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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

SELF—OBJECT DEFICIT, ANGER, AND ENVY
IN THE NARCISSISTIC CONDITION

presented by

LESLIE A. WOLOWITZ

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. Psychology

degree in

 

 

 

Mfr,

Ma jOt‘ professor

Bertram P. Karon

 

 

Date December 2, 1991

 

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SELF-OBJECT DEFICIT, ANGER, AND ENVY IN
THE NARCISSISTIC CONDITION

BY
Leslie Anne Wolowitz

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Psychology

1991

ABSTRACT

SELF-OBJECT DEFICIT, ANGER, AND ENVY IN
THE NARCISSISTIC CONDITION

BY
Leslie Anne Wolowitz

To test some theoretical explanations of narcissism,
this author developed a scoring system to rate projective
stimuli for the presence of "self-object" deficit, from
Kohut, and for conflict with anger and envy, from Kernberg.

55 men and 88 women undergraduates were administered,
in a group, the O’Brien multiphasic Narcissism Inventory
(OMNI), selected TAT cards, and Blacky Picture Test cards,
and asked to record a daydream.

The major hypothesis stated that self-object deficit,
conflict with anger and envy, and "narcissistic" daydreams
would positively correlate with narcissism. other
hypotheses were that men would show more of the
"narcissistic personality" dimension of the OMNI, and that
women would score higher on the "narcissistically abused
personality" dimension. Additionally, the three types of
narcissism measured by the OMNI were expected to be
differentiated with respect to the separate contributions of
the independent variables.

The significant findings gave modest support to the
major hypothesis. Self-object deficits, conflict with anger
and envy, and "narcissistic" daydreams showed the predicted

relationship to narcissism. Kohut's concepts were not

confirmed as being stronger predictors of OMNI scores than
did Kernberg's concepts. There were no significant gender
differences in the types of narcissism observed. The three
types of narcissism were differentiated in the following
ways. The "narcissistic personality" dimension was best
explained with unfavorable ratings of TAT father and
conflict with anger. The "perfectionistic/ controlling"
dimension was most correlated with unfavorable ratings of
TAT mother. The "narcissistically abused personality"
dimension was best predicted by unfavorable ratings of TAT
father.

The neglected role of the father-figure in
psychoanalytic explanations of narcissistic character
formation was noted, as it was the overall, most consistent

predictor of narcissism in the sample.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank each member of my committee for
helping me to research an ongoing theoretical interest of
mine. tProfessor Bertram Karon, my chairperson, has been the
kind of mentor that students search far and wide for. He
invested time, thought, and care into my development as a
researcher and clinician. He allowed me to learn from him
and to gradually separate when needed; a gift I will never
forget. Professor Anne Bogat was inspirational as a teacher
and as a role model. Her ethical integrity and intellectual
rigor continue to inspire. Professors Ellen Strommen and
Ray Frankmann provided valuable help with their expertise in.
gender issues and qualitative analysis.

Gratitude is extended to Dr. Diane Whitt for her
magnificent ability to understand projective material from
an object-relations perspective. Her excitement in the
arduous task of rating protocols was, happily, infectious.
Dr. Marshall Edelson is acknowledged for the role he played,
unknown to him, in the writing of the dissertation. Every
time I wrote "this" I heard him saying, 'this...what?" His
precision and clarity of thought are memorable. Thank you
to Rosemarie Ratto for her friendship and support as a
fellow student at Michigan State.

This project could not have begun without the

longstanding encouragement from Patricia and Howard

iv

Wolowitz, of my "healthy narcissism"; a necessary condition
for this work.

Finally, I would like to thank Arthur Dworetz. His
patience, resourceful support and keen perceptiveness paved

the way for the completion of the dissertation.

I

II

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Narcissism: The Focus of the Study............. 1
Narcissism as Represented in Myth............... 1
Narcissism as Psychopathology................... 3

Goals of the Study.............................. 4

REVIEW OF THE LITERATUREOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

6
Freud: Primary and Secondary Narcissism........ 6
The Role of Envy: Kernberg’s Perspective....... 9
The Role of Aggression: Kernberg's
Prospective................................19
Self/Self-object Deficits: Kohut's
Perspective................................24
Mirroring and Idealizing........................26
Idealizing......................................31
The Self Psychological Explanation of
Narcissistic Personality Disorder..........34
Theoretical Comparison of Kohut and Kernberg....37
Attempts to Integrate Kernberg and Kohut........41
Review of Studies...............................44
Hypotheses......................................47

Study RationaleOO0.0000000000000000000.0.0.0....48

III METHODS.eeeeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeoeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeesz

v.1

vii
Subjects........................................53
Measure of the Dependent Variable:

Narcissism.................................53
Daydreams as an Adjunctive Measure of
Narcissism.................................56
Measures of Self-Object Mirroring and
Idealizing.................................57
Measures of Anger and Envy......................60
Coding of the Independent Variables.............62
Procedure.......................................63
Statistical Analyses............................63
IV RESULTS..............................................65
Descriptive Statistics..........................65
Gender Differences..............................69
Inter-relationships between independent
variables..................................70
Hypothesis Tests................................71
Explorations of three types of narcissism.......74
OMNI Total......................................75
OMNI I..........................................76
ONNI II.........................................76
OMNI III........................................77
V DISCUSSION...........................................78
The Role of Gender..............................79
The Relationships Between Independent
Variables..................................82

Results of the Pearson Correlations Regarding

viii

Hypothesis of the Study....................84
Explorations of What Contributes Most to

Subtypes of Narcissism.....................87
The Meaning of the Link Between Father and

Narcissism.. ........ .. .......... . ........ ..89
Conclusion.. ............ ........................92

APPENDICES

Appendix A: Measures...........................95
Appendix B: Criteria for Scoring Daydreams....107
Appendix C: Coding Themes of Mirroring and

Idealizable Self-objects..................108
Appendix D: Coding Themes of Conflict with

Envy and Anger.......... ..... ..... ....... .112

BIBLIOGRAPHY...0.0.0.0...0000000000.0.00...00.0.0000000000118

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

TABLE

LIST OF TABLES

Self-Object Measures............................66
Measures of Anger and Envy......................67
Daydream Measure................................67
OMNI Means and Standard Deviations..............68
Percentage ratings of TAT FATHER by gender......69
Pearson product moment correlations between
subscales (n=140)...............................70'
Pearson product moment correlations between
subscales and OMNI..............................72
Multiple regression model for total OMNI
scores..........................................75
Multiple regression model for OMNI I scores.....76
Multiple regression model for OMNI II scores....76

Multiple regression model for OMNI III scores...77

1.x

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

s' m' o

Narcissism denotes a variety of psychological
experiences. It is used to conceptualize internal states,
to describe a developmental stage, and to characterize a
kind of psychopathology. This study focuses on the latter.
Yet it is important to note that narcissism, as a
personality style, can be an immensely adaptive strategy and
that narcissism is a key part of normal psychological
development. Psychoanalytic theory has placed pathological
narcissism in the middle of a spectrum that ranges from the
"classical neuroses" (e.g., obsessive-compulsive and
hysterical styles) to narcissistic and borderline
organizations of personality, to the psychoses.

Clinical and theoretical interest in narcissism
burgeoned in the past three decades. It is unclear whether
this was due to an actual increase in narcissistic
psychopathology. An alternative explanation is that the
subject of narcissism remained a relatively less explored
phenomenon for the second generation of analytic thinkers
(after Freud) to investigate (Cooper, 1986).
W

The Greek myth of Narcissus provides a point of origin
for the discussion of narcissism, as well as a meaningful

set of themes and images. The story is a tragic one and

1.

2

speaks to the suffering and unfulfilled longing that
underlie the narcissist's surface glory. As told by Ovid
(Grant, 1962) the myth begins with the river-god Cephisus
ravishing Liriope, a nymph. Liriope gives birth to
Narcissus and Cephisus abandons them. Liriope asks the
prophet Teresias if her son will live to a ripe, old age.
He replies that Narcissus will live a long time only if he
"never knows himself." Narcissus grows to be a beautiful
teenager and attracts many suitors. The nymph Echo falls in
love with him but Narcissus rejects her. Ill from
unrequited love, Echo dissolves into a disembodied voice.
In anger she prays to the gods for restitution. Nemesis
devises a fitting punishment. Narcissus will see his
reflection in a silver spring and fall in love. When he
reaches out to hold the object of his desire (himself), it
will disintegrate. Narcissus eventually dies from his love-
sick longing (in one version from suicide). Narcissus's
dead body then transforms into the flower, narcissus.

Sheldon Bach (1985) notes that the name of this flower
is derived from the Greek word for narcotic. A narcotic,-
known for its power to soothe, is a fitting antidote for the
suffering that Narcissus himself feels and evoked in Echo.
The theme of body disintegration and the mirage of outward
beauty portrayed in the myth, are central to the clinical
understanding of the narcissistic problem. More germane to
this study are the myth's depictions of mirroring and
idealization that Kohut writes about with regard to

3
narcissism. Bach (1985) uses the myth as a starting point
to describe his theory that narcissism is a problem of
identity and consciousness. The narcissistic distortion
arises from both a self-centeredness that compensates for
failure and an impairment in the capacity to self-reflect.
The ability to hold self-as-subject with self-as-object is
disturbed.
Narcissism as Psychopathology
Narcissistic pathology is globally characterized by an
intense need for admiration, self-involvement, an
insensitivity towards the needs of others, overvaluation or
devaluation of one's self-importance, rage in response to
criticism, hypochondriacal concerns, transient states of
shame, charm, grandiose schemes and fantasies, and self
reports of emptiness and fraudulence (Adler, 1986). The
diagnostic and statistical manual for Mental Disorders (DSM
III-R) defines it as:
(1) a grandiose sense of uniqueness and self
importance
(2) preoccupation with fantasies of power, brilliance,
fame, beauty or love
(3) constant need for attention and admiration: a form
of exhibitionism
(4) indifference, rage, or shame in response to
criticism, defeat, or lack of interest from others
(5) interpersonal disturbance in the form of

entitlement, taking advantage of others,

4
alternating between idealization and devaluation,
or a lack of empathy for others.
Qggls g; the Stggy

This study focuses on the contrasting views of
narcissism proposed by Otto Kernberg and Heinz Kohut in the
1960’s. Kernberg held that narcissism was a variation of
borderline personality organization. He thought that in
place of the identity diffusion occurring in borderline
pathology, narcissistic pathology grew out of a fragile core
identity that was fraught with preoedipal conflicts around
envy and aggression. A pathological self-structure was
formed to manage these unconscious conflicts.

Kohut viewed narcissism as separate from borderline
pathology. The narcissistic disorder was based on
deficiencies in self-generated psychological functions,
accrued in childhood. Kernberg emphasized the role of
aggression and intrapsychic conflict and defense. Kohut
stressed the absence of self-functions as a result of
regularly occurring ruptures in the psychological matrix
created in the interaction between child and parent. Hence
the narcissistic self develops to gain the missing
experience of well-being. Both theorists note the
underlying fragmentation of this personality organization.

This study is an attempt to locate Kernberg's and
Kohut’s basic concepts in narratives given by "normal"
college students. Another goal is to look at how these

phenomena correlate to varying subclinical levels of

5
narcissism and how they might distribute among gender and
subtypes of narcissism. In trying to empirically validate
these constructs, it is assumed that the two theories can
co-exist in the data, despite the controversy that their

differences have sparked.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

d° a a c'ss s

Narcissism was first used as a clinical term at the end
of the 18th century by Havelock Ellis. It referred to a
sexual perversion where one’s body was treated a§_1f it were
that of a loved other. Ellis also noted narcissism in the
feminine attitude of extreme self-absorption in appearance
(Pulver, 1970). It is interesting that this self-obsession
is portrayed by a male in the Greek myth. This speaks to
the importance of culture in promoting gender-associated
attitudes. Freud read Ellis and used the term not for a
specific perversion, but in a larger context.

Freud's thoughts on narcissism culminated in his 1914
paper "On Narcissism: An Introduction." He believed in a
primary and secondary narcissism. Primary narcissism was
the overall psychological state of infancy: a state of
awareness of self to the exclusion of others. He considered
this to be a universal condition and adjunctively called it
"normal narcissism." Freud (1914) commented, "The charm of
a child lies to a great extent in his narcissism, his self-
contentment and inaccessibility." Only later did the child
develop an awareness of the presence of others as separate
beings. This self-investment is linked to a sense of
grandiosity and feelings of power and perfection (Freud,

1914: Cooper, 1986). Furthermore, the child's narcissism is

6

7
a reflection of the parent’s re-living of their own lost
primary narcissism through their child. The parents collude
in exaggerating their child's perfection and in ignoring any
weaknesses. Primary narcissism is explained by the infant's
limited consciousness and by the parental wish to re-create
their own archaic grandiosity.

In the working through of the Oedipal complex, the
intrapsychic world becomes structuralized in a constellation
of ego, superego, and id. The ego-ideal (part of the
superego) carries the vestiges of the primary narcissism.
With the advent of object-love (and the capacity to perceive
an "object") psychic energy, once directed completely
towards the self, can now be invested in others. The
varying degree and proportion of self and other investments
depends on the character structure of the individual. Hence
a narcissistic person would be more focused on self than
other. Despite the concreteness of Freud’s metaphors, he
mapped out the process involved in narcissistic character
formation.

Freud also hypothesized a secondary narcissism.
Secondary narcissism was, in essence, a reaction to hurt.
Disappointment in love or the experience of failure of the
body in illness, caused a temporary reinvestment in the
self. Freud illustrated this concept with the self-
preoccupation found in adults suffering from serious
illness. Disappointment in love (e.g., rejection)

constituted a "narcissistic injury." This idea relates to

8
Bach's (1985) theory of the compensatory function of
narcissism following a failure of the self as a locus of
agency and mastery. This theme was also taken up in Adler's
theory of the "Napoleonic complex" where defect is covered
over with grandiosity.

In reference to more enduring states of
psychopathology, Freud thought that narcissism explained the
lack of contact with others in schizophrenia. To make
matters more complex, he classified the choice of a partner
as either narcissistic or anaclitic. The narcissistic
object-choice involved finding a wished-for or idealized
aspect of the self in the mate. For Freud, homosexuality
represented a narcissistic object-choice. The anaclitic
object-choice is based on finding someone who resembles
early images of the parents and to those who fulfill
conditions for love, rooted in infancy.

In addition to object-choice, Freud believed that
health lay in a balance between self-love and object-love.
Self-esteem grew from the integrity of one's primary
narcissism and later in the ability to meet the demands of
the ego-ideal. However he thought that object-love was
essential to mental health and that the inability to find
and fully invest in a partner caused decompensation. Freud
warned that a "cure by love" is incomplete because it is
always dependent on the lover. The process of

psychoanalysis was to use object-love (the positive

9
transference) in the service of re-creating the self’s inner
structure.

Freud’s paper established a multitude of meanings for
the concept of narcissism. Both healthy and pathological
forms of narcissism were sketched. However it was only
later that psychoanalytic theory took up the problem of
narcissism with such fervor. Some have suggested that
patients labeled in Freud's time as hysterical or borderline
were really narcissistic. Others, such as Christopher Lasch
(1978), argue that modern values of ambition and competition
inherent in a capitalistic economy engendered a "culture of
narcissism." If so, then psychoanalytic theory looks at the
prOblems and contemporary adaptations of the patients who
seek to alleviate their particular suffering.

The c E ° '

Kernberg's theory of narcissistic personality formation
focuses on the role that oral aggression and envy play in
early life. Unresolved conflicts around aggression lead to
a "pathological self-structure" that forms the core of this
character structure. This study attempts to capture
Rernberg's theory through the subject’s relationship to
their envy and aggression. Therefore it is necessary to
briefly review these concepts in Kernberg's writings and in
those of his predecessor, Melanie Klein.

In narcissistic character, the capacity for relatedness
is thought to be seriously disturbed by a lack of concern

and empathy towards others and difficulty in forming

10

interdependent bonds. This lack of engagement is seen as a
defensive position that masks "chronic, intense envy".
Specifically envy is warded off with the processes of
devaluation of the other, omnipotent control, and
interpersonal withdrawal (Kernberg, 1975). Real interest
and contact is made usually when someone presents an
opportunity for gratification, as in a temporary
idealization of a significant person or when someone is
admiring them. Kernberg traces this relational position
back to the fantasy life of the two and three year old
child. Where the normal child desires to have special
qualities (e.g., beauty, intelligence) to be seen as
loveable, the narcissistic child's fantasies revolve around
being the exclusive owner of special traits, in order to be
admired. The fantasy of exclusivity, in narcissism, has
roots in the infant’s perception of the mother as the sole
owner of the goods that the child must wait to receive.

Kernberg's ideas about envy are related and to a
certain degree derived from Melanie Klein's seminal work on
envy. Klein was instrumental in demonstrating the primacy
of envy in psychological life. Many of her colleagues in
the British Psychoanalytic Society regarded her theory as
controversial. Her theory continues to be a source of
debate. Envy had previously been seen as a typically
feminine attribute and weakness (Grosskurth, 1986). Klein,

however, found envy to be a powerful, universal emotion that

11
shaped the infant's inner-world and subsequent
relationships:
"Envy is the angry feeling that another

person possesses and enjoys something desirable --

the envious impulse being to take it away or spoil

it. Moreover, envy implies the subject's

relationship to one person only and goes back to

the earliest exclusive relation with mother."

(Klein, 1956)

The original possessor of something desirable is the
mother with her breast or bottle. Consequently, all
children have some degree of envy towards mother and
implicitly wish to rob or spoil her contents: her creative
power. According to Klein, the breast is never as
gratifying as one hopes for and frustration is felt as
actively sadistic. The early "part-object” of the
gratifying breast is gradually introjected into the child’s
symbolic representations and forms the beginnings of a good
internalized object. This good internalized object paves
the way for satisfying relationships and protects the child
from feeling overwhelmed by the internal and external forces
that cause anxiety and persecutory fears. This process may
be hypothesized to function in separation anxiety and in
stranger anxiety. Before internalization has occurred, the
actual presence of the mother is needed as a barrier against
a sense of danger.

Klein ordered early life into two psychological
positions. Until age four the schizoid position

predominates. Here, the phenomenological world is felt to

be either all-good or all-bad. The good and bad within the

12
self (and experienced from others) are later integrated in
the depressive position. The salient experiences of the
earlier schizoid period are those generated from mother as
part-object: the good gratifying breast and the bad
withholding breast.

Klein framed her theory in Freud's language of drive
and structure. She emphasized the importance of the
presence of aggressive energy at birth. Envy and greed were
seen as variations of aggression. Aggression is aimed at
destroying hurtful external objects that are introjected as
well (i.e., the experience of a frustrating or angry
mother). Envy and greed are differentiated from general
aggression in that they are directed at the good object
(Klein, 1956: Grosskurth, 1986). Greed is defined by Klein
as an "insatiable craving" expressed as a wish to
destructively introject the good breast. Berke (1988)
contends that greed is a less destructive impulse than envy.
However Berke notes that envy and greed occur together and
has termed this phenomenon ”grenvy." Envy is the desire to
spoil and rob the good object (e.g., to ravage). One
mechanism, in envy, is to destroy the good perceived as
contained in the other through projecting bad parts of the
self onto this figure (Klein, 1956). In this way the "good
object" is spoiled, envy diminishes, and the negative parts
of the self are cast off.

Envy is differentiated from jealousy in that it is

enacted as a two, rather than a three person scenario.

l3
Klein posited envy as the more primitive, archaic emotion.
Developmentally, later concerns with the oedipal triangle
and sibling rivalry produce jealous feelings (Klein, 1956:
Kernberg, 1980: Grosskurth, 1986).

Resentment at having to depend on mother as the
dispenser of nourishment, attention, and safety gives rise
to envy of her. In the Kleinian view, this ultimately leads
to a wish to destroy another's creative power. Greed is the
wish to have all the good inside oneself. Envy and greed
are both strategies to control the "good object." Because
envy involves spoiling (whether in fantasy or in enactment)
it controls the good object at the expense of destroying it.
The destruction of what is felt to be good in the world
leaves the envious person in the position of having no good
object to relate to. Therefore envy can generate anxiety
and even terror, as the hope of a good relationship
disintegrates in the process (Greenberg and Mitchell, 1983).
There are many illustrations of symbolic envy in cinema. In
figh§_flith_1he_flind, TARA, the O'Hara's home, is burnt down
as the representation of the wealthy, white South which was
maintained at the expense of Black slaves. This have and
have-not theme is more currently depicted in DQ_The_Right
Thing. Here the "goods" are linked to an oral symbol that
could stand for the bountiful but withholding breast. This
is the Italian-owned pizza parlor in the Black ghetto that
eventually gets burned down in a rebellion against

oppression. One may speculate that the rage and destruction

14
directed by an oppressed group towards the ”goods" owned by
the oppressors, mimics the envy of childhood aimed at the
mother and her bounty.

One explanation for the power of these pictures-as-
symbols is that they speak to our envious fantasies to
destroy the contents of what is felt to be good outside of
ourselves. Klein thought that envy was a major reason for
the so-called "negative therapeutic reaction" in
psychoanalysis. Here, the patient’s envy of the therapist’s
healing power results in the patient becoming worse, as if
to negate the presence of the therapist's capacity to repair
and create. The patient sabotages the therapeutic
relationship as they have done with others in the past.

"Needless to say, our patients criticize us

for a variety of reasons, sometimes with

justification. But a patient’s need to devalue

the very help he has experienced is the expression

of envy." (Klein, 1956).

Where Klein mentioned paranoid patients as having excessive
envy, Kernberg suggests that narcissistic patients have
hidden, destructive envy of the analyst. At the earliest
stage in development envy interferes with the
internalization process between child and caretaker: a
process vital to therapeutic change.

The other side of the young child’s relationship to the
good object is gratitude. Gratitude is the appreciation of
the goodness and enjoyment received from the parents. The

universal struggle between envy and gratitude, when

balanced, leads to a capacity to identify with significant

15
other's success and to an ability to enjoy what is good in
relationships (Grosskurth, 1986: Klein, 1956).

Kernberg assimilated Klein’s theory and used envy to
explain the narcissist's proclivity to devalue others and
avoid mutual dependency. He describes narcissistic
character pathology with an array of defenses that serve to
depreciate and spoil others. The depreciation helps to
avoid deeper conflicts with envy (Kernberg, 1970). If
nothing is good and desirable then there is no impetus for
envious feelings. The spoiling is a direct attack on the
object. Since the "good object” must be introjected from an
external person (the mother), envy undermines the building
up of inner-representations of gopdness. Without this
reliable sense of inner-support, the narcissist depends on
the approval and admiration of others. This places an
unrealistic demand on relationships as a constant supply of
admiration is needed for psychologic well-being.

Narcissistic persons envy what they don't have and envy
those who know how to enjoy life. Alice Miller (1979) after
hearing Kernberg's comment on the envy of those who enjoy
life, elaborated, by saying that this was the essence of the
narcissist's plight. As children, they have not been free
to enjoy life or to be average, but have had to prove their
specialness. The parents admire their childrens' talents
for their own narcissistic purposes. Miller draws analogies
between depression and narcissism. They are both obsessed

with reclaiming a lost paradise and envy health in others.

16

The narcissist inflates his/her self to capture a sense of
goodness, whereas the depressive mourns its loss. Miller
reasons that narcissism involves the creation of a false
(grandiose) self that hides and defends against painful
feelings of anger, envy, and despair. However by cutting
off psychic pain, they lose access to a host of emotions
that are part of the experience of being alive. Tragically,
the mask of narcissism is more deadening than the dreaded
envy it hides (Miller, 1979; Greenberg and Mitchell, 1981).

Miller and Kernberg both take a step away from Klein in
recognizing the role of the parents in creating narcissistic
conditions. Miller puts more emphasis on the mother to
explain the etiology of narcissism, whereas Kernberg
fluctuates between accepting a drive-notion of
constitutional envy and offering a more interpersonal
theory. Miller (1979) describes a mother who uses her child
as an echo (perhaps playing on the figure of Echo in the
myth of Narcissus). The child must offer admiration and
attention to the mother. The mother’s secret envy and
hatred of the child is communicated, leaving the child with
false grandiosity and a hidden sense of shame, envy, and
hatred. Kernberg (1970) describes cold and covertly
aggressive parents who use the child in the family that
possesses some special quality or who is an only child.
This specialness arouses envy mixed with possible admiration
and causes the child to equate dependency on others with

hatred, envy, and exploitation.

17

Kernberg maps the self in narcissism differently than
Miller. There are three selves: a real-self, and ideal-self
and an ideal-other contained within the boundaries of the
self representation. The following is an attempt to outline
this rather maze-like construct of the self-structure in
narcissistic character. The ideal-self is normally a part
of the ego-ideal that forms one of the elements of superego.
The ideal-self in narcissistic character is part of their
ego, according to Kernberg, rather than being connected to
the superego. Therefore the narcissist consciously
experiences him/her self as their ideal-self rather than as
striving for an (unconscious) image of perfection. In
healthy and neurotic character, the ego-ideal composes a
value system that the person tries to fulfill, in order to
feel good about themselves. Because the ideal-self is
contained in ego (in narcissistic character) and not in the
ego-ideal, there lacks a sense of guiding values.
Furthermore, the ideal-other becomes fused into self-
representation, in narcissism, rather than remain as an
internalized image of a fantasied other. In other words,
the internal self-and-other images break down in the same
way that Narcissus is confused by his mirror image and acts
§§_1fi it were his beautiful lover. This creates boundary
confusion: a phenomenon mentioned by Bach (1985) as well in
regard to narcissism.

Kernberg describes the boundary confusion in terms of

the phenomenological experience of self and how it affects

18
real relationships. The presence of the ideal-other as part
of self representation (in the narcissistic condition)
intensifies the "pathological grandiose self". A certain
disinterest pervades relationships as a result of this self-
other consolidation. This inflated sense of self is thought
to be a compensation for envy. The narcissist withdraws
into the self to seek gratification normally sought from
others. The envy and complementary grandiosity distorts the
value of others and results in attempts to control and
minimize the importance of others (Kernberg, 1975). In
psychoanalysis, the narcissistic patient devalues the
analyst out of envy. This defensive tactic keeps the
patient from feeling a terrifying degree of envy and hatred
towards the analyst.

In summary, Kernberg explains narcissism working from
an object-relations perspective. He understands envy,
stemming from early oral aggression, to be a key factor in
creating a certain self-structure and set of defenses. This
"pathological self structure" is comprised of a grandiose
self that blends ideal-self and ideal-other object images.
Relationships with others evoke the underlying envy and are
defended against with omnipotent control, devaluation and
withdrawal. Many other analytic writers have corroborated
the significance of envy in narcissistic disorders and have
attributed this clinical finding to Kernberg (Rosenfeld,

1964; Miller, 1979; Adler, 1986: Modell, 1975).

19

o . ,

Kernberg holds an extremely rich and complex view of
aggression and its role in development. Aggression is
thought to be a vital part of normal object relations,
sexuality, and personal value systems (Kernberg, 1980).
Aggression, as part of the contents of superego, contributes
to a capacity for responsibility, concern, and commitment
towards others. This superego aggression manifests as guilt
and shame. Kernberg aptly states the value of aggression
when he says that mature love is only possible in those who
"love well and hate well" (Kernberg, 1980). Yet the kind of
primitive oral aggression found in narcissistic (and
borderline) personalities creates conflicts that, in turn,
shape psychological structures that are qualitatively
different.

Kernberg's theoretical perspective is taken from the
early object-relations theories of Klein, Fairbairn and
later, Jacobson and Mahler. Klein elaborated on the
emotional and fantasy world of early life. Although
Kernberg rejected Klein's postulation of a highly developed
fantasy life in infancy, he accepted the notion of early
forms of aggression, anxiety, and rudimentary inner-
structures in the mental life of the first few years.

Another aspect of the influence of aggression on
narcissism is the management of this painful affect through
the primitive defense mechanisms of splitting and

projection. Again it was Klein that first hypothesized

20
these defenses as ways to keep the anger and attendant bad
self-object representations from destroying the good self-
object unit. In splitting, an all-good representation and
an all-bad representation are formed, so that the bad does
not contaminate the good experience. In projection, the bad
felt to be inside is externalized to an appropriate person
or thing. Kernberg identifies splitting and projection as
primitive destructive defenses that the borderline/
narcissist rely on, to modulate their aggression and
preserve their good self-and-object mental images. In more
developed character structures, these all-good and all-bad
representations become integrated and allow for realistic
self-image and for complex perceptions of others with
positive and negatively colored tones.

Fairbairn predated Kernberg in making a bridge between
the drive/structure model and the relational model of
personality. However Fairbairn felt that people were
"object-seeking" from birth and developed hatred only in
reaction to frustrating and depriving experiences with the
environment. Kernberg retained the original Freudian view
of innate libidinal and aggressive strivings. It is this
difference that forms the core of the Kernberg/Kohut
controversy, with Kohut using a more Fairbairnian assumption
that rejects innate aggression. For Kernberg, the baby is
both object-seeking and object-rejecting (Fairbairn, 1951:
Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983: Kernberg, 1980). Aggression in

the formation of narcissism is seen, by Kernberg, as

21
precipitating from both constitutional states and from
parental treatment.
"...it is an open question to what extent

inborn intensity of aggressive drive participates

in this picture, and that the predominance of

cold, narcissistic and at the same time over-

protective mother figures appear to be the main

etiological element in the psychogenesis of this

pathology." (p. 257, Kernberg, 1974)

The result of this overwhelming aggression is the
pathological self-structure that Kernberg also refers to as
the grandiose self. This is represented by a deviant fusion
of ideal-self, real-self, and ideal-other, as was mentioned
in the context of the role of envy.

This pathological self-structure is libidinally
invested in narcissism. Since the picture of a good other
is part of self identity, the self is loved with an
intensity that would normally be invested in relationships
with others: hence the narcissistic grandiosity and
aloofness. Additionally, bad parts of self-and-object
representations are projected outward, furthering the
devaluation of others. The superego structure of the
narcissist remains unintegrated and underdeveloped, as it
lacks the energy given by the ideal self-and-other images.
The narcissist's self-structure is defensively created
during the phase of separation-individuation in response to
"interpersonal difficulties." It is during this stage that
internalized good and bad representations differentiate into
libido and aggression. It is the force of this aggression

that undermines the organization, differentiation, and

22
integration of good and bad self/other representations
(Kernberg, 1975: 1980: Glassman, 1988).

The narcissistic grandiosity defends against aggression
because the tension normally created by having to strive for
the idealized self is subverted. It is as if the narcissist
does not have to become the best that he or she can be (as
the U.S. military advertisement reminds us) because he/she
is already there subjectively. Aggression is manifested
more openly in the employment of devaluation, exploitation,
and depreciation of people and things that have a separate
existence. When the narcissist does idealize, it is only a
temporary stealing of glory and the idealized figure rapidly
falls from grace (Kernberg, 1975: 1980). Similarly, the
desire to be the idealized self, which has to do with values
and superego integrity, is used only as a vehicle to placate
others and to gain admiration. These admirers are perceived
as useless and empty once their admiration has been won.
Deep down the narcissist feels like a crook, according to
Kernberg (1975).

Interpersonal disappointment fills the narcissist with
anger and "revengeful wishes" rather than with the real
sadness of loss. Cooper (1986) summarizes the aggressive
function of the grandiose self by stating that it is an
attempt to destroy the object.

Other subsequent psychoanalytic theorists have used
Kernberg to develop different but related explanations of

the etiology and phenomenology of narcissism. Reich (1960)

23
finds early traumatic mothering to be the 'agent
provocateur’. She describes invasive mothers who violate
the infant’s bodily and psychological boundaries. This
trauma causes a narcissistic withdrawal into an endangered
self. Magical defenses and fusions protect the child by
metaphorically saying "I am not helpless, in fact I'm bigger
and better than anyone else." Furthermore, they equate
themselves with their idealized objects (Kernberg's refusion
with the ideal-object within the self-representation).
Intimacy is desired only when admiration can be found to
help regulate painful swings in self-esteem. Reich
hypothesizes that the narcissistic symptom of
hypochondriasis is an encapsulation of unneutralized
aggression.

Modell (1975) re-invents Kernberg's pathological
grandiose self as a false self. The violation of the true
self by an intrusive mother creates a false self-
organization that defends against further intrusion. The
major objective, for Modell, in narcissism is self-
sufficiency. Avoiding closeness with others is tempered
only by a need for admiration. The admiration from others
is used to maintain autonomy. This anti-dependent stance is
demonstrated by emotional withholding because affective
expression exposes the underlying infantile dependency
needs. The common sense of emptiness, reported first by
Kernberg, is explained by Modell as a proof of the presence

of a false self, devoid of any true likeness. Like

24
Kernberg, Modell thinks of narcissism as a defensive
posture. For Kernberg it is a defense against inner
aggression and envy: for Modell it is a defense against
intrusion and further damage to one's true self. In
Kernberg’s theory it is assumed that the interpersonal world
shapes the internal world so significantly that what may
have began as destruction from the outside ends up as a need
to destroy.

Similar to Modell, Miller (1979) believes that both the
narcissistic and the depressive share a false-self
organization. Grandiosity’s role in narcissism is to
protect against anger, envy, and loss. For Miller the
splitting off of hatred, envy, and despair ultimately
deadens the self: a self that was not allowed to be

expressed in childhood.

1!! - -o: - I- =' ;-!_ ’; '- ;.-

Heinz Kohut modified Freudian theory and subsequent
object-relational theory by taking out the drive and defense
framework, so central to conflict theory. He fixed
personality organization firmly in the relational sphere.
Kohut countered the prevailing psychoanalytic view that
narcissist’s were unanalyzable. Freud had specified that a
transference neurosis was necessary as part of analysis and
narcissistic patients did not have these types of
transferences. Following Freud's logic, Kohut identified

what he believed to be three (since expanded) transference

25

reactions common to narcissistic patients: mirroring,
idealizing, and merger transferences. He then categorized
narcissistic personalities into two types: narcissistic
behavior disorders marked by addiction and acting-out, and
narcissistic personality disorders. The narcissistic
personality was described by Kohut and Wolf (1978) as
characterized by a lack of zest, hypersensitivity to
slights, and hypochondriasis. Kohut's analytic work with
narcissism led to his theory of self psychology and to a
novel way of understanding the narcissistic condition.

Kohut's theory is based on how the self becomes
constructed: its transformations and solidification.
According to Kohut there are two developmental lines that
together make up personality. One has to do with
relationship to the self. The other line is object-love. A
clear self emerges at about 18 months of age and is
consolidated by age 8 (Wolf, 1984). Relationships outside
the self can have narcissistic and/or object love aims.
Most relationships are assumed to combine narcissistic
gratification and love of the other (Kohut, 1977: 1983).
The narcissistic personality disorder develops from
experiences in the first seven years of life: as the self is
developing (Wolf, 1984). Interference in the narcissistic
developmental line is considered the key element in
producing narcissistic pathology.

In a rather counter-intuitive statement, Kohut claimed

that narcissists had been prevented from accessing their

26

healthy normal narcissism in childhood (Kohut & Wolf, 1978:
Wolf, 1988). Having been unable to get their original
narcissistic needs met, their grandiosity remained in its
archaic form: split off and unintegrated. According to
Kohut, the hunger for admiration and insistence on being
special, constitute functional attempts to satisfy what ygtg
normal childhood demands in adulthood. Assaults and
deprivations regarding early claims for recognition and
identification with idealized parents, engender intense
shame and a vulnerable self open to momentary fragmentation.

Narcissism, per se, and as defined as "the libidinal
investment in the self" (Hartmann, 1948) is not
pathological, but is in fact one of the essential components
of personality. The primary narcissism that accompanies the
infant’s blissful merger with mother matures and emerges in
different forms as the narcissistic developmental line grows
(Kohut, 1966). It is only when this developmental line is
blocked that a developmental arrest occurs and a

narcissistic personality disorder unfolds.

H' o l 2 I: 1' .

Mirroring and idealizing are psychological functions
that naturally occur in the relationship between parent and
child. These functions are assumed to be disturbed in the
narcissist's early relationships. Therefore it is necessary
to summarize Kohut's view of early development. Kohut

thought that psychological survival and growth required a

27
healthy interpersonal atmosphere. He likened this
interpersonal need to physiological needs for oxygen and
water (Kohut, 1977: 1978). Because of the extreme
dependence of the infant and the nature of early cognitive
structure, Kohut speculated that the baby experienced others
as part of their own self and not as separate beings. They
need the parent to function on their (the baby's) behalf.
Kohut developed a language for this primitive relationship:
self and self-object. The self-object is the subjective
percept of an important relationship (Wolf, 1984) beginning
in infancy and continuing at least phenomenologically for
the course of the life cycle. Adults continue to seek out a
self-object matrix for maximum growth (Wolf, 1988). The
"self" is sustained and empowered by certain self-object
experiences: fragmented, weakened, and injured by others.
Repeated positive experiences with self-objects allow the
child to eventually appropriate these self-sustaining
functions as his/her own, lending a resilience in the face
of disappointment and frustration. Among the most important
self-object functions are mirroring and idealizing.

Prior to the mirroring experience is the infant’s need
to merge with the self-object. Merging is concretized by
the physical holding of the child. Later in adulthood this
merger need may be expressed in a desire for a hug or in the
sexual union of the couple. The need to merge is considered
the most rudimentary of self-object needs (Kohut, 1983).

The need for twinship has to do with the wish for sharing

28
one’s experience with a silent, identical self-object and
can take the form in childhood of imaginary companions and
transitional objects, who are animated with the self’s
wishes and emotions.

Mirroring refers to the positive responsivity that a
parent communicates towards their child. This includes
positive but appropriate confirmation of the child’s
exhibitionism and grandiosity. The satisfaction of the need
for acceptance and confirmation can be met by the mother's
tone of voice, her gestures, gaze, and overall attitude
towards her child. By age two the child has important
exhibitionistic needs to show off. Appropriate admiration
and approval of these needs greatly contributes to a sense
of goodness, wholeness, strength, and perfection (Kohut,
1977: Wolf, 1988). This admiration must coordinate with an
appreciation of the child's whole self. Too much focus on a
certain attribute (e.g., the child's cognitive strengths)
can in and of itself be a fragmenting experience and is not
appropriate mirroring (Kohut, 1983). The caretakers must
empathically respond to what is most important in the
child's experience. Mirroring works to both facilitate the
child's healthy narcissism and to contain it.

The facilitation of the infant’s sense of goodness and
perfection begins with "baby worship" (Kohut, 1983): the
baby's perfection is continually affirmed in the normal
self/self-object milieu. Mirroring responses are given in

the mother’s shining eyes and approving smile. The mother

29
provides a reflective image of the child's innate perfection
that will lead to self-esteem later in development. The
acceptance of child-initiated exhibitionism paves the way
for the adult's comfort in performance and success.
Therefore the mirroring self-object is instrumental in
shaping the child's personality in the arena of ambition.
Kohut believed that ambition and values form the two "poles"
of personality.

As the child becomes more independent,the family’s
expectations change and mirroring responses change
accordingly. "Optimal frustration" occurs as the parent
cannot always provide mirroring and this helps the child to
internalize the mirroring functions (Kohut, 1977: 1983).
This internalization of self-object functions is described
as a two-fold process called "transmuting internalization."
First the external mirroring is subjectively altered to
conform to inner needs. In this transformed state,
mirroring is now experienced as one of the child’s self-
functions. Hence we hear an echo of approval or imagine a
parent’s loving gaze when we do something well. When the
self-object’s interactions are missing or inadequate the
internalized mirroring function is used as a reservoir to
maintain well-being. However if the original mirroring
responses given by the child's self-objects are impoverished
or faulty, then the child's self structure is compromised.
He/she will be vulnerable to the approval or criticism of

others and will be dependent on external praise. In the

30
narcissistic condition, the self is depleted of internal
mirroring and seeks the most archaic form of response from
others: namely admiration in its variety of forms. It is
this driven quality that differentiates the narcissist's
need for a flock of admirers from another person's need for
intimacy, love, and respect.

Because Kohut assumes that a healthy narcissism
continues to play a role in people's development,
exhibitionism continues to be expressed in more
sophisticated ways and propels the adult to search for
narcissistic supplies from others. The grandiose self
manifests in night-dreams, as in flying dreams, and in
daydreams and fantasies of greatness, power, beauty, etc.
For Kohut, the inflated grandiosity in clinical narcissism
signifies that the grandiosity is unintegrated. It is as if
the narcissist’s grandiosity spills over into conscious life
and takes over, unsatisfied with the limited catharsis of
dreams and fantasies. These narcissistic demands are not
able to be partially absorbed by the self-structure (because
of deficits) and what we hear are the childish claims of
greatness and uniqueness. Unmodulated from within, the
narcissist experiences great swings between grandiosity and
triumph to shame and humiliation. Parents who were
themselves uncomfortable with their needs to shine may shame
the child for his/her exhibitionistic displays. This will

reactivate a dual sense of shame and grandiosity when the

31
child grows up and attempts anything related to narcissistic

gratification such as creative work.

ea ' i

The other important self-object function, with regard
to narcissism, is the process of idealizing. Idealized
self—objects are used in the service of building up the self
and make a fundamental contribution to self-structure. The
lack of effective idealizable self-object’s, in the
preoedipal phase, is thought to be one of the causes of
narcissistic personality organization. Idealizing, like
mirroring, has an archaic form and continues as a potent
psychologic need throughout the life cycle. The self,
according to Kohut, is enhanced and solidified by
participation with idealized self-objects. Whereas
mirroring is "subject bound", idealizing is "object bound"
and is directed at the other's characteristics (Kohut,
1983).

The first idealizing experiences begin with the infant
feeling and merging with a sense of the parent’s
infallibility, calmness and omnipotence (Wolf, 1984). A
typical experience of an idealizing self-object is when the
mother picks up her child, communicating calmness and
strength. Kohut speculates that this interaction resembles
the adult's finding an idealized other and feeling uplifted

in their presence. Idealization bolsters and guides the

32
self. The parent's soothing capacity and mastery of the
world is assimilated by the child.

Early on in development, the parent's self-object
functions become specialized with the mother carrying
mirroring and the father containing the idealization. In
male development, the boy longs to admire and imitate a
successful father and be perceived as a "chip off the old
block" (Kohut, 1971: 1978). Yet female children also turn
towards father as the idealized figure. Chodorow (1978)
believes that girls idealize their fathers because they are
more distant (and hence idealizable) and as a way to break
from the mother’s narcissistic attachment with her daughter.
Idealization is thwarted when the father is emotionally
distant and inaccessible or when he is too embarrassed and
shame-ridden to accept the child’s mythology of father as
hero. Sudden or massive disappointments in the idealized
object can also lead to frustration. Kohut believed that in
the normal course of development the child gradually
acknowledges the parent's imperfections and flaws. Early,
intense, disappointment in the idealized parent (before this
self-object image has been internalized) can lead to an
overwhelming need to admire and imitate others in adulthood.

In Kohut’s bipolar model of personality, idealizing is
the route to the second organizing pole consisting of values
and ideals (the first being ambition). The actual content
of the self’s values and ideals may change across time, but

a fundamental internalized set of ideals is first obtained

33
in the self’s relationship to a sustaining idealized self-
object. The uplifting guidance of a value system
strengthens the self: and forms what the postmodernists
currently call "character”. This ambition, from mirroring
and idealizing, form an arc that guides self-expression and
a sense of purpose. In this way the narcissistic
developmental line culminates in a mature desire to realize
ambition and to live by a set of meaningful ideals.

The individual's value system is part of the superego.
A lack of positive idealizing experiences can lead to
dependence on idealized others to support a weak sense of
self. Kohut contrasts those who relinquish their ideals in
the face of external rejection and persecution to people who
hold to their ideals even under the most extreme conditions
(e.g., political prisoners). The acquisition of values is
also related to the other developmental line of object love.
The original love of the parent's strengths is carried over
in our esteem for our ideals. So established values are
imbued with object-love, as well as a vital aspect of self-
confirmation and transformed narcissism (Kohut, 1983).

To more clearly illustrate how mirroring and idealizing
are part of healthy narcissism Kohut speaks of the two basic
narcissistic configurations: "I am perfect" and "you are
perfect, but I am part of you." Mirroring, the caretaker's
positive responsivity, generates the ”I am perfect” that
leads to future self-esteem and confidence. The child is

not just a passive receptacle of parental mirroring but

34
actively seeks this out through normal exhibitionistic
display and delight in his/her increasing capacity to
perform in a variety of sensory modalities (i.e., to talk,
walk, etc.). Idealization begins with merging with the
safe, strong, larger-than-life mother. Later idealization
of father is initiated after the child has a sense of
separateness. The idealization, in its new form, both
contains and protects the pleasurable union (with mother)
that once existed. Idealization builds up the healthy
narcissistic self as it allies with the omnipotent object.
It also represents an archaic form of object-love as it
acknowledges the beneficent presence of another being.
Frustration of these two positions (the mirrored self and
the idealizing self) impairs the internalization,
integration, and modification of narcissistic demands for
perfection. Frustration occurs not as a momentous trauma,
but rather as a reoccurring faulty or injurious self-object
response. The personality of the parents determines how
they will habitually respond to their child's psychologic

needs.

c cal a ' o
Betsonality Qisotdet
Kohut states that the personality of the parent(s)
creates narcissistic pathology in the child (Kohut, 1977:
1978: 1983). In "Forms and Transformations of Narcissism"

Kohut (1966) explains that interference with the

35
narcissistic self leads to narcissistic vulnerability
because the grandiose fantasy becomes repressed and closes
off to the environment. This disowned unconscious
representation of a grandiose self remains unmodified and
retains its archaic form because change through experiential
learning is now impossible. A psychic imbalance results.
Here, unmodified grandiosity engenders an overstimulation of
the self that exists alongside transient states of shame and
inferiority. Because the grandiose self is unintegrated
with the "core self", the narcissist's interior landscape
lacks zest. Kernberg describes this devitalization as a
pervasive inner-emptiness.

The parental interference with the child's narcissism
lies in the self-objects being "distant and
understimulating" (Kohut, 1984). Kohut believed that
classically neurotic personality organizations were caused
by overly close and overstimulating self-objects. Kohut and
Wolf (1978) further explain that distant parenting is
unresponsive to certain childhood needs that are essential
for the transformation of early narcissism. How does this
damage to the self, caused by self-object deficit, culminate
in the specific condition of narcissism?

Early injustices may evoke compensatory grandiose
fantasies (Wolf, 1988). The sense of powerlessness at the
hands of others is reversed through fantasies of greatness.
Wolf explains Kernberg's construct of narcissistic rage as a

reaction to hurt caused by self-objects who have threatened

36
and damaged the self. The rage is considered only as a
reaction and is thus secondary to the hurt and structural
deficit that the injurious treatment caused. Later
disappointments and rejection revive the old injury and
subsequent anger. The narcissistic disorder is viewed by
the self psychological perspective as "an injured self with
some degree of cohesion” (Wolf, 1988).

In summary, Kohut maintained that narcissism (in its
pathological form) was caused by a lack of a distortion of
self-object functions. Faulty self-object responses,
especially those concerned with the child’s need to idealize
and be mirrored disrupt the development of a strong self
from ages two to eight years old. Because the self-object
functions were inadequate, the child could not transmute
these into self functions. Thus the narcissistically
wounded person struggles to achieve a basic sense of
wholeness and cohesion. She/he has difficulty in feeling
guided by an internalized system of values and ideals and
tends to search externally for this. This search is
characterized by excessive entitlement and angry demands on
others. However, fear of being hurt again evokes an
avoidance of intimate, interdependent aspects of the
relationship. The narcissist is caught between the Scylla
of their tyrannical need for others and the Charybdis of
their memories of injury from the original self-objects.

The mother fails to mirror the child's budding sense of

perfection by being (1) cold and unresponsive or, (2) over-

37
invested to achieve her needs at the child's expense or, (3)
stops mirroring when the child separates and acts
autonomously. The child, in the normal course of
development, then turns to father to meet idealizing needs.
The father thwarts healthy idealization by (4) not allowing
the child to imitate and feel a part of his strength or, (5)
is unable to portray idealizable qualities because of
emotional reasons or real-life failure. Kohut (1983)
implied that significant failures in either mirroring or
idealizing self-/self-object discourse contributed towards
narcissistic personality disorder and certainly the
thwarting of both prevented the integration and mature

transformation of healthy narcissism.

e i 0

Because these theorists have sparked extensive debate.
The following is only a synopsis of the clinical
literature's view of the similarities and differences
between their perspectives on narcissism. Adler (1986)
points to differences in patient populations to explain the
Kernberg/Kohut debate. Kernberg, working in an in-patient
setting, treats persons with more severe character
pathology. Kernberg is committed to understanding
narcissism as a variant of borderline organization of
personality and therefore emphasizes the primitive defenses
and severity of the narcissistic condition. Kohut, working

as a training analyst, treated mostly highly adaptive,

38

better functioning outpatients with psychoanalysis. This
outlook suggests a spectrum of narcissistic pathology
defined by proximity to borderline organization at one
endpoint and neurotic organization at the other. However
Adler is reluctant to account for all the discrepancies
between the models with the difference in patient
population. According to Adler, Kernberg gives recognition
to the splitting and refusion of self and object
representations in narcissism. These fractured internalized
images are thought to be fueled by early unacknowledged
aggressive impulses. Whereas Kohut blames the "failure of
attachment" as the primary force giving rise to narcissism
(Adler, 1986). Adler deftly illustrates their views with
the meanings they attribute to the idealization and
disappointment that therapists commonly find in narcissistic
patients' attitudes towards the therapist. Kernberg sees
the idealization as the projection of the grandiose self
onto the person of the therapist. This construction is
based on the Kleinian notion of transference as projection
(Stolorow & Lachmann, 1984). Kohut interprets the primitive
idealization as a reactivation of previously unsuccessful
attempts to idealize the parents. These divergent
explanations contrast a focus on the role of conflict and
defense with a focus on the reworking of relational needs.

As for the other side of idealization, namely
disappointment, Kernberg construes disappointment as a

defensive position, shielding envy and anger of the other.

39

Whereas Kohut understands the disappointment as a deep
feeling worsened by the many disappointments suffered in the
context of their early history with self-objects. Adler
attributes the variation in Kohut and Kernberg's models to
their patients and to their distinctly different views of
the role of aggression (as either primary or secondary to
psychologic injury).

Stolorow and Lachmann are phenomenologists who identify
with self psychology theory. They portray narcissism as a
specific form of developmental arrest. They see Kernberg's
construction as a relic from the old school of drive theory
(Stolorow & Lachmann, 1980). For them, narcissistic
behavior and attitudes are aimed at preserving vulnerable
self-representations. Entitlement and grandiosity are ways
to repair an injured self and prevent the frightening
experience of fragmentation. Mirroring self-objects are
used to restore and stabilize self-esteem. Stolorow and
Lachmann contend that the narcissist’s self cohesion is
"defective or missing" and ultimately pre-structural.
Stolorow says, "we absolutely disagree with the claim that
excessive pregenital aggression is the etiological bedrock
of narcissism" (Stolorow, 1975). They call for a new
metapsychology that sees pathology as functional rather than
as a particular economy of drives. This has also been
labelled "experience-nearness" versus "experience-distance"
and as a deficit model versus a conflict model of

personality (Ornstein, 1974).

40

Greenberg and Mitchell (1983) in their overview of
object-relations theory trace the current rift in
psychoanalytic conceptualizations to contrasting vantage
points similar to Stolorow and Adler. Self psychology, they
observe, is based on the premise of "man as social" and
represents a relational theory of psychology. Whereas the
classical drive/structure model,used in a modified way by
Kernberg,derives from the humanistic tradition of ”man as
individual."

From Kuhn’s essays on the nature of scientific
development, Tokin and Fine (1985) identify the Kernberg/
Kohut controversy as a struggle between an old and a new
paradigm. Kernberg modifies the old psychoanalytic paradigm_
to incorporate new observations from his work with
borderline patients. Tokin and Fine believe that Kernberg
achieves insight into unchartered realms of psychopathology
while using the language and metaphors of Freud and object-
relations theory. Kohut works with a narrower range of
psychopathology but creates a new paradigm and language with
which to describe personality dynamics (Tokin & Fine, 1985).
Kohut read Kuhn and was quite conscious of creating a new
paradigm as illustrated by his 1979 paper, "The two analyses
of Mr. Z": one depicting a traditional analysis and the

second illustrating self psychology.

41
em 3

Gorkin (1984) attempts to integrate the two competing
models of narcissism. Both use the term "grandiose self"
taken from Kohut. Kohut's grandiose self is a normal stage
in development that is reached between the ages of two and
eight. Narcissism signifies a developmental arrest because
the grandiose self predominates self representation. Rather
than viewing narcissism as a maturational lag, Kernberg
views the "grandiose self" of narcissism as strictly
pathological: a condensation of real-self, ideal-self, and
ideal—object images. According to Gorkin, children come to
realize that the good, gratifying mother has to be
synthesized with the bad disappointing mother. Realistic
ambivalent self and other images replace the former all-
good-self and all-good-other images (the ideal self and
ideal other). However the narcissist retains the ideal-self
image and infuses it with aggression to destroy his/her bad
mother image. In this process the grandiose self is promoted
and the devalued bad-self is repressed and disowned. As a
result the narcissist does not experience the mourning that
accompanies the integration of good and bad self/object
representations. The aggression gtigihgtgs from disruptive
relationships in childhood causing an aggressive grandiosity
coupled with a lack of neediness of others. Therefore
Gorkin proposes that the narcissist's grandiosity is
qualitatively different than the usual grandiosity of
childhood. Gordin’s integration of theory is reflected in

42
his treatment recommendation. He advocates Kohut's non-
confrontative therapeutic stance to establish an alliance
with the narcissistic patient, but feels that eventually the
therapist must uncover the anger and envy to help the
narcissist achieve the depressive position that will
facilitate more loving relationships (Gordin, 1984).

For Morrison (1986) both theories capture separate but
related aspects of narcissism. He identifies narcissism by
the longing to be regarded as the sole object of importance.
Others are seen as rivals for this position, resulting in an
impairment of empathy. Morrison notes the infantile demands
present in narcissism suggested by Kohut as well as the
aggression described by Kernberg. Morrison conceptualizes
Kohut’s contribution as occurring in the realm of the
experiential self and Kernberg's as in the structural self.

Reich (1960) combines Kohut and Kernberg in her
formulation. She sees the hypochondriacal complaints
characteristic of narcissism as manifestations of felt
unneutralized aggression. However she acknowledges that
early traumatic experience causes narcissistic defenses.
Inferiority is magically transposed into a sense of
superiority. Thus grandiosity serves as a defense to
replace worthlessness with value. Reich hypothesized that
the narcissistic preoccupation with a strong, beautiful body
replaced the idealized image of mother. She/he turns away

from an invasive mother to focus on an idealized self image.

43

Modell (1975) using Kernberg and Kohut speculates that
narcissistic grandiosity affords an illusion of self-
sufficiency. He argues that Kernberg was wrong in thinking
that negative affect is defended against, but claims that
affect is blocked in order to avoid another dependent
relationship. The narcissist in effect hoards the feelings
usually experienced through relationship so that she/he can
be impenetrable and invulnerable. But this "precocious
autonomy" breaks down in the pursuit of continuous
admiration. For Modell a fragile self, in the Kohutian
sense, is protected by a bubble of illusory independence.
Unlike Kernberg, he believes that the narcissist is not out
to destroy others but to deny them their significance and
sphere of influence that would lead to dependency.

In summary, the differences between Kernberg and Kohut
can be most generally described as a difference in focus
between interpersonal and intrapersonal. Kohut has been the
champion of a relatively new theoretical paradigm that is
influenced by phenomenology and an assumption that pathology
is functional in motive and arises from an interpersonal
context. This "experience-near" perspective is contrasted
to the more "experience-distant" position held by Kernberg.
Kernberg takes an older psychoanalytic paradigm that focuses
on internal structure, conflict and defense and modifies the
paradigm to accommodate new observations. Perhaps the most
powerful contrast emerges from the polarity between a

conflict model versus a deficit model of narcissism. The

44
question is does narcissistic psychopathology represent a
specific constellation of conflicts and defenses or does it
speak to internal deficits in psychological experience.
Despite the compelling differences between models, other
theorists have combined these perspectives. This study
assumes that both Kernberg and Kohut have discovered vital
aspects of the narcissistic condition that are not mutually
exclusive. Deficits in experience may produce variation in
internal structure that render a person deprived,
vulnerable, angry, and defensive. However this author
assumes that although individual constitution influences
parental treatment, it is ultimately the management of the
particular child that "causes" personality organization and
its potential for attendant psychopathology. Because
Kernberg and Kohut so eloquently stated their cases, their
differences may have lead to each being the other's ”straw
man" in a struggle between shifting paradigms and metaphors

within psychiatry and psychology.

Beviey of Studies
Experimental studies have begun to emerge in the

literature to operationalize and test Kernberg's and Kohut's
theories of narcissism. The following is a brief review of
relevant studies. One such study tested the links between
sex-roles and subtypes of narcissism to clarify Kohut's
concepts and the influence of gender on narcissism. Watson,

Biderman, and Boyd (1989) predicted and identified four

45
styles of narcissism using a sample of 110 male and 146
female undergraduates. A "synthetic" type reflected a
combination of positive masculine and feminine traits
coupled with a healthy grandiosity and a capacity for
idealization. On the other end of the spectrum an "archaic"
type reflected on undifferentiated gender identity with
inadequate structural building of ideals and an
underdeveloped healthy grandiosity. An "internal/
narcissistic" type described an unhealthy masculine
grandiosity. Its counterpart was identified as "external/
narcissistic" and this was representative of an "undesirable_
femininity and lack of structural ideals." These authors
conclude that stereotyped gender identity can lead to, in
males, an immature grandiosity and pseudoautonomy. In
females this is seen in a dependent character style that
lacks solidly internalized ideals. This study seems to
point to a preference for mirroring or idealizing that is
based on possessing a constricted and stereotyped gender
identity. It also suggests that a strong sense of self that
integrates cross-gender characteristics is linked with
healthy narcissism.

Causal modeling was used in one study to test
Kernberg's and Kohut's hypotheses on narcissistic
personality formation. Glassman (1989) administered
selected items from Gerson's splitting scale, the
narcissistic personality disorder scale from the MMPI and

Rosenberg's self-esteem scale to 130 graduate students.

46
Most of these students had been in long-term psychotherapy
but were naive as to the nature of the study. Glassman
found that Kohut's deficit model was twice as powerful as
Kernberg’s conflict model in explaining narcissistic
pathology. He tentatively concluded that unmet dependency
needs evolved from failures in the self/self-object
interaction represent the most plausible etiological
explanation for narcissism. However aggression was found to
be a "major underpinning" of narcissism: commensurate with
Kernberg's theory. What Glassman fails to note is that his
sample more closely resembles Kernberg's clinical population
and that Kernberg's theory is grounded in observations from
therapy with considerably disturbed people.

Contrary to Glassman's findings, Shulman and Ferguson
(1988) found Kernberg's hypothesis confirmed and Kohut's
hypothesis disconfirmed. They used a small sample of 13
undergraduates who were identified as clearly narcissistic
from results of the narcissistic personality inventory
(NPI). They were exposed to subliminal stimuli consisting
of sentences that were constructed to represent the two
theories. Kernberg’s model was measured by exposure to the
sentence "I'm needy and hateful" whereas Kohut was measured
by response to "I'm not a complete person.” Exposure to the
sentences differentially predicted narcissism as coded from
TAT protocols and a sentence completion task. Shulman and

Ferguson do qualify their finding's generalizability by

. 47
acknowledging that Kohut's theories may have been awkwardly

conveyed in the sentence they chose.

Hypothgses
This study investigates Kohut's theory that narcissism

is created by self-object deficits and ruptures in the
self/self-object inter-subjective relationship. It is also
an exploration of Kernberg's theory that excessive anger and
envy play a significant role in narcissistic character
formation.

Hypothesis 1: Self-object deficits and ruptures (as
measured by projective protocols) will correlate positively
with subclinical narcissism (as measured by the OMNI).
Hypothesis 2: Excessive and/or conflicted expressions of
anger and envy (as measured by projective protocols) will
correlate positively with subclinical narcissism (as
measured by the OMNI).

Hypothesis 3: Kohut's theory will have relatively greater
explanatory power than Kernberg's theory on a subclinical
population.

Hypothesis 4: ”Type I” narcissism (the ”entitled/
exploitative" dimension of the OMNI) will be more common
among male subjects than females. Conversely, "Type III"
narcissism (the shame-prone dimension of the OMNI) will be
more common among female subjects than males.

Hypothesis 5: That Kernberg's observation that

(subclinical) narcissism will manifest in recollections of

48

more narcissistic daydreams whose intent is to earn
admiration and envy rather than romantic or altruistic love.

The second purpose of this study is to see how the
different variables will contribute to the three subtypes of
narcissism described in the literature and identified by the
OMNI. Although no prediction is made it is assumed, in this
study, that the dependent variables will differentially

contribute to the three subtypes of narcissism.

Studx_8stienals

Most of the discussion of the Kernberg/Kohut
controversy has relied on clinical data and on further
theorizing, while there have only been a few studies testing
their theories. However, in reviewing these studies, the
results have been equivocal as to whose theory better
explains narcissism even when the studies used a fairly
homogeneous college sample. Therefore, the present study
began with the assumption that Kernberg's so-called
"conflict model" and Kohut's "deficit model" should be
viewed as complementary rather than as competing models of
both the etiology and the phenomenology of narcissism.

Another problem was that the measures used to identify
narcissism (in two of the studies) have only items that
measure the grandiose, exhibitionistic type of narcissism
that is more uniformly mentioned by Kernberg. These
measures (the NPI and the narcissism scale of the MMPI) did

not include the subtype of narcissism that is shame-prone

49
and "idealizing-hungry" that Kohut includes in his
classification scheme. Only the OMNI, used as a measure of
narcissism in this study, was constructed to reflect this
variant. The OMNI enabled this author to identify three
subtypes of narcissism that more accurately portray the
pathology written about in his theory. A goal of the study
was to test for differences (in the manifestations of envy,
anger, and self/self-object representations) within these
three subtypes of narcissism. This had not been examined in
other studies of narcissism.

In order to validate psychoanalytic Kohut's concepts
accurately, his deficit model was conceptualized in terms of
the self/self-object relationship. No other study located
the subjective experience of a "self-object" as a way of
identifying a deficit. Since Kohut believed that these
ruptures in self/self-object relatedness lead to
pathological narcissism, it seemed important that studies
actually measure this deficit when testing Kohut's ideas.
For example, in the Glassman study (1989) Kohut's model was
identified through the subject's "unmet dependency needs."
He then posits that these unmet dependency needs grow out of
failures in relatedness to self-objects. Although this
seemed to be a theoretically sound way of operationalizing
Kohut, it did not capture specific ruptures in internalized
relationships. More precisely, Kohut referred to failures
in mirroring and idealizing. This study measured mirroring

and idealizing by eliciting stories of imagined self/self-

50
object relationships. Shulman and Ferguson (1988) actually
acknowledged in their discussion section that their use of
"I'm not a complete person" statement was an "awkward" way
of representing Kohut's deficit model. Part of the problem,
methodologically, was finding a way to measure hypothetical
concepts about subjective, fantasy-oriented material.

With regard to Kernberg's theory, this study was
constructed to test the role of envy as well as aggression.
Previous studies concentrated almost exclusively on
aggression and did not include the concept of envy that was
central to Kernberg’s hypotheses. Therefore this study was
the first to measure both aggression and problems with envy,
and to correlate them with degree of narcissism.

These affective states, as well as the self/self-object
deficit were studied using projectives. While projectve
measures are controversial and do not offer the
standardization that regular test items do, they take into
account the notion of the unconscious. Both Kohut and
Kernberg assume that much of the defended against aggression
and envy and processes of mirroring and idealization occur
(at least in part) unconsciously. Therefore projective
measures were used for as they are designed to obtain
fantasy and subjective experience that is out of the field
of immediate awareness. The only other study that utilized
a projective was the Shulman and Ferguson experiment that
used TAT protocols to code for fluctuations in narcissism.

Any study that attempts to explore unconscious processes and

51
fantasy-based experience must use a methodology that elicits
these productions. This study was designed to use data that
included unconscious processes through the use of the TAT
and the Blacky Test. Therefore, the design of this study
improved the construct and content validity of measures of

Kohut and Kernberg's theories on narcissism.

CHAPTER III

METHODS

The primary goals of this study were to explore the
viability of a link between representations of self/self-
object relationships and management of anger and envy to
narcissism, based on the theories of Kohut and Kernberg.

Undergraduate students were administered, in a group
setting, a packet and instructed to write stories in
response to projective cards, fill out a standardized
measure of narcissism (the O'Brien Multiphasic Narcissism
Inventory) and to record a daydream they remembered.
Students were told that the research data would be used to
investigate personality styles. They were given a consent
form and no identifying information was requested other than
age and gender. The protocols from the projective measures
were later scored using a system developed by this author
and (for the Blacky cards) based on Blum’s original scoring
system for the Blacky. The daydreams were scored
independently by this author and a research assistant. The
projectives were scored independently by this author and a
doctoral level clinical psychologist. The OMNI's were hand
scored. The quantitative data was then analyzed using T-
tests, Pearson product moment correlations, and step-wise

multiple regressions.

52

53
$221295:

Data was collected from 143 undergraduate students at
Michigan State University. 55 of these students were men
and 88 were women. The mean age for men was 20 and for
women 22, in this study. The group appeared to be
predominantly white and all were English speaking. Any
questionnaires that had missing OMNI's or more than two
missing projective protocols were eliminated from the final
sample. Therefore 14 potential subjects were not included.
Students were given the investigator's phone number to call

if they had any follow-up concerns.

easure t e (V ab ° 8

The dependent variable, narcissism, was measured by the
O'Brien Multiphasic Narcissism Inventory (OMNI) developed by
Michael O'Brien in 1987. The OMNI was selected for this
study because of its theoretical complexity and because it
was normed with a college population (graduate students at
Teachers College, Columbia) and with a clinical population.
O'Brien's scale was constructed to target three forms of
narcissistic pathology described in the object-relations
literature. Other current measures of narcissism have
focused exclusively on the "exploitative/entitled” kind of
narcissism such as the NPI (Narcissistic Personality
Inventory) constructed by Raskin and Hall in 1979.

O'Brien made up the 75 original items to reflect

narcissistic attitudes as described in the Diagnostic and

54
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and by Kernberg,
Kohut, and Miller. These 75 items were independently
reviewed for construct validity by two clinical
psychologists. These items were then pre-tested with
graduate students at Columbia University. Forty-one of the
"yes/no" items accounted for 80% of the variance. These
items factored into three categories. Factor I consisted of
16 items that reflected Kernberg’s notion of narcissistic
entitlement and was termed the "narcissistic personality
dimension". This dimension includes people who are thought
to have little reciprocity or empathy in interpersonal
relationships and who appear entitled, exhibitionistic, and
exploitative. Factor II was made up of 15 items that
reflected a controlling attitude towards others ("that one
should and can control others") and a sense of
perfectionism. This factor was named "poisonous pedagogy
dimension" after Miller's description of narcissistic
parenting. The third factor was represented by 10 items and
identifies a "shame-prone dimension" of narcissism where
shame is assumed to result from a failure or rejection of
grandiosity. These items reflect traits of self-
depreciation, approval-seeking and a tendency to put the
needs of others first and was called the "narcissistically
abused personality” dimension. Factor III was also derived
from Kohut's deficit model, specifically that

narcissistically abused persons seek out idealized others to

55
make up for a lack of idealizing experiences with
appropriate self-objects.

The median correlation between the three subscales
(Factors I, II and III) was .16 indicating that these
subscales were fairly orthogonal. The internal consistency
for the three subscales, using Cronbach alpha's, was .76,
.73 and .71 respectively. Test-retest reliabilities after
six weeks were .74, .72 and .71 respectively. Convergent
and divergent validity was established. Factor I correlated
with the NPI at ;s.38, p<.01, suggesting that the OMNI
measures something more than the traditional narcissism
tapped by the NPI. The neuroticism scale of the Eysenck
Personality Inventory correlated with all three factors of
the OMNI at .56, .72 and .65 respectively. A correction fer
attenuation revealed that the O'Brien measures some
additional factor (namely narcissism). The extroversion
scale of the Eysenck correlated positively with Factor I,
negatively with Factor II and not at all with Factor III
(O’Brien, 1987). The OMNI was also tested using a clinical
population. 256 outpatients in psychotherapy with primary
or secondary diagnoses of narcissism scored significantly
higher on all three factors than did the college sample
(O'Brien, 1988). A copy of the OMNI is contained in

Appendix A.

 

Kernberg states that narcissistic persons have had,
since childhood, daydreams that are qualitatively distinct
(Kernberg, 1974). These daydreams revolve around the
attainment of power (i.e., position, beauty, wealth, fame,
status) in order to be envied and admired. They see
themselves as the exclusive owner of the desired object. In
contrast healthy children and adults daydream about
achievement in order to win love.

Jerome Singer's seminal investigation of daydreams
concluded that they are symbolic representations of
potential roles and situations. Common themes were erotic
pleasure, altruism, achievement, heroic deeds, unusual good
fortune as well as other more everyday situations (Singer,
1975). It is interesting to note that narcissists often do
live out these childhood daydreams of having power and of
having an admiring (and often envious) audience. This fits
with Singer's conclusion that the daydream is a way of
practicing in imagination a desired outcome.

To test Kernberg's speculation, respondents in this
study were asked to recall and record a typical daydream.
The author developed criteria for a scoring system to code
daydreams as (0) altruistic/love-oriented where the goal of
the daydream story was to be loved, (1) miscellaneous, (2)
narcissistic where something was achieved to evoke envy and

admiration.

57
e e -

Three different projective stimuli were used to assess
the self/self-object, internalized relationship germane to
Kohut's theory. Portrayals of self/self-object
relationships that failed to provide positive experience or
actively provided hurtful, growth-blocking experience were
hypothesized to positively correlate with subclinical
narcissism. Because the internalized representation of the
"object" is assumed to be unconscious, projective measures
were used. Projective stimuli can yield richer data than
does a conscious report of the parent figure (such as in the
Object Relations Inventory). Therefore, cards of mother and
father figures were used from the Thematic Apperception Test
(TAT) developed by Murray (1943). The TAT has 4 cards that
lend themselves to a subjective description of unconscious
images of parental figures. Cards 6 GF and 7 GF were used
as the mother-daughter and father-daughter stimuli. Cards 6
BM and 7 BM served the function of mother-son and father-son
stimuli. A third projective card was created by this author
in conjunction with an artist to control for gender, as the
TAT cards are not the same depending on the sex of the
subject. This card was based on the Blacky Pictures
developed by Blum (1950). The Blacky pictures were created
to test basic psychoanalytic concepts using a cartoon-like
dog. This card (see Blacky Card 1, Appendix A) depicts

"Blacky", a puppy, resting while his/her mother pats him/her

58
on the back. Thus three projective stimuli (two mother and
one father) were given to each subject.

As a psychological measure, studies have yielded
inconclusive results as to the overall reliability and
validity of projective measures. However, some studies
suggest that the TAT has high reliability when used to
investigate specific characteristics. The validity of the
TAT is affected by error variance, and the physiological and
situational state of the subject (Exner, 1976). Given these
limitations, projectives are one of the only current methods
of eliciting material that may be unconscious in origin, as
they were constructed for that purpose.

These stories, written in response to each projective
card, were coded according to a coding system developed by
this author. The criteria were based on Kohut’s theory
about self/self-object relationships. Each card was coded
on a four point-scale. A Coding Manual (see Appendix C) was
used to guide the scoring. Stories were coded for the
mirroring and idealizing self-object functions ascribed to
the parental figure. "Mirroring" was operationalized as any
empathic response given by the parental figure or as any
responsive communication expressed between the two
characters in the story. Empathic responses included
understanding, approving, encouraging, confirming,
accepting, and admiring responses. The opposite, "mirror-
blocking" was defined as unempathic communication that

included rejecting, disapproving, disconfirming, shaming and

59

embarrassed parental responses. Between mirroring and
mirror-blocking were two categories. One was mirroring with
limited effectiveness that identified positive responses, on
the part of the parent-figure, that did not facilitate a
significant change or have much impact on the child-figure.
The other category was a mixed mirroring/mirror-blocking
where both facilitative and obstructing responses were
generated by the parental figure (i.e., the self-object).

Idealizing refers to the self-object's ability to offer
strength, a value system and guidance to facilitate
identity. Kohut thought that the idealized self-object
function passed from mother to father. The mother promotes
idealizing in her calm, protective communication to her
infant. Later the father serves as a role-model in terms of
his achievements and values in the world of work outside the
home. Idealizing responses include calming, soothing,
consoling responses. They also include a parental figure
who by example, models some form of mastery coupled with a
willingness to share his/her power with the child. The
idealized self-object would then be portrayed in terms of
professional/vocational mastery and the child would be
allowed to copy the parent. For example in the beginning of
one father-son TAT story, "They’re both professionals: both
are wearing suits and ties." Idealizing-blocking refers to
self-object responses that are irritating, intrusive or
anxiety-provoking. They also include stories where the

father-figure is portrayed as powerful but unable to share

60
his power, or is seen as sociopathic: lacking in values.
Again, mother stories may share these themes and were coded
for them as well. Thus each card earned one of four
possible scores (1=mirroring/idealizing, 2=mirroring/
idealizing with limited effectiveness, 3=mirroring/
idealizing facilitating and blocking, 4=blocked

mirroring/idealizing).

Measures 0 e a

According to Kernberg, conflicts with anger and envy,
stemming from excessive aggression, result in narcissistic
personality structure. These concepts were assessed from
stories written in response to projective stimuli. Two
cards based on Blum's Blacky Pictures were used. For anger,
the "oral sadism" card was used that portrays Blacky (a
puppy) angrily biting a dog collar marked "momma". For
envy, this author had an artist draw a picture of Blacky
looking at a poodle dog opening a gift (see Blacky cards 2
and 3 in Appendix A). The idea for this picture was based
on Berke's (1989) notion that children's birthday parties
represent typical situations that provoke universal envious
feelings in childhood.

Conflict with anger and envy was conceptualized as
existing on a continuum. This three-point continuum
constituted the scoring system for anger and envy developed
by this author (see Appendix D). This was operationalized

as (1) integrated management of anger/envy, (2) defended

61
responses towards anger/envy, (3) split/strong management of
anger/envy.

An integrated management of anger/envy indicated an
acknowledgement, on the part of the main character in the
story, of some negative affect, specifically anger or envy
depending on the card. However the anger/envy does not
result in any harmful action taken against self or other.
In addition the anger or envy is contextualized by a sense
of being-at-play or by a resolution that allows the main
character to have positive feelings as well.

Defensive responses were operationalized as stories
that included an avoidance or denial of any subjective
feelings of anger or envy. These stories often include a
displacement of the anger/envy/destructiOn onto some‘other‘
character (i.e., not the ones depicted in the pictures).
Stories coded as "2" for anger often centered around Blacky
finding momma's collar and worry about her whereabouts.
This particular story denies that Blacky seems directly
angry. For envy, a typical story was that Blacky gave the
poodle-dog the gift and this story avoided the potential for
Blacky to feel envious of the poodle-dog.

Split/strong responses were assumed to indicate the
strongest degree of conflict with aggression. Here the
negative affect is overwhelming and may result in Blacky
acting in a harmful way. It also included Blum's (1950)
criteria for scoring for strong anger based on specific

details included in the story, such as "mention of killing."

62
A "split" response refers to the mechanism of "splitting"
where good and bad affects are kept apart as a primitive way
of managing intense aggression. Splitting has also been
associated with narcissistic character cognition (Gerson,
1984). This supports the notion that a split or strong

response towards anger and envy would correlate with higher

levels of narcissistic pathology.

odi t e e

The three TAT cards and two Blacky cards (per subject)
were scored independently by this author and a clinical
psychologist (trained in the scoring method). Stories were
ordered randomly and each story was rated separately. After
approximately 50 cards were coded by both raters, the cards
were reviewed to facilitate consistency of scoring. The
initial inter-rater reliabilities on each type of projective
stimulus were as follows:

TAT mother-daughter card = 87%

TAT mother-son cards 8 89%

TAT father-daughter card a 87%

TAT father-son card = 91%

Blacky anger card = 90%

Blacky envy card = 88%
In cases where the raters disagreed, we discussed the codes
until we both agreed on the final code used for each story
(i.e., final inter-rater reliability was 100%).

63
Daydreams were rated, using the same method, by this
author and a research assistant who was a senior
undergraduate student, majoring in psychology. The initial
inter-rater reliability percentage for daydreams was 94%
(again final inter-rater reliability for daydreams was

100%).

EIQQEQBIQ

Two weeks before data collection, a teaching assistant
for the psychology class used as subjects, announced that a
doctoral student in the department would administer a
questionnaire packet to students at the beginning of class
(that was confidential and anonymous). Students were told
that their responses would be used for research purposes.
They were then told that the investigator would give a
lecture on a topic related to the subject-matter of the
study and that one final exam question would be drawn from
this lecture (to encourage participation). Students were
given the questionnaires at the beginning of class with
consent forms. They were given 40 minutes to complete the
packet and turn them in to the research assistant. The
author then gave a lecture on healthy and pathological forms

of narcissism.

StatistisaLAnslxses
Descriptive statistics were generated to check the
means, standard deviations and ranges for all measures.

Gender interactions were calculated for all aspects of the

64
study using t-tests. To test the major hypothesis, Pearson
product moment correlations were performed on all pairs of
variables. To test for any differences between the three
types of narcissism, measured by the OMNI, step-wise
multiple regressions were performed on the total OMNI
scores, and type I, type II and type III. The step-wise
method was used because it reveals the largest contributor,
from a group of independent variables, first and then
eliminates any variables that do not contribute distinct,
additional predictive meaning of the variation in the

dependent measure.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

The overview of the results of this study lend some
support to the hypotheses that self-object deficits and
conflict with aggression are correlated with narcissism, as
measured in this study. The predicted role of gender and
its impact on types of narcissism were not supported. The
three subtypes of narcissism, described by the OMNI test,
showed some differentiation with regard to how the
independent variables functioned in each different type of
narcissism. This was found by the multiple regression
analyses. The most surprising overall finding was that the
representation of father as defective (from TAT father) was
strongly associated with the measure of narcissism, and was,
in fact, the most consistent predictor of global OMNI scores
and the three types of narcissism. This may challenge the
prevailing psychoanalytic notion that preoedipal experience
with mother is the most important precursor to narcissistic

personality character formation.

Desc v a
Descriptive statistics grouped by independent variables
and then dependent variables are presented in the following

tables.

65

66
The distributions of scores for the self-object deficit
measures (i.e., TAT father, TAT mother, and Blacky mother)

are listed in Table 1:

IAELE.1
Self-Object Measures

 

VALUE* 1 2 3 4 9 M SD

TAT MOTHER 16 63 46 17 1 2.5 .84
TAT FATHER 12 57 61 12 1 2 . 5 . '77
BLACKY MOTHER**23 64 45 10 1 2.3 .81

 

mirroring/idealizing

mirroring/idealizing with limited effectiveness
mixed mirroring/idealizing facilitating and blocking
blocked mirroring/idealizing

missing data

insurer-a
ll ll II II II

From the descriptive statistics of the self-object
independent variables, the means appear to be similar and in
the middle of the range of values. BLACKY mother had the
largest frequency of "1" ratings and hence evoked the most

idealization of a parental figure.

The distribution of values for anger and envy scores

are presented in Table 2.

67

TABLE_2

Measures of Anger and Envy

 

 

VALUE* 0 1 2 9 M SD
ENVY 35 77 28 3 1.0 .67
ANGER 24 79 37 3 1.1 .66
*0 = integrated affect

1 = defended

2 = split/strong

9 = missing data

The "Kernberg" variables show means in the middle of

the range of values and appear to be distributed along a

normal curve.

in Table 3.

The distribution of daydream scores are shown

IAEL§_1

Daydream Measure

 

VALUE*

DAYDREAM

53 49 15 25 .65

 

\ONHO

Of

(or recall) a daydream.

altruistic/love daydreams
miscellaneous daydreams
"narcissistic" daydreams
missing data

note is the fact that many subjects did not record

Furthermore the mean is much lower

68
than for the other independent variables and there were only
a small number of daydreams that were scored as
narcissistic.

The dependent variables are the measure(s) for
narcissism. The OMNI was grouped by a total OMNI score (for
each subject) and type I, II, III subscores. The following
table provides a comparison between the descriptive
statistics for the OMNI for this sample and compares these
to the college student sample that was used to norm the
measure, as well with a clinical sample. Because the OMNI
was the only standardized measure used, it seemed useful to

note the similarity between this sample and O'Brien's data.

TABLE_1

OMNI Means and Standard Deviations

 

TOTAL (m/sd) Type I Type II Type III
A 15.41/5.55 5.72/2.78 6.37/2.3O 3.36/1.95
B 5.72/3.37 5.90/2.99 3.92/2.14
c ll.23/2.87 11.23/2.87 7.81/1.73

 

study sample (n=143)
O'Brien's college sample (n=256)
clinical sample (n=230)

0013’
II II II

The sample used for this study resembles the original
sample used to standardize the OMNI with regard to the means
and standard deviations for the OMNI. The clinical sample

composed of outpatients with primary or secondary diagnoses

69
of narcissism show much higher means for the narcissism

subscores.

GendeLDiffersnsss

T-tests were run to measure mean differences between
male and female subjects, for all variables included in the
study. Only one mean difference was found for gender.
Females gave less favorable ratings on the TAT father card
than did males (t (139) = 3.65, p<.001).

Table 5 presents the gender difference in ratings for
TAT father in percentages. There is a striking difference
in the higher percentage of females who gave stories of a
father-figure who blocked mirroring and idealization as
compared to males. Furthermore, males gave more stories

that were unambivalently positive.

155L345
Percentage ratings of TAT FATHER by gender
xslne msls§ (n=54) Ismslee (n=88)
1 16.7 3.4
2 48.1 35.6
3 31.5 49.4
4 3.7 11.5

idealizing/mirroring

idealizing/mirroring with limited effectiveness
mixed facilitating and blocking

blocked idealizing/mirroring

éUNH

70
,1 e - . ._ .,;, 9: 9‘ -:, 10‘0‘11‘1 . _.. ..

Pearson correlation tests were performed between all
pairs of independent variables. Since no prediction was
made about these relationships (i.e., between anger, envy,
TAT and BLACKY mother, TAT father), two-tailed test were

used. The findings are presented in Table 6.

TABLE_§
Pearson product moment correlations between subscales
(n=140)
TATMO TATFA DOGMO* ANGER ENVY DREAM
AGE -.11 -.28' -.15 .oo .oo .18
TAT MOTHER .15c .41' .18” .17” .04
TAT FATHER .21” .35' .27' -.01
BLACKY MOTHER .18” .16c .25
ANGER .39' .26”
ENVY .22”

§p<.001 by a 2-tailed test
bp<.01 by a 2-tailed test
cp<.05 by a 2-tailed test

From the Pearson correlations it can be seen that there
are extensive intercorrelations among the measures, although
they vary in their pattern and magnitude.1 For the self-
object measures, one of the correlations is between TAT
mother and BLACKY mother, which might be expected since both

measure representations of the mother self-object and this

71
lends some construct validity to these measures. TAT father
has a relationship to both mother cards but more strongly to
the measures of anger and envy. It seems that TAT mother
and TAT father are measuring distinctly different phenomenon
but share some properties. Anger and envy are associated
with all the other subscales including daydreams, except for
excluding age of the subject. Anger and envy scores were
highly correlated with one another. Narcissistic daydreams
are correlated with higher levels of anger and envy but are
not correlated with the measures for self-objects. Age was
only correlated with TAT father, meaning that the older the
subject the more favorable rating of TAT father.

From Table 7, which shows correlations of all other
scales with the OMNI, it is apparent that age is both
negatively correlated with TAT father and that age and TAT
father are correlated with narcissism. In other words,
younger subjects tended to give worse TAT father stories and
to score higher on the narcissism inventory. To separate
these variables, a multiple regression analysis was
performed, controlling for age. It should be noted that age
negatively correlated with narcissism (2 square 8 .06) and
TAT father added an additional correlation of I square -

.16.

W
Pearson product moment correlations were performed

using 1-tailed tests to identify all predicted relationships

72
between the independent variables and the narcissism scores.
All subscales were hypothesized to correlate positively with
the OMNI-TOTAL scores and with some of the OMNI subtype

scores. This data is presented in Table 7.

IAELE.Z
Pearson product moment correlations between subscales
and OMNI
OMNITOT OMNI I OMNI II OMNI III
TAT MOTHER .26' .17” .24” .14
TAT FATHER .26” .35” .20” .27”
BLACKY MOTHER .22” .25” .09 .15
ANGER .28' .29” .14 .23”
ENVY .29” .29” .14 .23”
DAYDREAM .36' .35” .24” A .20”

'p<.001 by a 2-tailed test
bp<.01 by a 2-tailed test
cp<.05 by a 2-tailed test

HYPOTHESIS I: {That self-object deficits evidenced by less
favorable ratings on TAT mother, TAT father and BLACKY
mother cards will correlate with higher levels of narcissism
as measured by the OMNI}.

This hypothesis was confirmed. TAT mother correlated
with total OMNI as well as with OMNI types I and II. BLACKY
mother correlated with total OMNI and with OMNI type I. TAT

father correlated with total OMNI and with all three types

73

Of OMNI: making the scores for father the most consistent
predictor of narcissism among the three self-Object measures
(see TABLE 7). Although there was no explicit hypothesis to
this effect, there was an assumption that mother images, due
to the importance Of the preoedipal phase in narcissistic
character formation, would be the most predictive Of
narcissism. Therefore the TAT father finding was unexpected

and Of interest.

HYPOTHESIS 2: {That conflict with anger and envy will be
positively associated with subclinical narcissism).

This hypothesis was supported. Expressions of higher
levels of conflict with anger correlated significantly with
total OMNI as well as with OMNI types I and III. Envy
correlated significantly with total OMNI and with OMNI types
I and III (see Table 7). It is interesting to note that the
measures Of aggression did not predict significantly any

variance in OMNI type II.

HYPOTHESIS 3: (That self-Object deficits will be a stronger
predictor Of subclinical narcissism than conflict with anger
and envy}.

This hypothesis was essentially disconfirmed by the
results of the correlations (see Table 7) as there were no
significant differences in the strength Of correlations for

all the different independent variables measured.

74
HYPOTHESIS 4: {That males will manifest more OMNI type I
narcissism than females and that females will manifest more
OMNI type III narcissism than males}. This two-part
hypothesis was disconfirmed. There were no gender

differences in distribution of OMNI scores.

HYPOTHESIS 5: {That narcissistic daydreams will correlate
with higher OMNI scores suggesting a link between narcissism
and narcissistic daydreams}. This hypothesis was supported.
DAYDREAM scores correlated with total OMNI and with all

three OMNI types (see TABLE 7).

O e a c

One goal of the study was to identify any differences
in how each factor (of self-Object deficit and problems with
aggression) might differentially contribute to the three
types of narcissism located by the OMNI. TO achieve this,
step-wise multiple regression analyses were performed for
the three dimensions described by OMNI types I, II and III
and for the global OMNI scores. Given that TAT mother and
BLACKY mother were correlated and that both were used to
measure a maternal self-Object representation, TAT mother
was selected for the regression tests. BLACKY mother seemed
to have a "card-pull" for more idealized stories.
Additionally, the Blacky mother stimulus elicited stories of
seduction (i.e., mother seducing Blacky) that seemed to be

more a function of the way the characters were drawn, making

75
it less "neutral" than TAT mother, as a projective stimulus.
DAYDREAM was also deleted from the regression analyses
because it was conceptualized in the study as another
manifestation of narcissism and not as a causal factor.
Thus TAT mother, TAT father, anger and envy were entered in
the step-wise regressions. The step-wise method was used
because the author was interested in the strongest
predictors Of variance, and in eliminating from the model
any factors that did not add any distinctively different

predictive value.

QMN1_IQL§1

The results Of the regression analysis for total OMNI
scores are presented in Table 8. From the step-wise
multiple regression, conflict with anger and TAT father
combine to form the best model accounting for a significant

part of the variance in total OMNI scores in this sample.

TABLE_§
Multiple regression model for total OMNI scores
scan: was. .83 _r.1_
ANGER 1.98 .78 .115 13.44'
TAT FATHER 1.61 .69 .160 5.36b

 

*indicates test for change in R2
' = p<.001
” = p<.04

76
QMN1_I
For type I, the exploitative/entitled dimension, again
anger and father proved to be the best predictive variables

accounting for some of the variance in OMNI I (see Table 9).

TABLE_2
Multiple regression model for OMNI I scores
seam: WELL .83 _r;_
ANGER 1.03 .41 .11 12.81'
TATFA .81 .37 .15 4.87”

 

*indicates test for change in R2

' = p<.001
” = <.os
QMN1_II

The type II dimension Of the OMNI, named the
perfectionistic/controlling narcissistic dimension, TAT

mother best accounted for the variance on its own (see Table

10).
TAELE_1Q
Multiple regression model for OMNI II scores
EQALE BEIA_EEI§HI $131 .83 ..I:__
TATMO .81 .25 .09 10.46”

 

*indicates test for change in R2
” - <.01

77
QMHI_III
OMNI type III explores the ”narcissistically abused
personality" dimension Of narcissism. This was best

described in this sample by TAT father (see Table 11).

TABLE_11
Multiple regression model for OMNI III scores
scam weal 433 _1-‘_*_
TAT FATHER .68 .25 .07

7.68”

 

*indicates test for change in R2
b = p<.01

In summary, the results of the multiple regression
analyses suggest that the three dimensions Of narcissism, as
identified by the OMNI, may be comprised Of somewhat
different factors, in terms of what was most important in

contributing to the variance in each subgroup.

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION

One Of the on-going debates in the current
psychoanalytic literature has been the alternative
explanations Of narcissism put forth by Otto Kernberg and
Heinz Kohut. This study was an attempt to operationalize
some of these ideas and to test their usefulness with a
subclinical population. The study also looked at three
different types Of narcissism. Gender was predicted to play
a role with regard to how men and women might more likely
manifest one narcissistic character style over another. The
third purpose Of the study was to see if the different types
Of narcissism could be differentiated with respect to the '
Kernberg and Kohut variables.

The following is a brief discussion Of the meta-issues
involved in researching the Kernberg/Kohut controversy.
Their contrasting theories of narcissism seem to provide a
forum for the broader issue Of what Bollas (1989) calls the
"idiom" Of personality. The disagreement can be viewed in
terms Of the deeper issues of changing paradigms of how to
observe and communicate what is essential in human nature.
Their alternative models are described in terms of conflict,
drive, and defense versus deficit and relationship. More
importantly, the Kernberg/Kohut controversy pertains to the
differences between Objective versus subjective ways Of

understanding. This dichotomy between subjective and

78

79
Objective perspectives (i.e., Kohut's ’experience-near' and
Kernberg's 'experience-far') parallels an important feature
of narcissism, that is the difficulty Of holding an image of
oneself as subject and Object simultaneously (Bach, 1989).
This difficulty is most vividly expressed in the myth’s
image Of Narcissus' confusion about his mirror-image.
Rather than asking if one perspective is better than
another, ultimately, the more fruitful question is how do
these two theoretical perspectives consolidate to form the
most accurate picture Of narcissism. The results Of this
study suggest that both Kernberg and Kohut's ideas
contribute to the understanding of subclinical narcissism.
There was no evidence that one helped explain the data
better than another. Commensurate with this, one of the
study's hypothesis (that self-Object measures would be more
strongly correlated with narcissism than anger and envy) was
disconfirmed. Therefore, both the "Objective" drive/defense
perspective and the "subjective" deficit/relational
perspective were useful in understanding the research

findings.

ID2.BQL§.Q£.§§DQ§I

Two types Of narcissism that are thought to express
opposite but related dynamics are 1) entitlement,
exhibitionism, and exploitation and 2) shame and excessive
idealization of others. These are measured in the OMNI by

type I ("narcissistic personality") and type III

80
("narcissistically abused personality"). Some research has
already considered these two dimensions as divided according
to gender. Miller (1979) theorizes that these two character
styles are opposite sides Of the same coin: grandiosity
being a defense against loss and shame, and depression being
an exaggeration of the loss of the idealized self/other.

It was within this context that a hypothesis was
formulated that men, in the study sample, would have greater
type I OMNI scores than women and, conversely, women would
show greater type III OMNI scores than men. Statistical
analyses, however, revealed that there was no significant
difference for men and women along OMNI score distributions.
One explanation might be that a college student sample is
notoriously "androgynous" and that other samples may have
yielded differences. In contrast, Watson, Biderman, and
Boyd’s (1989) work (with a college sample) did show
significant differences between the sexes along these lines.
Nonetheless, the results of this study suggest that we may
be stereotyping when we assume that men, as a whole, express
exploitative aims more readily than do women or that women
are more likely to feel ashamed and needy of direction from
others than men.

The one gender difference in the study pertained to
ratings Of TAT father. Women tended to give TAT father
stories that were less favorable, in their depiction of the
father-figure, than those of men. There are several

possible explanations for this finding. One is that men

81
tend to give a more favorable rating of father because of
the identification with a same-sexed parent. There are many
other possible explanations. The one that seems most
plausible to the author, however, has to do with the actual
difference in the projective stimuli used for men and women.
The TAT father-son card depicts a close-up of an older and
younger man's face right next to one another. The TAT
father-daughter card shows two whole figures at some
distance, the woman is seated and turned around with a
surprised expression, and the man is holding a pipe. In the
formal features of the cards, the father-son card
illustrates closeness while the father-daughter card shows
both distance and a startle-like expression. Both the
author and the other rater remarked independently of each
other at the number Of TAT father-daughter stories that
portrayed sinister sexual innuendo, a theme of being caught-
in-the-act and intrusion. This theme was thought of in
terms of oedipal conflicts, but was so repetitive that we
questioned the neutrality of this card as a projective
device. It seems that this card portrays, with some
realism, one person frightening another, whereas the father-
son card shows attachment between the characters. This
brings into question how equivalent the projective stimuli
were for the two TAT father cards. However, no statistical
differences were revealed regarding gender's overall
relationship to narcissism or in terms of Kohut and

Kernberg's variables.

82

The other demographic finding was that age was
negatively associated both with global OMNI scores and with
ratings of TAT father. In other words, older subjects
tended to have lower OMNI scores (i.e., less narcissism) and
tell more favorable stories in response to the TAT father
card. It may be that general psychopathology decreases with
age. An additional and alternative explanation is that
narcissism is a developmentally appropriate state of affairs
in young adulthood. Perhaps as adolescents leave their
family of origin they need to focus on themselves and only
later re-establish communal concerns. This is in line with
Erikson’s eight stage theory of personality. Given that
most of the subjects in this sample were in their early
twenties they may have consolidated an identity but still
were struggling with intimacy and fears of merging and
losing identity (Erikson, 1968). This finding between age

and narcissism had not been hypothesized.

T e e ' e e e

Correlations were found between most of the independent
variables (i.e., TAT mother, TAT father, BLACKY mother,
anger, envy, and daydream). The following is a summary of
the relevant inter-correlations among independent measures.
TAT mother and BLACKY mother were highly correlated, giving
some support to the construct validity of these two measures
of mother. TAT father was correlated with both anger and

envy. Thus, representations of pathogenic fathers were

83

linked to higher degrees of anger and envy. Theoretically,
Kernberg (and Klein) conceptualize early primitive
aggression, and envy as beginning with either a
constitutional legacy or as a response to pathogenic
mothering (and later to destructive parenting in general).
That negative affect is associated with TAT mother and TAT
father does not further clarify the causal issue in
narcissism, but it does suggest that anger, envy and self-
Object deficit are inter-related. Anger and envy were quite
strongly correlated with each other. Since these two
affects are considered variants of aggression this finding
makes some sense. This finding could also be an artifact of.
the scoring system for these two protocols that tapped
overall management Of affect (anger and envy were scored as
either (0) integrated, (1) defensive, or (2) split/strong).

The many correlations between independent variable
measures, introduced a problem in the exploratory analysis
Of the three types of narcissism. Because the variables
measured, to some degree, similar phenomena, it was more
difficult to draw strong conclusions with regard to how much
each factor contributed to the three types of OMNI for this
sample. It is possible that the concepts of self-object
deficit and conflict with aggression are truly
interdependent. The alternative explanation is that the
measures lacked the degree of refinement that would lead to
clearer results in an attempt to differentiate types of

narcissism.

84

:er-. : . ,- --. ,., f. ; . .,; _e.._.f,. ,,.. ,;; ; .5
W

The general results Of the correlation tests between
each independent measure and the dependent measure (OMNI
scores) yielded modest support for hypotheses 1, 2 and 5.
Hypothesis one stated that Kohut's concept Of self-object
deficit would be correlated with narcissism. Of the three
"self-Object" deficit measures (TAT mother, TAT father,
BLACKY mother) all three were significantly correlated with
the global measure for narcissism (total OMNI). For the
three subtypes of narcissism, TAT father correlated
significantly with all three subtypes, TAT mother with two
of the subtypes and BLACKY mother with one of the subtypes.
Therefore, the three measures Of "self-Object deficit" were
all correlated with narcissism scores as predicted.

Hypothesis two stated that Kernberg's concept of
conflict with anger and envy would be correlated with
narcissism. Both of these measures Of negative affect
correlated significantly with the global narcissism score.
Anger and envy were equally correlated with two Of the three
subtypes. Measures of "conflict with aggression" were also
able to predict change in narcissism scores, as predicted.

Hypothesis three (that the Kohut variables would emerge
as stronger predictors of narcissism than the Kernberg
variables) was for the most part disconfirmed. This
hypothesis grew out of the literature that suggests that

Kernberg's and Kohut's differences are due to their having

85
treated separate groups of patients: Kernberg with
borderlines and Kohut with higher-level narcissists (Adler,
1986). It is important that even in a subclinical sample
that presumably carries a low degree of psychopathology,
that anger and envy seem to be equally viable in predicting
global narcissism as does self-Object deficit. This finding
challenges the notion that aggression only plays a large
part in severe cases of narcissism. However, in one recent
study (Glassman, 1988) using a "subclinical" population
found that Kohut's concepts were slightly more useful in
predicting narcissism as compared to Kernberg's concept of
anger. However, in the present study a self-Object measure
(TAT father) was the only one that correlated significantly
with all three types Of narcissism. Studies using
comparison groups between clinical and subclinical groups
could better clarify this finding.

Hypothesis five was confirmed, that narcissistic
daydreams were associated with narcissism. This hypothesis
was taken from Kernberg (1975) who was struck with the
qualitative difference in daydreams revealed in
psychoanalysis between his narcissistic patients and other
patients. A daydream is an imaginative production that
should reflect a person's over-riding idiom, meaning that it
is logical that narcissistic persons would daydream of
scenarios that focused on the possession Of power tO the
exclusion of others. This is because the idiom of

narcissism is, in part, a compensatory grandiosity that

86
defends against a sense of inadequacy and defect. The
advantage of the daydream measure (over the projectives) was
that it captures a naturally occurring, relatively stable
(i.e., recurrent), intrapsychic event. Bach (1985) refers
to the same phenomenon (as found in Kernberg's notion of
narcissistic daydreams) as the "fantasy of exceptionality."
The following is an example of a woman's daydream scored
"narcissistic" from the study. Incidentally, her total OMNI
score was two standard deviations above the mean and she
scored highest on the "narcissistic personality" dimension
Of narcissism that taps entitlement, exhibitionism, and
exploitation of others.

"I daydream now about playing tennis with this one guy
whom I find very attractive. We are looking great -- Me in
a white pleated skirt (in which I don't even own) and a
yellow V-neck sweater -- and he’s looking like a slob as
always but still gets my attention. I always win Of course
and we run up to the net to get the balls and we sit there
and talk about stuff."

He next comments, when instructed to write about how
the people in the daydream feel about her are:

"This person I have slept with 2 times in the past two
weeks, but he really doesn't talk tO me much when I see him
at the bar and such. He pretends like he likes other people
who walk by at the bar and makes stupid comments like,
”she's hot'. God, I could punch him -- but I really think
he likes me but he's just an asshole.”

The daydream nicely illustrates how the grandiose,
omnipotent fantasy compensates for a deeper feeling Of

rejection and inadequacy. Her intense anger is also

evident.

Step-wise multiples regression analyses were performed
on each Of the three subtypes Of narcissism in an attempt to
find statistically what were the most predictive groups Of
variable contributing to higher OMNI scores. The variables
entered were TAT mother, TAT father, anger, and envy. For
the total OMNI scores, anger and TAT father (in that order)
accounted for 16 percent of the variance in global
narcissism scores. Anger accounted for approximately 11% Of
the variance and TAT father for an additional 5%: together
correlating with total OMNI scores at .16. The other
variables when entered did not significantly add to the
variance accounted.

OMNI I tests are what Kernberg considers to be
narcissism (O’Brien, 1987) and is called the "narcissistic
personality" dimension. Anger accounted for 11% Of the OMNI
I variance and TAT father for an additional 4%, making a
total Of 15%. This is commensurate with Kernberg's theory
in that higher levels of aggression were indeed linked with
a more exploitative attitude. However TAT father added some
predictive power. This finding will be discussed in detail
at the end Of this section.

OMNI II was created to test a "perfectionistic/
controlling" dimension that comes out of Alice Miller's work
on l"poisonous pedagogy" where the parents, in particular the

mother, forces her opinions and needs onto the child "for

88
your own good." Interestingly enough, only TAT mother on
its own formed the best model for predicting OMNI II scores
although it accounted for 9 percent of the variance. Thus a
perfectionistic, controlling type Of narcissism may be more
related to pathogenic mothering (or more specifically the
internalization of a non-mirroring, idealization-blocking
mother). This suggests that Miller has indeed captured a
subtype Of narcissism, that utilizes omnipotent control and
that may be caused by problematic mothering.

OMNI III measures a "shame-prone" variant of narcissism
where the person feels constantly in need of idealized
others for guidance, is shame-ridden and insecure.

According to the statistical analysis the best predictor Of
this was less benign ratings for TAT father, accounting for
7 percent Of the variance. If the shame-prone person
inverts their grandiosity than it may be a defense against
grandiosity. Therefore we would expect some similar dynamic
between type I’s who overtly express grandiosity and type
III's who suppress and reject their grandiosity. For both
type I and type III father was one of the best predictors.
However type I revealed that excessive anger added its own
contribution. It is interesting that character styles that
appear quite different might share some of the same
dynamics. This was predicted in the psychoanalytic
literature.

Because Of the overlap between variables the attempt to

identify the differential contribution of measures to

89
subtypes Of narcissism was made more difficult. Measures
that more distinctly tapped the concepts of self-object
deficit and aggression may have strengthened the analyses of

the different types of narcissism.

-.n1- 0 .‘ 11 3‘ ‘81 - ‘, :10. a A: :11

The most interesting overall finding that was not
hypothesized per se, was that TAT father predicted OMNI
scores most consistently, out Of all the measures used. TO
give the reader a more lively sense of the different images
of father (with regard to Kohut’s theory about self-Object
deficit) the following are some examples of stories given in-
response to the TAT father card that might illustrate father
as a helpful self-Object versus father as a deficient self-
Object.

Story 1 (TAT father/son card)

"The Older man in the picture is a veteran basketball
coach, and the younger man is his assistant. The younger
man is very nervous about his first time coaching in the
NCAA tournament, and he has told the head coach that he
doesn't think this squad matches up very well against the
team they are tO play.

The head coach smiles reassuringly and pats the younger
man on the back and tells him they will do just fine. He
has been through it all before and knows there is more to
winning than just size. The next game they do go out and
use their quickness and hustle to beat a larger, more
powerful team."

This story was scored as a "1" (mirroring and
idealizing). The main characters are a more-experienced

coach and a less-experienced one. If one reads this as a

father-son story (which we did), then the ”son" is indeed a

90
"chip Off the old block" and the father figure allays the
"son’s" anxiety and helps guide them together towards
success. This is a nice illustration of the idealizing
function Of a self-Object, that is to provide a sense of
guidance as well as to initiate the person in need of help
into mastery and success. The head coach is a role model
for the assistant coach and he allows the younger one to
participate in his power and wisdom. The head coach also
provides mirroring functions in that he soothes and consoles
the other's distress and facilitates his ambition. The
head-coach is somewhat idealized (i.e., powerful) but is
affectionate and generous.

Story 2 (TAT father-son card)

"The son has just flunked out Of law school. The Old
man in the picture, his father, is trying to understand his
son's predicament. The boy never wanted to be a lawyer and
take over his Old man’s business. He has always wanted to
be a painter. But this would not do in his conservative
family, since birth he has always been steered, subtly, to a
law career. His father is a corporate lawyer specializing
in getting large corporations out of personal injury suits
brought about by their low-income customers. This picture
reflects the last time the boy ever sees his father. He
moves to a small town in northern Michigan, paints and works
in a saw mill. His paintings never sell and he dies 8 years
later of cirrhosis of the liver. Upon selling his cabin,
his father takes his paintings to New York where they sell,
years later, for an average of 4 million dollars each."

In this story the son attempts to imitate his powerful
father but at the cost Of not realizing his true wishes and
skills. The father, we are told, has "steered" the boy to
go into the family business of law. Kohut talks about the
importance of parental responsivity, that the parent must

respond to the actual needs and inherent talents of the

91

child and not impose their own narcissistic vision on the
child. As a self-Object this father (the card was rated "4"
mirror/idealizing blocking) fails to respond to his son’s
true self and we see the ill-fated consequences of this.

The father and son separate and the son dies (of
alcoholism?) at a young age. Furthermore it is interesting
in comparing these two stories that in Story 1 the father-
figure is the champion of the under-dog and tells his
assistant that their team can win even if they are
physically smaller. In Story 2 the father defends large
corporations against low-income customers. This seems to
mirror how these different stories portray the father-
figures' attitude towards the younger men. Even the end Of
Story 2 results in the father getting something from his son
(the money from the paintings) while the dead son gets
nothing except perhaps a tragic posthumous recognition. In
Story 1 both the coaches "win" in the sense that they help
their team perform well and the young man's anxieties and
distress have been ameliorated.

This leads to a discussion Of how a destructive father

Jnay be a key element in the formation of some types of
Inarcissism, especially the traditional entitled kind and the
shame-prone personality. Narcissism in the traditional
usage of the term has to do with a search for power and a
disregard for the welfare of others. Others are valued to
‘the degree that they can function as an admiring audience.

The father figure may be one of the most important self-

92
objects in how one learns to relate to achievement. In
other words (some) fathers love the child for what they can
achieve whereas (some) mothers love the child for who she/he
is in a more unconditional sense. Thus the narcissistic
search for power, beauty, fame and wealth may be ways of
trying to please or defeat a father who was not able to
communicate a shared sense of power. These people may have
experienced their fathers as thwarting their success,
leaving them angry and in need of finding people to admire
them for their achievements in a way that the father could
not. However this picture is complicated by the fact that
mother ratings did predict narcissism scores, especially in
type II. The importance Of TAT father in this study is that
it highlights the importance Of the paternal self-Object in
narcissistic personality formation. Interestingly, in the
myth of Narcissus, Grant (1962) notes that the IQLDQILS
hhhhgghmeht of Narcissus and his mother is the only causal
precipitating event in this tragic story. Psychoanalytic
theory, especially Object-relations theory, tends to focus
on the child's experience Of the mother. The implications
for this study's finding, for theory, is that the father’s
role needs to be carefully evaluated, at least in the case

of narcissism.

Mien
In conclusion, this study using projective stories and

daydreams of 143 men and women in college, found Kohut's

 

93
ideas of self-Object deficit and Kernberg's notion of
conflict with aggression as viable predictors of subclinical
narcissism. Many of the independent measures were
interrelated and it was not clear if this was a function of
the lack of specificity in measures or if these phenomena
were truly related. However despite these problems, three
Of the five hypotheses were supported. Self-Object deficits
and conflict with aggression were related to higher scores
on the narcissism measure. The independent variables (TAT
father, TAT mother, anger and envy) showed some differential
patterning among the three subtypes of narcissism.
Daydreams scored "narcissistic" tended to be given by more
narcissistic subjects. Hypothesized gender differences were
not revealed in the results Of this study.

Future research is needed to continue to accurately
operationalize psychological concepts in order to understand
what processes contribute to the formation of
psychopathology. The Kernberg/Kohut debate, as a whole, may
benefit from attempts to integrate these two visions rather
than to view them as competing. Even using a subclinical
sample, Kernberg and Kohut's ideas appeared to be related to
narcissism. Furthermore, the findings from this study
suggest that different narcissistic personality styles may
involve distinctly different kinds of self-object deficit
and different levels of aggression. The three types of
narcissism, explored in this study, seemed linked to

Specific phenomena that were documented in theory. Further

94
research may help to expound the variety of dilemmas
expressed in narcissism and locate the relevant

psychological processes involved in narcissistic character

structure.

APPEN DI CES

APPENDIX A: Measures Spring/1990

CONSENT FORM

This is a study investigating some aspects of normal
personality development. It uses projective cards that
require a short story (5 Of these), one 42 question test,
and a written daydream.

Your participation is completely voluntary. If you
choose to not participate at any time, you are free to do
so. NO identifying information will be collected other than
your sex and age. Your answers will be confidential and
anonymous.

If you decide to participate please sign and date this
statement. Please hand it in separately from your packet.
This study should pose no harm. Your participation benefits
psychological research. If you have any comments or
questions at any time please contact me:

Leslie Wolowitz, M.A.
106 Psychology Research Bldg.
Michigan State University (355-2627)

The whole procedure should take from 25-35 minutes.

NAME DATE

95

 

96
INSTRUCTIONS:

1) Please fill out the test. There are 41 yes/no
questions. There are no "right" answers. If you can’t
decide if your answer is "yes" or "no" to a question please
choose the answer that is closest to how you feel.

2) There are 5 pictures in your packet. Please write one
story per picture. Your story should be long enough to
include what the characters are thinking and feeling, and
what will happen...how the story turns out. Please use your
imagination. Write out the story on the blank sheet after
the picture (if you need more space use the back).

3) Please think about a recurrent daydream or a recent
daydream that you have had. On the last page Of the packet,
there is a space for you tO write down a daydream. Please
indicate if this was a recent one or a recurrent one.

Please write down your sex and age on this page. DO not
write down your name or any other identifying information.
Thanks.

97
OMNI
Please answer the following questions by circling EITHER YES
or HQ. If you can't decide please choose the best answer
for how you feel. There is no "right" answer.

1. Would you rather try to please others than to have your

own way? YES NO
2. Would you rather give a gift than receive one?
YES NO
3. DO you find it easy to relax in a group?
YES NO
4. DO you tend to feel like a martyr?
YES NO
5. DO you tend to see people as being either great or
terrible? YES NO
6. DO you usually find it hard to settle down?
YES NO
7. DO you tend to get angered by others?
YES NO
8. DO you have a tendency to over-react?
YES NO

9. Are you jealous Of good-looking people?
YES NO

10. DO you tend to be secretive about your personal life?
YES NO

11. DO you pay a lot Of attention to the financial matters
Of others? YES NO

12. DO you think that movie stars have better lives than
‘ you do? YES NO

13. Do you try to avoid dramatizing your feelings?
YES NO

14. Does your life deserve special recognition?
YES NO

15. Will your experience greatly guide others?
YES NO

16. When confused, do you think of your mother's wishes to
help you resolve your conflict?

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

98
YES NO
DO you appreciate people who march to the beat of a
different drummer?
YES NO

DO you avoid rejection at all costs?
YES NO

DO you have fantasies about being violent without
knowing why? YES NO

DO you tend to feel humiliated when criticized?
YES NO

DO you know hOw to solve other people’s problems?
YES NO

Would your secretive acts horrify your friends?
YES NO

DO people love you for the way you improve their lives?
YES NO

DO you find it easier to empathize with your own
misfortunes than with those of others?
YES NO

DO your views of people change back and forth easily?
YES NO

DO you think that sexual intercourse is clean?
YES NO

DO you wonder why people aren't more appreciative Of
your goodness? YES NO

DO you avoid telling peOple "what it's all about"?
YES NO

Are you a perfectionist?
YES NO

Is seduction the best part of your sex life?
YES NO

DO you find that going through life is like walking on
a tightrope? YES NO

DO you find yourself fantasizing about your greatness?
YES NO

DO you have problems that nobody seems to understand?

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

99
YES NO

Are you clever enough to fool people?
YES NO

DO you worry a lot about your health?
YES NO

DO you expect people who love you to spend money to
show it? YES NO

Is it important for you to know how other people spend
their time? YES NO

DO all your friends come from the same mold?
YES NO

Are you especially sensitive to success and failure?
YES NO

If you're tough on others, is it "for their own good"?
YES NO

DO you crave attention from others?
YES NO

100

 

 

101

 

102

 

 

103

 

 

 

 

106

 

APPENDIX B: Criteria for Scoring Daydreams

Daydreams are scored in one of three categories. They
either fit the criteria for Kernberg's model and are scored
"2" or they indicate altruism, or a wish to be loved and are
scored "0". Daydreams that do not fit either the love or
envy categories are scored "1".

Criteria for Scoring Daydreams "2": narcissistic:

(a) Daydream involves subject having some positive
attribute, skill, or Object. For example wealth, beauty,
talent, athletic skill, beauty, charm, power, status,
creativity, prizes, fame, etc.

(b) There is no mention of helping or benefitting others,
with exception Of benefit to the subject. For example a
daydream about a war hero who saves his people would not
qualify, and would be scored "0".

(c) Mention that others look up to him, admire, or envy the
subject. This must have a quality of envy/admiration and
not love. If the subject seems to desire love and
relationship then it is scored "0".

A and B are necessary conditions for rating the daydream
"2". C may be present and can be used as an additional
guide for selection.

 

INSTRUCTIONS:

Think Of a typical daydream that you had as a teenager
(if possible). Write it down in as much detail as you can
remember. Are there other people in the daydream? If so,
how do they feel about you?

107

APPENDIX C: Coding Themes of Mirroring and Idealizable
Self-Objects

From TAT Cards 6 GF, 6 EM, 7 GF, 7 BM and Black Card 1.

Protocols are categorized as mirroring and/or idealizable
(=1), mirroring and/or idealizable with limited
effectiveness (=2), mixed mirroring/idealizable with mirror-
blocking/non-idealizable (=3), mirror-blocking and/or non-
idealizable (=4).

Guide to Mirroring Responses:

mother or father figure is understanding, approving,
accepting, admiring, confirming, generally giving and
responsive tO child’s needs

Guide to Mirror-Blocking Responses:

mother or father figure misunderstands, disapproving,
rejecting, overly critical, shaming, disconfirming,
generally draining or asking child to do for parent or
directive in a non-empathic manner

Guide to Idealizable Responses:

mother or father calms child, soothing, consoling,
reassuring, is portrayed as strong and/or successful (in
career) linked with child being able to identify or imitate
strength or success

Guide to Non-Idealizable Responses:

mother or father irritates child, is reactive, intrusive,
over-stimulating, parent is portrayed as weak or has talents
that are out Of reach for child to identify/imitate

Mirroring and Idealizable Responses with Limited
Effectiveness

parent mirrors or allows idealization but child is mentioned
as still upset/distressed, etc. Stories where there are no
discernable mirroring, idealizable responses, on the part of
the self-Object, as well as no identifiable mirror-blocking
or non-idealizable responses are coded as'(3), the code for
mixed responses as this implies a deficit of mirroring and
idealizable self-Object responses

108

109
Sample Coding of Stories:
(male response tO Blacky Card 1)

"That's his mother. She's consoling him: encouraging
him. He's done something that's not made him feel so well.
SO she's reassuring him. She is going to leave him to work
out his problems...she won’t be tOO overbearing."

Code = 1 (mirroring and idealizable responses - "consoling
him...reassuring him...won't be too overbearing")

(female response to Blacky Card 1)

"Blacky's sad because she has no friends to play with
and mom is trying to comfort her and tell her that
’everything will be alright.’ Blacky doesn’t really believe
her, but she short Of feels cheered up."

Code = 2 (mirroring/idealizable response with limited
effectiveness - "Blacky doesn't really believe her")

(female response tO Blacky Card 1)

"’C'mon honey, it's time to wake up for doggie school',
says mom. Blacky thinks, 'do I have to? I'm still sleepy',
even though he doesn’t want to he’ll mosey on up."

Code = 3 (mixed response because mother is portrayed as kind
and somewhat helpful but essentially intrusive).

(male response to Blacky Card 1)

"Blacky is sulking. Something had gone on during the
day that he took tOO personally. Mom is telling him to snap
out Of it. He doesn't listen to her. He's deep in thought
and she doesn’t really understand."

Code 4 (mirror-blocking, non-idealizable response - "snap
out Of it...she doesn't really understand")

In the TAT stories, the "self-Object" can be portrayed as
someone other than a parent. Whether the characters are
viewed as parent and child or, for example boss and

secretary/ young man and maid/ two lovers/, a self/self-
Object relationship is still assumed to be still present.

(female response to TAT Card 6 GF)

"Dad is just getting home from work. He's come over to
his daughter to see how her day went. He's kidding around
with her. Just making her feel really good, because he's
jovial. She's feeling really good that he is home."

110

Code = l (mirroring/idealizable response - ".. .to see how
her day went. . .making her feel really good") .

(female response to TAT Card 6 GF)

"The daughter is thinking about landing this really
Dad came in and he startled her. He wants to
Dad is

good job .
She knows dad’s really concerned.

jump in and help.
very successful and so is she.

:0
Code -@ (mirroring/idealizable response - "dad's really
concerned. . . .dad is very successful and so is she."

(male response to TAT Card 6 BM)

"Mark and his mother had a disagreement.
JLaawyer and he has to defend this child molester who is
:ifaamous in this small town. The mother is giving him the
lzncaral side of it, that the molester is guilty. So she can't

'OK, you do what you think is right.’

convince him and says,
He's very torn by the good sense of his mother and the good
He will defend this person and his

sense of his career.
mother will understand, but he'll realize someday that it
was a big mistake."

:: 1
Code = 2 (mirroring/idealizable response with limited
e ffectiveness - "she can’t convince him. .‘.mother will

Mark's a

understand. "

(male response to TAT Card 7 BM)
He is in the title business and

"This is John's uncle.
cD‘v-rns some real estate property. His uncle asks him to
become a partner in business. They work together for a
while. John realizes that he would rather be an artist, so
he leaves the job. His uncle understands but is sad to see
him go."

3 I

code = 2 (mirroring/idealizable response with limited

effectiveness - "they work together. . .John realizes that
e'd rather be an artist...his uncle understands.) .

( female response to TAT Card 6 GF)

”Boss and secretary. He's giving her some information
aIk>out what to do next. She's surprised, maybe she goofed
up . He’s saying, 'what I need now is...'. Maybe he caught
her doing something she should be doing. She'll play it Off
and say that she's happy to see him."

Ode = 3 (mixed idealizable response - ”he’s giving her some
'what I need now is...” boss is

C

ihformation", "he's saying,
both giving and demanding/critical) .

111

(female response to TAT Card 7 Gf)

”This little girl doesn't look very happy. I think her
mother and her had some kind of disagreement. Her mother
isn’ t really mad and wants to make her daughter feel OK.
But mother said something that made the girl upset. She’s

ready to walk away."

Code = 3 (mixed mirroring/idealizable response - "wants to
make her daughter feel OK. . .mother said something that made

the girl upset.")
(female response to TAT Card 6 GF)

"This is taking place during the forties. This is a
woman and that's her boss at work and she just got this job
as a secretary. He's point out, in no uncertain manner,
what she did wrong the first week. She 's not quite sure
how she's going to handle this whole thing as this is her
first job in the big city. SO she's just thinking how to

get through the moment."
Code = 4 (mirror-blocking/non-idealizable response - "he's
pointing out what she did wrong the first week.")

( nale response to TAT Card 6 BM)

"She looks like a maid. He’s got to tell her
=EB<omething. Even though she probably knows what it is, she
<5l<oesn’t want to hear it. He tells her anyway and leaves."

<:=<:de = 4 (mirror-blocking/non-idealizable response - ”She
doesn’t want to hear it") .

APPENDIX D: Coding Themes of Conflict with Envy and Anger

From Blacky Cards 2 and 3

Protocols are coded as integrated (=0), split/strong (=2),
or defended (=1).

Anger: From Blacky Card 2, the "oral sadism" card from
Blum's original set Of pictures, depicting Blacky with a
collar marked "mama" in his mouth. This card is meant to
evoke the subject’s relationship to anger. An integrated
response would include recognition Of Blacky’s anger towards
mother, but would not present strong sadism or portrayal Of
mother as all-bad. A split/strong story would include
images Of mother as all-bad and/or present a very marked
anger that fits Blum's description Of a "strong" response.

A defended story, would either not acknowledge Blacky's
anger or would do so in the context of anger towards someone
other than mother.

Guide to integrated responses:

Blacky is viewed as angry but still having fun.

Anger is acknowledged but story ends with mother and/or
Blacky acting in a peaceful way

Acknowledgement that Blacky is displacing anger onto mom’s
collar in a constructive manner

Guide to split/strong responses:

mom is mentioned only in the context of punishing/depriving
Blacky

Blacky is seen as extremely angry or out of control
emphasis on chewing (Blum)

mention of feeding deprivation (Blum)

any mention Of killing (Blum)

any act or threat of violence toward Mother: although if
violence is seen as being perpetrated by someone other than
Blacky it is coded as defended

Guide to denial responses:

specific denial Of aggression (Blum)

introduction that does not mention anger

someone else, other than Blacky, mentioned as having taken
Blacky's collar

Blacky is mad at someone else who has acted against mother

112

113
Sample Coding of Stories

"Blacky is playful, and has gotten Mama's collar away
from her./ She’s having a wonderful time pretending it’s an
animate Object, and she must fight with it so as to make it
be quiet./ The fierce look is fooling nobody but Blacky

(Code = 0, Blacky is seen as angry but in a playful mode:
the anger is integrated.)

 

"Well Blacky is angry about something./ He’s getting his
frustration out. He's just going to get all his anger out
of him. Then he'll be tired and will go to sleep.”

(Code = 0, NO mention of mother is made, indicating some
defensiveness, but he gets his anger out in a constructive
manner.)

 

"Blacky is very angry at mom./ They went to the store and
Blacky wanted a toy and mom said ’no.’ All the other kids
on the block have the toy, so Blacky is angry and rips up
mom's necklace. Mom looks for it and Blacky tells her that
he was mad at her and so he ripped it up. Mom says, ’Oh,
that's too bad.’/ Blacky has gotten his revenge."

(Code = 2, Blacky’s anger is acknowledged but mother is
primarily made out to be depriving (all-bad). There is also
the emphasis on ripping. The revenge also indicates strong
anger.)

 

"Blacky's pissed off at mom./ Guess mom didn't let him do
something he wanted to do, so he's displacing his anger onto
his collar, at least he's not harming anyone./ He's still
destroying something, which isn't really acceptable, he's
chewing the collar."

(Code = 1, Although mom is mentioned as depriving, the
majority Of the story is devoted to Blacky's ability to get
his anger out in a non-destructive way. The ending
indicates some conflict and a defensive attitude towards
anger - "isn't really acceptable."

 

"Blacky got mad at his mother/ and chased her around the
yard. She got away from him, but he got her collar./
Blacky is still mad at mom, so he is chewing on her collar."

(Code = 2, Blacky is playful with his anger towards mom.
'The end though indicates that the anger lingers).

 

114

"Blacky is very angry./ She was outside playing, when she
discovered that Mama had lost her collar and someone else
had stolen it./ Blacky retrieved the collar and was
determined to take it home to mama."

(Code = 1, the story starts out with acknowledgement of
affect but defends against anger towards mother. Someone
else is seen as acting against mother.)

 

"Blacky's mother's leash was stolen,/ and he ran off in the
direction. He's extremely angry because it got stolen./
He'll devise a way Of figuring out who it was and how to get
the leash back."

(Code = 1, this is a completely defended story. Even though
in the middle Blacky is said to be "extremely angry", it is
linked to anger at someone else other than mother.)

Envy: From Blacky Card 3, this card was created to evoke
the subject's relationship to envy. Because envy involves
two people (whereas jealousy involves three), the card shows
Blacky facing a poodle dog who is Opening a wrapped box.

The picture resembles a scene from a childhood birthday
party. This birthday party scenario is a common trigger for
envy, in childhood (Berke, 1988).

An integrated response would include recognition Of
feelings Of curiosity and some mild feelings of envy. An
integrated response (scored 0) would also portray Blacky as
having some fun. Resolutions aimed at the poodle sharing
the gift would also indicate integration. A split/strong
response (scored 2) would manifest as strong envious
feelings. This is denoted by a marked sense of loss or
inferiority, on the part of Blacky. It can also be
characterized by a devaluation of either the poodle or the
gift. A defended story (scored 3) would either ignore any
feelings Of envy or loss and/or present as reaction-
formation, whereby Blacky is portrayed as giving the gift to
the poodle.

Guide to integrated responses:

Blacky seen as "curious", "envious", "wants to share",
somewhat "sad" -

mention that Blacky can share the gift with the poodle
a story resolution that portrays Blacky as still intact,
'having some fun.

Guide to split/strong responses:

Blacky seen as deprived, or inferior in some way

115

envious responses that include either the poodle portrayed
as undeserving, or a "bad” character (for example the poodle
is "uppity", "spoiled", "gets everything she wants"

mention that Blacky doesn't really want the gift, for
whatever reason

statement that the poodle will not share gift

the gift is really for Blacky

Guide tO defended responses:

Blacky seen as very happy with no mention of feelings Of
sadness or envy

Blacky portrayed as the giver Of the gift

resolution that Blacky is hoping that the poodle likes the
gift

Sample Coding of Stories

"Blacky is looking at the box./ She's probably envious that
the other dog is going to open up the box. Even though she
is envious, she is happy too. They will probably share
whatever is in there./ Blacky doesn't look like she is
going to take Off with the gift.”

(Code = 0, this is very a integrated story. Blacky's envy
is acknowledged in the context of other positive emotions
and the prospect Of sharing. At the end, Blacky is in
control Of his impulses.)

 

"It’s this little dog's birthday party, Fifi./ Blacky's at
the party and they are having fun. He feels a little bit
like he wishes it was his birthday./ SO he's just hanging
back."

(Code = 1, Blacky acknowledges his envy in an integrated
manner, without devaluing Fifi or the present. At the end,
though, Blacky continues to feel loss which marks somewhat
strong envy.)

 

"Blacky was walking along and saw this other dog, standing
in front of a box./ He asked her what it was, she said she
didn't know, but she was going to open int and find out.
Blacky is waiting to see what it is./ He thinks it will be
a ball that they can play with."

(Code - 0, although Blacky's envy is not explicitly
acknowledged, it is implicitly because of his curiosity -
"waiting tO see what it is", "he asked her what it was".
The sharing resolution also marks integration.

 

116

"We having met Fifi yet./ I don't know why Fifi is Opening
up the box because this present was Fifi’s gift to Blacky.
Why in the heck is she opening up his present./ I can't see
his face so I don’t know what he's thinking."

(Code = 2, Blacky is clearly very angry at Fifi for opening
this gift that he thinks is his, marking strong envy. The
ending also indicates lingering conflict, "I don't know what
he's thinking.")

 

"Blacky's at a birthday party of Miss Prima Donna:/ a
classmate of her's in kindergarten. She always gets what
she wants. Blacky is interested. She wants to see if she
gets the same kinds Of things Prima gets. She Opens it and
it's a really grandiose mink goat: fluffy and pink./ Blacky
doesn't really want it anyway."

(Code = 2, the poodle is viewed in a devalued tone, as a
"prima donna", "gets everything she wants", indicating
strong envy. There is a split between the poodle (having
everything) and Blacky. The devaluation of the present also
indicates strong envy, although this could be seen as
defensive.)

 

"That's kind of sad./ This little white poodle has gotten a
present. Blacky is curiously looking over. Blacky is
feeling curious but sad because he kind of wants to share,

t s O t . Maybe this little
doggie will share the gift./ But Blacky will probably go
away defected and sad."

(Code = 2, the envy is acknowledged but Blacky clearly feels
strong loss marking a strong envy. The subject does seem to
be struggling with integration.)

 

"Today is princess poodle’s birthday./ Blacky has been very
excited. She bought her friend a very special gift./ She is
anxious to see if the poodle will like the gift."

(Code = 1, the split in the introduction is expressed by the
descriptor, "princess." Because Blacky is portrayed as the
gift-giver, the rest Of the story is defensive in nature.)

 

”This is the rich family that lives down the street./ They
are haves and Blacky's a have-not. She gets everything she
wants. If she doesn't act too uppity, then maybe they will
share the gift./ If not she will switch her tail and go."

117

(Code = 2, Blacky is clearly seen as inferior to the poodle.
The poodle is also seen as uppity and rejecting in the end.)

 

"Wow, that’s his dogie girlfriend./ He just bought her a
gift, it’s her birthday. He's thinking how much he likes
her. She'll look very appreciative/ but he won't know how
to interpret that."

(Code = 1, this is basically a reaction-formation against
envy. Blacky is seen as the giver who is waiting for
appreciation rather than as a curious on-looker who maybe
can share at best.)

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