law or history courses. The importance of ethics was marked by the publication of several books in the 19205 devoted entirely to ethical issues: The Conscience of a Newspaper by Leon Flint, The Morals of of Journa. Futhey Gi Crawford.‘ Craw College, factors 5 increasin of report reporting their suk that repc write. Tl cynical z newSpape] able to 1 The censorsh Press' c Stories and help f0llowih been rep Cra lOUrnalj of fakes 264 Morals of Newspaper Making by Thomas Lahey, The Principles of Journalism by Casper Yost, Newspaper Ethics by William Futhey Gibbons and The Ethics of Journalism by Nelson Crawford.97 Crawford, a professor at Kansas State Agricultural College, wrote the first ethics book in 1924. Three main factors seemed to have spurred the book. First, despite the increasing number of college-educated journalists, a number of reporters still had little education. Many had careless reporting habits or simply did not know enough to cover their subjects adequately. Furthermore, Crawford recognized that reporters wrote what their editors expected them to write. The result, said Crawford, was the development of a cynical attitude by reporters. Journalists that entered a newspaper with an established set of values seemed better able to produce accurate, unbiased stories.98 The third impetus was the lingering damage that censorship and propaganda from World War I had done to the press' credibility. Faked atrocity stories and colored stories helped fuel the public's rage against the Germans and helped win the war. Yet that rage turned on the press following the war when average citizens realized they had been repeated lied to, Crawford said.99 Crawford's text began by detailing the charges against journalists and offering explanations. He examined examples of fakes, sensational news, colored news, suppressed news and the i] was guilt often off means to merely la Crawford the Russi Desp that jour journalis commoditj quasi-pd] PUblisheJ Codes of these st 0blecttiv codes, a journali New York particul the ear] notion c All maiOr me the CCU] BoSton 1 265 and the influence of advertisers. In many cases the press was guilty of these breaches of conduct. Journalists also often offered sensational news, "playing to the crowds" as a means to increase circulation. In other cases journalists merely lacked the knowledge to cover events properly. Crawford highlighted many journalists' erroneous coverage of the Russian Revolution as an example of this.100 Despite these glaring faults, Crawford acknowledged that journalism was a developing profession. He said many journalists saw their work as more than merely producing a commodity.101 Many press members saw journalism as a quasi—public institution. As such, many newspapers, publishers and state editorial associations had written codes of conduct and values. Crawford elegantly presented these standards and values. He outlined the beliefs in objectivity, balance, accuracy and fair play by citing codes, and by using examples and comments by such noted journalists as William Allen White and Carr Van Anda of the New York Times. His chapters on objectivity were particularly important because his work represented one of the earliest, if not the earliest, attempts to explain the notion of objectivity in a textbook. Although Crawford relied predominantly on the views of major metropolitan newspapers, he did seek views from across the country. Crawford drew his examples from newspapers from Boston to Seattle. To round out the importance of ethics in journaliSI the law, 1 the devell The book was their wor of factua reality. only thrc achieve t The exceptior Universit moral thi 0f the e: Lac] Christia] Crawford belief i: Standard fairness abstract When une news 0Cc admitted Pet toge 266 journalism Crawford looked at the effects that publishers, the law, press associations and schools of journalism had on the development of ethics in journalism. The one basic theme that ran through all of Crawford's book was his belief that journalists largely agreed that their work was a profession based on the objective delivery of factual information. This ideal did not always parallel reality. Despite this realization, Crawford implied that only through early ethical training could journalists achieve their ideals. The other ethics books offered similar fare, with the exception of Lahey's. Lahey, a professor at Notre Dame University, put forth a view of ethics rooted in Catholic moral thinking. His arguments in many ways resembled those of the elite critics of the 18805 and 18905. Leon Flint's book offered a more practical, and less Christian, view of ethics. He offered an expanded version of Crawford's work. Flint put forth the same public utility belief in the press and discussions of the same ethical standards and behaviors. He noted that such principles as fairness, independence, accuracy and community service were abstract virtues and therefore difficult to comprehend.102 When unethical acts such as suppression or distortion of news occurred, talking about such ideals seemed naive, Flint admitted. Nonetheless, Flint firmly believed in ethics and put together an elaborate book. He examined the role of the press, thr historica case stud the news consider. various e of press law and t sides of relations newsroom commented Solutions the majm Des; these te: Whether < Once stut not tend their jOl % Few whether ProfeSSo Often Sa 267 press, the purposes of editors and reporters and some historical development of the press. Flint offered elaborate case studies, examples of ethical and unethical handling of the news and questions for students and journalists alike to consider. He also offered separate chapters on the role of various ethical influences on the press, including the role ,of press critics, the public's influence, the influence of law and the influence of ethics codes. Flint examined all sides of issues, such as the pros and cons of public relations, the influence of the business office on the newsroom and the value of ethics codes. Although Flint commented on breaches of ethics, he allowed readers to reach solutions for themselves. His book was very much a model for the majority of ethics textbooks that followed. Despite the variety and apparent wide-scale adoption of these textbooks, Flint noted that it was difficult to judge whether or not ethics courses had any effect in practice once students graduated and became reporters. Reporters did not tend to trace their ethical beliefs back to their journalism courses, Flint said.103 Practice or Ph.D? Few issues drew-—or draw--such fire as the question of whether or not journalism professors should have doctorates. Professors found themselves trapped between an industry that often saw the Ph.D. degree as an archaic academic exercise and other further p1 not fit t4 universit Jour necessary among 0th graduates universit degrees." fact in c actual jc PUblicat j journalis Professit Possess j Altl 1924, Jo: degrees, mErely t: Porsuihg far more Scho01s Bulletin research misSing 268 and other academic departments that viewed lack of Ph.D.s as further proof that journalism was merely a trade and thus not fit to be taught in the hallowed halls of the nation's universities. Journalism Bulletin promoted the doctorate as a necessary tool for elevating journalism professor's standing among other academics as well as for improving the type of graduates from journalism programs. The journal noted that university faculties did indeed "place a high value on degrees." Journalism school teachers had to consider that fact in order to weigh how much time they needed to give to actual journalism work as well as to higher study.104 The publication was certain that, given the nature of journalism, schools would seek faculty from both professional and scholarly tracks. Deans would most likely possess Ph.D.s and scholarly records, however.105 Although only two journalism professors had Ph.D.s in 1924, Journalism Bulletin encouraged attainment of Ph.D. degrees, noting that if journalism programs were to be merely trade schools then there was little point in faculty pursuing Ph.D.s. But the journal saw journalism programs as far more than trade schools. The faculties' task at all schools was to create scholarly departments, said Journalism Bulletin. Such departments would lead to the first real research and analysis of the press, an area still largely missing in the 19205. Furthermore, the magazine stated that professor their col would rec doctorate Many this fie] investiga and make journalis relation Profess01 history \ journalis had chan; importanl Ano‘ said Sch: Place an, society. Sense of truth--m the nati all news remain a beCame 5 Not 269 professors with Ph.D.s had a greater knowledge base than did their colleagues without such degrees. Students, therefore, would recieve better educations from professors with doctorates.106 Many professors agreed. "I believe, in turning loose in this field a lot of young, intelligent scholars to study, investigate, assemble facts, analyze and synthesize them, and make available the materials for study of what journalism is, its place in the social sciences, its relation to human institutions and human welfare," said one professor.107 Studies on public opinion and journalism history were particularly needed. The philosophy behind journalism, its power (or lack thereof), and how the press had changed over the years were seen as particularly important.108 Another professor, and advocate of doctoral degrees, said scholarly research provided the press with its sense of place and a deeper understanding of its role in society.”9 "It is the absence of social vision, of a high sense of duty to the state, of an uncompromising devotion to truth--much of which Ph.D. study compels--that has caused the nation's press to be excoriated in a manner with which all newspaper men are familiar . . ." Journalism would remain a trade until its practitioners, through education, 110 became something more than tradesmen and women. Not all professors saw the need for a Ph.D., however. Some prof< saw Ph.D. professor their cra students doctoral Ever realized needed t< to bring conventi Journali professo fiVe yea The A580 least tw Similar on Profe engaged latest 1 % Pr regaini Princip (and SC 270 Some professors, citing the practical nature of the press, saw Ph.D.s as irrelevant for teaching. They believed that professors were better served by spending more time learning their craft at newspapers so that they could better teach students rather than spending an extra two to four years in doctoral programs.111 Even journalism educators who supported doctoral study realized that professors needed more than Ph.D.s. They also needed to have practical experience in journalism in order to bring real world experience into the classroom. The 1929 convention of the American Association of Teachers of Journalism passed a resolution recommending that full professors hired after July 1, 1929 possess a minimum of five years professional reporting and/or editing experience. The Association also recommended that instructors possess at least two years of professional experience.112 Another similar recommendation printed in Journalism Bulletin called on professors to spend at least one summer every four years engaged in newspaper work in order to keep current on the latest trends in the field.113 Press Codes Press members created ethics codes as a means of regaining credibility. Codes proved valuable, at least in principle, since they allowed journalists to make public (and sometimes enforce) the values and standards to which the press Publ creation would inc of the co Editors e widely as across tt Oregon St editors a it [the < that the it_n114 Whi ethics, associat the Soci Society ad°Ptior first et journal: adopted 1921, S< Washing. Illinoi Cl 271 the press' members agree to adhere. Publicizing codes often became as important as the creation of codes themselves. Many editors hoped the public would increase its trust in the press following publication of the codes. For example, the American Society of Newspaper Editors encouraged editors to publish its 1923 code as widely as possible. Similar publication followed press codes across the country. Following the unanimous passage of the Oregon State Press Association Code by the group's 100 editors and publishers, "a subsidiary motion was passed that it [the code] should be given fullest publicity in order that the public may ‘check us up' if we fail to observe it. "114 While some newspapers and news chains adopted codes of ethics, particularly the Hearst chain, state press associations and other professional associations, including the Society of Professional Journalists and the American Society of Newspaper Editors, led the charge toward the adoption of codes. The 1910 Kansas code appears to be the first ethics code adopted by a state association. Most journalistic organizations and state press associations adopted codes in the 19205, including Missouri and Texas in 1921, South Dakota and Oregon in 1922, Massachusetts and Washington State in 1923, Iowa in 1924, Wisconsin and Illinois in 1925, Oklahoma in 1928 and Colorado in 1929. Clearly missing from this list is the New York State Press As: adopted a current < few reco: editors code. Des least th Globe, t adopted was one Newspape J ou Cemparis medicine Ethics c even boa The pres number C Professj the 192: many Saw Codes. 5 trade me °f uPlil 272 Press Association. The Association never appeared to have adopted a press code. The group's purpose, according to its current director, was largely social.115 Unfortunately, few records exist that might provide light on why New York's editors did not encourage adoption of a state-wide press code. Despite the lack of a press code on the state level, at least three of New York City's newspapers—-the New York Globe, the New York American and the Brooklyn Eagle all adopted press codes. And, New York Globe Editor H. J. Wright was one of the principle creators of the American Society of Newspaper Editor's code. Journalists were slow in creating ethics codes in comparison with other professions and occupations. Law, medicine, engineering, social work and religion had adopted ethics codes long before journalism. Some associations could even boast of ethics codes dating back to the 18505.116 The press' slow adoption of codes can be explained by a number of reasons. The press' late interest in professionalism was one factor. Since many journalists in the 19205 still did not consider journalism a profession, many saw no reason to adopt profession trappings, such as codes. Schools of journalism, professional associations and trade magazines seemed to provide enough acceptable agents of uplift to many within the media. Equally as important, however, was the fact that the press had little financial interest wrath of Lac stumblin that jou still wa service. business agreemen the Amer to adopt Editors the code code Wit Press, 1 imPartia had no F members "A beam ASN not thei time the 1932, th orghniZa the pub] Fin 273 interest in seeing codes created until the press felt the wrath of the public and saw its circulation decrease. Lack of agreement on standards also was a main stumbling block. Despite almost fifty years of discussion that journalism was a profession, the press of the 19205 still was not one entity published for the purpose of public service. Newspapers remained separately run, for-profit businesses whose publishers and editors were not always in agreement on ideals. This fact was amply demonstrated when the American Society of Newspaper Editors (ASNE) attempted to adopt its code. Lengthy debate ensued from the start. Editors questioned the need for such a code, the wording of the code and whether or not it could be enforced. Although a code with seven principles-—responsibility, freedom of the press, independence, sincerity, truthfullness, accuracy, impartiality, fair play and decency--was finally adopted, it had no power. ASNE members were unable to censure other members who violated the code, leading one member to call it "A beautiful gesture that is perfectly meaningless."117 ASNE members spent most of a decade arguing whether or not their code needed enforcement power behind it. By the time the members had voted to enforce their ethics code in 1932, the debate itself had seriously damaged the organization's credibility with both fellow journalists and the public.118 Finally, some of the delay in adopting codes was due to the very publishe this tim largely previous largely press. C action t The that at belief t duties a Particul and stat Prestige heWSpape Created sensatic Professj ethicS c block it of a er notEd tr right ur fornulz 274 the very nature of press association membership. Small town publishers and editors dominated state press associations at this time,119 but, the professionalism movement had begun largely in the cities, not in small towns. Much of the previous and then-current press criticism had been aimed largely at metropolitan newspapers rather than at the rural press. Calls for reform and recognition of the need for action took more time with rural publishers.120 The very creation of press codes in the 19205 signaled that at least some members of the press largely accepted the belief that journalism was a public trust that bore specific duties and responsibilities. Editors and some publishers, particularly those who actively supported journalism schools and state press associations, viewed the press' lack of prestige and the public's diminishing confidence in newspapers with great alarm. The ASNE code, for example, was created by a group of editors who opposed the resurgence of sensationalism in the 19205.121 These leaders of the professionalism movement became the leaders in adoption of ethics codes. Many recognized that journalism's main road block in fostering professional standards was the very lack of a written code of ethics. ASNE President Casper Yost noted that "There can be no general understanding of what is right until principles of right are conceived and given form."122 Continued opposition to licensing or exams kept the press from having developed such codes years earlier. The part, fr Frederic dangers called c through and proi of News; codes.12 On< that Co( Editors underst This re assunpt their j Practic PUblic' howeVer School the Ore "Most m Stopped and Sti there t MoUnt t 275 The adoption of codes in the 1920s was spurred, in part, from a scathing critical challenge by magazine Editor Frederick Allen in the Atlantic Monthly. Criticizing the dangers and faults of the re-emerging sensationalism, Allen called on editors and publishers to improve news coverage through adoption of ethics codes.123 Press associations and professional groups, particularly the American Society of Newspaper Editors, responded to his challenge by adopting codes.124 Once spurred to action, many press members recognized that codes filled a very basic need within journalism. Editors realized their reporters often lacked an understanding of professional values and ethical principles. This realization contradicted the earlier, industry-wide assumption that journalists understood the ethical rules of their jobs from their first day.125 Observations of actual practice, spurred in large measure by critics' and the public's anger with the press, proved this was not the case, however. Eric Allen, dean of the University of Oregon's School of Journalism noted, for example, that the purpose of the Oregon code was to educate the state's journalists:126 "Most men would instinctively know what is ethical if they stopped to think; but many don't think, and some don‘t know, and still others who both think and know do not care; so there becomes useful a sort of professional Sermon on the Mount through which the public opinion of each profession may bec Jo forefro Bleyer the ado Newspap profess Pr codes a by Bley Profess Univers Profess journal heighte lOUrnal 0t the Uni Flint c New Yor codes,1 deVEIO; implied their s ProfeSS that if 276 may become uniform and consolidated," said Allen.127 Journalism professors like Allen remained at the forefront in encouraging ethics codes. Willard Grosvenor Bleyer of the University of Wisconsin, for example, hailed the adoption of an ethics code by the American Society of Newspaper Editors in 1923 as "a great awakening" to professionalism by journalists.128 Professors also often had a hand in writing ethics codes as well. The Wisconsin Code, for example, was written by Bleyer, Oregon's code was written by University of Oregon Professor Colin Dyment and Professor Ralph Crosman of the University of Colorado helped write that state's code.129 Professors served as the trade's conscience, exhorting journalists to follow the lead of lawyers and doctors by heightening the requirements for admission to practice journalism as well as encouraging ethics codes.130 Other early educators and textbook authors, including the University of Missouri's Walter Williams, Leon Nelson Flint of the University of Kansas and James Melvin Lee of New York University also encouraged the development of codes.131 Flint, for example, was heartened by the development of the codes. The adoption of ethics codes implied that press members realized they had to increase their standards before they could be considered professionals, noted Flint.132 Furthermore, Flint warned that if journalists did not continue to create and adhere to codes th press ac The Eagle at York Ame fairness suppress Th4 also re: the 192 audienc this. F and imp or Repu all the Parties "Always members readers Ir Printed codes 6 was bot The Nev ProgreE policy 277 codes the public would, seeing codes as a means of ensuring press accountability.133 The codes adopted by the New York Globe, the Brooklyn Eagle and the Hearst newspaper chain (which included the New York American) encouraged such standards as accuracy, fairness and independence. At the same time they denounced suppression, faking, exaggeration and dependability.134 The codes went beyond merely stating standards. They also reflected changing financial and readership concerns in the 19205. Newspapers no longer appealed to segmented audiences. They could not afford to. The codes recognized this. For example, the Hearst chain code stressed fairness and impartiality, claiming "Don't make a paper for Democrats or Republicans, or Independent Leaguers. Make a paper for all the people and give unbiased news of all creeds and parties."135 Similarly, the Brooklyn Eagle's code warned: "Always hesitate to write anything that will offend the members of a race or sect. You may offend 20,000 Eagle readers with a single word."136 In response to the public's charges that newspapers printed too much violent and sensational news, all three codes encouraged editors and reporters to print news that was both helpful to the city and positive in outlook.137 The New York Globe, for example, claimed it was a progressive and optimistic newspaper. The Eagle claimed its policy was "Brooklyn First . . .Whatever helps Brooklyn helps t] Re press,l code st Hearst exagger cardina Eagle d facts. referen spellin newspap for the Chain e members Ma recognj Public. the B05 and res Societ3 acknow] attestE teacheI heed fc "paSSi< 278 helps the Eagle."138 Realizing the depth of the public's distrust of the press, both the Hearst chain code and the Brooklyn Eagle's code stressed the importance of accuracy repeatedly. The Hearst code warned its reporters and editors not to allow exaggeration.139 Similarly, the Eagle's code noted: "The cardinal principle of good newspaper work is accuracy. The Eagle demands it and will insist on getting it. Verify your facts. Don't depend on someone's say-so, but go to the reference books." The Eagle also insisted on correct spellings of names and fairness and balance in coverage. The newspaper also discouraging reporters from suppressing facts for the sake of a good story.140 Similarly, the Hearst chain encouraged editors to fire inaccurate staff members.141 Many editors quickly praised the emerging codes as recognition, finally, that the press had obligations to the public.142 For example, James T. Williams, Jr., Editor of the Boston Transcript, citing the relation between freedom and responsibility in a democracy, praised the American Society of Newspaper Editors' ethics code.143 Although he acknowledged its unenforceability, Williams said the code attested to the press' recognition of its obligation as a teacher and interpreter, the press' understanding of the need for accuracy, truthfulness and sincerity and the press' "passion for fair play and its sense of decency."144 Stanley in the ideal c Wa ethics asserte sensati standar editori adverti valuabl reporte could n When re doing w Re. however profess Morale i Walker ( businesE Patheti( returne( that it decisi Or with the 279 Stanley Walker, a city editor at the New York Herald—Tribune in the 19205, concurred, noting the ASNE code set forth the ideal of how the job should be done.145 Walker was not entirely convinced of the value of ethics codes, however. Codes were well meaning, Walker asserted. The press continued at times to be unfair, sensational, partisan and had no industry-wide agreement on standards. But, when the press subscribed to such ideals as editorial independence yet still sometimes yielded to advertiser pressures, Walker realized that ideals, although valuable, would always give way to reality. Sometimes reporters used deceit for the public good. Some stories could not be obtained by honest dealings.146 Furthermore, when reporters violated ethical standards, they were merely doing what editors told them to do--get the news. Reality left many press members mentally anxious, however. Editors and reporters attended ethics sessions at professional conferences for much the same reason that people went to church-~to feel better about themselves, Walker claimed. "There has long been, in the curious business of journalism, a yearning for respectability, a pathetic hankering for righteousness." But, when editors returned to work they discovered "what they knew all along-- that it is a business of imponderables, of hairline decisions, where right and wrong seem inextricably mixed up with that even more nebulous thing called Good Taste."147 Bu profess reproba and ask day com It was in the 280 But Walker remained cautiously optimistic about professionalism. "There is, it may be, some hope for any reprobate who is capable of turning his head on his pillow and asking: "Why do I have to be so rotten?" But the next day comes the avalanche of reality. There are compromises. It was always so. The saving law is: We do the best we can-- in the circumstances."148 1. Pete in 192 reprint printec 2. Tho: much of always bringil Journai 3. Pla) filled the twe 4. Eri (April 5. Che: The Ma< 7- "Jaz Printe( 8- Alle 9. Fra Willan (Bostol 10- "WI 1919 11- Ib: 12- Th Bend; 1 13- Gec 1920); Qiingfifl 281 Notes 1. Peter Vischer, assistant city editor of the New York World in 1924. See, Peter Vischer, "World's Greatest Nonsense," reprinted in The Quill, November 1987, 24-25. Originally printed in the same magazine in October, 1924. 2. Those reporters distrusted their editors and often spent much of their paychecks at the corner saloon. But, they almost always could get inside information and remained bent on bringing down corrupt officials. Burges Johnson, "Courses in Journalism," The Quill, XXX. 3. Plays, and later, movies, about journalists of bygone days filled the theatres and cinemas of the second two decades of the twentieth century. 4. Eric W. Allen, "Journalism as a Profession," The Quill, (April 1920), 1. 5. Chester S. Lord, The Young Man and Journalism, (New York: The MacMillan Co., 1922), 1-50. 6. Frederick L. Allen, "Newspapers And The Truth," The Atlantic Monthly, January 1922, 44-54; Bruce Blevin, "Newspaper Morals," The New Republic, 30 May 1923, 19. 7. “Jazzed—up news," The Quill, November 1987, 33. Originally printed in The Quill in January 1926. 8. Allen, "Journalism as a Profession," 2. 9. Francis E. Leupp, "The Waning Power of the Press," in Willard Grosvenor Bleyer, ed., The Profession of Journalism (Boston: The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1918), 30. 10. "What you see in the papers," New Republic, 10 December 1919, 40. 11. Ibid., 40-42. 12. Thomas A. Lahey, The Morals of Newspaper Making (South Bend: Notre Dame University Press, 1924), 27. 13. George Creel, How We Advertised America (New York: Harper, 1920); Willard Grosvenor Bleyer, Main Currents in the History of American Journalism (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927), 421. 14. H. L. Mencken, "Journalism in America," in The American Scene, by H. L. Mencken (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), 241. See also, Margaret A. Blanchard, "Press Criticism and Nationa Deal," Chapter America 15. Ibi 16. "Tl‘. 1920, 1 60 17. "Th . "Th . "Tk 20. 21. Upton 5 Julius 27 II MI See . Ibi . Ibi . Ibi ~ Ibi - ij Se Ch9ck’ I Allen, 1922, 4 28. Jud Check p 29- Wal 1965), - Ibi - Sir ~ All 282 National Reform Movements: The Progressive Era and the New Deal," Journalism History. 5 (Summer 1978), 33-37;54. Also see Chapters 6—9 in Marion Marzolf's work, giyilizing_ygige§; American Press Criticism 1880-1950 (New York: Longman, 1991). 15. Ibid., 76. 16. "The End of the New York Herald," The Nation, 7 February 1920, 166; " Mr. Munsey Buys," New Re ublic, 13 June 1923, 59- 60. 17. "The End of the New York Herald," 166. 18. "The Passing of the Globe," The Nation, 13 June 1923, 685. 19. "The Passing of the Globe,“ 686. 20. "Mr. Munsey Buys," 59. 21. See Chapter 36, "The Empire of Business," as one example. Upton Sinclair, The Brass Check 9th ed. (Girard: Haldeman- Julius Publications, no date given). 22. Ibid., 241. 23. Ibid., 403. 24. Ibid., 408-409. 25. Ibid., 417. 26. Ibid., 404-405. 27. See, for example: Eric Allen, "Review of ‘The Brass Check,'" Editor and Publisher, 8 January 1921, 1; Frederick L. Allen, "Newspapers and the Truth," Atlantic Monthly, January 1922, 44-54. 28. Judson Grenier, "Upton Sinclair and the Press: The Brass Check Reconsidered," Journalism Quarterly, Autumn 1972, 428. 29. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: The Free Press, 1965), 212. 30. Ibid., 213. 31. Sinclair, The Brass Check, 224. 32. Grenier, "Upton Sinclair and the Press," 432. 33. Allen, "Newspapers and the Truth," 50. 34. Cu America Economy 35. I1 36. Ibi 37. See Weekly Trial,‘ 38. Eri Journai and Soc 39. Ne: People: 1922, : 40. lb: 41. lb: 42. lb; 43. H. Ihslhm 283 34. Curtice N. Hitchcock, "The Brass Check, A Study of American Journalism: By Upton Sinclair," Journal of Political Economy, 29 (April 1921), 336. 35. Ibid., 342. 36. Ibid., 344-346. 37. See, for example, W. J. Ghent, "Mr. Sinclair's Study," The Weekly Review, 3 November 1920, 420-421; "The Daily Press on Trial," Living Age, 4 December 1920, 572-575. 38. Eric W. Allen, "The Social Value of a Code of Ethics for Journalists," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, (May 1922), 170. 39. Nelson Antrim Crawford, "The American Newspaper and the People: A Psychological Examination," Nation, 13 September 1922, 249—252. 40. Ibid., 245. 41. Ibid., 245. 42. Ibid. 43. H. L. Mencken, "Journalism in America," in H. L. Mencken, The American Scene (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), 250-251. 44. At least one of Mencken's contemporaries, William Chenery, disagreed about Munsey's independence. Chenery noted that not all editors of the time were controlled by advertisers. Munsey, however, although financially stable, was more susceptible to advertiser influence than other publishers, Chenery claimed. Munsey's claim, "I do not quarrel with the sources of my revenue," made him a less than noble publisher, said Chenery. William L. Chenery, So It Seemed, (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1952), 152. 45. Ibid., 252. 46. Walter Lippmann, Liberty And The News (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Howe, 1920), 11—13. See also, H. L. Mencken, "Journalism in America," reprinted in A Gang of Pecksniffs (New Rochelle: Arlington House, 1975), 127—140. 47. Walter Lippmann, "Liberty and the News," The Atlantic, December 1919, 786. Also see the book by the same title: Walter Lippmann, Liberty and the News (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920). 48. Ibid., 779. 49. It Freder often care.. enough confli improv journa The Tr 50. lb 51. Ib 52. lb 284 49. Ibid. Other critics of the time agreed with Lippmann. Frederick L. Allen, an editor at The Atlantic noted that bias often crept into reporting even when journalists exercised care. Reporters were often rushed, did not their subjects well enough and had to contend with witnesses that often gave conflicting information. But reporting and newspapers were improving, both factually and ethically, as education for journalists spread. See: Frederick L. Allen, "Newspapers And The Truth," The Atlantic, January 1922, 44-54. 50. Ibid., 786. 51. Ibid., 780. 52. Ibid., 780. 53. Ibid., 781. 54. Ibid., 782. 55. Marzolf, Civilizing Voices, 81. 56. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: The Free Press, 1965), 226. 57. Ibid., 227. 58. Ibid., 226-227. Lippmann's concerns about sources were a sticking point with him. Lippmann was particularly unhappy with news coverage of the Bolshevik Revolution, finding reporting riddled with errors. Poorly trained reporters did not know whom to interview and had difficulty comprehending, and subsequently reporting, the momentous changes in Russia. Lippmann and his friend Charles Merz studied over 1,000 issues of the New York Times over a three year period to demonstrate that even a paper known for its accuracy had flaws in reporting. See: Walter Lippmann and Charles Merz, "A Test of the News," The New Republic, 4 August 1920. 59. Ibid., 228. 60. Ibid., 228. 61. Philip Knightley, The Last Casualty (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich); Eric W. Allen, "The Social Value of a Code of Ethics for Journalists," in The Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, (May 1922), 171. 62. Although much has been written about these cases, the best single source is a book of Damon Runyon stories. See, Damon Runyon, Trials and Tribulations (New York: International Polygonics, LTD, 1991). 285 63. "Censorship or —-?" Editor and Publisher, 5 February 1927, 34; "A Strange Report," Editor and Publisher, 9 April 1927, 48. 64. "Censorship or --?" 34. 65. A number of ethics books came into print in the 19205. See: Nelson A. Crawford, The Ethics of Journalism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1924); Casper S. Yost, The Principles of Journalism (New York: D. Appleton, 1924); Thomas A. Lahey, Thg Morals of Newspaper Making, (South Bend: University of Notre Dame, 1924); Leon Nelson Flint, The Conscience of the Newspaper: A Case Book in the Principles and Problems of Journalism (New York: Appleton-Century, 1925); William Futhey Gibbons, Newspaper Ethics (Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers, 1926). 66. Lawrence W. Murphy, "Schools of Journalism," The Quill, (April 1922), 17. 67. "Voila!" The Quill, (May 1924), 9. 68. Ibid., 3. 69. "Journalistic Education in the United States," Journalism Bulletin, 3 (November 1926), 2-11. 70. Joseph S. Myers, "What Have the Schools Done?" Journalism Bulletin, 2 (2) (June 1925), 1 & 2. 71. H. L. Mencken, "Reflections on Journalism," Journalism Bulletin, 2 (2) (June 1925), 3. 72. Walker, City Editor, 190; Burges Johnson, " ‘Courses' in Journalism," The Quill, ***. 73. Prior to 1910 only four departments or schools of journalism —- Missouri, Wisconsin, New York University and Univ. of Washington. Several other schools had at least one course. 74. Frank W. Scott, "Significance Of The Ph.D.," Journalism Bulletin, 1(3) (September 1924), 88. 75. Joseph S. Myers, "What Have the Schools Done?" Journalism Bulletin, 2 (2) (June 1925), 2. 76. Murphy, "Schools of Journalism," 17. The list of schools is as follows: Class A: Boston University, Columbia University, IOWa State College, University of Illinois, University of Indiana, University of Iowa, Kansas State Agricultural College, University of Kansas, University of Kentucky, Leland Stanford University, Louisiana State Univer Mercer Montan Univer Univer: Univer Univer Univer Univer Univer: State Univer: Washin c: Bay Gouche Colleg 77. lb 78 . "'1 1924), 79. La (April 80. Ib 81. Ve Thellr 32. L, M 83. L. leutna 84. Al 286 University, Marquette University, University of Maryland, Mercer University, University of Missouri, University of Montana, University of Nebraska, New York University, University of Notre Dame, Northwestern University, Ohio State University, University' of Oklahoma, University of Oregon, University of Pittsburgh, University of Syracuse, Toledo University, University of Texas, University of Washington, University of Wisconsin. Class B: Beloit College, De Pauw University, Howard University, University of Michigan, University of Minnesota, University of North Dakota, Oregon State Agricultural College, University of South Dakota, University of Southern California, University of Utah, Washington State College, University of West Virginia. Class c: Baylor University, Careton College, DePauw University, Goucher College, Vassar College,Washburn College, Mills College, Cornell University. 77. Ibid. 78. "Too Many Schools?" Journalism Bulletin, 1 (2) (June 1924), 61. 79. Lawrence W. Murphy, "Schools of Journalism," The Quill, (April 1922), 17. 80. Ibid., 96. 81. Vernon Nash, "What Is Taught in Schools of Journalism," The University of Missouri Bulletin, (54), 1 December 1928, 5. 82. L. N. Flint, "Comparing Notes On Courses," Journalism Bulletin, 1 (2) (June 1924), 53. 83. L. N. Flint, "Comparing Notes On Journalism Courses," Journalism Bulletin, 1 (3) (September 1924), 84-85. 84. Allen, "Journalism as a Profession," 2-4. I. General Principles Because of the importance of newspapers and periodicals to society and government, adequate preparation is as necessary for all persons who desire to engage in journalism as it is for those who intend to practice law or medicine. No other profession has a more vital relation to the welfare of society and to the success of democratic government than has journalism. No other profession requires a wider range of knowledge or greater ability to apply such knowledge to current events and problems than does journalism. Adequate preparation for journalism, therefore, must be sufficiently broad in scope to familiarize the future journalist with the import show ‘ journa E essent year < such 5 sociol philos encour truth the pr the cm with c P instru consid societ recogn public concer techni those those S the j( techni Year c Althou be c0] Course OPport Econom SUbjec adequa journa as Pra< journa lourna O Specif 1 be 0rg( CourSe profes 287 important fields of knowledge, and sufficiently practical to show the application of the knowledge to the practice of journalism. Under present conditions the best means of acquiring this essential knowledge and of learning its application is a four— year course of study in a college or university, including such subjects as history, economics, government and politics, sociology, literature, natural science, and psychology or philosophy. Not merely acquisition of knowledge but encouragement to independent thinking and fearless search for truth should be the purpose of all courses in preparation for the profession of journalism. Instruction in all subjects in the curriculum should be vitalized by research and contact with current developments on the part of the instructors. Preparation for journalism should also include instruction and practice in journalistic technique and consideration of the responsibility of the journalist to society. All instruction in journalism should be based on a recognition of the function of the newspaper and other publications in society and government, and should not be concerned merely with developing proficiency in journalistic technique. The aims and methods of instruction should not be those of a trade school but should be the same standard as those of other professional schools and colleges. Since a liberal education is recognized as essential for the journalist, the amount of instruction in journalistic technique should not constitute so large a part of the four- year course as to exclude courses in other essential subjects. Although courses in the technique of journalism will naturally be concentrated in the last two years of the four-year courses, students in these years should also have the opportunity to pursue advanced. work in such subjects as economics, government and politics, history and literature. In all courses in journalism, as in courses in other subjects, instruction should be given by teachers with adequate preparation. The requirements for instructors in journalism should include at least a bachelor's degree as well as practical journalistic experience. Moreover, instruction in journalism should be vitalized by contact with current journalistic conditions, on the part of instructors. II standards of Education For Journalism On the basis of these general principles which should determine standards of education for journalism, the following specific requirements are considered essential: 1. That instruction in preparation for journalism shall be organized as a separate academic unit; e. g., a department, course, or school of journalism; with a dean, director, or professor at its head. 2 a col] semest depart 3 indica succes journa scienc 4 degree econom natura knowle desira instru writin in the 0f jou respon the pr. 6 COpy ] consta instru far as derive 7 be reqi Shall instrul Which: 8 Practii immediz of a n 288 2. That the successful completion of four years' work in a college or university, consisting of not less than 120 semester units, be required for a bachelor's degree in the department, course, or school of journalism. 3. That the form of the bachelor's degree granted shall indicate that the student upon ‘whom it is conferred has successfully completed the requirements for a degree in journalism; e. g., bachelor of arts in journalism; bachelor of science, course in journalism; bachelor of journalism. 4. That the four—year course required for the bachelor's degree in journalism shall normally include history, economics, government and politics, sociology, literature, natural science, and psychology or philosophy. A reading knowledge of at least one modern foreign language is desirable. 5. That the courses offered in journalism shall afford instruction and practice in reporting, copy reading, editorial writing, and the writing of special articles; and instruction in the history of journalism, and the principles, or ethics, of journalism (with particular reference to the duties and responsibilities of the journalist to society), and the law of the press. 6. That in courses in journalism requiring writing and copy reading, the students shall have the advantage of constant individual criticism of the work by competent instructors, not by students or other assistants; and that as far as possible students shall be given the benefit to be derived from seeing their work in print. 7. That in courses in newspaper reporting students shall be required to cover regular news assignments, and that they shall have the benefit of constant criticism by competent instructors, not students or assistants, on the manner in which they handle such assignments. 8. That students shall not receive academic credit for practical journalistic work unless such work is done under the immediate supervision of an instructor in journalism as a part of a regular college course in journalism. 9. That the number of instructors in journalism shall be sufficient to insure careful attention to the individual needs of the students in the instructor's courses, and that the amount of class and laboratory work required of each instructor shall not exceed that of instructors in similar departments, such as that of English composition. 10. The instructors in journalism shall be encouraged to carry on research work and to contribute to the literature of the subject. 11. That a collection of the standard books on various phases of journalism shall be available for the use of the students, and that students be required to familiarize themselves with these books. Sufficient laboratory equipment shall also be available for use in connection with instruction in the techniques of journalism. 1 from t suffic abilit journa "Princ Journa 86. Ib 87. lb 88. "J Bullet 89. J0 90. lb 91. up 31. 92. Ve HfllEEL 93 . "P 31. 94.Ibi( 95. Izi 1(3) h 96- Na 97- Ne Alfred % 289 12. That in standards of admission to and graduation from the department, course, or school of journalism shall be sufficiently high to prevent students lacking in knowledge, ability, and proficiency from obtaining a degree in journalism. "Principles And Standards Of Education For Journalism," Journalism Bulletin, 4 (January 1925, 30-31. 86. Ibid. 87. Ibid. 88. "Journalism Education in the United States," Journalism Bulletin, 3 (3) (November 1926), 3. 89. Johnson, "Courses in Journalism," **. 90. Ibid., 17. 91. "Principles And Standards Of Education For Journalism," 31. 92. Vernon Nash, "What Is Taught in Schools of Journalism," University of Missouri Bulletin, December 1, 1928, 9. 93. "Principles And Standards Of Education For Journalism," 31. 94.Ibid., 88. 95. Izil Polson, "Survey Shows Progress," Journalism Bulletin, 1(3) (September 1924), 97. 96. Nash, "What Is Taught in Schools of Journalism," 63. 97. Nelson A. Crawford, The Ethics of Journalism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1924); Casper S. Yost, The Principles of Journalism (New York: D. Appleton, 1924); Thomas A. Lahey, Egg Morals of Newspaper Making, (South Bend: University of Notre Dame, 1924); Leon Nelson Flint, The Conscience of the Newspaper: A Case Book in the Principles and Problems of Journalism (New York: Appleton—Century, 1925); William Futhey Gibbons, Newspaper Ethics (Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers, 1926). 98. Nelson A. Crawford, "The American Newspaper and the People: A Psychological Examination," The Nation, (13 September 1922), 251. 99. Ibid. A number of excellent war reporting books are available that detail how highly effective censorship and atrocity stories were during the war years. See, for example, Phillip 100. Se 101. lb 102. F1 103. L. 1 (4) ( 104. " (Septen 105. I1 106. I} 107. F] m 108. I] 109. p (2) (J‘ 110. I 111. 1 M 112. Journa 16. 113. II M 114. JOUrne 115. 4/24/s 116. 5 w 117. 1 meani] Ethic: COM/e] Evell54 290 Phillip Knightly, The First Casualty . 100. See: Crawford, The Ethics of Journalism, 39-98. 101. Ibid., 25. 102. Flint, The Conscience of the Ngyspaner, v. 103. L. N. Flint, "The Course In Ethics," Journalism Bulletin, 1 (4) (January 1925), 21. 104. "Practice ‘Plus' Ph.D.," Journalism Bulletin, 1(3) (September 1924), 94. 105. Ibid., 95. 106. Ibid. 107. Frank W. Scott, "Significance Of The Ph.D.," Journalism Bulletin, 1 (3) (September 1924), 89. 108. Ibid. 109. P. I. Reed, "The Ph. D. Calibre," Journalism Bulletin, 1 (2) (June 1924), 44. 110. Ibid., 45. 111. Leslie Higginbotham, "Practice VS. PH.D," Journalism Bulletin, 1 (March 1924), 10—12. 112. "Five Years of Newspaper Experience Suggested For Journalism Teachers," Editor and Publisher, 5 January 1929, 16. 113. "Journalism Education in the United States," Journalism Bulletin, 3 (3) (November 1926), 8. 114. Allen, "The Social Value of a Code of Ethics for Journalists," 170. 115. Letter from Carolyn Watkinson to Mary Cronin dated 4/24/91. 116. See the May 1922 edition of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 117. Alf, Pratt, ". . .‘a beautiful gesture that is perfectly meaningless . . .' The ASNE Debate over teeth in the Code of Ethics, 1923-1932fl' A paper presented at the 1990 annual convention of the American Journalism Historians; Bruce J. Evensen, "A Struggle Over Professionalism: Jazz Age Journalism And t1 Editor: the A Commun. 118. D 119. M See, f1 Press Associ; Newspm Joseph Associ John C Associ Minnes 120. T] in its Meetin 121. H Perspe 122. T in Fli 123. I At1\ant 291 And the Founding of the American Society of Newspaper Editors," A paper presented at the 1990 annual conference of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication. 118. Ibid., 1. 119. Many press associations have written their histories. See, for example: Arthur Riedesel, The Story of the Nebraska Press Association, 1873-1973 (Lincoln: Nebraska Press Association, 1973); L. Edward Carter, The Story of Oklahoma Newspapers (Muskogee, OK: Western Heritage Books, 1984); Joseph George Duncan, "First 25 Years of Michigan ‘Press Association," The Michigan Publisher, January 1943, 3-4;10; John Cameron Sim, "The History of the North Dakota Press Association," unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Minnesota, July 1940. 120. The Wisconsin Press Association noted this in an article in its official magazine, The Howler. See, "Successful Winter Meeting," The Howler, February 1925, no page number. 121. Harvey Saalberg, "The Canons of Journalism: A 50-Year Perspective," Journalism Quarterly, 50 (Winter 1973), 732. 122. The quote is taken from a speech to the ASNE. Reprinted in Flint, The Conscience of the Newspaper, 386. 123. Frederick. L. Allen, "Newspapers and the Truth," Egg Atlantic Monthly, January 1922, 44-54. 124. Bruce J. Evensen, "A Struggle Over Professionalism: Jazz Age Journalism And the Founding of the American Society of Newspaper Editors," 1. 125. Allen, "The Social Value of a Code of Ethics for Journalists," 172. 126. Ibid., 176. 127. Reprinted in Leon Flint, The Conscience of the Newspaper, 387. 128. Willard G. Bleyer, "Journalism as a Profession," The Howler, November 1923, 2. (Note: The Howler was the official publication of the Wisconsin Press Association). 129. "Code of Ethics of Colo. Press Ass'n," The Colorado Editor, February 1930, 6. 130. Willard G. Bleyer, Newspaper Writing and Editing (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1913), 357—358. 131. 5 Journal A. Sutt it§_§s 1945), 132. L Case B1 York: 1 133. D 134. At Flint' 135. R: 136. I 137. I 138. I 139. I 140. I 141. I 142. ‘ PreSS, 143. A.S.N. Vested 144. 1 145. StOkeg CaUtic buSine Pathet feel ] Confe] newspa a bus right nehul< 146. 292 131. Sarah L. Williams, Twenty Years of Education for Journalism (Columbia: E. W. Stephens Publishing, 1929); Albert A. Sutton, Education for Journalism in the United States from its Beginning to 1940 (Evanston: Northwestern University, 1945), 1-4. 132. Leon Nelson Flint, The Conscience of the Newspaper: A Case Book in the Principles and Problems of Journalism (New York: D. Appleton, 1925), 385. 133. Ibid., 281-282. 134. All of the three codes are reprinted in the appendix of Flint's book, The Conscience of the Newspaper. 135. Reprinted in Flint, The Conscience of the Newspaper, 455. 136. Ibid., 448. 137. Ibid., 447, 454, 456. 138. Ibid., 447, 456. 139. Ibid., 455. 140. Ibid., 447-448. 141. Ibid., 455. 142. James T. Williams, Jr., "The Responsibility of the Press," The Quill, (May 1924), 8. 143. Williams, it should be mentioned, was Chair of the A.S.N.E.'s Ethical Standards Committee, so therefore he had a vested interested in the group's ethics code. 144. Ibid., 9. 145. Stanley Walker, City Editor (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co., 1934), 172-173. Walker set forth the following cautionary note, however: "There has long been, in the curious business of journalism, a yearning for respectability, a pathetic hankering for righteousness." Editors, said Walker, feel better after attending ethics sessions at professional conferences. "Then they return to the job of getting out a newspaper, there to find what they knew all along—-that it is a business of imponderables, of hairline decisions, where right and wrong seem inextricably mixed up with that even more nebulous thing called Good Taste." 146. Ibid., 169. 147. 1 148. I 147. Ibid., 167. 148. Ibid., 176. "Why i yet tk used t 1 any p1 journa columr Griffi indiv: issue: ( has m; a Sen With- econm that ShOWn adher lOUrn Progr dEVel the d Conclusion "Why is it that journalism is so much better than it was, yet the public is more troubled by its performance than it used to be?"1 The above-mentioned question could have been asked by any press members, critics or journalism educators during journalism's formative years. But, its author-~Time magazine columnist Thomas Griffith--posed it in 1988, not 1888. Griffith noted that today's journalism is perceived by many individuals as too powerful, its coverage of events and issues too shoddy and its employees too arrogant.2 On first glance, his statement suggests that journalism has made few advances toward standards or toward developing a sense of professionalism in the past 100 years. To agree with this statement, however, would mean ignoring changes in economics, technology, education and intellectual outlook that have shaped the modern-day press. This research has shown that advances have been made in the development and adherence of standards and ethics in metropolitan journalism. Journalism's standards have not followed a progressive path, however. Instead, standards and ethics developed at differing rates. Seven major factors influenced the development and encouragement of ethics and standards 294 among N 1.) largely 2-) that sn 3-) press: journal anger a propage 4.) profess 5.) includ: and th¢ Politil 6.) increa sensat 7-> Press DUblic H Proced t0 sat nSeds has be for~pz VerY I and e1 as law colle: 295 among New York's press: 1.) Changes in the purpose of the press (i.e., from a largely editorial role to a news role). 2.) The late nineteenth-century professionalism movement that swept through many occupations. 3.) Two periods of vigorous public protest against the press: in the early 19005 after the height of yellow journalism and in the early 19205 following widescale public anger against World War I propaganda and press agents' propaganda. ' 4.) The influence of the emerging white-collar, professional editors on their news staffs. 5.) Technological and business changes among newspapers, including increases in the amount of news flooding newsrooms and the broadening of readerships from groups with narrow political and social interests to mass audiences. 6.) Social changes among the public, particularly increased literacy rates and decreasing interest in sensational material. 7.) The influences of such professionalizing agents as press associations, schools of journalism and trade publications. Historian James Carey noted that, "The methods, procedures and canons of journalism were developed not only to satisfy the demands of the profession but to meet the needs of industry to turn out a mass produced commodity."3 Journalism's fundamental problem in adopting standards has been its dual purpose. Newspapers have been and are both for-profit businesses and public service institutions. This very reality has always shaped, and will continue to shape and effect, the press. Unlike such traditional professions as law and medicine, therefore, the press is not a collective institution with public service at its center. Journa commod influe outloo time c practi adopte consid 1 evolut the la White] a poli exhibj in soc ninete more 1 Polit; theis Profr and t1 InCre newsp: techn domin 296 Journalism produces a sellable commodity. And, how that commodity is shaped is determined by a variety of influences, including publishers' political and personal outlooks, demands from the public, financial considerations, time constraints and the intellectual outlook of its practitioners. Indeed, as has been shown, the press has adopted standards and practices to suit these considerations. The role of the press has been a crucial factor in the evolution of standards and ethics in journalism. Prior to the late nineteenth century when journalists such as Whitelaw Reid and Joseph Pulitzer began publicly calling for a politically independent watchdog press, journalists exhibited little understanding of the press' role or power in society. Indeed, from colonial times through the late nineteenth century, journalists considered their work little more than a business. Most publishers before 1870 looked to political parties for financial support. Publishers found themselves printing both newspapers and political tracts for profit. Newspapers would not reach truly mass circulations, and thus become socially powerful until after the 18505. Increasing literacy rates, a decrease in the cost of newsprint and improvements in printing and communication technology all had to occur before newspapers could become dominant institutions in metropolitan life. The outbreak of the Civil War, and with it the public's growins newspa] staffs report gone i demand news. produc import press new fi A of rea attrac C0mmer Commer Opinic (i.e., Change divisj leave Vast, Qutsis redlh stand; 297 growing demand for news, increased the prominence of newspapers in daily life. The war also helped spur real news staffs. The days of the publisher serving as editor and reporter with opinion as a main selling point were largely gone in metropolitan regions. The war's many battles demanded correspondents and editors to handle to flow of news. Furthermore, improvements in technology allowed faster production of news and increases in circulation. But, a more important factor in shaping the role and function of the press was its shift from partisanship to advertising as a new financial base. Advertisers' interests in reaching the greatest number of readers possible coupled with publishers' desires to attract greater numbers of advertisers touched off an era of commercial competition following the Civil War. This new commercial press had news at its center, rather than opinion. This shift, coupled with changes in readership (i.e., the inclusion of low income readers), technological changes in communication and the rapid development of true divisions of labor in newsrooms occurred so quickly as to leave press members no time to ponder the effects that this vast, new journalism would have on society. This abrupt shift heightened criticism of the press by outsiders. The fundamental issues--although they were not really stated as such--were: what is news? And, what standards and ethical behaviors should journalists exhibit in the noted terms. brougl relat: reali1 18905 nor 0] ninets Crime polit. news. after and L Paral found exper mores ninet Outlo neWSp.‘ leade 1 had a Elite 298 in the attainment and coverage of news? As Walter Lippmann noted many decades later, news and truth were not synonymous terms. News merely signaled that an event occurred. Truth brought to light "the hidden facts," displaying their relationship so that the public could have a picture of reality upon which to make informed decisions.4 The metropolitan press' main problem in the 18805 and 18905 was that critics have never agree on what was news, nor on what was truth. The elite critics of the late nineteenth century saw truth through a conservative prism. Crime, scandal and any other topics that were not about the political process, science or literature were not seen as news. The elite could not accept the fact that the press after the Civil War began appealing to the literate middle and lower classes——groups whose culture and values did not parallel those of society's elite. Furthermore, the new— found commercial competition of the 18805 had led to content experimentation. The city's residents found themselves with more than 15 daily newspapers in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Each New York newspaper had its own outlook in substance and intellectual outlook. Most of these newspapers had turned away from their role as public opinion leaders. Dismayed by the new content, the elite believed they had an urgent mission to reform New York's commercial press. Elite critics believed newspapers were the cornerstone of democr for er newspa provif educat ( philos practi a comm power techns pervas mater impro of cm Score roots were: cOmmu mEani SEnsa Rando attra prest Poor 299 democracy and as such, should not be turned into vehicles for entertainment or seemingly immoral content. If newspapers did not provide a check on government while providing the largely undereducated masses with political education, who would? Critics also realized that journalists had no philosophical understanding, and thus no standards or practices to guide their craft. News seemed little more than a commodity. What spurred critics in large measure was the power that these new newspapers held. Social, economic and technological changes largely accounted for the press' pervasiveness. As literacy rates rose, the price of raw materials for making newspapers dropped and technology improved to the point where newspapers could print thousands of copies per hour. The industrial revolution had brought scores of people to the city from their tradition rural roots. These new city dwellers worked too many hours and were too disenfranchised from former patterns of village communication to continue passing news along orally in any meaningful way. Newspapers filled the void. Much of the criticism centered on the new, sensationalistic newspapers of Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst. Pulitzer saw sensationalism as a device to attract readers and bring in the circulation he needed for prestige and financial reasons. His work on behalf of the poor part demonstrated his belief that the press was a callin duty w Randol these purpos colors compls which profe perce famil Their sough clear metrc and c Wants reSpe theil FOSii infl: aWak( due begi 300 calling--the Fourth Estate. But Pulitzer's sense of public duty was overshadowed in his circulation wars with William Randolph Hearst. In their efforts to accumulate great wealth these publishers cast aside much initial noble claims of purpose, adopting sensationalistic content, exaggeration, colored news and outright faking--methods which all were completely opposite what the elite expected of an industry which claimed to be a watchdog of government and society. Editors remained the driving force behind the professionalism movement throughout this period. A large percentage of metropolitan editors hailed from white collar families. Most of these editors had college educations. Their outlook, therefore, was career oriented, but they sought careers that had both power and prestige. Journalism clearly had the power. Circulation figures for New York's metropolitan press and its abilities to sway public opinion and change laws clearly demonstrated this. But editors also wanted to hold positions that were respected. Gaining respect was essentially since it was the main reward of their work. Editors' jobs, like other emerging white collar positions, provided little financial reward. The desire for standards went beyond a white collar influence. Many editors saw journalism as a calling. The awakening of their professional and social consciousness was due in large measure to eroding social conditions and the beginnings of Progressive beliefs. Service toward readers and tr encour of in! and 01 ] polit: ethic publi style publi they newsr ethic assoc socia ' Furth instr disag lourr Profs Still Obtaf t0 cs hOurs many 301 and the community became paramount for many editors. Editors encouraged stories that uncovered the horrendous conditions of inner-city poverty, child labor, mental health facilities and other social ills. Editors also encouraged accuracy, fairness and political independence as necessary beliefs in the watchdog ethic. But editors' efforts were stymied in part by publishers' commercial concerns and heavy-handed management style. Editors often found their intentions derailed by publishers' circulation wars. Despite this, editors found they could also encourage professionalism from outside newsrooms. Many editors supported schools of journalism, ethics codes, trade publications and professional associations, recognizing these groups abilities to help socialize journalists into a professional mindset. Furthermore, many editors gave up their positions to become instructors in the newly established schools of journalism. One of the biggest problems editors faced was continued disagreement by press members about the status of journalism. Some journalists considered the press a true profession, others saw it as a quasi—literary endeavor and still others saw their work as little more than a means to obtain a paycheck. Reporters especially found it difficult to consider journalism a profession. Low salaries, long hours, no bylines and nonexistent job security discouraged many reporters from making newspapering their life's work. T the pu opinio profes initia came r also i edito: threw of its colle the p was n docto confo incre 0f cc repc} news; on rs Repel Prio 0f c Stor repo 302 The psychologically shattering discovery that by 1900 the public seemed to disregard the press as society's public opinion leader proved a boon to the encouragement of professional ideals among press members. Journalists initially were unable to recognize that their waning power came not just from the excesses of yellow journalism, but also from the press' abandonment of its traditional, guiding editorial fare in favor of news. Many members of the press threw themselves into encouraging professionalism and many of its trappings-—press associations, trade publications, college training and ethics codes-~in the hope of regaining the press' seemingly lost leadership. The vision of professionalism that the press adopted was not the autonomous professionalism of lawyers and doctors. Instead, journalists chose white collar, corporate conformity--a move which reflected the press' ever— increasing corporate nature. Conformity was used as a means of constraint to foster such standards as accuracy in reporting, which in turn was meant to bring respect to both newspapers and their staffs. Editors imposed this constraint on reporters by increasingly building up the beat system. Reporters had very loosely defined duties at their beats prior to the turn of the century. They were assigned an area of coverage, but given almost carte blanche by editors in story selection. The amount of independence coupled with reporters' fears of dismissal for failure to return with a story Editor centui Report interi editOJ Repori Editq with 1 as we indiv incre The e highl at pc newsw that Profs their freql hEIpE Jour] that 303 story led to wide-scale faking and coloring of news. Editors' efforts to curb faking after the turn of the century resulted in an enhancement of the beat system. Reporters after 1900 were assigned specific stories, interview contacts and at least some questions to ask by editors. Enterprising reporting was not dead, however. Reporters still covered unexpected, breaking stories. Editors' tighter control over reporters provided editors with stories that were known quantities. Fake story subjects as well as fake interviews with celebrities and prominent individuals began disappearing rapidly. Beats also grew more complex in response to the increasingly complex nature of American industrial society. The enormous scope of newsworthy events required consistent, highly systematized coverage. Editors had to post reporters at police stations, hospitals, city hall and other newsworthy spots, in many cases around the clock, to ensure that coverage of the city was as complete as possible. Editors used more than the beat system to encourage professional ideals in newsrooms. They also began using their discretion to fire inaccurate reporters more frequently than in previous decades. Accurate news reports helped to cultivate the prestige that editors desired. Universities cultivated conformity on a broader scale. Journalism schools took the lead in promoting the standards that many journalists claimed were the marks of profes indepe such 5 journa perce; measur 1 profes Josepl estabi journa that j Furth the b Pulit Speec teach Edito Profe been in ne the m Well and e trair 304 professionalism--accuracy, fairness, balance, political independence and a watchdog ethic. Industry-wide adoption of such standards was crucial for the press because if journalists failed to establish ideals based on their perception of the press' purpose, there would be no way to measure the quality of journalists' work. Editors and publishers at the forefront of professionalism, including Charles Dana, Whitelaw Reid, Joseph Pulitzer and Lincoln Steffens, as well as the newly established trade magazine Editor and Publisher, supported journalism education from the outset, recognizing the damage that yellow journalism had done to the press' credibility. Furthermore, they also recognized that universities proved the best means of fostering professional knowledge. When Pulitzer endowed Columbia University in 1904, his endowment speech emphasized the role that universities should play in teaching ethics. Indeed, professors had an advantage that editors with apprentices from the typecase did not. Professors trained young men and women whose minds had not been tainted by bad habits or unethical practices acquired in newsrooms or printshops. Furthermore, universities had the mandate and the time to cultivate ethical beliefs as well as the more basic techniques of newswriting, reporting and editing. These editors and publishers promoted university training for another reason-—the increasing speed and comple editor writir I 19205, substa turn < chargs journ stand the s news profe journ that and s appre press On it Press pres: broas PUbl; alSo 305 complexity of metropolitan news gathering after 1900 meant editors no longer had the time to teach the basics of writing and news values to new cub reporters. Although ethics texts did not begin appearing until the 19205, numerous newswriting and editing texts with substantial ethical components began appearing before the turn of the century. Professors indoctrinated their young charges on both the ideals of journalism and the belief that journalism was a true profession. Professors taught such standards as accuracy, fairness, balance and independence as the standards they believed necessary for a professional news organization. Although it is impossible to realize the scope of professors' success in promoting professionalism, journalist-critics like Will Irwin and H. L. Mencken noted that by 1915 reporters with university training wrote better and seemed to possess better ethical beliefs than did their apprentice-trained counterparts. Journalism's location in universities also provided the press with the opportunity to turn a critical, objective eye on itself. For the first time, professors studied how the press influenced society and how society influenced the press. These early studies proved the predecessors of broader, more influential studies, such as Walter Lippmann's Public Opinion and Liberty and the News. College training also served as a useful shield for press members who hoped to de sougr the e twent to wt liter educa jourr suppc of jc taugh Profs colle Profs Richa Steff news; journ meant statu organ (SPJ) publi and a 306 to deflect and diffuse efforts of non-journalist critics who sought to impose legal accountability on the press. Despite these advantages, press members' support for the emerging scholastic programs was slim for the first twenty years. Continued uncertainty among press members as to whether or not the press was a trade, profession or literary endeavor slowed press support for journalism education. Unlike legal, medical and religious studies, journalism education emerged and blossomed with marginal support from press members. Arguments about the usefulness of journalism education, as well as what subjects should be taught at the new programs, also hampered efforts by professors to gain the respect of working journalists and colleagues in other academic fields as well. Journalism students also had a hand in fostering professionalism. The star status of such reporters as Richard Harding Davis, Jacob Riis, Julian Ralph and Lincoln Steffens had encouraged many teenagers to believe that newspaper work was a true career. But these budding journalists also recognized that the press' shortcomings meant the occupation was not yet ready for professional status. Students aided the professionalism drive by forming organization such as the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ). Through annual meetings and the Society's publication, The Quill, SPJ encouraged adoption of ethics and a watchdog role, criticized such evils as faking and news press exten its f consi put f news; accur polit a wat Speec ideol Furtl publi Spur] and: deca< City Cham hEWS] news SOCi.‘ numb. Fair 307 news suppression and debated the responsibilities of the press in a democratic society. Editor and Publisher's encouragement of professionalism extended far beyond support for journalism programs. Since its first issue in 1901, the trade publication held a consistent View that journalism was a profession. It also put forth a model of the ideal, professional newspaper: a newspaper that was a socially responsible public trust, accurate, fair in coverage of all sides of an issue, politically independent, a guardian of community morals and a watchdog of society. Editor and Publisher published speeches and interviews with prominent press members whose ideologies of the press paralleled the magazine's views. Furthermore, the trade magazine vigorously criticized publications which failed to adhere to such ideals. Economic changes after the turn of the century also spurred adherence to such ideals as political independence and a watchdog ethic. The circulation wars of the last two decades of the nineteenth century had put many of New York City's daily newspapers out of business and irrevocably changed the newspaper readership at virtually every daily newspaper in the city. The days when press members at each newspaper had been certain of their audiences' political, social and literary preferences were over. Decreases in the number of newspapers broadened the readership spectrum. Fairness, political independence and the watchdog function becan concs to of sligr incrs newsr city' of ti of ns homog of wr flour marks Furtr schoc maga; sense with Much alrea from battl damag the F few y 308 became more than ethical concerns. They were economic concerns as well. None of the city‘s newspapers could afford to offend large groups of readers with political or moral slights of any fashion. The result of this economic reality coupled with the increasing numbers of university—trained journalists in newsrooms and increasing use of wire service material by the city's newspapers was a steady march toward homogenization of the press. Two other factors-~the inverted pyramid style of newswriting and reader pressure--also helped create homogenous newspapers. The straight, "just the facts" style of writing demanded by editors discouraged the literary flourishes-—and subsequent colorful exaggerations—-that marked newswriting in the late nineteenth century. Furthermore, as Will Irwin noted, the influence of public school education and the literary quality of popular magazines influenced the public to demand a decrease in sensationalism in newspapers. Publishers that did not comply with readers' demands found their circulations slipping. Much of the sensational content in New York's newspapers had already diminished after the turn on the century on orders from publishers. Pulitzer grew weary of his circulation battles with Hearst. Furthermore, he recognized how badly he damaged his credibility and his newspaper's credibility with the public. Hearst continued his sensational tactics for a few years more but eventually he too trimmed some of the more s contii polit. have sensa the n membe craft jourr clear inves halal atteJ smal refo out feWe offi were inhe news educ reSs rig( 309 more outrageous sensationalism from his newspapers. His continued desire for broad audiences, his entrance into political life and his new—found family life all appear to have influenced his decision to decrease the amount of sensationalism from his newspapers. These varied changes plus the maturation and extent of the newsgathering process led to a general belief among members of the public that journalists were experts at their craft. Nowhere was this expertise and the model of the journalist as the ideal professional demonstrated more clearly than by the muckrakers. The muckrakers' investigations demonstrated accuracy, a certain degree of balance and a large amount of social responsibility. The attention the muckrakers received can be attributed in no small measure to the fact that the public was ready for reform journalism. Industrialization seemed to be running out of control, wealth was concentrated in the hands of fewer and fewer individuals and trusts and corrupt public officials seemed to run the nation. The muckrakers' abilities to be seen as professionals were based on both their journalistic experience and the inherent nature of magazine work. Unlike the majority of newspaper journalists, most of the muckrakers had college educations and years of experience as reporters and researchers. Furthermore, magazines did not have the rigorous deadlines of newspapers nor newspapers' fast pace which muckr cases affor work drivs ascei bring dimiI prod: the 1 Prop; Seris 5111351 cris emErl thro Spur from Sinc Pres not 310 which so easily contributed to errors. Instead, most of the muckraking articles were the products of months, and in some cases years, of careful research. Newspapers could never afford the luxury of such time. Although the scope of the impact of the muckrakers' work in shaping newspapers' investigative reporters or the drive toward professionalism is virtually impossible to ascertain, for a brief period the muckrakers did seem to bring a measure of respectability to the press. The trust the muckrakers had gained from the public diminished sharply in the next ten years. The homogenous product turned out by newspapers across New York City lacked the punch of previous years. But widescale publication of propaganda from World War I and press agents resulted in a serious backlash by the public against newspapers and a subsequent drop in newspaper credibility. The credibility crisis was further fueled by the public's dislike of the emerging chain newspapers and a resurgence of sensationalism through tabloid newspapers that focused on sex and crime. The enormity of the public's anger with the press spurred the third big push for professionalism. Journalists from all across the spectrum—-from the radical Upton Sinclair to Walter Lippmann and H. L. Mencken analyzed the press' shortcomings. Lippmann worried that if journalism did not reform itself, Congress might through legislation. Despite the differing political and social views of these jourr not s level resps then the 1 fair cove inst degr read Code had deVe The edit news COlc resI atts The} the 311 these press critics, all agreed on two points-—reform in journalism via the professionalization of the craft could not exist until press members increased their education levels and enforced long-discussed ethical ideals. Working journalists scrambled to regain the public's respect by codifying their standards and ethical beliefs then publishing those codes as banners of respectability for the world to see. The press codes encouraged accuracy, fairness and conservative reporting instead of sensational coverage. In a nod to economic concerns, most ethics codes instructed news staffs never to use racially or religiously degrading terms. Newspapers did not want to lose potential readers. Some codes, particularly the Hearst Newspaper Chain Code, encouraged editors to fire inaccurate reporters. Although several of New York City's largest newspapers had ethics codes, the majority of codes in the 19205 were developed by rural editors through state press associations. The codes were, in large measure, a direct rebuke by rural editors to metropolitan newspapers, including New York newspapers, for the excesses of sensationalism, faking and coloring of news. Universities also reevaluated their programs in response to the ethical crisis of the 1920s. Professors attempted to standardize courses to homogenize education. They also attempted to increase the academic standing of their fledgling departments by encouraging research and promc curri cub r univs newsr ofter stanc schos Jourx lice] requ: the] uan1 leur accr syst the to i prog more What hand 312 promoting the need for doctorate degrees among professors. Professors' efforts in the 1920s to standardize curriculum as a means of both providing better training to cub reporters and enhancing professors' status among university colleagues met with resounding defeat. Like newspapers, journalism programs remained individualistic and often rivalrous entities. Attempts to pattern course standardization after the standardization of medical and law schools, although well intentioned, were bound to fail. Journalism lacked the entrance requirements of examinations, licensing and college training that other professions required. If journalists had an exam similar in nature to the bar exam, university training would have almost unquestionably been forced to offer certain standard courses as a means of guaranteeing adequate preparation for young journalists. Professors did manage, by 1929, to adopt an accreditation system for programs. Although it was a simple system that put little emphasis on quality, the system was the first attempt to encourage educational standards. Professors had equally little success in their attempts to increase the number of doctorate holders in journalism programs. Many professors saw journalism programs as little more than trade schools. Furthermore, they believed that what newspapers wanted most were cub reporters able to handle basic newswriting, reporting and copy editing. The teach the n Univs Battl of pi jour1 that publ tech] the stil spec auto adve prod thei stil stor medi Proy litt Seen decg 313 teaching of those skills did not require a doctorate. Only the more far-sighted professors, such as Eric Allen of the University of Oregon, saw journalism as a social science. Battles about what should be taught and the qualifications of professors would go on for decades beyond the 19205. The development and adoption of ethics and standards in journalism reflect the difficulties involved in an industry that is supposed to be a business, a quasi-profession and a public servant. Public pressure, economic, social, technological and intellectual concerns have all influenced the creation and adoption of standards. Many of the issues that journalists faced 100 years ago still haunt press members today. Recently, for example, some special interest magazines, including Variety and several automobile magazines, had several companies cancel expensive advertising layouts following negative reviews of their products. Some of the magazines wavered and apologized to their advertisers. Others did not. Similarly, fake stories still occasionally slip past editors. Several fake atrocity stories during the Gulf War resulted in rebukes for the media once they were discovered. The realities of the press' strengths and weaknesses provide ample fuel for cynics who believe the press has made little progress. Yet, a comment by H. L. Mencken from 1914 seems a relevant answer to critics of the press from any decade: "The way of ethical progress is not straight. But if we thu certai we sli 314 we thus move onward and upward by leaps and bounds it is certainly better than not moving at all. Each time, perhaps, we slip back, but each time we stop at a higher level."5 315 Notes 1. Thomas Griffith, "Goodbye to All That," Time, 18 April 1988, 46. 2. Ibid., 47. 3. James Carey, "The Problem of Journalism History," Journalism History, 1 (Spring 1974), 5. 4. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: The Free Press, 1965), 226. 5. H. L. Mencken, "Newspaper Morals," The Atlantic Monthly, March 1914, 297. 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Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1862. North, S. N. D., ed. The Newspaper and Periodic Press. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1884. Rossiter, William S. "Printing and Publishing," in Manufactures: Special Reports on Selected Industries, Part III. Census Reports Vol. IX, 12th Census. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1902. Unsigned Articles: Criticism and Trade Press "Abetting Class Antagonism." The Independent, 26 January 1911, 212-213. "Accuracy The Ideal." Editor and Publisher, 25 March 1905, 4. "A Filth Supplement." The Journalist, 31 July 1886, 8. "M1 4 . "A ‘ "All 787 "Ans "An "An 188‘ "A ] Kee "An, "An 19 0 "An 190 "AS "A "BC "By 327 "After The Fakirs." Editor and Publisher, 8 February 1902, 4. "A Journalistic Lobbyist." The Journalist, 8 January 1887, 9. "Allan Forman Dead." Editor and Publisher, 21 March 1914, 787. "Anecdotal Picture." The Journalist, 12 July 1884, 1-2. "An Editor's Duty." The Journalist, 16 May 1885, 4. "An Editor's Qualifications." The Journalist, 23 October 1886, 13. "A Newspaper Must Have a Social Conscience Says Publisher Keeley." Editor and Publisher, 13 November 1915, 600. "Another View-~The Reporters' Protective Association." The Journalist, 5 December 1885, 1. "Antiquated Libel Law." Editor and Publisher, 21 January 1905, 4. "An Unjustifiable Attack." Editor and Publisher, 22 March 1902, 4. "A Plea For Reform In Editorial Associations." Editor and Publisher, 29 June 1901, 4. "A Pragmatic Solution." The Dial, 1 April 1908, 199. "A Question of Bribery." Editor and Publisher, 26 April 1902, 4. "A Question That Should Be Settled." The Journalist, 17 October 1885, 4. "A Real Newspaper." The Outlook, 23 November 1911, 765-766. "A Reporters' Protective Association." The Journalist, 21 November 1885, 4. "As A Profession." Editor and Publisher, 15 August 1903, 4. "A Strange Report." Editor and Publisher, 9 April 1927, 48. "Bohemians no More." Editor and Publisher, 20 July 1901, 6. "By Whitelaw Reid." Editor and Publisher, 15 August 1903, 7. "Ce: 190 "Ce "C1 "C0 " Co " Cu "Cu "Da “Dr 19E 19( 328 "Censorship Of The Press." Editor and Publisher, 17 January 1903, 4. "Censorship or --?" Editor and Publisher, 5 April 1927, 34. "Clean Journalism." Editor and Publisher, 17 August 1901, 2. "College Journalism." The Journalist, 20 March 1886, 4. "Copy Butchering." Editor and Publisher, 3 August 1901, 7. "Cutting Bills." The Journalist, 5 April 1884, 6. "Cutting Bills." The Journalist, 10 May 1884, 4. "Dana And The Sun." Editor and Publisher, 20 July 1901, 2. "Dr. Abbott on Newspapers." Editor and Publisher, 20 May 1905, 4. "Edited By Outsiders." Editor and Publisher, 28 December 1907, 4. "Editorial Comment." Editor and Publisher, 29 June 1901, 4. "Editorial Comment." Editor and Publisher, 28 September 1901, 4. "Editors Are Not Trial Justices." Editor and Publisher, 30 November 1901, 4. "Editors Now and Then." The Journalist, 28 February 1885, 4. "Endowed Journalism." The Literary Digest, 24 August 1912, 303. "Errors and Corrections." Editor and Publisher, 21 January 1905, 4. "Esprit De Corps Among Journalists." The Journalist, 1 November 1884, 4. "Fake Interviews." Editor and Publisher, 18 February 1905, 4. "Faking in Journalism." The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 4. "Fortunes Of The Sun." Editor and Publisher, 13 January 1912, 1-2. "Free Lances and News Sharks." Editor and Publisher, 27 September 1902, 4. "G n H4 "H 2 0 "H1 181 "I.“ "H( III] "II "II "II "II 19( "Ir "IT "I11 "IS Oct "IS 190 “18 Jan "It 2. "It 329 "Green with jealousy." he Quill, November 1987, 21. "Hatching Of The Fakirs." Editor and Publisher, 5 October 1901, 8. "Hints to Young Journalists." The Journalist, 22 March 1884, 2. "Hints to Young Journalists." The Journalist, 29 March 1884, 8. "Honesty is the Best Policy." The Journalist, 20 January 1886, 4. _ "How Far?" Editor and Publisher, 21 January 1905, 4. "How We Get Our News." Harper's Monthly, 1867, 511-522. "Independence for Editors." The New Republic, 17 August 1918, 61-62. "Indecent Journalism." The Journalist, 27 March 1886, 12. "Indecent Journalism." The Journalist, 12 February 1887, 8. "Independence The Crying Need." The Journalist, 17 May 1884, 1. "Independent Newspapers." Editor and Publisher, 21 February 1903, 6. "Indicted for Libel." The Fourth Estate, 14 March 1895, 1. "Interesting Debate." Editor and Publisher, 2 February 1907, 7. "In The Right Direction." The Journalist, 5 March 1887, 8. "Is An Honest Newspaper Possible?" The Atlantic Monthly. October 1908, 441—447. "Is Honest Journalism Possible?" Current Literature, January 1909, 46-48. "Is Sane and Honest Journalism Possible?" Review of Reviews, January 1910, 93—94. "It's Munsey's Way." Editor and Publisher, 7 December 1901, 2. "Its Salutary Effect." Editor and Publisher, 11 March 1905, 4. “Jaz prir “Je'v Jul} "Jo: "J01 "Jo Dec "Ke “Re "Re "Le "Ls 529 "L1 “Li "L: 19l 330 "Jazzed-up news." he Quill, November 1987, 33. Originally printed in The Quill, January 1926. "Jewseph [sic] Pulitzer's Advertisements." The Journalist, 5 July 1884, 1. "Journalism in New York." The Nation, 3 August 1893, 78-79. "Journalistic Grudges." The Fourth Estate, 5 January 1901, 8. "Journalists Live in Glass Houses." Editor and Publisher, 7 December 1901, 4. "Keep Clean." Editor and Publisher, 19 November 1910, 3. "Keep Up the Prices." The Journalist, 15 January 1887, 8. "Keyhole Journalism." The Journalist, 28 March 1885, 3. "Lecture at Yale." Editor and Publisher, 17 January 1903, 1— 2. "Letters From America." Living Age, 26 February 1910, 526- 529. "Libel Amendment." Editor and Publisher, 14 March 1903, 1. "Libel in New York." Editor and Publisher, 7 March 1903, 1. "Libel Law Passes Assembly." Editor and Publisher, 8 April 1905, 1. "Licenses For Newspaper Men." Editor and Publisher, 4 May 1912, 8. "Long Look Ahead." The Fourth Estate, 5 January 1901, 10. "Making a Newspaper." Editor and Publisher, 1 June 1907, 1— 2. "M'Avoy Libel Suits." Editor and Publisher, 8 April 1905, 1 & o "More News from the Times." The New Republic, 11 August 1920, 299-301. "Mr. Laffan And The Sun." The Outlook, 4 December 1909, 764- 765. "Mr. Munsey Buys." New Re ublic, 13 June 1923, 59-60. "Mr. 581- "Mr. 188! "Mr‘ "Ne: 12 ( "NC! 190} "No 190. "Ne‘ 151 "Ne‘ "Ne "Ne "Ne 191 "Ne 31 "Ne 191 "Ne 188 "Ne "Ne "Ne "NE 19C "NE "NE 331 "Mr. Reid and Journalism." The Nation, 19 December 1912, 581-582. "Mr. Richardson Expresses Himself," The Journalist, 14 March 1885, 3. "Mr. Watterson." The Journalist, 10 January 1885, 1. "New Writers Have A Hard Row To Hoe." Editor and Publisher, 12 October 1901, 4. "New ‘School of Journalism.'" Editor and Publisher, 19 July 1902, 4. . "Newspaper a Common School." Editor and Publisher, 8 April 1905, 4. "Newspaper Cruelty." The Century Magazine, May 1912, 150— 151. "Newspaper Industry." Editor and Publisher, 21 June 1902, 7. "Newspaper Industry." Editor and Publisher, 21 June 1902, 4. "Newspaper Jelousies." The Journalist, 4 September 1886, 8. "Newspaper Makers At Work." Editor and Publisher, 17 March 1917, 9. "Newspaper Salaries In England And America." The Journalist, 31 August 1901, 6. "Newspaper Training Needed." Editor and Publisher, 6 January 1917, 9. "Newspaper Tyranny and Veracity." The Journalist, 9 August 1884, 3. "Newspapers As Institutions." The Nation, 15 July 1915, 85. "Newspapers In Our Homes." The Journalist, 8 January 1887, 8. "New York." The Journalist, 15 August 1891, 4. "New York As A News Center." Editor and Publisher, 15 June 1907, 4. "New York Libel Laws." Editor and Publisher, 7 March 1903, 4. "New York's Newspapers." The Journalist, 21 March 1891, 5. "Ns P_u] "N! 191 "O: 19' “0: ll o "0 "P "P "P "P "P "P 332 "No Economy In Employing Cheap Editors." Editor and Publisher, 25 January 1902, 4. "No Parkhurst Paper." Editor and Publisher, 14 February 1903, 1. "Offenses Against Good Journalism." The Outlook, 29 February 1908, 479. "Office-Holders as Reporters." The Journalist, 7 March 1885, 4. "Our Subsidized Press." The Nation, 16 December 1915, 706— 707. "Outside Work." The Journalist, 10 May 1884, 4. "Pay As You Go." The Journalist, 27 February 1886, 4. "Pay On Acceptance." The Journalist, 20 February 1886, 4. "Penny Busy Again." Editor and Publisher, 7 January 1905, 1 & 3. "Penny's Press Muzzler.“ Editor and Publisher, 7 January 1905, 4. "Press and Pulpit." Editor and Publisher, 26 December 1903, 4. "Press Muckraked." Editor and Publisher, 12 March 1910, 8. "Print the News." The Outlook, 12 November 1910, 563-564. "Publishers Should Protect The Public." Editor and Publisher, 24 August 1901, 4. "Pulitzer and Chicago." The Journalist, 19 July 1884, 2. "Pulpit and Press." Editor and Publisher, 20 December 1902, 1 & 5. "Pulpit vs. Press." The Journalist, 6 February 1886, 4. "Punish The Fakirs." Editor and Publisher, 22 February 1902, 8. "Reid on the Press." The Fourth Estate, 16 March 1901, 7. "Reckless Correspondents." Editor and Publisher, 3 January 1903, 4. "Re: 640 II Re] "Res "Res Sep1 "Res 1902 "Ro< 1907 "Scl "Scs "Sea M "Sm: "Son llsuc page "Tal 1908 llTa] 1907 "The "The 108. "The Oth "The June "The 1901 "The 333 "Reminiscences Of An Editor." The Forum, January 1896, 631- 640. "Reporter's Pay." The Journalist, 12 April 1884, 3. "Requiescat in Pace." The Journalist, 17 January 1885, 1. "Responsibility For Yellow Journalism." The Nation, 26 September 1901, 238-239. "Restricting Cartoonists." Editor and Publisher, 31 January 1903, 4. "Roosevelt To Newspaper Men." Editor and Publisher, 15 June 1907, 4. "Schools of Journalism." The Nation, 6 March 1890, 197-198. "Scooping A Faker." The Literary Digest, 7 August 1915, 267. "Searchlight On Wall Street Reporting." Editor and Publisher, 31 March 1917, 1. "Smutty Literature." The Journalist, 26 July 1884, 4. "Some Curious Methods." The Journalist, 17 January 1885, 4. "Successful Winter Meeting." The Howler. February 1925, no page numbers. "Tainted News as Seen in the Making." The Bookman, December 1908, 396-403. "Talk on Journalism." Editor and Publisher, 21 December i 1907, 6. "The Absurd City Editor." The Journalist, 19 July 1884, 3. "The Adulteration of News." The Nation, 12 August 1880, 107- 108. "The Advance of Fifty Years." Editor and Publisher, 5 October 1901, 4. "The Atlantic Monthly Sensation." Editor and Publisher, 21 June 1902, 4. "The Best is None Too Good." Editor and Publisher, 29 June 1901, 4. "The Bill Cutter Must Go." The Journalist, 26 April 1884, 4. "Tl m "T1 19} "TI Oct "T1. Dec "Th "Th 190 "Th 190 "Th‘ "Th! Jam "Tm "Tm 334 "The Bill-Cutting Question." The Journalist, 31 October 1885, 4. "The Boastful World." The Journalist, 28 June 1884, 1. "The Coachman in Politics." The Journalist, 24 January 1885, 4. "The College Journalist." The Journalist, 10 January 1885, 5. "The Crime Of The Yellows." Editor and Publisher, 14 September 1901, 4. "The Daily Press on Trial.“ Living Age, 4 December 1920, 572-575. "The Decay of American Journalism." The Dial, 16 April 1897, 237-239. "The Dreadful Reporter." The Journalist, 2 May 1891, 8. "The Editorial I." The Journalist, 31 July 1886, 8. "The Editor's Attitude Toward Reforms." Editor and Publisher, 31 August 1901, 6. "The End of the New York Herald." The Nation, 7 February 1920, 166. "The Extinction of the Newspaper." Scribner's Ma azine, October 1902, 507-508. "The Falsification Of The News." The Independent, 13 December 1915, 420. "The Future as History." The Quill, November 1987, 20—21. "The Gentlemanly Reporter." The Century Magazine, November 1909, 149-150. "The Honest Newspaper." Editor and Publisher, 19 January 1907, 4. "The Human Publisher." The Journalist, 11 July 1891, 8. "The Moral Force Of The Press." Editor and Publisher, 11 January 1902, 4. "The New Credulity." The Nation, 30 March 1905, 241-242. "The Newspaper Profession." Editor and Publisher, 19 April III] III] 335 1902, 4. "The New York Herald." The Journalist, 5 April 1884, 2. "The New York Times' Golden Jubilee." Editor and Publisher, 28 September 1901, 4. "The Passing of the Globe." The Nation, 13 June 1923, 685- 686. "The Power of the Press." The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 8. "The Press And Political Corruption." The Nation, 14 November 1915, 535. "The Press In A Democracy." The Literary Digest, 3 January 1914, 21. "The Progressive Press." The Outlook, 28 September 1912, 161-162. "The Question of Signature." The Journalist, 21 September 1889, 8. "The Question of Signature." Editor and Publisher, 6 July 1901, 4. "The Reporter's Say." The Journalist, 29 March 1884, 8. "The Reporter's Say." The Journalist, 12 April 1884, 3. "The Reporter." The Journalist, 23 February 1889, 12-13. "The Reporter." Editor and Publisher, 8 April 1905, 7. "The Responsibility of Editors." Editor and Publisher, 1 November 1902, 4. "The Secret Of The Influence Of The American Press." Editor and Publisher, 22 March 1902, 4. "The Spectator." The Outlook, 23 February 1901, 437-439. "The Suppression of News." Editor and Publisher, 3 March 1917, 14. "The Value of Organization." The Journalist, 25 March 1891, 8. "The Year's Record." The Journalist, 12 January 1901, 14. "Truth No Libel." The Journalist, 6 June 1891, 8. "Re "Ur 479 “VC "We Fer “We "WI- "w: H W} "W 191 "wl Mai NW] NW IIW‘ 336 "Reporter's Pay." The Journalist, 12 April 1884, 3. "Untrue and Impertinent." The Outlook, 29 February 1908, 479. "Voila!" The Quill, May 1924, 9. "Watterson To The Reporters." Editor and Publisher, 22 February 1902, 5. "We Make Our Bow And Speak Our Piece." Editor and Publisher, 29 June 1901, 4. "What is Legitimate News?" The Journalist, 19 February 1887, 2. "What is News?" The Outlook, 23 May 1908, 137. "What is News?" Scribner's Magazine, October 1908, 507-508. "What Makes Good Reporters?" Editor and Publisher, 31 May 1902, 4. "What Public Men Think of the Newspapers." Collier's, 23 March 1912, 17. "What You See in the Papers." The New Re ublic, 10 December 1919, 40-42. "William R. Hearst." Editor and Publisher, 29 July 1901, 1- 2. "Women in New York." Editor and Publisher, 6 June 1907, 3. "World Charges That Tammany Libel Suits Were Brought To Silence New York Press." Editor and Publisher. (3 November 1917), 15. "World's Greatest Marine Disaster." Editor and Publisher, 27 April 1912, 18. "W. R. Hearst Interviewed." Editor and Publisher, 30 May 1903, 2. Signed Articles of Criticism Allen, Eric. "Journalism as a Profession." The Quill, April 1920, 1-4; 10. Allen, Eric. "The Social Value of a Code of Ethics for Journalists." The Annals of The American Academy of "U 0 ... BE 1 Ban] Augl Ber‘ m Big 188 Bis Jul Bet m 337 Political and Social Science, May 1922, 170-179. Auerbach, Joseph S. "One Phase of Journalism." North American Review, November 1911, 723-736. Banks, E. L. "American Yellow Journalism." 19th Centur , August 1898, 328-340. Berg, Albert Ellery. "Do We Need A College of Journalism?" The Journalist, 7 March 1885, 6. Bigney, Frank R. "The Reporter." The Journalist, 11 April 1885, 1. Bishop, Joseph. "Newspaper Espionage." The Journalist, 31 July 1886, 1. Boucicault, Dion. "The Decline and Fall of the Press." North American Review, July 1887, 32-39. Bowles, Samuel. "The Independent Press: Its Opportunities and Duties." North American Review, July 1906, 40-46. Bradford, Gamaliel. "Journalism and Permanence." North American Review, August 1915, 239-241. Brisbane, Arthur. "Joseph Pulitzer." Cosmo olitan, May 1902, 51-54. Brooks, Noah. "The Newspaper of The Future." The Forum, July 1890, 569-578. Brooks, Sydney. "The Significance of Mr. Hearst." Living Age, 38 4 January 1908, 3-12. Chambers, Julius. "The Press and the Public Official." The Forum, July 1910, 14—25. Cockerill, John A. "Some Phases of Contemporary Journalism." Cosmopolitan, October 1892, 695-703. Colby, F. M. "Attacking the Newspapers." The Bookman, August 1902, 534-536. Collins, James H. "The American Grub Street." The Atlantic, November 1906, 634-643. Crane, J. Townley. "Faking in New Jersey." The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 4. Crawford, Nelson A. ”The American Newspaper and the People: A Psychological Examination." The Nation, 13 September 1922, t3 IEUU H IE?11 T‘! 338 249-252. Davis, Hartley. "The Journalism of New York." Munse '5, November 1900, 217-233. DeWeese, Truman A. "From ‘Journalism' to the ‘Newspaper Industry.'" The Independent, 11 December 1902, 2953-2955. Dodd, William E. "Political Corruption and the Public." New Republic, 11 June 1924, 63-64. Fine, Barnett. "First Journalism Schools Scorned." Editor and Publisher, 21 July 1934, 160;200;202;204;206. Flenner, Guy. "What is News." Colliers, 13 May 1911, 42. Foster, Roger. "Trial By Newspaper." The North American Review, May 1887, 524-527. Fritz, B. F. "The Power of the Press." The Journalist, 11 April 1891, 11. Garnsey, John H. "The Demand for Sensational Journals." The Arena, November 1897, 681—686. Ghent, W. J. "Mr. Sinclair's Study." The Weekly Review, 3 November 1920, 420-421. Halstead, Murat. "The Varieties of Journalism." Cosmopolitan, December 1892, 202-207. Hapgood, Hutchins and Arthur Bartlett Maurice. "The Great Newspapers Of The United states, Pt. I." Bookman, February 1902, 567-584. Hapgood, Hutchins and Arthur Bartlett Maurice. "The Great Newspapers Of The United States, Pt. II." Bookman, February 1902, 567—584. Hapgood, Norman. "Reporter and Literature." Bookman, April 1897, 119-121. Haskell, H. J. "The Public, The Newspaper's Problem." The Outlook, 3 April 1909, 791-795. Ireland, Frederic. "The Printing of Spoken Words." Review of Reviews, June 1901, 714-716. Irwin, Will. "The New York Sun." The American Magazine, January 1909), 301-310. Irwin, Will. "The Power of the Press." Collier's, 21 January I071 ”07¢ 339 1911, 15 a 18. ----------- . "The Dim Beginnings." Collier's, 4 February ----------- . "The Fourth Current." Collier's, 18 February 1911, 14-17; 24,27. ----------- . "The Spread and Decline of Yellow Journalism." Collier's, 4 March 1911, 18-20; 36. ----------- . "What Is News?" Collier's, 18 March 1911, 16- ----------- . "The Editor and the News." Collier's, 1 April 1911, 18-19;28-29. ----------- . "The Reporter and the News." Collier's, 22 April 1911, 21-22;35-36. ----------- . "All the News That's Fit to Print." Collier's, 6 May 1911, 17-18. ----------- . "The Advertising Influence." Collier's, 27 May 1911, 15-16;23-25. ----------- . "The Unhealthy Alliance." Collier's, 3 June 1911, 17-19;28-29;31. ----------- . "Our Kind of People." Collier's, 17 June 1911, 17-18. ----------- . "The Foe From Within." Collier's, 1 July 1911, 17-18;30. ----------- . "The New Era." Collier's, 8 July 1911, 15- l6;25. ----------- . "The Press of Two Cities." Collier's, 22 July 1911, 13;25—26. ' ----------- . "The Voice of a Generation." Collier's, 29 July 1911, 15-16;23;25. Johnson, Burges. "Courses in Journalism." The Quill, 4-5. Kelly, Fred C. "Accuracy Pays-~in any Business." Literary Digest, 50-51. Kemp. Richard W. "The American Newspaper: The Policy of the Paper." Bookman, December 1904, 310-319. 340 Lee, James Melvin. "Near-Newspapers--Written and Spoken." The Outlook, 19 December 1917, 658-660. Levey, Augustus A. "The Newspaper Habit and Its Effects." The North American Review, September 1886, 308-312. Lilly, W. S. "The Ethics of Journalism." The Forum, July 1889, 507-512. Lippmann, Walter and Merz, Charles. "A Test of the News." The New Republic, 4 August 1920, 1—42. Mathews, Byron C. "A Study of a New York Daily." The Independent, 13 January 1910, 82-86. McGovern, J. B. M. "An Important Phase of Gutter Journalism." The Arena, February 1898, 240-253. Meade, Charles Watson. "The City Editor." Bookman, September 1904, 25-35. Mencken, Henry L. "Newspaper Morals." The Atlantic Monthl , March 1914, 289-297. Meredith, Maude. "The Responsibility of Writers." The Journalist, 2 May 1891, 7. Mitchell, Edward P. "Mr. Dana and His People." Scribners, September 1924, 290-299. Morgan, Shepard Ashman. "The Reader, The Reporter, And The News." The Outlook, 3 June 1911, 253-256. Munsey, Frank. "An Address Delivered by Mr. Munsey before the Merchants' Club of Boston on December 16." Munsey's, February 1903, 662-666. Munsterberg, Hugo. "The Case of the Reporter." McClures, February 1911, 435-439. Murphy, Lawrence W. "Schools of Journalism." The Quill, April 1922, 17-18. Ochs, Adolph S. "Business Announcement." New York Times, 18 August 1896, 4. Ochs, George. "Journalism." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, July 1906, 51-57. Pennypacker, Samuel W. "Sensational Journalism and the Remedy." The North American Review, November 1909, 587-593. 341 Pew, Marlen. "Story Of The Rise of Editor and Publisher." Editor and Publisher, 21 July 1934, 34-35;308-309. Pringle, Henry F. "The Newspaperman as an Artist." Scribner's, February 1935, 101-111. Pulitzer, Joseph. "The College of Journalism." The North American Review, May 1904, 641-680. Ralph, Julian. "The Newspaper Correspondent." Scribner's Magazine, August 1893, 150-166. Ralph, Julian. "Election Night in a Newspaper Office." Scribner's Magazine, November 1894, 531-544. Rider, George T. "The Pretensions of Journalism." The North American Review, November 1882, 471-483. Roosevelt, Theodore. "Mendacious Journalism." The Outlook, 3 September 1910, 10-12. Ross, Edward Alsworth. "The Suppression of Important News." The Atlantic Monthly, March 1910, 303-311. Seldes, George H. and Seldes, Gilbert V. "The Press and the Reporter." The Forum, November 1914, 722-725. Steffens, J. Lincoln. "The Business of a Newspaper." Scribners, October 1897, 447-467. Steffens, Lincoln. "The New School of Journalism." The Bookman, October 1903, 173—177. 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Dissertations Birkhead, Herbert Douglas. Presenting The Press: Journalism And The Professional Project. Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 1982. Connery, Thomas B. Fusing Fictional Technigue and Journalistic Fact: Literary Journalism in the 18905 Newspaper. Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 1984. Crouthamel, James L. James Watson Webb and the New York Courier and Enquirer. 1827-1861. Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1958. Morton, Jerry Lee. The History of the Journalism Program At Michigan State University. Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1991. Shilen, Ronald. The Concept of Objectivity in Journalism in the United States. Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1955. Simm, John Cameron. The History of the North Dakota Press Association. M.A. thesis, University of Minnesota, 1940. T T— 2251211251l291111711112212813212 349 Letters Letter to Julius Chambers, managing editor of New York World from Joseph Pulitzer, 10 February 1889. Reprinted in Chambers' book, News Hunting on Three Continents. Letter from Charles A. Taylor. Reprinted in The Journalist, 16 May 1891, 4. Letter from Robert Brown, publisher of Editor and Publisher, to Mary Cronin, October 1990. Letter from Carolyn Watkinson, president, New York State Press Association, to Mary Cronin, April 24, 1991. Trade Journals The Journalist 22 March 1884 (First Issue) 29 March 1884 5 April 1884 12 April 1884 26 April 1884 10 May 1884 17 May 1884 28 June 1884 5 July 1884 12 July 1884 19 July 1884 26 July 1884 9 August 1884 13 September 1884 18 October 1884 1 November 1884 13 December 1884 7 February 1885 16 May 1885 11 July 1885 12 January 1889 16 February 1889 23 February 1889 2 March 1889 13 April 1889 25 May 1889 8 June 1889 13 July 1889 3 August 1889 21 September 1889 12 October 1889 2 November 1889 221221 T— 19124 TH: 261-41—11-4-4- 21 December 1889 21 March 1891 11 April 1891 2 May 1891 24 March 1897 1 May 1897 The Fourth Estate 12 January 1901 9 February 1901 16 March 1901 27 April 1901 4 May 1901 Editor and Publisher 29 June 1901 (First Issue) 6 July 1901 13 July 1901 20 July 1901 3 August 1901 10 August 1901 17 August 1901 24 August 1901 31 August 1901 7 September 1901 14 September 1901 21 September 1901 28 September 1901 5 October 1901 12 October 1901 19 October 1901 26 October 1901 2 November 1901 16 November 1901 7 December 1901 11 January 1902 8 February 1902 22 February 1902 22 March 1902 19 April 1902 26 April 1902 31 May 1902 27 September 1902 1 November 1902 20 December 1902 21 February 1903 15 August 1903 26 December 1903 14 January 1905 350 l.l.. a-.~ -l l ...: ..... «In—41114226121124.2141 2 351 21 January 1905 25 February 1905 11 March 1905 25 March 1905 8 April 1905 27 May 1905 10 June 1905 1 July 1905 12 August 1905 30 September 1905 7 October 1905 4 November 1905 16 December 1905 15 August 1906 19 January 1907 1 June 1907 21 December 1907 29 January 1910 5 February 1910 12 February 1910 12 March 1910 2 April 1910 7 May 1910 14 May 1910 8 June 1910 23 July 1910 13 August 1910 3 September 1910 1 October 1910 19 November 1910 10 December 1910 4 May 1912 2 January 1915 27 February 1915 6 March 1915 17 April 1915 29 May 1915 19 June 1915 10 July 1915 21 August 1915 4 September 1915 23 October 1915 13 November 1915 4 December 1915 17 March 1917 21 July 1934 (50th Anniversary Issue) H ll) HIHHI 312930|Ci|9149901 HIHWIIHIII‘ QN STRTE UNIV HICHIG .. ... .‘:...Ei} \ ......i ... 5...... ...:1‘. \ ... ...... .. «......é... .. ..3... . 9...... 1.5.. ... 2:... ...».3:..c..2.t.. 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