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A COMPARISON OF THE IMAGES OF GWHI
AND NEHRU IN AMERICA AND INDIA:
A STUDY IN CONTENT ANALYSIS

by
Ramohudrc Doui

AN ABSTRACT

Submittcd to tho School for Advncod Grtduato Studio: of
Michigan State Univorcity-ot Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirement-
for tho degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Did-1n of Socicl Science

1960

Approve: by 924m 4/954»in

ABSTRACT Ramchandra Desai l

Gandhi and Nehru, the two Indian leaders whose images are the central
topic of the present study, hold unique positions in India and their names
are familiar to many educated persons all over the world. MostAmericans as
well as many Indians have met neither Gandhi nor Nehru, yet they do carry
in their minds images of these leaders. We have in this piece of research
attempted a comparison of the images of Gandhi and Nehru as reflected in
the writings of the American. and Indian writers, from 191.7 to 1957. The
leadership role of the two Indian leaders is examined cross-culturally
through images. Why do Americans and Indians perceive Gandhi and Nehru the
way they do? Do the images fluctuate? Why? What aspects of Gandhi and
Nehru's leadership role are emphasized by American and Indian writers?

In response to these questions we have formulated certain hypotheses.
Insofar as our research required analysis of fluctuations , periodicals were
the most ideal instruments for collecting data.

The fluctuations in favorable and unfavorable images of a leader in
another country depend upon the extent of agreement existing between the
governments of the two countries. When a leader is dynamically associated
with the policy making process of his government, his images in another
country are often the result of his policies - that is to say, that should
these policies be compatible to the interested country, he will be looked
upon favorably. Our data clearly showed that the images of Nehru in America:

periodicals were directly related to his political utterances and policies
affecting the position of the American government of those issues. We have
also shown that during years 1951, 1953 and 1955 Nehru's policies consistently
collided with the American Government's policies - hence, he was tviewed in an
unfavorable light.

Yet the above finding that the differences in the policies of the two

Ramchandra Desai 2

governments will result in the unfavorable image of their leaders, is by no
means an absolute. Gandhi, for example, implies universality. He is looked
upon favorably in both the countries during the period under examination.

‘We have established in the present study that the sources of American
and Indian writer's images are independent of each other. we have shown that
during the years 1950 and 1955 Nehru had relatively unfavorable images in
America but enjoyed favorable images in India. In 1951 he had unfavorable
images in both countries. Americans criticized Nehru for his non-alignment
foreign policy, while Indians criticized Nehru because he had undertaken to
refonn some of the centuries old features of the Hindu society. In 1957,
Americans praised Nehru because they came to realize his importance in Asia
as well as his devotion to democracy. Indians hailed him.because he integrated
the Indian held part of Kashmir into the Indian Union.

as also found that both American and Indian writers emphasize personal
attributes such as courageous, sincere and hypocrite more than the political
attributes. Since Gandhi Ind Nehru ard political leaders, we had expected
that writers would emphasize political attributes more than the personal
attributes.

we have explained in the present study that images and facts may or may
not correspond but at least an outward sign, act, or appearance is necessary
to offer some basis for the formation of images. The images of India in
America as 'meralist,’ 'spiritual advisor,‘ or 'a kind of prophet' may well
be attributed to the leadership role of Gandhi. Leaders, as the spokesman
of a group, help to popularize the image of that group. India's images as
a 'moralistic' and spiritual leader apparently derives from the emphasis that
Gandhi put upon religious and moral tenets: this was compatible with his

insistence on raising political activities to spiritual levels.

A COMPARISON OF THE moss or GANDHI
AND mu IN morn AND INDIA.-
A STUDY IN CONTENT ANALYSIS

by.

Ramchandrak Dosai

A THESIS

Suhnittod to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of
Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the d ogroe of

moronormmsom

Division of Social Science

1960

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The author wishes to express his gratitude to Dr. Iwao Ishino of the
Department of Sociology and Anthropology and Dr. Ralph Goldman of the Political
Science Department for their patient guidance on the thesis and many
helpful suggestions during the preparation of the manuscript.
He is also greatly indebted to Mr. Simon Greenfield whose patient
editorial efforts improved this work immeasurably.

Special gratitude goes to Dr. Harry H. Kimber for counsel and assis-

tance throughout his graduate program.

ii

Chapter

I O INTI-{ODUCTION O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

11.

III.

A.

B.

C.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Purpose of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Image as the Basic Concept. . . . . . . . . . . .

Functional Role of Images in Human Behsvior . . .

Imagcvs.Rcality..............‘.

Organization of the Remainder of the Thesis . . .

IiEVIPJVJ OF {FE-PL LITERATURE o o o o o o o o o o o o o

A.
B.
C.
D.

E.

The Concept of Image' . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Impressionistic Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Methodological Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . .

SW3 r), O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O 0

Development of Hypothesis . . . . . . . . . . . .

I‘EEJTHODS MD PROCILDUILES . g . . g . . g o o o o o o o

Selection of Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Universe I C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Significance of Written Words and Their Relation

to Images 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Selection of the Word Imsge . . . . . . . . . . .
Limitation of Our Data. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Favorable, Unfavorable and Neutral Images . . . .

iii

.Ab

Chapter Page
The .

IV ./ Net} 51b 111‘sz o I O O O o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 66

A. Host Frequent Images of Kehru in America . . . . . 69

B. Most Frequent Images of Rehru in India . . . . . . 72

Generalizations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73

C. com'nfintfitcr's IntCTSWO].atiOnS o o e o o e o e o o o 71‘

D. Trend Analysis of the Image of Nehru in India and
ithricaO O O O 0 0 0 O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 76

Images of Nehru in America and India During the
Years 1950 afld 1955. o e e o o o o e o o o o o e 79

The Nehru Image During the Year 1955 . . . . . . . 85

The Nehru Image During the Year 1951 . . . . . . . 90

The Nehru Image During the Year 1957 . . . . . . . 95

E. Commentator's Interpolations . . . . . . . . . . .1C1
Area.of Agreement. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .ICI
Political Events and Images. . . . . . . . . . . .102

The Transformed Image. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .103

V. THE GANDHI ILAGE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105
A. Most Frequent Images of Gandhi in America. . . . .1o8

B. Most Frequent Images of Gandhi in India .. . . . .109

C. Commentator's Internolations . . . . . . . . . . .111

D. The Gandhi Image in America . . . . . . . . . . .112

E. The Gandhi Image in India . . . . . . . . . . . .116

F. The Commentator's Interpolations . . . . . . . . .119
VI. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .121
A. Image Studies are Important. . . . . . . . . . . .121

P}. Leaders and Imdges o e o e o o o o o o o o o 'o o .122

iv

Chapter

C. Important Findings and their Significance

D. Suggestions

APPENDIX I .
APPENDIX II .

APPENDIX III.

AP ENDIX IV . .

APPENDIX V

APPENDIX VI . . .

APPENDIX VII.

APPENDIX VIII

APPENDIX IX .
APPENDIX X

APPENDIX XI .
APPENDIX XII
APPENDIX XIII
APPENDIX IVX

BIBLIOGRAPHY

for Further Research

Page

123
126
128
151
15h
155
156
157
158
159 '
160
161
162
175
177
183

185

LIST OF CHARTS
Chart 1 Page,

Trend Chart Showing Yearly Fluctuations of Favorable
and Unfavorable Images of Nehru from 1947-57.

One American Magazines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

Tw'o In(—iian biaSEZincs . C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O C C O 77

vi

LIST OF TABLES

Table ‘ Page
1. List of Books, Magazines and Articles Used in the study. 51

II. Favorable, Unfavorable and Neutral Images of Nehru
in American and Indian Books and Periodicals . . . . . 67_

III. Predominant Images of Nehru in America . . . . . . . . . 70
IV. Predominant Images of Nehru in India . . . . . . . . . . 72

V. Personal, Leadership, Political and Status Attributes
Ascribed by American and Indian Writers(Nehru) . . . . 73

V1. Favorable, Unfavorable and Neutral Images of Gandhi
in American and Indian Periodicals and Books . . . .106

VII. Predominant Images of Gandhi in America . . . . . . . .108
VIII. Predominant Images of Gandhi in India . . . . . . . . .109

IX. Personal, Leadership, Political and Status Attributes
Ascribed by American and Indian Writers (Gandhi) . . .110

vii

CHAPTERI

INTRCDUCTION

A large part of the human behavior is governed by usages.
"What you M you see in a person,” said Alistair Cooke, the veteran
Journalist, "is more important than what is actually there."1 The
lieconoeptions which constitute what people M they see can strangle
relations between countries like the United States and thesis, and can
put the whole world in nortal danger. Take, for example, the popular
image of cal-mien in the United States at the present tine: to an
average American, ecu-mien is the nest cruel and ruthless of all
political ideologies. The United States perceives. itself as insecure
and hence increases its armaments. A By doing so, it seeks to increase
the inage of its own security. The favorable image of the Soviet Union
which the Indian leaders toned during the struggle for national freedm
continues to wield an unco‘on influence on the present policies of the
goverlment of India.2 In international relations, the symbolic image of
a nation is of extraordinary importance. Political images of leaders,
parties, and labor unions are likewise guiding factors in deteming an
individual' s attitude toward them.

Indeed the creation of a sy-bolic inage of a nation, national

leader or' religion, is almost unavoidable. Inages represent one way of

 

1
ZHichi an State News, Vol. 50, No. 116 (January 21, 1959). p. 1.

ZChattar Singh Sanara, Soviet Interests in India (Boibay: Asia
Publishing “0“”, 1959), Fe 2370

conceptualizing one very complex phenanena. In Islam, for instance,

the symbol of the Mosque or of the Prophet has exercised an enormous
evocative power through the centuries, because these symbolic images
sumarise a whole attitude of life and a value system «i the Hoslems.
An ordinary person can only bear a certain degree of complexity. To
know. Gandhi, for example, in his multirole as a religious person, a
social reformer, a family man, and a political leader, and to perceive
his views on economics, the American Negro problem, or Untouchables of
India becomes impossible for an average writer as well as for his
readers. when this complexity becomes unfathomable, individuals, in
general, normally retreat into symbolic images. Susanne Longer,
commenting on the role of symbols in human behavior, says:

This basic need which certainly is obvious only in man

is his need of symbolisation. The symbol-making function

is one of man's primary activities, like eating, looking,

or moving about. It is the fundamental process of the
mind, and goes on all the time.3

Many would be content knowing Gandhi merely as "The Father of
the Indian Nation," "The Great Soul,” or "The Naked Rindu Pakir."
Hence images are essential to one's ability to see and to assess things
and people alien to one'e native environment.“ Thus, images are
subjective knowledge on which most people base their attitude toward a

given leader, political party, or nation. As Leighton insists:

 

3Susanne Longer, Philosopgz in a New Key, quoted in S. I.
Mews, Lsn a in» Thou ht and Act on ew York: Harcourt, Brace a
60., 191.9), p. . o quoted in . L. Raiser, The Inte ation of
Human Knowledge (Boston: Porter Sargent Publisher, 1555, p. 87.

”Functional value of images in human behavior has been discussed
in detail in the section dealing with ”The Definition of Image.”

. . . the people of one nation—and the United States is no
exception—harbor stereotyped images of other nations,
starkly simple and exceedingly inaccurate. Yet these
images are the basis upon which people feel for or against
other nations, interpret their behavior as villainous or
good, Judge their actions, and Judge what they themselves
as a nation should do in relation to others. It follows,
of course, that the images are false; the resulting course
of action can hardly ever be adequate.5
Interpretation of the analysis of images results in recognizing
cause and e ffect relationship. This analytical interpretation can prove
to be of some value for appraising Gandhi and Nehru and for eliminating
misconceptions about the two leaders. Such an analysis may be equally

applicable t 0 India.

A, was of the sum;
In this piece of research we intend to examine the images of

Gandhi and Nehru by way 'of leadership phenomena. The constituents that
go to make up leadership phenomena embrace a masher of things. In the
interest of‘brevity and specificity we feel obligated to break leader-
ship phenomena down into four maJor components: personal attributes,
political attributes, leadership role attributes, and status recognition.
Until collective research datum is available for analysis, there is
nothing concrete enough to merit manipulation. Only after enough data
are accumlated will a coherent conceptual framework of leadership
phenomena emerge. The exploration of the images of the two Indian
leaders involves two aspects: first, most predominant images may

indicate the representative dimensions of the leadership role of Gandhi

 

5A. a. Inighton, Human Relations in a Chan n World (New York:
Es Po Butt“) & 00., Inc., 1910 g P. 1 o -

and Nehru; second, they may also indicate the character of acceptance
by followers.

Studies similar to the one on hand provide a cross-cultural
insight into the elements that. make up leadership patterns in given
countries. It is becoming expedient among political leaders to create
favorable images of their leadership roles abroad.6 The creation of
favorable images in foreign countries has tended to enhance popularity
status at hue. The following passage from an article by James Boston
of the New York Times furthers the point:

Prime Minister Macmillan of Britain is dmsonstrating the ~

modern way to win elections . . . . His theme is the old
theme, peace and prosperity, but his route is different:
not the little towns at- base, but the great capitals-
London, Paris, Bonn, Moscow, and Washington . . . .

Macmillan may or may not manage to find a Just accomo-

dation of allies and Soviet differences in his current trip;
but even if he doesn't, the image of the British Prime
Minister flying about the world trying to settle inter”-
national differences is probably the most effective campaign
asset he'has.7

It is generally recognized that Nehru's popularity abroad
enhanced his popularity at home. The present study of the images of
Gandhi and Nehru in the works of American writers may help Indian
leaders to know what factors make Indian leaders papular and unpopular

in America.

 

6A member of the French diplmsatic corp was at pains to observe
that, ". . .Americans campaign frua Kruschev's office.” See C. K.
Sulsberger, "EurOpe and Our Electoral Campaign," New York Times
December 30, 1959, p. 20. Sulsberger further states, " vera leading
Duocratic aspirants have also made a habit of touring the globe.
Adlai Stevenson went to Europe, Asia, and Africa. Senator Symington . . .
reviewed foreign policy questions with African and European statemon.
Senator Numphrey virtually started his campaign by a marathon interview
with Kruschev. Senator Kennedy Journeyed earlier." Ibid., p. 20.

7James Boston, "A New Way to Win Elections," New Iork Times,
Section AE, March 28, 1959, p. 8.

Likewise, the findings in this study should help American leaders to
realize traits that Indiana admire most in a leader.

If one wishes to find the way toward real cooperation among
countries having widely different cultural backgrounds such as India
and America, studies such as this are essential because they add to our
total and ultimate understanding. It sheds a good deal of light on
some of the preconceived prejudices and rationalisations which inevitably
lead to misunderstanding and tension between the two countries.

For the promotion of harmonious American-Indian relations what
could be more pertinent that the five-day conference that took place in
New Delhi between President Eisenhower and Prime Minister Nehru in
December of 1959. Time alone will tell the significance of the meeting
between two heads of state. The conversations that were recently
eapleted are both part of and the product of various efforts8 and
means to bring the world's two largest democracies together.

Among these endeavors the pepulace of both countries have a
tangible stake in mutual understanding. This involves” efforts in the
field of econonic aid as well as on behalf of cultural exchange.

With regard to cultural exchange, academicians on either side
of the Pacific Ocean have interests in acquiring human profile data on
one another. Apropos of scientific data in profile, the study of image
comparisons becomes relevant. Social scientists in general agree that
prejudicial conceptions which national groups maintain with respect to

others are barriers to international understanding. How men in one

 

. 81's mention a few: technical assistance to India under Point
Pour Program, gifts of farm surplus, loans, exchange of cultural
delegations, etc.

6
country see those in another is a matter that needs to be explored first

in the long process of establishing international harmony.

Most individuals do not ordinarily have the opportunity to
acquire firsthand information pertaining to events and people of other
lanis, as they do in the case of a local fire or their newspaper‘boy,
for example, our political world, Walter Lippmann says, is "out of
reach, out of sight and out of mind."9 What an average man thinks of
others is based not on personal experience but on "pictures" made by
himself, as given to him by the agents of mass media. Individuals in
modern society try to comprehend great happenings of the world with
which they have had no personal experience. "The only feeling,"
Lippmann insists, "that anyone can have about an event he does not
experience is the feeling aroused by his mental image of that event."10
Educated people in most parts of the world spend much of their time
acquiring information from the mass media.

Yet the typical writer finds it difficult to convey in the
mass media the cerebrations of the Indian people or any other foreign
group. When events call for information about India, writers, in
general, associate these events with the leaders as the spokesmen or
symbolic representatives of the country in question. Thus, broadly
speaking, an image of a given group is formed by what their leaders
do and say.”-

 

9Walter Lippmann, Public Qpinion (New York: Harcourt Brace
& Ce., 1922), p. 29.

101b1d., p. 13.

nNo political leader has explained leadership phenuaenon as
candidly as President Sukarno, when he said:

Gandhi and Nehru, the two Indian leaders whose images are the
central topic of the present study, hold unique positions in India, and
their names are familiar to most educated persons all over the world.
Contributions of Gandhi and Nehru in making modern India what it is to—
day are very substantial. For over a quarter of a century Gandhi played
a dominant role in the political and social struggle of India. His

efforts to lift politics to the lofty ideals of religion earned

 

My friends and my children, I am no Communist. But I am open-
minded. I am not prejudiced. I‘am no dictator. I am.no holy man
or reincarnation of God. I am just an ordinary human being like
you and you and you . . . . Why is it that peOple ask me to give
a speech to them, even when the sun is at its hottest? The answer
is this: What Bung Karno says is actually already written in the
hearts of the Indonesian people. The people want to hear their own
voice but . . . they cannot speak eloquently for themselves . . .
when I die . . . do not write on the tombstone: 'Here rests His
Most Exalted Excellency Dr. 1r. Radon Sukarno, the first President
of the Republic of Indonesia' . . . write . . . ’Here rests Bung
Karno, the Tongue of the Indonesian people.‘ American Universities

Field Staff Reports Service, Southeast Asia Series, Vol. VII, No. 17
(WAR-l3-I9S9L p03.

Cecil Gibbs for example says that the standing of a leader is
"dependent not upon special qualities as such, but upon the extent to
which his followers perceive him as having these qualities." The
leader in turn should be able to know the members' perception of him
and fill the group needs and requirements. See C. A. Gibbs, "Leadership,”

Handbook of Social Ps cholo (Cambridge, Mass.: Addison Wesley & 00.,
1951.5, p. 877. ‘

See also R. M. Stodgill, "Personal Factors Associated With Leader-
ship: A Survey of the Literature," Journal of Social Psychology, Vol.25
(19h8), p. 65. Stodgill asserts that "leadership is not a matter of
passive status or of the mere possession of some combination traits.

It appears rather to be a working relationship among members of a group
N

Seligman insists that "Leadership is a function of acceptance by
vfollowers . . . and a leader is related to the tensions and values of

a particular situation." American Political Science Review, Vol. LA
(1950), D. 90A.

him the title of "The Great shunt."12 Since Gandhi's death Nehru has
bech what Margaret Fisher calls "Idol Number one"13 of the Indian
people. Nehru's towering pro-eminence in India today has prompted
observers to_remark, "nehru is India!"

Most Americans as well as new Indians have m e t neither.
Gandhi nor Nehru; yet they do carry in their minds images of these
two leaders. As suggested above,:mest persons form.improssiens of the
people and events outside of their inediate envith from mass
‘media. Therefore, what the writers have to say about Gandhi and Nehru
is of great significance. It is conmon.knowledge that writers wield a
great deal of influence in.moulding public images. These writers, as
image constructors, do more than simply furnish the reader with
impressions; they disseminate these images through the channels of
communication at their comand.

”Part of our images of the'world," says Kenneth Boulding, "is
the belief that this image is shared by other people like ourselves
who are also part of our image of the world."u‘ This statement also
applies to the writers examined in the present study. How accurate are
the perceptions of the writers, the reader might ask. Ne simple

answer is available because it depends on the background and personality

 

12"(landhiji exhorted us to achieve inward freodcmn by getting rid
of fear, greed, and blind passion, and outward freedom by throwing off

the foreign yoke.n S. A. Hussain, The We of Gandhi and Nehru (New
York: Asia Publishing House, 1958), p. xiii. .

13a. 1.. Park and I. Tinker, Leads Political Instit i.
in India (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1959;, p. 1.1.

Mxenneth E. stunning, The Lag (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University
of Michigan Press, 1950), p. 11..

1|

 

9
of the observers and the amount of information they possess about Gandhi

and Nehru. Writers act as if. they possessd partically the same image

of the world as their readers do.” Those who read Time Raga-sine will
probably held the same image of Gandhi and Nehru as do the writers who
staff that periodical. The existence of particular public image depends,
therefore, on certain basic assumptions shared by the writers and readers
alike. David Imwrenco, for example, has his particular audience, just
as Eric Severeid has another. It goes without saying that a slient
concurrence exists between the writer and his reading audience. It is
in this realm that individual research starts to bear fruit. By the
ssmetoken, the studyef a comparison of American or Indianwritors'
images of Gandhi or Nehru assumes a special pertinence.

The first objective of the study is to present a caparisen of
American and Indian writers' images of Gandhi and Nehru covering a ten
year period (BM-1957). We are making use of comparative techniques
in a simple, unambiguous manner. Far from comparing Gamihi with Nehru
and far from snatching India with America, we simply want to compare
the kind and number of images of each leader within both countries.

The research concerns itself with the information and affective
qualities that the American and Indian writers impart about Gandhi and
Nehru. 'Knowledge' is perhaps not the right word, for 'Knowledge'

 

1"5G. I. Galbraith, The Affluent Sociot (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Co., 1958). See chapter on "Conventiem Wisdom," pp. 7-20. The author
observes: "Ideas came to be organised around what the enmity as a
whole or particular audience finds acceptable. And as the laboratory
worker devotes himself to discovering scientific varieties, so the
ghost writer and the public relations man concern themselves with
identifying acceptable.” p. 8.

10
implies validity and truth: we should probably speak of the 'writers'

image of Gandhi and Nehru. In other words, what is being studied is the
affective character of which the subjective knowledge is held by American
or Indian writers regarding Gandhi and Nehru.

The second objective is to describe how and to what extent people
differ in their perceptions. Gandhi, for example, once a comic, is
regarded as a saintly person in America316_ whereas Indians, who once
regarded Gandhi as an odd sort of politician,17 now consider him a
_"great soul."13 Nehru who wasonco admired in the American press as a
”western style Demecrat,"19 is new looked upon with "baffling frustra-
tion, “20 as an object of bewilderment. In India hewas once regarded
as an ”impatient revolutionary”; he is now looked upon as a great
"moral forco'21 in the world. It is suggested that those perception
differences which occur in the images held in two nations have not
evolved by chance, but have developed systematically. The investigation
deals with fluctuations in images through units of time and with the
character and significance of the changes. It attempts to understand
wlv people differ in their perceptions.

 

16Kenneth Boulding, 32. _c__it., p. 18.

1”Harold R. Issacs, Scratches on Qnr Minds (New York: John Day
8: Co., 19%), see inside of cover.

18Jawaharlal Nehru, Autebiogam (New York: John Day & Co., 1937).
‘19Mahatma, when translated into English, means ”great soul."
”Newsweek, Vol. mIv, No. 16 (October 17, 191.9), 1:. 33.

Zlmhduston Times (Air Mail Weekly), Vol. II, No. 17, (April
23, 19511. p. s.

 

11
Third, the study seeks to prove that favorable and unfavorable
images of Nehru and Gandhi in America nay be associatedwith the
relationship botwoen the govertments of the two countries. If the
relationship between then is cordial, Nehru is likely to have more
favorable than unfavorable images in the American press. The
following two quotes fr- Newsweek Magasine should illustrate the point:

The Hashington visit of Prime Minister Nehru of India
is an event of exceptional importance. This rflablo man
is the nest influential spokesman and greatest individual
22”]- of a new order in A_s_i_a. Nehru's uni ue prestige
stens {Tm-II; from hr— own abilities a; att aiments,
from his role as Gandhi's right thand man an__d_ heir and from
his unremitting advocacy “of 2111: ica1_ freedom for all
Asiatic peoples. The ideological source of his nationalism
are largely Western. This fortunate fact is perfectly
exemplified by Nehru who was educated at Narrow, Cambridge
and Inner Tenple, whose political and economic policy is
thoroughly western, and who speaks English with fluency and
grace.22 He is not a Nationalist but a democrat western

style.2:a (Italics mine.

 

The same magazine reported as follows during Nehru's second
visit to the United States:

India's Prime Minister Nehru has cast himself in many diverse
roles in world affairs: Neutralist, international noralist
pgacenaker and crusader a ainst the evils of west____e__rn coloaalism
and alcohol. But shove afi he regamself as a link between
the east and thewest.

Nehru remains in numer the high-born autocrat, a man who has
been known to agence a shouting crowd by casually extending an

immrious hand. (Italics nine.)

The striking contrast in the insges of Nehru in the above
paragraphs does not appear to be a random me. The images of other
foreign leaders are seen to follow the same pattern. For instance, it

is interesting to note the trend of articles referring to President
22"Importance of Nehru's Visit," Newsweek, Vol. 3h, No.16(0ctober
l7, l9h9), p. 21. “"“"'

23"Nehru's Christmas visit" Newsweek, Vol. A8, No. 2A(December 10,
1956), p. 36.

 

1 I

Marne in Time Magazine. 0f the first ten articles, covering the
period Ei_o_r_ to President Sukarno's visit to Russia, five were either
favorable or noderately favorable. Two were neutral, and only three
were moderately unfavorable. But since his visit to Russia there has
not been a single favorable or noderately favorable article, and only
one has been neutral. This is not to say that his visit to Russia is
the reason for his loss of favor in Time Leguinefi‘s but this was
undoubtedly a turning point.25 It is a reasonalbe assunption that the
same pttern is likely to follow in the case of many other foreign
leaders. It is hoped that the analysis of.the images of Gandhi and
Nehru will shed light on the relationship of images to international
problems.

. A fourth objective is to show the importance of images for
understanding leadership techniques or patterns. Predominant images
of Gandhi or Nehru, it is assumed here, are the representative di-
mensions of the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru. If Gandhi is perceived
as ”religious," the religiousness is one attribute that makes up his
leadership. The study of the images, therefore, will afford clues to
the coaponents of their leadership roles.

Fifth, another objective is to denenstrate how content analysis

can be used to study problems in cross-cultural relations". The

4—;
‘—

Zifiam Dosai, "Images of President Sukarno" in Time Magazine
and N. Y. Times Magasino (Unpublished paper).

25It night be of interest to the reader that N: I, Times

Ma sine supposedly a "quality" type periodical, and‘Time M_gga_g’ine,
"popular" type, showed a nearly perfect similarity. Ibid.

 

 

13
technique employed in the process of gathering data has been content

analysis, with some emphasis on trend findings.

at Image As The Basic Congpt

The widespread use of the term “image” in current scientific
as well as popular literature calls for clarification of its meaning.
In the literature dealing with images it is almost impossible to find
an adequate, well-rounded definition without ambiguous statements.

The term image has been used interchangeably with stereotype, perception,
conception, copition, and: ”picture in the head.”

In the present study ”image" refers to an individual's awareness
of objects. Images are the way things look or appear to him. Now a
given person or an object appearsoto him depends on both “structural"
and "functional" factors. Structural factors are those which derive
from the nature of the pMsical stimuli,26 while functional factors are
those which arise frqa the internal conditions of the individual per-
ceiving the image. Gestalt psychologists emphasise that the sensory
factors are primary in accounting for the "look of things."

Those who emphasise functional factors in the image formation
believe that needsand past experience play significant roles in the
process of perceiving. When we meet another person, we form an
impression of that person's height, weight, color and body structure.
Such characteristics are unambiguous and, therefore, would be perceived
in the same way by different persmls. But in making inferences about

 

The term "autochthonous" is used by the Gestalt psychologists
when referring to structural factors.

1h

his intellectual ability, honesty, chanm and friendliness, we find such
traits more ambiguous because our own attitudes, needs, and motives
enter to influence our perception of the individual. For many other
characteristics we form an impression on dimensions of ability,
character or personality, in terms of which we can compare the perceived
individual to others.

An image is usually formed in terms of categories and dimensions
. we have learned from previous experience. Many concepts used to
categorize nonsocial objects also can be applied to persons. Such social
objects, however, are different from stones, buildings and trees:
social objects themselves create images, and react to these images.

As a consequence we come to form exceedingly complex, differen-
tiated conceptions of what people are like. People differ, moreover,
in the extent to which their conceptions, or images, are simplified or
cuplex. Accurate and caplex images depend upon intellectual cmnpetence
and upon the motivation to understand the object of the image. An
imbecile is unable to fem a complex image of Nehru, and someone who is
t’otully uninterested in Nehru will have only a highly oversimplified
conception of Nehru if’any at all. A personal enemy of Nehru may be
motivated to maintain a certain image of him and will resist a well-
rounded, complete and accurate picture. g

Neither structural nor functional factors operate independently
of each other, forche process of perception involves interaction
between the two. Functional factors may be flurther analysed in other
terms, such as culture. On'the other hand, maybe culture, group member-

ship, etc., may be treated as situational factors. An individual's

15
image is to a very large extent determined by his culture.” Typically,
an individual's image of things and persons observed is affected by his
political party, his club, his church, his place of work, the newspapers
he reads, and other group memberships. However, it is not always easy
to specify under what conditions these influences will affect one's
images. Social attitudes like race prejudice and rigid conformity to
social norms, or the attitude of some powerful group like the American
Legion, may also influence the image of its moabers. Individual tastes
and temperament also are of importance. Bartlett, cementing on the
importance 'of inherent interests in the process of perceiving, asserts:

These experiments (on perceiving) repeatedly demonstrate
that temperament, interests and attitudes often ct the
course and determine the content of perceiving.

Allport takes asimilar position when he says:

. The prevailing state of the individual helps to determine
the world as it appears to him . . . motivation and past
experience under certain conditions, not only determine
selectivity of what is perceived but also can modify the
speed, accuracy and vividness of the perceptod act, and
even the perceived dimensions of the object . . . there
are temperamental personality characteristics of the
individual, the emotion prevailing at the moment, his
changing needs within the shifting situations ; and always
there is the same aspect of the way the world looks that
is likely to be determined by the value to the individual
of perceiving it in this way rather than that.29

 

27Malinowoki reported that Trobriand Islanders of New Guinea ,.
formerly held to a basic belief that a child can never physically
resemble his mother, brothers and sisters. Even when to an outsider
there was a striking pMsical resemblance between two brothers, the
natives apparently were unable to detect an resemblance.

23!. c. Bartlett, Reno-berm (Cambridge Mass.: Cambridge
University Press, 1932), p. 53:. ,

291?. H. Allport, Theories 'of Peres tion and Conce t of Structure
(New York: Harper Brothers, 1957,, p. 11..

16

As suggested above, an image is influenced by both the structural
properties of the object perceived and the motivational and other
personality characteristics of the perceiver. The image one forms of
Gandhi certainly depends in large part upon what Gandhi was "really
like." Certain features of every person are objective and obvious, and
the images fomd around such traits will be similar and accurate.
Gandhi's plusical characteristics, for example, were readily observable,
and the images of Indian and American writers were about the same. Here
the structural characteristics were clear and unambiguous.

When dealing with other than structural characteristics of Gandhi
and Nehru, who do many things and say mam things about cuplex issues,
relative ambiguity is likely to occur. Here the motivations of an
observer will influence the meaning of the situation for the individual.
In that famous and often quoted experiment titled "Perception of Coins
by Poor and Rich Children" conducted by Brunner and Goodman30 the
fuctional factors were clearly shown. The central thesis of the
experiment is that need is an important factor in the process of
perceiving and that what the subject sees or hears may be in large
part determined by what he wants. Iawronce Lowell put it similarly
nearly four decades ago:

Bach looks at and looks for the facts and reasons to
which his attention points, perceiving little, if at all,
those to which his mind is not directed. As a rule, men

see what they wfnt to see, and observe the things they
expect to see.3

 

30.1. S. Brunner and C. C. Goodman, "Value and Need as Organising
Factors in Perception,” Journal of Abnormal Ps cholo ‘ ,Jol. #2 (191.7),
PP. 33'3‘

Iaurence A. Iawell, Publi on in Her and Peace (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1932 , p. 22. Quoted by Bernard
Berlson, P. Lasarsfield, and N. N. McPhee, "Political Perception,"
chapter in Votgg (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 195“.

17
William 1. Thomas put it this way:

If men define situations as real, they are real in
their consequences. Men respond not only to the objective
feature of a situation, but also nor often than not to the
meaning this situation has for them.
If we were to rephrase the above two quotes it should read:
Men see what they believe, instead of the popular notion that men

believe what they see.

Pun io e o 3 Be vi

Mace contends that, "At the very basis of human knowledge are
images. They may in part reflect the residual impressions of my
observations. They serve in ordinary thoughts the function which in
scientific thought is served by an average, a media, or mode."33
Kenneth Boulding views human behavior in terms of images)“ Newconb,
in emphasising the functional aspect of images, asserts that without
them it would be necessary to interpret each new situation as if it
had never been encountered before.” Bogardus in somewhat categorical
teams says that the images arethe product of ". . . the fact that the
varieties of personalities and of groups are so numerous that it is
almost impossible for most people in abusy world of activities to

 

32Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoo,
Illinois: The Free Press, 1959), p. 545.

33C. A. Mace, “National Stereotype- Their Nature and function,"
Sociological Review, Vo.l 25 (191.3), p. 29. ,

”Kenneth Boulding, Image (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of
Michigan Press, 1956), po 6. -

351'. M. Newcomb, cialSo Psycholog (New York: Dryden Press,
1950), Do 211..

18
weigh every reaction of every person, minute by minute, in terms of its

individual meanings and merits."36
’ Many other students of this concept have taken this view that
images are a “regrettable but useful time-and-effort-saving process
which enable humans to deal with a very complex world."37

There are otl'lers such as Lindsnith and Strauss who emphasise
the oversimplification and inaccuracy that is generally involved in
images. i‘Images,” they point out, ”focus on one or a few aspects of
personality and ignore many others; they are based on insufficient
observation and experience, not to say faulty sampling."38

(he cannot ignore that images have a tendency to gloss over or
forget many other elements in their formation and retain only those which
the person can comprehend and accept. Hit despite this faulty process
involved in image. formation, one cannot afford to ignore their functional
importance in human relationship. It is generally recognised by social
scientists that human behavior, to a very large extent, is governed by
images. Images, in the final analysis, are the subjective impressions
that people have about the outside world. The formation of subjective
impressions of others is a function not only of the characteristics of
the things being observed, "but also to a considerable extent, a

_.—‘

363. S. Bogardus, "Stereotypes vs. Sociotypes," Sociology and
Social Research, Vol. BL (1950), p. 286.

37.1. A. Pishnan, "An Examination, of.the Process and Function of
Social Stereotyping," The Journal of Social Ps cholo , Vol. L3 (1956),

p. 31.

33A. R. Lindsmith and A. L. Strauss, Social Psycholeg
(New York: Dryden Press, 1913), Fe 291. _

 

19

function of the underlying perceptual-cognitive organizing process in
the observer."39
Image vs. Reality

It is fashionable among the students of public opinion and adver-
tising men to claim that there is no necessary correspondence between
images and reality and that images can improve on reality.“0 Thus a
leader may be corrupt but it is possible with the help of the "Image
Merchants" to depict him as an honest god-loving person."1 The George
Gallop school believes that what you thin§_you 235 in a person is more
important than what is actually there. Some say that it is possible
to Ergstgééan image of Nixon as a religious man eventhough he may not
be a religious man. Others contend that there must always be some fact-
ual basis upon which images are formed. Thus, it is argued that Pres-
ident Eisenhower may or may not be a religious man, but the fact that he

goes to church every Sunday, which is shown on television

 

39E.S. Collin, "Forming Impressions of Personality," Journal of
Personality, Vol. 25 (September, 195h), pp. 65-76.

 

holmages may or may not correspond but on some characteristics
there is agreement and accuracy.

AlIrwin Ross, image Merchants (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1959).
According to the author, the Image Merchants are the men who endlessly
"create," delineate," "adumbrate," and project the most available images
of their clients. An unsuspecting and naive public can be deceived by
developing a public image of a person. ‘

"A world of unseen dictatorship is conceivable, still using the
,forms of democratic government." Kenneth Boulding, 22, 323., p. 168.

h2"Where the object was once perceived but is not present before
us now, we speak of 'memory images,’ where it has never existed, we
speak of 'created images.'" See D. Krech and R.S. Crutchfield, Elements
of Psychology (New York: McGraw Hill, 1958), P. 365.

20

and other modes of mass media, constitute valid reason for the public
to perceive him as a religious person. Since it is not possible for
most of us to observe Eisenhower in his private life, the mass media
remains the only source of our information. It is quite possible for
the mass media to create an artificial image of Eisenhower as a church-
goer and, therefore, a religious man. It was reported by the Associated
Press that two networks acknowledge having dubbed in artificial sound of
the crowd noises and applause in the television news films of the
Eisenhower trip to mrope in order to create an image of Eisenhower as
«W343.

Images of Van Doren as a "wizard," "genuis," ”walking encyclo-
pedia" did prevail for quite some time. National Broadcasting Company
paid him 850,000 a year on the basis of the image that was created.

The social psychologists even explained how the great mind of Van Doren
could storo such a vast wealth of information. The later events showed
that the image of Van Dcren was far from being real.

It appears to the researcher that the image and facts may or may
not correspond, but (at least at outward sign, act, or appearance is

necessary to offer some basis for the formation of image.

0 a of t emainder of the esis
We have already made clear our purpose for this study: namely,
a comparison of the images of Gandhi and Nehru individually in India and

America. Moreover, the significance of the study lies in its cross-

 

“3 State Journal (Lansing, Michigan}, December 3, 1959, p.50.

 

21
cultural exploration of le adership phenomena: the manner in which one

phase of leadership qualities takes precedence over other phases within
a given culture. Naturally, since images occupy the focal point,we had
no choice but to explain what images are and what their role in human
behavior is.
In pursuit of this undertaking we have ahead of us the unfolding
of the things attendant to our goal.
It was inevitable that our own study involve the perusal of
other studies in the area. Chapter II is, therefore, devoted to a
review of imagery literature and the development of hypotheses. With
the benefits of the written word and the assumption of the structural
postures gained from the development of hypotheses wovere able to choose
methods and techniques that would best serve our purpose. In Chapter
III, look for a discussion of the methods and procedures. ‘
(rice the techniques and methods for processing data have been
laid, we can present the meat of the problem. The first part of
Chapter IV covers the content (and trend analysis of the images of
Nehru as seen in American andIndian periodicals and books. The
graphic treatment of trends will show a year by year fluctuation in
India, as well as in the United States. The rest of the chapter is
devoted tothe discussion of fluctuations in images, the character
and significance of the changes, a! plausible explanations for given
‘ images. Naturally these revelations may provide an insight into the
relationship between political differences and fluctuations in images.
Chapter V gives the same treatment to the images of Gandhi as
mentioned above in regard to Nehru. Likewise, interpretation of these
data is concerned with the same problems already suggested in connection
with Nehru. ‘ i

Chapter Vi, in conclusion, describes the degree of success and
failure of the hypotheses in the light of the findings; it furthermore
summarises the stated objectives and points to the guideposts on the
road to further research.

For the readers who are curious about the personal history of

Gandhi and Nehru, the Appendix includes brief biographical notes.

CHAPTER TWO

6 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Inasmuch as the preceding chapter was concerned with the
objectives sought in the research, its significance and the exposition
of the term 'image,' it seems in keeping now to discuss the literature
relating to the topic at hand. In this chapter we shall review the
literature dealing with imagery studies. This review will involve three
considerations:

3. To give leavening to the bread, it hehooves us to
familiarise the reader with the literature abailalbe, as well as to
mention some of the contributions made in the area of image understanding.

b. Another aspect of concern is to delineate the methods used
by specialists in the field.

c. Perhaps the findings of the other studies would be of value
in verifying and reinforcing our own position.

Literature dealing with images falls into three main categories:
Lug, books and articles treating the concept of 'image' and its signifi-
cance in human behavior; 2'...» literature positing highly impressionistic
studies; 2.122.: image studies adhering to empirical techniques.

A. The Concept of Imgge

The veritable concept of image evokes the thought of Walter

Lippmann, 1a seasoned scholar in the field of public opinion and

 

Lw‘alter Lippmann, 92, cit.

propaganda. His book entitled Public Qpinionz is primarily an analysis
of the means of propaganda,such as newspapers, magazines, and other
interest groups in composition of public opinion.

The author maintains that the problems and personalities

of the world are becoming more and more complicated for the man in
the street. An average person tries to understand these problems
and personalities with which he has had no personal experience.
For this reason his behavior is not based on experience but on
'pictures made by himself or given to him}. Lippmann asserts:

The pictures inside the heads of these human beings, the
pictures of themselves, of others, of their needs, purposes and
relationship are their public Opinion... Public opinion must
begin here, by recognizing the triangular relationship between
the scene of action, the human picture of that scene and the
human response to their pictures.3

Briefly, according to Lippmann any mental image shared by a

group of people constitutes public opinion. Stereotypes or images
that form the basis for public Opinion are often dangerously

false and unreal. To remedy this situation Lippmann recommends

the analysis of images. Lippmann's use of the figurative connota-
tion, 'pictures in head,’ appears to have been responsible for

the wide currency the concept acquired and to have lent itself well
to a large number of experiments to'date. He deserves credit for

arousing interest and provoking curiosity among image students.

 

2Walter Lippmann, op . <_:_i_’g_._.

31bid, p. 8.

2L

25

Another important work dealing with the concept of 'image'
appeared thirtybfour years later. Kenneth Boulding in his book
The Imaggsh attempts to synthesize the behavioural sciences:
anthrOpology, philosophy, biology, economics, merged into one,
EICONICS (which may be translated as Immge-ology).- In order to
make 'imageéformation' easier to handle, Boulding has theoretically
selected and named ten areas under which images fall.5 By so doing
Boulding lays claim to a theory, revolutionary enough to Justify
itself as a new discipline which he hoped would facilitate matters
pertaining to not only the learning but research as well. 'MOre~
over, he also contends that his new science would help to integrate
the fields of human knowledge and thus ultimately simplify the tasks

of education by closing gaps between the sciences.

 

“Kenneth Boulding, 22, git.

5These divisions are:

1. Spatial — man's location in space around him. .
2. Temporal - man's picture of the stream of time and
his place in it.
3. Relational - man's picture of the universe around
him as a 'system of regularities.‘
A. Personal - man's picture of the universe of people,
roles, and organizations.
5. Value - classification, as better or worse of the
various parts of the whole image.‘
6. Affectional, Emotional - the feeling with which items
are imbued.
7. Un-, sub-, consciousness - areas into which divisions
of the image fall.
8. Dimension of certainly, uncertainty.
9. Reality, unreality - an image of the correspondence
of the image with 'outside' realfly;
10. Public - is the private image shared by many.

 

26

Had Boulding taken the trouble to establish precisely the
distinction between terms that are used interchangeably with reference
to 'image,‘ he would have lent weight to the claim that EICONICS could
become a semantic bridge for all the sciences. However, one would
hardly be overshooting the mark by affirming that Boulding simply
modified the language and texture of the very concept that Lippmann
had adequately described thirtybfour years ago.

The third book exploring the creation of images appeared in
the latter part of 1959. Appropriately titled, TheLIleierchanté
was written by an executive of the New York Post. Image merchants
are men who according to the author 'create,' 'delineate,‘ 'adumbrate,‘
and 'project' the most flattering images available for their clients.
The book is mostly devoted to the doings and undoings of public
relations men to create the most favorable images of their clients.
For Irwin.Ross the underlying idea barely differs from that of either
Halter Lippmann or Boulding. Although, the significance of images in
human behavior is never lost on Mr. Ross, he devotes a gpod portion
of his work to advertising techniques: proving how these techniques
help to artificially create images - images that have little, if any,
correspondence to reality.

The fourth and final wofikzreviewed here is of the same nature -
if not of the same vintage. (The Hidden Perguggers7 was written by

Vance Packard as late as 1958. Here also the author devotes his

 

- ) 6Irwin Ross, The Image Merchants (New York: Doubleday & Co.,
1959 .

7Vance Packard, The Hidden Persuaders (New York: Pecket Books
Inc., 1958).

27

analysis to the techniques of advertising and public relations men.
The author of the Hidden Persuaders further states that in many of
their attempts to manipulate the process of group thinking, the pro-
fessional persuaders have received direct help and guidance fru
respected social scientists. In the light of Packard'sexposition,
professional persuaders are seen in action in politics, in religious
organizations, in merchandising, and in industrial relations. The
author very effectively explores what makes us buy, believe, or even
vote the way we do.

B. Improssionistic Studies

 

Professor Schlesinger at one time contented that 'image
formation,' 'image—research,' and similar concepts are 'chic in the
sociological circles.‘ As the reader will soon discover the term
'immge' is even more of a fad in literary circles. Many poets,
novelists, and free-lance writers have used the concept of image so
freely that it must have been quite fashionable among them before the
tens acquired wide currency among social scientists. Yet, despite
the popular bandying about of the word, we must bear in mind that in

many cases its use had little or no relevance to the subject matter.

 

8Three novels: Guelyn Brooke, Image of a Drawn Sword (New York:
Alfred Knopt Co., 1951); William Baxter, Ima e and the Search (New York:
Putnam and Co. l95h); Barnard Pryor, Image Makers (New York: Harper
Brothers, 1958), are for obvious reasons excluded in the review.

28

David Cairns' The Image of God in flgn9 is an example of
impressionistic study. Cairns defends the dignity of man, especially
in relation to Marxism.and Freudianism. The author traces the doctrine
of responsibility from the Bible through Augustine down into such
modern polemicists as Earth and Brunner. Cairns concludes in a mystical
way that life rests upon three basic relationships which he calls
the 'I-thou,‘ the 'I-it,’ and the 'IsGod.' According to the author,
historic christianity, which.finds the image of God in man, adequately
solves all the problems arising from the above three relationships.
The present day social scientists are too pragmatically minded tor
endorse the logic inherent in his conclusion. Rossi's The Image of
America in.Mazzini's WritingsHDis likewise a book which draws heavily
upon historical works but without any systematic approach. The author
makes a good case for his thesis that Mazzini exerted considerable
influence over American liberals, and that America in turn loomed
heavily in.Mazzini's mind as the champion of a drive for the freedom
of all subjugated peoples. Inspite of the lack of a systematic
approach in Rossi's book, it is the best among the works reviewed so
far. The author states his purpose clearly and marshalls evidence
to prove his point. The only criticism this researcher has is that
Rossi is inclined to ignore the evidence that does not suit his purpose,

a fact which makes his study devoid of objectivity.

 

9David Cairns, The Image of God in Man (New York: Philosophical
Library, 1953)e

loboseph Rossi, Ima e of America in Mazzini's Writing (Madison,
Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin, 19555.

29

Barghoorn's Soviet Eggs of the United States: A'Study in
Distortion11 is considerably more objective, compared to any of the other
studies mentioned above. It was published during an era when anti—
soviet feelings in America were relatively high. Since it was written
by a person who was a member of the American Enbassy in Moscow, this
lent weight to the author as an authority on the subject. The author .
has given innumerable citations culled from the Soviet press. The
author tells his reader how the goverrment of the Soviet Union has
switched from the wartime friendliness towards the United States to
"cold war” unfriendliness. Barghoorn devotes nearly one-fourth of his
book to the war period when the relations between the two countries
were friendly. He then tells how the goverment of the Soviet Union
now presents the United States to its own peeple. Different aspects
of American life and American domestic policies were adopted for the
close fit of the Soviet Comnunist party line. I
. Mr. Barghoorn's book is an important case study in the mould-
. ing of public opinion in a totalitarian state, and the author has
made skillful use of the various kinds of evidence that were available.
For the data referring to the "cold war" the author relied upon the
Soviet press and on personal reactions that he gathered from inter-
viewing the latest Russian emigrants and other foreign observers.
Hr. Barghoorn's approach in gathering evidence through interviews,
newspaper periodicals, and the like, is a sound one, but the procedure

in the collection of data appears to be very haphazard. The organiza-

 

‘ 11s. c. 'Barghoorn, he Soviet Ima e of the u ted States
(New York: Harcourt Brace % Co., 1335).

30
tion of the book leaves a great deal to be desired because sane of
the author's main findings are buried in the most unexpected places in
this book.

The author tries to show how the Soviet government continually
distorts the image of America. His subtitle is equally applicable to
the Soviet image in America. The main difference is that the image
built up in a 'free-enterprize' system is likely to be more complex
and occasionally more contradictory than when it is determined by a
centrally Operated agency like the government of the Soviet Union.

The significance of Barghoorn's book from the standpoint of
t): present research lies in the realisation of how important political
encouragement is in distortion of inges. The post war unfriendliness
existing between the two governments is responsible for the unfavorable
images of America in the Soviet Union and vice versa. 5

Last and probably least important in the category of non-
scientific imagery studies falls As Others See U512. The book consists
of articles contributed by 20 authors”, who are men of distinction in

their own lands, and a few of whom enjoy an international reputation.

 

12?. M. Joseph, (ed.) its Others See Us (Princeton University
Press, 1959).

”Five even frat Europe, two fraa Africa, four from the middle-
East and three from South and South-East Asia.

 

 

 

 

31
The contributors were asked to respond frankly to three questions:
(1) In what respects has your stay in the United States changed from
your former ideas about the United States and its peeple?‘ (2) How does
your present view of the United States and its peeple compare with that
held in your country, by the population in general and by its main
social and intellectual groups? (3) What, in your opinion, can the
people of your country and the United States learn from each other?“
By the very nature of phrasing of the above questions one cannot
possibly avoid being impressionistic. Hethodologically the entire book
is firmly in the tradition of literary and social impressionism. The
editor did not even bother to survey the impressions which the contribu-
tors held of the United States. Instead, he boasts of promoting
interest and understanding. Moreover, the book is full of raw unpro-
cessed data. There is a need for methodological processing of his data
before any claim to international understanding can be made for it.
Nevertheless, some of the articles make interesting reading.

C. Methodological Studies

-- Text material that displays a system-oriented approach and that
is amenable to tools applicable to social science - such as use of
quantitative data, sampling, surveying, interviewing - falls within the
framework of scientific analysis. Instead of permitting ourselves to
get lost in a forest of generalizations, let us choose a specific

'culprit' for castigation.

 

“F. M. Joseph, 0 .cit., see inside cover.

32

In 1932, Kate and Braly conducted the first experiment15 dealing
with imges, in which they used the word-list technique and students as
subjects. About a hundred subjectsl‘6 were asked to select traits from
the list in order to characterize the ten racial and nationality
groups. The findings showed tint the subjects not only agreed in their
preferential ramcing of ethnic groups, but they also agreed in the
types of characteristics attributed to these groups. The findings were
similar in their main outline to the results reported by investigators
throughout the United States .17

In 191.2, Child and Dooblaobtained stereotyped conceptions of
eight national groups fras Yale University students. Following the
word-list method, the subjects were asked to rank preferentially the
eiglt naticxlal groups from the trait list. The finiings of the exper-
iment indicated that approved traits tended to be assigned to people
of preferred countries, regardless of the fact that these traits were

also attributed to the subjects themselves. Disapproved traits, which

 

150. Kate and K. W. Braly, "Verbal Stereotypes and Racial
Prejudice," J al of Abn al Ps cholo , Vol. 28, 1933, P. 280.

“Students of the campus of Princeton University served as
subjects.

17w. Buchanan, "How Others See Us,” The Annals, Vol. 295,
1954. p. 1. '

Ink. L. Child, and L.‘w. Doob, "Factors Determining National
Stereotypes ," Journal of Social figchologz, Vol. 17, 191:3, p. 203.

 

33
were not believed to be characteristic of thmselves, the subjects

assigned to peOple of non-preferred countries. The significance of
the findings of Child and Doob lies in the general inclination 'of
the subjects to attribute positive images to their own people.

In 191.7, Vinacke,19 though retaining word-list technique and
students as subjects, sought to improve upon other studies by utilising
the image process as a double reversible exposure?”o He set out to
investigate how each of sevenanational racial groups characterize
thnselves and each other. Vinacke contended that many of the previous
investigations ignored that perception is a two-way process. This
designation of the traits as approved or disapproved has been suggested
by one class of men, presumably white males.

Between 19167-1950 the trend toward broader sampling and sparing
of studmts as guinea pigs was witnessed in the study undertaken by

UNESCO}22 Even in the UNESCO study, the major data-gathering technique

 

1911. E. Vinacke, "Stereotyping Among National Racial Groups in

Hawaii: A Study in Ethnocentrism," The Journal of Social Psychology,
Vol. 30, 191:9, p. 265.

2olt was based on the fix-dings of Bruno Bettelheim in his study
entitled, "The Dynamics of Anti-Sanitism in Gentile and Jew,” Journalism
of Abnormal and Social Psycholog, Vol. A3, 191.7, p. 153. Bettelheim
points out that stereotyping is a two—way process, for the Jew in
Germany has a stereotype of the Gestapo man just as strong and operating
in just the same way as that of the Gestapo man of the Jew.

25"l'he seven national groups which served as subjects in Vinacke's
study were: Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Filipino, Hawaiian, Negro, Semen.

2%]. Buchanan and H. Cantril, How Nations See Each 0t e (Urbana,
Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1953 .

3h

relied upon was the word-list or trait-list. However, a new feature
was added to this technique. Up to this time, words in the trait-list
numbered as high as one hurrired plus: the UNESCO study managed to
narrow it down to twelve.23 Another significant contribution of the
UNESCO study was the sample size: The study undertook a mass-survey
in eight countrieszh and presented the word list to across section of
one thousand persons in each country.

Although the UNESCO study was intended as a pilot study and was
' written without any underlying theory or hypothesis, sane of the results
which are pertinent to the present research are listed below. The
finding of paramount importance to our purpose is the fact that the
stereotypes of one's am countrymen are invariably in flattering
terms.” A basis for parallelism between this particular finding of
UNESCO and our study: the Indian writer's images of Gandhi and Nehru
are likely to be more favorable than the American. writer's images of
these two leaders.

The second finding indicates the prevalence of complimentary
over derogatory terms in a national stereotype, suggesting an index
of friendliness between the nations.26 Upon the basis of this finiing

 

23The twelve adjectives were: hardworking, intelligent, practical,
conceited, generous, cruel, backward, brave, self-controlled, progres-

sive , peace-loving.

2I‘The eight countries were: Australia, Britain, France, Germany,
Italy, the Netherlanis, Norway, and the United States of America.

256. 14. Gilbert, "Stereotype Persistence and Change Among Colbge

Students," Journal of Abnoml and Social Psychology, Vol. L6, 1951,
p. 251.

. Buchanan, 32; it , p. l.

 

35
a preposition can be made to the effect that, should the number of

unfavorable images of Nehru be greater during a given period, the

two countries are not on friendly terms.

That friendliness or unfriendliness to another people may be
attributed to relationships between their governments is yet another
UNESCO finding that is germane to this study. Ultimately the images
of Indian leaders in America will be greatly influenced by the kind
of states that exist between the governments of the two countries.

' The reader should be made aware that there are two points of conflict
between our piece of research and the UNESCO report. In the first
place, the subjects of concern to us happen to be‘writers, whereas
this is not at all the case in the UNESCO study. Again, we are speci-
fically concerned with the images of two leaders within one country:
the UNESCO report seeks to determine the images as held by eight
national groups of each other.

The weak point, in the UNESCO report is its failure to show hov

images change over a period of time. For instance, it would be
interesting to know the changes and shifts tl'at have occurred since
the field work of the UNESCO study was , completed in 1950. The present
research by employing trend analysis shows yearly fluctuations in the
images of Gandhi and Nehru in America and India.

In 1950, G. N. Gilbert27repeated the Kate ani Bradly experi-

ment on Princeton University stuients using a larger sample but

 

27G. H. Gilbert, "Stereotype Persistence and Change Amcng College

Students," ggnal of Abnormal and Social chholgy, Vol. 1.6, 1951,
De 251s

36
otherwise following the same techniques. He found that there was
recognition on the part of his subjects that the word lists were forcing
them.to oversimplify generalizations, which they were reluctant to do.
This meant that his subjects were aware of the fallacy of describing
a group of people in a few words. I

Gilbert's finding appears to have influenced the studies that
were to follow. In the early 50's about a dozen social scientists
across the country undertook the study of images of America as seen
by foreign stuients. These studies were subsequently publist in
The Annals .28 There were three new phases to these studies: 933, an
attempt was made to view America through foreign eyes. 232, most of
these studies did not use word—list techniques, even though students
still remained as subjects. The major data—gathering instrument was
the interview. Thggg, as yet experiments dealing with images assumed
no more value than that of mental calisthenics, but some of the studies
included in The Annals were undertaken for the specific purpose of
evaluating government-sponsored student exchange programs. Hence, image
studies apparently acquired pragmatic value in the field of social
science fer the first time. _ “

During the year 1958 Harold Isaacs published a study concerning
American images of India and China. As far as the research techniques
are concerned, Isaaes' work made little or*no contribution. The author

interviewed l8l Americans carefully chosen for their ”professional

 

”The Annals of the Amrican Acadm'of Political andSocial
Science, Vol. 295, 195L.

37
praninence in industrial, academic, religious, diplomatic, or public
relations circles.” He calls his panel of 181 'Leadership types'
because most of his subjects occupy important positions in their
respective professions. The author graciously concedes that his inter-
views constitute neither a poll nor a statistical survey.

Isaacs says in his work that dominanthmerican attitudes towards
China have shifted from one period to another: the Ages of Respect
(eighteenth century), Contempt (1840-1905), Benevolence (l905-19h9),
and Contempt (19h9-). As far as India is concerned, the impressions
left on American minds are fewer and fainter than with respect to
China. This is true because historical contact with China is of much
longer duration than India.

With reference to India, Isaacs' figures showed that ninety-
eight persons or Ski of his subjects held negative images about Indians.
Isaacs-explains this situation by saying that "American antipathy was
attributable to feelings over foreign policy differences. But it
clearly had deeper roots, reproducing in some respects much older
American reactions to Hindu life or culture.”29’ This explanation
smacks of garden variety criticism, as colorless as it is layman-like.

I The latter part of Isaacs’ explanation is in direct contrast
to the findings of the UNESCO study. The UNESCO study dees not attri-
bute the formation of national images to cultural or religious differ-
ences but to the existing state of political relations.between the

countries. Isaacs has erred and the error is too obvious. Isaacs even

 

29H. R. Issacs, Scratches on Our'Mind: American Images of China

and India (New York: The John Day Company, 1958). See chapters en-
titled: “The Gandhi Image", and The Nehru Image”.

38
contradicts himself when he attributes American antipathy towards
India to older American reactions to Hindu life and culture. In his
discussion on China he has shown that most of the shifts in American
attitude were associated with political changes in China and the
attitude of the American government towards those changes.

The reason behind Isaacs statement is fallacious because
American antipathy towards India is due to differences between the
government of the two countries, rather than to the American attitude
towards Hindu life. The researcher feels the negative attitude towards
India is not due to the American attitude toward Hindu life or'culture,
but rather to certain international issues between the governments of
the two countries. A great number of Isaacs' 98 subjects who evinced
a negative attitude towards India probably know little about Hindu
ways of life and even less about Indian culture.

Isaacs' book was written during the years 195h—l957. The
memories of the Korean.war and India's refusal to join with the so-
called ‘freeworld' forces, India's insistence on seating communist
China in the U. N., India's stand on Kashmir against the Hest's ally
Pakistan - - all these issues were fresh in the minds of Isaac‘s
subjects while they were being interviewed.

In the latter part of 1958, George Cohelo, an American-educated
Indian, published a revised version of his Ph.D thesis under the title,

Changing Iggges of America g_A Study of Indian Students' Perceptions.30

 

30George Cohelo, Changigg Images of America (Glencoe, 111.,
Free Press, 1958).

39

The study addresses itself to the repercussions of American experience
upon Indian students' perceptions of both the hose and host countries.
Cohelo stmied sixty Indian students, mostly in the greater Boston
Area. The author divided his subjects into four equal groups on the
basis of the duration of their stay: (a) less than one week, (b) three ,
to nine months, (c) eighteen to thirty-six months, ((1) forty-eight

to eighty-four months. Miately upon arrival - during the first
phase - the Indian student, according to Cohelo, expresses a strong de-
sire to be understood. Concomitantly, the student sees broad similari-
ties between Anerican and Indian aspirations. He has a very favorable
image of the United States during this pin».

The Indian student's perception of America because progressively
less favorable in the second phase. Generalized defensive criticisms
are frequertly expressed towards both host and home cultures. In. the
subsequent phase, the Indian student shows a relatively differentiated
perspective of the host allture by becoming more favorable to it;
however, perceptions are not as favorable as was the case in the first
phase. Consequently, certain aspects of the home culture are freely
and critically reviewed in a relatively enlarged national perspective .31

Cohelo's study confirms some of the findings which have emerged

in other researches upon foreign students.32 Furthermore, Cohelo ex-

3lCohelo, 21.. cit., p. 98.

32 J ehn and
See for example ,ARuth Hill Useem, "Inge. of the United States

find Britain held by Foreign Educated Indians", TheAnnals, Vol. 295,
Sept. 1951., p. 73.

LO

amines the Indian students' images over a period of time and shows the
significant shifts in the perceptions of his subjects. Most of the
researches discussed above studied images of a given group at a given
time. The trends in the imge studies are important because they afford
clues that account for the ’whys' Of images enjoying favorable status
at one time and unfavorable status at another.

D'Antonio is another researcher who focuses attention on the
field of imagery studies.33 His study deals with the images of business

and political elites in two border cities: cd. Juarez and El Paso.

 

D'Antonio sets out to prove 'four' hypotheses taken fran How Nations See

Each Other.3h

1. American business and political elites will have favorable
imges of themselves and of each other.

2. Mexican business and political elites will have generally
favorable images of themelves and each other.

3. American business and political elites will have generally
negative images of Mexican business and political elites.

1.. Mexican busimss and political elites will have generally
negative images of American business and political elites.

D'Antonio has actually utilized one hypothesis instead of four.

In fact even this mothesis is actually a part of the finding of the

UNESCO study.
The results of D'Antonio's research showed that cd. Juarez

33W. V. D'Antonio, flational Images of Business and Political
Elites in “0 Border 3 ates (Department of Sociology, Michigan State

University, E. Lansing, Michigan, Ph. D. thesis.)

A
3 W. Buchanan and H. Cantril, m cit.

Ll
business elites ind more cultural contact with foreigiers than any of
the other groups studied. Yet their images did not differ significantly
from the political elites of cd. Juarez. This finding is in sharp
contrast to Cohelo's stuw of the Indian students. While Cohelo holds
a brief for contacts with foreign culture affecting the percegt ions of
the Indian students, D'Antonio insists that the images of business elites '
in cd. Juarez did not differ significantly from the political elites who
had little contact, if any, with foreign cultures. While clutching
the horns of this scientific dilema, this writer can see why the re-
sults of both exponents, though substantially contradicting each other,
can be equally correct.

D'Antonio further found that the four elite groups studied
tended to have highly favorable images of American businessmen and
government officials. We can make the proposition that there are
certain things which are cannon to both cultures and, therefore,
agreed to by the members of these cultures. It is quite probable that
both American and Indian writers will have highly favorable images of
Gandhi.

Judging from the hypotheses alone which D'Antonio's study set
out to prove his research may not be very impressive. However, hisqre-
search was a part of a larger project and, therefore, it is somewhat

difficult to judge the significance of his findings.

W
Walter Lipmann and Kenneth Boulding furnish us with a valid

reason for assuming that imge studies can be vital. The source of '

our conviction stems from their assurance that images are the sum of

#2.
what we think we know and what makesus behave the way we do.

Irwin Ross and Vance Packard share the opinion that images are

manipulable. 'Since image formation is a product of external forces,
it compels us to be intensively as well as eternally cautious.

In part B of the above review of literature we included studies
written in the tradition of literary and social impressionism. They
were the product of one man's subjective attitude and therefore lacked
objectivity. Surprisingly, most of these studies were uncoordinated
and not related to the purpose - if any purpose ever existed.

Host of the studies included in part 0 appear to have three
features in comon: {1.12539 the most frequently used technique in these
experiments for determining images has been the word-list method. The
subjects are given a'list of objectives, am then asked to respond to
those words which most appropriately apply to national or racial groups.
The word-list method as developed by Katz and Braly was to becane a
classical pattern to be followed by numerous researchers in the area
of image studies. m, it is worthy of notice that students have
served as subjects more often than any other group of people. ‘Finall ,
all of the studies discussed below indicated that there exists among
their subjects a tendency to ascribe certain characteristics to

certain people.

E. Devel nt of otheses
This section purports to present the results of other studies
which should substantiate the hypotheses we have develOped to guide

the study.

43

In the literature already discussed, Walter Lippmann and Kenneth
Boulding contend that images are the sum of what we think we know and.
what makes us behave the way we do. Vance Packard and Irwin Ross
agree with the proposition above, but highlight the potency of the
techniques used by the agents of mass-media to manipulate images.

In his book on Soviet images, Baghoorn compares the images
held by Russians about America during the Second‘world War with those
of the cold war period. He asserts that as the relationship between
the governments of the two countries became unfriendly, the Soviet
images of America also became distorted. Evidence gleaned from.the
UNESCO study strongly suggests that images of people in one country
about the people in another are often associated with the relationship
between governments of the countries concerned. Isaacs, in his study
of American images of China and India, has shown that American images.
of China fluctuated from respect to benevolence to admiration to
disenchantment to contempt. Throughout these shifts a correlation
exists which assures a correspondence between convergence and diver-
gence of the governments' attitudes, and favorable and unfavorable
images. we have enough evidence to justify the belief that images of
Nehru in America are to a greater extent influenced by the relationship
between the gpvernnents of the two countries. This affords us the
position from which to launch the main hypothesis.

gngthesis One: When the relations between the gpvernments
of India and the United States are friendly, the number of established

favorable images of Nehru in America will be significantly high.

Corollafl: When the relations between the governments of India
and the United States are unfriendly, the number of established
unfavorable images of Nehru in America will be significantly high.

Although the previous hypothesis is confined to individuals
dynamically tied to the umbilical cord of today's historicity, this
phenomenon does not at all apply to Gandhi, despite his demise.
Charismatic personalities - Gandhi, Scifiitzer, Einstein - do not fall
within the time space framework of our first twpothesis. Isaacs
observes, "The 6.31.: image is overwhelmingly triumphant, only a few
dissent. He is acknowledged as a man to be admired virtually by all,

whether friendly to India or hostile...”35

The absence of Gandhi
from the Indian political scene and the ideals for which he stood make
it possible for us to fonmulate a hypothesis that is essentially
different from that of Nehru.

Hypothesis Two: Irrespective of the relations between the
governments of the two countries, American and Indian images of Gandhi
will be favorable.

The proof afforded in the UNESCO study strongly points to the
suggestion that images of one's own countrymen invariably amounts to
flattery. This is especially applicable to national leaders. Unless
the people of India carried quite favorable impressions in their heads
of Gandhi and Nehru, these two men prObably could not have achieved
leadership status. "All leadership," Charles Cooley observes, "takes

place through the cammnication of ideas to the minds of others, and

 

35H. R. Isaacs, 22‘ cit., p. 290.

ha

1.5

unless these ideas are so presented as to be congenial to these other
minds, they will evidently be rejected.~36' Any situation in which
reliance is placed upon popular favorable imagery and the isolations
of supreme recognitions indices must be contingent upon a mutually
gdependent plenum of action. From this let us postulate the third
hypothesis.

gmthesis Three: Indian writers' images of Gandhi and Nehru
will be relatively more favorable than American writers' images of
these two leaders. _

Now we are cenfronted with two propositions. One, that it is
the relationship between the goverments that influences the inges
of the people in one country about the people in another; two, that
people have favorable images of their own countrymen. From the pre-
vious statement we can readily deduce the assumption that the process
of image fonnation in any given country is independent of that in any
other country. That is to say, American images of Nehru are not based
upon what Indians think of Nehru and vice-versa.

gmthesis Four: There ‘is no relationship between the American

and, Indian writers' images of Gandhi and Nehru.

36Charles Horton Cooley, Humn Nature and Social Order
(New York: NcNillan Co., 1902, p. 1285. .

L6

METHCDS AKD PROCEDURES

In the previous chapter we have reviewed the literature concerning
image studies. The review of these studies involved three basic con-
siderations: to familiarize ourselves with the major contributions made
by other researChers inhthe field; to develop hypotheses for the present
research; and finally to delineate the methods used by specialists in
the field.

In this chapter our purpose is to explain the methods used in the
present study for ordering our data concerning these hypotheses. For
example, one hypothesis suggests that when relations between the govern-
ments of India and the United States are friendly, the number of favor-
allxe images of Nehru in America will fluctuate, and when relations are
unfriendly, the converse will be true. In order to demonstrate this
hb’POthesis, we need to establish a, way for measuring the images and the
existing state of friendliness between the two countries under consider-
ation. In the following pages we hill explain the methodology concerning
these issues.

A. Selection of Techniques

As seen in the previous chapter the writers have used one or more

Of the following techniques. Specifically, the reader has already been

eXposed to the impressionistic treatment as evidenced in Cairns' The

 

Imam: of God in Man. Again, he has journeyed with us through the roads

of journalistic style as seen in M. Joseph's [:5 Others See US. Then too,

 

he has been exposed to the historical approach, a method commonly

A7
used.1 This involves gathering a vast number of facts pertaining to the
subject, organizing these collected data into chronological order, and
stating the account in a readable fashion. In recent times this method
has been questioned by social scientists such as Lasswell,2 Lazarsfield,3
Berlson,-’+ and others. They maintain that the conventional historian's
area of discretion is so vast that his selection of data cannot be obfiect-
ive. He is constantly faced with the problem of inclusion and exclusion;
as well as in giving priority for assigning weights to relative data.

For the present purposes the impressionistic, journalistic and
historical approaches were believed to be unsatisfactory, because they
lacked objectivity and measurability. Berlson, Lasswell, Lazarsfield,
and others advocated that, whenever possible, empirical points of re-
ference should be employed.

The technique employed in the present research is content analysis.
"hen content analysis is used as a technique for research it appears to

have as many definitions as there are prot-lems Kaplan and Goldsen

rT‘

velieve that the technique of content analysis, "...aims at a quantitative

I

lSeg for example, Rossi‘s Image of America in Mazzini's Writing.
0:3. cit.

2Daniel Lerner and Harold Lasswell, The Policy Science Recent Dev-
elooments in‘Scope and I-Iethods(:5tanford, California, Stanford University

Prcss, l€5170

 

. 3Paul F‘. Lazarsfeld and Allen H. Barton, "Qualitative Measurements
1n Social Sciences," in Lasswell and Lerner, Ibid. p. 155—192.

ABernard Berlson, Content Analysis (Glencoe, Illinois, Free Press,

1951).

 

AB
classification of a given body of content in terms of a system of
categories devised to yield data relevant to specific hypotheses con-
cerning the content.'5 Bernard Berlsen, a pioneer in the field of
communications research, defines content analysis as ”...a research techp
nique for the objective, systematic and quantitative description of the
manifest content of communication."6 Two main assumptions are explicit
in the definition given by Berlson: one, that the relationship between
content and intent or between content and effect can be validly made;
and two, that the study of manifest content is meaningful. In order to
lend some meaningful responses to the manifest content, the technique
calls for a systematic approach. Despite the necessity for systems
atization, content analysis does not involve any single set of rules or
type of procedures. The only requisite upon which most experts agree

is the quantification of data.7 Whenever an array of symbolic material

 

5A. Kaplan and J. Goldsen, "The Reliability of Content Analysis
Categories,“ Chapter 5, p. 83-112, in Lasweel and Leites, eds., Language
Aof Politics. Quoted by Berlsen, gp,‘g;§., p. 15.

6Borlson, 32. 3.13., p. 18.

7”...the technique known as content analysis...attempts to
characterize the meanings in a given body'of discourse in a systematic
and quantitative fashion." A. Kaplan, ”Content Analysis and the Theory
of Signs,“ Philosophy of Science, Vol. 10, l9h3, p. 230, quoted by
Berlson, Ibid., p. 15.

“Content Analysis may be defined as referring to any technique
for the classification of sign vehicles;...the results of content analysis
state the frequency of occurrence of signs - or groups of signs - for
each category in a classification scheme." J. Janis, ”Meaning and the‘
Study of Symbolic Behaviour,” Psychiatgz, l9h3, p. h29, quoted by
Borlson, Ibid.

A9

presents itself and is organized into a kind of quantitative fashion, a

form of content analysis inevitably exists.

Content analysis as a research technique deals mostly with certain

attributes of the written or spoken material. This may vary from one

key symbols to the other

extreme of counting the frequency of words or
In

extreme of determining the structure of a given political campaign.

the last instance, it is almost impossible to arrive at objective findings

until one integrates the statistics of the communication contents. The

emphasis on the quantitative characteristic in content analysis has been

questioned by critics of this method. Kracauer, for example, is of the

opinion that heavy"... reliance on quantitative content analysis may
lead to a neflect of qualitative explorations, thus reducing acc*racy
of analysis."8 He asserts that accuracy can be measured only in terms

of total meaning of the suhject matter. Kracauer aims his criticism at

‘the "counting" approach in content analysis. There is a great deal of

tLruth in his criticism. Any one who restricts the field of communicat-

i.cnns research to counting is certainly not taking full advantage of the

Ireesearch technique of communication or of research. At the same time

(:1ritics of the quantitative aspects of content analysis would do well
Ii f‘ they could suggest ways in Which qualitative standards could be used
"1(31ée effectively. Host content analysts will recognize that quantifica-

t>j—Cn1 is not the end in itself but simply a means in the search for

Obj ectivity.

8S. Kracauer, "The Challenye of Quantitative Content Analysis,"
-£:E£lg;ic Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. A, 195/-53 p. 631.

SO

B.'Universe
Although there are a number of ways by which one can collect and
study images-—monitoring radio and television commentaries, speeches,
newspapers, books anl magazines-—we have chosen periodicals and books.

Insofar as our hypothesis required analysis of fluctuations in images,

it necessitates time span or arbitrary period. Since random check of

the periodicals showed that the relations between India and America
fluctuated considerably during 19A? - 1957, we decided upon the ten-

year time span to be covered in the present study.

Moreover, because we were primarily concerned with the correlation
tetween prevailing images and the degree of friendliness existing be-
tween the countries, periodicals were the most ideal instruments for

our needs._ Periodical literature makes it easy to show changes and

trends over periods of time. Another reason for the selection of per-

:iodicals is their popularity and therefore wide circulation. People
zread magazines because they combine timeliness and brevity with variety.

It is for these reasons that magazine articles and books written by

.Iinmerican and Indian authors on Gandhi and Nehru represented our universe

<>:£’ discourse. In the final selection of books and articles on Gandhi

iizdci Nehru wef‘ollowed the procedure stated below:

To begin with, a list of books was prepared.from the Michigan State

UI'liversityILibrary card catalogue under the headings, 'Gandhi' and

'leeghru' and under the minor heading 'India'. The assumption was made

1LI1511; Michigan State University Library would have most of the books re-

cl‘lii-Jred for our purpose. We, id not, however, restrict our sources only

t'(> tlhose books which were available in the library of Michigan State

51

University. A check was made of the card catalogues at Wayne State
University, the University of Michigan, and Detroit Public Library. In
addition, five other books were purchased by the researcher during a
trip to India. In pursuit of articles written in American magazines we
referred to the Readers Guide to Periodical literature, from 19L? to
1957.9

The following table shows the number of books and articles written

by the American and Indian authors for this ten-year period.

TABLE I
Gandhi Nehru
American Magazines 25 25
Ihdian Magazines 8 8
American hagazine Articles 5h 1&6
Indian Magazine Articles 22 22
American Books A A
Indian Books A 2

In locating articles on Gandhi and Nehru published in Indian per-
iodicals we used a Guide to Indian Periodicals.lo This guide contained
simply a list and description as to the type of periodical, the number
<>f copies published, whether a given periodical is weekly, bi-weekly
<>r monthly, and the name and place of the publisher. In short, it
alpproximated a publisher's guide. However, the names of the Indian
F)eriodicals were obtained from these sources.

Having obtained a list of periodicals, we searched through the

9Readers Guide to Periodical Literature, New York: H. H. Wilson &
C3<>

10Guide to Indian Periodicals, Poona, India: Institute of Infor-
Infltion Services, 19%.

.52
. Union List of Serials in order to locate the issues from l9t7 to 1957.
We were finally able to obtain the Indian materials from various parts
of the country,thanks to the assistance rendered by intra—library loan
facilities.

Our ensuing problem was to ascertain the nationalities of the
authors. In the case of American writers it was necessary to make certain
of their nationality because Canadian and British names are alike and.
they write in the same language. We checked their nationality in book
reviews, and biographical anthologies such as, for example, Twentieth

Century Authors.ll' Accidental clues resulted in our striking pay dirt:

 

in some cases the author would make a statement leading to identificat—
ion in his work - such as, "We Americans can learn from Gandhi..."-
which simplified the task of determining the nationality of the authors
studied.
C. Significance Of Written Words And Their Relation To Images
Attention has already been drawn to the notion that writers are
Inanufacturers of images. The manufacturing of images is practically
:2 definition of the educative process. A great number of people collect
i_nformation about the leaders and current events throughout the world
Isy’reading what this small, relatively more informed minoirty of people
write.
"To say that language is social," says Bess Sondel, "is to say
tLIaat words make it possible for us to communicate with others."l2
11Twentieth Century Authors, New York: H.W. Wilson Co., 1958.

12Bess Sondel, The Humanity of Words, New York: The World Pub-
]LjLshing Co., p. 21.

53

Words, either written or spoken, reflect, at least in part, human thought

and human relations. It is only through words that human beings think

together, act tow gather, and share their feelings together. As has been
suggested above, human behavior is often governed by images.
Reiss explains how words are related to images in saying:

.. .the thought process operates in association with
images,that is to say, utilizes them (images) for its own
ends...While we employ words to formulate or convey our
throughts, we think not with words themselves but with the
images to which the words point or suggest in the mind.
Thinking, even of the most abstract kind, is expressible only
in terms of figurative transfer of meaning from these

literal images.l3

Words are, broadly speaking, concrete symbols representing abstract
images. Words are the cues for the images as such. What is inside

our minds are images. Words are outside and therefore observable.
Words are indices of images. Generally speaking, most ~persons, and
writers are no exceptions, when called upon to describe events and people,

use a rather limited set of adjectives. Many individuals employ a set

of’generally consistent categories in their description of peOple and

events they know about.

 

13Samuel Reiss, language and Psycholo ny, New York: Philosophical
Library, 1059, po 1850

lhAt the beginning of the present century many German, French,
laligglish, and American psychologists were involved in a bitter con-
13lrc3versy over the problem of 'imageless thought' — images playing no
I‘CDJLe in thinking. The 'imageless thought' battle ended in a draw like
tLIie: controversy over the question of 'trans-migration of soul' among
£3IDZLritual leaders, both lacking concrete evidence. The only way one
<3€1r1 know about images is through language - words.

5b

When a writer states that Nehru is an autocrat, he depicts in a
word,"autocrat', his image of Nehru which in turn appears to be the
I o o a . 15 o o o
conclu51on of his information on hehru. The ba51c unit in the present
research is a word that is descriptive of Gandhi and Nehru. A des-
criptive word or an adjective is a concrete symbol representing an
individual's image-subjective impressions as such.

Today more people than ever before are literate and even educated,

but what the public can avail itself of has to be provided by the writers.

"Since the inventions of the press," observed J.J. Callahan, "culture

has become more a matter of reading than of speech." Prior to the

invention of the press, learning was acquired by an oral exchange of
ideas and by cultivating the use of memory. For centuries Brahman
priests in India have transmitted Hindu scriptures orally to their dis-

ciples. whenever transmission of information does not take place directs

 

150.1. Hovland & N. Nendell, "An Experimental Comparison of Conclus-
:ion Drawing by the Communicator and by the Audience," Journal of Abnormal
:Social Psychology, Vol. A7, 1952, p. 581.

wihen a writer states that Nehru is a Neutralist, he in reality gives his
(nonclusion. Hovland and Mendell have reported that a greater change in
Cipinion results when a communicator states the intended conclusion. Most
Fmeople do not care or desire to know all possible available information
Jreegarding political leaders or hapsenings; they often like to be told in
<=Cn1cise and comprehensive language. Thistlethwaite and associates ob—
ESEErve that ".. greater Opinion change might be associated with 'directive'
(ZCMnmmnications primarily because they produce superior comprehension of
Vviiért the communication was trying to say." Many researchers in the
lffiireld of communication contend that greater Opinion change is not likely
t><3 result when a communicator merely presents factual information and
EIIFAguments and lets the audience draw its own conclusions, as compared
13(> the one who states his intended conclusion in concise and comprehensive

3Léihguage.

léJ. J. Callahan, Science and Languagg (Pittsburg, Pa.: Duquense

L31"1.:’1versity Press, 19h9), p. 133.

55

ly between one speaker and another, there exists a risk of distortion
and error before it reaches its destination. Normally this would not.
happen were the messages transmitted by way of the written word.

Inasmuch as the quantity of printed matter in a country is in-
evitably proportional to its literacy rates, it goes without saying that
we enjoy a never-ending feast of books and magazines. "We live in an
environment," observed Hayakawa,"shaped largely by hitherto unparallel-
ed semantic influences."l

D. Selection Of The Word Images

In the preceding section we explained how we selected the magazines
and books, and the relation of images to printed words. In the following
passages, we will explain how word-images were selected from the books
and magazines.

We read each book and article that was selected and chose those
words that represented the gist of the author’s conclusions about Nehru
or Gandhi, as the case might be. This meant selecting single terms that
rnost obviously acted as a representative key to the person or persons
designated for our purpose. For example, Nehru is neutralist, arrogant

or pro-communist. We would pick all three adjectives.

 

We also found phrases throughout the publications read. These
librases carried the same popular and comprehensive denotation for
ICehru and Gandhi. This compelled us to incorporate phrases into a word
«iamage. For example, The Nation described Nehru in the following manner:

"13mt old favorite of our professional liberals." Here we interpreted

171.0. Hayakawa, Language in Thought and Action(New York: Harcourt,
IBrace & Co., 1949), p. 30.

56
that at least some people in America carry the image of Nehru as liberal.
he would translate the whole phrase into an image word, '1ibera1'.

It is not unusual to find a single word such as 'neutralist' as
a caption under Nehru's picture in a magazine or as a one-word title
of an article. Despite the fact that the word 'neutralist' stands alone,
it does rgpresent an image and it has a referent (picture of Nehru).

An explanation for the inclusion of a phrase is in order. There
are complex sentences whose meaning can be understood in context. In
the process of gathering data, merely counting the frequency of words
alone in content analysis is too mechanical and does not give the
reliability which is normally secured when the meaningof a 'word' or of
a'phrase' as a whole is studied. The following example may show the
fallacy of the Mord-counting approach. "Nehru is a kind of neutralist
who favors Russia." The individual following the word-counting approach
is likely to pick the 'neutralist' image and may miss 'pro-Russian'
image of Nehru. This is why we also include ‘phrase' in the above de-
.finition.

each selected word-image was transferred on to a McBee card. Holes

vvere punched to a code to accord with year and the word-symbol. Each.
czaard then, bore the word image, the title and date of the magazine and
E11~ticle or book read.

Once the task of collecting word images was completed, we ran through

a13L cards and prepared an exhaustive list of word images which amounted

t;<3 two hundred and eight word images in all.18 Frequency of
\

18See Appendix I.

57

each word image was recorded separately for Gandhi and Nehru individ-

ually.19

We should like to point out here that no reliability checks were
made in the selection of word images.
E. Limitations Of Our Data
In any cross-cultural research, when an attempt is made to compare
some aspects of one culture to those of another, rigorous scientific
methods are not applicable. Even though the researcher did everything
possible to collect the data from "similar” sources in both countries,
it was quite difficult to compare the sources in the two countires under
study. Eiggt, there is no counterpart to be found of Time Iagazine in
India; nor does there exist the counterpart of the Aryan Path in The
United States. Second, to classify Indian magazines on the basis of
quality or pOpularity is an impossible task. Indian magazines contain
all sorts of articles. Thigg, the average life expectancy of Indian
periodicals is much shorter than their counterparts in the United States.
TTherefore, it was not possible to secure all periodicals for the entire
{Deriod (ten years). Fourth, a country with a per capita yearly
zincome of $60 and with 82 per cent of her population illiterate obviously
vvill not have as many periodicals as the United States. Out of a list d?
liearly thirty-five Indian periodicals published in the English language,
Vve: were ahle to locate eight and of these only six had a life span of

1Denyears (needed for our research). Fifth, Indian periodicals were not

19See Appendix III, Iv, v, VI, VII, VIII, IX, and x.

 

58
easily accessible in this country. It must therefore be made clear that
we were limited by our data as faraas Indian periodicals are concerned.

F. Favorable. UnfavorableL And Neutral Images

Having collected most of the data, our next task was to classify
them in some meaningful ways. "Content analysis," says Bernard Berlson,

stands or falls by its categories. Particular studies

have been productive to the extent that the categories

have been clearly formulated and well adapted to the problem

and to the content...since the categories contain the substance

of the investigation, a content analysis can be no better

than its system of categories.

As a first step in the formation of categories, we prepared an
exhaustive list of word images used by American and Indian writers.
Since the list contained 208 images, we started to wrestle with the
heterogeneity. Our task therefore, was one of classification. Our pro-

blem posed the question: How can we bring order out of this chaos?

And what do we expect from the mass of material. The answer was that
we would like to know the direction of these images as viewed by Americans
and Indians. Is the content of these images favorably or unfavorably
:nanifested?

The task of determining direction of the images was not so simple
633 it appears. On what basis can we classify a given image as favorable,

tinfavorable, or neutral? Since we are dealing with two individuals from

.a. single country, in relation to another country, a complex of values and

éi ziifference in cultures necessarily arise. To further complicate the

 

 

20Bernard Berlson, pp. 223., p. 1&7.

 

59
situation, semantic difficulties come to the fore: as, for example,
the fact that the connotation of certain words differs within specific
frameworks of reference. Let us take, for example, the image ofva lead-
er as an 'ascetic'. Such a trait in a leader is favorably looked upon
in India ty many Indians, whereas many Americans may not consider as-
ceticism very important in a leader.

In order to reach relatively objective agreement regarding the
effect of images which would include values and attitudes on the part
of Americans and Indians, a panel consisting of thirty members- fifteen
Americans and fifteen Indians was appointed. In appointing the panel,
our aim was to provide some basis, other than the researcher's own judg-
ment, for catagorizing the word images as favorable, neutral, or un—
favorable in the minds of the readers from the two countries.

In the initial stage a panel consisting of six members- three Am-
ericans and three Indians was appointed. The purposes of this pilot
study were twofold: to determine the number of judges on the panel; and
to get some clues towards the formulation of categories.

In the selection of members for the panel, three_elements were con—

sidered important: first, nationality- since we were studying American
arm.Indian images of Gandhi and Nehru, it was imperative that we have
rnembers representing both groups; second, educational background, most
(If the Indian students in the United States are studying engineering at
tlfne graduate level. If the judges on the Indian panel were to be picked
Eit; random, it is very likely that the panel would have a top-heavy re-
Flrflasentation of members having a background in engineering. The pro-

‘:<=Chire of stratified sampling, under the circumstances, appears to be

60

the most efficient technique for insuring representation. This tech—
nique calls for the selection of members having different educational
backgrounds. It is worthwhile calling the reader's attention to the
fact that our main purpose in appointing the panel was to secure 'experts
opinion' regarding the effect of the word images. It is not our aim
to claim that the panel's verdict is 'cultural agreement.’ It is
realized here that any claim regarding cultural agreement would require
a very extensive and elaborate procedure of sampling method. The third
element considered important was contact with foreign cultures. It was
desirable that judges on both American and Indian panels should not be
.
exposed to foreign cultures for a considerable period. This researcher
has interviewed in his 'sub-pilot' study three Indians who have been
in this country over a period of five years, and three Indians who were
in this country for an average of less than three months; he found
that the two groups did not show any significant differences in their
perception of the two hundred and eight word images that were given to
them. Ralph Linton and other social scientists contend that the greater
the frequency of contact with a foreign culture, the greater the
aacculturation. They appear to he possessed by the idea that this is
tiniversally true. In our opinion this is a 'fetishized concept', to use
Biillis terminology.21 The present writer is of the opinion that ex?
IDCHsure to a foreign culture even for a fairly long period may not in—

iilnience an individual's value system as much as his family background

 

21Wright C. Mills, The Sociological Imagination, (New York:
Oxford University Press, 19597, p. 1.8. '

61
(or other factors).

It was, however, decided to select judges who were not exposed to
the foreign culture for a considerable length of time. We felt safe in
the use of this approach because it carried built—in reflections of their
respective cultures.

After the selection of the panel by means of the foregoing criteria
each member was given a list containing two hundred and eight images
and was asked to register his spontaneous reaction to an image. However,
each member was given an understanding of what the researcher was doing.
He was told that the images of the list referred either to Gandhi or to
Nehru. he were primarily interested in their perception of the image as
such, because it was assumed that most of the American judges might not
know much about Gandhi and Nehru. If we knew their perception of a given
image in terms of favorable or unfavorable, we could then deduce their
attitude toward Gandhi and Nehru.

Surprisingly enough, a great deal of agreement was displayed in the
Indian and American reactions to words listed in the pilot study. The
American judges showed either high or moderate agreement on 92 percent
of the images in classifying them into favorable, neutral, and un-
;favorable categories, while the Indian judges showed either high or

nmoderate agreement on 95 per cent of the same words. Since there existed
snlch a high degree of agreement, it was found unnecessary to augment the
IlLunber of judges on the Indian and American panels.
The findings of the pilot study were shown to the members of the
DeDartment of Statistics and also to the statisticians of the Agriculture

Ii‘J'Q'Deriment station on the campus. Their consensus of opinion was:' If

62

carefully chosen, 30 judges are sufficient to insure representativeness.’
The unavailability of 'newly arrived' Indians made it difficult to
accept the number suggested by the statisticians. Ioreover, the high
degree of homogeneity achieved by Indians and Americans obviated the
need for adhering to any rule of thumb too rigidly. Without becoming
unduly arbitrary, it was decided that just half of the number suggested
by the statisticians should be sufficient to secure 'experts opinion'
'reganding effects of the images.

A list of two hundred and eight word images was submetted, therefore,
to a panel comprising thirty members - fifteen Americans and fifteen
Indians. The panel members were selected on the basis of nationality,

educational background, and the duration of contact with foreign cultures.

 

 

N2. Nationality Educational Background Stay Abroad
2 American Chemical Engineering None
2 Indian . Chemical Engineering 1 to A months
1 American Civil Engineering None
1 Indian . Civil Engineering A months
2 American , iechanical Engineering None
.2 Indian Mechanical Engineering 1 to 6 months
1. American Statistics None.
3. Indian Statistics 3 months
3- _ American Psychology None
3L Indian Psychology 6 months
:2 American -Political Science . None
:3 Indian Political Science 1 to A months
3L American Electrical Engineering .None

 

 

 

63

N3. Nationality Educational Background Stay Abroad
1 Indian ' Electrical Engineering 6 months

1 American Horticulture None

1 Indian Horticulture 6 months

1 American Veternary Surgeon None

1 Indian Vetsrnary Surgeon 8 months

1 American . Philosophy None

1 Indian _ Philosophy A months

1 American Social Work None

1 Indian Social Work A 5 months

1 American Undergraduate Non-preference I None

1 ' Indian Undergraduate Non-preference 3 months

Each me.ber of the panel was given the list containing two hundred
and eight images and was asked: "If you were to use these adjectives in
reference to Gandhi and Nehru, would you use them when you want to refer
to Gandhi and Nehru in favorable, unfavorable or neutral terms?" The
The researcher indicated his willingness to respond to any query the
members of the panel might have regarding the images. Some of the
judges on the panel were not familiar with certain words. For example,
all Indian judges inquired about what Peter Pan stood for, while mostAm-
erican judges wanted to know who Kerensky,Roberspierre,and Walter Scott
were. In order to avoid the researcher's image of these men, the judges
were given information drawn from the Encyclopedia Brittanica.

The plan for developing categories was our next hurdle. The pro-
cess of categorizing two hundred and eight images proved very frustrating.

The writer felt like a dog going in a circle trying to catch its tail.

64

It is his intention here to enumerate some obstacles and resulting
frustrations; however, some points warrant mentioning. For instance,
some data which may appear statistically manageable on the surface do
not lend themselves to consistency on the basis of statistical analysis.
We were unable to classify word images into categories which would
picture the agreement between the Indians and Americans. Thus, a given
word, when classified as 'neutral‘, should be agreed upon as such by
both Indian and American judges. We found some statisticians too
specialized to handle the problem. They suggested the use of either
correlation coefficient or standard deviation. Unfortunately, neither
method offered any panacea. Their suggestion amounted to using a sur—
geon's knife to cut carrots.

In categorizing data, our prime motive is to know what Americans
and Indians think of a given image. Indians in general do not read
American magazines, and by the same token Americans do not read Indian
magazines. we should not, therefore, unwittingly commit the error of
commining both.

But how shall we determine whether a given image is favorable, un-
favorable or neutral in the judgment of Americans and Indians? What
actually happens, should all fifteen judges of the Indian panel vote on

a given image as either favorable or unfavorable? Should ten out of
fifteen judges vote a certain way on a given image....what is the nature
of such an agreement? Basically, we established a criterion as ten or.
more votes on one image-word as showing "High Agreement"; five to nine
votes as "Moderate Agreement." "Agreement" could be on the "favorable-

ness," "unfavorableness," or "neutralness" of an image-word.

65
Once we have settled the task of determining the direction - that
is, whether a given word is favorable, unfavorable or neutral in the
eyes of American and Indian judges - we now turn our attention to the
extent of agreement between American and Indian judges on each word. We
have before us two sets of data:
1. Agreement Among Americans:
Highly Favorable (HF), Highly Unfavorable (HUF), Highly Neutral(HN)22
and Moderately Favorable (NF), {oderately Unfavorable(NUF),
Moderately Neutral (MN).23
II. Agreement Among Indians:
highly Favorable, Highly Unfavorable, Highly Neutral,2h and
Moderately Favorable, Moderately Unfavorable, Moderately
Neutral.25
In the foregoing we have considered a description of our
hypothesis, a statement of our methods and procedures,and a classification
for the best use of images. In prospect we would like to share with the

reader the products that emanated from these prepared settings.

 

22See Appendix III and VII for a complete list of HF, HUF, HN words.
23See Appendix IV and VIII for a complete list of HF, MUF, MN words.
2l‘See Appendix V and IX for a complete list of HF, HUF, HN words.

25See Appendix VI and X for a complete list of HF, MUF, MN words.

CHAPTER IV
THE NEHRU IMAGE

INTRODUCTION

The present chapter is devoted to the discussion of the two
main aspects of study: one, the quantitative results; and two, the
qualitative analysis. There would be no point to quantification of
the images of Gandhi ani Nehru were the qualitative aspect left out of
the picture. Quantification of the data is, after all, only a means
to an end. The use of tabular, graphic, numerical or some form of
statistical schemata needs no apology. ~Only conclusions based on
mathematical presentations furnish a framework within which quali—
tative analysis can be made less ambiguous and more manageable.'

Anyone who is made aware of the study thinks out loud almost
instinctively, ”It won)! be very interesting to know how Gandhi and
Nehru are perceived in this country. I know both these leaders are
popular in India." well informed persons seem to know that Gandhi
and Nehru are popular in India but they are not sure how these leaders
are seen in America. The curious reader would further want to know
the kind and number of items under consideration and the relative-
significance of these data to one another. Mere specifically, he
would aSk himself: What kind of ratio does exist of favorable and un-
favorable images of these two leaders in these two countries. What
is the nature of the difference between positive and negative images
in books and magazines. Quantitative answers can be found in the

table on the following page.

Favorable, Unfavorable and Neutral Images of Nehru

TABLE II

in American and Indian Periodicals and Books.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

American Indian American Indian
Magazines Magazines Books Books
Number of Magazines 1L6 22 2 2
Articles and Books
Number of Favorable #82 86 35 129
Images
Number of Neutral 162 ll 8 AZ
Images '
Number of Unfavorable 182 10 22 31
Images
TOtal Number of 826 107 65 202
Images
Percentage of
Favorable Images to 73% 89% 61% 81%
Total Images
Number of Favorable ‘ .
Images per Article 2.301 3.909 17.5 6he5
and per Book
Number of Unfavorable
Images per Article 1-2h6 uh54 11.0 15.5

and per Book

 

 

 

 

 

 

67

68'

‘Hhen the foregoing figures are translated into words they
should read: '

1. That Nehru has more favorable than unfavorable images in American
magazines: The ratio of faborable to unfavorable images is roughly
three to one.

2. That Nehru has more favorable than unfavorable images in the two
American books: The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is
roughly three to two.

3. That Nehru has more favorable than unfavorable images in Indian
magazines:. The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is roughly
nine to one.

A. That Nehru has more faborable than unfavorable images in Indian
books: The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is roughly four ,
to one. A

On the basis of the above four findings, two major conclusions A
can be drawn.

23:32, Nehru has more favorable than unfavorable images in
both American and Indian books and magazines in our sample.

m, the preportion of favorable imges is slightly higher
in Indian publications than in American.

The second conclusion confirms the hypothesis that Indian
‘writers' images of Nehru will be relatively more favorable than
American writers' images of Nehru.1 In a society where selection
of a leader takes place in a relatively freee environment, it is

essential for an individual aspiring to leadership to have more

1seep. 1.1..

69
favorable than unfavorable images. A corollary to this is worth re-
calling: that people usually hold favorable images of their own
countrymen.

The first conclusion -- that Nehru has more favorable than
unfavorable images in America -- is an intriguing one. It can be
granted that cultures of the United States and India are not alike.
The fact that Nehru enjoys relatively favorable images in America
despite these cultural differences suggests at least two things:

323, tlut cultural factors may not be very significant in the forma-
tion of images, and 319, that Americans and Indians might have similar
points of view with respect to leadership goals. A

let us take proposition one, namely, that cultural factors may
not be significant in the formation of images. One of our hypotheses
is that if the relations between the governments of India and the
United States are friendly, the number of established favorable images
of Nehru. in America will be significantly high. Conversely, if the
relationship between the two govermnents is unfriendly, Nehru will have
relatively negative images in America. What we are trying to prove is
that not the differences in cultures, but rather political differences,
affect the fluctuations in the images. In order to prove the above
hypothesis, it is important that we hold in front of us the dominant,
frequently repeated images of Nehru in America and secondly, yearly
fluctuations in the images.

_ A. Most Frequent Images of Nehru in America

The most frequent images of Nehru in India and America will

give us some clues to the way in which Nehru is seen in the two

70

countries with different cultures. Is it the political image of Nehru

in America that accounts for his being viewed differently, or does

culture essentially help Indians to perceive him as a hero? Perhaps other

explanations for the possessions of a different picture of him are equally

valid. The predominant images should also shed light on the representative

aspects of Nehru's leadership. In order to fruitfully explore leadership

phenomena we need to state what constitute representative aspects. For

the purpose of convenience we will break leadership phenomena down into

four major classes: Personal attributes (personal qualities or traits

such as charming, courageous, etc.); Leadership attributes (such as

organizer, peacemaker, etc.); Political attributes (such as democrat,

socialist, etc.); and Status rec0gnition (such as pOpular, idolized, etc).
TABLE III.

Predominant Images of Nehru in America2
(Images with the frequency of ten or more)

 

Favorable . Unfavorable Neutral

Asian figure 20 Agnostic 16 Neutralist 25

gharmlnf i; Anti-American 16 Statesman 2
mocra . Aristoc at

Energetic _ 12 Arrogant . i; Total Neutral 48

Gandhi's heir 3h Confused ll

Idealist 13 Emotional 17

Influential ' 10 Idolized 13

Intellectual 16 Paradoxical 10

International figure 10 Politician 17

Leader 7U Short-tempered 10

Outstanding 11 Socialist 19

Nationalist 1+1 Total Unfavor- —

Non-communist 20' able 156

Peacemaker 12

Popular 22

Western Oriented ._g§

Total Favorable 350

—__

2For a complete list of images employed by American writers, please
refer to Appendix III and IV.

71
'a. Personal attributes of Nehru (ascribed by American writers): agnostic
16, aristocrat la, arrogant 13, charming 20, confused ll, emotional l7,
energetic 12, idealist 13, intellectual 16, paradoxical lO, short-tem-
pered 10, western oriented 26. Totalgpersonal’ attributes: 178.

b. Leadership attributes of Nehru (ascribed by American writers):

 

leader 70, peacemaker 12, statesman 23. Total leadership attributes: 195.
c. Political attributes of Nehru (ascribed by American writers): anti-
American 16, democrat 13, nationalist Ll, neutralist 24, non-communist 20,
politician 17, socialist 19. Total political attributes: 151.

d. Status (recognition) of Nehru (ascribed by American writers): Asian
figure 20, Gandhi's heir 3h, idolized 13, influential 10, international
figure 10, outstanding 11, popular 22. Total status (recognition)

attributes: 120.

 

Out of the total 55A images ascribed by American writers 156 are un-

favorable. We shall show later how and when these favorable and un-
favorable images were used by American writers. For the time being,

let us see what kind of images Indian writers have of Nehru. Do they see
in him a political leader or a cultural hero? Or are we overIOORing
subtle insights that American writers insert into the definition of the
situation that concerns us. Perhaps other explanations for the poss-
essions of different pictures of him are equally valid: Isn't it quite
likely that the merged impression of the politician who enjoys wide
popular support is more than either a political or a cultural chief-
tainship (cannot the whole be greater than the sum of all parts?) The
reinforcement of a local status can be so complex in its composition

that any foreign writer is hard put to assess the same.

72

B. MOST FRLQUENT IMAGES OF NEHRL IN INDIA
In keeping with the promise made in the introduction to American
images of Nehru we shall now turn to the Indian counterpart.
TABLE IV

Predominant images of Nehru in India3
(Images with frequency of five or more)

 

Favorable Unfavorable Neutral
Artist 5 Confused 2. Agnostic 9
Anti-military alliance 6 Total Unfavorable 9 Idolized l6
Charming 5 ' Lonely 7
Courageous 6 Paradoxical 6
Democrat 15 Unlike Gandhi 8
Emotional ll Visionary _Z
Gandhi's heir 9 Total Neutral 53
Hero 5
Influential 5
International figure 6
Leader 11
Optimist 5
Popular 11
Sensitive 6
Sincere 6
Socialist 11
Symbol of India __1

130

Total Favorable
' In the interest of being consistent let us adhere again to the four
group taxonomy in order to classify Indian images.

a. The personal attributes of Nehru (ascribed by Indian writers):
agnostic 9, artist 5, charming 5, courageous 6, confused 9, emotional ll,
optimist 5, paradoxical 6, sensitive 6, sincere 6, visionary 7. 22331
personal attributes: 1;.

b. The leadership attributes of Nehru(ascribed by Indian writers): leader

11. Total leadership attributes: 11.

h;

3Since Indian images were considerably less-roughly one third of the
total number of American images-where 10 or more constituted high fre-
quency. Five or more images constituted high frequency for the Indian
data. See Appendix V and V1 for a complete list of Indian images.

73

c. The political attributes of Nehru (ascribed by Indian writers):
anti—military alliance 6, democrat 15, socialist 11. Total political
attributes: 32.

d. Status (recognition) attributes of Nehru (ascribed by Indian writers):
Gandhi's heir 9, hero 5, idolized l6, influential 5, international fig-
ure 6, lonely 7, popular 11, symbol of India 7, unlike Gandhi 8. Igggl
status (recognition) attributes: 47A.

Now we are faced with a problem of depth analysis. By using two
sets (American and Indian) of fourfold schemata, we are now in a pos-
ition to exploit their inherent implications. We want to examine the
implications of the data in order to draw inferences.. The following
table suggests the relative emphasis given by American writers to the
four attributes.

TABLE V

Personal, Leadership, Political and Status
Attributes Ascribed by the American and Indian Writers.

 

 

 

 

Personal Leadership Political Status Total
Writers Attributes Attributes Attributes Attributes Images
American 178 (32%) 105 (19%) 151 (27%) 120 (22%) 554 (100%)
Indian 75 (39%) 11 (6%) 32 (16%) 7A (39%) 192 (100%)
Generalizations

 

Generalization one - Personal attributes of Nehru received con-
siderable attention of both American and Indian writers.

Generalization two - Status attributes of Nehru were emphasized

 

74

more by the Indian writers than by American writers.

Generalization three - Personal and status attributes of Nehru
were given equal emphasis by the Indian writers.

Generalization four - Leadership attributes of Nehru were emphasized
by the American writers more than by the Indian writers.

Generalization five - Political attributes of Nehru were emphasiz-
ed by the American writers more than by the Indian writers.

Generalization six - 'Confused' is the only unfavorable image of
Nehru among the Indian writers.

Generalization seven - The dominant image of Nehru as a 'leader' is
acknowledged in both America and India.

Generalization eight 'Peacemaker' and 'statesman' are the American
designations of Nehru.

Generalization nine - 'Socialist' and 'democrat' are the dominant

political images characterising Nehru in America as well as India.

Generalization ten - Insomuch as American image makers see Nehru
in the light of Russia and Communism, they portray him as 'non-comm-
unist', 'neutralist', 'nationalist', and 'anti-American.’

Generalization eleven - Both Indians and Americans recognize
Nehru as 'outstanding' and 'popular'.

Generalization twelve - While Indians acknowledge Nehru as Gandhi's

heir, they picture him as unlike Gandhi.

C. Commentator's Interpolations

It seems apparent that both Americans and Indian writers emphasize

75

personal attributes considerably in a leader. However, this does not
mean that attributes as such are identical in both countires. Both
American and Indian writers agree on the personal attributes of Nehru
such as, agnostic, charming, confused, emotional and paradoxical.
Other personal attributes emphasized by American writers are - aristo-
crat, arrogant, energetic, idealist, intellectual, short tempered and
western oriented. While Indian writers emphasized personal attributes
of Nehru such as artist, courageous, optimist, sensitive,sincere and
visionary. Inspite of the variation in the terms employed by American
and Indian writers to ascribe personal attributes the fact remains that
personal attributes are important to roth societies as aspects of
leadership phenomena.

Personal attributes attached to national leaders are the keystone
to the persuasion of masses of peOple, be they American or Indian. A
partial explanation of the enthusiastic welcome that Eisenhower received
in India may be attributed to the emphasis given by the Indian press to
his personal attributes such as 'sincere', 'honest', god—fearing', and
so on. alt is not unusual to hear someone explaining Eisenhower's pOp-
ularity in his country, as when one refers to his personal attributes by
saying, "Well, Eisenhower may not be a very smart man - but he is'sincere',
- a ‘religious' and 'honest' person.'" If the Indian writers had
raised the issue of military aid to Pakistan ~(the matter on which India
and the United States do not see eye to eye), the popularity of Eisenhower
would have been dampened to that extent. We have seen in the table V

that Indian writers put more emphasis on the status(recognition) attributes

76

than did American writers. This finding confirms the belief (in America
as well as India) that Indians are status conscious.h

We have also established that the political attributes of Nehru
were emphasized more by the American writers than the Indian writers.,
However, it is by no means surprising to associate the images of the Indian
prime minister with journalistic impressions of the man within the con—
text of‘the world communism,especially with his policy of neutralism.
In fact the world scene (l9h7-l957) under study can be witnessed turning
around Nehru as the orbital point separating the two Opposing forces re—
presented by the East on one end and the West on the other. In the
following pages the viewpoint - that political differences are responsible
for the fluctuations in images will be discussed.

D. Trend Analysis of the Image of Nehru in India and America

In the chapter dealing with the review of literature we made the
observation that the studies undertaken by Buchanan and Cantril, Katz
and Braly, Vinacke, Isaacs, and others, did not deal with the changing
perceptions of their subjects. Methodologically, one would hope that such
studies could be set on a trend basis so that we could gather more and
better data about peeple's attitudes in form and change over a period of
time in various countries. The value of the trend analysis lies in the
fact that it is a useful instrument in sorting out the probably factors
which cause the shifts. Nehru,for example,was once regarded as a western
style democrat in l9h9 and then became anti-American in 1953. So the value

0f the trend charts is two—fold:first,it points to the fluctuationsgand second,

*

LRichard D. Lambert and Marvin Bressler,"Indian Students and the
United States: Cross-cultural Images," The Annals, Vol.295 (September

77
TREND CHARTS SHOWING YEARLY FLUCTUATIONS OF

FAVORABLE AID UNFAVORNELE IN GLS OF NEHRU FROM 19h7 - 1957

CHART ONE: Al-LERICAN momma
100% 100%

80 80

 

60 60

1,0 AG

20 2O

    

          

a7 A8 h9 5o 51 52 53 5L 55 5. 5

CHART TWO: INDIAN MAGAZINLS

 

 

 

- FAVORABLE
[j UNFAVORABLE

 

78

it affords some clues about the whys and hows of the fluctuations.

In this section we have a fourfold purpose in mind: First,
to draw trend charts showing yearly shifts of the favorable and unfavor-
able imagee ofNehru in India and America. Second, once we have
established the years when the shifts in favorable and unfavorable images
took place, we shall pick the abnormal years (the years during which
the fluctuations were relatively high). Thirdly, we shall see whether
any correlation could be established between the shifts in the images
of Nehru and the kind of relations that exists between the governments
of the two countries. This is compatible with our hypothesis that
fluctuations in the images are associated with the relationships between
the two countries. Finally, our purpose will be to compare the Indian
and American trends of the abnormal years and see if there exists any
correlation bdween the images of Indian and American writers (we had
hypothesized that trare is no relation between Indian and American
writers' images - they are indeperfient of each other).

On the basis of the trend charts on page 77 , we can make the
following observations:
1. Images of Nehru during the years 19M? , 1953, 1957 were relatively
favorable in American Magazines.
2. Images of Nehru during the years 1950, 1951, 1952, and 1955 were
relatively unfavorable in American Magazines.
3. Images of Nehru during the years 1947, 1950, 1955, and 1957 were
relatively favorable in Indian Magazines.

79

1.. Images of Nehru during the years 7191.8, 1951, and 1952 were relatively
unfavorable in Indian Magazines.

On the basis of these observations, as well as the two trend
charts on page 77, we have picked the following years for analysis:
A. he have picked the years 1950 and 1955 because they offer an
interesting situation. During these years, Indians have highly favor-
able images and Americans have highly unfavorable ones of Nehru.
B. We have also selected the year 1951 because the situation here is
Opposite of what we find during the years of 1950 and 1955. During
the year 1951 both Americans and Indians held highly unfavorable
inages of Nehru. I
C. The year 1957 was selected because both Americans and Indians

held highly favorable images of him.

Mes o; Nehru in America an! India During the Years 1259 and 1555

A casual glance at the chart on page 77 confronts us with a -
somewhat paradoxical situation. The number of unfavorable images (of
Nehru is relatively higher during the years 1950 and 1955 when compared
to other years under study. Despite the rise in the number of un-

‘ favorable images, the number of favorable images still remains greater.
Our task then is to offer a plausible explanation for the rise in the
unfavorable images. .

Before we delve into the year 1950, it is important to have
a brief look at the images of Nehru for the preceding year.

In the middle of October, 191.9, Nehru visited the United States.

He was well received by the American press (with the exception of the

8O

tad to say about Nehru.
Time Magazine hailed him by saying that:

Amrica had a lot of other things to learn about Asia's

key man. Nehru has been a somewhat nebulous figure, grace-
ful, great, 'a Jewel among men' as his mater Mahatma Gandhi
said. The cultured patriot with Cambridge accent, luminous
eyes, and magnetic smile, who spent thirteen years of his
sixty years in British Jail, has becane t e Orient's most
unoriented supercharged public executive.

Nehru was lauded in New York Times, which said of him:

"spokesman of a troubled continent, Prime Minister Nehru, a hero to

the millions of Imiians, is also the chanpion of New Asia."6

Newsweek Magazine heralded him as a "western style democrat”.7

8

.

Leif; Magazine called him "the most important man in Asia."
Quite a favorable image of Nehru, prevailed among most magazine
writers in America during the year 191.9. The only dissenting voice
that was heard was the y_._ _s_._ M 33 y_o_r_1_¢_i_ m, which said: ”Prime
Minister Nehru coming to the United States for wheat and dollars, keeps

9
free India on a tightrope between Moscow and the West."

 

SflMarching Through Kashmir," Time Magazine, Vol. 51., No. 38
(October 17, 191.9 , p. 30.

6”The Leaders of East Asia," New York Times (Sunday Magazine)
(October 9, 191.9), p. 12.

7"Importance of Nehru's Visit," Newsweek, Vol. 31.. N0. 16,
(October 17, 19149), pe 210

8"Nehru in the u. 3.," Life, Vol. 27, No. 19 (November 7,
l9h9), p. 68.

9"Prime Minister Nehru Coming to 0.8. For Wheat and Dollars ,"
LL. 8. News and Norm, Vol. 27, No. 16 (October 11., 191.9), 1). 38.

81

During this period Nehru's image as 'neutralist' was beginning
to take shape. Most Americans did not understand how one can be neutral
between 'the evils of communism' and 'the goodness of democracies'.
But Nehru managed to explain his neutralism in a speech before Congress,
which placated the American press. In the speech before Congress Nehru

declared that he would not "acquiesce in any challenge to man's freedom

'from whatever quarter it may come. Where freedom is menaced or justice

threatened or where aggression takes place, we cannot and shall not
be neutral.”10

- It is plain to see that the year 1949 throws a brilliant star of
light on Nehru's forehead. (Inasmuch as Nehru’s star was in the heavens,
three hundred sixtybfive days of honeymoon were enjoyed between New
Delhi and Washington, D. C.

Although favorable images hovered about Nehru in 19h9, they
collapsed with the arrival of the year 1950. The year 1950 saw the
trend of the images of Nehru in reverse. The good and fairheaded
boy Nehru now is seen as enemy of the west and a source of danger. The
American writers' images of Nehru have certainly changed; let us see
what brought these changes.

Let us document the events and speeches perpetrated by Nehru,
then observe the reactions of the American writers to Nehru's behaviour.

On January 12, 1950, all members of the British Commonwealth of
Nations, except India, agreed that Bao Dai's Vietnam in Indochina-

should have the Commonwealth's support. Nehru argued that many follow-

 

10"Friendly Neutral," Time, Vol. 5;, No. 2,6 (October 22,, 191,9),
p. 28. .

82

ers of CommuniSt leader Ho Chi Minh were Indochinese patriots rather
than communists....0n January 27, 1950, Nehru criticized severly
President Truman's decision to make hydrogen bombs...When the Korean
War broke out in June of 1950, Nehru refused to send troops against
Communist North Korea....0n July 13, 1950, Nehru sent notes to Joseph
Stalin and Dean Acheson,.urging them to restore peace in Korea in order
to prevent war from spreading. In the same letter he urged that
Communist China be seated in the United Nations....0n September A, 1950,
Nehru rejected the United Nations mediator's prOposal on Kashmir...
On October 9, 1950, Nehru opposed the crossing of the 38th parallel
by the United Nations forces in Korea....0n October 16, 1950, India
abstained from voting on the United States-backed resolution in the
United Nations to create a stand-by police force. Nehru said it was
a wrong approach, like converting the United Nations into a larger
edition of the Atlantic Pact and making it a war organization.11 The
foregoing performances on the part of Nehru - undoubtedly political
in character - brought about the unfriendliness between the two count-
ries. This resulted in unfavorable images of the Indian leader on the
part of American writers.

Tim: Magazine, for example, riduculed Nehru's efforts to mediate

in the Korean dispute. It wrote:

 

11Facts on Files: Weekly_WOrld News Digest (New York: Facts on
File, Incorporated, 19507:

83

A bpaniard last week contemplated the doings of Pandit
Jawarharlal Nehru, India's Prime Minister, and drew a
fetching analogy. 'When a torero and a toro are in the
ring' explained the Spaniard, 'sometimes somebody from
the audience will jump into the ring with a homemade muleta-
which up to that moment he had hidden in his pants - wave
the cloth at the bull and try to take over the fight. We
cell him an espontaneo (spontaneous one), and we jail him:
he spoils the fiesta and dangerously distracts the torro;
Nehru looks like an international espontaneo'.

Life Magazine changed the previous image as 'the most important
man in Asia' to the following:

'Nehru is the moral and spiritual leader of non-communist
nations in Asia'. This cliche, not precisely wrong, is
at least an oversimplification of a complex matter. (For
instance, Hindu India does not speak for the Asiatic Moslem).13

U. 3. News and World Report commented:

India's Nehru with a peace plan for Korea, can't get peace
operating in his own backyard . . . Nehru's idea for Korea:
Be gentle with Communist China. His idea at home: Be tough
and unyielding with neighbour Pakistan. The Nehru approach,
a strange double standard, finds its explanation in Mr.
Nehru's ambition for India - he wants India to be the strong
leader of free Asia, and the enemy of 'white colonialism',
'the champion of world peace'.lh

Newsweek saw in Nehru "...a bitter anti-American mood ... Nehru

Vigorously champions the Chinese Communist cause."15

 

12"Spontaneous Pandit," Time, Vol. 56, NO. 5 (July 31; 1950),
p. 25.

lBEiiE: August 24, 1950, Vol. 29, No. 8, p. 28,

1h"India," H, s, News and World Report, Vol. 30 (February 9, 1951).
p. 35.

15"Kremlin Courtship," Newsweek, Vol. 35 (February 20, 1950): P-27o

8h
The year 1950 was marked with sharp political differences between

India and the United States. Nehru's views and actions relating to
1950 international issues certainly did nothing to please the govern-
ment of the United States. One of the harshest criticism directed
against Nehru in America was Nehru's failure to 'keep his promise'
before the Congress of the United States to the effect that he would
defend freedom and fight aggression anywhere. Another charge levelled
at him lay in his failure to get along with Pakistan, while offering
advice to the western powers in general and the United States in part-
icular on how to get along with Communist China. Americans were at a
loss to understand why Nehru was soft on Communists abroad but tough
on the Indian Communists.

Nehru's tough attitude towards the Indian Communists is one of the
reasons for favorable images in America. His devotion to the ideals
of democracy was also recognized by most writers in America. Moreover,
some writers felt that Nehru was to the right of a number of other
Indian leaders, an attitude, which resulted in Nehru's becoming a
choice between evils. One may readily look upon Nehru's ability to
keep India stable and united as sufficiently appreciated to constitute
tangible contribution. How could this help but make for favorable
images?

The year 1955, like the year 1950, marked the down swing in Nehru‘s
images. He was received favorably at home but unfavorably in America.
There were a large number of issues on which Nehru acted or for which
he spoke out that caused American writers to comment on him. First we

list the issues which created friction between America and India.

85

The Nehru Image During the Year 1955
On January 29, Nehru declared his intention to play a 'peaceful

role' in the Formosa crisis. This certainly antagonized Americans...
On February 1L, Nehru asked Chinese Premier Choa EnLai for an informal
promise that his regime would not use force to take Nationalist-held
islands - Nehru was said to believe the Nationalists would evacuate

all islands except Formosa and Pescadore...0n February 16, Nasser and
Nehru issued a statementcendemning military alliances as contributing to
'world tensions...0n March 31, Nehru told the Indian Parliaments that
Quemoy and Matsu Islands belonged to Communist China and that, barr-
ing another war, the islands would go to Red China. Nehru protested
'mad house' western diplomacy in almost every part of the world and
said he hoped that India would not behave like the other lunatics...

On April 22, Nehru delivered a speech before the Bandung Conference, in
which he called NATO a 'powerful protector of colonialism', and further
stated that it was intolerable humiliation for an Asian-African country
to degrade itself as a camp follower. Moreover, Nehru wondered out
'loud whether Gautemala was 'an example of another kind of colonialism"
as far as the United States is concerned...0n June 7, Nehru arrived in
Moscow to receive an unprecedented welcome....0n June 23, Soviet
premier Bulganin and Nehru in a joint statement urged (a) the necessity
for a nuclear weapon bar, (b) Red China's legitimate rights on Formosa,
and (c) seating of Red China in the United Nations....0n June 28, in
Vienna, Nehru told the newsman that he never noticed any 'curtain,

iron or otherwise, while visiting Czechoslovakia, the U.S.S.R., and

Poland'...0n July 7, Nehru and Tito issued a joint statement denouncing

86

military pacts, (b) refusal of the West to seat Red China in the U. N.,
and (c) U. S. insistence on hydrogen bomb tests...0n July 12, Nehru
and Nasser agreed upon issuing a statement similiar to the one pre-
ceding...0n July 22, Nehru urged the British Prime Minister to Open
pre-election talks in Vietnam. The United States entertained some fear
on that score, as there was a good possibility of a victory on the part
of North Viet-Minh....0n November 18, Kruschev and Bulganin arrived in
New-Delhi and received a tumultuous welcome....0n November 20, Nehru
denounced military pacts at a banquet honoring Russian leaders.l6

Now that we have some awareness of the 'sins' that Nehru committed
in the year 1955, image reactions to be found below should surprise no
one. Nehru is no longer seen as a 'spokesman of the troubled continent',
'champion of Asia' or 'man with a magnetic smile'. He is perceived as
'irritable', 'emotional', 'anti-American' and even 'pro-Communist'.
The most important events in which Nehru was the chief participant were:

1. Bandung Conference of the Asian African delegates.

2. His visit to Russia.

3. Russian leaders' visit to India and neighboring countries.

The U. 3. government and the Western powers in general were quite
apprehensive about the outcome of the Bandung Conference. It was
feared that anti-colonial feelings of the Afro-Asian delegates might
turn the conference into an antiewest propaganda instrument. Nehru
exerted considerable influence over this conference. It is important

to bear in mind that his pre-conference pronouncements as well as his

 

16 Facts on Files: Weekly World News Digest (New York: Facts on
File, Incorporated, 1955 , op. cit.

87
declarations at the gaterhing were anything but a comfort to the West.
In the words of one of the nationally known American magazines:

He was sought out by many coutries, vastly relishing
this neutralist role . . .Jawaharlal Nehru is stuck with
the thesis that those ole debbil Americans must be caus-
ing all the troubles.17 '

After picturing Nehru as a 'neutralist' and 'anti-American', the
same magazine in another issue dealing with Nehru's role at the Bandung
Conference wrote:

Lordly India‘s Nehru surveyed the gathering...waited
for the lesser delegates to approach and pay their res—
pects. Nehru had the air of a man in undisputed command
...Red China's Chou En—Lai was to be introduced to Inter—
national Society under his chaperonage...from such a
conference Nehru would emerge as the spokesman for the
world's colored races, the mediator between East and West,
the apostle of peace, the leader of the mighty neutralist
brOOd e 1

Another magazine described Nehru's role at the conference in the
following words:

"The real issue at Bandung...Nehru's grab for neutralist
leadership" was the headline of an article which further
declared, "Now he is using the Bandung megaphone to sound even
more ambitious scheme...an attempt to bring the Middle
East into India's neutralist camp...Nehru's blandishments are
far more dangerous than the all too obvious designs of Chou
En-Lai."19

A few months after the Bandung Conference Nehru received a grand

 

17"Salam Alikum," Time, Vol. 66, No. 15(Apri1 1., 1955), p. 18.

much The High Wire," Time, Vol. so No. 18 (May 2, 1955). p. 27.

19"Nehru And Us: Some Advice," Newsweek, Vol. LS (April 25: 1955):
p. 38. ‘ .

88

welcome in nussia, seldom accorded to a foreign visitor such as this.
Such gestures of friendship between India and Russia, America's chief
antagonist, accounts for another nose dive in Nehru‘s image. 'Neutral-

ist and 'anti-colonial' Nehru now was depicted as a 'pro—communist',

'vain' and 'arrogant'.

An ecclesiastical magazine found India under Nehru's leadership

in the Communist camp thus:

Ever so often India's Prime Minister Nehru succeeds
in trying the patience of those willing to give his
country's policy a measure of understanding. That the
Indian Prime Minister should publicly associate his
views with those of Mr. Bulganin seems to remove India
from the neutralist camp.20

One of the popular magazines had this to say on Nehru's visit to

Russia:

...last week when the Kremlin gang set out to
win India's teetotalling Nehru....who as a neutral-
ist is convinced that his world stature depends on
refusing to become a second-string player on either
side....it would have taken a man lgis vain than
Nehru to resist the Soviet welcome.

The mirror of Nehru's images achieved its superlative in ugliness

in 1955 when Bulganin and Kruschev were accorded a tumultuous welcome

in India. A comment typifying this reaction comes from the New Yorker:

Moscow‘s new tack is to embrace all sorts of anti-
Communist leaders in Asia....'capitalist', 'feudal',
'neutralist', or whatever - just so long as they are
'anti-imperialiets' or inclined to check the spread of
American influence. Since Pandit Nehru fits both these

.4

20"Exorbitance of Mr. Nehru," America, Vol. 93, N0. 15 (April 165

1955), Do 365.

21m": With A Knife," Time, Vol. 65 No. 11 (March 21, 1955).
p. 31. l

89

specifications, he has been getting the play recently
....some observers think Pandit Nehru is eager for world
recognition as a world statesman.22

Time Magazine, surveying Nehru of 1955 in general and his doings
in particular, reflects the ever-pervading picture in this manner:

Nehru is the highest priest of Neutralism...it is
bootless to measure Nehru as a friend of the U. S. which
he is not. Nehru grows furious when western powers refues
to accept India's judgment as the final word on Asian
problems...He preaches anti-colonialism...He bereates the
world for its use of force, but he holds Kashmir by force,
he talks of the rights of peeple but he denies Kashmir, a
plebiscite, he resents the intrusion of other peOple but
he is always ready to intrude elsewhere....Nehru is very
close to being a Caesar....Nehru is a socialist...Nehru
has not only instilled in many Indians a deep suspicion of
the U. 3., but has also failed to alert his people to the
danger of Soviet imperialism.

If despite his Caesarism and his ill conceived sponsor-
ship of Bulganin and Kruschev, India survives as a unified
nation without going communist, Nehru's vanities and eccen-
tricities will become merely a playground for biographers.23

Even as Nehru hits bottom in terms of American prestige in 1955,
he ironically enough reaches the summit at the same moment in his own
country. Indians were proud to see their leader champion the cause of
Asian and African peoples at the Bandung Conference; Indians were proud
to see their leader receive a hero's welcome in powerful Russia,
acclaimed in the Middle East,and sought out for advice by the Brittish,
Yougoslavia, and France. The Indians hailed him as a 'great moral force'
in the world and a statesman of 'great calibre', whose wisdom is sought

by all sensible and peace-loving persons, such as Bulganin, Kruschev,

 

A 22"The Russian Travellers in India," New Yorker, Vol. 31, No. A6
(December 31, 1955), p. 32.

23"Accentuating The Negative," Time, Vol.68 (July 30, 1956), p.26.

9O

Nasser, and Tito His 'constructive' suggestions for peace were
appreciated everyWhere, if one is to take the word of Indian writers.

March of India_24depicted him as an 'artist', Gandhi's heir',
’genius' and 'influential'. ModernReviewZSsaw in Nehru an outstanding
'mediator', admired his 'non-violent' approach to the solving of inter-
national problems. His 'tolerance' towards Portugal on the issue of
Goa and his 'pro-science' outlook in the modernization of India were re-
ceived with a great deal of admiration.

1n summing up the discussion evidence points to a correlation of
American images of Nehru and relations between the American and Indian
governments. Thus, we establish the years 1950 and 1955 as proof,
that Nehru’s world role was sensitized by American writers through his
personal and intellectual gyrations as prime minister of India.

'Ihe Nehru Image During 1951

The year 1951 is characterized by a conspiracy of understanding
between the writers in the two countries. Nehru was perceived un-
favorably by all concerned. What does this signify? Does this mean
that Indian and American scribes saw eye to eye on many questions con-
cerning the governments of the two countries? The international issues
on which India and America differed during the year 1950 remained the
same a year later. The Korean war was still raging; Communist China
remained unrecognized; China had not abandoned her claims on Formosa;

India under Nehru's leadership kept insisting on the recognition of the

 

Zhflprimg Minister, Nehru," March of India , Vol. 7, N0. 3
(July, 1955), p. h3-

25"Jawahar1a1 Nehru," Modern Review, Vol. 56, N0. 3 (August,l955),

 

p.36.

91
new China in the U. N. ; in short, Nehru stuck to his guns with his
critical attitude of the United States policies, and Indians backed
Nehru's foreign policies all the way. What is it, the, that upset the
apple cart? Why were Indians viewing Nehru unfavorably? If Nehru was
viewed unfavorably - how did Nehru manage to maintain his leadership
role? Let us now recapitulate some of the events in which Nehru was the
main participant (during the year of 1951):

On January 15, 1951, India Opposed the U. S. - proposed resolution
in the U. N. to condemn the Communist Chinese...0n January 25, the U. 8.
Senate Foreign Relations Committee moved to delay food aid to India as
an act of retaliation against Nehru's China policy...0n March 26,
McArthur said in a report to the U. N. that the 'myth of invincibility
of Communist military power has been destroyed'....0n March 28,
commenting on McArthur's statement, Nehru said that the General’s state-
ment is 'frought with grave consequences' and 'no field commander is go-
ing to lay down the policies of the government of India'...0n May 1,
Nehru warned that India would not accept a wheat loan with political
strings attached. He set off cheers in the Indian Parliament by an-
nouncing that 50,000 tons of Soviet wheat purchase on a 'cash basis'
was on the way to India...In the sumner of 1951, Nehru refused to sign
the Japanese peace treaty sponsored by the U. S. Govenment ... On July
1, a bill giving the Government constitutional rights to place ireason-
able restrictions' on the freedom of speech and the press was passed by
the Indian Parliament....0n July 22, after three weeks of spirited de-
bate, fourteen amendments to the Indian Constitution dealing with land

reforms, nationalization of industries and press curbs were passed....

92

After one of the most publicized debates in its history Parliament de-
cided, on September 20, to revise India's 5,000—year—old Hindu mar~
riage code. ‘Nehru made proposals for easier divorces, which if car-
ried out under caste or tribal customs, would be recognized, it reg-
istered with the government. He also expressed hope for the enact-
ment in the next session of other reforms, one of which would give women
equal inheritance rights with men.26

Insofar as Nehru's foreign policies were concerned, Indian opinion
was behind Nehru. American impressions of Nehru retained their 'stand-
pattism'. Most American writers were annoyed at Nehru, because they
came to realize the role of 'the Pandit' or the'lndian Brahmin' in Asia.
This is made clear in the following remarks made by Time Magazine:

Disappointment: The legs-astride position of Prime

Minister Nehru on the vast fence that runs through the

world is of considerable importance to the U.S. If this

great, learned and widely beloved man swings a few inches

either way - toward the democratic West or toward Communism

his shift can sway the suspended minds of millions in India

and throughout Asia. He has told his countrymen and all

Asians that the West is their traditional enemy, and that the2

conflict between Communism and the West is not their concern. 7

Nehru's failure to side with the West was disappointment enough,‘
but the realization of his importance in Asia aggravated the feeling

of annoyance held by Americans. The same magazine in the same article

 

26Facts on Files: Weekly World News Digest (New York: Facts on
File, Incorporated, 19577, op. cit. '

27"Next To Godliness," Time, Vol. 57 No. 19 (May 23, 1951): PP- 33‘
3h.

93

expressed its rancor thus: "...Nehru is moralistic...agnostic...soc-
ialist...paradoxical...confused..."28

However, Nehru found a defender of his foreign policies in the
Nation. The substance of this magazine's criticism was that Nehru's
disagreement with American foreign policy in Korea and China, and more
recently on the Japanese peace treaty, has brought upon him a barrage
of criticism which seems deliberately aimed at undermining his position
as a leader of the free nations of Asia.29

A breath of fresh air was felt when Indian and American writers
both agreed in their criticism of Nehru. The ominous occasion when
Nehru sought to curb freedom of the press in India. The Saturday Even-
in Post, commenting on Nehru's attempt to restrict the Indian press,
said:

That old favorite of our professional liberals, India's
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, seems to be doing a Peron
act by attempting to harass the press.
There is plenty of ground that Indians are getting tired

of Nehru's one man rule...0pposition to his regime is spread-

ing throughout all major Indian provinces.

Both groups (American and Indian) of writers were united in their
(=zriticism of Nehru when the Indian leader sought to control the press.

grime following passage is significant, because it offers an example of

Ilrifavorable images held by both Indians and American writers alike.

28"Next To Godliness," Time, Vol. 57, No. 19 (May 28, l951),pp.33—flh.
29The Nation, Vol. 173, No. It (October 6, 1951), p. 2.

30"Jawaharlal Nehru," Saturday Evening Post, V01- 224: “0° 4
(July 28, 1951), p. 10.

 

{If ii-lll‘lli'lil

I 1‘ ‘Illlllli‘l.\

ll illllthl'. Al. cl! "riff. .[

9h
The New Republic in an article written by an Indian dealing with the
bill introduced in the Indian Parliament to restrict the press, remarks
as follows:
On June 1, the Indian Parliament passed the Nehru bill

which abridges the freedom of speech, expression and press

guaranteed as fundamental rights in the fifteen month old

consititution****Pandit Nehru 'packed' the Parliament and
succeeded. A severe 'party whip' required each member of

the Congress Parliamentary Party to be present, to accept

Nehru's bill as written, to oppose every amendment moved

by non-Congress members....Threat which included cancellat-

ion of Congress Party endorsement in the pending elections

....A more fundamental reason underlies what the critics

describe as the policy of hush-hush and rushprush. The

regime (Nehru)is rattled, even scared.

The criticism in India was easy to understand. Nehru sought to
reform some of the fundamental social institutions. He was attacking
centuries-old traditions. Besides, his attempts to curb the press, to
reform the Hindu marriage code, to make divorces easier to obtain, and
to nationalize land and industries, were anything but comforting to
manyof the interested groups in India. The Indian Social Reformer '
pictured him as 'intolerant', and 'weak character' and 'short temper—
ed'.32

The Vigil perceived him as 'confused', and ‘weak character’,'im-

pulsive', a 'failure', 'conceited', and 'lonely'.33

 

31"Nehru," NewLRepublic, Vol. 132, No. 13 (June 20, 1955), p. a.

32"Idolatry of Mr. Nehru," Indian docial Reformer, Vol. 61, N0. #9
(August, 1951), p. 10

33"Nehru," V1 11, Vol. 2, No. 32 (September 29, 1951), p. 18.

95

In the treatment of the year 1951, we have proved the hypothesis
that, when the relations between the governments of India and the United
States are unfriendly, the number of established unfavorable images is
relatively high. We have shown that during the first part of that year,
while writers in this country viewed Nehru unfavorably, Indians looked
upon the prime minister with a good deal of favor. However, in the.
latter part of the year while Nehru was vociferously beating the drums
on behalf of domestic policy we witnessed the extraordinary phenomenon
of assent between American and Indian writers. Nehru‘s attempt to curb
the press contributed in large measure to the coincidence of interests
among all the writers concerned. So far from turning any table, we
simply step into the other shoe by presenting an unanimity of opinions
between all the writers on the other side. In 1957 both the Indian
and American reporters, in the main, acclaim Nehru.

The Nehru Image During1952

'Exploring the imageQNehru) form, yet another intriguing coincidence
presents itself for 1957. Again reporters from both countries throw a
spotlight of cheerful colors on the Indian Prime Minister. Again, we
cannot help but shift the spot light in a quest for motivations, whys‘
and hows. Before doing so,let us record some of the events with which
Nehru is in some measure associated:

On January 21, 1957, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and
Syrian President al-Kuwatly said that "a military approach to the prob-
lems of the Mid-East would only serve to create further disharmony
and endanger world peace." (They also denounced the Baghdad Pact. The

two leaders condemned colonialism as an evil which whould be brought to

96

an end...0n March 1A, the Indian Congress Party won at least 339 of 49h
seats in a new lower House of Parliament in elections. Indian Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was re-elected as Congress Party leader in
the Parliament on March 29....On May 17, Indian Prime Minister Nehru,
in Ceylon for celebrations marking the 2,500th anniversary of Buddhism,
called for an end to all nuclear tests to save the world from extinction
...On July A, Indian Prime Minister Nehru, in London for the British
Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference, said that the shift in Soviet
leadership represented 'a return from the high pitch of revolution to
what might be called normality'...0n July 10, Nehru arrived in Cairo
for talks with Egyptian President Gamal Abadal Nasser, reportedly on
renewal of British Egyptian relations...0n October 13, Nehru and Jap—g~
anese Prime Minister Kishi in a joint statement called for the sus-
pension of nuclear tests as a necessary preliminary to atomic disarma-
ment and the outlawing of nuclear weapons...November 9, South VietNam
President Ngo Din Diem ended a four-day visit to India. He said at
the Press Conference in New Delhi that VietNam although under SEATO
protection would not be given any military alliance...0n November 28,
the United States Government rejected Nehru's appeal to halt nuclear
weapons tests.34

From this turn of events a change in Nehru's point of view is
perceptible, however slight it may be. He still denounces colonialism,
military pacts, and atomic tests. Also, he is still straddling the

fence, only now we see him in somewhat different company.

 

3I‘Facts on Files::_WeeklyWorld News DigeSt (New York: Facts on
File, Incorporated, 1957), op. cit.

97

President Diem of VietNam and Prime Minister Kishi of Japan are his
guests in New Delhi, instead of leaders from the Communist countries.
With the foregoing in mind let us see what Nehru's perennial critic
Time Magazine has to say:

But for all his faults, Nehru is a practicing democrat.
Throughout southeast Asia today new nations, hungry for
economic growth, are eyeing the progress of democratic In-
dia and Communist China. If India falls too far behind,
Indians will be tempted to switch to China's totalitarian
methods; if they do, nations on India's flank, such as Burma,
Ceylon and Pakistan might be drawn by their massive neighbor
into the path toward Communism.35

In the year 1957, even Time pleads for understanding of India's
problems and assumes a sympathetic tone.
The Nation wrote:

That remarkable photograph of President Eisenhower hurry-
ing down the steps of the White House to greet Prime Minister
Nehru who seemed to be leaping forward to grasp the President's
outstretched hand...the twain hgg met and the relations between
them are certain to be the better for it...with the exception
of the famous Roosevelt-Churchill meetings it is hard to re-
call another occasion on which an American President gave so much
undivided time to private consultations with another head-of-

«state.36

The Christian Century that declared Nehru in the Russian camp in
1955 rediscovered Nehru: '

It seems quite clear that the President and perhaps others
in the administration discovered that the Indian leader was not
as bad as he has been pointed out by some sections of the press
and certain officials...and it is entirely possible that Wash-
ington's opinion makers found reason for reappraising Mr. Nehru

 

35"Flabby Giant," Time, Vol. 70, No. 2h (December 9, 1957), P. 36.

36The Nation, Vol. 18h, No. 1 (January 5, 1957), p. l.

98

as a world figure. Whatever else is said about him, he has

for ten years stood as the most powerful influence in the most
populous demmcracy in the world, pointing its way to the
effective self-government and succeeding in spite of unbeliev-
able odds. The United States has real reason to be grateful

that Nehru did not go the way of Mao Tse-tung, as he might have
had he been a different kind of man. Remembering our difficult-
ies with Sigman “hes and Chiang Kai-Shek, we might even be
thankful that Nehru is temperamentally and philosophically

closer to the West than they...Nehru's visit will have been
a success if it has helped us to reflect with a little more

objectivity on what it means to have him and not somebody

else as the most influential figure in the greatest non-

communist state to emerge after Norld War 11.3 .

Atlantic Monthly remarked:

India's alarmed reaction to Nasser's abrupt nationaliz-

ation of the Suez Canal revealed some of the uneasiness that

Nehru had come to feel over Nasser's interpretation of’

Neutralism. For one thing8 Nehru's neutralism does not ignore

basic economic realities.

The abrupt and blunt change experienced by American periodicals
toward the Nehru personality now amounts to an about-face. This re?
versal in Nehru‘s image is nothing short of the ironic. This phenomenon
could be attributed to three factors. In a decade, since India joined
the family of free nations, the mass-media in the United States have
progressively increased and fattened the publicity afforded to that
country. A reverse ratio seems applicable: as information about
India increases, tensions and misunderstanding lessens. The American

image of India as a land of Maharajas, snake charmers, and holy cows

has almost disappeared. India in 1957 is perceived as a nation strugg-

 

37"We Rediscover Mr. Nehru," The Christian Century, Vol. 7L, No. 1
(January 2,1957), pe 1.

38 Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 199, No.1 (February, 1957), p. 6.

99

eling to industrialize, that is, westernize under Nehru's leader-

ship. As the information about India increases, the misunderstanding
between the two countries decreases. It is clear from the list of
events that a gpod deal of satisfaction has accrued from the knowledge
that, unlike China, India has persevered in retaining a face unblemish-
ed by the acne of totalitarianism. In the light of India's ideological
direction toward the West, who can deny the American writers' decision
that Nehru is an honest democrat? I

Now let us take a look at the Nehru image in his own land. The
Modern Review39hailed Nehru as a 'leader' and 'socialist'. Nehru
officially and constitutionally integrated the Indian—held area of
Kashmir. The people rallied around the leader to support his action,
which was hailed almost unanimously by the Indian press. ligil,h0
the Opponent of Nehru's party, called him 'courageous' and 'dynamic'.

Thus, once again it has been demonstrated that favorable or un-
favorable images in India and America exist independently of each other.
VI. Summary.

Hypothesis one: when relations between the governments of India
and the United States are unfriendly, the number of established un-
favorable images of Nehru in America will be significantly high.

This hypothesis has been well demonstrated in the above discussion.

 

39"Pandit Nehru," Modern Review, Vol. 58, No. 10 (October. 1957).
p. A3.

“912511. V01- 8, N0. 19(June 30, 1957), p. 20.

100

We have shown that the reference to Nehru in American periodicals was
directly related to his political utterances and policies affecting the
position of the American Government on those particular issues.‘ It

was also shown that, during the years of 1951, 1953, and 1955, Nehru's
policies consistently collided with the American government's policies,
hence, he was viewed in an unfavorable light.

Our second hypothesis: Indian writers' images of Nehru will be
relatively more favorable than American writers' images of Nehru.

The evidence provided by the trend charts substantiates this hypothesis.

On the whole, Indian images of Nehru are much more favorable and
much less critical than American images. This was proved in Part Two
of this chapter which referred to the frequency of images in America
andAIndia.

The last hypothesis: there is no relationship between the Amer-
ican and Indian writers' images of Gandhi and Nehru. We have demonstrat-
ed above that during the years 1951 and 1955 Nehru had relatively un-
favorable images in both countries. Americans criticized Nehru for
his non-alignment foreign policy, while Indians criticized him because
he had undertaken to reform some of the features of the Hindu society.
In 1957, Americans praised him because they came to realize his im-
portance in Asia, as well as his devotion to democracy despite his
neutralism...Indians hailed him because he integrated the Indian-

-held part of Kasmir into the Indian Union.

The abrupt and blunt change experienced by American periodicals,

toward the Nehru personality now amounts to an ironic about-face. Howe

ever, it must be noted that images prevailing in the respective years

101

were not only independent of one another, but also motivated by quite
different causes.
E. Commentator's Interpolations:

Although we had a fair amount of success in ascertaining our
contention that the extent of agreement between the two governments de-
termines what people in one country think of people in another, there
is no guarantee of the continuity of the same pattern persisting.

I Presumably, there is a one-to-one correlation between the quantity
of information available and the inevitable increase of knowledge;
hence it is much less than wishful thinking to assume that such a
condition in the United States with respect to India should result in'
more understanding and therefore greater tolerance. While the validity
of our hypotheses is true for a decade specified, these conclusions may
very well be robbed of their-certainities for the future. When time
serves asia frame of reference for countries and peeple, it is beyond
any kind of predictability to guarantee ultimate consequences. By way
of analogy, the limits of prognostication bear the same relationship
to ten years of empirical examination as does the operation of the law
of probability: that is to say, while flipping a coin one hundred times
may result in an equal number of heads and tails, for a specific number
of tails the prospect of its reOccurrence is quite doubtful.

Area of Agreement

 

We have established the fact that Nehru had more favorable than
unfavorable images for any one given year under study. What does this
signify? Despite the obvious differences in culture between the two

countries there apparently exists a vast area of agreement in matters

102
of political freedom and human rights.

In the event that the area of agreement we have postulated is true,
we cannot help but indulge in wishful thinking. Our wish centers around
the hope that policy-makers in the United States as well as in India
will take advantage of the quantum of assent to exploit its existence
for bettering the relations between the two countries. Improved re-
lations between America and India are well and good; only the exploits-
tion of this greater understanding should also result in furthering the
greatest good for the greatest number.

_£glitical Events and Images

Until 1950, the United States' knowledge of India and her problems
is conspicuous by its absence. The reverse is equally true. The im-
portant Asian countries have been too furiously busy gaining their
independence and "feeling their cats" to do any hobnobbing with the
rest of the world. Moreover, the United States, understandably enough,
was specifically resented as a superior power and as an ally of colonial
powers. Such resentment did not lead to understanding. This lack of
understanding was inevitably reflected in the kind of image evoked
about Nehru in this country. .

Now a sort of cause-effect simutaneity begins to operate. As the
JLmerican images of India changed, so did the Indian impressions of
America. America's disapproval of the Anglo-French adventure in Suez
surprized the Asian leaders, thereby buttressing the U. S. image in
their eyes. In a single breath the pro-colonial image of America _.'
shaken, while that of the Soviet Union(as expansionist) caught on fire.

Nor did Russia's suppression of the Hungarian revolt harm the Indian

103

leaders' benign attitude towards the U. S.
' The Transformed Image

The transformed image of India is an intriguing one. From a land
of snake—charmers, cow-worshippers and Maharajas it has within the
generation become a full-blown oracle of the East. We mean that,
in the eyes of America India has undergone the psychOIOgical con-
version that was really an integral part of that country all along.
India is seen as a 'spiritual leader,’ 'moral force,‘ and 'impartial
arbiter'. And while this is jumping too far in the other direction,
it does show an extravagant change of heart and mind on the part of
the West.

Unfortunately, the new image given to India is as false as the old.
The new conceptions of India harbor new dangers. Impositions of far—
flung and impressive attributes generate unwarranted expectations. It
is no different from making a saint out of a vicious criminal overnight
and then expecting him to act in his new role. The following quotation
dovetails precisely with what is meant:

No fact has been more disturbing to Western confidence

than the refusal of India to side fully with the West in Korean

conflict. The long history of India as the spiritual leader of

the East, together with widespread moral support of its in-

dependence movement, has given that country a kind of sanc-

tuary, so that the rougher appellations apolied to other na-

tions in the time of international disagreement have hardly

seemed suited to it. We feel that India is a kind of prophet

or sage among the nations, whereas the rest are but political
hucksters or worse...

 

h1"Nehru, Philosopher, Prophet, Politician," The Commonwealth,
Vol. 5a, No. 18 (August 10, 1951), p. 432. .

104
No time is more apprOpriate for the introduction of Mahatma. Gandhi
than now, while we are concerning ourselves with the growth of the
’moral' and 'spiritual' character of India. Nobody dares deny Gandhi
credit and responsibility for the inherently lofty goals that are assoc-

iated with India. The next chapter revolves around Gandhi's image.

CHAPTER V

THE GANDHI IMAGE

INTRODUCTION

This chapter intends an analysis of Gandhi - just as the fore-
going one devoted its efforts to analyzing Nehru. The point central
to the hypothesis concerned with the images of Nehru emphasized his re-

flection in terms of the kind of political relationship that existed
between the governments of India and America.

Although success resulted from validating the Nehru image hypothesis,
it is scarcely possible to employ similar criteria for analyzing the
significance of Gandhi's image. In fact, it has already been pointed
out in discussing the development of hypothesis that the aura of
charisma that surrounds Gandhi necessarily forces Gandhi's personality
and achievement to fall into a unique leader category, incomparable to
anything else.

Inasmuch as the knowledge of Gandhi transcends geographic and
cultural boundaries, the political motivations employed to ascribe the
image of Nehru cannot apply. Hence, the hypothesis for Gandhi is diff-
erent: irrespective of the state of political relations between the
two countries, Gandhi will have favorable images both in India and
America. The central purpose of this chapter is to test the validity
of the above hypothesis.

The following table should furnish the reader with a quatitative

picture of the images of Gandhi in America and India.

106

TABLE VI

Favorable, Unfavorable and Neutral Images of Gandhi
in American and Indian Periodicals and Books.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

American Indian American Indian
Magazines Magazines Books Books

Number of Magazines

Articles and Books 5h 22 h A

NUmber of Favorable

Images All 158 41h 378

Number of Neutral

Images 27 5 3h 2

Number of Unfavorable

Images 69 9 63 38

Total Number of

Images 507 172 511 418

Percentage of

Favorable Images to 86% 92% 87% 91%
...Intal_lmagns

Mber 0f Favorable 7 61 7 18 103 5 91+ 5

Images per Article ' ' ' °
W

Number of Unfavorable

Images per Article 1'28 °h09 15.6 9'5

and per Book

 

 

107

From the foregoing figures one translates to read:

I. That Gandhi has more favorable than unfavorable images in American
Magazines. The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is roughly six
to one.

2. That Gandhi has more favorable than unfavorable images in American
books. The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is roughly six to
one.

3. That Gandhi has more favorable than unfavorable images in Indian
magazines. The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is roughly
fifteen to one.

A. That Gandhi has more favorable than unfavorable images in Indian
books. The ratio of favorable to unfavorable images is roughly ten to
one.

On the basis of the four findings above, two major conclusions can
be drawn. Eiggt, that Gandhi has more favorable than unfavorable images
in both American and Indian books and magazines. Second, the proportion
of favorable images is significantly higher in India than in America.

Both conclusions confirm the two hypotheses we postulated in re—
ference to Gandhi. These are: (a) That Gandhi images in our sample will
be favorable in both the countries; and (b) that Indians in our sample
hold relatively more favorable images of Gandhi than Americans.

Let us study the proposition that Gandhi has significantly more
favorable images in both countries. Three items call for attention:
Gandhi, favorable images and frequency of images in the two countries—
what do these signify? The images of Gandhi are clues to the leader-

ship traits, traits the Nahatma shares with other leaders of universal

108

appeal. That is why the nature and number of images below personifying
Gandhi will constitute an index by which one can measure universal
appeal.

Our immediate task is to present the reader with predominant images
in the two countries. Below is a list of favoratle, neutral, and un-
favorable images employed by American writers.

a. Most Frquent Images of Gandhi in America

 

TABLE VII

Predominant Images of Gandhi in America1
(Words having the frequency of ten or more)

 

 

Favorable (I) Favorable_(Il) Unfavorable Neutral

Ascetic 10 Non-violent 55 Idolized 20 Hindu l2
Charming 10 Peaceful 11 Martyr 13 Politician 20
Christ 35 Persistent 15 Meek-looking 28 Timeless lg

Courageous IO Powerful 18 Mystical ‘12 Total Neutral A7
Energetic 10 Practical 15 Total un-

Father 15 Reformer 37 favorable 7L
Gentle 11 Religious 52
Great 3'7 Saint 43
Great Soul 23 Simplicity l8
Humble ll Tolerant 11

Idealist 15 Truthful 1L
Influential 24 Universal 21

Leader A9 Total Favorable
Loved 18 (I and II) 588

To be consistent, we will classify the above images into four
categories as we did in the case of Nehru:
a. Personal attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by American writers):
ascetic IO, charming lO, courageous lO, energetic 10, gentle ll, humble
ll, idealist 15, meek-looking 28, mystical 13, non-violent 55, peaceful ll,

persistent 15, powerful 18, practical 15, religious 52, simplicity 18,

 

1For a complete list of images employed by American writers see
Appendix VII and VIII.

109
tolerant ll, truthful 1h. Total personal attributes: 4327.

b. Leadership attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by American writers):
leader L9, performer 37. Total leadership attributes: 86.

c. Political attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by American writers):

 

politician 20. Total Political attributes: 20.
d. Status (recognition).attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by American
writers): Christlike 35, father 15, great 37, great soul 23, Hindu l2,
idolized 20, influential 2A, loved 18, martyr 13, saint A3, timeless 15,
universal 21. Total status (recognition) attributes: 276.

The American perception of images being thus classified, let us do
likewise with the Indian writers images of Gandhi.

B. Most Freguent Images of Gandhi in India

TABLE VIII

 

Predominant Images of Gandhi in India2

 

 

 

 

 

(Images with the frequency of five or more)3
Favorable (I) Favorable (II) Favorable (III), Unfavorable
Ascetic lO Idealist 7 Reformer 22 Anti-heavy ind-
Champion of the Idolized 1h Revolutionary 7 ustry 9
underdog 7 Influential 35 Saint IO Iystical 5
Charming 5 Leader 17 Simplicity 8 Religious 22
Christlike 10 Loved ll Sincere 10 Total Unfavor-
Courageous 1A laster 6 Statesman 8 able 39
Devotion 5 Non-violent 2h Successful 11
Economic 5 Outstanding 13 Symbol of IndialO
Father 5 Peaceful 16 Timeless 8
Great 19 Persistent 6 Tolerant 10
Great Soul 5 Politician 12 Universal 12
Humanitarian 7 Powerful 7 Total Favorable
meerous 5 Practical 1h ( I, II, III) 388

 

2Since Indian images were considerably less than the American images,
five or more constituted 'high frequency' for the Indian images.

3For a complete list of images employed by Indian writers see
Appendix IX and X.

110
We will classify the alove images into four groups as we did in
case of the American writers' images.

a. Personal attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by Indian writers): ascetic

 

10, charming 5, courageous 1L, devoted 5, economic 5, humanitarian 7,
humerous 5, idealist 7, mystical 5, non-violent 2A, peaceful 14, per-
sistent 6, powerful 7, practical 1A, religious 25, simplicity 8,

sincere 10, tolerant 10. Total_personal attributes: 185.

 

b. Leadership attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by Indian writers):

 

anti-heavy industry 9, champion of the underdog 7, leader 17, reformer

22, revolutionary 7, statesman 8. Total leadership attributes: 70.

 

c. Political attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by Indian writers):
politician 12. Total political attributes 12.

d. Status (recognition) attributes of Gandhi (ascribed by Indian writers):

 

Christlike lO, father 5, great soul 5, idolized 1h, influential 35,
loved ll, master 6, outstanding 13, saint 10, successful 11, symbol of

India 10, timeless 8, universal 15. Total status(recognition)attributes: 162.

 

By using two sets (American and Indian images of a fourfold
schemata) - we are now in a position to make a few generalizations.
The following table gives the relative picture of the emphasis given by
American and Indian writers to personal,political and status attributes.
ThBLb IX

Personal, Leadership, Political and Status
Attributes Ascribed by the American and Indian writers.

 

 

 

 

Personal Political. Leadership Status Total
Writers Attributes Attributes Attributes Attributes Images
American 327 (47% 20 (2%) 86 (12% 276 (39%) 709 (100%)

Indian 183 (43%) 12 (3%) 7o (16%) 162 (38%) L2? (100%)

 

111

Generalizations

Generalization one - The personal and status attributes of Gandhi
are considerably emphasized by American and Indian writers.

Generalization two - Political attributes of Gandhi are least
emphasized by both American and Indian writers.

Generalization three - American and Indian writers both agree that
Gandhi is 'mystical and 'meek-looking'.

Generalization four — Gandhi is identified with Christ, and as a
'reformer' and a 'saint' by the American writers.

Generalization five —'Revolutionary'and 'master' are the Indian
designations for Gandhi, while Americans see him as a 'martyr'.

Generalization six - He is viewed as a 'politician' in both
countries.

Generalization seven - Both Americans and Indians recognize Gandhi
as the 'father' (of the Indian nation), ‘universal', 'timeless', 'idol-
like', to be loved.

C. Commentator's Interpolations

The observation that was made in the previous chapter in reference
to Nehru indicated that personal attributes are more frequently mentioned
than political attributes in both India and America. This has been
again demonstrated with reference to Gandhi: namely, that American and
Indian writers both emphasize the personal qualities in a leader. More-
over, there is a remarkable similarity in the terms employed by American
and Indian writers to describe personal attributes of Gandhi. For ex-
ample, both groups of writers agree that Gandhi is'charming,’ 'courageous,‘

'ascetic,' 'idealistic,‘ 'practical,‘ 'peaceful,‘ 'meek-looking' and

112
'non-violent'. The fact that writers from two different cultural
backgrounds employ practically the same terms to describe personal attributes
of Gandhi demonstrates our contention that Gandhi's personality transcends
national and cultural boundaries. It seems to this writer that the Indian
images of Lincoln may be similar to the American images of him, this is
because Lincoln, like Gandhi is a charismatic figure.
D. The Gandhi Image in America

The foregoing tables make it abundantly clear that Gandhi is over-
whelmingly admired during the period under examination (19A7—19S7).

Isaacs, in the following passage, gives us an historical picture
of Gandhi prior to the period under consideration.

'This great and powerful Gandhi image climbed but slowly
to its present eminence, and it climbed, moreover, right out of
the troughs in which we have been wallowing. In the earlier
years and decades of Gandhi's lifetime he appeared to many
as the quint essential figure of the puny Indian, ribs showing,
naked but for a loin cloth or dronped in a dhoti. He was
the odd, the strange, the incomprehensible Iniian with his
mystic hold on the masses,his religiosity, his sainthood.’
When he came more closely into view at the London Round Table
Conference late in 1931, much was made of his odd appearance and
strange ascetic ways, but a New York Times correspondent wrote:
'saint and social reformer, politician and propogandist, he
has now shown himself to be a diplomat with one of the subtlest
minds that ever came out of the East'. Some of his more captions
critics were calling him an opportunist, more rarely a phony,
and one American newspaper even called him, in 1931, 'the evil
genius of India'. A

 

_A1though the Gandhi of 19h7-57 was not quite as strange as the
impression of him painted during the thirties and forties, the images of

the man as printed above have not been entirely erased from the American mind.

 

bHarold Isaacs, 22. cit. pp. 29A—296.

113
In the late forties Gandhi was mirrored in the following manner
by the Atlantic Monthl*:

To Gandhi, the Kahatma saint, politics is not too big and
peanuts are not too small. Gandhi is supremely religious.
The core of his religion is a faith in God, and in non-
violence as the way to God in heaven and to peace and
happiness on earth. Gandhi was anti Japanese and anti Nazi but
he was anti war because he thought the victorious owers would
be incapable of making peace based on armed might.

‘Time Magazine only a few days prior to his death remarked:

'This frail old man of seventy—eight, who may be a politician
among saints, but is no less a saint among politicians'. Thus
the Manchester Guardian last week described Mahandas Gandhi.

The description was perfect.

Peace promises which the political saint had exacted from
Idian leaders through his fast had brought at least temporary
caLn.

The year 19L8 brought in its wake the death of Gandhi Life

Magazine remarked:

Gandhi was not just a 'great man', he was a Universal-
saint,something the West has not produced for many generations.
he was, as John Haynes Holmes said, in 'that unbroken line of
saints and seers, running like the stitches of a golden thread
through the tangled pattern of human affairs,...' Holmes ranks
him with Jesus, Buddha and Saint Francis.

...his final greatness will be voiced not through the nation
he sought to create but in th$ aspiring hearts of all men in all
nations and all future times.

Newsweek found in Gandhi, "The man of truth, the apostle brother-
hood....The man who took elaborate pains to remain simple and made it his

pride to be humble."8

 

5"Politics and Peanuts," The Atlantic Honthly, Vol. 179, N0. 1
(January, 19h7), p. 51-

6"Cometack," Time, Vol. 51. No. 5 (January 26, 19L8), p. 29.

7"India Loses Her Great Soul," life, Vol. 2A, No. 6 (Ferruary 9, 19A8),
p. 32.

8"Mahatma Gandhi," Newsweek, Vol. 31, {0.6 (February 9, 19h8), pp.2L-26.

11A

Time Magazine saw in Gandhi an Indian counterpart of Lincoln;

 

it wrote:

say:

More forcibly than anyone in his age, Gandhi had asserted
that love was the law, how else should he die but through
hatred? He had feared machines in the hands of men not wise
enough to use them, he warned against the glib, the new, the
plausible, how else should he die but by a pistol in the hands
of a young intellectual? ... The parallel begween Gandhi's
martyrdom and Lincoln's was close and obvious.

Christian Century, immortalizing the role of Gandhi, had this to

Gandhi belongs to the coming age of hope. To be understood
he has to be seen against the dark background of the age which
is now writhing in the agony of death. hhen a famous journalist
said to Gandhi, 'Politics is my religion,‘ Gandhi replied, 'Rel-
igion is my politics'. Thus he gave us a key to understanding
both himself and the age. For in the new age, if life survives,
the human spirit will be master over earth's forces, beginning
with its own 'soul force'.

Into this age came Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi bringing
superior insight and a more practical method of application,
strangely blended tOgether. Albert Einstein said of him:
'Generations to come it may be, will scarcely believe that
such a one as this ever in flesh and blood walked upon this
earth.’10

National Journal of Education commenting upon the strenrth of

the weak remarked:

He was the personification of force. But it is a force which
this world, after all these centuries, has not yet learned to
fully appreciate.

 

9nor Truth and Shame," Time, Vol. 51, No. 6 (February 9, 19L8),p.2h.

lo"Gandhi Belongs to Tomorrow," Christian Century, Vol. 65, No.7

(February 18, 19A8), p. 201.

115

Strenght of character is not weakness. Peaceful methods
are not weak methods, particularly if we are willing to die
for them. May be this is not always practical, still one
can't help wondering if, maybe, there is not a great deal to
this idea that the meek shall inherit the very Earth.

The Contemporary Review nearly a year after Gandhi's death saw

 

in him a social reformer.
Gandhi started his work against untouchability merely
thirty years ago, because for one thing he was convinced
that India must put her own house in order if she was to claim
justice and freedom from Britain.
Gandhi did much more than hold meetings against untouch-
ability. He took amazingly courageous stegs...of welcoming
an untouchable child into his own family.1
A year after his death, articles on Gandhi gradually decreased in
number. Even though Gandhi became a distant person(unlike Nehru who is
active in his leadership role), articles appearing on him portrayed more
or less the same image as before. He was seen as a 'great soul‘, 'non-

violent', 'Christ', 'religious', etc.

Nearly four years after his death, the Atlantic Monthly worte:

 

Gandhi possessed every form of courage in the highese possible
degree.

To build him up psychologically from burOpean ingredients
we must make a combination of early Christian saints...
something of a sweetness of Saint Francis...

Gandhi's success throughout his career depended upon a
combination of deep religious conviction and astute political
insight.l3

The Christian Century almost eight years after his death had this

 

ll"5ha11 Inherit The barth," The Journal of National Education
Association, Vol. 37, No. 9 (December, 1948), p. 586.

12"Abolition of Untouchability in India," The Contemporary Review,
Vol. 175 (Karch, lghQ), ph. 159—162.

 

13"Mahatma Gandhi," The Atlantic Monthly, V01, 10C, No. 5 (Dec-
emkcr: 1952), PP. BS-GG.

116

to say:
What a genuinely likable, all round sort of 'great soul' this
was, who could worship so intensely and think so earnestly,

yet enjoy a joke so thoroughly.

... a truly great soul who had learned much from Jesus... 14

It is clear from the above quotations that there is unanimity
among American writers as far as Gandhi is concerned. He is perceived
as a man of peace, non-violent and a great soul. The high point in the
confirmation of our hypothesis is the indisputable evidence that American
images of Gandhi persist in a favorable continuum irrespective of the kind
of political relations which exist between the two countries. It will be
noted that this persistence of positive Gandhi images is quite different
from the American imagry hehru experienced, in whose case images changed
in relation to political relations between India and the United States.

E. The Gandhi Image in India

"Gandhi is the prophet of a liberated life wielding power over
millions-of human beings by virtue of his exceptional holiness and
heroism." This is how the Indian philosopher Radha Krishnan summed up
his impressions of Gandhi in the year 19h7.

However, this is not the way anyone was able to see Gandhi when he
entered the Indian political scene. As a matterof fact, he made a name
for himself in South Africa before he returned to India to enter public
life. He was admired for his courage in the battle he waged in South

Africa. Yet Gandhi was misinterpreted as an odd sort of revolutionary

for introducing his passive resistence ideas in order to undermine

 

lh"we Learned from Gandhi," The Christian Century, Vol. 7h, K0. 5
(January 30, 1957), pp. 139-le0.

ll?

colonialism in India. Some people even considered his views on social
and economic issues to be rather antiquated. Thus, althouth he was
known merely as a mystic and odd sort of revolutionary in the early
period of his political career, he did earn the status of the great soul
at that time.

N ehru the political heir and close associate of Gandhi, summed up
his views of Gandhi in those days as follows:

"Ideologically he was sometimes amazingly backward...lt has
obvious that we differed considerably in our own outlook on like, politics
and economics..?l5 I

Another writer emphasizing the role of religion on Gandhi's life

wrote thus. "...a life devoted to the service of the mother-land and to
the cause of religion and humanity..."16
Gandhi's religiousness is further admired by a historian of some
reputation in the following words: "Gandhi's life and career furnishes a
study in contrasts, which are but seeming and imaginary being the necessary
attributes of a character deeply religious and intensely practical."17
D.S. Sarma, an educator, saw in Gandhi, "...a true incarnation of

Hindu spirtualitV... his method of religious approach to all political

and social problems and his insistence on truth and non-violence in every

 

l5J:u2harlal Nehru, 22,‘ggt., p. 63.
16 . . . u . . , .
. Mirzn h. Ismail "An Indian otatssman's Tritute," in S. Eadnakrishnan,
(editor), Nahatma Gandhi (London George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.), p. 1&9.

l7B. Pattabhisitaramayya, "Gandhi in His Many Aspects," in S.
Radhakrishman, 22. gl£., D. 225.

118

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recognitiun of the spiritual unity of all men
even in the details of every-day life are aspects of Hinduism which will
be really worthy of its part."18
Thus we find that Gandhi's image as a religious man is very heavily
portrayed by the Indian writers. A man of truth and non—violence are
two other images which are brourht out again by other Indian writers.
C.F. Andrews, an Indian christian remarks:19

There are certain cardinal religious virtues where on Tahatma

...

Gandhi put most stress...The first is called SATYA-TRUTH....

The second virtue has its source in God is AHISKA (Non-violent)

....Mahatma Gandhi is essentially a man of religion. He can

never think of any complete release from evil apart from Go '5

Grace.... Mahatma Gandhi is the Saint Paul of our own days.

The Indian Review saw in Gandhi "an emobodiment of piety and
patriotism"... He was one with the people and of the people...Gandhi
impresses humanity not only as an apostle of peace but the world's savior."21

A few months later the same magazine remarked: ”Gandhi was
Christianity's most important modern e:<ponent...."“2

The Indian Social Reformer felt that Gandhi has revolutionized

. , . . . . 2
history merely oy revealing the truth to a world steeped in misconceptions.3

 

189.3. Sarma, "A Great Prophet of Hinduie," in S. iadhakrishnan,
n Ar!“

'+ ,,..
OD. Clbo , 3-. ’wtkj.
‘ _

'C F. Andrews, "The Tribute of a Friend," in 5. Radhakrishnan,

9 'v ’~ - v . to ' 3 .’ o v
~IVenkatrana oastri, ”Gandhigi," The Indian ReView, Vol.n9,ho.2
(Fetruary, PAP), p. 1.8.

 

‘4Charanjit Sing Bindra,"The Pest Monument to Gandhiji," The Indian
Review, Vol. A9, Lo. L (April,1948), p. 8.

 

23"Focus," The lndian Social Reformer, Vol.62,ho.h (September 21, 1951),
o. 8.

119

The Aryan Path saw in Gandhi"a devout democrat, humanitarian, anti-
heavy industry..."2[+ As far as the Indian images are concerned, we find
almost complete consistency among Indians.

Thus we find almost complete agreement not only among Indians and
Americans individually but between the two groups. The hypothesis that
irrespective of the relations between the governments of the two countries,
Gandhi will have favorable images in toth America and India seems to be
confirmed by the present study.

P. Commentator's Interpolations

Having established with a fair amount of success that Gandhi
enjoys a favorable press, the writer would like to venture some reasoned
guesses why this is so. The existence of favorable images that Gandhi
enjoys in America may be attributed to three factors: First, during
World War II, Gandhi was unfriendly toward Japan. The fact that he was
anti-Japanese may have contrituted in some measure to a favorable image
in America. (The reader should be reminded that the period under exam-
ination is 19h7-l957 and therefore we are simply making a guess.) Second,
he was a deeply religious person. Americans become enamored of renowned
figures whose life embodies a spiritual connotation. The image of
Eisenhower as a church—going Christian probably was as important as his
reputation as a military hero. Prob -ly the comtination of these images

(even though they are not necessarily compatible) affords him the unique

 

2l‘The Aryan Path, Vol. 2L, No. 10 (October,l95h) , p. 7.

 

120
popularity he enjoys. The writer is of the opinion that the religious
element in Gandhi impressed Americans overwhelmingly. Third, Gandhi was
not associated.with the later foreign policy of India because of his
demise. These are some of the probable explanations for the existence of
favorable images of Gandhi in America.

Moralist India

We have already hinted that image and facts may or may not correspond
but at least an outward sign,act, or appearance is necessary to offer some
basis for the formation of image. The images of India in America as
'moralist', 'spiritual advisor,’ or 'a kind of prophet or sage among the
‘nations' may well be attributed to the leadership role of Gandhi.

Leaders, as the spokesmen of a group, help to popularize the image
of that group. The ideals for which Washington and Lincoln stood are
the images that many foreigners carry of America. India's image as a
moralistic and spiritual leader apparently derives from the emphasis
that Gandhi put upon religious and moral tenets; this was compatible with
his insistence on raising political activities to the spiritual level.

It is of greater import that this study of Gandhi's image sub-
stantiates our thesis on why American writers attach a moralistic
connotation to Gandhi than that the reality should correspond to our
finding. The American images of Gandhi definitely turn out to be spiritual
and saintly. It is more important to this study to establish the connection
between the American images of Gandhi and India as moralistic, than to

ascertain the correctness or incorrectness of the finding per g3.

CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION

Now is the time to reckon with all the results and garner the thoughts
emanating from them. In so doing we have a threefold purpose: in
summary to prune the total product of our investigation; to balance the
scales between our objectives and the results, and thereby determine
the degree of success; and, finally, to suggest humbly possibilities
for further explorations.

We have in the foregoing chapters attempted a determination of lead-
ership phenomena crosstmlturally through the analysis of the images
of Gandhi and Nehru. The study of the images of the two leaders involves
three basic assumptions: that images are important in human behavior,
that leaders help form the image of the groups they represent, and,
finally, that the study of the images of leaders offers clues to leader—

ship phenomena.
A. Image Studies Are Important

We have tried to show that human behavior, to a very large extent,
is governed by images. Images are central to an understanding of things
and people. In other words, images are the subjective impressions of
the outside world. Walter Lippmann and Kenneth Boulding1 furnish a valid
reason for assuming that image studies can be vital in human behavior.
They maintain that images are the sum of what we think we know and what

makes us behave the way we do..

 

1We have discussed at length Walter Lippmann and Kenneth Boulding's
views on images in Chapter II.

122

B. Leaders and Images

Another element in understanding the dynamics of social behavior is
leadership. Leadership is not only a matter of passive status or of
the mere possession of some combination of traits. As Gibb has suggest-
ed, leadership is dependent upon the extent to which his followers
perceive him as having those qualities. It is almost too obvious to be
worthy of mentioning that there can be no leadership without followers.
The phenomenon of leadership is essentially a function of acceptance by
followers plus the nature of underlying factors that determine acceptance.
What the followers see in a leader is far more important than what he
really is. As we have pointed out previously, images and facts do not
necessarily correspond with reality, but an outward sign, act, or
appearance is necessary for the creation of images. For example, a
candidate for a public office may or may not be a religous man in his
private life, but the act of going to church on Sunday gives him an appear—
ance of a religious person. Therefore, a clue to leadership phenomenon
may be gained by analyzing the images of leaders.

Hence, we employed two variables, namely, images and leaders, in
the study. The relationship between images and leaders may be illustrat-
' ed by these questions: why do Americans perceive Gandhi and Nehru the
way they do? What phases of leadership role are emphasized by American
and Indian writers? What is it import? Do images reflect changes in
leadership pattern?

In the present research, an attempt has been made to answer these
questions. The world today is confronted with the intensification of

racial, cultural, religious, political, and national conflicts brought

123

on by cross-cultural relations. Since the broadening of cross-cultural
affairs has been expedited on the transmission belts of mass communication
techniques, America is now more than a spot on the map to India and vice-
versa. These instruments of industrial progress have so definitely
shrunk geography that reciprocal understanding between nations has become
inevitably necessary and advantageous. Should the study of images of
Gandhi and Nehru in America and India add a particle of understanding to
the international scene, our efforts will not have been in vain.
C, Important Findingg:gpd Their Siggificance
The central objective was the comparison on the images of Gandhi and

Nehru individually as reflected in the writings of American and Indian
writers. Yet let it be said that comparison pgg‘gg is a dead-end street
which leads nowhere. Unless we use contrast to uncover new and tantaliz-
ing features, it is unrewarding. We knew some of the things we wanted
from the beginning, by virtue of studying the literature. This helped us
to formulate hypotheses about the relationship of leadership images to
the state of friendliness existing between countries. Specifically,

the postulate that when relations between the governments of India and
the United States are friendly, the number of favorable images of Nehru
in America will be significantly high, has been effectively confirmed

in the foregoing pages.

Let us generalize the hypothesis that the fluctuations in favorable
and unfavorable images of a leader in another country depend upon the
extent of agreement between the governments of the two countries. When
a leader is dynamically associated with the policy-making process of his

government, his images in another country are often the result of his

124
policies - that is to say, should these policies be compatible with the

interests of that country, he will be looked upon favorably there. Our
findings in this area help confute the belief that cultural differences
result in clashes in the popular thought of two peoples. Our investigation
has demonstrated that this need not be true. It is, rather, political
differences contingent upon the national leadership that determine

the friendliness or animosity that exists among nations.

Our data clearly showed that the references to Nehru in American
periodicals were directly related to his political utterances and policies
affecting the position of the American government on those particular
issues. We have also shown that during the years 1951, 1953, and 1955
Nehru's policies consistently collided with the American Government's
policies - hence, he was viewed in an unfavorable light. However, we
have established as a matter of fact that Nehru had more favorable than
unfavorable images for any one given year under study. Therefore, when
we say that Nehru was viewed in an unfavorable light, we mean that the
proportion of unfavorable to favorable images in those years was higher
than in the years during which he was perceived favorably.

However, the atove finding that the differences in the policies of
the two governments will result in unfavorable images of their leaders,
is by no means an absolute. Gandhi, for example, implies universality,
while our study showed that Nehru's image did not follow the same sort
of sweep. Our data showed Gandhi‘s images did not experience fluctuat-
ions but remained constantly favorable both in India and in America.

Our study also gives credence to the independent nature of an image

with respect to its origin; i.e., for images in a specific year for Nehru,

125

there is no obvious similarity in both countries. The years 1950,
1951, and 1955 showed more unfavorable than favorable images of Nehru
in America, but the converse was true in India. Yet, in the year 1951,
he was received critically both in India and in America. However, the
reasons for these unfavorable responses were strikingly different in the
two countries. Criticism of him in America was due partly to his in-
sistence on the recognition of Red China in the U.N., and partly to his
opposition to the U.S.- proposed resolution in the U.N. to condemn the
communist Chinese as aggressors in Korea. He was criticized in India
because he sought to curb the freedom of the press, and also because he
introduced a bill in the Indian Parliament to reform some of the
centuries-old social institutions.

Another observation made in the study concerned the emphasis by
both American and Indian writers ascribed to personal attributes of the
two political leaders studied. Since Gandhi and Nehru are political
leaders, we had expected that writers would emphasize political attributes
more than personal attributes. However, our findings showed otherwise.

We have also established that Indian writers were inclined to
emphasize status(recognition) attributes more than the American writers.
Thus, our data confirm the belief prevalent among educated people in
India and America that Indians are status-conscious.

Another important thought springing out of our study is the apparent
agreement between the ethical and moral preachings of Gandhi and the
spiritual ascriptions the American writers give to the Indian people
themselves. Gandhi and the Indian people are viewed in America as
ethically and spiritually oriented, whereas the writer feels that there

is not necessarily correspondence between the spirituality of Gandhi

126

and the spirituality of the Indian people.
D. Suggestions for Further Research

A sense of completion also caries a sense of obligation. As an
obligation to prospective students in the area we wish to offer suggestions
that fall obliquely within the frame of reference of the work we have
done.

The first suggestion we make revolves around elaborating on our
image study. Instead of analyzing Nehru and Gandhi individually, we
would like to see projects undertaken which would compare the two Indian
leaders with two American leaders of comparable status. By comparing
American and Indian images of Gandhi and Nehru we were able to learn
why the images are different and how they differ. Further research
could attack the problem of comparing the images of Nehru with, for
example, the images of Eisenhower - with a view to extablishing meaning-
fulness for contrasting two leaders from two different cultures. Such
research should afford clues to a greater understanding of the leadership
role.

A ramification of what we have suggested above would entail an
analysis along semantic lines. Skirting our thesis were the depth
meanings which were inherent in the connotation of the two hundred and
eight words we used. He worked on one level of 'meanings' -— favorable
and unfavorable. It should prove lucrative to investigate the connotation
underlying many of the words we have used, putting these words into
the cultural setting which differentiates such symbols as 'Saint', 'idoll,
'ascetic', and 'neutralist', from their transoceanic usage. Only in

this way could one contribute to the method and technique of propaganda

127

through the analysis of 'loaded words'. We feel that a refined different-
iation of the same word, wearing one suit of clothes in India and the
other in America, would give us the deeper understanding of assignment

to personal and national leadership in all its aspects.

An even finer reduction of the word-configuration problems we have
just mentioned would be a sensitive appraisal of verbal symbols in terms
of the two aspects we know to be structure and function. The dichotomy
_here is indeed a very delicate one. It appears to be vague as well as
delicate. With full realization of the difficulties in finding a divid-
ing line between the two processes - since structure and function are
so integral - we still would like to see somebody interested enough to
do a patient job of singling out the disparate element involved. We
maintain that the separation of word symbols into the naked constituent
entities would furnish us with more and better cues for image analysis

and evaluation.

128

APPENDIX 1. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF GANDHI AND NEHRU
A. Mahatma Gandhi

On the surface Gandhi's personality appears to be a very simple
one. He lived in an Ashram in which a few dozen men lived in communal
brotherhood. He was the patriarch, the Bapu, who led daily prayer
sessions, maintained a day of silence every Monday, spun several hours
per day, and asked his followers to do the same. He wore a loincloth
and lived mostly on vegetables, fruit and goatsmilk.

There was nothing extraordinary in this, it being a way of life
that had been followed by many in India (and in the Orient) for
millenia. The appearance of a holy man, an ascetic who gathers around
himself a number of followers, is a characteristic pattern of the
religious and social life in the Orient. What is it, then, that makes
Gandhi stand out so prominently from the others? One answer lies in
the review of the Mahatma's biography.

The country in which Gandhi was born is made up of many currents
and paradoxes. There is Agra and the Taj Mahal, Benares with its
innumerable pilgrims, Amritsar with the Golden Gate. But as impressive
as the cities, temples, and palaces are, no less impressive are the
villages, poor and primitive though they be. There are 430 million
people in India and eight per cent live in rural areas, distributed
in more than 700,000 villages. These millions of farmers constitute
the basis of the economic life in India.1 They are, of course, factories
and schools which employ white collar workers, factory workers and
professional people, but the peasantry constitutes the greatest bulk.
Therefore a tremendous gap separates city and country. Often, in
Gandhi's time, there were grievances and uprisings of the peasants
against their landlords of which the city dweller had no idea. The
peasantry was illiterate, had no political education and no press,
and knew little or nothing of what went on outside their own little
community .

Besides the tremendous difference between life in the city and
in the village, life also varied from city to city and from village to
village. Differences in language, religion, and social customs sep-
arated the people. About 125—130 dialects were spoken in different
parts of India. There were Hindus, Ioslems, Jainas, Sikhs, Parsis,
Buddhists, Christians, Jews and tribal religions. The Hindus, which

 

lW.E. Muhlman, Mahatma Gandhi (Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr Verlag,
1950), p. 51.

comprise the biggest group, are also divided into innumerab e sub-
groups, cartes and sects which practice different rituals.

At the time of Gandhi's birth there were already some binding
elements present in this heterogeneous country. Although means of
communication were still poor, the construction of a new railroad
helped to make travel easier, faster, and cheaper. The reorganized
postal service was also making communication more facile and inexpensive.
The newspapers in English and provincial languages became more numerous,
and English-trained lawyers in large numbers were beginning to exploit
the poor. These lawyers would soon play an important part in the
activities of the All-India National Congress. These binding elements
provided a fertile ground for the upsurge of political nationalism.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was the fourth and last child of his
father's fourth and last marriage. He was born at Porbandar on Oct-
ober 2, 1869. The Gandhi's belonged to the Bania Caste, a division
in Hindu hierarchy reserved for grocers (indeed the literal translation
of Gandhi means grocer). But professional barriers between castes
luni begun to crumble generations earlier, and Gandhi's grandfather
Uttamchand had been prime minister to the princelings of Porbandar, in
Western India. Uttamchand had handed the office down to his son
Karamchand who passed it to his brother Tulsidas. After Tulsidas,
Gandhi's father inherited that position. He changed portfolios to
become prime minister in Rajkot and later in hankaner. Although the
Gandhis broke tradition professionally, they were devout orthodox Hindus.
In contrast to Nehru, who was so strongly influenced by his father,it was
Gandhi's mother who played the most influential role in Gandhi's life;
this probably explains his deeply religious nature. The three outstand-
ing characteristics of his mother which left deep imprints on young
Mohandas were: affinity for religion, willingness to suffer cheerfully,
and firmness of purpose. For his mother would scrupulously observe
the Jainist tradition, taking the hardest vows and keeping them without
flinching. Gandhi recalled how as children they would look for a glimpse
of the sun on rainy days; if when his mother came out to see it, the sun
'was hidden again in the clouds, she would say cheerfully that God didn't
want her to eat that day. Gandhi also admired his mother for her in-
telligence and common-senseh and claimed hat her death touched him
even more deeply than that of his father.

 

221.3. r-Iuhlmcm, 22- 93.2- 9- 6-

3Hariads T. Muzumdar, Mahatma Gandhi (New York-London: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1953).

 

AM.K. Gandhi, Autobiography (Hashinqton: Public Affairs Press,
19u8), p. 13.

 

51bid., p. 111.

130

Education

Gandhi started school in Pbrbander and later attended high school
in Rajkot. While he was still a high school SOphomore, at the age of
thirteen, he was married. This child marriage gave Gandhi a shock from
which he did not recover for years. Gandhi admits in his autobiography
that he was a slave of the flesh. He couldn't control his desire even
when his wife was in her last month of pregnancy. The news of his
father's death reached the sixteen-year-old in his bedroom at a time
when he should have been taking care of a message to his father. A
short time afterwards his wife Kasturbai gave birth to a child who
lived only a few days. Such experiences may have motivated Gandhi's
condemnation of the pleasures of the flesh and especially his objection
to child marriage. Moreover, the ascetism of his later life may also
have taken root from these memories.

Although Gandhi's childhood years were uneventful, two outstanding
traits were already present: his urge to tell the truth, and his love
of experimentation. It was the latter which prompted MOhandag'tO test
meat, although his family being strict Vaishnavas, were vegetarians.

A friend who was tall and strong persuaded Gandhi to eat meat, arguing
that was what made him and the English strong, and it was the reason
why the Hindus who did not eat meat were small and weak.6 The eating
of meat went on secretly for about a year, but the burden of the secret
became too heavy for Gandhi to carry. Unlike his older brother, who
remained a meateater, Gandhi said to himself:

Though it is essential to eat meat, and also essential
to take up food reform in the country, yet deceiving
and lying to one's father and mother is worse than not.
eating meat. In their lifetime, therefore, meateating
must be out of the question.

In England

 

At the age of 18, Gandhi, like Nehru, went to England for further
study. But Gandhi's departure from India was different from Nehru's,
for Gandhi belonged to a caste which forbade foreign travel (one could
not practice Hinduism everywhere). Despite the fact that Gandhi todk
an oath to abstain from meat, drinking, and women, and despite the fact
that he had the blessings of his mother and the family priest, he was
cast out by his community.

Gandhi had come to England at a time when there was a strong re-
action against industrialism. In the movement of protest were notable
Englishmen, like John Ruskin and William Morris. The basis for their
protest lay in a profound concern for human values. Ugly factories,

 

6m.x. Gandhi, pp. 323., p. 33.

7Ibid., p. 36.

131

the exploitation of human beings, and low wages characterized English
industrialism at that time. Perhaps it was in England that the seeds
of the symbolic spinning wheel were sown. Later, in South Africa and
India, Gandhi witnessed the same phenomena. Haridas T. Muzumdar re-
marks:

It was his misfortune to see industrialism at its worst,
first in England (1888-1891), then in South Africa (189A-
19lh) and then in India (1915 - on). These experiences set
Gandhi against the cult of the machine and the worship of
lndustrialism.

Unlike Nehru, Mdaandas had to learn English customs, and he did his
best 'to do in Rome as the Romans do', excepting of course, the things
forbidden by the oath he took in India. Thus he bought an evening suit
made in Bond Street and took dancinglessons. . His introspective
nature was evidenced here, as he writes: "Let no one imagine that my
experiments in dancing and the like marked a stage of indulgence in my
life...That period of infatuation was not unrelieved by a certain amount
of self—introspection on my part."9 His sense of economy will be ob-
served again and again in Gandhi's life, as Krishnalal Shidharani
remarks: '

It seems that thriftiness was with him not only an
art or a necessity or a desirable quality, but also
an ethical principle. To be thrifty was to be good.
It is an attitude most definitely ingrained in the
Bania caste to which Gandhi belongs...Even years later,
when he was a full—fledged Mahatma, Gandhi used to clip
the corners and edges of newspapers given to him in
Yeravda Jail and write letters to his disciples on them;0

Gandhi's vegetarianism helped him in many ways; through it he be-
came a member of the Vegetarian Society and was elected to the ex-
ecutive committee; Thus gave him his first experimentsvvith diatetics.
These experiments assumed importance for two reasons: first, they were
adhered to from concern with economy and hygiene, but later, in South
Africa, religious motives entered in.

Through his study of law Gandhi came into contact with many
different peOple and ideas. Toward the end of his second year in Eng-
land, Gandhi met a number of Theosophists, who first introduced him

 

8Haridas T. Muzumdar, Mahatma Gandhi (New York—London: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1953), p. 13

 

9N.K. Gandhi,22. cit., p. 72.

lOKrishnalal Shidharani, The Mahatmg and The World (New York: Duell,
Sloan and Pearse, l9h6), p. 123.

132

to the Bhagavad Gdta, the essence of Hinduism. He also read the Bible,
but was only interested in the new Testament; he particularly liked the
Sermon on the Mount, which like the Gujarati hymns and the Bhagavadgita,
pointed towards the good deed in return for the bad one.

Among the western Thinkers who influenced Gandhi most were Ruskin ,
Tolstoy, and Thoreau. Ruskin's work 'The Crown of Wild Olive' impress-
ed Gandhi because of the social evils that the author points out, to-
gether with suggestions for reforms. Tolstoi's influence on Gandhi was
particularly strong. The Russian's concept of passive resistance, which
was so unique that it has been described as Tolstoism (Tolstovstvo), was
greatly appreciated by Gandhi. Later Gandhi entered into correspondence
with Tolstoy, who ultimately congratulated him on his sucCessful flight
in South Africa. From Thoreau Gandhi took the precise thought of civil
disobedience. From all three Gandhi acquired a preference for the
simple life, which led to his abstaining from the more artificial and
complicated life of modern civilization. .

Plato also impressed Gandhi, who translated the 'Apology of
Socrates' into the Indian vernacular (the British government forbade the
translation in 1919). The problem which Socrates faced, namely the
conflict between the authority of the state and his own views, attract-
ed Gandhi, since he agreed with Socrates that one should listen to God
more closely than to man.

Homeward Bound

Soon after Gandhi was called to the bar in June 1891, he went back
to India. There he learned of the death of his mother, which had occ-
urred while he was abroad. The news grieved him even more deeply than
his father's death, which had occurred seven years earlier. Gandhi was
faced with a dubious status in his caste position; there were two camps,
those who agreed with Gandhi and those who were against his traveling
abroad. This mift was bridged by Gandhi's tact and sense of progmatic
confirmity.

Like most Indian students who return.fram abroad, Gandhi had to
get used to the old ways again. However, his elder brother had intro-
duced English ways into the household, in anticipation of the native's
return. Coffee, tea, and other little luxuries which were usually saved
for special occasions were made the order of the day. Since Gandhi's
dress was also Western, he wore shoes and suits instead of the Indian
Doty. Thus the expenses went up. As Gandhi soon discovered that he
could not start a sufficiently prosperous practice in his little town
of Rajkot, he took the advice of his friends and went to Bombay to gain
experience and study Indian law.

As a lawyer in Bombay, Gandhi was not very successful. He was by
his own admision shy and insecure. Fortunately, the stay in Bombay
was of short duration, since the opportunity arose for Gandhi to go to
South Africa. A group of Muslims from his home town were engaged in a
law suit with a firm in South Africa and hired Gandhi as an assistant
to their main lawyer in Durban. Little did they know then that the
young barrister who had just returned from England would effect a com-
promise satisfactory to both parties, one which would become a symbol
associating the name of Gandhi with supreme compromises.

133

South Africa

South Africa, when Gandhi arrived in 1893, was divided into four
parts: Natal, the Orange Free State, the Transvaal and the Cape Colony.
The first two colonies were Boer Republics in which Dutch had been the
official language until 18A5 (at which time they were annexed to the
British empire). In the samll towns the settlers were mostly Dutch, but
Durban had a great number of English settlers, mostly businessmen. The
Boers seem to have hated the English passionately, considering them
arrogant interlopers. Another element which sharpened the friction be-
tween the English and Dutch settlers was a third group, the Uitlanders
(foreigners) as they were called by the Dutch. This group was made up
of greedy adventures, similar to the group that went with Columbus to
find treasure, for gold and diamonds had been discovered in the Boer
Republics. These Uitlanders were greatly discriminated against- they
had neither voting rights nor a voice in government. It is interesting
to note the paradox of the EurOpeans fighting among themselves, yet
united in their discrimination aginst the ‘colored' population.

Gandhi seems to have taken no notice of all this turmoil, for no men-
tion is made of it in his autobiography. He was only aware of the dis—
crimination against Indians. As Vincent Sheean remarks:

...he behaved like a specific instrument of a specific
purpose...ln Africa he lived for the Indians and thought
only of the Indians. The wild struggle of the others con—
cerned him only as it affected the lives of his own people.11

Largely through his employer, Gandhi became acquainted with the
position which most countrymen occupied in South Africa. Most of the
merchants were Moslems, many bookkeepers and clerks were Hindus, and
a very large number were indentured laborers, whose lot was difficult.
All Indians were "coolies" to the Europeans. In order to avoid that
word of contempt, the ioslems called themselves Arahs and the Parsees
"Persians". Gandhi,who was the only Indian barrister in South Africa,
was soon known as the 'coolie barrister'. The Indians in South Africa,
whether they were merchants, clerks, or indentured laborers, had no
’esprit de corps’ except when something threatened them collectively.

It remained for Gandhi to organize them into a self-respecting unit.

After having made a study of the case, Gandhi was sent to Pretoria.
It was on this trip that Gandhi first experienced discrimination against
the 'colored'. When a passenger who had entered Gandhi's train com-
partment saw that Gandhi was colored, he summoned two railroad officials
to oust him. But when Gandhi was asked to leave the first class com-
partment for the van, he refused, since he had a first class ticket,

a police constable was finally summoned and Gandhi, who refused to go
to the van, was pushed out of the train. As he sat shivering in the
station, waiting for the arrival of the next train, Gandhi asked himself

 

11M.K. Gandhi, 22. 212., p. lhl.

134

whether he should go back to India now, or go to Pretoria pocketing
insults and return to India after finishing the case, or fight for his
rights. He decided on the latter, which took tremendous courage and
possibly marked the turning point of his life. Once the decision to
fight for his rights was made, Gandhi immediately set about it with a
stoic determination so characteristic of his later life. More incidents
of the kind just described occurred to Gandhi on his way to Pretoria,
but he stood his ground every time. _

Once in Pretoria, Gandhi met his opponent and worked out a settle-
ment out of court, on his own initiative, contending that a costly“
lawsuit would ruin both parties. Although he had come here on Abdul
Sheth's orders, he acted as a lawyer for both sides and brought about
a compromise. Not content with that, he wanted to befriend both part-
ies and went out of his way to find a plan of payment based on moderate
installments for the indebted party. Finally the dispute was settled
out of court to the satisfaction of all concerned.

Settling down in Natal, Gandhi applied to the Supreme Court for\
admission as an advocate. This stirred quite a commotion since no
coloured man had ever dared to aspire to that high a status. After an
inordinate amount of publicity, Gandhi was asked to take the oath. Once
in office, Chndhi soon acquired the nickname "honest Gandhi" (note the
difference between this title and that of "coolie barrister" which he
had been called previously in Durban). Gandhi earned this reputation
by taking only cases that he knew to be in the right. On one occasion
an Indian merchant who had been caught smuggling came to Gandhi for
help. After studying his books, the lawyer found that his client had
smuggled much more than the officials knew about. He compelled his
client to confess all to the custom officers and thereby win their
approval. By his so doing, only a fine instead of a jail.sentence was
imposed. On another occasion, Gandhi found out in the middlemfi‘a court
session that the client had falsified facts. He withdrew his defense
immediately(and his client later apologized).

So Gandhi grew in stature by expounding the practice of truth.

But truth, to Gandhi, was a great deal more than just honesty; it in-
cluded love and forgiveness, and by adding these dimensions to his own
life, he began to feel free from fear, insult and shame.

One day a sentry pushed Gandhi into the street because he was pass-
ing in front of the house of the President of the Transvaal. A Europ-
ean friend who witnessed it told Gandhi that he had seen everything and
would testify in court; he also expressed his regret for the rude
assault. But Gandhi said that all coloured people are the same to the
sentry and that he had made it a rule not to react to personal insults.
When the sentry later apologized, Gandhi replied that he had already
forgiven him.

During the law suit of Abdulla Seth, Gandhi had made the acquain-
tance of a Christian lawyer who figured prominently in the case of
Mr. Baker. This lawyer had immediately befriended Gandhi and tried to
foist his religion on the Indian. Gandhi attended the prayer meetings
with his friend but told him that he would not think of embracing an-
other before he had fully understood his own. Gandhi also made the
acquaintance of other Christians, some of whom where Indians. It
stimulated his thought and interest in this area, just as his acquaint-
ance with the English TheOSOphists had done.

135

No sooner did Gandhi reach Pretoria than he became keenly interest-
ed in the conditions of Indians in that part of Africa. In order to
come into contact with them, he sought out Shet Tyeb Haji Khan Muhammad,
who occupied the same position in Pretoria as Abdulla Sheth did in
Natal, namely that of a successful and influential merchant. After
Gandhi met with Muhammad, he expressed his intentions and the two called
a meeting of Indians. At that meeting Gandhi emphasized the necessity
of maintaining absolute truthfulness in business, improving hygienic
conditions, and forgetting the differences between Hindus, Musalmans,
parsis, Christians Gujaratis, Madrasis, Punjabis, and others. Not only
were the prOposals accepted, but more such meetings were held.12 Sig-
nificantly enough, the principles first laid down by Gandhi in a speech
here became the principles that Gandhi fought for throughout the rest of
his life.

Soon after the settlement of Abdullah Set's law suit, Gandhi went
back to Durban to make arrangements to go home. By this time he had
become almost indispensable to the Indian Community in South Africa.

Not only had he united and organized the Indians in Natal, and started
an Indian newspaper that was also read by Europeans, but he had become
spokesman and lawyer for the downtrodden, indentured Indian laborers.
His friends therefore persuaded Gandhi to fetch his wife and children
and come back to South Africa to help the Indians defend their rights.

During the short time he remained in India, Gandhi published some
pamphlets describing the lot of the Indians in South Africa. The pam-
phlets were widely circulated and a very abbreviated from reached
Reuters, who deliberately misinterpreted it leading the South Africans
to believe that Gandhi was planning a mass immigration of Indians to
South Africa. The white settlers in Durban who believed this news re-
port almost lynched Gandhi upon his return. later, when the Reuters
news reports proved false and the people had calmed down, the press
became more polite. The mood of Durban changed considerably, and the
Attorney General came to Gandhi in order to help identify those who
had attacked him, so that they might be tried before the law. But Gandhi
would not identify anybody, stating that the mob was not at fault. He
would not only forgive his Opponents, but would seek ways of helping
them.

In 1899 war broke out between the British and the Boers. Gandhi
decided to fight on the side of the British, because he wanted to prove
that his demand for equal rights for the Indians meant Indians, as
citizens, also had obligations to the country. Should the country be
involved in a war, the citizens should align themselves with it. Since
he abhorred violence, he organized a Red Cross unit. In rec0gnition of
his good work and courage he was decorated. A statue was also erected
near Johannesburg in memory of the Indian corps.13

 

12M.K. Gandhi, 22. 233., p. 158.

13H.S. Hoyland, Songs from Prison (London: Allen & Unwin Publish-
ers, l93b), p. 66.

 

136

A New Weapon

 

After the Boer War was overg new restrictions were placed on the In—
dians. This prompted Gandhi to wield a new weapon. The government
of Transvaal was introducing a bill in the legislature which required
every Indian to be fingerprinted and to produce a registration card
upon demand. If he failed to do so, he would be subject to deportation.
While this bill was pending, Gandhi introduced Stayagraha (insistence
on truth). He did so at a meeting of the Indian community, pointing
out that the only way to Oppose this and other unjust bills was by
refusing to obey them and taking the consequences. In order to do so
one needed, courage, strength, and conviction. Gandhi asked his listners
to search their hearts and only if they were sure that they had enough
strength to go through the perils which such resistance was bound to
bring, should they take the oath to disobey. "Submit not to evil and
take the consequences cheerfully" was the motto. By not submitting to
the tyrant's will, his power is destroyed. Not only did everyone
present take the oath, but after the meeting was over, the attending
Indians went out to convince the other Indians who had not attended the
meeting. Only Gandhi, together with a handful of associates, realized
that a new weapon was born. Gandhi now tried to formulate its theory
and practice, and find a name for the newly conceived weapon. He re-
jected the tenn 'passive resistance ' because it was misinterpreted
by many people, especially European friends, as being a weapon of the
weak: The Indians were small in number and had no weapons, therefore
they resorted to passive resistance. Furthermore, the same term was
used in connection with the suffragist movement in England. Gandhi's
concept of Stayagraha was to gather strength by taking suffering upon
oneself. This concept had its roots in the Vedas, which maintained that
suffering brought divine as well as worldly results and that self
purification led to victory on a higher level. In Furthermore, a tyrant
has only the power to impose on the victim that which he lacks strength
to resist. To discard one's cowardice is therefore crucial and can be
done only by self purification and suffering. This is, however,
impossible to achieve without believing in the innate goodness of men
and the all-embracing power of love. .

In this way does Gandhi combine ethics with politics , the abstract
with the concrete. Later, in his 'civil disobedience' movement in
India, it shall be seen how Gandhi further develops those ideas and puts
them into practice.

Fasts

Gandhi's fasting was one of the very effective but often mis-
understood means to attain an end. The fast is one of the West's
enigmas. Many of those who have a friendly attitude towards Gandhi
cannot understand it, while his adversaries have often called it

 

MILK. Gandhi, Hindu Dharma (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing
House, 1950), p. 186.

137

political blackmail or coercion. Even some of his collaborators con-
sidered it to be an eccentricity on the part of the Mahatma. As a
matter of fact, the tremendous power of the fast lay primarily in its
morality. It was not isolated from passive resistance but part and
parcel of it. Gandhi never fasted to obtain personal gain. He fasted
in December 1925 when two boys of his Ashram were found guilty of some
sort of immorality. He: preferred atonement to punishing them for
their crime. Then he proceeded to offer the boys forgiveness and re-
storation of fellowship. But it was not an easy forgiveness, for it
was tainted with Gandhi's personal sacrifice. Nonetheless it was a
severe and effective punishment. In 1932 Gandhi undertook a fast
unto death as a protest against a separate electorate given to the un-
touchables: its result was that the Hindus vacated some seats in the
Congress for the outcasts. Another death fast followed in l9h2 at a
time riots and disorder broke out.15

There are of course many more fasts which Gandhi undertook. It is
noteworthy that all of Gandhiis fasts brought about the results that
Gandhi set out to achieve. ‘What is it that made the fasts so effective,
and would they be as effective a weapon in another man‘s hand?

Home To India

In 1915, at the age of L5, Gandhi felt the urge to return home to
India. By now he had successfully fought for the rights of the Indians
in South Africa, giving credit for his success to the achievement of
Satya, Ahimsa and Brahmacharya (truth, non-violence and chastity). He
had not only given up the pleasures of sex and food, which Gandhi links
together, but he also surrendered all his possessions to the community.
Thus he felt that he was ready to return to India and assume leader-
ship there, convinced that he could not lead unless he himself were pure.
This was not a unique conviction, since it has been said many times that
nobody can lead India without having first 'renounced worldly oods'.1

Upon the advice of his friend and political guru (teacher Gokhale,
Gandhi spent a year away from active participation in public life get-
ting acquainted with the economic and political conditions throughout
India. Gandhi organized another ashram, training settlers for Satyagra-
ha. This year of silence came to an end with the opening of the Hindu
university at Benares, where he was invited to give a speech. His
critical mind, inured to reform and respect for truth, took out once
more as he pitilessly criticized the pomp and ceremony while most of
India starved. Furthermore, he regretted having to speak in a foreign
language at the opening of a Hindu national university. He also spoke
of Indian lack of sanitation, and made many points he had earlier uttered
in his speeches in Africa. The audience was dismayed, as most of it was

 

15E. Stanley Jones, Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Abingdon Cokesbury
Press, 1958), p. 108.

16Vincent Sheean, Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955):
p. 87.

138

composed of upper middle class and upper class Hindus who were the
.sponsors of the university. Although he was not permitted to finish
speaking, what he had said was enough to arouse the public conscience
and to make him.wide1y known. It is noteworthy that Gandhi started
in India the same way he had in South Africa, by preaching reform and
betterment of the Indians, rather than independence from Britain.

As Gandhi had stated in his initial speech in India, and in his
speeches in South Africa, it is acts that count, not-words; in this
manner he did much to improve the sanitation standards of the rural
community.

Gandhi came in close contact with the sharecroppers and listened
to their plight. The idea of the spinning wheel began to operate in his
mind. The thought occurred to him that the farmers, during the rainy
season, might utilize idle time in spinning.

Meanwhile, the first world war had broken out, and Gandhi proved
his loyalty to the English again by organizing an ambulance corps, as
he had done previously in the Boer War. He hoped to gain for India
the status of a free dominion, after the war was over. In lieu of ex?
pected freedom, England tightened her grip on India by passing the
Rowlatt acts, which curtailed the freedom of speech and press. The dis-
appointment affected Gandhi so much that he declared his intention of
preaching non-cooperation with the government until these undesirable
laws were repealed.l7

Immediately after having informed the Viceroy of his intentions,
Gandhi urged the Indians to Satyagraha. This involved the giving up
of English titles and offices held by Indians and the establishment of
national schools instead of the government-sustained ones, boycott of
English goods, refusal to perform military service, and so on. Again
Gandhi placed emphasis on the means of achieving these goals, pointing
out that the means had to be peaceful regardless of the consequences.
Then he set a day of "Hartal"(day of prayer and meditation, and
cessation of economic activities), to be on April 6. The effectiveness
of this strike was greater than expected. Banks were closed, public
transportation was paralized, and the whole country seemed to have come
to a standstill. Unfortunately, the movement got out of hand and in-

, stead of coming to an end at the close of the day, it went on for a wedk.
Nor was it free from violence. At this point Gandhi called off the
movement on the assumption that the people were not ready for that kind
of resistence. Gandhi initiated three days of personal fasting.

Within five years after his return from South Africa, Gandhi had
become the dominant figure in Indian life. In part, the reason for
his success and lasting influence lay in the impact he made upon the
,imagination of the Indian masses. As a result of his experiences in
England and South Africa, Gandhi had learned to combine a tremendous
confidence with a disarming humility. Men of vastly different talents

 

l7w111 Durant, The Case for India (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1930). p. 73

 

139

and temperament came under his spell: lawyers and parliamentarians like
Motilal Nehru, humanitarians like Rajendra Prasad, realists like
Vallabhbhai Patel, and idealists like Jawaharlal Nehru. They saw in
his Satyagraha movement the only alternative to speech-making and bomb-
throwing, the two resorts between which the Indian politicians had so
far ineffectually oscillated. They by no means shared all his ideas

on politics and economics. Few of them agreed with his religious
outlook, yet they were tied to him by a deeply emotional bond, a bond
which made them forego personal comforts and professional ambitions and
spend the best part of their lives in prison. He was not only leader,
but the Bapu, the father who deserved affection and respect.

The battles for Indian freedom under Gandhi's leadership were in
the main waged on the moral front. His movement was not designed to
'crush the opponent but to set in motion forces which could lead to
his conversion. So it was perfectly possible to lose all the battles
and win the war. Gandhi said many harsh things about British domination
of India, but even harsher ones about the evils which divided and
corroded Indian society from within.

The final transfer of power in 1947 was the consequence of the in~
teractions of numerous national and world affairs, but there is little
doubt that the method of British withdrawal was influenced by what
Gandhi had said and done for a quarter of a century.18

In this sketch the writer has put particular emphasis on the early

life of Gandhi, since character formation takes place in the early
years whereas the latter part of Gandhi's life is well known. Without
undue elaboration let us view some of the significant events in his
later life. '

The first thing Gandhi did after his arrival in India January 9,
1915, was to establish a Satyagraha Ashram. After learning of the
herd lot of the peasants, he launched a successful no-tax campaign.
Between 1919 and 1942, Gandhi launched various non-violent, non—
cooperation movements which often landed him in jail. In March 1922,
he was sentenced to six years in prison, but was released after two
years on account of an acute appendicitis attack. Then he retired from
politics until March 1930, when he initiated the Salt March.

Salt March

A tax on salt levied by the British government affected everybody
in India. Gandhi chose to defy the salt levy through civil disobedience.
Before organizing the movement, he notified the Viceroy of his in-
tention, and asked him whether it was not possible to discuss these laws
and settle them peaceably. The Viceroy was in no mood for conciliation.
Lord Halifax, who was then Viceroy, did not dare to imprison Gandhi
again, for fear the movement would go on even without Gandhi and per-
haps take violent form, whereas if Gandhi led it, it would be non-

 

18B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi (Beacon Press, Beacon Hill, Boston,
1958), p. 516.

 

1A0

Vi 01.nt e 19

On March 12, 1930, Gandhi and seventy-eight members of his
Ashram walked from Ahmendabad to the seacoast. The Salt March lasted
24 days and was watched with amazement throughout the world. As Gandhi
passed from village to village, he talked with people, admonishing them
to live purely, tell the truth only, wear homespun cloth, wash reg-
ularly, and be prepared to break the salt laws at a given time. The
villagers understood, and accompanied him to the next village. The
procession went on and on, involving an ever increasing number of peopks.
The British government meanwhile sat back bewildered at the power of
this new movement.

On April 5, 1930, Gandhi went into the water and picked up Some
salt from the shore. He had broken the law, defying the empire. The
signal had been given. All over India peOple started making salt.

The government arrested people from one end of India to the other, but
there were always others to take their places. The Congress party
organized the illegal but quite public sale of salt through the nation.
The money went into the party fund.

Two years later, Gandhi was again imprisoned. While he was in
jail, electoral restrictions were established that separated the un-
touchables from.the remainder of the electorate. Gandhi began a fast
while in jail, contesting that these restrictions served to perpetuate
the separation of the untouchables. Gandhi Opposed anything that con-
tinued the untouchables in their present inferior status. The out-
come of his fast resulted in a change in the electoral rule.

WOrld War II found Gandhi supporting the giving of moral support
to the allies. He was against actual participation in violence.

Gandhi's wife died in l94h. His description of their life to-
gether is frank. He makes no claims to an "easy" married life and
speaks of his great need to adjust to it and of his early lack of
consideration for his wife. Although the marriage was never a bed of
roses, his love for his wife and sons was sincere.

After the war, Gandhi continued his efforts to promote unity be-
tween Hindus and Muslims. His talks with Mohammed Ali Jinnah at an
earlier date had proven to be of no avail. At the age of 77, he began
tramping the villages of India barefoot, helping the people to realize
that they all worshipped but one God and insisting on unity.

Although Gandhi himself was still opposed to it, in 19h? the Con—
gress Party accepted the division of India. Once the division was
decided upon, Gandhi worked toward the peaceful executing of the de-
cision.

Gandhi's insistence on tolerance of all religions contributed
greatly towards the cause of his death. On January 30, 19h8, he was
shot While walking to his prayer meeting. The slayer was a fanatic
Hinduwho felt that India would never be a Hindu state as long as
Gandhi lived and preached tolerance and acceptance of all religions.

Although Gandhi is no longer with us, his teachings live on.
Principles that Gandhi not only taught but lived can be summarized as

 

l9Vincent Sheehan, 22. cit., p. 155.

 

 

141

follows:

(1) Non-violence of Ahimsa was probably the major principle that
Gandhi taught. To Gandhi, non-violence was not only a means to an end,
but an end in itself. Non-violence did not mean inaction, for much
positive action can be taken without resorting to violence.

(2) Self-discipline of Brahmcharaya‘mas another important element
of Gandhian philosophy. The ability to control oneself is important.
The use of meat, drugs. and other "harmful" things was felt by Gandhi
to awaken man and therefore should be avoided. Birth control, other
than through the exercise of self-restraint, was denounced by Gandhi.
He associated physical fitness with mental alertness.

(3) Soul Force of Satyagraha in its political form is the civil
disobedience movement. Satyagraha inflicts physical injury on no one
but the exponent, who by enduring the maximum suffering without conter-
violence seeks to shame or inspire the wrongdoer to do right.

(A) The intrinsic goodness of man is accepted by Gandhi. This
belief led Gandhi to accept Roosevelt and Hitler equally. Gandhi
valued each and every individual. He worked for the upholding of the
individual's right to freedom of Opinion and action. He looked at the
world as made up of individuals, each important.

(5) Desirelessness or Nishkam was preached by Gandhi. An official
should have regard for his office only as a means of public service.
Gandhi encouraged this ideal in the leaders of India, always urging
selfless service.

(6) Self-sufficiency was aimed at making India strong within it-
self. It included the aim of working toward making India independent
economically and embodied the duty to employ your neighbor. Under this
also comes Gandhi's opposition to the "craze of machines..." He felt
machinery was often used, not to increase welath of a whole country,
but rather to distribute the wealth among a select few.

This has been a thumb nail sketch only, giving some of the main
lines of thought of Gandhi. It is an attempt to show why he stands
out as a great man.

 

1A2

B. Jawaharlal Nehru

"There are few men in the world today," observed veternan corres-
pondent James Reston of the New York Times, "who can get five hundred
Washington reporters out of bed to ask questions at 9:15 o'clock in the
morning, but Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India did it today."20

At the same press conference, Frank Holman, the president of the
National Press Club, introduced the Indian Prime Minister as "the
mystical man in the middle."21

The fact that Nehru was able to draw five-hundred reporters ill-
ustrates his importance in the world today. Yet to as seasoned a re-
porter as Frank.Holman, Nehru still remains a mystery.

.It is significant that more is known about the famdly life, educat-
ion, and some of the persons and events which may have influenced the
thinking of this "mystical man," so that the aura surrounding Jawaharlal
Nehru can be made clearer.

 

FamilyrBackground

 

Early in the eighteenth century the Nehrus (then Kauls) came to
India from Kashmir valley to seek fame and fortune. Raj-Kaul, an
ancestor of the Nehrus, was widely acclaimed in India as a great
scholar of Sanskrit and Persian. He attracted the notice of the Mogul
Emperor Farrukhsiar during the latter's visit to Kashmir; It is said
that at the Emperor's request the Kaul family migrated to Delhi about
the year 171622 As was customary in those days, Raj-Kaul was granted
an estate by the emperor, with a house situated on the banks of a canal
(nahar). And it is from his residence that the word Nehru came to be
attached to his name, which then became Kaul-Nehru. As time passed
the name Kaul was drOpped and simply Nehru remained.

It is interesting to note that the Nehru family had been associated
with the Royal court since the days of Kaul. Nehru's great-grandfather
was the first attorney of the British India Company at the court of
the emperor of Delhi. Nehru's grandfather was Kotwal (minister) of
Delhi for some time before the great revolt of 1757. One of Jawaharlal's
uncles was a high official in the Judicial Department of the British
Government, while another served as Diwan (chief minister in Maharaja's
court) of Kehtri, a state in India.

Nehru's father, Motilal Nehru, was an eminent lawyer. He was a
nationalist in a broad sense of the term. Motilal had a wide circle
of British friends and he admired the Western way of life. He made a

 

20New York Times (December 20, 1956), p. h.
211bid., p. a.

22Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography (London: Jonh Lane, The
Bodley Head Limited, l9h7), p. l.

143

fortune in his law practice and no difficulty in spending what he earn-
ed, since he loved the good life in "everyway". It was considered
fashionable in those days to adopt Western ways, especially among the
upper middle class Indians. Apparently the Nehrus did very well in
westernizing themselves. ,

It is significant to note that the residence of the Nehrus is a
huge, palatial building which was divided into two parts - one in the
Indian style, and the other in Western style. In the Indian part Nehru's
‘mother was in complete control - here the interior decorations, food,
clothes and other comforts of life were wholly Indian. The 'Western
style" part of the house was under Motial's control - where servants,
cooks and other modes of life were wholly English. It was in this
double milieu that Jawaharlal Nehru was born on the lhth of November,
1889. This may partially explain the behavior of this "man in the
middle", Neutralist Nehru", and "Fence sitter Nehru".

The struggle between the East and the West is old stuff to Nehru.
It began right in his own house, and Jawaharlal seems to have done a
fine job of 'walking in the middle'. Even the love Nehru has for his
parents lends ample proof of his divided loyalty.

Education

The dualloyalty continues even in his education. Until the age of
sixteen when he went to England, Jawaharlal did not attend school. He
was educated by governesses and private tutors, Indian and English.
F.T. Brooks was the only man who seemed to have influenced the mind of
young Jawaharlal; he was recommended to Nehru's father by a wellknown
British Theosophist, Dr. Annie Besant. An Indian tutor was also en-
gaged to teach him Sanskrit, Hindu and the Indian classics.

Brooks developed in young Jawaharlal two interests which have
endured: "A taste for reading and curiosity in science and its
mysteries." He loved the laboratory that Brooks had built for him.

His zest for science which his tutor nutured is evidenced in his recent
statements when he admonished his countryman to work harder so that

they could get out of the 'cow-dung age’ and live in the sputnik age'.
During his three years as a teacher, Brooks also introduced his pupil

to the great works of English literature by Dickens, Scott, and Thackeray.
The two other works which seem to have expecially touched his youthful
imagination were De Maurier's Trilby and Peter Ibbetson.

When he was fifteen years old, his father decided to send him to

England. He entered Harrow in 1905. Jawaharlal knew England through
books and through the British friends of his family. Yet by his own
admission he "missed India very much". Even though he had little
trouble adjusting to his new surroundings, he was "never an exact fit".

Biographer Moraes, explaining Nehru's aloofness, writes:

Already the reserved, somewhat secretive strain in Nehru's
make-up was apparent as was also his strength of character.
Part of his reserve derived from the mental gap between him
and his companions who, like English boys of their age‘and class
were interested chiefly in games. In a letter to his father,
Jawaharlal complains how dull most of his colleagues were.

Nehru found the political atmosphere in India 'very dull'. He took
to the law and joined the high court. In his own words:

...gradually the life I led, in common with most others of
my kind, began to lose all its freshness and I felt that I was
being engulfed in a dull routine of a pointless and futile ex;
istence.... For the rest there was the Bar library ani the
club and the same people were to be found in both, discussing
the same old topics usually connected with the legal profession,
over and over again. Decidedly the atmosphere was not intellect-
ually stimulating and a sense of the utter insipidity of life
grew upon me.

Nehru was not temperamentally inclined 'to die for an idea or do
battle over an egg', which seem to be the prerequisites of the legal
profession. He grew restless and searched for friends with whom he
could talk and exchange ideas with a view to finding such a group he
joined the Moderates of the All India National Congress.

Gathering78torm

Nehru was quite disappointed with what he felt was an "upnerclass
affair" of the Congress Party Convention. Suddenly, in the year l9lh,
before he reached any decisions as to the future course of his career,
the First World War fell upon Europe. A very small group of wealthy
Indians gave vocal support to the British Government. Educated Indiahs
were happy to see their British rulers humbled. Nehru confesses in his
autobiography that he had mixed feelings in the beginning of the war,
but later his attitude had hardened. The Government of India Defense
Act decreed that men and supplies should be drawn from India to assist
Britain. British persecution of Indian Nationalists during the period
brought about a change in Jawaharlal's political outlook. The Easter
week uprising in Dublin and Roger Casement's great speech in his own
defense at the trial in 1916, influenced himgreatly.29 He no longer
was willing to remain an impassive observer. Somewhat horrified by the
oppresive measures of the British Government Jawaharlal thought of
joining the underground revolutionary group.50 However, Jawahgilal
knew his father would not agree to his becoming an extremist.

The events following the First World War drove father and son en-
thusiastically into politics. Gandhi let the disobedience movement
against British rule. An all-India strike was called by the Congress

8 , , A
Jawaharlal Nehru, 22. c1t.,p. 48.

29Ibid., p. 55.

30Taraknath Das, "An Indian Examines Nehru," American Mercury,
Vol. (February, 1951).

 

31Cornelia Spencer, Nehru of India (New York: John Dacy Co.,
19A8), p. 32.

145

Yet he was no prig. It was only that his interests were wider
than theirs; he read more newspapers and booksnthan they did,
and in general knowledge he was ahead of them.“3

On the whole, Jawaharlal's stay at Harrow was uneventful. There
are, however, two incidents worth recalling, for they indicate his zest
for politics. One day the teacher asked the class to name the members
of the new liberal government. To the teacher's surprise, Jawaharlal,
the Indian boy, was the only pupil able to answer the question. Another
occasion concerns his receipt of a prize of G.H. Trevelynan's works on
Garibaldi for good work at school. The life of Garibaldi fascinated
the young man because "visions of similar deeds in India came before
me, of a gallant figzt for freedom, in my mind India and Italy go strong-
ly mixed together."

Jawaharlal left Harrow to enter Trinity College, Cambridge. With
his partiality to science, Nehru chose natural science, "his subjects
being chemistry, geology and botany. But he soon discovered that the
conversation that interested him most grew out of politics, history,
and economics."

His mind was considerably aroused by some of the political events
which took place during this period. The young student at Ca.hbridge
eagerly followed the Russo-Japanese war, and when Japan scored a
series of victories over Russia, Jawaharlal's Asian pride was greatly
inflated. These events greatly aroused his political conscience.

After receiving a Bachelor's degree, Jawaharlal left Cambridge for
London in 1910 to study law. Nehru makes the observation that although
he was a mediocre law student, he was instinctively drawn to the Fabian
society - whose men and ideas were pivotal in moulding the formative
mind of the young student.

"I have become," he wrote many years later, "a queer mixture of the
East and West, out of place everywhere, at home nowhere."

Though he was happy to return home, he did not feel exactly at home
in his own country. "I am a stranger and alien in the West, I cannot
be of it, bgt in my own country also, sometimes, I have an exile's
feelings.”2 This comment emanates from Nehru after an absence from
home of eight years.

 

23Frank Moraes, Jawaharlal Nehru - A Biography (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1956), p. 31.

thawaharlal Nehru, 33. cit” p. 70.
25Ibid., p. 36.
26Frank Moraes, 92. _c_i_t., p. 1.3.

27Jawaharlal Nehru, 22. cit.,p. as.

 

1&6

Party. The suspension of business and means of_transportation, arrests
and imprisonment, and firing upon the unarmed demonstrators were the
order of the day. There followed the tragedies of mob violence and
firing by police and military at Delhi and Amritsar; the massacre of
Jallianwala Bagh and martial law in Punjab shocked the world. Besides
the volatile, atrocious political atmosphere of the day, the social

and economic situation was also responsible for Jawaharlal's decision
to enter public life. Killions of Indians lived in a state of affairs
which was worse than Russia under Czar Nicholas 1.32 India's feudal
economy was extremely backward, with millions of peasants without land,
and an immense gulf between a handful of wealthy people and the teeming
millions who lived on the verge of starvation. Jawaharlal himself
writes of this period:

The peasantry were a blind, poverty stricken suffering mass,

resigned to their miserable fate, and sat upon and exploited
by all who came in contact with them - the Government, landlords,
money-lenders, petty officials, police, lawyers, priests. I
was filled with shame and sorrow, shame at my own easy going
and comfortable life and our petty politics of the city which
ignored this vast multitude of seni-naked sons and daughters

of India, sorrow at the degredation and overwhelming poverty

of India. A new picture of India seemed to rise before me,
naked, starving, crushed and utterly miserable, and their faith
in us, casual visitors from the distant city, embarrassed me
and filled me with a new responsibility that frightened me.33

Motilal, the elder Nehru, needed nothing more to convince him of
what he should do. Together, father-and son joined Gandhi's disobedience
movement. There was no turning back after the die was cast. A few
months after the launching of the campaign, father and son were arrested
along with the thousands of others and sent to prison in 1921. The
story of these three men, the two Nehrus and Gandhi, since the time of
their ascent to leadership in India takes on the importance of the Holy
Trinity. Through years of campaigning against the British, Nehru
traveled throughout the country visiting every nook and corner of India,
familiarizing himself with the social, economic and political situation
of the day. As noted above, Jawaharlal had had a fine academic educat-
ion but, like Buddha, he was reared in an exclusive environment which
did not expose him to 'real India'. Once exposed to the miserable
social conditions of the day, his soul rebelled. Unlike Buddha who
sought Nirvana, Nehru proceeded to advance the causes of the Indian
masses.

Gandhi's influence on Jawaharlal is of the greatest significance.
In 1916 when Nehru attended the National Convention of the Congress
Party, he met Gandhi who was to remain a guiding star most of his life.

 

32Eric Estorick, Changing Empire - Churchill to Nehru (New York:
Derell, Sloan and Pierce, 1950), p. 285.

33Jawaharlal Nehru, _p.‘git., p. 52.

1A7

Of his first impression of Gandhi, Nehru writes, "All of us admired him
for his heroic fight in South Africa, but he seemed ery distant and
different and unpolitical to many of us young men". Nehru and Gandhi
were made of entirely different clay. Gandhi's success in influencing
Jawaharlal lay mostly in the field of political practice. 80 strong was
his influence that even when Jawaharlal disagreed with Gandhi most, he
would bow to the master's will. There appear to be two explanations

for Nehru's surrender to Gandhi in matters of political leadership.
First, Nehru's father by nature was overbearing and often made decisions
for Jawaharlal, for example in matters of school, career to be chosen,
girl to be married. Hence, indecisiveness was already a pattern in
Nehru's behavior. After the death of Motilal, Gandhi assumed the sur-
rOgate, a position in the Weltenschung of Nehru. Secondly, Nehru

found it politically expedient to follow Gandhi inaSInuch as the latter
enjoyed the:3upport of the masses.

Apart from current policies, Gandhi had had little success in win—
ning him over either to his religiosity or to his social and economic
outlook. Although Nehru may be regarded as a religious person, he has
no explicit belief in God and is deadly Opposed to the dogmas and
practices of religions. (Indians who are fundamentally religious follow
so faithfully agnostic Nehru.) Nehru says he realizes the importance
of religion for it offers: -

...A safe anchorage from doubt and mental conflict, as assurance
of future life which will make up for the deficiencies of this
life. I am afraid it is impossible for me to seek harbourage

in this way. I prefer the open sea, with all its storms and
tempests...the usual religious outlook does not concern itself
with this world. It seems to be the enemy of clear thought,

for it is based not only on acceptance without demur of certain
fixed and unalterable theories and dogmas but also on sentiment
and emotion and passion. It is far removed from what I consider
spirituality and things of the spirit, and it deliberately

or unconsciously shuts its eyes to reality ... It is narrow and
intolerant of other opinions and ideas...And organized religions
invariably become a vested interest and thus inevitably a reac-
tionary force opposing change and progress.35

One may wonder how these two personalities, holding such widely
divergent views on some of the basic issues of life, could work togeth-
er. As one_reads through Nehru's AutobiOgraphy, one senses easily
that it is almost impossible to find an event where he was in complete
agreement with Gandhi; yet reluctantly he surrendered to the Master on
issues of policy. One illustration is worth mentioning, for it throws
considerable light on Nehru's inability to withstand Gandhi's conviction.

 

3“Jawaharlal Nehru, 22, gig” p. 35.

3‘--Ib:1d., p. 377.

In 1937, the Congress Party participated in the election to the Pqu
vincial Legislative Assemblies set up under the Government of India Act
'of 1935 to demonstrate to the world that people were behind the party.
The guarantee of freedom given in this act of 1935 was so limited that
Nehru termed it a 'charter of slavery'. The Congress having swept

the polls, most leaders including Gandhi were of the opinion that the
Congress Party should accept office. This was obviously contrary to
the objective for which the elections were contested. Nehgu vigorously
opposed the formation of Congress Ministeries. M.N. Roy,3 who was
Nehru's next-door neighbour at the convention, giVes the following
account Of the manner in which Nehru condescended.

During the session, I was staying in what was called the
'Leader's camp. Nehru was my next door neighbour, and he dropped
in frequently during the sessions of the 'working committee'; on
the third day, late in the afternoon, he walked in and threw
himself on the bed, a broken man nearly on the point of crying.
'I must resign: he said. I inquired why? Have they rejected
your draft?‘No', he exclaimed in impotent rage; 'they have
accepted the whole damn thing, supplemented by a short
paragraph dictated by Gandhiji which invalidates the whole
rest of the resolution'. The next day, Nehru appeared at the
convention, not to resign his presidency, but to recommend the
acceptance of the resolution.3 '

This is typical of Nehru. Time and again he has acted against
his own conviction. Nehru made no secret of his policy as well as
ideological differences with Gandhi. Of Gandhi he writes,

Ideologically he was sometimes amazingly backward, and yet
in action he had been the greatest revolutionary of recent
times in India....It was obvious that we differed considerably
in our own outlook on life, politics and economics, but I was
grateful to him for the generous way in which he tried to come
about as far as he could to meet my view point.

Nehru's personal attachment to Gandhi precluded his moving in a
different direction despite the ideological differences. On the other
hand it is doubtful it, without Nehru, Gandhi would have attracted
the educated middle class. Nehru continually tried to rationalize

 

36M.N. Roy, was responsible for introducing Communism in India, he
was also Stalin‘s special emissary to China. He later left the Comm-
unist Party and died as a friend of the West;

:NN.N. Roy, "Nehru," 20th Century, Vol. 151, No. 3 (February, 1952),
p. 8.

38Jawaharlal Nehru, 92. _c_i_t_.., p. 87.

 

 

1&9

Gandhi and Gandhism for himself as well as for the educated Indians.
Despite the basic differences he was a perfect complement to Gandhi.
For the sake of larger loyalities and bigger goals, Nehru has kept
his most cherished beliefs in the background.

The Leader And The Led

Almost all the writerngwe have so far examined agree that Nehru
is a man of infinite charm, grace, and tenderneSS, and possesses extra—
ordinary talent for expressing himself in words. Gandhi once referred
to him as an artist. LO He is also an acknowledged writer. It is
through his literary gifts that he appealed to the intelligencia of the
Indian society. Although he appeals mostly to the intellectuals--
not with intellect -- like a poet, he talks to the heart rather than +o
the mind.

Having been born into the aristocracy he can never be one of the
masses even though circumstances have forced him to mix with common
people. "Wherever I have seen him, through the years, he has always
stood aloof from the crowd... Although he has assumed mass leadership,
he is uncomfortable in his surroundings."42 Although he may not feel
at ease with them, yet the masses stimulate him. He is always con-
scious of the fact that he is not one of them. Speaking of this in
his autobiography he admits: "I never ceased to wonder how I, who
was so different in every way from those who surrounded me, different
in habits, in desires, in mental and spiritual outlook, how I managed
to gain the goodwill and a measure of confidence from the people."h3
It is not always easy to explain his relationship with the crowds in
rational terms; at times he scolds them, or lectures on civic duty,
and in his moments of emotion he even,beats a few members of the crowd.
Just as he is emotional himself, he draws his strength from the millions
he sways. He is easily moved by the righteousness of a cause. Trade
Unions, peasant and student organizations, and the vast majority of the
masses in India willingly and joyfully accept his leadership and con-
sider him their champion, but it appears that for the most part theirs

 

39see for example Louis Fischer, The Life of Mahatma Gandhi (New
York, Harper and Prothers Publishers, 1950}, p. 1A2; D. T. Karaks,
op. cit., p. 20; Cornelia Spencer, 23° cit., p. 32; Austin A. D'Souze,
"The Paradox of Jawaharlal Nehru," Catholic \orld 1952, p. 22.

LOLouis Fischer, 23. cit., p. A28.
this works include: Autobiography; Glimpses of the World History,
Discovery of India, Letters to +Indira(his daughter7_ and a few other

articles. About his books,+ Louis Fischer once remarked, "show beauty
of soul,nobility of ideal and egocentrism." Ibid., p. A29.

L2D.F. Yaraka, 92. cit., n. 11.

“BJawaharlal Nehru, 92. cit., p. 173.

 

 

is a blind hero-worship. It is not based on lOgic or understanding.
ldolization of heroes by masses does not have logic as its basis.

It is a strange hold Nerhu has over the people of India, and it is
difficult to pinpoint a single factor for this; however, several factors
operate together.

First, Nehru was born with a silver spoon in his mouth, yet
sacrificed everything for the uplife of the downtrodden masses of India
and led a simple life. This ascetic sort of life has special appeal
to the Indian masses.

Second, he was the favourite disciple of Gandhi, who once referred
to Nehru as his 'political heir'. In the eyes of the masses Nehru is
the surviving trustee of India's freedom nominated by the Father of the
Nation.

Thrid, since his entrance into politics, he has maintained a very
keen interest in international affairs; his presence at various inter-
national conferences since 1926 has brought him into contact with
world-renowned persons like Einstein, Madame Sun—Yat Sen, Romain Rolland.
Bertrand Russell, George Bernard Shaw and many others. This has help-
ed bolster his popularity at home a great deal.

Fourth, his firmness in turning down the personal invitations from
Hitler and Mussolini made him a 'devout democrat‘ in the eyes of the
public. All this has endeared him to the people.

Fifth, there is a large quantity of folklore woven about Jawaharlal.
This certainly raises his prestige among the illiterate masses. One
of the folktales that persisted was that he went to school with the
Duke of windsor. The belief prevailed that his friendship with the
Royal family would help India achieve her freedom without bloodshed.

Sixth, in their hours of frustration, the masses need a saviour;
Jawaharlal has the talents necessary to fire their imagination. Their
faith in him is blind, uncompromising; they appear willing to perish
with him beyond reason, since faith binds them to Jawaharlal.

Seventh, one of his colleagues once told Nehru that his aloofness
was a bar to having a single real friend. Nehru very slowly and de-
liberately replied, "I like to open my heart before a crowd." His
love for the crowd and the love of the crowds for him constitute
one of the great puzzles for the social scientists.

Eighth, Nehru's talent for remaining above the mundane strife of
party politics helped endear him to all elements of the party. Even
his inadequacy as an organizer could not stop his ascendency to leader-
ship. The masses had unreserved faith in Jawaharlal. He is all things
to all men.

151

APPENDIX II. A COMPLETE LIST

 

 

0F nuggs OF carom AND NEHRUl
CODE NO. IMAGE CODE NO. IMAGE
1. Actor #1. Controversial
2. Agitator L2. Cosmopolitan
3. Agnostic #3. Courageous
L. Ambiguous LA. Creative
5 . Ambitious 45 0 Critical
6. Anti-American A6. Democratic
7. Anti-capitalist #7. Devotion
8. Anti-colonialiet 43- Dictator
9. Anti-Facsist “9- Dignity
10. Anti-heavy industry 50° Distinguished
11. Anti-Japanese . 51. Does not delegate power
12. Anti-military alliance to other:
13. Anti-Nazi 52- Dynamic
1h. Anti-press 53- Eastern
15. Anti-west 5h. Economic
16. Appeaser 55. Economist
17. Aristocrat 56- Egotist
18. Arrogant 57. Eloquent
19. Artist 58. Emotional
20. Ascetic 59. Energetic
21. Asian figure 60° Enigma
22. Aspires Leadership of Asia61° Enigmatic
23, Calm. 62. Extravagant
2h. Capable 63. Failure
25. Capable propagandigt 6&- Fair
26. Cautious 65- Farsighted
27. Champion of underdog 66- Pastidioua
28 0 CM rming 67 0 Fat har.
29. Combination East-West 63- Gandhi's heir
30. Combined'religion and 69. Genius
politics 70- Gentle
31. Compassionate 71- Go-aetter
3 2 . Conphcent. 72 0 Great
33. Complex 73. Great Soul
3h. Compromiser 7h. Healer
35. Conceited 75. Hero
36. Confused 76- Hindu
37. Conservative 77- Historian
38. Considerate 78- Honest
39. Contributor to economics 79° Humanitarian
#0. Contributor to politics 80' Humanist

IProper names are listed together from item 183 onward.

 

100.
101.
102.
103.
lot.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
11A.
115.

117.
118.
119.
120.
121.

1230
12A.
125.
126.
127.
128.
1290
130.

Humble
Humorous
Hypocritic
Idealist
Idolized
Impatient
Impulsive
Inconsistent
Indocentric
Individualist
Influential
Integrity
Intellectual
International figure
Intolersnt
Intuitive
leader
Leftwinger
legend
liberal
Lonely
Longheaded
Loved

Love for power
Lover

Loves crowds
Hanysided
Martyr
Master
Meek-looking
Mediator
Moderator
Modern
MOdest

~MOrslist

Mystical
Nationalist
Neutralist
Non-Communist
Non-violent
Not representing Asia
Opportunist
Optimist
Organizer
Outstanding
Overworked
Pacifist
Paradoxical
Peace-maker
Peaceful

131.
132.
133.
13A.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
M0 0
1&1.
1A2.
1193 e
1AA.
145.
146.
1L7.
1&8.
1L9.
150.
151 e
152.
153.
15a.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160 e
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168 e
169.
170.
171 e
172.
173.
17“ e
175 e
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.

‘ 152
Perfectionist
Persistent
Philosopher
Politician
Popular
Powerful
Practical
Precious
Prophet
Pro-American
Pro-China
Pro-Communist
Pro-Russia
Pro-science
Public servant
Pure
Rationalist
Reactionary
Realist
Reformer
Religious
Revolutionary
Sacrificial
Saint
Selfhconfident
Sensitive
Short tempered
Shrewd
Simplicity
Sincere
Socialist
Statesman
Stern
Strong
Stubborn
Successful
Symbol of Iniia
Timeless
Tolerant
Truth
Understanding
Unifier
Universal
Unlike Gandhi
Unselfish
Vague
Vain
Visionary
Harmonger
Weak character

 

181.
182.

183

18A.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.

19h.~

195.
196.
197.
198 e
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
20h.
205.
206.
207.
208.

 

western oriented
wise

Marcus Arel ius
Bergson
Charles Boyer
Buddha

Caesar

Chiang Kai-shek
Christ

Franco

Hamlet
Korensky
Isnin

lincoln
Hazzini
Napoleon

Peter Pan
Rdbespierre
Franklin D. Roosevelt
Ruskin

Saint Francis
Saint Paul
Walter Scott
Socrates
Thoreau
Tolstoy
Voltaire
washington

153

servant '

APPENDIX 11; . mamw

HIGH AGREEMENT AMONG AMERICANS

FAVORABLE
Bks. Mag.
Anti-Fascist 1
Calm ' 0 2
Capable O 2
Cautious O S
Cosmopolitan 1 0
Courageous 1 8
Considerate 0 A
Creative 0 3
Democrat 0 13
Devotion O 2‘
Distinguished O 1
Eloquent 2 3
Energetic O 12
Fair 0 2
Gandhi‘s heir9 25
Genius O 1
Go—getter 0 2
Honest O 2
Humerous 1 5
Idealist 3 10
Integrity O 3
Intellectual 2 1h
International 1 9
figure
Liberal O 1
Modest O 2
Outstanding .0 11
. Peace-maker 1 11
Peaceful O 3
Persistent O A
Popular 0 22
Practical O 3
Pro-science O 3
Public 0 3

FAVORABLE
Eks. Mag.

Realist O 2
Self-confident O 3
Sincere 1 6
Stern 0 5
Strong 1 1
Successful O L
Tolerant O 2
Truth 0 1
Understanding O 5
.Wise ' 0 3
Western 1 25

oriented

UNFAVORABEE

Agitator
Agnostic
Ambitious
Aristocrat
Arrogant
Confused
Dictator
Egotist
Failure
Impatient
Impulsive
Inconsistent
Intolerant
Love for power
Politician
Short tempered
Socialist
Harmonger

weak character
Unlike Gandhi

NEUTRAL

Hypocrite
Neutralist

154

Bks. Mag.
0 1
5 11
O 2
1 13
0 3
O 11
0 8
l 2
O 7
1 6
O h
1 h
0 3
O l
1 16
1 9
1 18
O 2
1 h
6 2
O 1
2 23

.‘9I -

155

 

FAVORABLE UNFAVORABLE

Bks. Mag. Bks. Mag.

Anti-colonialist O ‘ 8 Ambiguous O - 1.
Artist 1 6 Anti-American 0 6
Champion otunder— 1 5 Anti-west O 2
Charming (108 l 18 Appeaser 0 2
Combination . 1 8 Complacent O 1

East-West Conceited 1 7
Compassionate 1 3 Controversial O 2
Critical 0 3 Emotional 2 15
Dynamic 0 3 Extravagant O 1
Great 1 8 Paradoxical 0 10
Hero 0 6 Pro-Commmist China 0 5
Humanist O 1 Pro-Commnist 0 5
Rumble 0 6 Stubborn O 1+
Irriividualist 1 2 Vague 0 1
Influential 0 10 .
Leader 2 68 NEUTRAL
Mediator - 0 7
Nationalist 0 L1 ' Asian figure 1 19
Non-Communist O 20 Complex 0 l.
Non-violent O I. Not representing 0 1
Optimist O 2 ‘ Asia
hilosopher 1 7 Statesman L 19
Powerml O 5 Idolized . 1 12
Refomer ~ 0 1
Unifier 0 3
Universal 0 1

FAVORABLE

Ambitious
Anti-Fascist
Anti-military
alliance
Champion of
underdog
Charming
Compassionate
Cosmopolitan
Courageous
Creative
Democratic
Devotion
Eloquent
Great
Hero
Idealist
Influential
Intellectual
International
figure
Leader
Modest
Nationalist
Non-violent
Peace—maker
Persistent-
Politician
Pepular‘
Powerful
Practical
Reformer ;
Sacrificial
Self-confident
Sincere
Tolerant
universal
Wise

 

APPENDIX

. manna,

HIGH AGREEMENT AMONG INDIANS

Bks.

...;

Howwmmdwwwmuomwow WUbNNHMOmeHNw o OHH

owwuoowoomwowwwwm wowwwowwowwoom 0 @mo 5
' (n
.

UNFAVORABLE

Conceited
Dictator
Failure

Love for power
Reactionary

Vague

Vain
Wannenger
Weak character

NEUTRAL

Agnostic
Idolized
Indocentric
Paradoxical
Unlike Gandhi

Bks.

HONH 00%?”

comment!)

wHoo waow E
9

01000.“

156

 

 

FAVORABLE

Artist
Combination.
.East-Wbst
_ Emotional
Gandhi's'heir
Genius
Historian
Mediator
Moderator
Modern
Neutralist
Non-Co-Iunist
Optimist
Philosopher
Pro-American
Sensitive '
Simplicity
Socialist
Stern

Symbol of India
western oriented

157

APEENDII VIL_NEHRD,
MODERATE AGREEMENT AMONG INDIANS

UNPAYORABLE
Hts. Mag. Bks. Mag.
2 3 Aristocrat 2 l
1 O Confused 6 3

Hypocrite 2 O
10 1 Impatient l O
2 7 Intolerant 3 l
O l Short-tempered 2 l
1 1 \
O 1
l l NEUTRAL
1 O
O 1 Lonely 6 l
l O Visionary 3 L
3 2
2 O
1 2
7 l
O l
6 - 5
1 O
3 h
1 3

FAVOHABLE

Anti-Nazi

Artist

Calm

Capable

Champion of
underdOg

Charming

Compassionate

Considerate

Contributor to

Politics
Coura ge ous
Creative
Critical
Democratic
Devotion
Dignity
Dynamic
Energetic
Farsighted
Father
Genius
Gentle'
Great .
Great soul
Hero
Honest

Humanitarians

Humanist
Humble

Humorous
Idealist

Individualist

Influential
Integrity

Intellectual

Leader

Bks. Mag.
0 l
5 O
3 1
l .O
0 A
9 l
2 h
l O
l O
5 5
2 3
O 1
5 3
O 2
3 O
l 2
5 5
l 3
h 11
2 2
8 3

16 21
2 21
2 O
O l
1 O
2 O
8 5
h 3
8 7
8 l

13 11
O l
l O

’8

21

 

APPENDIX VII. GANDHI

HIGH AGREE-TENT ANONG AI‘ERICANS

FAVORABLE

H

Loved
Mediator
Modern

Modest
Non-Communist
Non-violent
Organizer
Outstanding
Peacemaker
Peaceful
Persistant
PhiIOSOpher
Popular
Powerful
Practical
Pro-Science
Public Servant
Pure

Realist
Reformer
Saint
Self-confident 3
Simplicity 15
Sincere
Statesman
Successful
Tolerant
Truth
Unifier
Universal
Unselfish
Wise

Christ
Lincoln

Saint Francis
Saint Paul
Socrates

(DI-’NOON

FJFJ +4
F303CDC‘hJFJCDCDCb<DCDFJ}4\n\p

H

H
i—‘HwWHONO\l-’HO\WW\3

\3.)

Bks. Mag.

6

Ki)
F'AJ~JCDF4F4¢‘

i-J

UGO—J

OOOHPP'OWO‘NWHNOWONOHNWOQOWH'QON

158

FAVORABLE st. Nag.
Washington 1 O
UNFAVORABLE
Agitator O 3
Ambiguous O 1
Anti-heavy

industry A 2
Anti-Japanese O 1
Combined Religion &

Politics 3 O
Confused O l
Egotist O l
Emotional l 0
Failure 0 l
Impatient l O
Mystical 9 A
Short tempered 1 O
Stubborn O 2
Lenin 2 O
NEUTRAL
Asian figure 1 0
Complex 0 1
Hindu 6 6

I‘H9€"-'f'"‘fi“§"7"*.“"?f E‘M‘Mfi‘m

 

159

APPENDIX VIII. GANDHI
MODERATE AGREEMENT AMONG AMERICANS

 

FAVORABLE Bks. Nag. UNFAVURABLE Bks. Nag. NEUTRAL Bks. Nag.
Ascetic 9 1 Actor 0 l Healer 3 2
Compromises l O Concerative 3 3 Indocentric 2 2
Economic 3 1 Enigma 1 0 International
Manysided 1 2 Enigmatic O 1 Figure 0 l
Politician 7 l3 Idolized 17 3 Intuitive 2 l
Precious O 2 Martyr 5 8 Left Winger 2 O
Rationalist 1 O Pacifist 2 7 Legend 0 2
Religious 22 31 Prophet l 5 Longheaded 1 O
Shrewd 2 A Revolutionary h 5 Sacrificial O 3
Stern 1 1 leek-looking 10 18 Socialist O 3
Visionary 1 1 Symbol of
Marcus Arelius 1 0 India 3 2
Ruskin 1 O Timeless 8 7
Walter Scott I 0 Western
Thoreau. l O Oriented 1 O
Voltaire 1 0 Buddha A l
' Caesar 1 O

 

FAVORAELE

Ambitious 1
Asian Figure 0
Champion of
Underdog 6
Charming 3

Combination Re. &

Politics ‘ 2
Compassionate 2
Contribution to

Politics 1
Courageous 13
Creative 3
Democratic.
Devotion
Dignity
Dynamic
Fair
Father
Genius
Great
Great Soul
Healer
Hero
Historian
Honest
Humanitarian
Humanist
Humble
Humorous
Idealist
Influential 2
Integrity
Intellectual
Intuitive
Leader
Loved
Martyr

\JONHHNWP—Jw

H

O\OG\\QOk~)\1\nJ-‘NNNNONONO

Bks. huge

NH

OH

NMWNI—‘mewl—JWOOONNOHO

H .
P'NHOF-‘OCDNH

APPENDIX IX. GANDHI

FAVORABLE

Luster
Mediator 1
Nodest O
Horalist 8
Nationalist 1
Non-violent 15
Organizer 1
Outstanding 8
Pacifist l
Peacemaker O
Peaceful A
Persistant h
Philosopher 3
Politician 9
Popular A
Powerful 5
Practical 1h
Precious O
Pro-Science 0
Public servant2
Pure 2
Rationalist 2
Reformer 18
Revolutionary 6
Sacrificial 1
Saint -9
Self-confident2
Simplicity
Sincere
Socialist
Statesman
Stern
Successful
Symbol of
India
Tolerant
Truth 2

ml—‘xlelfl

\O~J-Q

Bks. Hag.

one») KAOHHWNOHOHJTOHOHHONHWNNMWFWOOMQHNN

HIGH AGREEMENT AMONG INDIANS

FAVORABLE

Universal
Unselfish
Buddha

Christ

Saint Francis
Saint Paul
Socrates
Tolstoy

UNFAVORABLE

Anti-heavy Ind-
ustry

Conservative

NEUTRAL

Contribution to
Economics

Pks. Mag.
22 A
3 2
2 1
5 5
l O
1 O
1 O
2 O

160

 

 

161

APPENDIX X. GANDHI
MODERATE AGREEMENT AMONG INDIANS

FAVORABLE Bks. Mag. UNFAVORABLE Bks. Mag. NEUTRAL Bks. Mag.
Ascetic 9 1 Critical 1 O Economistv l 2
Economic 5 O Enigma 2 0 Legend 0 3
Hindu 3 O Indocentric 2 O

Idolized 12 2 Meek-looking 1 0

Many sided l O Mystical 3 2

Perfectionist 1 C Religious 21 A

Prophet 5 1 Napoleon 1 O

Shrewd l O

Timeless 6 2

Visionary 3 O

Ruskin 2 O

162

APPENDIX XI. THE FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF CODE NUNPERS

DESIGNATING FAVORABLE AND UNFAVORABLE IMAGES OF NEHRU AS
FOUND IN AKERICAN HAG ZINE ARTICIES. THE READER WILL FIND
THE CODE NUNEER DESIGNATING THE IMAGE) IN APPENDIX II.

AMERICA .

"Nehru's Peiping Visit," America, Vol. 92 (November 6, 1954), pp.1L1-2.
Favorable - 111.
Neutral - 121.

"Exorbitance of Mr. Nehru," America, Vol. 93 (April 16, 1955), p.61.
Favorable - A5.

"Confused Mr. Nehru," America, Vol. 95 (July 28, 1956), p. 399.
Unfavorable - 36.
Favorable -162.

ATLANTIC MONTHLY

“Nehru's Visit," Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 199 (February, 1957), p. 15.
Favorable - A6, 162, 28.

BUSINESS WEEK

"India, Short of Goals, Warms to U. S. Capital," Business Week (Nov-
ember 27, 195h), pp. 1&2-5.

Unfavorable - 161

Favorable-72, 97, 111.

"Better Understanding with India,” Business Week (December 29, 1956),

p. 101..
Favorable - 72, A6, 97, 8, 130.

CATHOLIC wow) -

"Paradow of Jawaharlal Nehru,” Catholic World, Vol. 176 (October, 1952),
PP- 20'5-
Favorable - 138, 107, 27, 93, 97, 135, 59, 52a 9: 1179 1629 1399
so, 28, 90, 3a, 147, 19, so.
Unfavorable- 60, 128, 87, 36, 3, 17, 85, 7, 58.
Neutral - 99, 68, 161, 181, 167.

 

alllllllllll'

1 s. .1 ill. Ian I I.

 

163

CHRISTIAN CENTURY

”Nehrus' Leadership Challenged," Christian Centur , Vol. 67 (September
27. 1950). P- 112A-
Favorable - 112.

"Patel's Death Lays New Burdens on Nehru," Christian Cantu 3, Vol. 68

(January 3, 1951). p. h.
Favorable - 92.

"Nehru Heads The Congress Party," ghgistian Centu , Vol. 68 (September
19, 1951), p. 1069.
Favorable - 97.

"Nehru Addresses WCrld Council," Christian Cantu , Vol. 70 (February

a, 1953), p. 125.
Favorable - 162.

"What U. S. and India Agree On," Christian Centugy, Vol. 71 (July 27,
195a), pp. 818-19. """"'

Unfavorable - 61.

Neutral - 118.

"Only India Can Save South Asia," Christian Centu , Vol. 72 (Jan-
uary 12, 1955). p. 812. ""”""'

Favorable - 97.

Neutral -118, 167

"Why We Should Listen to Mr. Nehru When First Things Come Second,"
Christian Centugz, Vol. 73 ( July 11, 1956), p. 819.
Favorable - 97.

"Nehru," Christian Century, Vol. 73 (August 26, 1956), p. 751.
Unfavorable - 58.

”Bewitched, Bothered, and Bewildered,” Christian Centur , Vol. 73
(November 14, 1956), pp. 1318-20.

Favorable - 28.

Unfavorable-35.

Neutral - 181.

"Nehru's Visit Comes At Right Time," Christian Centugz, Vol. 73
(December 12, 1956), pp. lth.

Favorable - 162, 170.

Neutral " 68 e

"We Rediscover Mr. Nehru," Christian Centugz, Vol. 74 (January 2, 1957),
p. 3.

Favorable - 97, 91, 119, 9A.

Nantral -1810

 

166

w

"Are We Losing India?," Colliers, Vol. 127 (June 28, 1951), pp. 13-15.
Favorable - 156, 97, 137, 13k, 113, 71, 119.

Unfavorable- 36.

Neutral -167, 102.

"Nehru and The PeOple of India," Colliers, Vol. 137 (February 17, 1956),
p. 86.
Favorable - 13h, 97, 130.

QQMHONWEALTH

"What Can Happen to You?," Commonwealth, Vol. 51 (December 2, 19L9).
p. 231.
Favorable - 81, 171.

"Nehru's Independent Course," Commonwealth, Vol. 53 (October 27, 1950),
pp. 59-6-

Favorable - 26, 52, 59, 117, 135, 155-

Unfavorable- 62.

"Nehru: Philosopher, Prophet, Politician," Cmonwealth, Vol. 51.
(AuguSt 109 1951), pp- “32‘3-

Favorable - an, 97, 111, 132, 133, 13a - 2, 182.
Unfavorable-139.

"Diffidence is the East," Commonwealth, Vol. 60 (May 1A, 1954),
p. 131.

Favorable - 135.

Neutral - 118.

"Early Reactions," Commonwealth, Vol. 63 (March 9, 1956), p. 586.
Favorable " 2h g 97 0
"But r81 " 1.18 e

"Christians Under Nehru," Commonwealth, Vol. 61. (May 1., 1956), pp. 117-
19. .

Favorable - 38, L3, L6, 6h, - 2, 92, 97, 117, 119 - 3, 125, 171.
Unfavorable- 142.

Neutral - 118.

”How Neutral is Nehru?,” Commonwealth, Vol. 64 (July 6, 1956), pp.339-.

L2.
Favorable - 27, A3, 119, 120, 137, 182.
Neutral - 118.

CORONET
"Face of Greatness,“ Coronet, Vol. 31 (April,1952), pp. 80-81.

Favorable - 38, 50.
Unfavorable- l7.

 

165

CURRENT HISTORY

"India's Outlook on Foreign Affairs," Current Histo , Vol. 30
(February, 1956), PD. 65 - 72.

Favorable - 8h, 97, 120, 132, 169.

Unfaborable- 1A2.

Neutral - 68, 118.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

"Case for India," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 30 (October, 1951), pp.77-90.
Favorable“ - 81, 119, 135, 162, 172.

FORTUNE

"Private Enterprise in India," Fortune, V01. LO (December, 1949):
pp. 105-6.

Favorable - 91.

'Neutral - 118.

LIFE

”Portrait," Life, Vol. 26 (March 29, 1968), p. 65.
Favorable - 182.

"Picture of the Week," Life, Vol. 25 (August 30, l9h8), pp. 18-19.
Neutral - 68.

"Nehru," Life, Vol. 26 (January 2h, 19h9), PP. 88-9L.

Favorable - 19, A3, 69, 75, 81, 82, 8h, 91 - 2, 93 - 2, 9h, 97 - 3,
112, 117, 1L5, 160, 162, 173.

Unfavorable- 2, 36, 56, 58, 101, 152, 157 - 2, 165.

Neutral - 21, 68 - h, 89, 99 - 2, 153, 181 - 2, 185.

"Nehru in the U. 5.," Life, Vol. 27 (November 7, l9h9), pp. 68 - 70.
Favorable - 28, 135.
Neutral - 21.

”Artists and Statesman," Life, Vol. 29 (August 7, 1950), p. 74.
Favorable - lll.
Neutral - 68.

"Portrait,” Life, Vol. 30 (June A, 1951), p. 117.
Favorable - 97.
Unfavorable- 17.
Neutral - 22.

I

"Nehru," Life, Vol. 30 (August 2, 1951), p. 239.
Favorable - 28, 72-3, 9A, 97, 117-2, 125.
Neutral - 21.

 

166

"Old Ills of Modern India," Life, Vol. 31 (October 1, 1951), pp. 110-
12.

Favorable - 97, 135, 197.

Unfavorable- 3, 58, 63.

Neutral - 161, 181.

"Big Red Rug out for Nehru,” Life, V01. 38 (June 20,1955), pp. 11-2.
Favorable - 125.
Neutral - 118.

"Big Man from The East and His Hectic Week in The West, " Life, Vol. h2
(January 7, 1957), pp. 28-9.

Favorable - 59, 93.
Unfavorablee 86.

5151 REPUBLIC

"Prime Minister Nehru," ygg Remblic, Vol. 121 (October 10, 191.9),
pp. 11-13.

Favorable --8, 57, 97, 12552, 135, 166, 199.

Unfavorable- 1?.

Neutral - 21,.68, 181.

"Nehru's Battle with The Press," N3! Re ublic, Vol. 125 (July 2, 1951),
pp. 10—12.

Favorable ~46.

Unfavorable— 7.

Neutral -l6l.

"India, The Honest Broker," Ne! Republic, Vol. 129 (September 7, 1953),

pp. 8-9.
Favorable - 97.

"Seeking An Asian Identity," Ng!_ReEgblic, Vol. 131 (September 20, 1954),
p. 15. .

Favorable - 26, 129.

Unfavorable- 36.

"Delhi Dispatch; Bid to Both Sides," Neg Republic, Vol. 131 (October
25, 1952), p. 5. '

Favorable - 8, 129.

Neutral - 118 - 2.

”More Cautious Nehru," New Republic, Vol. 131 (November 1, l95h), p. 6.
Favorable - 23.
Unfavorable- 12.

"Nehru Loses His Jim Farley," N25 Re ublic, Vol. 131 (November 29, 195b),t
pp. 15-16.
Favorable - 97.
Unfavorable- 85.
Neutral ‘ - 118.

 

167

”How Nehru Did it in Andra," New Re blic, Vol. 132 (March 21, 1955),

pp. 8-9.
Favorable - 97.

"Nehru and The Communists," gs! Republic, Vol. 132 (June 20, 1955),
pp. 11-120 -

Favorable - L6, 111, 117.

Unfavorable— 58 , 127.

Neutral - 118.

"Soviet—Style Ecomonics and Indian Needs," N3! Re ublic, Vol. 133
(August 15, 1955), P. 6.

Favorable -26, A6, 133.

Unfavorable-85.

"Uncle Nehru, A Critical Portrait," New Republic, Vol. 133 (November ~ f
1h, 1955), pp. 10-12. 3
Favorable - 75, 91, 129, 13a, 166-2, 172. 3
Unfavorable- 36, h8-2, 1A1, 1L3.

Neutral - 161.

Miscellaneous- 198.

"After The Bombay Riots," New Republic, Vol. 13L (February 13, 1956),
p. A.

Favorable - 97.

Unfavorable-16.

”Report from Brioni," N3! Re blic, Vol. 135 (August 6, 1956), P. 10.
Favorable - 129 .

"When Ike and Nehru Meet,” New Republic, Vol. 135 (December 10, 1956),
p. 9.

Favorable .- 8, 97.

Unfavorable- 12.

NEWSWEEK

"Nehru," Newsweek, V01. 32 (Hay EA, 1948), n. 32.
Favorable - 31, 17, 117 - 2, 171. ‘
Neutral ‘- 68 - 3, 161.

- ”Importance of Nehru's Visit," Newseeek, Vol. 3h (October 17, 1969),
p. 33.

Favorable - #6, 57, 91, 117, 125, 135, 162.

Unfavorable- 143.

Neutral - 21-3, 68, 118, 161, 181-2.

”Red Carpet.for Nehru," Newsweek, Vol. 34 (October 2a, 1949), p. 2L.
Favorable - 8, L6, 97-2, 119, 136, 160.

Unfavorable- 7.

Neutral - 21, 161.

 

168

"Kremlin Courtship," Newsweek, Vol. 35 (February 20, 1950), p. 27.
Favorable - 97.
Unfavorable- 6.

"Nehru Gets Nowhere; Indiais China Policy," Newsweek, Vol. 36
(July 31, 1950), pp. 37-8.

Favorable - 8A, 129, 136.

Unfavorable- 1&1-2.

"Red Face Department: Nehru Better At Red China Crossup," Newsweek,
Vol.

Favorable - 86, 111, 156.

Unfavorable- 15-2, 32, 36.

"Nehru of India: Korea Middleman," Newsweek, Vol. 62 (June 22, 1953),
p. 25.

Favorable - 59, 71, 9A-2, 97-h, 111,119,129, 134, 137, 162,178.
Unfavorable- 35, 126 - 2.

Neutral . - 66,118-2,181.

”Communist Campaign To Capture Nehru of India: Blitz Campaign,"
Newsweek, Vol. 62 (November 30, 1953), p. 50.

Favorable - 28, 59, 97, 117, 119, 197.

Unfavorable- 85.

”Inside: Nehru Must Take Sides in Korean Row," Newsweek, Vol. 43
(January 18,195h), p. 3b.

Favorable - 97.

Neutral - 118.

”Asia: Pilgrims in The West and East," Newsweek, Vol. AL (November 8,
1954), p. 36.

Favorable -162.

Neutral -118.

"Agreeable Visitor,” Newsweek, Vol. A5 (January 3, 1955), p. 22.
Neutral "' 118 e

"Nehru and Us: Some Advice," Newsweek, Vol. AS (April 25, 1955), p. 38.
Favorable - AS 0 2, 119.
Unfavorable- 6, 58.

"Bouquets and Bombast," Newsweek, Vol. 45 (June 20, 1955), pp. 37-8.
Favorable - 135.
Unfavorable- 142.

"All So Amiable," Newsweek, Vol. #6 (July A, 1955), p. 31.
Favorable 4 38, 129.
Neutral - 118.

"Passive Invasion," Newsweek, Vol. 46 (August 29, 1955), p. 3b.
Favorable - 120, 129. -

 

169

"Neutral Is A Many-Sided Word, " Newsweek, Vol. A7 (June 18,1956), Po57.
Favorable - 8.
Neutral - 118,181.

"Nehru's Christmas List," Newsweek, Vol. A8 (December 10, 1956), p. 36.
Favorable - 8, 9A, 115, 129, 172.
Neutral - 118.

"Visitor From India; Ability, Hardness, An Intolerance of Others,"
Newsweek, Vol. A8 (December 17, 1956), p. 38.

Favorable - 2A, 97, 132, 135-

Unfavorable- 17, A8, 95.

Neutral - 118.

"Busy White House," Newsweek, Vol. A8 (December 2A, 1956), p. 1A.
Favorable-28, 57, 125, 162.

"Nehru, " Newsweek, Vol. A9 (December 17, 1957), p. 27.
Favorable - 1A5, 136.
Unfavorable- 35.

Egg NEW YORKER

"Other Sister," The New Yorker, Vol. 25 (November 5, 19A9), p. 29.
Favorable - A3-2, 59-2, 82, 123.
Unfavorable- 126.

NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE

"Nehru and Patel: Heirs To The Gandhi Tradition," New York TimesM __£r-
azine (April 11,19A8), p. 15.

Favorable - 27, 28,75, 91, 131, 135, 156,178.

Unfavorable- 3, 17, 58,95, 157.

Neutral - 98, 161.

"Spokesman of A Troubled Continent," New York Times Maqazine (Oct-

Ober 9, 191.9), P. 120'

Favorable - 23, 29, 31-2, 75, 82-2, 93—2, 97-2, 125, 130, 133-2,
131, 135-2, 119, 160, 163-2.

Unfavorable- 86-2.

Neutral - 21, 68, 181.

 

"Ten Leaders of East Asia," New York Times Magazine (May 21, 1950),
p. 10.

Favorable - 91, 93.

Uhfavorable- 17, 85.

Neutral 7- 68, 118.

"Nehru Talks of The East and West,fzhg New York Times (August 20, 1950),
p. 9.

Favorable - 78, 8A, 117.

Unfavorable- 1A2, 152.

Neutral - 1180

170

"Nehru Answers Some Basic Questions," New York Times Nagazine ( Nov-
ember 11,1951), p. 9. _

Favorable - 97, 119, 133.

~ Unfavorable- 58.

”Portrait of A Symbol Named Nehru,” New York Times Magazine (Dec~
ember 12,1951-6), p. 90

Favorable - 28,29, A6, 97-5, 113-2, 117-3, 129, 162-2.
Unfavorable- 3-2, 17—2, 56, 165.

Neutral - 66, 68-2,118-2, 167, 181.

"Nehru Va Mao, A Key Contest in Asia," New York Times Magazine

(August 7, 1955), p. 13.
Favorable - 117.
Unfavorable- 3.

Neutral - 21.

"Nehru EXPlalnS India' 3 Split Personality " New York Times N' '71
(March 11,1956) p. 13 ’ . -aga, ne,
Favorable - 97,

 

"Clues to Jawaharlal Nehru and to India " New York Time Naga '
(July 1, 1956), p. 5. , 8 Zlnc’
Favorable — 19, 97—3, 117, 13A.

Unfavorable- 35-2, 58, 128-2.

Neutral - 33, 118,187.

"Nehru, Still The Searcher," New York Times Magazine  (December 16,
1956), p. 1A.

Favorable - 91, 97, 117, 133-2.

Neutral - 167.

"Kaihmir - Tale of Three Men," New York Times Magazine (May A, 1957),
p.

Favorable - 169.

Unfavorable- l.

"Nehru Ask: For One Flower Only," New York Times Magazine (May 18,1957),

p. 30
Favorable - 59, 97.

READERS DIGEST

"Riddle of Pandit,” Readers Digest, Vol. 69 (July, 1956), pp. 96-102.
Favorable - 19, 52, 77, 93, 119 - 3, 125, 13A-2, 138, 1A0, 1AA, 162.
Unfavorable- 17 - 2, A8, 86, 157.

Neutral - 161,167, 181.

171
SATURDAY REVIEW

"What About Nehru?," Saturdaz Review, Vol. 37 (April 10, 195A), p. 21.
Favorable - 91, 9h.
Ne‘ltral " 118.

TIME

"India, " Time, Vol. 58 (March 21,1968), p. 28.
Favorab1e_ - 43

"Some Sert of King, “ Time, Vol. 52 (August 16,1948) p. 30.
Favorable - 81,82,119, 125, 13h - 2,162.

Unfavorable- 18,85 - 2,86.

Neutral - 106, 181.

"Warm.Welcome," Time, Vol. 54 (July 25, 1969), p. 23.
Unfavorable- 157

"Marching Through Kashmir," Time,'Vol. 5h (October 10,.l9h9), p. 21.
Favorable - 97 - 2, 117.

”Anchor for Asia, ” Time, Vol. Sh (October 17, 1969), pp. 30-6.
Favorable - 26, 28-3, 29, L6-2, 72, 75, 91, 93-2, 117, 119,120,
135-2,136,138,164-2,1ts, 163, 166.

Unfavorable- 7, 58, 61, 101.
Neutral - 21-2, 113, 161-3, 131+t.

"Friendly Neutral,n Time, Vol. 5h (October 2A, 1969), p. 28.
Favorable - 125.
Neutral - 118.

"Education of A Pandit, " Time, Vol 51 (October 31,1969), pp. 17-18.
Favorable - 78.

"Visit To A Mountain Top," Time, Vol 5h (November 1L, 1969), pp. 29-30.
Favorable - 135, 160.

"Nowhere,” Time, Vol. 55 (February 13, 1950), p. 33.
Favorable - 156.

Unfavorable- 88.

Neutral - 68.

”Spontaneous Pandit," Time, Vol. 56 (July 31, 1950), p. 25.
Favorable - 9h.
Unfavorable- 87.

"Matter of understanding," Time Vol. 56 (August 16, 1950), p. 22.
Unfavorable- A, 36,58.
Neutral - 181.

172

"Matter of Morale," Time, Vol. 56 (September 5, 1950), P- 26.
Favorable - 115.
Unfavorable- 157.
Neutral "' 66o

"Duck for Rajriahi,"Time, Vol. 56 (October 2, 1950), p. 28.
Favorable - 135, 155.

Unfavorable- 58.

Neutral - 1810

”Dynamic Neutrality," Time, Vol. 57 (January 29, 1951), p. 26.
Favorable - 117.

Unfavorable- 17, 58, 83, 128.

Neutral " 68, 1610

"Next To Godliness," Time, v61.'57 (May 23, 1951), pp. 38-9.
Unfavorable- h8.
Neutral - 161.

"Whoee Security?,” Time, Vol. 58 (August 6, 1951), p. 19.
Favorable - 117, 129.
Unfavorable- 95, - 179.

"Five-Year Fuse,” Time, Vol. 59 (February 18, 1952), p. 38.

"No Basic Charm," Time, V01. 62 (December 16, 1953), 0. A0.
Neutral - 33, 118.

"Untouchable'e Warning," Time, v61. 66 (September 6, 195A), p. 22.
Favorable - 117.

Unfavorable-12.

Neutral - 167 o

"Nehru Moves left," Time, Vol. 6h (October 25, 195h), pp. 22-3.
Neutral - 98.

"Welcome for Jawaharlal," Time, Vol. éh (November 1, l9h5), p. 31.
Unfavorable- 126, 157.
Neutral - 118.

"Mawarith A Knife," Time, v61. 66 (March 21, 1955), p. 31.
Favorable - 23, 135.

"Salaam Alukum," Time, Vol. 66 (July 6, 1955), p. 18.
Favorable - 93, 158, 171.
Unfavorable- 16.

«On The High Wire," Time, Vol. 66 (July 11, 1955), p. 22.
Favorable - 23, 1587'162.

"Friends And Reactionaries," Time, Vol. 67 (January 9, 1956), p. 25.
Favorable '- 63, 16h.
Unfavorable- 35.

"Diesenter," Time, Vol. 67 (April 2,1956), p. 36.
Favorable — 163, 171.
Neutral - 66,

”Irritating Admiration," Time, Vol. 67 (April 23, 1956), p. BL.
Favorable — 28, 81, llh, 1L9.
Neutral - 66.

"Accentuating The Negative," Time, Vol. 68 (July 30,1956), pp. 15-19.
Favorable - 38,59, 75, 90,93, 97 - 2,113, 132,13h.

Unfavorable- 3

Neutral - 21,85.

"Pandit and President, " Time, Vol. 68 (December 31,1956), pp. 7-8.
Favorable - 59,136, 158,162.
Unfavorable- 35.

"With One Voice," Time, Vol. 69 (February 11, 1957),p. 29.
Favorable — 155.
Unfavorable- 165.
Neutral — 21.

"What The U. S. Thinks," Time, Vol. 70 (September 16, 1957), p. 36.
Favorable - 26, 123.

"Flabby Giant, " Time, Vol. 70 (December 9, 1957), p. 35.
Unfavorable- 5.

TWENTIETH CENTURY

"Jawaharlal Nehru," Twentieth Century, Vol.151(February,1952),pp.137-45.
Favorable - A6, 68, 95 - 3, 113, 117, 119, 135.

Unfavorable- 63 - 3, 128, 180.

Neutral - 68, 161, 191.

‘y. N, WORLD

"Two Faces of India, " U. N. World, Vol. 6 (May 1952), pp. 20-3.
Favorable - 19, 84.

Unfavorable- 3.

Neutral - 68, 118.‘

g. g. NEuS

"Prime Minister Nehru Coming to U. S. far Wheat and Dollars," !.° S.
News, Vol. 27 (October 11, 1969), p. 33.

Favorable - 119. -

Unfavorable- 5.

Neutral — 161, 181 - 2.

 

174

”Big Six of The New Year," U, 3. News, Vol. 36 (January 1,195h),
pp. “6-70

Unfavorable- 101.

Neutral - 21.

"Nehru Steps Up Criticism, America Steps up Aid, " U. S. News, Vol. 36
(January 15; 195h), PP. L6 ’ 7o
Unfavorable- 6, lhl. -

"Puzzle of India,"lQ.'§. News, Vol. 36 (June 11, 1945), pp. 60-h.
Favorable - 117.

"People of The Week," y, §. News, Vol. 37 (October 22, 1954), p. lb.
Unfavorable- 60.

"Peace, But No Prize," Q} S, News, Vol. 37 (December 3, 1954), p. 68.
Unfavorable- 127.

"History Makers," g. S. News, Vol. 37 (December 31, 195h), pp. h8-9.
Unfavorable-127.
Neutral -1180

"History Makers of '56',"‘Q.‘§. News, Vol. LO (January 6, 1956),
p. 58.

Unfavorable-122.

Neutral -118.

"What India' s Nehru is Really Up To, " U. 8. News, Vol. 40 (January

27, 1956): pp. 106-90
Favorable - 8.

 

"How Nehru Has His Own Private War, " U. S. News, Vol.h1 (August

17. 1956), p. 56.
Unfavorable- 48.

"Asian Friends Meet Again," E'.§- News, Vol. 42 (January 11, 1957),
p. 18.

Unfavorable- 1L1.

Neutral - 21.

g. 3. NEWS AND WORLD I_U_3__PORT

"Neutral Mr. Nehru, Whose Side 18 He On," U. S. News and World Report,
Vol. 37 (October 29, 1956), p. 78.

Favorable - 59.

Unfavorable- 1h2.

Nantral - 1180

”How India' s Neutrality Helped The Communist Cause," U. S. News and
World Report, Vol. LO (June 29, 1956), pp. 98-10h. '—
Neutral - 118.

 

 

 

175

APPENDIX XII. THE FOLLOWING 13 A LIST OF CODE NUMBERS'
DESIGNATING FAVORAELE AND UNFAVORABLE IMAGES OF NEHRU AS
FOUND IN INDIAN KAGAAIKE ARTICLES. THE LVADBR MILL FINE

THE CODE NUKPER DESIGTPTING THE IKA3ES IN APPENDIX II.

INDIAN RbVlEW

"Nehru' s Latest, " The Indian Review, Vol. 48, No. 10(0ctober 19h?) p. IL.
Favorable -167.
Unfavorable..3.

"Pandit Jawaharlal at The Bar," The Indian Review, Vol. 50, No. 12
(December 19h9), P. 15-
Favorable.vh7, 58, 68, 126, 156.

"Jawaharlal, The Idol of India," The Indian Review, Vol. 55, No. 11
(November l95h), pp 1h-l7.

Favorable._L3 - 2, 85 - 2,112, 116, 118, 11h, 150.

Neutral -181 - 3.

INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMLR

"Nehru Explains," The Indian Social Reformer, Vol. 58, No. 6(October
13', 1918). pp. 26-28.
Favorable ~9.

"Jawaharlal Nehru," The Indian Social Reformer, Vol. 60, No. 11
(November512,l9AO), pp. 3-4. .
Favorable -9, 85, 97, 117,159, 160, 161, 167, 178 - 2.

"Interpreting Nehru," The Indian Social Reformer, Vol. 61, No. 37
(May 12,1951), pp. 1-3.

Unfavorable -lhl

Neutral -142

"Idolatry of Nehru," The Indian Social Reformer, Vol. 61, N0. L9
(August 10, 1951), pp. 11-13.

Favorable -28, 68, 84, 85 - 2, 160, 167.

Unfavorable -157.

"Focus," The Indian Social_Reformer, Vol. 62, No. A (September 21, 1951).
Favorable ,-135,
Unfavorable - 89, 95, 128 - 2, 180.

 

176

MARCH OF INDIA

/

"Prime Minister Nehru, " March of India, Vol. 7, No. 3 (July 1955), P. #3.
Favorable - 19, 68,69, 75, 91.

MODERN REVIEW

"Jawaharlal Nehru," Modern Review, Vol. 56, No. 8 (August 1955). p. 36.
Favorable - 111,120, “65

"Jawaharlal and Socialism," MOdern Review, Vol.58 No.12(December, 1957),
p. 56.

Favorable - 111, 120, lhh, 169.

UNITEQ+ASIA

"Prime Minister Nehru," United Asia, Vol. 5 (March, 195A), p. 5.
Favorable - 75, 85, 162, 173.

 

VIGIL

"Nehru," Vigil, Vol. (June 30, 1950), p. 1L.
Favorable - 19, 75, 85, 9h - 2, 135 - 2, 16h.

"An Instrument of Reaction," Vigil, Vol. 2, No. 15 (June 2, 1951), p. 9,
Favorable - 84, 135, 1&8.
Unfavorable - 36, 180 - 2.

"Prime Minister's Heroics," V1 '1, Vol. 2, No. 16 (June 9, 1951),pp?3-26,
Favorable - A3, 68, 75, 12
Unfavorable - 36, 87.

"When Nehru Speaks," Vigil, Vol. 2, No. 19 (June 20, 1951), p. 18.
Favorable - 28, 85, 135 - 2.

"Greater Sinner - Government or Congreae?, " Mg; Vol. 2, No. 32
(September 29, l951),pp. 27-28.
Unfavorable - 63, 10A.

Kripalani, J.B. "Sri Nehru's Charge-Sheet," Vi 11, Vol. 2, No. L6
(January 5, 1952),pp. LO-hl.

Favorable - 135.

Unfavorable - 17 .

"Nehru s Latest Performance," Vigil, Vol. 2, No. 15 (May 31,1952),p.a,
Favorable - 19, 57, 68,13h, 135, 158.
Unfavorable - 35.

Vigil, Vol. 8, No. 19 (June 30, 1957), p. 20.
Favorable - L3, 52.

 

177

APPENDIX XIII. THE FOLLOJING Is A LIST OF CODE NUMBERS

DESIGNATING FAVOMBLE AND UNFAVORABLE IMAGES OF GANDHI AS
EQLIND IN AI-IEILICAITIIAGAZINE ARTICIJL‘S. THE RmkDIsR LILL FIND

THE CODE NUMBER DESI GMATING THL IMAGES IN APPENDIX II.

 

ATLANTIC MONTHLY

"Politics and Peanuts; Visit With Mahatma Gandhi," Atlantic Monthly,

Vol. 179 (January 19L7), pp. 51-h.

Favorable - 13, 20, 40, A7, 7?. 73 - 2, 91, 97, 103, 107, 145,
M6, 151 " 2, 15h

Unfavorable - 11, 127.

Neutral - 89, 161.

CHRISTIAN CENTURY

"Gandhi," Christian Century, Vol. 65 (February 11,‘1968), pp. 168-9.

Favorable - 65, 72, 73, 7A, 91 97, 120 - 3, 132 - 2, 135 - 2,
136, 151 - 3, 15A - 3, 166 , 170 , 173, 182.

Unfavorable - 108

Neutral - 153, 168.

"Gandhi Belongs To Tomorrow," Christian Century, Vol. 65 (February 18,
19L8), pp. 201 - 2. .~
Favorable - 65 - 2, 92, 109, 115, 120 ~ 2, 133, 137 — 2, 1L6, 150,

-"Blame Lerrorists in Gandhi's Death," Christian Century, Vol. 65
(March 3, 19A8), p. 278.
Favorable - 91, 97, 120, 129, 138.

 

"Significant Silence in India," Christian Century, v01. 65 (March 31,

19h8), p. 302.
Favorable - 73, 91.

178

"How Memorialize Mr. Gandhi?," Christian Centu , Vol. 65 (April 28,
19h8), p. 372. '
Favorable - 73, 97, 130 - 3-

Unfavorable - 139.

"Gandhi Memorial at University of California," Christian Century,
Vol. 66 (August 31, 19h9), p. lOlh.
Favorable - 189 .

"Gandhi's Place in The New India," Christian Century, Vol. 70 (June
3, 1953), 130658-90

Favorable - 27, C3 - 2, 67 r 2, 78, 971- 2, 151, 15h.
Unfavorable - 110.

"Gandhi's Place in The New India," Christian Century, Vol. 70 (Aug-
ust 26, 1953), p. 967.
Favorable — 117.

"We Learned from Gandhi," Christian Century, Vol. 7h (January 30, 1957),
pp. 139-1500

Favorable - 73, 82, 103, 107, 169.

Unfavorable - 37.

COMMENTARY

Commentary, Vol. A9, No. 3 (liarch,1948), pp. 27-33.
Favorable - 70, 97, 120,138,162,163-2.

Commentary, Vol. 51, No.8 (august, 1950), p. LA.
Favorable - 72, 73, 91, 97, 131.
Unfavorable- h, 56, 139.

CONTEMPORARY REVIMN

 

"Memories of Gandhi," Contemporary_fieview, Vol. 173 (March 1958),
Pp 0 13149.7 0

Favorable - 52, 109, 120 - a, 13h, 150 .

Unfavorable - 2.

"Abolition of Untouchability in India," Contemporary Review, Vol. 175
(March, 19h9), Pp. 159-62.
Favorable - 13A, 150 ~ 3.

"Mahatona Gandhi, " Contemporary Review, Vol. 177 (June 1950), pp. 378- 9.
Favorable - 86, 120,150 - 3.

 

179

mg
"India Without Gandhi," Holidaz, Vol. 5 (May I9A9), pp. 91-2.
Favorable - 120,150.

Neutral - 153.

LIFE

 

"Mahatma Prescribes Nature Cures for India," Life, Vol. 21 (July 15,

19h6), pp. 17-18.
Favorable - 20, 23, A7, 59, 74, 150,151 - 2.

Unfavorable - 110.

Neutral - 76.

"India Loses Her Great Soul," Life, Vol. 2A (February 9, l9h8), pp.27-3l.

Favorable - 20’.27! Ah -'2, 67, 70, 72 - 3, 73, 109, 113, 117,
158,173 - 2.

Unfavorable - 110 - 2,127, 139-2,152.

Neutral - 76.

"Gandhi Joins The Hindu Immortals," Life, Vol. 2L (February 16, 19h8),

pp. 21-9.

Favorable - 73 - 2.

Unfavorable - 85, 108 -2

Neutral - 168.

"Sacrid Rivers Receive Gandhi's Ashes," Life, Vol. 21 (March 15, 19L8),
pp. 76 - 8.

Favorable - 73, 120, 130, 150, 156 - 2, 159.
Unfavorable - 127.

Neutral - 76 -2.

NATION

"India Without Gandhi " Nation Vol.166 (Februa 7 19kg . 8-
Favorable - 20 - 2 g::---’ ry 5 )5 PF 14 9.

NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION JOURNA

"Shall Inherit The Earth, " National Educational Association Journal,
Vol. 37 (December 1968), P. 586.

Favorable - 70,72, 81,8L,l25 - 2,130,135, 136-3, 15L 182-3.
Unfavorable -37,110-h, Neutral - 89.

I" .--r. 3'1: “.0 '. ‘-’- - 9'." Tr or: “nth!

1’2”? “

 

180

NEWSWEEK

"On His Lois," Newsweek, Vol. 29 (January 27, 19h?), p. 42.
Favorable - 59-2, 82, 111, 130, 151—4.
Unfavorable - 110-2

"Holocaust Ahead?," Newsweek, Vol. 2h (May 2A, 1948), p. 9.
Favorable - 97, 136, 151, 173.

Unfavorable- 108, 110-2, 139.

Neutral - 99 -2.

19th CENTURY

"India Revolution During The War,“ 19th Century, Vol. 1&2 (November,
19h7), pp. 212-18.
Favorable - 67, 120-3.

PARTISIAN REVIEW

"Reflections on Gandhi," Partisian Review, Vol. 16 (January, l9h9), p.85.
Favorable - 20, L3, an, 59, 117, 120-2, 12a, 132, 13u-2, 15a—3, 158-2.
Neutral - 76.

PERSONALIST

"Gandhi's Tribute," Personalist, Vol. 39 (Autumn 1948), p. 356.
Favorable — 69, 84, 97, 132, 13h, 15A, 178,

Unfavorable- 165.

Neutral - 178, 168.

 

READERS DIGEST

"Best Advice I Ever Had," Readers Digest, Vol. 68 (January 1956), pp.153-

S.
Favorable - 73.

SATURDAY EVENING POST

"Message of Gandhi," Saturday EveningPost, Vol. 220 (March 27, 19A8),
pp. 21.-5. - '

Favorable - 72, 73-2, 81, 8h, 97, 103, 115, 136, 137, 150—2, 15L,
Unfavorable - 37, 139, 152

Neutral - 161-2, 168, 186.

I arr-1'- } “'93:?“ "‘9'“?! 1???“- “n'?. h!

 

.181

SATURDAY REVIEN

 

"And Never The Twain, Saturday Review, Vol. 29 (June 29, 19h6), p. 16.
Favorable - L6, 120.
Unfavorable - 10.

"Message of Gandhi," Saturday;Review, Vol. 220 (March 27, lghR), ppZA-S.
Favorable - 69, 170.

"Across India With The Camera And Typewriter," Saturdangeview, Vol. 32
(June 25, 19a9), pp. 12-13.
Favorable - 150.

Neutral - 33.

"Saint As Reformer, " Saturday Review, Vol. 33 (June 7, 1950), pp. 6-7.
Favorable - 20,150,151,15A-2.

 

"God-Driven Mass of India," Saturday Review, Vol. 33 (September 16,

1950), pp. ll-12.

Favorable - 20,28, 31, 15, 52, 72-2, 73, 90, 91-2, 9a, 97, 115,
120-2, 121, 131, 132, 134-2, 136-2, 137-2, 1L9, 159,
151-2, 15h, 152.

Unfavorable -l, 2, 36, 61, 85, 110-2, 116-2, 152, 165.

Neutral -96.

"Aubade," Saturdaijeview, Vol. BL (January 27, 1951), p. 23.
Favorable - 31, 73, 91, 109, 115, 12ob3, 13o-2,151-2, 151-3, 159,

 

169-2 0
Unfavorable -1lO—2.
Neutral - 167, 168.

"Mahatma Gandhi: Ten Years After," Saturda a1 kview, Vol.h1 (January
25, 1958), p. 2h.
Favorable - 67,73, 120—2, 158.

"Mahatma Gandhi: Ten Years After," Saturday Review, Vol. Ll (January,
1957), p. 2h.

TIME

 

"Flower's for The Empress," Time, Vol. 50 (September 15, l9h7), pp.32-3.
Favorable - 81, 130.

"Comeback," Time, Vol. 52 (January 26, 19A8), p. 28.
Favorable - 97.
Unfavorable - 127.

‘mmawfl-whn*c‘umc m an! - Ir a

182

"Unbroken Prayer," Time, Vol. 51 (February 2, l9h8), p. 22.
Favorable - 81-2, 103, 134-2, lSh-B.
Unfavorable - 110.

"Of Truth And Shame," Time, Vol. 51 (February 9, l9h8), pp. 2h-6.

Favorable - 67, 97-2, 103, 15h, 196.
Unfavorable - 10. ‘
Neutral - 1680

"At The Three Rivers," Time, Vol. 51 (February 23, l9h8), p. 36.
Favorable - 20, 97, 111, 151.

"In Memoriam," Time, Vol. 51 (May 3, 1948), p. 30.
Favorable - 72, 97, 103-2.

 

U.N. BULLatgg

"Rights of Man," u. N. Bulletin, Vol. 3 (October 19h7), p. 521.
Favorable - 59, 67.

"Homage To Gandhi," U.N. Bulletin, Vol. h (February 15, 19L8), pp.122-h.

 

 

Favorable - 72-6, 73, 8h, 91, 97-2, 115, 120-2, 125, 129, 151-2,
15A, 169.

Unfavorable - 108, 127.

U.N. WORLD

"Should Gandhi's Assin Be Killed?," U.N. World, Vol. 2 (March 19h8),

p. 6h.

Favorable - 43, 97, 120, 132.

"And The Earth Mourns," u. N. World, Vol. 2 (April 1948), pp. 31-5.
Favorable - 103, 109. '

"Immureion of The Ashes," U.N. World, Vol. 2 (May, l9h8), pp. 22-3.

 

Favorable - 67, 97, 109-3, lll-2, 120, 11.5, 170.
Unfavorable - 85.
Neutral ~153.

‘"Sine of A Savior," U.N. World, Vol. 2 (October 19L8), pp. 38-LO.
Favorable - 5h, 67, 97-3, 151-3, 15h-2, 169.
Unfavorable - 15h-2.

"Gandhi's Way To Truth," U.N. World; Vol. 5 (January 1951), p. 6A.
Favorable - 8h, 97, 15h.

VOGUE

"Gandhi, Who Made Prison An Honour," Vogue, Vol. 123 (April 1, 1954),
pp. 170-2. _
Favorable - 43, 67, 91, 115, 120, 15h-2.

Unfavorable - 2.

183

APPENDIX IY£:_THE FOLLOWING IS A.IIST OF CODE NUMBERS
DESIGNATING FAVORAELE AND UNFAVCRABLE IMAGES OF GANDHI AS
FOUND IN INDIAN MAGAZINE ALTICLES. THE READER WILL FIND
THE CODE NUNEER DhSIGKATIKG TEL IMAGES IN APPENDIX II.

ARIAN PATH

Aryan Path, Vol. 23, No. b (April 195A), 9-5.
Favorable - 91,97,115,120-2,129,166-2,l70,l73.

 

Aryan Path, Vol. 23, N0. L (October 195A), 9.27.
Favorable - 10, 66-2, 72,79, 115.
Unfavorable - 10, 151.

 

Aryan Path Vol. 25, No. 1 (January 1956), p;b3.
Favorable ’ - A7, 72, 81, 115, 120, 150, 152, 170.

Aryan Path, Vol. 25, No. 10 (October 1956), p. 21,
Favorable - 20, 27, 115, 120, 159.
Unfavorable - 151.

 

Aryan Path, Vol. 26, No. 10 (October 1957), p. 17,
Favorable - A6, 8A, 120, 1A6, 16?, 168, 170.
Unfavorable - 151.

 

THL INDIAN JOURLAL OF LDLCATION

The Indian Journal of Education, Vol. #9 No. 6 (June 8, 19L8), p.h.
Favorable - 67, 72, 97, 13A, 150. ‘
Unfavorable- 151.

ggplam REVIEW

"The Passing of Mahatma Gandhi, Indian Review, Vol. A9, No. 2 (February,
1918), p. 12.
Favorable — 13, 59, 67, 72, 73—2, 91, 97, 102-2, 109—2, 117,125, 130,
132, 135, 136, 15A, 173, 189-2.

Neutral - 99.

"The Pest Nonument to Gandhi, Indian Review, Vol. A9, No. A(Apri1, IPAB),
pp. 22-24. -
Favorable - 8A, 120.

 

 

184

"The Legacy of the hahatma,"Indian Review, Vol. A9,No. 10 (October,
1948), pp. l6-2A. ‘

Favorable — 69, 73, 7A, 125, 129, 189.

Neutral - 99.

"Gandhiji as A Doctor,"Indian Review, Vol. 50, No. 2 (February,l9t9),
p. 36.

Favorable - 74, 160, 166.

"Gandhian Economics," The Indian Review, Vol. 50, N0. L(April, 1949),

 

p. Al.
Favorable - 67, 127, 173.
Neutral - 55.

"Tolstoy and Gandhi," Indian Review, Vol. 50, F0. 8 (Auqust, 1949), p.7.

Favorable -189.

"Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi," Indian Review, Vol. 50, No. 10
(October, 19A9), pp. A5—h7.

Favorable - 30, 79, 32, 150.

Egg lNDIAh SOCIAL REFORHER

The Indian Social Reformer, Vol. 52, No. 9 (September 28, 1951), pp.l7-8.
Favorable - 77, 85, 103, 170.

MARCH OF INDIA

 

{arch of India, Vol. 51, No. 9 (September, 1950), p. 3.
Favorable - 81, 111, 129, 130, 139, 139, 150, 160-2, 169.
Unfavorable— 151.

 

March of India, Vol. 57, No. 10 (October, 1956), pp. 27-33.

Favorable - 28, 72, 78, 79, 91-3, 93, 97-2, 115, 134, 136, 144, 150,
170, 175.

Unfavorable- 116-2.
UNlTDD ASIA

Vol. A9, No. 5 (May, I9LR), pp. 29-30.

21, 28, 72—1, 7;, 78, 79, 80-2, 91, 97-3, 10?, 108—2,
115-3, 117, 120-3, 125-2, 133, 150, 152, I68, 173, 175,
I86, 189.

United Asia,
Favorable -

 

United Asia,
Favorable -
Neutral -

United Asia,
Neutral -

 

United Asia,
Favorable —

 

Vol. 49, No. 7 (July,l948), p. 41.
82, 85, 97, 114, 125, 189.
99.

Vol. 50, No. 12 (December,1949), pp. 9-14.
55.

V01. 58, No. 10 (October, 1957): pp. 33'35°
97, 162.

 

185

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Alpert, F. H. Theories of Perception and_Concept of Structure. New
York: Harper Bros., 1957.

Andrews, Charles Freer Mahatma Gandhi at WOrk. New York: NacMillan
Co., 1931.

Andrews, Charles Freer MahatmagGandhi, His Own Story. New York:
MacMillian Co., 1931.

Baxter, William Image and the Search. New York: Putnam and Co., 195A.

Bartlett, F. C. Remembering. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1932.

 

Bawa, T. S. Nehru's India. New Delhi: Freeland Publications Private,
Ltd., 1958.

 

Berlson, B. Content Analysis. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1951.

Boighoorn, F. C. The Soviet Image of the United States. New York:
Harcourt Brace and Co., 1950.

Boulding, Kenneth E. The Image. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,
1950.

Brooke, Guelyn Image of a Drawn Sword. New York: Alfred Knopt., 1951.

Buchanan, N.,and Cantril H. How Nations See Each Other. Urbana, Illinois:
University of Illinois Press, 1953.

 

Cairns, David The Image of God in Ma . New York: Philosphical
Library, 1953. I

Callahan, J. J. Science and Language. Pittsburg, Pa. : Duquense University
Press, 19A9.

Coffman, Stanley K. Imagism. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press,
1952.

Cohelo, George Changing Images of America. Glencoe, Illinois: Free
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186

Cooley, Charles Horton Human Nature and Social Order. New York:
McMillian Co., 1902.

Datta, Dhirendra Mohan The Philosoohy of Mahatam Gandhi. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1953.

Dhawan, Gopi Nath The Political Philosoohy of Mahatma Gandhi. Bombay:
Popular Book Depot, 19L6.

Diwakar, R. R. Glimpses of Gandhiji. Bombay: Hind Kitabs Limited, 19h9.
Durant, Will The Case for India. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1930.
Baton, Jeanette Gandhi, Fighter Without a Sword. New York: Morrow, 1950.

Estoric, Eric Changing Empire. New York: Duel, Sloan and Pearce, 1950.

 

Fischer, Louis A Week With Gandhi. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 19h2.

Fischer, Louis Gandhi and Stalin. New York: Harper, 19A7.

 

Fischer, Louis The Life of Mahatma Gandhi. New York: Harper and Brothers
Publishers, 1950.

 

Fulop-Miller, Rene Lenin and Gandhi. London and New York: G. P.
Putnam's Sons, 1927.

 

Galbraith, G. K. The Affluent Society. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, Co.,
19580 '

. Gandhi, M. K. Autobiograghy. Washington: Public Affairs Press, l9h8.

Gandhi, H. K. Hindu Dharma. Ahmedabad: Navojuan Publishing House, 1950.

 

.Groheen, Robert F. Imagery of Soohocles, Antigone . Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1952.

George, S. K. Gandhi's Challenge To Christainity. -Ahmedabad: Navajivan
Publishing House, 19h7. .

Gregg, Richard Bartlett The Power of Non-Violence. New York: Fellowship
Publications, 19th.

Guide to Indian Periodicals. Poona, India: Institue of Information
Services, 195A.

Hall, Josef W. Eminent Asians; Six Great Personalities of the New East.
New.York and London: D. Appleton and Company, 1929.

Hayakawa, S. 1. Language in Thought and Action. New York: Harcourt,
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187

Holmes, John Haynes Ky Gandhi. New York: {arper & Brothers Publishers,
1953. ’

Hoyland, H. 8. Songs from Prison. London: Allen & Unwin Publishers, 193A.

 

Hoyland, John Somervell TheygSaw Gandhi. New York: Fellowship Pub—
lications, 19L7.

Hussian, S. A. The Way of Gandhi and Nehru. New York: Asia Publishing
House, 1958.

Issacs, Harold R. Scratches on Our Minds. New York: John Day & Co., 19a3.'

Jones, E. Stanley Mahatma Gandhi. New York- Nashville: Abingdon-Coke- i
sbury Press, 19A8. ;

Joseph, F. N. (ed.) As Other See Us. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1959. L

Karaka, Dosoo Framjee Nehru: The Lotus Eater From Kashmir. London:
D. Verchoyle, 1953.

Leighton, A. H. Human Relations in a Changing world. New York: E. P.
Dutton & Company, Inc., 19A9.

Lindsmith, A. R. Strauss, A. L. Social Psychology. New York: Dryden
Press, 19A9.

Lippmann, Halter Public Opinion. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1922.

Lowell, Laurence A. Public Opinion in War and Peace. Cambridge, Mass.:
Howard University Press, 1932.

Manshardt, Clifford The Terrible Neck. insdale, 111.: H. Regnery
Company, 19A8.

Nasani, Shakuntala Gandhi's Story. New York: Oxford University Press,
1950.

Nasani, Shakuntala Nehru's Story. New York: Oxford University Press, 19A9.

Nashruwala, Kishorlal Ghanshyamlal Gandhi and Marx. Ahmedabad:
Navajivan Publishing House, 1951.

Maurer, Herrymon Great Soul. Garden City: Doubleday, 19A8.

 

Miller, Perry, (ed.) Imgges or Shadow of Divine Things. New Haven:
Yale University Press, 19A9.

Mills, C. Wright The Sociological Imagination. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1959. .

 

188

Moraes, Frank Jawaharlal Nehru. New York: NacNillan Company, 1956.

Muhlmann, W. E. Mahatma Gandhi. Tubingen: J. C. B. Nohr Verlag, 1950.

 

Mukerji, Dhan Gopal My Brother's Face. New York: E. P. Dulton and
Company, 1925.

Muzumdar, Haridas Thakordas Mahatma Gandhi, Peaceful Revolutionary.
New York: Scribner, 1952f'

Nanda, B. R. Mahatma Gandhi. Boston: Beacon Hill, 1958.
Nehru, Jawaharlal Independence and After. New York: J. Day Company, 1950.

Nehru, Jawaharlal Mahatma Gandhi. Calcutta: Signet Press, 19A9.

 

Nehru, Jawaharlal Toward Freedom. New York: John Day Company, 1941.

 

Nemerov, Howard The Image and_the Law. New York: Henry Holt and Co.,
19"? o

 

Newccmb,T.M. Social Psychology. New York: Dryden Press, 1950.

Oxnam, Garfield Bromley Personalities in Social Reform. New York:
Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 1950.

Packard, Vance The Hidden Persuaders. New York: Pocket Books, Inc.,'1958.

Park, H. L. and Tinker I. Leadership and Political Institution in
India. Princeton, N. J. : PrincetonUniversity Press, 1959.

Pattabhi Sitaramayya, Bhogaraju Gandhi and Gandhism. Allahabad:
Kitabistan, 19L2.

Peare, Catherine Owens Nahatma Gandhi. New York: Nehry Holt and Co.,
1950.

Pryer, Barnard Imgge Nakers. New York: Harper Brothers, 1958.

Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli Mahatma Gandhi. London: G. Allen and

Rahv, Philip Image and Ideas. New York: New DireCtions Publishers, 19A9.

Rajendra, Prasad At the Feet of Mahatma Gandhi. New York: Philosophical
Library, 1955.

' Readers ouide to Periodical Literature. New York: H. H. Wilson ami Co.,

1314-7 ‘ 19570

Reiser, O. L. The Integration of Human Knowledgg. Boston: Porter
Sargent Publisher, 1958.

 

h#—- _..—«-- ——«--»

189

Heiss, Samuel Language and PsychOIOgy. New York: PhilosOphical
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Rolland, Romain Mahatma Gandhi; The Man Who Pecome One With The
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Ross, Irwin Image Nerchants. New York: Doubleday & Co., 1959.

 

Rossi, Joseph Image of America in Mazzi is' kriting. Madison, Wis-
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Sama, Chattar, Singh Soviet Interests in India. Eombay: Asia Pub- i
lishing House, 1959. '

 

Saunders, Kenneth James Whither Asia, A Study of Three Leaders. r
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Sharma, Jagdish Saran Mahatma Gandhi. Delhi: 8. Chand, 1955.

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Shridharani, Krishnnlal The Mahatma and the World. New York: Duell,
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Sondel, Fess The Humanity of Words. New York: The World Publishing
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Spencer, Cornelia Nehru of India. New York: John Day Company, 19A8.

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Nadia, Pestonji Ardesir Mahatma Gandhi. Bombay: New York Company, 1937.

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Articles and Periodicals

Andrews, C. F. "The Tribute of a Friend," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
Mahatma Gandhi, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1939,

pp. Ab-SZ,

 

Arundale, George S. "The Essence of Gandhiji," in S. Radhakrishnan(editor)
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hp- 53-550

Azariah, V. S. "The Servant of India," in S. Radhakrishnan(editor)
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pp. 56-580

 

 

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Iettelheim, Bruno "The Dynamics of Anti—Semitism in Gentile and Jew,"
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Buchanan, h. "How Others See Us," The Annals, Vol. 295 (1954), p. 1.

Buck, Pearl, S. P. "A Way of Living, " in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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Child, I. L, and Bach, L. W. "Factors Determining National Stereo-
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Das, Bhagavan "Gandhi and the Congress," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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Einstein, Albert "Gandhi's Statesmanship," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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Fishman, J. A. "An Examination of the Process and Function of Social
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Ismail, Mirza "An Indian Statesman‘s Tribute," in S. Radhakrishnan
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Janis, J. "Meaning and the Study of Symbolic Behaviour," Psychiatry,
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Mace, C. A. "National Stereotype - Their Nature and Function,"
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Nehru, Jawaharlal "The Perfect Artist," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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Pattabhisitaramayya, E. "Gandhi in His Many Aspects," in S. Radhakrishnan
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Cadir, Abdul "A Statesman in Beggar's Garb," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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2l+7 o "

 

Rajendraprasad "India's Debt to Gandhi," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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p39- 2h7-2500

 

Sarma, D. S. "A Great Prophet of Hinduism," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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Tagore, Rabindranath "The Poet's Verdict," in S. hadakrishnan (editor)
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Useem, John and Useem, Ruth Hill "Image of the United States and
Britain Held by Foreign Educated Indians," The Annals, Vol. 295
(September, 195A), p. 73. \

Vinacke, W. E. "Stereotyping Among National Racial Groups in Hawaii:
A Study in Ethnocentrism," The Journal of Social Psychology,
v01. 30 (19A9), p. 265.

Nadia, Soohia ”The Path of Satyagraha," in S. Radhakrishnan (editor)
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192

Newspapers

Michigan State News, January 21, 1951, p. 1.
New York Times, December 20, 1956, p. A.

State Journal, Iansing, Michigan, December 3, 1959, p. 50.

Thesis

D'antonio, W. V. National Images of Business and Political Elites in
Two Border States. East Lansing, Michigan: Department of
Sociology, Michigan State University (1958), Eh.‘2. Thesis.

 

Marz, Roger H. The Democratic Diggts: A Content Analysis. East Lansing,
Michigan: Department of Political Science, Michigan State
University (1956), E. A. Thesis.

 

 

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