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AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE EWCATIONAL BB-IAV IORS. ASPIRATIONSp
AND ATTITUDES OF SAUDI WIVES WHO RESIDE ABROAD WITH THEIR
HUSBANDS WHO ARE STUDYING IN THE UNITED STATES

By

Sultanah lbraheem Dumiati

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
M1chigan State Un1versity
1n partia‘l fu'l ffl'lment of the requ1ranents
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOHHY

Department of Curriculum and Instruction

T986

Copyright by
SULTANAH IBRAHEEM DUMIATI

I986

ABSTRACT

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE EDUCATIONAL BB-iAVIORS. ASPIRATIONS.
AND ATTITUDEs or SIUDI wIVEs wHo RESIDE ABROAD WITH THEIR
HuseANos wHo ARE STUDYING IN THE UNITED STATES
By

Sultanah lbraheem Dumiati

This is an exploratory investigation of the educational behav-
iors. aspirations. and attitudes of Saudi wives who are living abroad
with their husbands who are studying in the United States. The study
reveals some of the factors that hinder or facilitate Saudi women's
educational behaviors. aspirations. and attitudes. The total sample
comprises 60 Saudi wives selected from Michigan and mo drawn from
other states. These subsamples are compared. The two samples were
pooled and the .160 respondents were treated as one unit. Twenty more
women were selected randomly from Lansing for interviews. A question-
nai re was designed by ‘U'IB investigator and administered. In addition.
an interview was conducted to provide detailed information and under-
standing of the data obtained on the questionnaire.

Descriptive statistics are used to analyze questionnaire data.
such as multivariate analysis of variance and univariate F—test. chi-
square. and correlation coefficient. The study revealed that about

half (49.4%) of the subjects were attending school. and half (50.6%)

Sultanah lbraheem Dumiati

were not attending school. Several factors that had more influence on
the wives' educational behaviors. attitudes. and aspirations were cate-
gorized under three main categories: cultural influences. which
included the United States envirounent; gender role influence. which
included household and child-care responsibilities. husbands' atti-
tudes. and Saudi women's perceptions of their traditional role; and
finally. the Saudi Mission's ruling regarding the education of wives
abroad. Factors which appear to have little influence on the women's
educational behaviors. aspirations. and attitudes are parents' level of
education. socioeconomic background. place of residence in Saudi
Arabia. birth and residence outside Saudi Arabia. mother's nationality
and ethnicity. being faraway from home. language ability. travel to
other countries. and having relatives in the United States.

It was concluded that the Saudi government is concerned about
its female citizens and does provide support for the period they are
abroad. Also. Saudi women believed being abroad is a good opportunity
for having an education. However. certain factors hinder the fulfill-
ment of their aspirations. Based on the study findings. recommenda-

tions for helping those wives are suggested.

 

 

 

 

 

Jn the name gfflllah, lheJMzflizl the Tmnpassfanate—J

 

 

 

To the woman who has sacrificed so much for the good of my
life: my mother. Ziynab.

To my father. lbraheem. for his support and prayers.

To my husband. MohammedAdeeb. for his support. advice. and
help. which were so important in my completion of this work.

To my beloved son. Rackan. and lovely daughter. Roaa. for their

patience and cheerful sniles.

ACKNGVLEIIIMENTS

First of all. I would like to thank God. who gave me the
strength and perseverance to accomplish this work.

Sincere thanks and deep appreciation go to Dr. Ruth Useem. who
served as the doctoral director and guidance committee member. for her
support. guidance. and encouragement. It was a privilege to have her
as my director. Grateful appreciation and sincere thanks are extended
to Dr. Ben Bohnhorst. who served as my major adviser; and Drs. Richard
Gardner. Kenneth Nerf. and David Horner. who served on my committee and
made valuable suggestions.

Special thanks and sincere gratitude go to my sister Fouziah
for her support. help. and guidance. and my brother-in-l aw Mansour for
his assistance and guidance. Thanks are also extended to my other
sisters. Nagwa and Sanaa. and my brothers. Ahmed and liisam. for their
love and prayers.

I appreciate the help of everyone who aided me in data collec-
tion. especially Ziynah Sherhi and Gowharah Abdullah. Words cannot
express the gratitude that is their due.

Special thanks to all the Saudi women who participated in this

study and took time to complete the questionnai re.

I would also like to express my sincere appreciation to Sue
Cooley for her cooperation and patienCe in editing and typing the
dissertation.

Finally. special thanks to the Saudi government. which provided
me the opportunity and support that enabled me complete this study.

Jazahumm Allakhair (God reward their well being).

TABLE OF CWTENTS

Page

LIST OF TELES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Vi ii

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... . . . . xv
Chapter
I. INTRWCfIm O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 1

Context of the Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l
StatementoftheProblem............... 5
Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Importance of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ll
Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Delimitation of the Study and Gen ner alizability of
Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Organization of the Dissertation . . . . . . . . . . . 17
II. LITERANJRE REVIEW . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Theories of Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Cultural Dualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Social Evolutionary Theory............. 22
Developmentalism.................. 23
Dependencytheory....... .. . .. 25
The Influence of Education as a Means of hnproving the
Role and Status of Women in Developing Countries . . 30
Education and Women's Role Within the Family . . . . 33
Educational Attainnent and the Decision to Marry . . 35
Educated Women and Family Decision Making . . . . . 36
Wanen's Education and Fertility 38
Women's Education and Participation in the Labor
Force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

III.

N.

Factors That Have Delayed the Progress of Women's

Education in Saudi Arabia

Changes That Have Led to the Emergence of Women's

Oil Discovery and the Subsequent Economic and Social

Education and Its hnpact on the Role of Women

in Saudi Arabia

The Development of Women's Education in Saudi Arabia

Scholarships for Study Abroad

Canparison of Females' and Males' Education in
sandi Arabia 0 O O O O O O I O O I
Cbnclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

MEUiODS AND PROCEDURES . . . .

Data-Collection Procedures .
Review of Related Materials
The Questionnaire
Personal Interviews

Nature of the Population and Sampling Procedures

Instrumentation

Preparation of the Questionnaire and
SCthUIG O O I O O O I O O O O O 0
Description of the Questionnaire . .

Description of Interview Schedule

Validity of the Instruments
Questionnaire Reliability
The Pilot Study

Data-Collection Procedures . . . .

Statistical Procedures Used in the

DATA ANALYS IS

D

at

O C O O O I O O O O O O O O O O

the Intew

no
>

m.......
“.00....

—h

deuce...

Q
‘<

a O I O O O O O

IntrOdUCtion O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O 0
Demographic Data for All of the Saudi Women Who

Participated in the Study

Analysis of Data for the Research Questions

Interview Results
Interview Question 1 . .
Interview Question 2 .
Interview Question 3
Interview Question 4
Interview Question 5
Interview Question 6

Chapter Sunmary

vi

0 O O O O O O O E. O O O O O

Page

43

99
151
207
208
211
212
215
216
217
218

Page
V. DISOJSSIONOFTHEFINDIMSS............... 220

Less Influential Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Factors Most Influencing Saudi Women's Educational
Behavior. Attitudes. and Aspirations . . . . . . . . 229
Cultural Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230

Gender R016 0 C C O C C O O C O O O O O ...... 234
smaw O O O O O O O C O O I O O O O O O O O O O I O 247
VI. SUMMARY. CONCLUSIONS. AND RECOMMENDATIONS . ...... 251

. . . . . 251
. . . . . 253
. . . . . 253

. 254

Summary . . . . . . . . . . .
Procedures . . . . . . . . .
Sample . . . . . . . . . . .

Conclusions . . . . . . . . .

Limitations of the Study . . .

Recommendations . . . . . . .

Suggestions for Further Res arch

. . . . . 257
. . . . . 259

6
WDIms O O C O O O O I O O O O O O O I I O O O O O O O O I O 262

A. EAGLISH AND ARABIC VERSICNS OF THE COIER LETTER AND
QUESTIONNAIRE O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O 263

B. ENSLISH AND ARABIC VERSIWS OF THE PILOT STUDY COIER
LETTER MD QUESTIONNAIRE O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 301

C. ENSLISH AND ARABIC VERSIWS OF THE INTERJIEW SO-IEUJLE . 313
BELImRAmY O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 316

vii

Table

1.1

1.2

1.3

2.1
2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6

2.7

2.8

2.9

L IST OF TABLES

Percentage of Saudi Arabian Students at Various
Educational Levels. by Gender (1971-72 and 1976) . . .

The Proportion of Saudi Students in Higher Education.
by Gender (1976-1985) 0 O I O O O O O O I O O 0 O O O 0

Number of Saudi Students Studying Abroad. by Gender
and Educational Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Girls Enrolled in Private Schools in Saudi Arabia. 1960 .

Public Elementary Education for Girls in Saudi Arabia:
1961-1965 (Saudi and Non-Saudi Students) . . . . . . .

Elementary-Level (Government) Schools for Saudi and Non-
Saudi Girls in Saudi Arabia. 1964 Through 1984 . . . .

Nunber of Girls in Private Elementary Education in
Saudi Arabia Canpared to Those in Public E1 enentary
Education. 1961 Through 1%7 e e o e e e e e e e e e 0

Statistics Concerning Kindergartens Related to the
Presidency in Saudi Arabia. 1975-76 Through 1988-84 . .

Private Kindergarten Education for Saudi and Non-Saudi

Statistical Summary of Intenmediate-Stage Government
School in Saudi Arabia. 1976 Through 1984. . . . . . .

Secondary-Level (Presidency) Schools for Saudi and Non-
Saudi Girls in Saudi Arabia. 1964 Through 1984 . . . .

Development of Secondary Teacher Institutions for Wanen
1n saUdT AraDIa’ 1968 Through 1984 e e e e e e e e e 0

Intermediate Colleges in Saudi Arabia. 1979-80 Through
19$-“ 0 O C O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

viii

Page

52

55

S7

58

59

60

61

63

64

65

4.1
4.2

4.3

4.4
4.5

4.6

4.7

4.8

4.9

Number of Students in Girls' Colleges During the Academic
YGGI‘51970-71 Through 198-84 0 e e e e e e e e o o o e

Enrollment of Saudi and Non-Saudi Students in Girls'
Colleges at the B.A. Level. 1984-85 . . . . . . . . . .

Male and Female Students Enrolled in Saudi Arabian
Institutions of Higher Education. 1984-85 . . . . . . .

Adult Education (Eradication of Illiteracy) in Saudi
Arabia During the 12 Years From 1972-73 Through 1983-84

Enrollment in Tailoring Training Centers in Saudi Arabia
During the 12 Years From 1972-73 through 1983-84 . . .

Statistical Summary of Number of Presidency Schools and
Their Enrollments at A11 Stages of Girls' Education.
19$-“ 0 O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Number of Saudi Students Who Studied Abroad. 1970 Through
1980. by COuntry in Which They Studied . . . . . . . .

Statistical Summary of Students Enrolled in Different
Levels and Types.of Education in Saudi Arabia. 1982/88

BTrthPIaCGOfSUbetSeoeeeeoeeeeeeeeeo

Birthplaces of Subjects Who WereTBorn and Resided Outside

sand‘ Arabi a O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Length of Stay Abroad for Subjects Who Were Born and
Resided Outside Saudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Reasons for Living Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Places in Saudi Arabia Where Respondents Had Been
Ra‘ sad 0 O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Respondents' Length of Stay in theTUnited States . . . .

Number and Percentage of Respondents Who Had Relatives
intheUnitedStates.................

Frequency and Duration of Visits From Respondents'
Relatives Living in the United States . . . . . . . . .

Frequency and Duration of Respondents"Visits to Their
Relatives Living in theTUnited States . . . . . . . . .

Page

67

68

69

7O

71

73

74

77
100

100

101
102

104
105

106

108

109

4.10
4.11
4.12
4.13
4.14

4.15
4.16
4.17
4.18
4.19
4.20
4.21

4.22

4.23
4.24

4.25

4.26

4.27
4.28

4.29

Respondents' Travel to Other Foreign Countries . . . .
Respondents' Ethnicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Educational Levels of Respondents' Fathers . . . . . .
P1 aces Where Respondents' Fathers Were Educated . . .

Places Outside Saudi Arabia Where Respondents' Fathers
were Educated I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Occupations of Respondents' Fathers . . . . . . . . .
Ethnicity of Respondents' Mothers . . . . . . . . . .
Educational Level of Respondents' Mothers . . . . . .
P1aces Where Literate Mothers Received Their Education
Occupational Status of Respondents' Mothers . . . . .
Respondents' Family Income Levels . . . . . . . . . .

Number of Children Respondents Had When They Cane to
the un1ted States I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Number of Children Respondents Had at the Time of the
StUdy I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Ages of the Respondents' Children . . . . . . . . . .

Respondents' Level of Education Before Coming to the
united States I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Subjects' Plans to Continue Their Education in the
Ul'l‘ited States, Before calling Here a e e e e e e e 0

Respondents Who Changed or Did Not Change Their Minds
About Continuing Schooling in the United States . .

Respondents' Educational Behavior (School Attendance)

Educational Levels of Respondents Who Were Attending
SChOO] I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Educational Level Respondents Were Seeking . . . . . .

Page
111
111
113
114

115
116
117
118
120
121
122

122

124
125

127

128

129
131

132
134

4.30

4.31

4¢32
4.33
4.34

4.35
4.36

4.37

4.38

4.39

4.40

4.41

4.42

4.43

4.44

Number and Percentage of Respondents Mentioning Factors
That Influenced Then to Attend School

Number and Percentage of Respondents Mentioning Factors
that Influenced Then Not to Attend School

Saudi Husbands' Attitudes Toward Their Wives' Education
Number of Respondents Who Worked in Saudi Arabia . . . .

Field in Which Respondents Who Worked in Saudi Arabia
Were Employed

Attitudes of Respondents' Parents Toward Their Education

Respondents' Opinions About the Saudi Mission's Ruling
Concerning Wives' Study Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . .

Respondents' Suggestions Concerning the Saudi Mission's
Ruling Concerning Wives' Study . . . . . . . . . . . .

Effect of the Saudi Mission's Ruling on Respondents'
EducationalBehavior.................

English-Language Ability of the Respondents . . . . . .

Influence of Being in the United States on Saudi Arabian
Women's Educational Behavior (Going Versus Not.Going
to SCh001) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Influence of Being in the United States on Saudi Arabian
Women's Educational Behavior. According to Whether
They Changed or Did Not Change Their Thinking About
Going to School in the United States After Arriving

Here I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Number of Children for Those Women Who Changed Their
Minds About Pursuing an Education

Husbands' Attitudes Toward Their Wives' Education for
Those Women Who Changed Their Minds About Pursuing
an EducatIOH I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Effect of the Mission's Ruling for Those Women Who
Changed Their Minds About Pursuing an Education . . .

xi

Page

136

138
140
142

142

144

145

147

149

150

153

158

162

162

163

4.45

4.46

4.47

4.48

4.49

4.50

4.51
4.52

4.53

4.54

4.55

4.56

4.57

4.58

Saudi Women's Attitudes Toward Going to School in Saudi
Arabia. According to Whether They Changed or Did Not
Change Their Thinking About Going to School in the
United States After Arriving Here

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
and Their Fathers' Educational Level . . . . . . . . .

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Fathers' Level of Education and Respondents' Educa-
tional Behavior. Aspirations. and Attitudes

Univariate F-Test for Father's Education . . . . . . . .

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior by
Their Mothers' Educational Level . . . . . . . . . . .

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Mothers' Level of Education and Respondents' Educa-
tional Behavior. Aspirations. and Attitudes

Univariate F-Test for Mother's Education . . . . . . . .

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
(Going or Not Going to School) and Their Husbands'
Attitudes Toward Their Education . . . . . . . . . . .

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Husband's Attitude Toward Women's Education and
Respondents' Educational Behavior. Aspirations. and
Attitudes

Univariate F-Test for Husbands' Attitudes . . . . . . .

Pearson Correlation Coefficient for the Relationship
Between Number of Children and Saudi Women's Educa-
tional Behavior. Aspirations. and Attitudes

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
by the Ages of Their Children

Rank Order. by Mean. of Other Factors That Might Influ-
ence Saudi Women's Educational Behavior

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior by
Rural or Urban Residence in Saudi Arabia . . . . . . .

xii

Page

165

168

169

169

171

172

172

175

177

178

179

181

184

188

4.59

4.60

4.61

4.62

4.63

4.64

4.65

4.66

4.67

4. 68

4.69

4.70

4.71

4.72

4.73

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Rural and Urban Residence and Respondents' Educational
Aspirations and Attitudes

Univariate F-Test for Urban and Rural Residence of
Reswn®nts I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
byIncaneLevel

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Fanily Socioeconomic Level and Respondents' Educa-
tional Aspirations and Attitudes . . . . . . . . . . .

Univariate F-Test for Family Income Level of Respondents

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
and the Effect of the Saudi Mission's New Ruling . . .

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
by B‘rttIPTace I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Birthplace and Respondents' Educational Aspirations
and Att‘ tuws I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Univariate F-Test for Birthplace of Respondents

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior by
ParentS' Ethn1C1ty I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Parents' Ethnicity and Respondents' Educational
Aspirations and Attitudes

Univariate F-Test for Ethnicity of Respondents' Parents

Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior

by Mothers' Ethnicity

Multivariate Test of Significance: Relationship Between
Mothers' Ethnicity and Respondents' Educational
Aspirations and Attitudes

Univariate F-Test for Ethnicity of Respondents' Mothers

xiii

Page

188

189

190

191

192

194

196

197

198

199

200
200

201

202
203

Page

4.74 Cross-Tabulation of Respondents' Educational Behavior
and Their Length of Stay in the United States . . . . . 204

4.75 Pearson Correlation Coefficient for the Relationship
Between Length of Stay in thelJnited States and
Saudi Women's Educational Aspirations and Attitudes . . 206

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1.1 Percentages of Saudi Wives Engaged in Various Levels
of Education While Studying Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . 9

2.1 General Structure of therGeneral Presidency of Girls'
EducatTOnO 19“ I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 54

5.1 Schematic Summary of the Factors Influencing Saudi

Women's Educational Behavior. Attitudes. and
ASPI rations I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 250

XV

O-iAF’TER I

INTRODJCTIQN

Wen

Because of their cultural milieu. Saudi Arabian women generally
stay home as mothers instead of aspiring to higher education that would
equip them to Join the labor force. Working outside the home setting
is primarily believed to be a man's responsibility.

In a study conducted by Al-Mana (1981). it was hypothesized
that "Saudi Arabia has resisted granting women rights that would
increase their autonomy and reduce their economic dependence on men."
Her hypothesis was supported by the study findings. which stated: "Job
opportunities are limited to the teaching profession and to the female
services sectors in the Ministry of Social Affairs and in health serv-
ices" (p. 47)

Women's higher education is limited to only a few departments
in the country's universities which admit females. and to teachers'
colleges and liberal arts colleges for females. which are unable to
accommodate all the high school graduates seeking higher education.
Further vocational training for females is virtually absent. Thus
women's abilities to develop necessary skills for the Job market in the

modern sector are limited (Al-Nana. 1981).

According to Saudi Arabia's Third Development Plan (198)). only
4: of Saudi women work outside their homes This is considered a very
low percentage for a country that needs a vast number of human
resources to eliminate its manpower shortage and to curtail the prac-
tice of importing manpower from foreign countries.

Abram newspaper (6/25/1981) clearly addressed this issue:

The participation of women in the economic and social development
of the country is what most people mean when they talk about
women's role in development Our special circumstances. especially
the acute labor shortage. give this role a special weight making
women's participation in the labor force a pressing priority which
other developing nations with excessive populations do not feel
since they can satisfy their manpower needs from male pools. The
country's leadership is aware of the need for women's work and
encourages the study of the ways in which it [women's work] can be
actual ized without risking the society's stability. (p. 11)

Saudi Arabia is what might be termed a man's world. The few
women who do work are employed in education and medicine. as Al-Baadi
(1982) noted:

The overwhelming majority of employed Saudi women already work
(mainly as teachers but increasingly as physicians and social work-
ers). and it is in this fast-growing sector that most proponents of
female anployment realistically place their hopes and devise their
plans for further expanding the fields of female employment. (p.
11)

Encouraging women to seek the highest possible level of educa-
tion is the means for enabling them to participate in the country's
labor market. Such participation would increase the nation's human
resources and facilitate rapid development in Saudi Arabia. Education
is a necessity if the need for workers is to be fulfilled. This
necessity was addressed by the Third Development Plan (198)-85). which

predicted that the rate of employment for women in the Kingdom would

increase slightly to 6% during the period from 1980 to 1985. The
report contained a ray of hope that more employment opportunities would
open for women if they pursued a higher education.

The importance of education for women as a means for partici-
pating in the labor force was supported by Al-Oteibey (1982). who
asserted that "a number of obstacles hinder Saudi women's participation
in the labor force. Among these obstacles are religious. social. and
educational factors" (p. 40). As far as educational factors are con-
cerned. Al-Otei bey noted that the history of formal education for women
in Saudi Arabia is relatively brief. dating only from the 19605. Until
the early 19ms. education for women was very limited.

The statistical report given in the Third Development Plan of
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (19m-85) indicated that there was a prob-
lem of illiteracy among girls and that "in general education the
enrollment of girls lags behind that of boys at all level 5" (p. 291).
According to Kattab (1982).

Latest governmental statistics indicate that the illiterates number
3.367.500. of whom 1.387.500 are males and 1.980.000 are females.
The 1980-85 five-year plan for the combating of illiteracy esti-
mates the illiteracy level in Saudi Arabia to be 64 percent of the
total population. with the highest estimate of 80 percent among
females. (p. 80)

In addition Afandi (1983) conducted a study that revealed the
following statistics. In 1971-72 and 1976. the percentage breakdown of

students. by gender. at various educational levels was as shown in

Table 1.1.

Table 1.1.--Percentage of Saudi Arabian students at various educational
levels. by gender (1971-72 and 1976).

 

 

Educational Level Girls Boys
1211:12
Elenentary school 44.0% 55.7%
Intermediate school 19.2 w.8
High school 16.5 84.5
1216.
Elementary school 54.9 45.1
Intermediate school 43.4 56.6
High school 37.3 62.7

 

Source: Afandi (198 ) .

The preceding figures indicate something about what is occur-
ring in terms of education in Saudi Arabia. It appears that younger
girls are being sent to school. but as students progress on the educa-
tional ladder. more girls than boys drop out of school. These statis-
tics are supported by figures from the Ministry of Higher Education
comparing the proportions of women and men in higher education (see
Table 1.2).

Table 1.2 shows that although the number of females in higher
education has increased during every five-year period. the figure is
still very low when compared to that of males. Afandi found that the
cause of this discrepancy is that as girls grow older they think about
getting married and staying at home to raise children. rather than

pursuing their education.

Table 1.2.--The proportion of Saudi students in higher education. by
gender (1976-1985).

 

1976 1975 1980 1985‘

 

 

Men 93.7% 84.7% 73.6% 70.3%
Wanen 6.3 15.3 26.4 29.7
aProj ected.

Source: Ministry of Higher Education. Directorate General for the
Development of Higher Education. "Progress of Higher Education
in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia During Ten Years. 1970-19w)."
p. 32.

The preceding statistics and study findings demonstrate the
fact that only a small proportion of Saudi Arabian girls are enrolled
in higher education. Evidently. help is needed to encourage them to
aspire to higher education Such help is apparently needed much more
as girls mature. Saudi Arabia is in need of human resources. espe-
ci ally if women are to make a positive contribution to expanding the
labor force. Education is the major hope to achieve this aim. No
country can prosper if a major segment of its population is denied an
opportunity to obtain an education and to participate in the labor

market.

W

In its educational policy. the Saudi Arabian government has
stressed the fact that among its fundamental objectives is to profit
from all kinds of knowledge in the light of Islam. in order to elevate

the standards of the nation and the Saudi people's quality of life. To

achieve that goal. the government has sponsored a number of citizens
abroad to acquire the latest knowledge in different fields of learning
so as to enable them to participate actively in raising the standards
of the society. The classical development that is taking place in the
Kingdom necessitates sending more and more people abroad for further
study. Practically all nations send their citizens to other countries
to study. particularly in the fields in which they excel. In the case
of Saudi Arabia. the program of foreign training is especially impor-
tant because its own universities are in the early stages of develop-
ment and are as yet unable to provide training facilities at home.
particularly at the master's and doctoral levels. At present. there-
fore. the greatest "university" of Saudi Arabia comprises students
studying abroad

In 1979-80. the total .nunber of Saudi students studying abroad.
both individuals who were beginning their studies and those who were
continuing their education from the previous year. was about 10.000.
These students were sponsored by various ministries. departments. and
universities. A sizable 12% paid their own expenses; another 14.8%
were sponsored by Saudi universities. 15.9% by the Ministry of Higher
Education 16.2% by the Ministry of Education. 14.7% by the Ministry of
Defense. 20.9% by other ministries. and 5.5% by governmental depart-
ments (Statistics of Saudi Students Abroad. 1979-80).

The United States is among the host countries that attract
Saudi students The latest statistics in W0 magazine (1985.
#15) indicated that about 6.513 male and female students are studying

in the United States. with a proportion of male to female students of
2:1 (4.354 males and 2.159 females). The majority of female students
are enrolled in nondegree English-language programs (p. 41). Table 1.3
shows the number of female and male students studying abroad at various

educational levels

Table l.3.--Nunber of Saudi students studying abroad. by gender and
educational level.

 

 

 

Level of Study Males Fenales Married Total
Penal es
Trai nee 507 3 20 53 0
Intermediate di p1 ana ' 42 -- 10 52
Bachelor's degree 1.948 38 133 2.119
Master's degree 1.118 17 35 1.170
Doctorate degree 743 27 13 7E
Postdoctorate l 1 -- 2
Secondary certificate 3 -- -- 3
Nondefined degree 5 -- 5 10
English-language progran 14 57 1.809 1.880
Total _ 4.381 143 2.025 6.549
Source: Adapted from Wm August 1984. p. 37.

Table 1.3 indicates that the number of female students abroad
is much lower than that of males. The percentage of females at the
bachelor's level is 8% of the total. and at the master's and doctorate
levels 4.5% of the total students abroad. However. 78% of the students
in the English-language program are females. The percentage of females

attending English-language programs is higher among married women who

accompany their husbands studying abroad than among those who have been
sent by oflier agencies (1.809 and 57. respectively).

It is also apparent from the table that two types of females
are studying abroad. The first type have been sent by various
agencies. primarily universities. under certain conditions. Some agen-
cies require that a female student be accompanied by a male relative.
her father. brother. or usually her husband. who will serve as her
protector abroad. Some universities once had this policy. but they no
longer do. The General Presidency for Girl 5' Education. the main
agency responsible for educating girls. never had such a policy

The second type of female student abroad is one who accompanies
her husband while he is studying abroad. If these women choose to stay
home they receive half allowance. according to government policy. If
they choose to pursue an education. they receive the same financial
advantages as their husbands do. including a full monthly allowance.
books. clothing. and all educational expenses These advantages can be
terminated as soon as the husband completes his study. This policy did
not take effect until 1985. Previously. all wives were treated equally
and received full support whether they were students or not.

Al-Kazmi (1985) investigated the situation of Saudi students'
wives abroad. He found that about 70% of the women who accompanied
their husbands abroad had finished their college education or part of
it. or at least high school. Al-Kazmi suggested that study abroad pro-
vides Saudi women a very good opportunity to pursue their higher educa-

tion. which will benefit them and their country when they return home.

His study also revealed the percentages of Saudi wives engaged in

various levels of education. (See Figure 1.1.)

   

C
3 >-
r ‘00
8 35'
2 mm
3
ow
01 H
3 ”<5
3
O. ‘0 -
0" ‘< 2:
C5

   

 

 

 

English-language
programs

1.4:

*Sewing. cooking. arts and crafts. and cosmetology.

Figure 1.l.--Percentages of Saudi wives engaged in various levels of
education while studying abroad.

Al-Kazmi also found that 44% of the wives continued their
studies in the English-language program for the entire period their
husbands were studying abroad. sometimes for five to six years. He
suggested that the reasons for this are not thelwoman's desire to
study. but to enjoy all the advantages she can receive as a student.
However. under the new policy. the government will check to see if the
wives are actually studying and pursuing a degree. If they are not.

their allowance will be cut in half.

10

It seems that Saudi women have a good opportunity to pursue
higher education when they are residing in a developed country. It
should be these women's own decision to aspire to further education.
But to what extent have wives of students abroad done so? This ques-
tion is worth investigating. That is. it is important to study Saudi
Arabian women who reside abroad with their husbands. their educational
aspirations. behavior. and attitudes as a result of living in the
United States and particularly after the restated governmental ruling
of 1985 concerning wives' study abroad.

Al-Kazmi recommended this important topic for investigation
when he stated:

This study has very important perspectives which can be a starting
point for future studies which can be [undertaken] individually or
as a team from the specialist whether they are employees of the
Saudi educational mission and its branches or graduates who spe-

cialized in the suitable college with cooperation from the educa-
tional mission because it is a very worthwhile topic. (p. 47)

W
This study was primarily an exploratory investigation of the

educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes of Saudi Arabian women
who were living with their husbands in the United States. The
researcher intended to discover some of the factors that influence
Saudi women's educational aspirations. behaviors. and attitudes in a
foreign country such as the United States. which might either hinder or
facilitate these behaviors and aspirations. The study may provide

baseline information that will have the potential to help planners and

11

decision makers in both Saudi Arabia and the United States develop ways
to offer more help to Saudi wives who are living abroad

It is hoped that changes can be made and plans developed to
help Saudi women take advantage of living in a developed country and
obtain further education so that when they return to Saudi Arabia with
their husbands they can make a positive contribution to building the
Saudi society.

W

This study is important for a number of reasons. A large
number of Saudi wives reside in the United States while their husbands
are studying there. It is hoped that the study findings may give
direction to decision makers. planners. and educators in Saudi Arabia.
with cooperation from their counterparts in the United States. to
realize the needs of Saudi wives who might need help in achieving their
educational aspirations and to facilitate their desire to continue
their education to a reasonable level.

The findings of the study should also help decision makers in
both Saudi Arabia and the United States look for more effective and
efficient ways of helping Saudi women profit from living in the United
States with their husbands and not to let this chance slip away. These
women can provide themselves with knowledge in various fields. so that
when they return home they will be able to participate in elevating the
standards of the society.

The study findings may have a beneficial effect on Saudi women

who are living abroad with their husbands The findings may help them

12

realize its value of obtaining new knowledge from a country that dif-
fers from their own and benefit from that knowledge. either in the
labor force or in raising their children.

Finally. increasing Saudi women's awareness of the need for an
education will improve their attitude toward life and help them realize
that women's role is not solely homemaking or child bearing. Hence.
their sel f-esteem will likely be bolstered.

Cochrane (1982) argued that only when women have means other
than child bearing through which to achieve status and prestige will
they use these means and thus reduce the number of children they bear.
She indicated further that women can gain prestige and social recogni-
tion through education and participation in the labor force.

W120:

The primary research questions addressed in this study were:

1. What are the educational behaviors of Saudi Arabian women
who reside in the United States with their husbands who are studying
abroad?

2. What influence does being in the United States have on
Saudi wanen's educational behavior?

Answers to the following specific questions were also sought:

3. Is there a relationship between parents' level of education

and Saudi women's educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes?

l3

4. Is there a relationship between the husband'slattitude
toward women's education and the wife's educational aspirations.
behavior. and attitudes?

5. Is there a relationship between having children and Saudi
women's educational behavior. attitudes. and aspirations toward pur-
suing an education?

6. Are there other factors that influence Saudi women to
pursue an education?

7. Are urban Saudi women's educational aspirations. behavior.
and attitudes different from those of rural women?

8. Is there a relationship between Saudi women's socioeconomic
level and their educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes?

9. Is there a relationship between the Saudi Mission's new
ruling and Saudi women's educational behavior?

10. Are the educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes of
Saudi women who were born and resided for a period outside Saudi Arabia
different from those of Saudi women who were born in Saudi Arabia and
have always lived there?

11. Is there a relationship between family background (parents'
ethnicity and mother's nationality) and Saudi women's educational aspi-
rations. behavior. and attitudes?

12. Is there a relationship between the length of stay in the
United States and Saudi women's educational aspirations. behavior. and

atti tudes?

14

Mums

The procedures undertaken in conducting this study were as
follows:

1. Identifying the research problem and the purpose for con-
ducting the study.

2. Reviewing related literature concerning theories of women
and development. women's role in developing countries. the role of
education in development. the education of women in Saudi Arabia. and
Due role of Saudi Arabian women in their society.

3. Identifying the population (Saudi Arabian women living in
the continental United States) and obtaining as complete a sample as
possible f ran this population.

4. Developing questions concerning the study to use as a guide
for developing a questionnaire.

5. Developing a questionnaire and administering it in a pilot
test to 10 to 15 Saudi women living in Lansing. Michigan. Before
distributing the questionnaire. the researcher arranged a meeting to
discuss and explain the questions and the purpose of the study and to
assure participants that their responses would be completely confiden-
tial.

6. Modifying the questionnaire.

7. Mailing the revised questionnaire to the sample population.

8. Conducting a personal interview whose questions primarily
concerned the main theme of the study: Saudi Arabi an women's educa-

tional aspirations. behavior. and attitudes.

15

9. Analyzing the data from the survey and the interviews.
10. Drawing conclusions relative to the data collected.
11. Considering the implications of the study and making

appropriate recommendations for further study.

WW9:

Because of financial and time constraints. the research was
limited to Saudi Arabian women living in the continental United States
at the time of the study. They had come abroad with their husbands and
were sponsored by the Saudi Arabian government. Because the population
was limited in this way. the findings cannot be generalized to Saudi
Arabian women residing abroad in other Arabic Moslem countries.
Neither can the findings be generalized to women from other ethnic
groups like Arabic-Spani sh because conditions might differ from one
country to another. In addition. the study findings cannot be general-
ized to Saudi women living in Arabic countries while their husbands are
studying there because of the cultural. religious. and language dif-
ferences between Moslem Arabic and western nations. which might influ-
ence the findings However. the findings may be generalized to Saudi
women accompanying their husbands to other western countries that are

similar to the United States

We

For ease in analysis and to achieve a desirable level of accu-
racy. the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) (Nie et

a1.. 1976) computer program was used. The data were hand coded and

16

carefully checked before being fed into the computer. An SPSS program
was written to perform all the statistical procedures involved.

To help understand the statistical nature of the variables
involved in the study and to answer some of the research questions.
general descriptive statistics were used. These include means. per-
centages. standard deviations. frequencies. and ranks for all the
variables.

Questions concerning relationships between two variables were
analyzed by using either correlation coefficients or the chi-square
procedure. depending on the type of measure the variables required.
Questions concerning differences between various levels of a certain
variable with respect to another variable were analyzed using either t-
test or analysis of variance (ANOIA). In Chapter IV. the findings are

presented in tabular form to aid in understanding the results

W

The following terms are defined in the context in which they
are used in this dissertation.

W. This term refers to Saudi women's
intention to continue further education in the United States. or in
Saudi Arabia when they return home. Aspirations indicate the degree to
which they are looking beyond their present level of education and the
field of study they intend to pursue.

W This term refers to the extent to which
study participants believed they have an equal opportunity to obtain an

17

education and their perceptions of the use and value of education.
especially for Saudi women.
W. In this study. educational behavior of

Saudi Arabian women was used to indicate their 9W
school, their enrollment in school. their actual level of schooling.

the field in which they are studying. and the degree they are pursuing
in the United States.

W In this study. the term is used inter-
changeably with educational behavior.

ILnLeJJng. In this dissertation. travelling means taking a
trip for purposes other than study or residence abroad.

mm. For the purposes of this study. urbanization
refers to the quantitative and qualitative changes through which rural
areas become cities. Factors that distinguish urban from rural areas
include larger and more heterogeneous population. diversity of occupa-

tions. and greater social stratification and mobility (Mann. 1965).

Win
Chapter I contained an introduction to the study. identifica-

tion of the problem and purposes of the research. the importance of the
study. research questions. procedures followed in conducting the
research delimitation and general izability. and definitions of terms.
Chapter II includes a review of literature concerning the education of
Saudi Arabian women. their role in the Saudi culture and and present
theories of development that explain the status of women and the role

of education for women. In Chapter III. the methodology used in

18

conducting the study is explained Chapter IV contains an analysis of
the data gathered by means of a questionnaire and personal interviews
Chapter V is devoted to a discussion of the findings in relation to the
theoretical base of the study. Conclusions drawn from the findings and

recommendations for further research may be found in Chapter VL

GIAPTER II

L ITERATURE REV IEW

111mm

Many Saudi Arabian women accompany their husbands when they
come to the United States to study. However. the specific educational
aspirations. behaviors. and attitudes of these women have not been
studied and documented Therefore it seemed worthwhile to initiate
such a study by first reviewing closely related literature regarding
the educational development of Saudi women and their present
educational status Literature was reviewed that provides readers with
some insight into historical events that delayed the education of Saudi
women. recent occurrences that have stimulated Saudi leaders to think
about educating women. the manner in which the education of Saudi women
has evolved. and how educating women has affected the status and role
of women in Saudi Arabia. Literature is also reviewed describing
theories of women in development. the effect of development on women's
personal lives. and education's effect on improving the lives of women
in Saudi Arabian society.

The literature review is presented in five sections The first
presents theories of development that partially explain the status of
women in developing countries and how the development process has

affected their lives The second section reviews literature related to

19

20

the influence of education as a means of improving the role and status
of women in developing countries The third section describes factors
that have delayed the progress of women's education in Saudi Arabia.
whereas the fourth section focuses on the emergence of women's educa-
tion in Saudi Arabia and its effect on their role. The development of
women's education in Saudi Arabia is described in detail in the fifth

secti on.

W

Research on women's development in various parts of the world
has shown that some groups of women may not benefit from development or
may even become its victims. This may be because the products these
women were selling or the services they were providing were replaced by
other services and products. or their contributions were no longer as
highly valued.

Even though both men and women may be victims of the changes
occurring during the development process. the situation is more
decisive for women It is more difficult for women to adapt to changes
brought about by development for several reasons: (a) family obliga-
tions render them less mobile than men. (b) their occupational choices
are more narrowly limited by custom and tradition than those of men.
(c) women usually have less education and training than men. and (d)
even without such hindrances. women often face sex discrimination in
recruitment.

In developing countries. a larger percentage of females than

males are engaged in traditional occupations. and as a result of

21

economic development those occupations are gradually being replaced by
modern enterprises. Thus it appears that large numbers of women in
developing countries are likely to be victims of development. Some
studies on women and development have already revealed unexpected side
effects of technological change on local income-producing opportunities
of rural women.

Many perceptions regarding women and development have emerged
from different intellectual traditions A discussion of four theories
that explain the situation of women in national development follows
These concepts are (a) cultural dualism. which de Beauvoir (1952) used
to examine the position of women: (b) the social evolutionary theory.
which generated both modernization theory and the Marxist analysis of
stages in the development of capitalism: (c) developmentalism. which
identified obstacles to women's participation in national development;
and (d) dependency theory. which also analyzed the logic of capitalist
growth. These perceptions are examined in more detail in the following

paragraphs.

Will

The universality of women's secondary status has motivated many
students of culture to study human existence. de Beauvoir (1952)
identified the origins of the subordination of women in their relation-
ship to nature. on the one hand. and in nature's relationship to cul-
ture. on the other. She found in the concept of humanity a universal
opposition between nature and culture. Human beings are distinguished

from animals through their use of culture to transcend the perishable

22

quality nature Men are freer than women to do this because they are
not constrained by the tasks of reproducing and sustaining life Yet
men cannot live without women. which generates the ambivalent attitude
they have about women.

Students of development. especially as it concerns women. have
found little guidance in fine cultural dualism fiieory because it fails
to take into account variations in the fundamental patterns of human
existence. In addition. the fiieory is not concerned with the process
of change

There appear to be certain similarities in the social and
cultural positions of women across virtually all known societies. which
is based primarily on the division of labor by gender. Anthropologists
have not discovered societies of foragers or industrial giants in which

women play a major role in warfare or formal religion (Eliott. 1977).

W
The social evolutionary fiieory explains the dynamics producing

social change and evaluates the direction of fiiat change This fiieory
describes societies as propelled by changes in the popul ation/resource
balance and by competition with neighbors to move along a scale of
increasing division of labor and differentiation. At one end of the
continuum are "simple societies.” in which social units specialize in a
multitude of tasks. At file opposite end of the continuum are "complex
societies.” in which social units specialize in just a few tasks The
latter are characterized by higher levels of technology. more formal

institutions. and greater occupational specialization.

23

Social evolutionary theory also offers an explanation for the
unequal treatment of men and women between and within societies In
general. complex societies. desiring higher levels of productivity and
efficiency. encourage laborers to become more special ized Simple
societies. on the other hand. experience less differentiation among
social and labor groups; they are poorer and less productive Simi-
larly. in complex societies. those groups that perform less specialized
functions are also less productive

Boserup (1970) maintained that women are often relegated to
jobs in fine backward sectors of the economy. Consequently. women fall
on the lower side of the productivity scale and are therefore treated
unequally.

Historically. many concepts developed by social evolutionary
theorists have had an important influence on ofiier fiieories concerning
women and development. Two examples are modernization theory and
Marxism. which. with some revisions. generated developmentalism and

dependency theory.

Momentum

The notion that modernization has more negative effects on
women than on men has led planners to investigate the obstacles that
have impeded women's participation in the development process. The
1975 United Nations Conference. held in Mexico City. focused on the
need to ensure the full integration of women in the development

process. The conference's emphasis and the developmentalist

24

perspectives advanced three ideas that differ from the assumptions of
modernization theory: (a) Society is not seen as a single organic unit
such that changes in one sector will generate compatible changes
throughout; (b) there exist contradictions in the process of social
change--policies to increase the employment of women may increase their
exploitation if wages and working conditions for women are not hnproved
simul taneously: and (c) external forces and national leaders play an
important role in producing social change

Devel opmentalists also look for intentional and specific poli-
cies to move them in a desirable direction because they do not see a
persuasive internal dynamic carrying societies toward modernization.
By viewing women as rational decision makers and not simply as holdouts
against change. studies conducted by proponents of the devel opmentalist
theory have identified many previously ignored reasons for failures in
the development process. Some researchers have criticized the entire
concept of development.

Eliott (1977) argued that much of the developmentalist litera-
ture separates information and attitudes from economic structure and
power rel ationships. Such literature assumes that more enlightened
planning will remove the obstacles to integrating women in development.
El iott also maintained that surveying women's attitudes as the basis
for many social. educational. and training programs must be questioned
Tee many studies have examined the passive nature of women and their

resistance to change instead of examining how their life experience in

25

positions of powerlessness may have made them distrust innovation
(Inkeles 8. Smith. 1974).

Modernization theories of the 19505 and 19605. along with their
development strategies. have been questioned because they assumed that
development planning was necessary for the transformation of the social
structure without considering that developing countries are usually
traditional societies with traditional attitudes that cannot be changed
simply through economic planning For example it was often assumed
that personal characteristics of women dictated that they perform only
certain roles. such as wife mother. or teacher. Furthermore moderni-
zation theories indicated that women are neutral and/or passive with
regard to economic changes. "As a result of such attitudes. in the
past women have been barred from the education and training programmes
that have taught men new skills" (Nelson. 1979. p. 3%

Another criticism of modernization theory is that.it uses a
country's gross national product as an indicator of economic change
This practice may be misleading because any positive growth itineasures
is usually limited to higher income groups. The equity of income
distribution. the activities of women involved in subsistence produc-
tion. and the economic contributions of the activities of women are not
reflected. Consequently. the position and potential of women in the

economic development process cannot be projected

W
The inability of modernization theory to explain continued

poverty and backwardness in third-world countries has generated

26

dissatisfaction with fiiis theory and has led some observers to look for
systenatic connections of dependency among the contradictions noted by
devel opmentalists. Following standard Marxist theory. Chinchilla
(1977) argued that one cannot understand power relationships between
men and women without viewing them in the context of the mode of
production.

Several writers have pointed out how the mode-of-production
factor in the third world has altered fiie classic Marxist explanations
of women's subordination--that is. that women are relegated to the
domestic economy and are denied an opportunity to participate in the
production of goods for exchange in the larger society. For example
Stoler (1977) argued that fiie labor-intensive sugar-plantation economy
of Colonial Indonesia drew both men and women into the labor force.
Similarly. Mueller (1977) found fiiat. in Africa. export mining drew men
from the villages. leaving women more opportunity to participate in
community life However. Eliott (1977) noted that women's options were
severely restricted by the economic position of the whole community.
which was ultimately determined by file international system.

A new theory of women's subordination in development has
emerged from these criticisms. This theory posits that capitalism
depends on the backwardness of the househol d: this theory corresponds
with fiie analysis of fine systemic linkage between advanced and back-
ward societies For example according to Saffiotti (1975). a Brazil-
ian sociologist. fiie household maintains women as a reserve labor force

available to join capitalist production when required. as in wartime

27

Furthermore. it eases the social tensions when unemployment rises.
enabling capitalism to survive its inflation and depression cycles.

Dependency theory has been widely accepted for its emphasis on
meeting the needs of fiie indigenous population and its concern with the
rural sector. Goul et (1973) rejected an emphasis on the production of
luxury goods and stressed the production of goods fiiat meet fiie needs
of all the people He noted that a nation can afford to produce luxury
goods only after its essential needs have been met. Fadaka (1975)
suggested that industrialization should be deferred. and stressed the
importance of developing the land and people In particular. he viewed
the development of agriculture as the key to any nation's economic
growth.

Dependency theoryal so stresses that the development of third-
world nations should be seen as a part of the international economic
structure. in which developing nations traditionally have been sup-
plying the raw-materi a1 resources necessary for the industrialized
nations Furthermore Gal tung (1971) noted that there is a tremendous
inequality between and among nations and that there is an inherent
resistance to changing these inequalities. There are peripheral
nations and center nations. and each nation has its own center and
periphery. He also maintained that the center nations have common
interests or a harmony of interests and fiiat fiiey attempt to serve each
other. At the same time there is a disharmony of interests within the
peripheral nations Therefore certain sectors within fiie third-world

countries may be affected by fiie development process because they are

28

in the periphery. These sectors are usually the rural areas in general
and women in particulan

Dependency theory still has a wide range of questions to
address It has not examined fiie relationship between income and power
within and outside the home. a question of great importance to advo-
cates of women's participation in the labor force Moses (1977) dis-
covered that. contrary to common assumption. providing family monetary
income does not give West Indian women power within their families.
Nor can dependency theory offer much insight into why particular ideo-
logical notions about women seen especially gripping. Like its Marxist
forebears. dependency fiieory has little interest in and few tools for
examining the content of cultural statements For a more sophisticated
view of fiie internal dynamics of culture cultural dualist theory may
still provide the most useful analysis (Eliott. 1977L

Several studies have provided a variety of interpretations of
the universality of women's association with the maternal role and the
devaluation of their work. The universality of women's subordination
is seen as being due to the devaluation of women's roles and products
in relation to those accorded to men. their exclusion from powerful
positions. and thenr association with the maternal role.

Rosal do (1976) suggested that child rearing. being a woman's
activity. leads to a separation between the "domestic" and ”public"
spheres. Women's lives are carried out within the confines of the
family and kinship group. which is fiie domestic sphere whereas men's

lives and work are carried out on the outside. which is the public

29

sphere Rosaldo also suggested that men's "activiti es [are] always
recognized as predominantly important [and fiiat the] cultural system
gives authority and val ues" to their roles (p. 19). Women. on the
other hand. are associated with their "domestic" role Thus the only
avenue by which women can gain prestige and a sense of value is through
fiiat role Any exercise of power by women is viewed as "manipulative
disruptive [and] illegitimate" (p. 21).

Ortner (1974) proposed that women's universal subordination is
a result of the association of women with nature and men with culture
She maintained that women's maternal role is close to nature because
women are traditionally associated with child rearing and the
responsibilities of the home On the other hand. culture is viewed as
being of higher value because it is equated with the "human conscious-
ness. or with the products of human consciousness (i.e. systems of
thought and technology). by means of which humanity attempts to assert
control over nature" (p. 72).

Eliott (1977) suggested some factors that should be
incorporated into a new theory of women and development. First. the
fiieory

must evaluate women's work by its production. not by the presence
of technology or monetary reward Such an evaluation will show
women contributing to family survival and social production in
cooperation with men. Secondly. it must examine fiie political role
of women with an expanded notion of politics. Just because women
are infrequently found in formal political organizations. their
role in constructing linkages among families to integrate the

community must notibe neglected The notion of family must also be
expanded to include female-headed families with their many adult

30

male participants and their extensions into other househol ds. One
would further like such a notion of family to include consideration
of sexuality. intimacy and affection. (pp. 7-8)

Eliott further indicated fiiat a theory of women and development
must perceive many different kinds of linkages among various parts of
the world system. Finally. she said fiiat a fiieory of women and devel-
opment must explain any change or lack of change in women's roles

Smock (1977) studied the roles and status of women in eight
countries She found that the roles of women in those societies dif-
fered in their scope in fiie degree to which they were differentiated
by sex. and in the manner in which they related to men's roles. She
claimed that this diversity in the roles and status of women suggested
that fiie culture and structure of the society have a great influence on
women's role and status. Smock also assumed that several aspects of
the culture are particularly important in determining the nature and
scope of women's role: "fiie image of women. fiie differences perceived
between men and women. the definition of the kinds of relationships
possible and desirable between men and women. the degree of concern

with female sexual purity. and norms regarding the division of labor"

(p. 386).

W
W

In general. education plays a necessary and major role in
development. especially for underdeveloped or third-world countries.

Curle (1966) argued that "countries are underdeveloped because most of

31

their people are underdeveloped. and . . . when people are underdevel-
oped national institutions acquire a form which impedes progress and
the growth of egalitarian policies. Education seems to me the most
effective way of developing people" (p. 457).

Each society has unique goals. such as providing an informed
leadership. a responsible citizenry. and training manpower. Education
is considered the only effective means through which these goals can be
reached Throughout history. in no instance has an uneducated society
progressed far. Training in all fields is essential for progress. and
it helps any nation achieve its social and economic goals. Massive
investment in human resources is a good way to overcome poverty and to
attack and solve fiie many problems hindering development.

Through education people can be taught to perform the jobs on
which development depends. Education provides the scientists. the
agricultural experts. the engineers. and all others necessary to mate-
rial growth.

The fact that education has a great influence on societi es'
development and improvement has led some researchers to investigate the
influence of education on the role of women. Many writers have exam-
ined the proposi tion that education is a force capable of generating
new life opportunities for women. Smock (1977) found that "progress-
ively greater exposure of women to education has generally resulted in
an increased sharing of authority within the family. more continuous
employment in professional and technical occupations. lower fertility

patterns. and greater participation in social and political activities"

32

(pp. 401-402). Education has influenced women psychologically. as
well. Smock found that educated women were more inclined to have
broader role expectations and more self-confidence. believed their own
preferences should be taken into account when making decisions that
affected then. and had access to the information necessary to carry out
fiieir goals.

Women's educational opportunities vary across societies Some
indicators of the degree of opportunity are (l) the levels of learning
that women generally attain in a given country. whether it be mere
literacy or a high school education. (2) fiie types of curricula thought
suitable to girl 5' and boy's education. (3) the uses women make of
their education. and (4) the ratio of males to females in the student
body and faculties at each educational level. In some societies the
primary objective of education is to help women be good wives and
mothers. However. some parents are reluctant to provide their daugh-
ters with too much education lest fiiey hurt their marriage chances.

Agrarian societies in which men are responsible for family
affairs and transactions with the outer world are slow to recognize the
value of teaching women to read and write Eradication of illiteracy
among women apparently accompanies modernization Estimates that only
one-third of the male population were literate in fourteenth-century
England are comparable with estimates of literacy in today's developing

countries like India (Giele 1977).

33

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD). in its research into the role of women in the economy. recog-
nized the key role of education and training in the achievement of
equal employment for women. Many countries have begun to review. at
the governmental level. their practices regarding women's education.
As Byrne (1978) cited.
The difficulties confronting adult women on the labour market today
are largely attributable to their inferior education compared to
that of men. They were not given the same choices in their youth.
Women and girls are still bound to be the victims of "indirect

discrimination" as long as marriage is considered their primary
"natural sources of income" (p. 28)

W
W

Comparative studies in various developing countries have
revealed that educational attainment has an effect on an individual's
attitudes toward and perceptions of woman and the normative framework
in which she operates Increased educational attainment can widen a
woman's perspective on her life and role and enable her to question
traditional prescriptions. Schooling can also stimulate a woman's
sense of sel f-confidence and control over her environment. which makes
her less passive about such matters as fiie selection of a husband

Data from many societies. including Mexico (Davidson. 1973).
Kenya (Central Bureau Statistics. 1979). Pakistan (World Fertility
Survey. 1976). and the Philippines (Pascual. 1971) have confirmed that
education is positively related to marriage age: that is. the more
education one has. the older he/she is when marrying. In addition.

women who are older when they marry are far more likely to have a mind

34

of their own to have definite preferences about the kind of man they
want to marry. to have had experience in dealing with the world outside
the family. and to have had exposure to innovative ideas.

The linkage between education and wage employment fiiat exists
in many societies appears to provide more options for the better-
educated woman. She can support herself and thus consider foregoing
marriage If she does marry. she can contribute to the family finan-
cially and fiierefore to have greater influence within the family. Also.
the working woman can often afford competent household help. which
would facilitate combining marriage with a career or with other activi-
ties outside of the home In some societies that have conservative
ideas about females working outside the home Such employment would not
be available unless the family members have considerable education
(Smock. 1981).

The notion that increments in education increase women's option
within the family is based on several theories about marital power.
"The theory of resources" (Rodman 1972) has been used to conceptualize
fiie family power structure According to this fiieory. each partner's
influence depends on the resources he/she brings to the marriage.
These resources take the form of education. income. occupational
status. family position and contacts outside the family. Presumably
the better educated. more affluent. higher in social status. more
social 1y wel l-connected. and more prestigiously employed a woman is.
the greater the opportunities are for making her views prevail in

family discussions and actions

35

EducaflonaJJttainmentJnd
W

Literature from many developing countries has indicated that
education is more likely to facilitate individual choice in societies
such as Africa's. in which there are relatively few restrictions on
interaction between males and females before marriage than in socie-
ties such as Pakistan's. where concern with preserving female modesty
and virtue leads to greater regulation of conduct. Data from several
societies have suggested that educational attainment enables women to
secure husbands with high educational credentials.

Although the literature reveal ed that families in developing
countries are likely to approve their daughters' higher education
because it will enhance their marital prospects. some researchers have
proposed that too much education seems to have the opposite effect.
Smock (1981) suggested that "it is difficult to know whether this
pattern reflects the personal preferences of the women. who have
decided that marriage was not compatible with a career. or whefiier many
highly educated females do not even have the option of marriage" (p.
137).

Studies from developing countries have indicated that educated
women refuse to accept polygamous unions because they have a modernized
concept of the nature of marriage. desire companionship in marriage.
and are concerned with their children's inheritance rights. In the

case of Saudi Arabia. both Al-Gaddi (1981) and Al-Mana (1981) found

36

that highly educated women were rarely married to a man who had another
wife Polygyny was found primarily among illiterate Bedouin women.
Al-Mana (1981) stated that "Another factor which has led to
changes in the Saudi family is the increasing number of those being
educated. who in turn began to question things like arranged marriage.
polygamy. and the size of the family living in one household" (pp. 97-
98). Goode (1970) noted that "educated opinion" in the Arab world sees
limitation on divorce and polygyny as part of a trend toward a redefi-
nition of women's role Pathro and Diab (1974) found that 5% of all
married men had more than one wife Polygyny was virtually absent

among the educated upper class and in the cities

Wmndfiamflx
DecIstJiakmo

Data from countries have shown that the incidence of shared
decision making increases proportionately with the wife's education
(Johnson 1972). In families in which women had a preparatory (upper
secondary) education or better. most of fiie decisions were made jointly
or by the wife In addition. the distribution of power became more
balanced as the wife's education improved women having higher educa-
tion reported regularly participating in the resolution of between 7
and 12 kinds of issues Additional data also in Mexico indicated that
the wife who was illiterate tended to be husband-dominant. This gradu-
ally gave way to a more balanced distribution of power as the wife's

education improved In the families in which women had a preparatory

37

(upper secondary) education or better. most of the decisions were
resolved jointly or by the wife (Johnson 1972).

In a study of senior civil servants and their wives in Ghana.
Oppong (1974) found that disparities in husbands' and wives' educa-
tional levels tended to produce husband-dominant relationships. whereas
greater equality in educational attainment brought about more balanced
and symmetrical pattern of decision making. According to Oppong.
equivalence in education appeared to be associated with the wife's
ability to influence domestic organization control family finances.
and elicit her husband's assistance in understanding household tasks.
University-educated women because they are best able to match their
husband's educational and economic resources. can command fiie greatest
role in family decision making.

Al-Baadi (1982). in a study about "Social Change. Education.
and the Roles of Women in Arabia." revealed that education has greatly
influenced Saudi Arabian women's role and affected their position in
the family. especially the husband-wife relationship. Women have
become aware of their right to discuss issues related to themselves and
to share fiie marital responsibilities with their husbands Women have
begun to ignore and disobey their husbands' orders: they argue and
refuse instead of nodding fiieir heads in submission.

As Saudi women's educational level has increased. so has her
awareness of and involvement in all of the family affairs. including
financial matters Before the Saudi male was the head of the family

and supported the family financially. He arranged all the family's

38

affairs alone without any involvement from his wife Conversely. the
wife did the housework and took care of the children This situation
has altered as a result of the societal changes that have occurred in
Saudi Arabia. including educational advances for women. When asked
whefiier a wife has a right to know exactly what her husband's income is
and what are his expenditures. Nora Al-Facez. chairperson of the media
department in the administration institution in Riyadh. answered:
Because of fiie changed circumstances now in fiie society fiie woman
became more educated. cultivated and aware She became more open
and more experienced and all this can qualify her for sharing

family responsibility and involving her in all family affairs.
including the financial affairs which the future of the family is

depending on. (W No. 255. 27 January-2 February
1986)
W
Many researchers have found that women's education tends to be
inversely related to fertility. McGreevey and Birdsall (1974) con-
cl uded that "the inverse relationship of education to completed family
size is one of the most clearcut correlations found in the literature"
(p. 12). Other researchers have also found that exposure to education
tends to reduce fertility. Agencies concerned with world population.
such as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. have
suggested fiiat expansion of women's opportunities for schooling is a
means of lowering population growth (McNamara. 1977).
After an e>diaustive evaluation of research on fiie relationship
between women's education and fertility. Cochrane (1979) concluded that
"the presumed inverse relationship between education and fertility

primarily characterizes countries with moderately high female literacy.

39

Exposure to some types of education is associated with a rise in
fertilty over the levels prevailing for uneducated women" (p. 7).
Also. the review of literature suggested that education can influence
fertility either negatively by reducing it or positively by facilitat-
ing it.

Hol singer and Kasarda (1976) suggested that schooling may
influence fertility in fiiree fundamental ways: First. it may operate
independently of other causal variables to exert a direct effect.
Second. it may affect ofiier variables that directly influence fertil-
ity. Third schooling may operate jointly with other independent vari-
ables to have an interaction effect on fertility. Education directly
influences fertility by shaping attitudes. values. and family-size
preference In terms of its indirect effect on fertility. schooling
can influence age at marriage. female labor-force participation social
mobility. husband-wife communication exposure to contraceptive inf0i~
mation and mortality and morbidity of children. all of which affect
fertility. Interaction effects would relate to the ability of educa-
tion to change values that influence fertility.

Smock (1981) contended that wel l-educated females. the group
most likely to have high fecundity. also tend to follow practices that
shorten fiie duration of postpartum infertility. Postpartum infertility
results from amenorrhea or the suppression of ovulation and menstrua-
tion which usually is related to the length of time women breastfeed
their babies The inverse relationship between schooling and period of

lactation makes educated females especially likely to conceive again

40

within a relatively short period after the termination of a previous
pregnancy. .Thus it is possible that the delay in marriage associated
with secondary and postsecondary education of women is offset by
shorter intervals between births

The so—called quantity/quality tradeoff developed by Becker and
Lewis (1973) and DeTray (1973) hypothesized that educated parents
realize fiiat their limited resources require them to allocate scarce
goods among a number of children (quantity) and fiie amount of resources
invested in each child (quality). The desire to provide children with
a good education in order to develop their human-capital potential
presumably motivates parents consciously to restrict total family size

W
W

In general. the literature reveal ed that females' participation
in fiie labor force is lower for all age groups in less-developed coun-
tries than in developed countries In less-developed countries. women
also experience profound occupational segregation and can participate
in just a few types of work (Smock. 1981).

Increases in women's educational attainment enhance their
opportunity to participate in the labor force. improve women's overall
rate of labor-force participation. and increase their ability to move
into modern sector or wage employment. Many researchers have docu-
mented that in most societies occupational placement and mobility
increasingly require specified levels of formal education (Boudon.

1974).

41

Educational attainment is positively correlated with the incli-
nation and ability to work. as shown in a number of developed indus-
trial ized nations For example in 1968. rates of labor-force partici-
pation for American women varied from 17% for women with less than five
years of schooling to more than 70% for women with more than five years
of college education. Almost every increment in schooling brought
higher participation rates (U.S. Department of Labor. 1969; quoted in
Woodhall. 1973. p. 19).

Studies in developing countries have also found that increments
of women's education are strongly positively associated with labor-
force participation In his study of social change education and the
role of women in Arabia. Al-Baadi (1982) noted.

A Saudi woman's tendency to join the labor force increases with her
attainment of higher levels of education Evidence from fiie Saudi
labor force statistics strongly supports the notion that the
attainment of modern education is a prerequisite to entry into
middle-level and upper-level jobs at least in the public sector.
(pp. 163-64)

Thus it appears that educational attainment plays an important
role in women's lives; it gains a better life for them as well as the
nation. However. in some cases. educating women has had adverse
effects This is especially apparent in the traditional. conservative
societies. especially Moslem ones. which strive to maintain their
traditions and culture across generations Some Arabic Moslem socie-
ties have adapted their educational systems from those of western.

industrialized countries As a result. various western principles and

perspectives have entered the Arabic Moslem world Some people tried

42

to imitate the more educated westerners and convinced themselves that
education brings modernization which results in women's emancipation
This is what happened in Syria. Lebanon. Egypt. and recently Kuwait.
The following quotation illustrates the adverse effect of education in
Kuwait:

An important result of the modernization of the community and
the education of women had been fiie entry of women into government
service in increasing numbers as civil servants. social welfare
workers. and teachers Hundreds of Kuwaiti women were working in
schools and offices alongside men The leaders of this change had
been young women from families of leading merchants. who were the
richest in Kuwait and who enjoyed considerable social prestige and
political power. Acceptance of these changes by the young women of
these fanilies ensured their rapid spread throughout the community.

By early 1970 fiie veil had disappeared among the younger women
A number of the older women also had discarded the veil or had
dispensed with face covering. the boshia. while keeping fiie outer
garment. the abaya. Education travel abroad. and contact within
Kuwait with the highly Westernized veilless women from western Arab
countries (Lebanon. Egypt. Jordan) were the most powerful influ-
ences in inducing fiieechanges (Beck 8. Keddie 1978. pp. 175-76)

Because the present study focused on the role of education for
Saudi women and its importance to the country's progress. selected
literature concerning the history of Saudi women's education is
reviewed in fiie following sections to reveal some of fiie factors that
have delayed the progress of women's education. as well as elements
that have encouraged and led to the emergence of women's education.
The history of women's education in Saudi Arabia is traced from its
inception. and the changes that education has brought about in Saudi

women's role in the society are examined

43

W
W

The history of formal public education for women in Saudi
Arabia is relatively brief: it began only in the 1960s Before dis-
cussing this history. though. it is necessary to explain the factors
that delayed the development of gi r1 5' education in Saudi Arabia.

According to Al-Kazmi (1981). opposition to 91 r1 5' education
stemmed mainly from ignorance and misconception Until recently. this
attitude has been the maior problem facing Saudi Arabian society. He
explained that people erroneously believed girl 5' education was incom-
pati ble with Islamic principles. Rather. as Hibshi (quoted in Al-
Kazmi. 1981) asserted:

Isl am does not consider sex as a bar to the acquisition of knowl-
edge It is stated in [the Islamic] traditions that "fiie quest for
learning is a duty incumbent upon every Moslem. male and female"
Considerable numbers of Mosl em women in the early centuries of
Islam seized every opportunity and took part in every branch of the
culture of that time (pp. 120-21)

The Islamic religion encourages the equality of women in all
areas. including their right to an education. The Prophet Mohammad
declared. "Seeking knowledge is obligatory upon every Muslim male and
female" Ashah. the Prophet's wife and the daughter of Kalif Omar. the
Islamic leader. learned to write before she married the Prophet Moham-
med Her teacher was a woman named Al-Shifaa Al-Adawei ah. When Ashah
married Mohammad. he asked Al-Shifaa to teach his wife to improve her
handwriting as she had taught her how to write Many of Mohammed's

companions sought Ashah's guidance and advice on matters of theology

and jurisprudence

44

Many Muslim women have presented addresses and lectures that
have received public acclaim. One such woman was umm-Al-Dradd.
Audiences for the lectures she delivered in the mosque frequently
included Qaliph Suleiman Shifa Birt El-Abdullah is one of the women
whose advice on political issues was sought. Qal iph Omar often con-
sulted her on affairs of state

The preceding examples show that gi r1 5' education is not in
conflict with Islamic principles or fiie Moslem religion Morroe (1962)
pointed out that the traditional degradation of the Arab female has
been associated with Islam. but it is not a result of Islamic beliefs
He explained fiiat actual practice depends on one's interpretation and
selection of Islamic doctrines People who oppose change have merely
used Islam as a means of masking their true motives

Some social scholars have seen Islamic teachings and laws as
the primary factors contributing to the restrictive social system in
Moslen countries Reports from most Moslem nations (including Saudi
Arabia) have indicated low rates of literacy and participation in the
labor force among women For example in Saudi Arabia fiie percentage
of illiteracy among women is 84% (Khuttab). and only 4% of Saudi
Arabian women are in the labor force

In 1972. UNESQ) reported that the gap in literacy between males
and females in Moslem countries had increased. whereas it had decreased
in Latin American countries. Therefore. the traditional social and

economic dependency of women and their limited access to education were

45

considered to be a direct result of the restrictive nature of the
Moslem social system (White 1978).

Tillion (in Gordon. 1968). however. claimed that the Islamic
religion should not be held responsible for the status of Middle
Eastern women She indicated that the pre-Isl amic Mediterranean world
was crucial in determining the future status of women. Whether the
religion is Judaism. Christianity. or Islam. women's status is similar
and is independent of the religion to which they adhere Thus Tillion
attributed the status of women in a particular society to factors other
than religion. In addition. the culture and customs of those coun-
tries. including the tribal honor system that prevailed on the Arabian
Peninsula before Isl am. contributed to the conservative orientation
toward women in Islamic societies (Gibb. 1961).

Afandi (1983) conducted a study of women's education in Saudi
Arabia. examining its relationship to economic and social changes in
the country. She found that important social and cultural factors have
affected Saudi women's education as has the degree of modernization of
the society. Teaching girls in Saudi Arabia is not easy and is not
appreciated by most people: this has affected both the quantity and the
quality of women's education. Afandi found a positive relationship
between social values and whether one considers education an important
aspect of women's lives The greater the family's encouragement and
3 support of their daughter's pursuit of an education the greater their
awareness of fiie value of education Familial encouragement was also

related to the woman's preference for obtaining an education over

46

marriage or her desire for both. Afandi also found that parents'
educational level was related positively to. and had a great influence
on. gi rls' pursuit of an education

In a study concerning social change. education and the role of
women in Saudi Arabia. Al-Baadi (1982) found fiiat parents' educational
level was not related to their daughters' level of education However.
he did discover a positive relationship between parents' socioeconomic
level and their daughters' educational level. The higher the family's
socioeconomic level (measured by the number of maids they had). the
higher their daughters' educational attainment.

Afandi (1983) found fiiat a society's degree of modernization is
directly related to women's education. Riyadh. the capital of Saudi
Arabia. is an example of a modernized area of Saudi Arabia. The city
has established a number of institutions to meet people's needs in
various fiel ds--economic. statistical. social. and educational. In
addition the availability of mass communication makes it easy to reach

other areas both inside and outside the city.

W
W
W

In 1937. oil was discovered on the east coast of Saudi Arabia.
At that time Saudi Arabia was one of the poorest countries in the
world. At first. especially during World War II. the oil income was
very small. But by 1945. oil revenues had increased to about 80 mil-

lion riyals (U.S. $23 million). about half a million of which were

47

allocated for education As the government's income grew fiirough oil
production. the education budget was also increased. By 1950. the
government's income had grown to 600 million riyals. and the education
budget was more than 7 million riyals The number of students had
increased to 42.000 (Al-Baadi. 1982).

As a result of the oil discovery. several development pl ans
were established. such as building the Damman-Riyadh railroad.
irrigation projects. electricity. paving roads. and establishing gov-
ernment agencies These and ofiier projects drew the Bedouins or nomads
to the renewed and newly built cities The projects that emerged
around the oil industry benefited many people and formed a middle class
in the society. However. the members of this new cl ass did not have
the requisite skills to meet the country's needs Thus Saudi Arabia
had to hire manpower from foreign countries to fulfill its needs and
alleviate the labor shortage

During this period of rapid economic change followed by the
energence of a middle class. many discussions were heard and articles
appeared in Saudi papers insisting on improving the role of Saudi women
through education. This stance met with great opposition from
conservative sealants of the population.

Most Saudi newspapers were filled with articles on Saudi women
and their role in the society. The issues discussed in these articles
are worth mentioning because they shed light on an important period in
Saudi Arabia's social history and clarify fiie circumstances that led to

fire emergence of women's education Three of the issues were (1) Saudi

48

women's ignorance. (2) the increase in the price of the marriage
portion. and (3) Saudi men's marriage to foreign women.

The first issue concerned women's illiteracy or ignorance In
1951. about 600 educated Saudi males were seeking higher education
abroad: others had graduated from universities or were educated but
lacked university certification These educated men constituted a
distinctive group in the country because of their education. income.
and social status Most men in this group wanted to marry women who
equaled them in terms of education or at least had enough instruction
to be able to understand their husbands and their needs. They also
wanted their wives to set a good example when the family traveled
abroad For these reasons. the newspapers were filled wifii complaints
about and discussions of women's illiteracy.

The second issue was the huge increase in the price of the
marriage portion or dowry during the 19505 and 1960s The increased
marriage portion provided a means for parents to become rich or to gain
prestige by having their daughters marry into weal thy and prominent
families Also. the marriage portion was a means of insuring their
daughters' future in case of divorce

These two issues led to a third one: Saudi men's marriage to
foreign women Saudi women's ignorance and the very expensive marriage
portion led Saudi men to choose non-Saudi women as wives In addition
1 Saudi males complained about not being allowed to see their wives
before marriage and the prohibition of urban-rural or urban-tribal

marriages.

49

All of the aforementioned issues arose as a result of the
social and economic changes that took place after the discovery of oil.
These changes generated a new class of educated. skilledinen who found
that marriage to Saudi women was not fulfilling and that Saudi women
were not qualified to meet their altered psychological. social. and
familial needs The new generation's income was larger than that of
their parents. and their tastes in food. dress. and life style differed
from their parentsh In addition. before the oil-discovery period.
child rearing had been a major responsibility of the extended family.
However. after the discovery of oil. the extended family began to
vanish and its power began to wane The nuclear family. composed of
the husband. wife and children. replaced fiie extended family in Saudi
society. Child rearing became the primary responsibility of the wife
alone. whereas before it had been the whole family's concern. The
mother was now the only one who cared for her children. educated them.
and prepared them to be successful members of the new society.

A number of articles in Saudi newspapers discussed the new
woman or the new concept of the desired wife She was described as
follows: being educated ranked in first place. second was
understanding her husband's needs. and providing good child care ranked
third. Education was considered sufficient preparation of Saudi girls
to be good wives and to adapt to modernization and societal changes.
Therefore a request was made for the opening of gi r1 s' schools in the
Kingdom. Conservative Moslem families greatly opposed that request.

asserting that education would corrupt their daughters and make them

50

deviant. The clergy. too. saw female education as a menace to societal
practices and ideals related to women But proponents of education for
girls outnumbered its opponents The result was opening schools for
girls and establishing the General Presidency of Girl 5' Education.
which was the main agency responsible for girl 5' education

Won
inSaudLAnabJa

According to Al-Otei by (1982). education for girls in Saudi
Arabia developed in three stages Its inception was similar to that of
all education in the Kingdom Women attempted to teach groups of girls
in their homes Some provided this service free. whereas others were
paid by the 91 rls' parents Such education was limited: pupils learned
how to write and to read the Quran. as well as some basic mathematics
and religion. I

In the second stage. residents of large cities established
small private schools in an attempt to develop semi-systematic schools
for girls Such schools were established in Mecca in 1942. in Riyadh
in 1950. and in Jeddah in 1951 (Al-Oteiby. 1982).

In the third stage. complaints and pressure by daughters of
government officials and members of fiie royal family motivated these
officials to initiate more structured schools By 1959. 15 private
gi r1 5' schools existed in Riyadh. Mecca. Jeddah. and Dammam. These
1 schools were funded privately and were not open to the public. Some of

the schools were owned by individuals and did not have sufficient room

51

and facilities to accommodate many students Also. these schools had
high entrance fees. which many families could not afford

In 1959. the Saudi Arabian government established the General
Presidency of Gi r1 5' Education. in accordance with a royal decree
issued by King Saud The Presidency was founded to encourage and
uphold private gi rls' schools in the Kingdom. The General Presidency
of Girls' Education was made responsible for supervising and control 1-
ing the private schools for girls and was headed by religious men.
Table 2.1 shows the number of Saudi gi rls enrolled in private schools
in 1960.

In the two years following the establishment of the General
Presidency of Gi r1 5' Education. the number of private Saudi girl 5'
schools increased to 33. The Presidency apparently offered its support
to private education at this time to avoid resistance from ihe public
and to provide the schools with needed financial support. The main
objectives of the General Presidency of Gi r1 5' Education were:

1. To prepare girls to assume their responsibility as wives.
mothers of the new generation. and homemakers

2. To fulfill the Saudi society's need for educated. culti-
vated. and specialized women in different fields. without exceeding the
bounds of tradition and religion (Abdul-Wasee 1984).

3. To fulfill the country's need for specialists in education
and similar fields

4. To make education more accessible for girls who desire

knowledge and who seek a higher level of education

52

...ou.ezv :m_eet< _e=em do

.om .e .Auwm_ .>u_mco>_c= oumum mmxok cuccz .m_mocu
outed Loam; ozu c_ co_ume_u_ucmm one: .>n_ouoi_< .x coesmco: "00L30m

 

mm m oum_coeLou:_
mum.m mm_ >Lmucoeo_m
0mm om . caudmmdocc_x
cocc__nu so consaz momma—u we Logan: _o>oa _mco_umu:vm

 

.oom. .e_eet< _eemm e_ ._oo;u. use>_te c. eo__o.=e ._t_e--._.~ e_eeh

53

These educational objectives were formulated in an attempt to
connect the past with fiie present and to build for the future of women
The General Presidency of Girl 5' Education began to formulate specific
plans and programs. attempting to profit from the Ministry of Educa-
tion's experience and to avoid mistakes that had been made in the past.

The inauguration of the General Presidency of Girls' Education
was followed by the opening of public schools for girls the next year.
Fifteen public schools were opened in ten Saudi Arabian cities in 1960.
At first the public opposed opening schools for girls. especially in
the sparsely populated areas inhabited by a majority of strongly rel i-
gious individuals The government intervened and decided that the
schools should be opened. (Figure 2.1 shows the general structure of
the General Presidency of» Girl 5' Education in 1984.)

Elementary education is the first stage of gi r1 5' education
and. in fact. of all education in the Kingdom. The largest number of
school-age girls are found at the elementary level. Children receive
an education regularly after they reach age six. Children of all
social classes are integrated in elementary schools: this is the first
step in achieving the principle of equal educational opportunity.
Table 2.2 shows fiie growth of elementary education for girls in Saudi
Arabia from 1961 through 1965.

S4

.awm. .:c_umu:vu _m_c_o mo >ucoc_moce .mcocou ozu so ocauuacum .mcocomii._.m acumen

. T... 7......
_ s... _ Him TM;

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_ £51 .99; Team: I “no.”
imam em: DH... Tum“.
Tun“... 9.991 T: Tim.
9...... . I... . I. __I..I._....
54...... r Emu”... I__
ghee W , l .
_ _ £1 .3 s:

 

 

 

 

 

 

JF . — -323an .353 =— 1 m . Pl" _

 

 

 

 

SS

Tab1e 2.2.--Pub1ic elementary education for gir1s in Saudi Arabia:
1961-1965 (Saudi and non-Saudi students).

 

Nunber of Nunber of Number of Nunber of

 

Year Cities Schoo1s C1asses Students
1961 10 15 127 5.180
1962 18 31 291 11.812
1963 32 60 531 18.880
1964 61 124 1.002 31.884
1965 62 135 1.274 40.896

 

Source: Saudi Arabia. Genera1 Presidency of Gir1s' Education. £11115;
- (Riyadh: Genera1
Presidency of Bi r1s' Education. 1977).

As shown in the tab1e. e1ementary education for gi r15 deve1oped
rapid1y during this five-year period. and the number of students
increased a1 most eightfo1d. The number of schoo1s near1y doub1ed every
year. as did the number of cities in which pub1ic e1ementary education
for 91 r1s was avai1ab1e. The rate of growth s1owed in 1965 for two
reasons. First. the 1arge cities had initiated and perhaps satisfied
the need for e1ementary education at a time when there was no serious
resistance from citizens Second. residents of sma11er towns were 1ess
to1erant of education for giris; consequent1y. the government decreased
the number of schoo1s that were to be opened each year in these sma11er
communities. Peop1e in some areas were forced to accept gi r1 5' educa-
tion; the government informed them that a1 though theycou1d prevent
their daughters from attending. they cou1d not c1ose the schoo1s.

Later. the number of peop1e who supported the opening of schoo1s grew

56

and exceeded the nunber of opponents. Consequentiy. pub1ic schoo1s for
gir1s became widespread throughout the nation.

Tab1e 2.3 shows the rapid deve1opment of 91 r1 5' e1 ementary
education in the 20 years since 1965. Between 1971 and 1981. the
number of cities that had schoo1s increased a1 most six times. the
number of schoo1s more than trip1e¢ the number of c1asses increased
a1most five times. and the number of students a1 most trip1ed. In 198)
there were 1.598 schoo1s. and this number grew to 2.785 in four years.
a 74: increase. The number of c1 asses in 1980 was 13.196 and grew to
21.070 in 1984. This represented an increase of about 60!. which
exceeded the Third Deve1opment P1an by 112:. Student enro11ment in
198) was 211.735 and grew to 453.730 in 1984. an increase of 114% over
projections made in the Third Deve1opment P1an. '

Private e1 ementary education diminished sti11 further after
1961. as shown in Tab1e 2.4. There were severa1 reasons for this
dec1ine. First. private e1ementary education was concentrated in the
large cities. in which the pub1ic schoo1s were now estab1ished.
Second. pub1ic e1 ementary education was free to a11 and was supported
by free transportation. Fina11y. the qua1ity of pub1ic schoo1s was
very good. so parents saw no advantage in sending their daughters to

private instituti ons

57

 

 

 

.amammm_ .>LmEE:m .mu_um_umum .co_umuauu .m_c_u mo >ucou_mocm _mcocou "ouL30m
mm_.so: oo~.mn mum.mwm mso.om cuo._~ NMN.~ m_~._ sm-mmm_
m_m.:_4 s__.:o mm_.omm ~sm.mm mom.m_ :ms.~ :mm._ mm-~mm_
_m_.mnm m-.mm mmm.-m Imm.om one... om_.~ mam._ No-_mm_
mom.4:m ~m~.om .mo..m~ Ium.su owe... oIm._ mm_._ .m-omm_
mm~._Im I~:.:: :Im.~o~ ~om.so em_.m_ mmm._ m_o._ om-m~m_
~m..om~ mm~.mm mam.~s~ mmm.mm coo... “Ia._ sum mm-m~m_
mm~.mo~ mm~.mm Iam.mm~ m_m.m: m-.o_ m-.. .mh m~--m_
mmm.¢m~ ~wm.oM msm.m- mem.m: NoI.m no... I“. --m~m_
msm.~m~ moo.m~ osm.__~ mmm.~s fine.» mom hum o~-m~m_
am:.m_~ mmm._~ mmo.:m_ ma_.m; mom.m mm» mm; m~-s~m_
~m_._m_ mam.~_ mm:.m~_ :mn.¢s m~m.m am. .mm :N-m~m_
osm.mo_ mom... NMm.mm_ som.mm «so.m ~mm saw m~--m_
Imm.ms_ mom... m-.om_ ~m:.~m s~m.s mm: mNN --_Nm_
_m_.uu_ oom.m m~m.n__ Imm.o~ mam.m 5mm am. _N-omm_
-_.:_I Imm.m Imm.mo_ --- __m.m Nam «a. o~-mom_
s~m.om .mm.o mum.mm --- ~mm.~ QQN 4m. m¢-mmm_
soc._m Imm._ m_m.m~ --- oms.~ mmu mo. wo-mom_
mom.~m --- --- --- mmo.~ ooN om so-mmm_
ofim.om --- --- --- MN... om. mm em-mom_
wmm.o. --- --- --- c-._ mm. Ne mo-:mmI

.oIHIu .
.mHOF _u:mmncoz Ivzmm mucmcucm mommm_u m_oo;um momm___> cmo>
mucmtaum 302 “—0 LOQEDZ

 

.qmmI gmaotgo com.
.m_nmc< _n:mw :_ m_c_m _u:mmuc0c vcm _u:mm com m_oo;um AucoEcLo>Omv _o>o_u>cmucoso_man.m.~ o_nmh

 

58

Tab1e 2.4.-Nunber of gi r15 in private e1anentary education in Saudi
Arabia compared to those in pub1ic e1 enentary education.
1%1 through 1967.

 

 

Year Private Pub1ic
1960-61 5.636 5.180
1961-62 4.327 11.812
1962-63 4.708 18.880
1963-64 3.882 31.984
1964-65 3.910 40.896
1965-66 5.689 50.870
1966-67 4.681 67.903

 

Source: Abdu1-Wasee.
. 2nd ed. (Tohana. Jeddah. S.A.:
193-84)! p. 790

Kindergarten education for chi1dren under six years o1d first
received attention from the Genera1 Presidency of Gi r1s' Education in
1976. This was a resu1t of a decision made by the prime minister and
King Abdu1 Aziz. which indicated it was important for kindergartens to
be supervised and administered by the Genera1 Presidency of Gir1s'
Education. The decision stressed the importance of kindergarten as an
educating institution and underscored the Presidency's responsibi1ity
for rearing the new generation in a hea1thy socia1 and educationa1
enviromlent. Rea1izing that the kindergarten stage is very important
in shaping the chi1dls character and de1ineating the re1ationship
between chi1d and environment. the government made kindergartens a
supp1ementary responsibi1ity of the Genera1 Presidency of Gir1s! Educa-
tion. Tab1e 2.5 i11ustrates the deve1opment of kindergartens for 91 r1s
from 1975-76 through 1983-84.

59

Table 2.5.--Statistics concerning kindergartens related to the
presidency in Saudi Arabia. 1975-76 through 1983-84.

 

 

Year Cities Schools Classes Students
1975-76 1 l 10 200
1976-77 2 2 12 231
1977-78 3 3 16 320
1978-79 6 7 33 564
1979-80 9 13 66 1.172
1980-81 14 19 109 2.067
1981-82 15 26 150 2.717
1982-83 26 43 234 4.358
1988-84 41 61 297 6.037

 

No school had a supplementary kindergarten unti1 19w-81. when 25
kindergarten classes attached to the schools were opened; these classes
enrolled 202 children. Supplementary kindergarten classes were pro-
vided especially for children and breast-feeding babies whose mothers
worked in the schools (Genera1 Presidency for Girl 5' Education. 1983-
84).

Private kindergartens for girls developed differently from
public ones. The enrollment in private kindergartens increased from
830 children in 1961 to 22.551 Saudi and non-Saudi children in 1983.
Table 2.6 shows the development of private kindergarten education for

girls from 1976 through 198.

60

Table 2.6.-Private kindergarten education for Saudi and non-Saudi
girls in Saudi Arabia. 1976 through 1983.

 

 

Year Cities Schools Classes Students
1976 10 42 226 9.494
1977 10 42 232 9.570
1978 11 48 280 10.526
1979 13 53 330 12.410
1980 16 99 379 13.784
1981 -- 77 591 18.784
1982“ -- -- -- --
1983 -- 99 853 22.551

 

Source: Data for 1981: Kingdan of Saudi Arabia Statistics Depariment.
Statistical Card about Girls' Education in the Kingdom. 1981-
82: data for 1983: Statistical Card about Girls' Education in
Kingdom. 198'“.

aData not available for 1982.

Intermediate education was established in 1964. and for the
first two years intermediate classes were offered in the elementary
schools. Since 1966. intermediate education has been offered in sepa-
rate facilities from the elementary schools. Table 2.7 shows the
development of public intermediate education for girls in Saudi Arabia
from 1965 through 1984.

As shown in Table 2.7. intermediate education grew slowly until
1971. after which it experienced rapid growth. In 1971. 17 interme-
diate schools were operating in nine cities. The number of interme-
diate schools grew to 55 in 38 cities by 1972. when the Presidency
decided to provide intermediate education in most cities whose e1emen-

tary schools graduated 30 or more girls from sixth grade each year.

61

Also. the Third Development Plan outlined the goals of increasing the
numbers of schools. classes and students; increasing opportunities for
intermediate education in small cities and villages; and employing only
Saudi administrators and teachers in the intermediate schools by the
period 1980 through 1985 (General Presidency for Girls' Education.
1984).

Table 2.7.--Stati sti cal summary of intermedi ate-stage government school
in Saudi Arabia. 1976 through 1984.

 

 

 

Year Cities & New

Villages Schools Classes Entrants Students
1965 4 7 22 243 544
1966 6 9 29 325 775
1967 9 12 39 600 1.253
1968 9 12 63 954 1.989
1969 9 12 96 1.453 3.181
1970 9 12 135 2.140 4.525
1971 9 17 222 4.719 7.861
1972 38 55 365 5.468 12.706
1973 53 82 589 9.043 19.589
1974 55 85 802 12.595 26.330
1975 63 102 1.079 15.751 37.111
1976 77 120 1.345 18.177 46.214
1977 94 147 1.665 20.356 53.698
1978 115 182 1.968 24.589 62.323
1979 156 256 2.343 26.731 69.012
1980 212 331 2.744 28.753 77.835
1981 264 407 3.211 31.111 85.530
1982 326 491 3.609 34.885 94.473
1983 .406 580 4.042 37.270 105.337
1984 458 679 4.560 41.535 114.064
Source: Presidency for 81 rls' Education Statistics Depariment.

Statistical Summary. 1984.

62

A number of difficulties delayed the establishment of secondary
education for girls First. there were no qualified women to teach in
secondary schools. and for cultural reasons men are not allowed to
teach gi rls Also. the Presidency initially devoted its efforts to
elementary and intermediate education. However. a few secondary
c1asses attached to private elementary schools were offered in 1963.
In 1970 three independent private high schools for girls were estab-
lished. The following year. nine secondary schools were opened, Table
2.8 shows the development of public secondary education for girls from
1964 through 1984.

As shown in Table 2.8. the number of secondary gi r1 5' schools
increased rapidly from 1980 through 1984. In 1980 the number of
schools was 100. whereas there were 250 in 1984. an increase of 1501.
The number of classes in 1980 was 1.017 and grew to 2.098 in 1984. an
increase of 106%. The total nunber of students was 27.731 in 19m and
rose to 56.542 in 1984. representing an increase of 104$.

To meet the country's needs. the General Presidency of Girl 5'
Education founded teaching institutions to prepare girls to teach in
elementary schools because there was a shortage of teachers and they
were being imported from other Arab countries To be accepted in such
an institution. a 91 r1 must have graduated from elementary school.
Later. these institutions were replaced by secondary teaching institu-
ti ons. Table 2.9 shows the development of women's secondary teacher

institutes in the 16 years from 1968-69 through 1983-84.

63

.awummmI .>ImEE:m Imququmum .cqumoacu .mIIIo mo >uconImoI¢ Imcucco

"ouIaOm

 

 

 

Nam.mm ms~.oI Im~.ms mam.IN mmo.~ omN III Im-mmmI
mNm.II mmm.m oum.mm «sm.II mmI.I soN mu. mm-~mmI
mmm.os Imm.I Iom.~m Im~.II oIm.I mmI mm ~m-ImmI
Imm.~m 0mm.¢ mm~.m~ mmm.mI mI~.I sNI II Im-ommI
IMI.I~ mam.m Nam.I~ mmo.II “Io.I ooI mm om-m~mI
mo:.m~ mmm.: mIs.mI Ioo.oI mIm MI Na mI-mImI
mmm.mI moI.I moI.mI MIm.I mIo om NM wI-IImI
Ine.oI Ins.m IQI.MI mom.o mom I: on In-mImI
Ioo.mI oem.~ mm:.oI INN.m com I~ cu oI-mImI
mmm.m Ism.I Imm.h mmm.s mQN «I II mI-sImI
mms.m IIm.I Ims.: mmm.~ ooI MI m sI-MImI
ss~.m Now ~ss.~ :Im.I am mI m MI-~ImI
mem.I Imm NII.I oI~.I I: oI m NI-IImI
omm mmI 5mm --- mI I I I~-oImI
omm mm mmN --- oI I I om-momI
sm~ II mmI --- a I I mo-momI
NIN mm mmI --- s I I mm-somI
mNI --- --- --- w I I me-oemI
Im --- --- --- m I I ms-momI
NM --- --- --- m I I mo-swmI
Iuamm-=oz Insmm
, .._.._III.. .3... ....I...._II.

 

.swmI Insets. smmI
.mInmI< Ivamm cI mIIIm IvammucOc new Ivamm Io» mIOOLUm A>ucctImoImv Io>oII>Imvcouomnn.w.~ oInmh

6h

 

 

 

 

.amnmmmI .>ImEE:m Imququmum .cqumunvm .mIIIu mo >ocouImoIa ImIocow "cocaom
mIm.m I: NII.M ImI.I mm. mm mm sm-mmmI
sms.m «I mI:.m mII.I 5mm om mm mm-~mmI
“mo.s on Iwm.I IMI.I com I» om ~m-.mmI
Ieo.oI mo mmm.m msm.~ Imm me we Im-ommI
mwo.II mm mam.oI mmI.m man as mm om-mImI
Imo.oI IN omw.oI mmm.m mum Nm Nm ms-mImI
Ism.m mI mum.m mom.m mIm mm mm mI-IImI
mIo.m II Iom.m III.m NmI NM NM Is-oImI
mam.m mI Imm.m :Io.~ osI mu mN II-mImI
msm.~ m cmm.~ mem.I mm mN m~ mI-sImI
omm.~ I mam.~ Imm.I mm IN IN II-mImI
mIm.I --- --- --- we IN I~ mm-~ImI
Iou --- --- --- Im mI MI NI-IImI
Ia: --- --- --- mI m m II-OImI
INN --- --- --- m m m oI-mmmI
om --- --- --- ~ N ~ me-mwmI

Inamm-coz Iuamm
Imu0h mucmcaum mucMMncm momma—u mouaqumc_ memwwwhwz Imo>
.smm.

smooIcu wmmI .mIQmI< Iuamm :I coeoz Io» mcqu:u_umcI Iozumou >Imucouom Io ucosao_o>cona.m.w oInmh

65

Table 2.9 illustrates the rapid development of educational
institutions to prepare gi rls' teachers. especially from 1974 through
1980. After 1980. the number of institutions. classes. and students
declined for two reasons. First. because the country had started to
become sel f-sufficient in terms of providing Saudi teachers for the
elementary schools. the number of teacher-training institutions had to
be limited.

Second. another type of teaching institution. called the inter-
mediate college. was established at the college level to educate women
to teach at the intermediate level. The intermediate colleges were
established in 1979-80 to meet the need for Saudi women teachers at
both the elementary and intermediate levels In addition. graduates of
colleges of education can teach at the intermediate or secondary level
or at the same college. Table 2.10 shows the development of interme-

diate colleges during the five years from 1979-80 through 1983-84.

Table 2.10.--Intermedi ate colleges in Saudi Arabia. 1979-80 through

 

 

198-840
Year Ci ties Colleges Stu dents
1979-80 4 4 406
1981-81 5 5 839
1981-82 7 7 1.081
1982-83 11 11 1.692
1983-84 14 14 2.476

 

Source: General Presidency of Girls' Education. Statistical Summary.
198-840

66

College education for girls was established in 1970-71 in
Riyadh. the capital of Saudi Arabia. Since then. the number of girls'
colleges has grown to 11: (1) the College of Education in Riyadh
(1970-71). (2) the College of Education for Girls in Jeddah (1974-75).
(3) the College of Education for Girls in Meccah (1975-76). (4) the
Higher Institution for Social Service in Riyadh (1975-76). (5) the Art
College in Riyadh (1979-80). (6) the Art College for Girls in Dammam
(1979-80). (7) the Science College for Girls in Dammam (1979-80).
(8) the College of Education for Girls in Medina (1981—82). (9) the
College of Education for Girls in Boraidah (1981-82). (10) the College
of Education for Girls in Abhah (1981-82). and (11) the College of
Education for Girls in Tobuk (1982-83) (Girls Colleges. Statistical
Summaries. 1984-85).

These colleges are administered by a department within the
General Presidency called the Vice-Presi dency for Girl 5' Colleges.
which has the primary responsibility for all girl 5' colleges (Al-Gaddi.
1981). Table 2.11 shows the number of students in girls' colleges from
academic years 1970-71 through 1983-84.

In 1984-85. 15.082 girls were studying at the university level
in Saudi Arabia. of whom 891 were Saudis and 11% were non-Saudis.
This number represented a 321 increase in enrollment over the preceding
year (see Table 2.12). Three hundred sixty girls were studying at the
post-baccal aureate level: 273 at the master's level and 87 at the

Ph.D. level. This was a 17% increase over 198-84 enrollments

67

.amumwmI .momo__0u .mIIIo Io» >ucouImoImuouI> .cOIHmuavu .mIIIu mo >ucouImoIm Imcocou ”oUI30m

 

mN mI .o.;I
IIN NMN .<.z

.um.m
swa... mII.m smm.o oNI.m mIm.I mom.I :mo.I mam.I mII.I on MI: «In mmI om ..<.m

 

ammI mmmI NwmI IwmI ommI mmmI mumI “mm. mnmI mum. sum. mum. NNmI Ism—
umwmI -NmmI -ImmI -owmI -mmmI -msmI -mumI nonmI .mNmI nanmI -mumI -NmmI -ImmI -oumI

 

Imo> uIEovmu<

 

.cmumwmI

canoIcu InuonmI mcmo> oIEovmum ecu mcIcau mama—Ice .mIIIm cI mucouaum mo consazuu.__.~ oInmh

68

Table 2.12.--Enrol lment of Saudi and non-Saudi students in girls'
colleges at the B.A. level. 1984-85.

 

 

'College Saudi non-Saudi Tetal

Art College--Riyadh 2.414 270 2.684
Art College--Dammam 4.169 232 4.401
College of Education--Riyadh 1.986 258 2.244
College of Education--Jeddah 1.275 239 1.514
College of Education--Meccah 497 97 594
Science College--Dammam 1.636 97 1.133
College of Education--Medinah 602 112 714
College of Education-Boraidah 546 63 609
College of Education--Abhah 273 136 409
Social Service Institution-~Riyadh 367 51 418
Cellege of Education-~Tabuk 281 81 362
Total 13.446 1.636 15.082

 

Source: Statistical Circular of Girl 5' College Presidency. 1984-85.

In addition to colleges that are under the administration of
the Vice-Presi dency for G1 r1 5' Colleges and that are attended only by
women. some universities for men have opened branches within their
departments for women. At those universities. women attend classes in
the afternoon and evening and on specified days when male students are
not attending. In these branches. classes that require male instruc-
tors are taught through the use of c1 osed-ci rcuit television. This
enables instructors to lecture to female students without actually
coming into contact with them. Female students may communicate with
male instructors via the telephone. Table 2.13 shows the number of

female and male students enrolled in Saudi universities

69

Table 2.13.--Ma1e and fenale students enrolled in Saudi Arabian
institutions of higher education. 1984-85.

 

 

University Male Students Fanale Students
King Saud 17.536 4.891
King Abdul Aziz 10.089 3.994
King Faisal 1.965 1.185
Petroleun and Minerals 3.496
Islamic 3.400
Mohanmed Ibn Saud Islanic 4.344
Umm Al-Qura 4.654 4.084

 

Source: Fourth Development Plan. 1985-1990.

The Fourth Development Plan projected that 5.670 women will be
attending King Saud University and 6.095 at King Abdul Aziz University
by 1990. By then. the enrollment of women at King Faisal University is
expected to be 1.861. and at Umm Al-Qura it is expected to reach 5.486
(Fourth Development Plan. 1984).

In 1976. another type of girl 5' school was opened: the nursing
school. That year. five nursing schools were established in Riyadh.
Jeddah. Hofuf. Jaizan. and l'aif. with a total enrollment of 261 stu-
dents (Al-Otei by. 1982). By 1980. the number of nursing schools had
increased to seven in as many cities. These schools offer about 18
classes. but their enrollment dropped to only 167 in 1983 (Abdu1-Wasee.
198). That decline can be attributed to girl 5' preference for general
education over nursing schools. They prefer to obtain an education
that qualifies them to attend medical school rather than a nursing

school .

70

Adult education schools were established in 1972 to enhance the
educational opportunities of women who had not had a chance to receive
an education. Since then. adult education has developed and been

expanded. Table 2.14 shows the course of that development.

Table 2.14.--Adult education (eradication of illiteracy) in Saudi
Arabia during the 12 years from 1972-73 through 19E-B4.

 

 

Acadani c Year C. ties Schools Cl asses Stu dents
1972-73 4 5 47 1.400
1973-74 29 50 292 9.3 60
1974-75 179 321 1.050 23 .245
1975-76 284 458 1.425 26 .721
1976-77 378 591 1.931 29.199
1977-78 439 660 2.168 29.985
1978-79 566 832 2.542 34 .569
1979-80 661 953 2.852 37.744
1980-81 760 1.637 3 .249 46 .025
1981-82 920 1.291 3 .839 54.164
1982-83 398 1.366 is .1117 53 .230
1983-84 965 1,412 4.334 58,365

 

Source: General Presidency for Girls' Education. Statistical Sum-

maries. 1983-84.

Also in 1972. tailoring training centers were opened. in which
girls learn tailoring and sewing. Girls who graduate from these cen-
ters receive a certificate of tailoring that qualifies them to tailor
and sew for other people. However. the degree girls receive from such
institutions does not qualify them to teach in girl 5' Schools. One
hundred thirty-seven girls were enrolled in tailoring training centers

in 1972-73: by 1983-84 the enrollment had grown to 1.388. Table 2.15

71

shows the development of tailoring centers from 1972-73 through 1983-
84.

Table 2.15.—-Enrollment in tailoring training centers in Saudi Arabia
during the 12 years from 1972-73 through 198-84.

 

 

Academic Year Cities Centers Classes Trainees
1972-73 2 2 10 137
1973-74 4 4 33 396
1974-75 4 4 43 505
1975-76 4 4 46 479
1906-77 5 5 46 428
1977-78 5 5 51 603
1978-79 7 7 63 705
1979-80 9 9 79 860
1980-81 11 11 98 1.126
1981-82 12 12 101 1.289
1982-83 15 15 113 1.292
1983-84 17 16 127 1.388

 

Sources: Data for 1972-73 through 1981-82: General Presidency for
Girls' Educatior. Statistical Summaries. 1983-84. Data for
1982-83 through l9E-84: General Presidency for Girls'
Education. General Adninistration for Planning and Pursuance.
19w-84.

The education girls receive in the tailoring training centers
is considered vocational education. but the type of vocational educa-
ti on that is provided for boys does not exist for girls Such voca-
tional education is not included in the policy of women's education and
is outside its objectives The foremost objective of women's education
is to prepare them to be good wives and mothers. In Saudi society. the

primary place for women is at home. as a teacher. or in medical

72

service. as the Educational Policy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
(1978) states:

The object of women's education is to bring her up in a sound

Islamic way so that she can fulfill her role in life as a

successful housewife. ideal wife and good mother. and to prepare

her for other activities that suit her nature. such as teaching.
nursing. and medicine.

-- The state takes interest in teaching girls. providing necessary
and possible facilities to accommodate all those who reach
schooling age and giving them the opportunity to fill teaching
posts that suit their nature and meet the needs of the country.

-- Co-education is prohibited in all stages of education with the
exception of nursery school and kindergarten (pp. 28. 29)

In the light of this policy. gi r1 5' education in Saudi Arabia
continues to encompass all of the aforementioned types of education. as

summarized in Table 2.16.

W

The Saudi Arabian government offers numerous scholarships for
study abroad for undergraduate and graduate study and for technical
training. Such scholarships are provided because of the government's
desire to develop its human resources and to fulfill the country's need
for various economic improvements and development in the governmental
and private sectors. particularly to improve the teaching institutions
As a result of educating Saudi students abroad from 1970 through 198).
the country has been able to fill some employment gaps and to replace
many non-Saudi employees and teachers with Saudi nationals The latter

have played an important role in building the country.

73

Table 2.16.--Statistica1 summary of number of presidency schools and
their enrollments at all stages of gi r1 5' education.

 

 

19a-84.

Stage/Type of Education Schools Students
Kindergarten 61 6. 037
Primary 2.737 464.138
Quranica 17 2.215
Intermediate 679 119.064
Secondary 250 56.542
Fanale teachers' institutes 85 3.813
.1 uni or/ intermediate colleges 14 2.476
Higher educati CB 11 11.730
Adult education 1.412 58.365
Tailoring training centers 17 1.284

 

Source: Statistical card showing girls' education in the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia. 198-84.

aQurani c schools provide a religious primary-school education
for girls who desire to menorize and recite the Duran.

bAdult education teaches reading and writing to women who have

passed normal school age and want to return to school; this type of
education is called education for eradication of illiteracy.

In particular. study abroad has been of vital importance to
university faculty members because through that study they have
received further education and have gained invaluable experience.
Using this experience and the insights they have gained about educa-
tional practices in the developed countries in which they studied. they
have been able to improve teaching methods and curriculum throughout
the Kingdom.

From 1970 through 19a). 10.035 Saudi students studied abroad;

about 47% of them majored in education A majority of those students

74

(68.7%) studied in the United States because the American educational
system is flexible in meeting students' individual needs and preparing
them to adapt to various programs. The next largest number of students
(14.8%) studied in Egyptian universities. Great Britain had the third
largest number of Saudi students (5.5%). followed by Pakistan (2.5%)
and then Austria (1%) and the Federal Republic of Germany (1%). The
remaining 6.5% percent of Saudis studying abroad were scattered
throughout various countries: 5% studied in Arab countries other than
Egypt. Table 2.17 shows the number of Saudi students who studied
abroad from 1970 through 1980.

Table 2.17.--Number of Saudi students who studied abroad. 1970 through
198). by country in which they studied.

 

 

Number % of Total
Country

Male- Female Tetal Male Female Total

United States 6.694 202 6.896 73.4 22.0 68.7
Egypt 1.160 330 1.490 12.7 36.0 14.8
Great Britain 497 53 550 5.5 5.8 5.5
Pakistan 185 68 253 2.0 7.4 2.5
Austria 93 9 102 1.0 1.0 1.0
Fed. Rep. of Germany 96 l 97 1.1 0.1 1.0
Other Arab countries 269 231 500 3.0 25.2 5.0
Other Islamic countries 3 3 6 .. 0.3 0.1
Other European countries 96 16 111 1.0 1.7 1.1
Other countries 26 4 30 0.3 0.4 0.3
Total 9.118 917 10,035‘ 100.0 100.0 100.0

 

Source: Ministry of Higher Education. Directorate General for the
Development of Higher Education. "Progress of Higher Education
in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia During Ten Years. 1970-1980."
p. 118.

75

As shown in Table 2.17. the number of female students studying
abroad is very restricted compared to the number of males Statistics
indicate that females constitute 22.4% of Saudi students studying in
the United States: 96% of these women are married and are accompanied
by their husbands. who have been granted scholarships to study in the
United States In the 19605. Saudi Arabia granted a few scholarships
to females without restrictions. but recent governmental policies have
just about excluded females because in the early 19705 single females
were rquired to have a male companion when traveling abroad to study.
In 1985. however. government policies became even more restrictive. to
the point where females. married or single. are not permitted to have
scholarships to study abroad. As a result. since 1985. it is only
possible for a married women in the company of her husband. who is
studying on a scholarship. to receive financial assistance and study
abroad.

It is also important to mention that the Directorate of Girl 5'
Schools continues to be opposed to females studying abroad and does not
offer any scholarships for women to study outside Saudi Arabia. The
few females who previously received scholarships were granted them
mainly from the Ministry of Education (the male sector). Recently.
females employed in the female sector of the University. of Riyadh and
King Abdul Aziz University have been granted scholarships for graduate
study (also under the Ministry of Education). Also. the Ministry of

Labor and Social Affairs has been granting some scholarships for women

76

to study abroad at the graduate level. Aramco's educationa1 policies
did include scholarships for women's higher education. but policy
changes adopted in 1985 have meant that females may no longer receive
such scholarships.

W
W

From the foregoing discussion. in can be seen that femal es'
education in Saudi Arabia was delayed and faced much opposition and
rejection from different groups until its establishment in 1960.
Although the history of public education for girls is relatively brief.
such education has made great progress and developed very fast since
its establishment. The number of 91 rls' classes and schools has
increased year after year. but they are still not equal to those of
boys The number of boys‘enrolled in school and their literacy exceeds
the enrollment and literacy among girls. and this difference is more
noticeable at higher steps on the educational ladder. Table 2.18 shows
these differences '

Table 2.18 shows the differences in the number of male students
compared to females It also shows that there still is a discrepancy
between the kinds of educational programs that are offered to males and
those offered to females (for example. technical education. which is
not offered to females). In addition. some differences in the cur-
ricula offered to girls and boys are not evident in the table. The
91 r1 5' curriculum concentrates on teaching them to be good wives and

mothers Physical education is offered to males but not to females

77

Table 2.18.--Statistical sunmary of students enrolled in different
levels and types of education in Saudi Arabia. 1982/83.

 

 

Level/Type of Education Male Students Female Students
Kindergarten 22.651 18.551
El enentary 637.117 436.411
Intermediate 193.084 108.414
secondary $.756 49'525
Teacher training 11.265 7.186
Technical education 9.527 ..
Special education 1.609 732
Adult education 84.215 54.986
Other types 24.953 2.308
Higher education 50.630 24.48)
Total 1.115.807 702.543

 

Source: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Ministry of Education Data Center.
Riyadh. 1982/83.

As mentioned before. girl 5' education in Saudi Arabia has still
not reached as high a quality as males' education. In other words.
educational opportunities for girls are more limited and restricted
fluan those for boys. as evidenced by flue different curricula offered to
the two sexes and the restrictive policy concerning scholarships for
females.

Smock (1981) indicated that

Equality of educational opportunity refers to three aspects of the
educational process: access. continuation rates. and the nature of
programs and curriculum. There are more disparities in educational
systems lacking flue resources to provide universal education fluan
in more developed educational systems in which the basic issue is

more likely to be inequities in quality rafluer fluan the quantity of
schooling. at least at flue primary and secondary stages. (p. 38)

78

However. while flue goal of 91 r1 5' education in Saudi Arabia has
been to reinforce woman's role as wife and mofluer. it has resulted in
many changes'for thousands of women in Saudi Arabia. Education has had
a great influence on women themselves. as well as on the society.
Increasing numbers of females have become educated. and more women are
working outside of their homes In flue beginning fluey were employed
primarily as teachers: later. work opportunities were expanded to
include the medical field and employment in Moslem banks for women

Contributions of development technocrats. all of whom are gov-
ernment officials. reflect the government's great interest in and
concern wiflu flue newly educated Saudi women On the one hand. educated
women are a largely untapped labor resource fluat could replace at least
some of the vast number of foreign workers. On the other hand. the
government cannot afford to ignore these educated women's pleas and
demands: to do so would be to alienate them and thus to create an
unnecessary problem (Al-Baadi. 1982).

Women who receive a minimum education that cannot provide them
with vocational qualifications or who do not want to cope with the
demands of a regular job tend to join women's societies or clubs.
called Al-j am'iyyatan-nisaiyyah. Women's power in such societies is an
extension of and relative to their male guardi ans' power in the soci-
ety. The purpose of this women's society is to render valuable serv-
ices to orphans. children of imprisoned women. poor families. and women

in general. by offering lectures on women's issues and by offering

79

interested women training in marketable skills. such as typing (A1;
Madman #5034. 12/3/1980).

Furfluermore. increased female education in the Kingdom awakened
women's consciousness about many issues fluat before were not considered
important for uneducated women One such issue was the rejection of
polygyny. a practice fluat was widespread in flue past Highly educated
women oppose and refuse to enter such polygynous marriages. recognizing
their ills and their side effects on children One woman stated.

Woe to polygyny. . . . My hope is still renewed in the young men
who are recent graduates of our technological universities that
they will be more broad-minded and consider (in cases of polygyny)
flue needs of the new generation of children who require amounts of
psychic. physical. and educational care that cannot be provided by
polygynous fathers who have lost their feelings for their old
homes (W11 {3030. 9/1/19m. p. 9)

Also. increased educational attainment has made Saudi women
recognize their right as individuals to make free choices when it comes
to such matters as when and whom to marry. They must have a chance to
meet the man and know him before fluey decide whether to marry him. Not
only have women spoken out about this issue in public and in the

newspapers. but they have been very brave in doing so. One woman wrote

flue following in flue newspaper:

WHEN A WOMAN CHOOSES HER HUSBAND

This is the sorry state of our society where young women live a
life where their hopes are not realized and their feelings are
suppressed. I'm not demanding fluat a woman be allowed to look for
a husband and then ask for him in marriage unless she is already
divorced or widowed. as prescribed by the prophet. I'm only
demanding in the name of all young women that a young woman be
given flue freedom to accept or reject the man who asks for her hand
in marriage. without any direction or pressure from her family. I
look forward to the day when our society gives a woman her right in

80

choosing her husband under our Islamic law and traditions. (M;
m #2967. 9/21/1980)

Anofluer educated wanan wrote:
The picture is not enough. . . . A young woman in our country is.
unfortunately. disabled: She does not decide on her own future
regardless of how much education she has It is her father who
makes flue decision for her. He might reject many young men who ask
for her hand in marriage simply because they do not meet the

conditions he perceives to be necessary. He would not consult her
until he had already accepted their requests to marry her.

Conclusion

Raising the level of women's education has affected sAUDI
women's role in society in many ways They recognize that their role
is not restricted or limited to home. chi1d bearing. or housewifery.
Women also can express their personalities and gain an identity by
working outside the home. which is reflected in their writings.
Women's education and employment have affected the number of children
they bear; most educated and employed women have started to use bi rflu
control to limit the number of children to three or four. instead of
ten Some have started to make their own decisions about the question
of whom they will marry and flueir life goals In addition. fluey have
asked to meet and get to know the man before marrying him. a privilege
that illiterate women were not allowed. Moreover. women have become
aware of their right to discuss with their husbands issues rel ated to
women fluemselves. sharing the marital responsibilities. Women have
begun not listening to and obeying their husbands' orders They argue
and refuse instead of nodding their heads fluat fluey hear and will obey.

The number of educated women has increased year after year and has led

81

to increased participation in the labor force. which is segregated by
gender. A number of researchers are now studying the effect of work
segregation on women and on the labor force. In sum. women's education
and employment have greatly affected flueir roles in flue society.

From flue review of literature flue following conclusions are
drawn:

1. Cultural beliefs appear to have a great influence on how
much support a country gives flue education of women.

2. Economic and social changes since 1957 have contributed to
the increased number of girl 5' schools in Saudi Arabia.

3. Job openings seem to have influenced the Saudi Arabian
government to favor flue idea of educating girls

4. Educated young men in Saudi Arabia are increasingly real iz-
ing fluat educated women make better wives and mothers

. 5. In spite of the preceding real izations. the Saudi Arabian

government is no longer sponsoring women to pursue an education over»
seas unless they are accompanied by flueir husbands. who usually are the

recipients of government scholarships

CHAPTER III

METHODS AND PROCEDURES

The purpose of this chapter is to explain the methods used in
exploring the educational behavior. aspirations. and attitudes of Saudi
Arabian women living in the United States while their husbands were
studying there. This chapter includes a description of the data-
collection procedures. the population and sample. and the instrumenta-

tion used in the study.

Data-Wm
Three methods were used to collect data concerning Saudi
women's educationa1 behavior. aspirations. and attitudes. These
methods were a review of written materials. the distribution of
questionnaires. and personal interviews. Each of these methods is

discussed in detail in the following sections.

W

The researcher examined related materials on the topic under
investigation. which included magazines. newspapers. and government
documents. policies. rulings. and statistical annuals concerning Saudi
Arabian women's education. both in the United States and in Saudi

Arabia.

82

83

Government documents and policies. as well as other official
data including the most recently published statistics. educationa1
reports. and other official publications related to the study. were
obtained from various educational agencies and departments. as well as
from authorities in Riyadh. Saudi Arabia. Official documents were
obtained from flue Ministry of Planning. the Ministry of Information.
the Ministry of Education. the General Presidency of Girls' Education.
the Vice-Presidency for Girl 5' Colleges. and Riyadh University. In
addition. the writer examined policies of the Saudi educational mission
in the United States. which were directly related to the study. These
official documents and policies were used to support and provide evi-
dence for the problem under investigation and to help fulfill the
purpose of this study.

The writer also conducted a selective review of literature
related to women and development in developing countries in general.
and then focused on the role of women in Saudi Arabia. Literature on
the role of educating women in developing countries and other related
topics was obtained through a computer search at the Michigan State
University library: other reference materials were brought from Saudi

Arabia.

Ibsfluesflmnalne

A questionnaire was also used to obtain data related to the
study. This questionnaire was the main technique through which neces-
sary data were collected. The questionnaire was the major technique

because Saudi women are shy about making public contacts and feel

84

uneasy and uncomfortable about voicing their opinions freely. In
addition. conducting personal interviews with Saudi women is considered
unusual because they are not accustomed to such research methods. This
is different from the United States. where people are used to being

interviewed.

WW

Despite the drawbacks of interviewing Saudi women. as explained
above. short interviews were conducted with 20 women living in Lansing.
Michigan. with their husbands. to investigate their educational behav-
ior. aspirations. and attitudes. The purpose of flue interviews was to
obtain more detailed information in order to validate and support the
data collected by means of flue questionnaires Names of interviewees
were selected from the Arabic student book. which lists the names of
Saudi families in the Lansing. Michigan. area. Interviewees were
selected by using a table of random numbers. Women residing in the
Lansing area were chosen for the interviews because the researcher
lives in Lansing. and it was convenient to conduct the interviews

there.

W

The study was limited to Saudi females who accompanied their
husbands to the United States and who were sponsored primarily by the
Saudi Arabian government as a result of accompanying their husbands.
Other Saudi females (those who were not married. or came with their

families for flue purpose of studying. or already had a scholarship to

85

travel abroad to study) were excluded from the population. ‘These women
were excluded because flueir intentions for studying and their educa-
tional behavior and aspirations were self—evident.

The study population included all of the Saudi Arabian females
residing in Michigan with their husbands. who were here as students.
Rather than selecting a sample from this population. the entire Michi-
gan population was used for the study because a limited number of Saudi
females were living in the state. According to a recent Saudi Arabian
Mission report. 159 married females were living in Michigan at the time
of the study.

In addition to the Michigan population. a sample of Saudi
Arabian women who were residing with their husbands in other areas of
the United States was drawn for the study. These women were selected
randomly at a convention held in Cincinnati. Ohio. which about 300
Saudi Arabian families attended. Two hundred of the 300 Saudi women
living with their husbands in the United States were selected for the
sample. to represent the population of Saudi women residing in the
United States Selection was done by using meeting-enrollment lists
and a table of random numbers. The Saudi families attending the con-
ference represented all of the states except Hawaii and Alaska. which
do not have Saudi students because of the Kingdom's scholarship policy.
The names of Saudi females living in Michigan were eliminated from the
enrollment list before drawing the random sample of females attending

the conference.

86

The population of 300 Saudi females living outside Michigan was
included to enable flue researcher to compare flue results for that group
with those obtained from the Michigan population. The researcher
believed such a comparison would provide more accurate and complete
information. Also. it should help avoid some of the biases that might
result from collecting data solely from a Michigan population (6.9..
Michigan has a unique environment with cold and snowy weather. which
might be a factor influencing Saudi females' decision to attend school
there). In addition. the United States sample was drawn to ensure that
women from a wide range of social statuses. socioeconomic levels. and
community types (rural and urban) would be included in the study.
Thus. including the United States sample as well as flue Michigan popu-
lation should help eliminate the aforementioned possibilities of bias

and provide more accurate results.

Instnumentatmn

W
W

Several steps were followed in preparing the questionnaire and
the interview sduedule.

l. The researcher reviewed several research texts related to
questionnaire design and interview techniques. which helped her under-
stand the procedures involved in developing a questionnaire and an
interview schedule.

2. The researcher reviewed related literature such as articles

and dissertations on topics similar to that of flue present study. This

87

helped in constructing similar questionnaire items to serve the pur-
poses of flue study.

3. Several meetings were held with the researcher's disserta-
tion advisor and committee members to modify flue questionnaire items
and to ensure that the questions covered what they were intended to
measure. The researcher's major academic advisor. dissertation direc-
tor. and ofluer members of the committee provided advice about questions
that needed to be added or eliminated. as well as about item wording
and organization

4. Additional meetings were held with a research consultant.
who hel ped in developing flue questionnaire and constructing flue inter-
view.

5. The researcher consulted Saudi friends who had experience
in questionnaire and interview design This helped her determine flue
appropriateness of the questions to the shared cultures and languages

6. The questionnaire and interview were translated into
Arabic. flue native language of the study population The instruments
were translated to avoid misunderstandings fluat might arise in reading
flue questionnaire in English and to ensure that all subjects would be
able to read and respond to all of flue questions. even if fluey were not
adept at reading or writing in English.

The translation involved several steps First. flue researcher
took flue questionnaire and interview questions to a bilingual professor
at Michigan State University who is fluent in English and teaches

Arabic. He translated flue questionnaire items and interview questions

88

under the supervision of the researcher. to ensure that the original
meaning was preserved. This professor furfluer edited flue interview and
questionnaire items to eliminate any grammatical or spelling errors
Next. flue researcher reviewed flue edited questionnaire and interview to
ensure their original meanings remained intact after the translation
and editing and to ensure fluat flue questionnaire and interview schedule
were in the most suitable form.

7. The researcher tested the questionnaire wiflu 30 Saudi women
who were living in Lansing with flueir husbands. who were studying at
Michigan State University. The Islamic Center was used as a meeting
place for this purpose because most Saudi women gather there every
Sunday. After flue questionnaire was analyzed. it was revised based on
flue respondents' answers

8. The questionnaire and interview schedule were typed in

Arabic. duplicated. and prepared for adninistration.

W

The questionnaire was divided into two sections. The first
section contained items designed to collect pertinent demographic
information. such as pl ace of birth. father's level of education and
ethnic background. sponsor of the respondent's education. number of
children. and so on The second section contained 51 items designed to
elicit information about the respondents' educational aspirations.
attitudes about Saudi women's education. the extent to which the
respondents were continuing flueir education in flue United States. flueir

opinions about the Saudi government's new policy concerning educating

89

Saudi wives residing abroad. and their assessments of some of the
factors fluat might hinder or facilitate flueir education in the United
States Questions in this section of the questionnaire were of the
fixed-a1 ternative type. Respondents were asked to indicate whether
they strongly agreed. agreed. were undecided. disagreed. or strongly
agreed with each item The researcher used closed-ended items for flue
following reasons: (1) to ensure that the responses covered the dimen-
sions in which flue researcher was interested. (2) to simplify flue data
analysis. and (3) to reduce the burden that writing answers migut have
placed on flue respondents The questionnaire items were mixed in such
a way as to avoid contaminating responses by the content of previous
iteuus.

The questionnaire was accompanied by a cover letter that
explained flue nature. purpose. and importance of flue study. Respond-
ents were encouraged to answer frankly and were assured of flue confi-
dentiality of their answers because their names were not required.
(Copies of the English and Arabic versions of the cover letter and

questionnaire appear in Appendix A.)

WW1:

The researcher constructed an interview schedule. which was
administered to 20 respondents from the Lansing area. The interview
schedule contained two sections In the first section. interviewees
were introduced to flue research and told flue purpose of flue interview.

They were encouraged to respond frankly and were assured that their

90

answers would renain confidential. The second section of the interview
was designed to elicit comments. ideas. and opinions about the main
thene of flue study: respondents' educationa1 behavior. attitudes. and

aspirations.

WW5

The validity of the questionnaire and interview schedule were
enhanced by:

l. consulting with members of the doctoral committee to
receive flueir caruments and suggestions.

2. seeking advice from graduate-student friends who were
studying at Michigan State University and shared the same cultural
background. to ensure that the questionnaire was consistent wiflu fluat
background and fluat flue translation was understandable

3. ascertaining the subj ects' understanding of flue question-
naire items by pilot testing the instrument. as described earlier in
this chapter.

Through these procedures. flue questionnaire was improved. It

was fluen ready for administration to flue subjects of flue research.

WW
To test the reliability of the questionnaire Cronbach's alpha.

a statistical approach to determining flue reliability of survey instru-
ments. was used. Reliability of the questionnaire was found to be
75.22. which was judged to be an acceptable level for the purposes of

thi 5 research.

91

MW

Before constructing the questionnaire items. the researcher
arranged a meeting with some Saudi wives who had come to the United
States with flueir student husbands The purpose of fluat meeting was to
discuss issues related to Saudi wives living abroad and to the purpose
of flue study. Problems wiflu going to school were discussed. as was flue
Saudi government's new policy concerning wives' study abroad. As a
result of the meeting. flue researcher gained some insight into impor-
tant aspects to include in the study questionnaire. as well as the
response choices to use for the fixed-alternative items. The discus-
sion at that meeting also helped the researcher construct open-ended
questions concerning flue respondents' personal background. opinions.
feelings. and ideas related to the study topic.

Before distributing the questionnaire to the study population.
the researcher conducted another pilot study with the questionnaire to
identify Saudi women's reactions to the questionnaire items and to
determine whether those items were understandable. The researcher
selected 30 subjects who were at the Islamic center for Friday prayen.
They were asked to return the completed questionnaire as soon as
possible. either to the researcher in person or by mail.

Several adjustments were made to the questionnaire items. based
on flue subjects' responses The format of some questions was modified
to make them more understandable and to eliminate any ambiguity. The
wording of some items was changed to make fluem more understandable. and

questions that most of the respondents did not answer or misunderstood

92

were eliminated. For example. respondents were asked if they had been
going to an educational institution before flue Saudi government's new
ruling. Most of the respondents answered 'No." although they actually
had been going to school before flue new ruling. They had misunderstood
the word "institution" because it has a different connotation in
Arabic. Therefore this question was reworded to ask. "Were you going
to school before the new ruling?" Also. it appeared that some new
wives who had recently arrived in flue United States did not know about
the government's ruling. so it was important to explain the ruling
before asking flue question

Finally. flue questionnaire was revised. based on feedback from
the subjects. retyped. duplicated. and distributed to flue study popula-

tion and sample.

WW

December 1985 flurough February 1986 was the period specified
for data collection Data analysis began in March 1986. Responses
received after February 28. 19%. were not included in flue study.

The researcher distributed the questionnaire in the Lansing
area using the Arabic student book. which lists all of the Arabic
students living in the area. as well as their phone numbers and
addresses This book was first used in selecting subjects to take part
in the reliability testing. All 30 subjects involved in the

reliability testing were excluded from flue questionnaire distribution

93

Instruments were mailed to the remaining respondents. along with a
stamped return envelope addressed to flue researcher.

After the instrument had been revised and retyped in Arabic.
flue researcher sent it to flue Saudi educational mission. which mailed
it to all Saudi females in Michigan except those in Lansing. whose
questionnaires has been mailed by flue researcher.

It should be noted that an interval of time elapsed in the data-
collection process between when flue respondents received flue question-
naires and when they returned them. It is possi bl e--perhaps even
probable—fluat participants responded to flue questions in consultation
with their husband or some other person This fact does not disqualify
flue potential significance of flue data. but it does constitute a limi-
tation of this study.

The researcher also attended a six-day conference in Ci ncin-
nati. Ohio. for all Saudi students resi ding in the United States and
was able fluen to talk extensively with other Saudi women attending the
conference The most helpful factor here. perhaps. was fluat flue women
were separated from their husbands throughout the conference and stayed
togefluer in flue same hotel. This gave flue researcher an opportunity to
talk with some of flue women wifluout any restrictions from the presence
of males and to get to know the women well. which facilitated data
collection.

The approximately 300 Saudi female students who attended the

conference with flueir husbands came from all states where Saudis were

94

studying. The researcher received approval to distribute the question-
naire from the person responsible for the conference after he had
examined thequesti onnai re. The investigator obtained a list of all
the Saudi women in attendance. along with their room numbers in the
hotel. Ouesti onnaires were distributed during the free time. when
fluere were no meetings or lectures The researcher met with each woman
if she was in her room and talked with her about the questionnaire: if
she was not in flue room. flue questionnaire was slipped under flue door.
The researcher's room number was written on the envelope. so if
respondents completed flue questionnaire before the conference ended.
fluey could return it to the researcher's room. Those who were unable
to complete the questionnaire were urged to finish it as soon as fluey
returned home

Distributing the'questi onnaire at the conference served many
purposes. Perhaps the most important one was to get close to the
respondents Conducting research on Saudi women is a recent phenome-
non The research procedures must be clarified and explained repeat-
edly to make the women comfortable about participating. Also. although
thequestionnaire did not concern their personal lives. as the cover
letter accompanying the questionnaire emphasized. fluis fact had to be
discussed with the women personally. Otherwise. they would have
neglected to complete and return the questionnaires

Thirty-fivequestionnaires had been returned by the time the
conference ended. and 65 were received through the mail following the

conference. Sixty completed questionnaires were received from the

95

Michigan population Thus the total sample group comprised 160 Saudi
Arabian women The demographic data from each of fluese three groups
were tabulated separately and are presented in Chapter 11! in the form
of a comparative narrative For discussion purposes. flue fluree groups
are identified as (1) the USA sample (those who received questionnaires
at the conference and returned them by mail: n = 65). (2) the confer-
ence group (those who received questionnaires and returned them at the
conference: n = 35). and (3) the Michigan papulation (the 60 respond-
ents from Michigan). To answer the research questions. data analyses
were done for the total respondent group (N = 160) because the
respondents' background characteristics were similar and the number of

respondents in each group was small.

WM
After gathering data through both the questionnaire and

interviews. the researcher developed a coding book for the
questionnaire and checked it with a research consultant at Michigan
State University to ensure that it was reliable. Thequestionnaire
items were then coded. and data were prepared for computer analysis.
The interview responses also were coded. and similar responses were
combined for analysis purposes The coding and combination of
responses were checked by several individuals who had had research
experience They agreed fluat flue coding and response combinations were
valid.

The data gathered through the questionnaire were analyzed by

using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS).

Descriptive statistics used in reporting the results of the data analy-
sis were means. standard deviations. and frequencies.

Means were used to show the value of each item and to indicate
whether respondents agreed in their ratings of the item. The higher
flue mean value. flue greater the respondents' agreement about that item.
Along with the mean. a standard deviation was obtained to show the
variance in responses for each item: the lower the standard deviation.
flue more agreement existed in responses. and vice versa.

The specific statistical techntques used to answer the research
questions were the chi-square and multivariate analysis of variance
(MANOJA). Along with MANOIA. flue univari ate F-test was used to deter-
Inime on which variable(s) statistically significant differences
existed. Finally. correlation coefficients were used to test the
relationship between two variables

Responses to demographic items are discussed primarily in terms
of frequencies: means and standard deviations are used when necessary.
Responses to items in the second section of theuquestionnaire are
reported in terms of means and standard deviations In this section
respondents were asked to indicate whether they strongly agreed.
agreed. were undecided. disagreed. or strongly disagreed with each
item. Points were assigned to each response. as follows:
= Strongly Agree
- Agree
Undecided

Disagree
Strongly Disagree

1
2
3
4
5

97

On negatively stated items. point assignments were reversed for
analysis purposes.

The items were categorized to reflect the respondents' educa-
tional attitudes. educationa1 aspirations. factors influencing their
educational behavior. influence of being in the United States. and
going to school in Saudi Arabia. To answer the specific question
concerning factors influencing Saudi women's educationa1 behavior.
responses were rank ordered by means for respondents who were attending
school and those who were not attending school. to determine to what
extent fluey agreed on those items For all items under this question
the lower the mean the higher flue agreement on the item. Mean ratings
were categorized as follows:

1.00 to 1.99 = high agreenent
2.00 ,to 2.99 8 agreenent

3.00 to 3.99 disagreenent
4.00 to 4.99 8 strong disagreenent

The instrument also contained three open-ended questions
The researcher coded and treated these responses like those in the

demographic-data section

VOLUME 2

GiAPTER IV

DATA ANALYS IS

Intmdustlon

This study was primarily an exploratory investigation of the
educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes of Saudi Arabian women
who were living with their husbands in the United States. The
researcher intended to discover someuof the factors that influence
Saudi women's educationa1 aspirations. behaviors. and attitudes in a
foreign country such as the United States. which might either hinder or
facilitate those behaviors and aspirations. The study may provide
baseline information that will have the potential to help planners and
decision makers in both Saudi Arabia and the’United States develop ways
to offer more help to Saudi women who are living abroad.

The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section
contains the demographic data. which reveal some important personal
information about the study participants. In this first part the data
are tabulated and discussed in terms of the three respondent groups:
(1) the United States sampfle (those who received questionnaires at the
conference and returned than by mail: n = 65). (2) the conference group
(those who received questionnaires and returned them at the conference:
n = 35). and (3) the Michigan population (the 60 respondents from

Michigan). The second part of flue chapter contains an analysis of the

98

99

data collected to answer the research questions posed in the study.
These analyses were performed for flue total respondent group (N = 160)
because the respondents' demographic and background characteristics
were similar and the number of respondents in each group was small.
Interview results are discussed in the third section Finally. a

summary concludes flue chapter.

WW
11W

A total of 160 Saudi Arabian women participated in the study.
In this section. the demographic data are reported for the total
respondent group. as well as for the three subgroups: the United
States sample flue conference group. and flue Michigan population

Table 4.1 shows that most of the study participants (143 or
92.3%) were born in Saudi Arabia: just 12 (7.7%) were born outside
Saudi Arabia. Five individuals did not respond to this question

Of the 65 women in the United States sample. 59 (95.2%) were
born in Saudi Arabia. and just 3 (4.8%) were born outside Saudi Arabia.
Three did not respond to this question. It appears that most of the
Saudi women who were born outside Saudi Arabia were in the Michigan
population (7 or 12.1%). However. most of the Michigan respondents
were born in Saudi Arabia (51 or 87.9%). Only 2 of the 35 women in the
conference group (5.7%) were born outside Saudi Arabia. The remainder
(33 or 94.3%) were born in Saudi Arabia.

Of flue 12 women who were born outside Saudi Arabia. nine (75%)

were born in ofluer Arabic countries and fluree (25%) were born in Mosl em

100

non-Arabic countries Three (25.0%) were born in Lebanon: two each
(16.7%) in Egypt. Syria. and Afghanistan: and one each (8.3%) from

Kuwait. Iraq. and Pakistan (See Table 4.2.)

Table 4.l.--Birfluplace of subjects.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Pepulation Group Ccmbined
Birthplace

N % N % N % N %
Saudi Arabia 59 95.2 51 87.9 33 94.3 143 92.3
Outside Saudi
Arabia 3 4.8 7 12.1 2 5.7 12 7.7

Total 62 100.0 58 100.0 35 100.0 155 100.0

No response 3 -- 2 -- -- -- 5 --

 

Table 4.2.--Birflupl aces of subjects who were born and resided
outside Saudi Arabia.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combi ned
Birthplace
N % N % N % N %
Lebanon - -- 3 42.9 - -- 3 25.0
Egypt - -- 2 28.6 - -- 2 16.7
Syria 1 33.3 1 14.3 - -- 2 16.7
Afghanistan - -- - -- 2 100.0 2 16.7
Kuwait - -- 1 14.3 - -- 1 8.3
Iraq 1 33 .3 - -- - -- l 8.3
Pakistan 1 33.3 - -- - -- l 8.3
Total 3 100.0 7 100.0 2 100.0 12 100.0

 

101

The three respondents in thelJnited States sample who wereuborn
outside Saudi Arabia were from Syria. Iraq. and Pakistan (33.3% each).
Of the seven women in the Michigan population who were born outside
Saudi Arabia. three (42.9%) were born in Lebanon. two (28.6%) in Egypt.
one (14.3%) in Syria. and one (14.3%) in Kuwait. The two individuals
in the conference group who were born outside Saudi Arabia were both
born in Afghanistan (100.0%).

As shown in Table 4.3. of the 12 women who were born abroad.
six (50%) resided abroad for four to five years. three (25%) remained
abroad more than five years. two (16.7%) stayed abroad less than one
year. and one (8.3%) remained outside Saudi Arabia from two to three
years.

Table 4.3.--Length of stay abroad for subjects who were born and
resided outside Saudi Arabia.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Cenference All Groups
Length of Sample Population Group Combined
Stay Abroad
% N % N % N %
< 1 year 1 33.3 1 14.3 - -- 2 16.7
1-2 years - -- - -- - -- - --
2-3 years - -- 1 14.3 - -- l 8.3
3-4 years - -- - -- - -- - --
4-5 years 1 33.3 3 42.9 2 100.0 6 50.0
> 5 years 1 33.3 2 28.6 - -- 3 25.0
Total 3 100.0 7 100.0 2 100.0, 12 100.0

 

Of the three women in the United States sample who had resided

abroad. one (33.3%) had stayed abroad less than one year. one (33.3%)

102

for four to five years. and one (33.3%) for more than one year. Three
(42.9%) of flue seven women in the Michigan population stayed abroad for
four to five years. two (28.6%) remained abroad for more than five
years. one (14.3%) stayed less than one year. and one (14.3%) stayed
from two to three years. Both women in the conference group who had
lived abroad had done so for four to five years

Respondents were also asked to indicate their reasons for
living abroad. Seven of the 12 women who had resided abroad (63.6%)
had done so because of their father's work. Two (18.2%) had lived
abroad because it was their home. one (9.1%) because of parental ill-
ness. and one (9.1%) for ofluer reasons One individual did not respond

to this question. (See Table 4.4.)

Table 4.4.--Reasons for living abroad.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sanple Population Group Canbi ned

Reason

N % N % N % N %
Father's work 1 50.0 5 71.4 1 50.0 7 63.6
Parents' illness - -- 1 14.3 - -- l 9.1
Parents' home 1 50.0 - -- 1 50.0 2 18.2
Other reason - -- 1 14.3 - -- l 9.1
Total 2 100.0 7 100.0 2 100.0 11 100.0

No response 1 -- - -- - -- 1 --

 

In the United States sample. the two respondents who gave a

reason for living abroad cited their fafluer's work (50.0%) or the fact

1 03

that it was their home (50.0%). Of the seven women in the Michigan
population who had lived abroad. five (71.4%) indicated flue reason was
their father's work. One (14.3%) cited parents' illness. and one
(14.3%) gave another reason In the conference group. one woman
(50.0%) cited her father's work and one (50.0%) cited family home as
the reason for living abroad. Thus the three groups were similar in
citing father's work (63.6% of the total group) as the primary reason
for living outside Saudi Arabia.

Table 4.5 shows the rural and urban locations within Saudi
Arabia in which the respondents were raised. The first six cities
listed in the table. the largest cities in the Kingdom. were considered
urban areas The populations of those cities are as follows: Riyadh.
666.840: Jeddah. 561.104: Meccah. 366.801: Taif. 204.857; Medinah.
198.186; and Dammam. 127.7844 (El-Mallakh. 1982). The remaining towns
were considered rural areas for purposes of this study. (See Chapter
I. p. 17).

From Table 4.5 it can be seen that a majority of women in the
total sample (131 or 81.9%) had been raised in urban areas: 29 (18.0%)
came from small towns or rural areas. Fifty-two (80.0%) of the par-
tici pants in flue United States sample had been raised in urban areas.
whereas 13 (20.0%) were from rural areas Similarly. urban dwellers in
flue Michigan population numbered 48 (80.0%). and those from rural areas
I numbered 12 (20.0%). Of the conference group. 31 (88.5%) had been

raised in urban areas and 4 (11.5%) were from rural areas

104

Table 4.5.--Places in Saudi Arabia where respondents had been raised.

 

 

U. S. Mi chi gan Conference All Groups

Sample Popul ati on Group Combined

N % N % N % N %
Riyadhi' 27 41.5 13 37.1 16 26.7 56 35.0
Jeddahi' 6 9.2 7 20.0 6 10.0 19 11.9
Meccah" 6 9.2 5 14.3 11 18.3 22 13.7
Medinahi' 4 6.2 2 5.7 7 11.7 13 8.1
Danman" 4 6.2 2 5.7 4 6.7 10 6.3
Taifi' 5 7.7 2 5.7 4 6.7 11 6.9
Afl uge l 1.5 - -- - -- 1 .6
Yanbou l 1.5 - -- - -- 1 .6
Horimilaa l .5 - -- - -- 1 .6
Arar - -- l 2.9 - -- 1 .6
Other 10 15.4 3 8.6 12 20.0 25 15.6
Total 65 100.0 35 100.0 60 100.0 160 100.0

 

'Urban area.

Table 4.6 contains information about how long the subjects had
been in the Uni ted States Most of the women had been in the United
States for a period ranging from two to four years The average length
of stay was between two and three years (mean = 2.775. 8.0. = 1.660).
Forty-n1 ne of the respondents (30.6%) had been in the United States
1ess fluan one year. whereas 82 (51.3%) had lived here from one to four
years Just a few (15 or 9.4%) had been in the United States more than
five years. and 14 (8.8%) had been here from four to five years

Of the Uni ted States sample. 33 respondents (50.7%) had been
living in the United States between one and four years (mean a 2.569.
8.0. = 1.630). Just six (9.2%) had been here more than five years. Of

flue 35 members of flue conference group. 22 women (62.9%) had resided in

105

the United States between one and four years (mean = 2.600. 8.0. =
1.397). Only one (2.9%) had been here more than five years Twenty-
seven women in the Michigan population (45.0%) had lived in the United
States between one and four years (mean = 3.00. 3.0. = 1.801). Because
flue standard deviation for fluis group was the largest of the three it
appears fluat this group's answers were more diverse fluan those of the
ofluer two groups Eight women in the Michigan population (13.3%) had

resided in flue United States more fluan five years

Table 4.6.--Respondents' length of stay in the United States.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combined
Length of Stay
N % N % N % N %
< 1 year 23 35.4 16 26.7 10 28.6 49 30.6
1-2 years 15 23.1 12 20.0 8 22.9 35 21.9
2-3 years 9 13.8 7 11.7 7 20.0 23 14.4
3-4 years 9 13.8 8 13.3 7 20.0 24 15.0
4-5 years 3 4.6 9 15.0 2 5.7 14 8.8
> 5 years 6 9.2 8 13.3 1 2.9 15 9.4
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Table 4.7 provides information about the respondents' relatives
in the United States For the entire group. the majority of women (96
or 60.0%) had no relatives in the Uni ted States Those who did have
relatives in the United States numbered 64 (40.0%). Twenty-two women
in the United States group (33.8%) had relatives in the United States.

106

whereas a majority of then (43 or 66.2%) had no relatives in the United
States Of the Michigan population. 24 (40.0%) had relatives in the
United States whereas 36 (60.0%) did not. Eighteen members of the
conference group (51.4%) had relatives in the United States. but 17
(48.6%) had no relatives here These findings indicate that respond-
ents in flue United States group and flue Michigan population were simi-
lar in that a majority of respondents in both samples had no relatives
in the United States However. a small majority of the conference
group had relatives in the United States

Tab1e 4.7.--Nunber and percentage of respondents who had relatives in
the United States.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group Combined

Relatives ,

N % N % N % N %
Brother 5 7.7 9 15.0 4 11.4 18 11.2
Sister 3 4.6 3 5.0 2 5.7 8 5.0
Uncle l 1.5 2 3.3 l 2.9 4 2.5
Ofluers ‘ 13 20.0 10 16.7 11 31.4 34 21.2
No relatives 43 66.2 36 60.0 17 48.6 96 60.0
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

From the table. it can be seen that most of the relatives
living in the United States were not close relations (listed in the
"other'I category). For the total group. 34 (53.1%) of the 64 women
with relatives in the United States had distant relatives. whereas 30
(46.9%) had close relatives (brother. sister. uncle). In the United

States sample of the 22 women with relatives in the United States. 13

107

(59.0%) had distant relatives and 9 (41.0%) had close relatives The
same was true for flue conference group--distant relatives outnumbered
close relatives (11 or 61.0% versus 7 or 38.4%. respectively).
However. in the Michigan population. 14 women (58.3%) had close
relatives in the United States and 10 (41.7%) had distant relatives.

Table 4.8 shows the frequency and duration of visits from
respondents' relatives living in the United States In general. it
appeared fluat visits did take place between flue respondents and their
family members For the total group. 36 respondents (56.2%) indicated
that their relatives visited them. while28 (43.8%) said they had had
no visits from their relatives Most of fluese visits were very short--
usually less fluan a week (29 or m.6%). Seven respondents (19.4%) said
their relatives had visited then for more than a week.

In the United States sample. 13 of the 22 respondents who had
relatives in the Uni ted States (59.0%) said that those relatives had
visited them: 9 (41.0%) said their relatives had not visited them.
Most of fluose visits were of short duration less than a week for 12 of
the 13 respondents visited (92.3%). Similarly. in the Michigan
population. 18 of the 24 women with relatives in the United States
(75.0%) had visits from fluose relatives Only six (25.0%) indicated no
visits Fifteen of the 18 visits (83.3%) did not last over a week;
only three (16.7%) continued more than a week. Respondents in the
conference group noted fewer visits from flueir relatives Five of the
18 respondents with relatives in flue United States (27.8%) said those
family members had visited then. whereas 13 (22.0%) had had no visits

108

Three of these visits (60.0%) lasted less than a week. and two

(40.0%) continued for more fluan a week.

Tab1e 4.8.--Frequency and duration of visits from respondents'
relatives living in the United States

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combined
Length of Visit
N % N % N % N %
Once for less
than a week 7 10.8 7 11.7 3 8.6 17 10.6
Once for more
than a week - -- 1 1.7 2 5.7 3 1.9
More than once
for less than 5 7.7 7 11.7 - -- 12 7.5
a week
More than once
for more than 1 1.5 3 5.0 - -- 4 2.5
a week
They didn't visit 9 13.8 6 10.0 13 37.1 28 17.5
No relatives
in U.S. 43 66.2 36 60.0 17 48.6 96 60.0
Tetal 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

The frequency and duration of respondents' visits to their
relatives living in the United States are shown in Table 4.9. For the
total sample a majority of women with relatives in flue United States
(34 or 53.1%) said that they visited them. Thirty (46.9%) had not

visited flueir relatives Most of these visits were less fluan a week in

109

length (20 or 58.8%): 14 (41.1%) lasted longer than a week. Thus the
table indicates that slightly more than half of the respondents had

visited their relatives in the United States for about a week.

Tab1e 4.9.-~Frequency and duration of respondents' visits to flueir
relatives living in the United States.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sanple Population Group Canbined
Length of Visit
N % N % N % N %
Once less than
a week 2 3.1 3 5.0 7 20.0 12 7.5
Once more fluan
a week - -- 4 6.7 1 2.9 5 3.1
More fluan once
for less than 4 6.2 2 3.3 2 5.7 8 5.0
a week
More than once
for more fluan 2 3.1 4 6.7 3 8.6 9 5.6
a week
No visit 14 21.5 11 18.3 5 14.3 30 18.8
No relatives
in U.S. 43 66.2 36 60.0 17 48.6 96 60.0
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Of the 22 respondents in the United States sample who had
relatives in the Uni ted States. 8 (36.4%) visited their relatives and
14 (63.6%) did not. The number of women in flue Michigan population who
visited their relatives in the United States outnumbered those who did

110

not (13 or 54.2% versus 11 or 45.8%. respectively). Whereas most of
flue visits for flue United States sample lasted 1ess fluan a week. those
for flue Michigan population lasted for more than a week. Eight of flue
Michigan respondents (61.5%) had visits of more fluan a week's duration
and 5 (38.5%) had visits shorter fluan a week. Subjects in the confer-
ence group gave responses similar to those of the Michigan group.
Thirteen of the 18 women with relatives in the Uni ted States (72.2%)
had visited those relatives However. unlike the responses from the
Michigan group and like the responses from the United States sample
these respondents indicated their visits did not last longer than a
week (9 or 69.2%). Just four (36.8%) visited their relatives longer
fluan a week.

As shown in Table 4.10. 102 of the total respondents (63.8%)
had traveled to ofluer foreign countries Fifty-eight of fluem (36.2%)
had had no such experience. 'For the Uni ted States group. 37 (56.9%)
had traveled to other countries and 28 (43.1%) had not. Forty-four
(73.3%) of the respondents in the Michigan population had had travel
experiences. but 16 (26.7%) had not. Finally. 21 (60.0%) of the women
in the conference group had traveled to other foreign countries.
whereas 14 (40.0%) had had no such experience.

Information on the respondents' ethnicity is contained in Table
4.11. For flue total sample 118 (74.2%) women were from Saudi Arabia.

Just 42 (25.8%) were fran outside Saudi Arabia.

Tab1e‘4.10.--Respondents' travel to other foreign countries.

111

 

 

 

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combined
Traveling
N % N % N % N %
No 28 43.1 16 26.7 14 40.0 58 36.2
Yes 37 56.9 44 73.3 21 60.0 102 63.8
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0
Table 4.11.--Respondents' ethnicity.
U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combined
Ethnicity
N % N % N % N %
Saudi Arabia 48 75.0 45 75.0 25 71.4 118 74.2
Bokhara 2 3.1 2. 3.3 l 2.9 5 3.1
Turkey 1 1.6 2 3.3 l 2.9 4. 2.5
Java 2 3.1 - -- 1 2.9 3 1.9
Yemen 1 1.6 2 3.3 - -- 3 1.9
India 3 4.7 ' l 1.7 3 8.6 7 4.4
Egypt 1 1.6 3 5.0 l 2.9 5 3.1
Morocco 2 3.1 l 1.7 l 2.9 4 2.5
Adan 1 1.6 l 1.7 l 2.9 3 1.9
Pakistan - -- - -- l 2.9 l .6
Iraq 1 1.6 - -- - -- 1 .6
Lebanon - -- l 1.7 - -- l .6
Others 2 3.1 2 3.3 - -- 4 2.5
Total 64 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 159 100.0
No response 1 -- - -- - -- 1 --

 

112

Concerning the ethnicity of the United States sample. 48 (75.0%)
were from Saudi Arabia. and the remaining 17 (25%) were from outside
Saudi Arabia. Identical percentages were noted for the Michigan sam-
ple. in which 45 (75.0%) were Saudis and 15 (25.0%) were non-Saudis.
Likewise. a majority of the conference group (25 or 71.4!) were Saudis.
and 10 (28.6%) were non-Saudis. Thus the three respondent groups were
very similar in terms of ethnicity.

The respondents' fathers' educational levels are shown in Table
4.12. 111e figures indicate that. for the total respondents. the 1arg-
est single group of fathers was literate but had had no formal educa-
tion (52 or 32.51). Twenty-seven of the fathers (16.9%) were
illiterate. Eighty-one fathers (50.6%) were literate. with varying
degrees of formal education. Most of them (43 or 26.9%) were
elementary or intermediate school graduates. Thirty-eight of the
fathers (23.0%) were secondary school or college graduates.

For the United States group. the table indicates that most of
the fathers (31 or 47.7!) had between an elementary and a college
education. Of that group. a majority (11 or 76.9%) had graduated from
secondary school. Twenty-three (35.4!) were literate with no formal
education. The smallest number of fathers (11 or 16.9%) were illit-
erate. Concerning the Michigan population. most of the respondents'
fathers (27 or 45.0%) had some formal education. Twenty of them
(33.3%) were literate but had no formal education. Illiterate fathers
constituted the smallest portion of the group (13 or 21.7%). For the

conference group. 23 of the respondents' fathers (65.7%) had some

113

formal education. whereas 9 of them (25.7%) were literate but had no
formal education. Just three fathers (8.6%) were illiterate.
Combining the three groups. it can be seen that most of the fathers
(133 or 82.5%) were literate. with either a nonformal or a formal

education.

Tab1e 4.12.--Educational levels of respondents' fathers.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Father' 5 Sanple Population Group Canbi ned
Education
N x N x N x N x
Illiterate 11 16.9 13 21.7 3 8.6 27 16.9
Literate with 23 35.4 20 33.3 9 75.7 52 32.5
no formal educ.
Elementary 8 12.3 8 13.3 8 22.9 24 15.0
Intermediate 4 6.2 8 13.3 7 20.0 19 ll. 9
Secondary 11 16.9 6 10.0 3 8.6 20 12.5
College graduate 8 12.3 5 8.3 5 14.3 18 11.2
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Table 4.13 shows where the respondents' fathers received their
education. Most of the respondents' fathers (114 or 86.3%) received
their education in Saudi Arabia; very few (17 or 13.0%) received their
education outside Saudi Arabia. Two individuals did not answer this

q uesti on.

114

Table 4.13.--P1aces where respondents' fathers were educated.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combined
Location
N z N Z N 5 N as
Public 26 49.1 19 40.4 19 61.3 64 48.9
Imam 21 39.6 21 44.7 8 25.8 50 38.2
Outside Saudi
Arabia 6 11.3 7 14.9 4 12.9 17 13.0
Total 53 100.0 47 100.0 31 100.0 131 100.0
No response 1 -- - -- 1 -- 2 --

 

0f the respondents in the Uni ted States sample whose fathers
were educated. 47 (87.11) said their fathers received an education in
Saudi Arabia. Just six (711.11) received their education outside Saudi
Arabia. Similar responses were received from the Michigan population.
0f the respondents whose fathers were educated. 40 (85.1%) indicated
their fathers were educated in Saudi Arabia. Very few (7 or 14.9%)
were educated outside Saudi Arabia. Likewise. for the conference
group. 27 respondents (84.43) said their fathers received an education
in Saudi Arabia. and just four (12.5!) were educated outside Saudi
Arabia.

Table 4.14 shows where the fathers who received an education
outside Saudi Arabia had been educated. For the total sample. a major-
ity of fathers (7 or 41.2!) had been educated in Arab countries. A
slightly smaller number (6 or 35.3%) had studied in the United States.

115
Two fathers (11.8%) had studied in Europe and two (11.8%) in Eastern

Asia).

Tab1e 4.14.--P1aces outside Saudi Arabia where respondents' fathers
were educated.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
San p1 e Population Group Combined
Location
N N N N
United States 3 1 2 6
Arab countries 2 4 1 7
Europe 1 1 - 2
Eastern Asia - 1 1 2
Total 6 7 4 17

 

For the United States sample. three of the respondents' fathers
had studied in the Uni ted States. two had studied in other Arab coun-
tries. and one had been educated in Europe. In terms of the conference
group. two of the respondents' fathers had studied in the United
States. one in another Arab country. and one in Eastern Asia. A major-
ity of the Michigan population (four) said their fathers' had received
an education in other Arab countries. The Uni ted States. Europe. and
Eastern Asia each received one mention as the place Michigan respond-
ents' fathers had been educated.

Occupations of the respondents"fathers are shown in Table
4.15. Nearly half (78 or 49.1%) of the fathers were employed by the

government. and 40 (25.2%) were in business. Twenty-eight fathers

116

(17.5%) were employed in the private sector. and 13 (8.1%) had other

occupations.

Tab1e 4.15.--0ccupations of respondents' fathers.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group Canbi ned

Occupation

N z N x N x N 5

Government 34 52.3 24 40.7 20 57.1 78 49.1
Business 16 24.6 14 23.7 10 28.6 40 25.2
Private sector 11 16.9 13 22.0 4 11.4 28 17.5
Other 4 6.2 8 13.6 1 2.9 13 8.1
Total 65 100.0 59 100.0 35 100.0 159 100.0

No response - -- 1 -- - -- 1 --

 

Examining the figures for the United States sample. it can be
seen that a majority of the respondents' fathers (34 or 52.3%) were
employed by the government. and 16 (24.62) were engaged in business.
Eleven (16.9%) were employed in the private sector. and four (6.2%)
performed other types of work. Similar responses were received from
the conference group. The majority of fathers (20 or 57.1%) were
employed in governmental jobs. and 10 (28.6%) were engaged in business.
Very few (4 or 11.14%) were employed in the private sector. and one
(2.9:) performed other work. In the Michigan population. 24 fathers

' (40.7%) were employed by the government. and 14 (23.7%) were engaged in

117

business. Thirteen (22.0%) worked in the private sector. and 8 (13.6%)
held other types of jobs.

Information concerning the ethnicity of the respondents'
mothers is contained in Table 4.16. For the total group. a majority of
the mothers (130 or 81.3%) were from Saudi Arabia. Thirty (18.85) were

not from Saudi Arabia.

Tab1e 4.16.--Ethnicity of respondents' mothers.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sanple Population Group Canbi ned
Ethnicity
N x N x N x N 1
Saudi 57 87.7 47 78.3 26 74.3 130 81.3
Non-Saudi 8 12.3 13 21.7 9 25.7 30 18. 8
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Concerning the United States sample. 57 of the respondents'
mothers (87.7%) were originally from Saudi Arabia; only eight (12.3%)
were not originally from Saudi Arabia. In the conference group. too. a
majority of the respondents' mothers (26 or 74.3%) were from Saudi
Arabia; 9 (25.7%) were from outside the Kingdom. Likewise. for the
Michigan population. 47 of the respondents' mothers (78.3%) were from
Saudi Arabia. whereas 13 (21.7%) were non-Saudis.

Table 4.17 contains data related to the educational level of
the respondents' mothers. For the total group. more than half of the

mothers (83 or 52.2%) were illiterate. and 42 (26.4%) were literate but

118

had had no formal education. Very few of the mothers (34 or 21.4%) had

had some formal education. most of which was limited to the elementary

level (23 or 14.5%).

Table 4.17.--Educational level of respondents' mothers.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Educational Sample Population Group Canbined
Level
N x N z N S N 5
11 l iterate 32 49.2 26 44. 1 25 71. 4 83 52.2
Literate with
no formal educ. 16 24.6 21 35.6 S 14.3 42 26.4
Elenentary 11 16.9 8 13.6 4 11.4 23 14.5
Intermediate 4 6 . 2 2 3 . 4 - -- 6 3 . 8
Other 2 3.1 2 3.4 1 2.9 5 3.1
Total 65 100.0 59 100.0 35 100.0 159 100.0

No response

1 ..

1 ..

 

In the United States sample. a large number of the respondents'

mothers were illiterate (32 or 49.21). and 16 (24.6!) were literate.

meaning they could read and write but had had no formal education. Few

mothers had had some formal education (17 or 26.23).

A majority of the

mothers with formal education had just had elementary education (11 or

64.7%).

119

Respondents from the Michigan population provided much the same
information concerning mothers' education. Twenty-six of these
respondentsi mothers (44.1%) were illiterate. and 21 (35.6%) were
literate but had had no formal education. Those with formal education
numbered 12 (20.4%). most of whom (8 or 66.7%) had elementary
education.

Similar results emerged for the conference group. A large
number of the subjects' mothers (25 or 71.4%) were illiterate. and 5
(14.3%) were literate with no formal education. Only a few (5 or
14.3!) had some formal education. Most of the mothers who had formal
education were limited to elementary level (4 or 80.0%).

Table 4.18 illustrates where the educated mothers (literate and
literate with formal education) had received their education Looking
at the figures for the total group. it can be seen that just 12 mothers
(15.6%) had been educated outside Saudi Arabia; the remaining 65
(84.4!) had been taught in Saudi Arabia. Most of the latter (or 52.3%)
had been taught in Kuttab. small. informal schools in which pupils
learn just the basic reading. writing. and arithmetic skills. Some
Kuttab are restricted only to reading and writing the holy Ouran.
Twenty-four (37.0!) had attended public schools. and 7 (10.8%) had been

taught by private tutors.

120

Table 4.18.--Places where literate mothers received their education.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group ‘ Combined
Location

N x N S N S N x
Kuttab 15 45.5 12 35.3 7 70.0 34 44.2
Public school 10 30.3 12 35.3 2 20.0 24 31.2
Private tutor 3 9.1 4 11.8 - -- 7 9.1
Outside Saudi
Arabia 5 15.2 6 17.6 1 10.0 12 15.6

Total 33 100.0 34 100.0 10 100.0 77 100.0

 

For the United States sample. a majority of the respondents'
mothers (28 or 84.85) had received their education in Saudi Arabi a;
just five (15.2%) had been educated outside Saudi Arabia. Many of
the mothers who had been educated in Saudi Arabia (15 or 53.6%)
had received their education from Kuttab. and 10 (35.7%) had attended
public schools. Three (10.7%) had been taught by private tutors.

In the Michigan group. few of the mothers (6 or’17x61) had
received their education outside Saudi Arabia; most of them (28 or
82.4%) had been educated in Saudi Arabia. In the conference group.
like the other groups. very few of the mothers (1 or‘HLOS) had
received their education outside Saudi Arabia; most of them (9 or 90!)
had been educated in the Kingdom. Of that number. 7 (77.8%) had been
educated in Kuttab. and 2 (22.2%) in public schools. None had had a

private tutor.

121

It appears from Table 4.19 that very few mothers worked. Just

three respondents (1.9%) from the total group indicated that their

mothers worked. two (3.1%) of whom were in the United States sample and

1 (1.7:) in the Michigan population. No one in the conference group

indicated that her mother worked.

Table 4.19.--0ccupational status of respondents' mothers.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population G roup Combi ned
Mother Works
N z N S N X N I
Yes 2 3. l l 1.7 - -- 3 l. 9
No 63 96.9 59 98.3 35 100.0 157 98.0
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

The respondents' family income levels are shown in Table 4.20.

For the total group. a large majority of the respondents (121 or 75.6%)

were in the average income group.

Fifty-one (78.5%) of the United

States sample members. 42 (70.01) of the Michigan population. and 23

($.01) of the conference group also indicated this income level.

122

Table 4.20.--Respondents' family income levels.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group Combined

Income Level

N x N S N z N 1

Above average 12 18.5 10 16.7 7 20.0 29 18.1
Average 51 78.5 42 70.0 28 80.0 121 75.6
Below average 2 3.1 8 13.3 - -- 10 6.3
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

The number of children the subjects had before coming to the
Uni ted States is shown in Table 4.21. Most of the respondents (98 or
61.2%) had no children when they came to the United States. Sixty-two
respondents (38.8!) did have children when they came to the United

States.

Tab1e 4.21.--Number of children respondents had when they came to the
United States.

 

 

U.S. Nflchigan Conference All Groups
Number of Sample Population Group Combined
Children
N S N x N x N 5
None 44 67.7 36 60.0 18 51.4 98 61.2
One 12 18.5 9 15.0 14 40.0 35 21.9
Two 6 9.2 7 11.7 1 2.9 14 8.8
Three 1 1.5 5 8.3 2 5.7 8 5.0
More than three 2 3.1 3 5.0 - -- 5 3.1
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

123

Similarities among the groups may be highlighted by the
following comparison. In the United States sample. 44 respondents
(67.7%) had no children. and 21 (32.3%) had children. with a mean of
1.538 (8.0. =- .953). Thirty-six (60.0%) members of the Michigan group
had no children when they came to the United States. as compared to 24
(40.0%) who had children. with a mean of 1.833 (8.0. 81.224). Similar
figures emerged for the conference group. of whom 18 (51.4%) had no
children when they came to the United States and 17 (48.6%) did have
children. with a mean of 1.629 (5.0. = .808).

Table 4.21 also shows that most of the respondents who had
children when they came to the United States had only one child (35 or
56.53). Very few (5 or 8.01) had more than three children. 8y sub-
groups. the statistics were as fol lows. In the Uni ted States group.
more than half of those who had children (12 or 57.1!) had just one
child; very few (2 or 9.5%) had more than three children. In the
Michigan group. nine of the respondents with children (37.5%) had one
child. seven (29.2%) had two children. and five (20.8%) had three
children. Thus the number with one child was slightly higher than the
rest. Very few (3 or 12.5%) had more than three children. For the
conference group. a large number of respondents (14 or 82.4%) had one
child. whereas no one in this group had more than three children.

Table 4.22 shows the number of children respondents had at the
time of the study. Among the total group. 38 respondents (23.8%)
indicated they did not have children; the remaining 122 women (76.2!)

did have children. Of the total group. 65 (37.5%) had their first

124

child after coming to the United States. Of the United States sample.
15 (23.0!) had no children and the remaining 50 (76.9%) did have chil-
dren. In the Michigan population. 15 women (25.0%) did not have chil-
dren. whereas 45 (75.01) did have children. Among women in the
conference group. 8 (22.95) did not have children; 27 (77.1%) did have

children.

Tab1e 4.22.--Nunber of children respondents had at the time of the

 

 

study.

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Nunber of Sanpl e Population Group Combined

Children

N I N 5 N X N 5

None 15 23.0 15 25.0 8 22.9 38 23.8
One 22 33.8 13 21.7 10 28.6 45 28.1
Two 15 23.0 16 26.7 12 34.3 43 26.9
Three 8 12.3 9 15.0 4 11.4 21 13.1
More than three 5 7.7 7 11.7 1 2.9 13 8.1
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Most respondents with children had between one and two children
(mean . 2.537). Few had more than three children (13 or 10.7%). Most
of the women with more than three children were in the United States
sample (5 or 10.03) and the Michigan population (7 or 15.61); just one
(3.7:) was in the conference group. The mean for the United States
group was 2.477. for the Michigan population it was 2.666. and for the
conference group it was 2.428. Thus most respondents had between one

and two children.

125

The ages of the respondents' children are shown in Table 4.23.
Most of the children ranged in age from less than two years to six
years. Hence fluey were still young and needed their mother's care. or
they could go to a day care center but were not ready for school. Of
the total sample 76.2% of the respondents had children less than two
years old. and 63.1% had children two to six years old Just 15.6% had
children older fluan six.

Tab1e 4.23.--Ages of flue respondents' children.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sanpl e Population Group Combined

Age
N % N % N % N %
1. Less than 2 20 40.0 a 17.8 11 40.7 39 32.0
2. 2-6 years 11 22.0 8 17.8 5 18.5 24 19.7
3. More than 6 - -- ' 3 6.7 - -- 3 2.5
l + 2 15 30.0 17 37.8 8 29.6 40 32.8
1 + 3 1 200 2 4.4 - -- 3 205
2 + 3 - -- 2 4.4 - .- 2 106
All the above 3 6.0 5 11.1 3 11.1 11 9.0
Total 50 100.0 45 100.0 27 100.0 122 100.0

 

Examining flue responses by group. more fluan 70% of flue respond-
ents in the United States group had children less than two years old.
and about 58.0% had children from two to six years old. .lust 6.0%
indicated they had children ranging from less than two to older than
six. Similar figures emerged for the Michigan population More fluan
70.0% had children under two years old. and 68.9% had children ranging

126

in age from two to six. Unlike those in the United States and
conference groups. Michigan respondents had a higher percentage of
children over six (26.7%). For the conference group. more than 80% had
children under two. and 59.3% had two- to six-year-old children Just
11.1% had children ranging in age from less than two to more than six.

Table 4.24 contains information on the subjects' level of
education before coming to the United States (the highest level of
education fluey had attained in Saudi Arabia). Of flue total group. 100
women (62.9%) came to the United States with between an intermediate
and a secondary school education. which is equivalent to high school
level in the United States. Twenty-four (15.1%) had college degrees.
These findings indicate fluat flue respondents were qualified to pursue
their education while they were in the United States.

Examining the figures for the United States sample. 45 women
(69.3%) had between an intermediate- and secondary-level education.
Ten (15.4%) had a college degree. and 5 (7.7%) had a teaching
certificate which is equivalent to a secondary-level education More
than half of the respondents in the Michigan population (33 or 56.0%)
had between an intermediate- and secondary-level education Nine
(15.3%) had earned a college degree. and 8 (13.6%) had a teaching
certificate. The educational level of the Michigan group was higher
1 than that of the other. two subgroups (mean = 3.305. A 8.0. = 1.316).

Similar findings emerged for flue conference group. of whom 22 (62.8%)

127

had between an intermediate- and a secondary-level education 5 (14.3%)
had a college degree. and 1 (2.9%) had a degree from a teaching
institution.

Tab1e 4.24.--Respondents' level of education before caning to the
United States.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group Combined

Degree

N % N % N % N %
Elementary 4 6.2 5 8.5 4 11.4 13 8.2
Intermediate 17 26.2 9 15.3 9 25.7 35 22.0
Secondary 28 43.1 24 40.7 13 37.1 65 40.9
College 10 15.4 9 15.3 5 14.3 24 15.1
Teaching inst. 5 7.7 8 13.6 1 2.9 14 8.8
Other 1 1.5 4 6.8 3 8.6 8 5.0
Tetal 65 100.0 59 100.0 35 100.0 159 100.0

No response - -- l -- - -- 1 --

 

Table 4.25 shows the subjects' intention to continue their
education in the Uni ted States upon learning they would be coming to
America with flueir husbands. Considering flue total group. most of flue
subjects (106 or 66.2%) said that they planned to continue their
education in flue United States; 54 women (33.8%) did not plan to do so

or were undecided.

128

Table 4.25.--Subjects' plans to continue flueir education in the United
States. before coming here.

 

U. S. Michigan Conference A1 1 Groups

 

Plan to Continue Sanple Population Group Canbi ned
Education
N % N % N % N %
Yes 45 69.2 39 65.0 21 60.0 106 66.2
No 14 21.5 9 15.0 8 22.9 30 18.8
Undecided 6 9.2 12 20.0 6 17.1 24 15.0
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

In the United States group. 45 women (69.2%) planned to
continue their education after they came to the United States; 20
(30.7) did not plan to continue or were undecided. 0f the Michigan
population 39 women (65.0%) planned to continue their schooling in the
United States. whereas 21 (35.0%) did not have such plans or were
undecided. Figures for the conference group were similar to those for
the other two subgroups. Twenty-one (60.0%) planned to pursue their
education in the United States. and 14 (40.0%) had no pl ans to continue
or were undecided.

Information about the subjects' educational behavior after
arriving in the United States. in comparison with their educational
plans before leaving Saudi Arabia. is shown in Table 4.26. As is
evident in flue table many changes took place in flue subjects' plans to
continue their education in the United States. For the total group.

fluose who changed flueir minds were fewer fluan those who did not do so

129

Of the 45.6% who changed their minds. 33.7% had said they would go to
school but did not. and'1h8% had not planned to continue their school-
ing but did.. Of the 54.4: who did not change their minds. 37.5: had
planned to continue their schooling and did so. and 16.9% maintained

their plan not to continue in school.

Table 4.26.-Respondents who changed or did not change their minds
about continuing schooling in the United States.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group Canbi ned
Change of Plans

N % N % N % N %
Yes; I planned
to continue but 18 27.7 20 33.3 16 45.7 54 33.7

did not

Yes; I did not

plan to continue

but am going 10 15.4 4 6.7 5 14.3 19 11.9
to school now

No; I planned
and am now 27 41.5 25 41.7 8 22.9 60 37.4
going to school

No; I didn't
plan and am not 10 5.4 11 18.3 6 17.1 27 16.9
going to school

Total 65 100.0 g 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Considering the data by subgroup. the findings were as follows.
For the United States sample. about 43.1% changed their plans; 27.7%

who planned to continue their education in the United States had not

130

done so. and 15.4% who had not thought about continuing in school had
been attending school in the United States. However. more fluan half of
the respondents (56.9%) actually followed through with what they had
planned. That is. 41.5% had planned to continue their education and
did so. and 15.4% did not plan to pursue furfluer schooling and held to
that plan.

In the Michigan population. 40.0% of the respondents changed
flueir minds about their original educational plans. Of those women.
33.3% had planned to continue in school but did not. and 6.7% who had
not planned to pursue their education actually did so. Of the 60.0%
who did not change their educational plans. 41.7% had intended to
attend school and did so. and 18.3% maintained their plans not to
continue school.

Unlike the women in the other two subgroups. a larger percent-
age of those in the conference group (60.0%) changed their plans than
continued with their original plans (40.0%). Of those who changed
flueir minds. 45.7% had planned to continue their education but did not.
and 14.3% who had not intended to attend school did so. Of the women
who did not change their original plans. 22.9% had planned to attend
school and actually did so. and TLJ% stuck to their plan not to
continue in school.

By looking at the data in Table 4.26 in another way. it becomes
apparent that those who changed their minds in favor of not attending
school in the United States outnumbered the women who changed their

plans and decided to attend school after all. In flue total respondent

131

group. of fluose who changed their minds. 70.0% decided not to pursue an
education after all. The three subgroups also had high percentages of
women changing their minds in favor of not continuing their education
in the United States (United States sample. 60.0%; Michigan population.
80.0%; conference group. 70.0%).

Table 4.27 contains information on the subj ects' educational
behavior (school attendance). About half of the total respondent group
(81 or 50.6%) were not attending school; the other half (79 or 49.4%)

were attending school.

Table 4.27.--Respondents' educationa1 behavior (school attendance).

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Attending Sample Population Group Combined
School? a
N % N % N % N %
Yes 37 56.9 29 48.3 13 37.1 79 49.4
No 28 43.1 31 51.7 22 62.9 81 50.6
Tetal ' 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

In comparing the respondent subgroups. it can be seen that the
United States sample had the largest proportion of women (37 or 56.9%)
attending school. In the Michigan population. 29 (48.3%) of the
respondents were attending school. and in flue conference group only 13

(37.1%) of the wanen were attending school.

132

The educational levels of the respondents who were attending
school at flue time of flue study are shown in Table 4.28. For flue total
group. most of flue subjects (54 or 68.4%) were enrolled in an English-
language program. Just 31.6% of those attending school were engaged in

academic programs.

Tab1e 4.28.--Educational levels of respondents who were attending

 

 

school.
U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Educational Sample Popul ati on Group Combined
Level
N % N % N % N %
English language
program 27 73.0 16 55.2 11 84.6 54 68.4
High school 2 5.4 3 10.3 - -- 5 6.3
University level 6 16.2 5 17.2 2 15.4 13 16.5
Master's degree - -- 2 6.9 - -- 2 2.5
H1000 degree - -- 1 3.4 - -- 1 1.3
Special diplana 2 5.4 2 6.9 - -- 4 5.1
Total 37 100.0 29 100.0 13 100.0 79 100.0

 

By subgroup. the findings were as follows. In the United
States sample. 73.0% of flue respondents were enrolled in English lan-
guage programs. and 27.0% were pursuing academic programs. The
Michigan population contained a larger proportion of women who were

pursuing academic programs than did the other two subgroups (44.8%

133

versus 55.2% in English-language courses). The conference group
contained flue highest percentage of respondents who were enrolled in
English-language programs as opposed to academic pursuits (84.6% and
15.4%. respectively). A

The respondents' educational aspi rations--fluat is. flue degree
they are pursuing during their stay in the United States--are shown in
Table 4.29. Many of the respondents indicated that they intended to
finish the degree they had not completed while they were in Saudi
Arabia. even if they were not attending school at the time of the
study. This finding might explain why flue number of subjects who were
not going to school was decreased to 33.1%: They intended to pursue
their education some time in flue future Responses to this item ranged
from aspirations for a high school diploma to a Ph.D. degree. 0f the
total group. 48.8% were seeking an academic degree and a majority of
those seeking academic degrees (59.0%) were pursuing a bachelor's
degree However. 18.1% of flue respondents said fluey had no particular
degree in mind. and 33.1% were not studying. which indicates they are
not studying now and do not intend to do so in flue future

Of the United States group. about 44.7% were seeking an
academic-level degree ranging from high school to Ph.D. Of that
number. 58.6% were intending to earn a bachelor's degree In terms of
the Michigan group. those who were seeking academic-1 evel degrees
outnumbered those who were not studying or seeking any degree This
was different from the other subgroups. where about 53.3% indicated

they were seeking some level of education ranging from high school to

134

Ph.D.. and 46.6% said they were not studying or seeking any defined
degree Like flue ofluer respondent groups. 56.2% of fluose in the Michi-
gan population who pursued academic degrees sought a bachelor's degree
Similarly. for the conference group. 48.6% of the women were high
school to Ph.D. degrees. Of that number. 64.7% were pursuing a
bachelor's degree. More than 50.0% of this group had no particular
educational degree in mind or were not studying and did not intend to

do so during flueir stay in the United States.

Tab1e 4.29.--Educati onal level respondents were seeking.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Educational Sample Population Group Combined
Level
N - % N % N % N %
High school 4 6.2 5 8.3 l 2.9 10 6.3
Bachelor's 17 26.2 18 30.0 11 31.4 46 28.8
Master's 6 9.2 4 6.7 3 8.6 13 8.1
Ph.D. 2 3.1 5 8.3 2 5.7 9 5.6
Not specified 14 21.5 8 13.3 7 20.0 29 18.1
Not studyinga 22 33.8 20 33.3 11 31.4 53 33.1
Tetal 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

1'It can be noted that the total number of women not studying
decreased in each category as compared to Table 4.27. This is because
this item concerned the degree they intended to get some time in the
future not necessarily at flue time of flue study.

As evidenced by Table 4.29. flue Saudi women who participated in
this study did not have particularly high educational aspirations;

50.0% did not seek any degree or were not studying. Those who were

135

seeking a defined degree most often aspired to a bachelor's degree. a
high level of education. Very few aspired to a post-baccalaureate
degree: 13.7% of the total group. 12.3% from the United States group.
15.0% from the Michigan population. and 14.3% from the conference
group.

Some of the factors that encouraged Saudi Arabian women to
attend school in the United States are listed in Table 4.30. This
analysis was only for the 79 respondents who were attending school (37
in the United States sample. 29 in the Michigan population. and 13 in
the conference group). Subjects mentioned many different factors
encouraging fluem to attend school.

For the total respondent group. the three most influential
factors were obtaining a degree they could not finish at home (45.6%).
desire for learning (43.0%). and learning the English language (38.0%).
In the United States sample obtaining a degree and desire for learning
tied for first place (54.1% each). and learning the language was second
(43.2%). Obtaining a degree (41.4%) was also ranked first by the
Michigan population but they ranked learning the language in second
place (38.0%) and desire for learning third (31.0%). The conference
group. unlike the ofluer two subgroups. rated desire for learning first
(38.5%). obtaining a degree second (30.8%). and learning the language
third (23.1%).

To participate in the country's progress. taking advantage of
being in flue United States. and taking advantage of time were factors
that moderately influenced the subjects to attend school. with

136

Table 4.30.-Number and percentage of respondents mentioning factors

that influenced them to attend school.

 

All Groups

 

U.S. Michigan Conference
Sample Population Group Combined
Factor (N=37) (N=29) (N=l3) (N=79)

N % N % % N %
Obtain a degree 20 54.1 12 41.4 30.8 36 45.6
Desire for
learning 20 54.1 9 34.0 38.5 34 43.0
Learning the
language 16 43.2 11 38.0 23.1 30 38.0
Participate in
country's progress 8 21.6 7 24.1 -- 15 19.0
Take advantage
of being in U.S. 4 10.8 5 17.2 7.7 10 12.7
Take advantage
Husband's support 5 13.5 1 3.4 -- 6 7.6
Show good model
of Moslem women - -- 2 6.9 -- 2 2.5
in U.S. '
To be able to
children
Obtain a
complete salary 1 2.7 - -- -- l 1.3
No defined reason 3 8.1 8 27.5 7.7 12 15.2

 

percentages of 19.0%. 12.7%. and 8.9%. respectively. for the total

respondent group.

‘Twenty-one and six-tenths percent of thelJnited

States group and 24.1% of the Michigan population said participating in

137

the country's progress was an influential factor. and none of the
conference respondents indicated this as a purpose for going to school.
Subjects in both the Michigan and United States subgroups rated taking
advantage of being in flue United States as moderately affecting flueir
going to school (17.2% and 10.8%. respectively). However. just 7.7% of
the conference group considered this factor influential. Taking advan-
tage of time was rated as influential by 16.2% of the United States
group but was rated similarly by only 3.4% of the Michigan population
No one in the conference group mentioned this factor.

In addition. 7.6% of the total group indicated they were
encouraged by flueir husbands' support; 13.5% of the United States group
rated this factor as influential. but only 3.4% of the Michigan
population and none of the conference group did so. Going to school to
obtain a complete allowance was flue least mentioned factor for fluese
respondents. It was chosen by 1.3% of the entire group and 2.7% of the
United States group.

Table 4.31 identifies the factors that prevented subjects from
attending school. This analysis was only for flue 81 respondents in the
total group who were not attending school (28 in the United States
sample. 31 in the Michigan population. and 22 in flue conference group).

Almost 70.0% of all subjects indicated that pregnancy and
children was the main factor preventing them from attending school.
which means this was a very highly influential factor. By subgroup.

64.3% of the United States sample. 58.1% of the Michigan population.

138

Table 4.31.--Number and percentage of respondents mentioning factors
that influenced them not to attend school.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sanple Population Group Conbined
Factor (N=28) (N=3l) (N=22) (N=8l)
N % N % N % N %
Pregnancy and
children 18 64.3 18 58.1 20 95.2 56 69.1
Coeducation 13 46.4 8 25.8 8 36.4 29 35.8
Husband does
not cooperate 3 10.7 3 9.7 4 18.1 10 12.3
Housework 5 17.9 3 9.7 - -- 8 9.9
Language diffi-
culty l 3.6 2 6.5 - -- 3 3.7
Don't want to 2 »7.1 l 3.2 - -- 3 3.7
attend
Long school day - -- 2 6.5 - -- 2 2.5
Neafluer (snow.
No English
school in city 1 3.6 - -- l 4.5 2 2.5
Don't know 2 7.1 - -- - -- 2 2.5
Husband's schol-
arship period - -- 1 3.23 - -- l 1.2
conflicts with
study time
My major is
not available - -- 1 3.2 - -- 1 1.2

in the U.S.

 

139

and 95.2% of flue conference group cited this factor as their reason for
not attending school.

Coeducation was the second-ranked factor influencing respond-
ents not to attend school. It was cited by 35.8% of the total group.
46.4% of the United States sample. 25.8% of the Michigan population.
and 36.4% of the conference group. Husbands' lack of cooperation was
the third-highest- rated factor influencing respondents not to attend
school. This moderately influential factor was mentioned by 12.3% of
the total group. 10.7% of the United States sample 9.7% of the Michi-
gan population and 18.1% of flue conference group.

Table 4.32 shows the stance of the Saudi women's husbands in
regard to their wives' education The responses of about 60% of the
total respondent group indicated that Saudi husbands prefer their wives
to take care of the housework and children. rather than encouraging
them to pursue an education. or they oppose the idea of their wives
attending school at all because they consider a woman's primary role to
be that of housewife and mother. Some husbands allow their wives to
attend school but will not help with the housework or the children.
Just 40.0% of the total respondent group said their husbands really
encouraged them to pursue their education and shared the household
responsibilities.

Of flue United States group. 32.8% of the women indicated their
husbands did not like them to go to school at all or preferred that
they take care of the children and the household. About 30.8% said

flueir husbands did not oppose flueir attending school. but at flue same

140

time did not help with the housework or the children Only 35.9%. a
relatively low percentage. said their husbands helped them with the
housework so they would have time to study. which implies that these

husbands encouraged flueir wives to attend school.

Tab1e 4.32.--Saudi husbands' attitudes toward their wives' education

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Conbi ned
Attitude
N % N % 'N % N %

 

Helps with house-
work so I have 23 35.9 19 33.9 9 25.3 51 33.3
time to study

Encouragesmy
education but 20 30.8 19 33.9 9 27.3 48 31.4
doesn't help me

Encourages me to

care for children

and house over 18 28.1 13 23.2 11 31.3 42 27.5
going to school

Doesn' t encour-

age the idea of 3 4.7 5 8.9 4 12.1 12 7.8
education

Total 64 100.0 56 100.0 33 100.0 153 100.0
No response 1 -- 4 -- 2 -- 7 --

 

The Michigan population was similar to the United States sample
in that 32.1% said their husbands did not like their wives to attend
school or encouraged fluem to take care of flue children over getting an

education Moreover. 33.9% said their husbands helped with the

141

housework so they could study. and another 33.9% said their husbands
encouraged them to pursue an education but did not help with the
household responsibilities.

Of flue conference group. 43.4% said their husbands did not like
them to attend school. or gave household responsibilities priority over
pursuing an education. This percentage was higher than for the other
two subgroups. Another 27.3 respondents said their husbands did not
mind their pursuing an education but would not help with housework or
child care Only 25.3% indicated flueir husbands helped with flue house-
work so they would have time to study.

It should be noted that seven subjects (4.4%) did not answer
this question Perhaps they considered this subject too personal to
talk about. for fear their husband would get angry or his feelings
would be hurt This subject will be discussed in more detail later in
the interpretation and discussion. with supporting evidence derived
from the remainder of the analysis.

Subjects were asked whether they had been employed in Saudi
Arabia. (See Table 4.33.) Of the total group. 122 (76.3%) had not
worked in Saudi Arabia. whereas only 38 (23.8%) had worked.
Considering the data by subgroup yielded the following results. Of the
United States sample. 49 (75.4%) had not worked in Saudi Arabia. and
just 16 (24.6%) had worked. Of flue Michigan population. 42 (70.0%) had
not worked. whereas only 18 (30.0%) had worked. Finally. 31 (88.6%)
members of the conference group had not worked. as compared to just 4

(11.4%) who had worked.

142

Table 4.33.--Nunber of respondents who worked in Saudi Arabia.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Combined
Working Wife?
N % N % N % N %
Yes 16 24.6 18 30.0 4 11.4 38 23.8
No 49 75.4 42 70.0 31 88.6 122 76.3
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

As shown in Table 4.34. for the total group. 30 (78.9%) of the
women who had worked in Saudi Arabia were employed in the field of
education as teachers or administrators. Eight (21.1%) worked in

medicine or ofluer fields.

Tab1e 4.34.--Field in which respondents who worked in Saudi Arabia
were enployed.

 

 

U. S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Conbi ned

Field of Work
N % N % N % N %
Education 12 75.0 16 88.9 2 50.0 30 78.9
Medicine 3 18.8 1 5.6 2 50.0 6 15.8
Other 1 6.3 l 5.6 - -- 2 5.3
Total working 16 100.0 18 100.0 4 100.0 38 100.0

 

Of the United States group. 12 respondents (75.0%) worked in

the education field. and 4 (25%) were employed in medicine and other

143

fields. In the Michigan population. however. 16 respondents (88.9%)
were employed in flue education field. and 2 (11.2%) worked in medicine
and related fields. Of the four individuals in the conference group
who worked in Saudi Arabia. two (50.0%) were employed in education and
two (50.0%) in medicine.

Table 4.35 shows the attitudes of the respondents' parents
toward their education For flue total group. 39.5% of flue respondents'
parents thought their daughters should pursue an education because it
is necessary and important even after marriage Another 56.1% said
flueir parents supported their daughters' pursuing an education as long
as it didn't conflict with their role as wives and mothers. Very few
women (4.5%) said their parents thought education was not necessary
after getting married.

In the United States sample. 41.5% of the respondents said
their parents thought education was necessary. even after marriage.
However. 52.3% said their parents did not mind their pursuing an
education as long as it did not conflict with the role of wife and
mother. Just 6.2% believed education is not necessary after marriage.

In terms of the Michigan population. 66.7% of the parents
supported education if it did not conflict with their daughters' role
as wife and mother. Another 30.5% saw education as necessary. even
after marriage Just 1.7% believed education was not necessary after
marriage.

Concerning the conference group. 51.5% said their parents saw

education as necessary. even after marriage This was the highest

144

evidence of support among the three subgroups. Another 42.4% said
their parents supported pursuit of an education if it did not conflict
with flueir role as wives and mothers. Just 5.7% believed education was

not necessary after marriage.

Tab1e 4.35.--Attitudes of respondents' parents toward their education.

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups

Sample Population Group Combined
Attitude

N % N % N % N %

 

They do not mind.

as long as it

doesn't affect 34 52.3 40 66.7 14 42.4 88 56.1
my role as a

wife and mother

Education is .
necessary. even 27 41.5 18 30.5 17 51.5 62 39.5
after’marriage

Education is not
necessary. espe-
cially after

getting married 4 6.2 1 1.7 2 5.7 7 4.5
and having
children

Total 65 100.0 59 100.0 33 100.0 157 100.0
No response - -- 1 -- 2 -- 3 --

 

Respondents were asked their opinions about the Saudi Arabian
Mission's ruling concerning wives' study abroad. Of the total group.

42.1% said the ruling needs to be revised. and 12:6% said it is not

145

good at all. However. 45.3% indicated it was fair and that it

encouraged Saudi women to pursue an education.

Tab1e 4.36.--Respondents' opinions about the Saudi Mission's ruling
concerning wives' study abroad.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sample Population Group Conbi ned
Opinion
N % N % N % N %
Needs to be
revised 29 44.6 26 44.1 12 34.3 67 42.1
It is not
good at all 6 9.2 8 13.6 6 17.1 20 12.6

Good because it
encourages Saudi
women to pursue 23 35.4 20 33.9 8 22.9 51 32.1

an education

It is fair 7 10.8 5 8.5 9 25.7 21 13.2
Total 65 100.0 59 100.0 35 100.0 159 100.0
No response - -- l -- - -- 1 --

 

In the United States sample. 53.8% did not agree with the
ruling and fluought it should be revised A smaller percentage. 46.2%.
said it was a fair ruling and encourages Saudi women to attend school.
Like flue United States sample a majority of the Michigan population
(57.7%) opposed the ruling and thought it should be revised. However.

42.4% supported the ruling. In flue conference group. also. more women

146

opposed the ruling as now written than supported it (51.4% versus
48.6%. respectively).

Table 4.37 shows some of the suggestions the respondents made
concerning the Saudi Mission's ruling. One can observe in the table
that although a majority of the respondents had indicated they were
dissatisfied with the Mission's ruling. more fluan half of them made no
suggestions about the ruling: 56.3% of the total group. 53.8% of the
United States sample. 50.0% of the Michigan population. and 71.4% of
the conference group. This situation bears out the nature of Saudi
women's upbringing. Whether they are with their families. their
husbands. or in school. fluey are educated only to receive information
and not to share flueir opinions. whefluer of a personal. educational. or
political nature This training is reinforced by the centralized
educational system. in which all orders and rules cone from above and
must be accepted as is. Also. in the family. complete obedience is
encouraged for both males and females. but especially for females.
Thus when the respondents were asked to make some suggestions concern-
ing flue ruling. flueir background precluded such sharing.

Of flue 43.7% of the total respondents who did make suggestions
concerning the ruling. 45.0% said it should be eliminated. This sug-
gesti on was made by considerably more women than any others. Among the
three subgroups. of those making suggestions. 33.3% of the United
States sample. 50.0% of the Michigan population. and 28.6% of the

conference group said flue ruling should be eliminated.

147

 

 

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148

The suggestion that the ruling should consider special cases
fluat it does not now include such as pregnancy or recent mofluerhood.
was made by a moderate number of the respondents who did offer
suggestions: 20.0% of the total group. 26.6% of the United States
sample. 16.7% of the Michigan population. and 10.0% of the conference
group.

Another suggestion made by a moderate number of women was that
the government pay for day-care centers so Saudi women can attend
school. The following percentages made that suggestion: 15.7% of flue
total group. 10.0% of the United States sample and the conference
group. and 23.3% of the Michigan population.

Thus. from Table 4.37 it may be concluded that the three
suggestions made most often by the total group were eliminating the
ruling entirely (45.7%). considering special circumstances (20%). and
paying the expenses of day-care centers (15.7%).

Table 4.38 shows flue influence flue Saudi Mission's new ruling
has had on Saudi women's educational behavior. In general. flue ruling
had not affected the subjects' educationa1 behavior. Of the total
group. 70.6% said it had not affected them. Just 16.2% said they felt
pressured to attend school (meaning fluey did not want flueir salaries to
be cut in half if they did not attend school. as the ruling stated).
and only 13.1% said flue ruling encouraged fluem to go to school.

Of flue wonen in the United States sample 64.6% said the ruling
had not affected fluem. eifluer because fluey were already going to school

or did not intend to continue their education Twenty'percent said the

149

ruling encouraged them to go to school. and just 15.4% felt pressured

to attend school.

Tab1e 4.38.--Effect of the Saudi Mission's ruling on respondents'
educational behavior.

 

U. S. Michigan Conference A1 1 Groups
Sample Population Group Conbi ned
Effect of Ruling
N % N % N % N %

 

No effect because
I am not studying 23 35.4 18 30.0 19 54.43 60 37.5
now

No effect because
I was going to

school before 19 29.2 31 51.7 3 8.6 53 33.1
flue ruling
I felt pressure 10 15.4 8 13.3 8 22.9 26 16.2

to attend school

It encouraged me °
to attend school 13 20.0 3 5.0 5 14.3 21 13.1

Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

Of the respondents in the Michigan population. 81.7% said the
ruling had not affected their educational behavior. Another 13.3% felt
pressured to attend school. and only 5.0% said the ruling encouraged
them to go to school. Similar findings were evident for the conference
group. of whom 62.9% said the ruling had not influenced their

educational behavior. Whereas 22.9% said they felt pressured to attend

150

school. 14.3% said the ruling had encouraged them to pursue an
education.

Table 4.39 provides information concerning the respondents'
English-language ability. Eighty percent of the total group rated
their English-language ability in the medium range. between "good" and
"not bad." A mean of 2.325 for this item also indicated ability

between "good" and "not bad" (S.D. = .789).

Table 4.39.--English-language ability of flue respondents.

 

 

U.S. Michigan Conference All Groups
Sanpl e Population Group Conbi ned
Ability
N % N % N % N %
Very good 10 15.4 11 18.3 4 11.4 25 15.6
Good 24 36.9 26 43.3 15 42.9 65 40.6
Not bad 28 43.1 20 33.3 15 42.9 63 39.4
Not good at all 3 4.6 3 5.0 l 2.9 7 4.4
Total 65 100.0 60 100.0 35 100.0 160 100.0

 

In the United States sample 80.0% rated their English-language
ability as "good" or "not bad" (mean = 2.369. S.D. = .802). Of the
Michigan population. 76.6% gave this rating (mean = 2.250. S.D. =
.816). Finally. of the conference group. 85.8% rated their English-
language ability in this way (mean = 2.371. S.D. = .731).

151

W:
W: To what extent do Saudi Arabian women profit
from living in the United States during the time their husbands are
studying fluere? What are their educational behaviors?

Table 4.27 showed that about half (79 or 49.4%) of the Saudi
women in flue study were attending school. and slightly more than half
(81 or 50.6%) were not attending school. Thus it can be concluded that
a considerable number of Saudi women were not attending school. and
that who were not attending school outnumbered those who were attend-
ing school. even though the difference between the two groups was
slight.

W: What influence does being in the United
States have on Saudi wonen's educational behavior?

Several questionnaire items (44. 45. 51. 74. 75. 79. and 91).
which participants rated according to a f ive-poi nt scale were grouped
under the category of the influence being in the United States had had
on flue Saudi women's educational behavior. Responses were tabulated for
two groups: those who were attending scluool in the United States and
those who were not. This was done to allow comparison of the two

groups' means concerning level of agreement or disagreement with each

item. In this analysis.mean ratings had flue following designations:

4.0-5.0 = High agreenent
3.0-4.0 - Agreonent
2.0-3.0 = Disagreenent

1.0-2.0 a High disagreenent.

152

For negatively stated items. the rating scale was reversed. Those
items were mentioned in Chapter III and are marked by an asterisk in
flue appropriate tabl es.

Respondents were asked to give their opinions about whether
they considered coming to flue United States a good opportunity to get
an education (See Table 4.40.) It appears that both groups (women
who were attending school and fluose who were not) agreed on flue item.
However. those who were going to school evidenced stronger support
(mean = 4.038. S.D. = 1.224) than did those who were not going to
school (mean = 3.407. S.D. = 1.321). The smaller standard deviation
among those who were going to school indicates fluere was more agreement
within that group on this item. Hence the groups' means indicated they
agreed fluat coning to flue United States gave fluem a good opportunity to
obtain an education This finding was supported by one of the
interviewees. who indicated she attended school because she considered
in a good opportunity to be in the United States. a country with
advanced science and knowledge

However. when respondents were asked to indicate their
agreement with flue item "Being in the United States discourages me from
continuing education." those who were attending school indicated
disagreement (mean = 3.835. S.D. = 1.031). Those who were not attend-

ing school indicated agreement with this item (mean = 2.790. S.D. =

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154

1.222). Both groups disagreed that going to school in the United
States was more enjoyable than it was in Saudi Arabia (attending
school--mean = 2.620. S.D. = 1.417; not attending school--mean = 2.198.
S.D. = 1.112). The disagreement among those who were not attending
school was stronger than for women who were attending school. The
disagreement of both groups with this item can be explained by the fact
that schools in the United States are different from those in Saudi
Arabia. Saudi women are not used to attending coeducational schools or
to interacting with teachers of the opposite sex. Also. going to
school with an unveiled face contradicts Saudi values. All of these
factors explain why going to school in the United States is not enjoy-
able for Saudi women in general. This might also explain why those who
were not going to school had changed their minds about pursuing an
education in the United States. Their agreement on this item was
higher fluan the mean for those who were going to school (mean = 3.086.
S.D. = 1.206 versus mean = 2.911. 5.0. = 1.112).

This also was supported when both groups (those who were
attending school and those who were not) agreed that the environment in
the United States does not help one to go to school; they were"
referring to the desegregation of the sexes. having contact with
professors of the opposite sex. and the unveiled face. This was
supported by Table 4.31. when respondents were asked to indicate the
factors that prevented them from going to school. About 35.8%

indicated it was because schools in the United States are

155

coeducational. However. those who were going to school. although they
know that it is hard to get an education in this conflicting
environment which is different from their values and culture. they
managed it and went to school because fluere might be some ofluer factors
that supported them. It might be their husbands' support then or they
do not have as many children (see Tables 4.43 and 4.52-4.55).

Also. the table showed that the curriculum and educational
facilities in the United States were considered very good and of high
quality. The agreement on this was indicated by both groups. So it is
not the unsuitability or unavailability of educational facilities that
prevents then from going to school. They agreed that education in the
United States is of good quality and has good facilities. The means
for fluose who disagreed with the item were as follows: going to school
= 3.557. 5.0. . 1.071; not. going to school = 3.210. S.D. . 1.222.

When the respondents were asked to indicate their opinions
about whether being in the1United States helped them choose their field
of interest. the women who were going to school agreed (mean = 3.190.
5.0. = .907). whereas those who were not going to school disagreed
(mean = 2.852. S.D. 8 .923).

It can be concluded from from the overall means shown in Table
4.41 (going to school-~mean c 3.305. S.D. 8 .6379; not going to
school--mean =- 2.801. 50. I .6201) that being in the United States had
an influenceuon the educational behavior of the Saudi women living
here Comparing the two means. it appeared that there was agreement

fluat being in the United States encouraged and helped fluem in going to

156

school. even though there is a conflict between the two cultures and
value systems. On the whole. living in the United States was con-
sidered a good opportunity to obtain an education. helped them choose
their field of interest. and educational facilities were good. Thus
living in this environment did not discourage these women from pursuing
an education

On the other hand. those who were not going to school also
agreed on flue good opportunity of obtaining an education while in flue
United States (Item 44). However. their being in the United States
discouraged them from going to school (Item 45). They considered going
to school in Saudi Arabia more enjoyable than in the United States
(Item 51). and fluey agreed fluat differences and conflicts in customs.
culture. and values discouraged them from attending school in the
United States. although (they had a strong desire to continue their
education (Item 79). In addition. they did not find their field of
interest in flue United States. Thus being in the United States was not
an encouraging factor and when this was combined with other factors
influencing them not to go to school. flueir coming to the United States
changed their minds about pursuing an education

Furfluer analyses were conducted to provide furfluer evidence in
support of the notion that being in the United States had a negative

influence on those who were not going to school and was one of the

157

reasons that made then change their minds about continuing their educa-
tion Table 4.41 shows how being in the United States was considered
one of the reasons that made Saudi women change their thinking about
education (Item 24). This analysis included Item 24. which asked
whether respondents' plans for education had changed after coming to
the United States. with items related to being in the United States
(44. 45. 51. 74. 75. 79. and 91). The table includes four groups: (1)
fluose who had planned to continue their education in the United States
but found that fluey could not do so after fluey arrived here (2) those
who had not planned to pursue flueir education in flue United Sates but
changed their minds after they arrived. (3) those who did not plan to
school and stuck with that plan. and (4) those who planned to attend
school and did so. Thus two general groups were included in the analy-
sis: fluose who changed flueir minds and those who did not.

Comparing the means for flue four groups with their answers to
the item stating that coming to the United States was a good
opportunity to obtain an education. respondents in three of the four
groups agreed with that item. Those who had decided while they were
still in Saudi Arabia not to pursue an education here disagreed with
the item (mean - 2.926. S.D. = 1.299). Women who did not change their
minds about going to school had the highest agreement wiflu this mean
(mean - 4.317. S.D. = 1.097) compared to those who changed their minds
in favor of not going to school (mean = 3.648. S.D. = 1.276) and those
who changed their minds in favor of going to school (mean = 3.158.

S. D. = 1.214).

1158

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159

When respondents were asked whether being in the United States
discouraged fluem from continuing flueir education (Item 45). boflu groups
who were not attending school agreed with that item. Mean ratings of
1.0-2.0 indicated strong agreement. 2.0-3.0 indicated agreement. 3.0-
4.0 indicated disagreement. and 4.0-5.0 indicated strong disagreenent
for fluat item. Women who changed their minds and decided not to go to
school agreed with this item (mean = 2.962. S.D. - 1.181). and those
who maintained their plans not to attend school also agreed (mean 8
2.444. S.D. = 1.251).

On the other hand. women who were going to school disagreed
with this item. Those who had not planned to go to school but changed
their minds indicated disagreement (mean = 3.211. S.D. . 1.134). and
those who planned and actually went to school had a similar level of
disagreement (mean .. 3.200. 5.0. = .920). The latter group's smaller
standard deviation indicated more agreement within the group on the
rating of fluis iten.

In addition when subjects were asked whether going to school
in the United States was more enjoyable than in Saudi Arabia. all
respondents disagreed. Those who were not going to school had the
strongest disagreement (mean - 1.852. 5.0. - .949); the low standard
deviation indicates the consistency of their answers on that item. The
reason for this disagreement wiflu flue item was explained before in flue
discussion of Table 4.40.

When the subjects were asked to indicate their opinion about

whether the environment in the United States discouraged them from

160

continuing an education all groups agreed but those who were attending
school as they had planned to do before leaving Saudi Arabia (mean 8
3.333. S.D. a .933). The scale for this item was 1.0-2.0 = strong
agreement. 2.0-3.0 = agreement. 3.0-4.0 a disagreement. and 4.0-5.0 8
strong disagreement. Those who were not going to school and had not
planned to go had the highest agreement with this item (mean = 2.000.
which fell between agreement and strong agreement; S.D. = 1.271).

By examining flue overall means and standard deviations of flue
four groups. one may conclude that actually being in the United States
did not encourage fluose who were not going to school to continue flueir
education However. it cannot be considered the main reason for not
going to school. Rather. it was one of the factors that discouraged
those women from going to school. By computing the overall means and
standard deviations for flue four groups togefluer. it can be said that
those who had originally intended not to attend school but were now
going to school also agreed that being in the United States did not
help them in going to school (mean = 2.939. S.D. = .5992). On the
ofluer hand boflu groups who were not going to school also agreed fluat
being in the United States discouraged then frouu attending school or
disagreed fluat being in flue United States could encourage their going
to school (those who changed their minds and decided not to attend
school--mean - 2.960. S.D. - .5883; those who never intended to go to
school--mean = 2.481. S.D. - .5647). This finding indicates that other
factors besides being in the United States acted together to hinder

fluei r attending school.

161

To determine why those who changed minds in favor of attending
school did so. even though being in the United States did not encourage
their going to school. their husbands' attitudes toward the wives'
education. number of children. and effect of the Mission's ruling on
flue women's educational behavior were compared with the same factors
for the group who changed their minds against going to school. although
they had planned to attend before coming to theTUnited States.

Table 4.42 shows the number of children for both groups. It
can be seen that those who had planned to go to school but decided not
to had more children (mean a 2.759) than the women who changed their
minds in favor of attending school (mean = 2.316). Twenty and four-
tenths percent of flue women who decided not to go to school had fluree
children; only 10.5% of those who decided to attend school had three
children Also. 35.2% of the women who decided not to attend school
had two children. as com pared to 15.8% of those who decided to go to
school.

Table 4.43 shows the husbands' attitudes toward their wives'
education for boflu groups who changed flueir minds A large number of
those who changed their minds in favor of attending school C4L2%) said
their husbands helped them with the housework so they could have time
to study. On the other hand. only 23.1% of the women who decided not
to attend school indicated flueir husbands helped with the housework.
and 48.1% said their husbands encouraged them to take care of the

children or did not encourage their education at all.

162

Table 4.42.--Nuuuber of children for those wonen who changed their
minds about pursuing an education.

 

Was Planning to Did Not Plan

 

Number of Children GoiBut Decided to Go But
After Coning to U.S. Not to Go Decided to Go
N % N %
None 12 22.2 7 36.8
One 8 14.8 5 26.3
Two 19 35.2 3 15.8
Three 11 20.4 2 10.5
More than three 4 7.4 2 10.5
Total 54 100.0 19 100.0

 

Tab1e 4.43.--Husbands' attitudes toward their wives' education for
those women who changed their minds about pursuing an

 

 

education.
Was Planning to Did Not Plan
Go But Decided to Go But
Husband's Attitude Not to1Go Decided to Go
N % N %
W husband encourages me
to take care of the children 20 38.5 4 23.5
My husband helps me with the
housework so I have time 12 23.1 7 41.2
to study
My husband doesn't encourage me 5 9.6 3 17.6
to go to school
My husband encourages me but
doesn't help with housework 15 28.8 3 17.6
Total 52 100.0 17 100.0

No response 2 -- 2 --

 

163

Table 4.44 is a tabulation of both groups' responses concerning
the effect of the Saudi Mission's new ruling on their educational
behavior. A large number of those who changed their minds in favor of
going to school (53.0%) were influenced by flue ruling; fluey eifluer felt
encouraged or pressured to do so. Of those who decided not to go to

school. 66.7% said flue ruling had not had any effect on their decision

Table 4.44.--Effect of the Mission's ruling for those wonen who changed
flueir minds about pursuing an education.

 

Was Planning to Did Not Plan

 

Go But Decided to Go But
Effect of Ruling Not to Go Decided to Go
N % N %
Encouraged me to go to school 3 5.6 6 31.6
I felt pressure to go to school 10 18.5 4 21.1
No effect because I was going
to school before flue ruling 5 9.3 9 47.4
No effect because I an not
going to school 36 66.7 0 0
Total 54 100.0 19 100.0

 

The preceding discussion indicated that the Saudi women who
changed their minds in favor of attending school. even though being in
the United States did not act as an incentive. were encouraged by a
number of factors: fewer children. their husband's support. and the

Saudi Mission's ruling. Those who decided not to attend school had

164

more children. less support from their husbands. and felt the United
States envi rorInent did not encourage flueir school attendance.

Respondents were also asked to indicate their opinions about
going to school in Saudi Arabia to determine if they would be attending
school at home and to provide supportive evidence for the preceding
results. Items 83. 89. and 90 were grouped to show the attitudes of
respondents toward going to school in Saudi Arabia. Respondents were
classified into four groups: (1) those who had planned to continue
their education in the United States but found that they could not do
so after they arrived here. (2) those who had not planned to pursue
their education in the United Sates but changed their minds after they
arrived. (3) those who did not plan to school and stuck with fluat plan.
and (4) those who p1 annedto attend school and did so.

Table 4.45 indicates fluat all subjects disagreed on Items 83.
89. and 90. When the responses were ranked by mean scores. a high
degree of agreement between the groups who were not attending school
was evident. Those who had changed their minds in favor of not
attending school and those who had never planned to go to school had
identical responses on their perceptions of these items. In addition
the overall means for the two groups were close to each other (those
who decided not to attend school--mean = 2.154. S.D. = .7260; those
never intending to attend school--mean = 2.185. S.D. = .7357). The
agreement in these groups' answers was an indication that they

preferred going to school in Saudi Arabia over going to school in the

1155

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166

United States. and this is not unexpected or unusual because both
groups were similar in flueir educational behavior.

The two groups who were attending school evidenced some
disagreement on these items. Comparing the groups' rank ordering of
the items. it appeared that the overall mean was closer to each other
with some slight differences. The two groups had an identical rank
order on Item 83. which means they both agreed about the statement that
if they were in Saudi Arabia they would be going to school. On that
item. flue mean for fluose who changed their minds in favor of going to
school was 2.263 (S.D. 8 1.147). and for those who followed through on
their plans to attend school. the mean was 2.267 (S.D. 8 1.63).

Differences in flue amount of disagreement occurred on Items 89
and 90. Those who changed their minds in favor of going to school
(Item 89 mean 8 2.421. S.D. 8 .961; Item 90 mean 8 1.947. 8.0. 8 .970)
disagreed wiflu these items more strongly fluan did those who were going
to school and had not changed flueir minds (Item 89 mean 8 2.200. S.D. 8
.917; Item 90 mean 8 2.121. S.D. 8 1.241). Although these two groups
were close to each other in their answers to the items. there were
slight differences. Those who changed their minds in favor of
attending school disagreed more uiflu flue statement fluat going to school
in Saudi Arabia is not pleasant (mean 8 2.210. S.D. 8 .8029) than did
flue group who had planned to go to school and didn't change flueir minds
(mean 8 2.333. S.D. 8 .8679). Although both groups were going to

school. the slight difference in their opinions can be attributed to

167

the fact that those who changed their minds did not like attending

school in the United States environment (see Tables 4.40 and 4.41).
W: Is there a rel ati onship between parents'
level of education and Saudi women's educationa1 aspirations.
behavior. and attitudes?

Table 4.46 indicates that women who had educated fathers did
not differ from those with uneducated fathers in terms of their
educational behavior (attending versus not attending school). It was
indicated fluat 53.3% of fluose whose fafluers were literate with formal
education (42 out of 79) were attending school. versus 48.1% who were
not attending school (39 out of 81). Also. of those whose fathers
were literate without formal education (could only read and write)
29.1% (23 out of 79) were attending school. and 35.8% (29 out of 81)
were not attending school. Of those with illiterate fafluers. 17.7% (14
out of 79) were attending school and 16.0% (13 out of 81) were not
attending school. Thus there was no significant difference between
those who were attending school and those who were not. in terms of
their fafluers' educational attainment

A multivariate analysis was performed to test for significant
differences between wonen wiflu educated fafluers and fluose wiflu unedu-
cated fathers. in relation to their educational attitudes and aspira-
tions. Table 4.47 indicates there was no significant difference
between women with educated fafluers and those with uneducated fafluers.
in terms of their attitudes toward education and their educational

aspirations (F = .424. p > .05).

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168

 

 

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169

Table 4.47.--Multivariate test of significance: relationship between
fafluers' level of education and respondents' educational
behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.

 

Variable Test Name F-Val ue df Signif. of F

 

Fafluer' 5 education Wil ks . 93636 10 .424

 

To determine which of the two variables (educational attitudes
or educational aspirations) was less significant. a univariate analysis
of variance was carried out. Table 4.48 reveals that F 8 .700 for
educational aspiration and F 8 .469 for educational attitude. This
means that neither the womenhs educational aspirations nor their
attitudes toward education were influenced by fathers' educational
level. However. fathers' educational level had less influence on
aspirations than on attitudes. On the whole. the findings indicate
fluat fathers' level of education had little influence on women's educa-
tional behavior or their aspirations and attitudes toward education

which appeared to be not significant.

Table 4.48.--Univariate F-test for fafluer's education (df 8 5. 154).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signif.
Category MS 115 F-Val ue of F
Educational aspirations .14396 .23982 .60029 .700

Educati ona'l attitudes . 23587 . 25598 . 92145 . 469

 

170

The Saudi wonen in this study were not going to school because
they had an educated father or vice versa. A1 50. it is not because
they had an educated father that they had high or low levels of
aspirations or positive or negative attitudes toward education This
can be explained by the fact of Saudi Arabia's culture. where
interaction between father and daughter is not frequent. Daughters
usually associate with their mothers. sitting at home or going out
togefluer. The opposite is true for males in Saudi Arabia. They always
associate with flueir fafluers. and interaction between fafluer and son is
more frequent fluan fluat between father and daughter.

Table 4.49 is a cross-tabul ation of the respondents' mothers'
education by flueir educational behavior. to reveal whether fluere was
any difference between women whose mothers were educated (literate) and
those whose mothers were uneducated (illiterate) in terms of their
educational behavior. From the table it can be concluded that there
was no significant difference between women with illiterate mofluers and
those with literate mothers in terms of their educational behavior
(significance level 8 .4771. which was not significant).

The table shows that out of the 159 respondents who answered
this question. about 83 women (52.2%) had illiterate mothers and 76
(47.8%) had literate mothers. Forty-four of the 83 who had illiterate
mofluers (53.0%) were attending school. which revealed .no significant
difference between then. and also 36 of the 76 who had literate mothers

(47.4%) were not attending school. versus 40 of 76 (52.6%) who were

171

attending school. which revealed also a very small difference that is

not consi dered significant.

Table 4.49.--Cross-tabulation of respondents' educational behavior
by flueir mofluers' educational level.

 

Illiterate Literate Row Total
Educational Behavior

 

 

N % N % N %

Going to school 39 49.4 40 50.6 79 100.0

Not going to school 44 55.0 36 45.0 80 100.0

Colunn total 83 52.2 76 47.8 159 100.0
Raw chi-square 8 .50546 df 8 l Signif. 8 .4771

In addition. a multivariate analysis was carried out to reveal
whether there was a significant difference between women who had
literate mothers and those who had illiterate mothers. in terms of
their educational aspirations and attitudes Table 4.50 shows there
was no significant difference between these two groups (F 8 .369).
Thus it can be concluded that the study respondents who had educated
mofluers were similar in flueir educational attitudes and aspirations to
those with uneducated mothers.

A univari ate analysis of variance was performed to reveal whiclu
was more similar. Table 4.51 shows fluat wonen with educated mofluers
and those with uneducated mothers were close in terms of their
educational attitudes and aspirations However. fluey were more similar

in their aspirations for education than in their attitudes toward

172

education The significance level for aspirations was .334. which was

less significant fluan fluat for attitudes (signif. of F 8 .159).

Table 4.50.--Mu1tivariate test of significance: relationship between
mofluers' level of education and respondents' educational
behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.

 

Variable Test Nane F-Value df Signif. of F

 

Mother's education Wilks .98729 2 .369

 

Table 4.Sl.--Univariate F-test for mother's education (df 8 l. 157).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signif.

Category - 16 MS F-Val ue of F
Educational aspirations .21210 .22618 .93774 .334
Educational attitudes .49512 .24722 2.00278 .159

 

Note: MS 8 mean square

Thus it can be concluded from Tables 4.46 through 4.50 that
the educational level of Saudi women's parents had some but not sig-
nificant influence their educational behavior. aspirations. or atti-
tudes These results are different from those of most researchers. who
have found that parents' education is related to their children's
education The. more educated the parents. the more educated their

children and the more education parents have. flue more willing their

173

children will be to attend school and seek higher levels of education.
and vice versa. However. in this study no differences were revealed.
This can be explained by flue fact that when girls marry they move fron
the authority of their parents to their husbands' authority. so they
are likely to be more influenced by their husbands' attitudes and
characteristics fluan by flueir parents This fact can be supported by
the results from Tables 4.52 and 4.53. which show that husbands' atti-
tudes had a large influence on their wives Women whose husbands
encouraged them and helped wiflu the housework were willing to pursue an
education. had a good attitude toward education. and attended school
more often than those whose husbands encouraged them to take care of
flue children or did not encourage their education at all.

Furfluermore Table 4.6 reveal ed that the average length of stay
of the Saudi women with their husbands along ranged from two to four
years. In this period. Saudi women stay with their husbands without
contact with flueir parents. except one or two months every summer for
vacation They form a little family with their husbands and their
children Their husband is the only very close person to contact for
help and support so it is natural that the women in this sample were
more influenced by flueir husbands fluan by their parents.

Also. it can be noticed that although neither parent had a
significant influence on flueir daughters here in the United States in
terms of their educational behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.
fafluers had less influence fluan did mofluers (for fafluers. signif. of F
8 .424; for mothers. signif. of F 8 .369).

174

W: Is there a relationship between the husband's
attitude toward women's education and the wife's educationa1
aspirations. behavior. and attitudes?

Table 4.52 suggests fluat women whose husbands encouraged flueir
education and helped with the housework differed in their educational
behavior from those whose husbands did not encourage flueir education or
wanted then to take care of children instead of getting an education
When women's educational behavior was cross-tabulated with husband's
attitude toward women's education and chi-square was carried out to
reveal flue level of significant difference which appeared significant
at flue .0001 level.

As shown in the table. about 64.7% of the women (99 out of 153)
had husbands who encouraged their education and helped fluem have time
to study. It showed that about 64.0% of those women who had their
husband's help and encouragement were going to school (61 out of 99)
versus about 36.0% who were not attending school for some other reason
(36 out of 99). Also. about 54 women (35.0%) had husbands who encour-
aged them to take care of flue chi1dren rafluer fluan having an education
or did not encourage women's education at all. Of those 54 women.
about 26.0% (14 out of 54) were going to school. versus 74.0% (40 out
of 54) who were not attending school.

Also. flue table shows that husbands who encouraged their wives
by helping with flue housework rafluer than only encouraging flueir educa-
tion without helping in the home had more influence on their wives'
educational behavior. which encouraged more wives to attend school.

Forty-eight wives (31.4%) said their husbands encouraged their

175

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176

education but did not help with the housework. and 51 (33.3%) said he
helped with the housework so she would have time to study. It can be
noticed that about 58.0% (28 out of 48) who indicated their husbands
encouraged their education but did not help with the housework were
attending school. versus about 42.0% who were not attending school.
Also. of the 51 women who indicated that their husbands helped them
with the housework so they would have time to study. about 69.0% (35
out of 51) were attending school and about 32.0% were not attending
school. Comparing the two groups. flue number of Saudi wives who were
attending school because their husband helped them with the housework
(69.0%) exceeded those who were attending school because flueir husband
encouraged them to attend school but did not help with the housework
(58.0%). While a large number (42.0%) who were not attending school
because their husbands encouraged their education but did not help with
the housework were more than those who had their husband's help with
flue housework (37.0%).

Thus it appears that Saudi husbands play a large role in their
wives' educational behavior. Through flueir support. husbands encourage
their wives to attend and remain in school. particularly here in the
United States. where there are no parents or other close relatives to
help them. Also. it is not only husbandsfl1attitudes that encourage
their wives to attend school. It appears also that it is important
that they help their wives with the housework and share in the child-
care responsibilities. and put their encouragement and support into

action.

177

A multivariate analysis of variance was carried out to
determine if fluere was a significant difference between women whose
husbands encouraged their education and helped with the housework and
those whose husbands did not provide such support. in terms of their
aspirations and attitudes toward education (See Table 4.53.) The
analysis suggested a significant difference at the .006 level. which
means that women whose husbands encouraged their education and helped
wiflu flue housework aspired more to continue their education and seek
higher educational levels and had better attitudes toward education

than fluose whose husbands did not provide such support

Tab1e 4.53.--Mul tivariate test of significance: relationship between
husband's attitude toward wonen's education and respond-
ents' educationa1 behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.

 

Test None F—Value df Signif. of F

 

W11 ks . 88608 6 .006*

 

*Significant at the .05 level.

A univariate analysis of variance was performed (Table 4.54).
It appeared fluat husbands' attitude was related significantly to their
wives' attitudes toward education (F 8 .001) and to their educational
aspirations (F 8 .024). This means husbands' attitudes were signifi-
cantly related to women's attitudes toward education and to their
educational aspirations. The more husbands encouraged their wives'

education and helped them with the housework. the more positive were

178

the wives' attitudes toward education. the more they realized the
importance .of education. the more they recognized having an equal
chance with men for going to school. and the more eager they were to

aspire to higher levels of education

Table 4.54.--Univariate F-test for husbands' attitudes (df 8 3. 149).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signi f.

Category MS 16 F-V a1 ue of F
Educational attitudes 1.37905 .22757 6.06002 .0018
Educational aspirations .6m7l .21051 3.23368 .0248

 

*Significant at flue .05 level.

It can be concluded from Tables 4.52 through 4.54 that
husbands' attitudes play a significant role in enabling flueir wives to
go to school. by helping with the housework and caring for the chil-
dren Women with supportive husbands are likely to have a positive
attitude toward attending school and also might aspire to higher levels
of education. especially in the United States where fluey are away from
home with no one's support but their husbands'.

W: Is there a relationship between having
children and Saudi women's educationa1 behavior. attitudes. and
aspirations toward pursuing an education?

Table 4.55 suggests that there was a strong relationship
between the number of children the Saudi women in this study had and

their educational behavior. Specifically. flue more children the women

179

hack the less likely fluey were to attend school; conversely. flue fewer

chi1dren fluey had. flue more likely they were to attend school.

Tab1e 4.55.--Pearson correlation coefficient for the relationship
between number of children and Saudi wonen's educationa1
behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.

 

 

 

Variable r N p
Educational behavior -.2718 160 .001
(attending school)

Educational aspirations -.1435 160 .035
Educational attitudes -.0884 160 .133
alpha 8 .05

Table 4.55 also suggests a correlation between the number of
children and Saudi women's a5pirations. That is. the more children
they had. the less they aspired to an education and sought further
levels of education Conversely. flue fewer children fluey had. flue more
likely they were to continue their education and to seek higher levels
of schooling. This is different from the findings regarding
educational attitudes. A correlation was not found between number of
children and women's attitudes toward education This finding suggests
that no matter how many children the women had. they still might
have encouraged education and recognized fluat education is as important

for wonen as it is for men.

1w

Yet even though these women had good attitudes toward education
some of them could not attend school if there was no one else to care
for flue children This fact was supported by the interview results and
by the data shown in Table 4.31. When asked to indicate factors that
prevented them from attending school. a majority of the women mentioned
flueir children. One interviewee said.

My children are still young and they need me to stay with them.
Maybe some day when they grow up I'll be able to go to school and
have my bachelor's degree.
Another said:

There is no one to take care of my children; especially my husband
is very preoccupied with his study. and I hate to leave flueun with a
non-Moslem caretaker and here in the United States where the
differences in religion and culture might affect flueir growth.

Yet another wonan commented:

The day care center is expensive. and our income doesn't allow us
to pay flue day-care expenses.

From the preceding discussion. it may be concluded that
children are one of the main hindrances to Saudi women's attending
school in the United States.

Not only does the number of children hinder Saudi women's school
attendance and prevent them from aspiring to higher levels of
education; the children's ages can also be considered an important
factor. The younger the children. the more they need their mother's
care and presence

Table 4.56 is a cross-tabulation of the respondents'
educational behavior by the ages of their children No significant

difference emerged from this analysis. This table was designed to

181

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182

show the extent to which having o1der or younger chi1dren affected the
women's educationa1 behavior. 1he tab1e indicates that about 39 of
the 122 respondents with chi1dren (32.0%) had youngsters 1ess than two
years o1d. Of those 39. 20 (51.3%) were going to schoo1 and 19 (48.7%)
were not going to schoo1. which means no major differences between
groups. A1 so. it appeared that 24 respondents (19.7%) had chi1dren
aged two to six years. Of those 24. 14 (58.3%) were attending schoo1
and 10 (41.7%) were not. Of the three women who had chi1dren on1y over
three years 01d. one was attending schoo1 and two were not.

Forty of the 122 women with chi1dren had youngsters under two
and from two to six. Of that nunber. 11 (27.5%) were attending schoo1
and 29 (72.5%) were not. In addition. 3 of the 122 women had chi1dren
1ess than two years 01d and over six years o1d. Of those three. one
was attending schoo1 and two were not. 0n1y 2 of the 122 women had
chi1dren from two to six years 01d and over six years. Both of these
women were attending schoo1. Fina11y. 11 of the 122 women had chi1dren
in severa1 age groups. Of those 11 respondents. 45.5! were attending
schoo1 and 54.5! were not.

Thus there was no significant re1ationship between age of
chi1dren and schoo1 attendance. About as many women who had chi1dren
1ess than two years o1d attended schoo1 as did not (51.3! and 48.71
respective1y). And about 66.7% of those with chi1dren over six were
not attending schooi. compared to 33.3% who were attending schoo1.

Thus a1 though it is expected that age of chi1dren can affect women's

183

schoo1 attendance. fliis re1 ati onshi p was not significant in the present
study.

The '1ack of significance of the re1ationship of chi1dren's age
to the respondents' schoo1 attendance perhaps was because of the avaii-
abi1ity of someone who he1ped care for the chiIdren In this study.
the women's husbands might have he1ped them with the housework and
chi1d care (see Tab1 es 4.52 and 4.53). which indicates the importance
of the husbands' support to women's educationa1 behavior. attitudes.
and aspirations.

WM: Are there other factors that influence Saudi
women to pursue an education?

Tab1e 4.57 inc1udes severa1 items from the questionnaire
re1ated to factors that might have inf1 uenced the subjects' educationa1
behavior (Items 49. 50. 60. 80. 81. 84. 85. 86. and 88). Respondents
were asked to indicate their agreement or disagreement with those
items. The 1ower the mean. the higher the agreement and the more
infi uenti a1 the factor was perceived to be; or. on some items. the
higher the mean. the higher the disagreement and the 1ess inf1uentia1
the factor was perceived to be. Means of 1.0-2.0 = high agreement
(high1y inf1uentia1). 2.0-3.0 = moderate agreement (moderate1y
inf1 uenti a1). 3.0-4.0 = disagreement (noninf1uentia1). and 4.0-5.0 =
high disagreement (1east inf1uentia1).

Tab1e 4.57 indicates that both groups (going to schoo1 and not
going to schoo1) disagreed on a11 of the items except Item 88. on which

they both agreed. and Item 85. on which 0n1y those who were not going

Table h.S7.--Rank order, by mean, of other factors that might influence Saudi women‘s
educational behavior.

184

 

Item

Do Not Go to School

Go to School

 

 

Item Description Rank Rank
No. Order Mean S.D. Order Hean S.D.

I'll be able to go to school
if there is a school for 88 1 2 123 1.166 1 2.747 1.266
girls only
If there is someone helping
me with the house and children 85 2 2.h69 1.17“ 3 3.35“ .8h8
I'll be able to go to school
I have some difficulty commu-
nicating with American peOple 81 3 3.185 1.205 5 3.633 1.002
Traveling to foreign countries
influenced my thinking toward 50 h 3.28% 1.175 2 3.089 1.061
going to school
Being far away from home dis-
couraged me from going to 80 5 3.h20 1.09“ 7 3.949 .918
school
My deficiency in language
discouraged me from going 60 6 3.605 1.108 6 3.823 1.118
to school
Having relatives in the United
States affected my thinking 49 7 3.781 .9h9 b 3.520 1.011
toward school
My parents don't encourage me
to go to school 8% 8 “.222 .822 8 0.190 .935
Family traditions prevented me
from going to school 86 9 “.370 .601 9 b.253 .707
Key: Mean scores of 1.0-2.0 I strong agreement, 2.0-3.0 - agreement, 3.0-9.0 - disagree-

ment, 4.0-5.0 - strong disagreement.

1 85

to school agreed. Disagreement on this item meant that factor had
little influence on the respondents' educational behavior.

Respondents in both groups had identical responses to Items 86.
84. 60. and 88. Both groups strongly disagreed with Item 86. which
related to family traditions The two means were close to each other:
4.370 for those not attending school and 4.253 for those attending
school. Respondents' disagreement was very high. which suggests that
their family traditions did not oppose girls pursuing an education and
had nothing to do with their attending school. Respondents also
strongly disagreed with Item 84. concerning parents' attitudes. which
indicates it was a less influential factor. The means for this item
were very high. indicating strong disagreement (4.22 for those not
attending school and 4.19 for those attending school).

Al 50. both groups had identical responses on their disagreement
with Item 60. related to language ability. The means were 3.605 for
those not attending school and 3.823 for those attending school. 1hey
disagreed with' the statement that language was not considered a problem
for them and did not prevent their school attendance. In addition.
both groups had identical responses to Item 88. related to the coeduca-
tion factor. Both groups agreed that if might be encouraging if there
were a school in the United States for girls only. which is what they
are used to at home. Comparing the two groups' means. although both
groups rated this item in first place. it appeared that those who did
not attend school placed more agreement on that item than did those who

were going to school (mean for those not attending = 2.123; mean for

186

those attending a 2.747). Their agreement on that item. which was
related to schools in the United States. means that this factor had an
influence on their going to school. although those who were going to
school did not care about it. However. it influenced the educational
behavior of those who were not attending school. This also supports
the fact that the environment of the United States is one of the
discouraging factors influencing Saudi women's educational behavior
(Table 4.40).

From Table 4.57 it also was shown that Item 85. related to
availability of someone to help with the housework and children. had a
negative influence on the educational behavior of those who were not
attending school. Woman who were not going to school agreed (mean =
2.469. S.D. = 1.174) that there was no one to help them with the
housework and children. which prevented them from going to school. 0n
the other hand. women who were attending school disagreed with that
item (mean = 3.354. S.D. 8 .848). which means they had help and sup-
port; this might have influenced their educational behavior.

Other factors like the influence of travel. relatives in the
United States. and homesickness had little influence on the subjects'
educationa1 behavior. Both groups of women disagreed with the items
concerning these influences (Items 50. 8D. and 49); the means were
between 3.0 and 4.0. Also. both groups disagreed with Item 81. which
was related to language ability. This means they disagreed with the

statement that they had any difficulty communicating with American

187

people (not attending school: mean = 3.185. S. D. = 1.205; attending
school: 3.633. S.D. = 1.002).

Thus it can be concluded from Table 4.57 that language.
parents' attitudes and traditions. relatives in the United States.
traveling to foreign countries. and homesickness appeared not to have
a significant influence on Saudi women's educationa1 behavior in the
United STates. Both groups disagreed on the items related to those
factors. Data in the table also suggest that husbands' support was an
encouraging factor that positively influenced women to attend school.
Also. some women consi dered coeducation a factor that prevented their
going to school in the United States.

W: Are urban Saudi women's educational
aspirations. behavior. and attitudes different from those of rural
wonen? .

Table 4.58 shows the results of a cross-tabulati on analysis
between the educational behavior of women from urban and rural areas.
according to those who did and did not attend school. The table
reveals that the significance level was .8959. which means there was no
significant difference between women from rural and urban areas in
terms of their educational behavior. The urban women who were not
attending school were 81.5%. and the urban women who were attending
school were 82.35. The rural women who were not attending school were
18.5%. and those who were attending school were 17.7%. which means no

differences were indicated.

188

Table 4.58.--Cross-tabulation of respondents' educational behavior
by rural or urban residence in Saudi Arabia.

 

 

Urban Rural Row Total
Educational Behavior
N x N S N 5
Go to school 65 82.3 14 17.7 79 100.0
Do not go to school 66 81.5 15 18.5 81 100.0
Col unn total 131 81.9 29 18.1 160 100.0

 

Raw chi-square = .01712 df = l Signif. = .8959 alpha 8 .05

A multivariate analysis of variance was also carried out to
test for significant differences between urban and rural Saudi women in
relation to their educational attitudes and aspirations. Table 4.59
indicates that there wasno significant difference between urban and
rural women in terms of their educational attitudes and aspirations

(F = .638).

Table 4.59.--Mu1tivariate test of significance: relationship between
rural and urban residence and respondents' educational
aspirations and attitudes.

 

Test Nana F-Value df Signif. of F

 

W11 ks .99430 2 .638

 

189

To determine which of the two variables (educationa1 attitudes
or educational aspirations) accounted for the least significant
differences. a univariate analysis of variance was carried out. As
shown in Table 4.60. there was little difference between educational
aspirations and attitudes in terms of significance levels. However.
educational attitude was less significant than educational aspiration
(F = 4.33 and F = .365. respectively). This means that women from
urban and rural areas did not differ significantly in their aspirations
and attitudes toward education But it will be more in their attitude
toward education. which means the attitudes of those from urban areas
will be more similar to the attitudes of women from rural areas than

the educational aspirations of the two groups will be similar.

Table 4.6D.--Uni vari ate F-test for urban and rural residence of
respondents (df '3 1. 158).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signif.

Category NB MS F-Val no of F
Educational attitudes .1584 .25596 .61859 .433
Educational aspirations .19594 .23706 .82655 .365

 

0n the whole. Tables 4.58 and 4.59 suggest that the Saudi
Arabian women from urban and rural areas who participated in the study
were similar to each other in terms of their educational behavior.

attitudes. and aspi rations.

190

W: Is there a relationship between Saudi women's
socioeconomic level and their educational aspirations. behavior.
and attitudes?
The researcher was interested in discovering whether there was
a relationship between the subjects' educational and their
socioeconomic level. The respondents' income levels were considered to
be the indicator of their socioeconomic level. Table 4.61 shows the
results of a cross-tabulation of respondents' income levels with their
educational behavior to reveal the relationship between socioeconomic
level and educational behavior. No statistically significant

difference was found between women who were attending school and those

who were not. in terms of income level (signif. - .4033).

Table 4.61.--Cross-tabulation of respondents' educational behavior
by income level.

 

 

 

Above Below Row
Educational Average Average Average Total
Behavior
N Z N X N Z N 5
Going to school 14 17.7 SD 73.6 7 8.0 79 100.0
Not going to school 15 18.5 63 77.8 3 3.7 81 100.0
Column total 29 18.1 121 75.6 10 6.3 160 100.0
Raw chi-square = 1.811638 df = 2 Signif. = .4033

Table 4.61 shows that 29 respondents had an above-average
income level: of that number. 14 (48.3%) were attending school and 15

(51.7%) were not. This indicates no significant difference was

191

detected between those with high income levels in their school attend-
ance One hundred twenty-one respondents (75.6%) had average incomes.
Of that number. 58 (47.95) were attending school and 63 (52.1%) were
not. which suggests a slight difference between groups in favor of
those who were not attending school.

Ten respondents (6.31) had low income levels. Of those 10. 7
(70.0!) were attending school. and 3 (30.0%) were not. Thus. although
they were from low income levels. a majority of this group were attend-
ing school.

A multivariate analysis of variance indicated there was a
nonsignificant relationship between subjects' income level and their
educational attitudes and aspirations (See Table 4.62.) Significance

of F was .249. which means it was not statistically significant.

Tab1e'4.62.--Multivariate test of significance: relationship between
family socioeconanic level and respondents' educational
aspirations and attitudes.

 

Test Name F-Value df Signif. of F

 

Nil ks . 96608 4 .249

 

A univariate analysis of variance was performed to reveal
whether educational attitude or educational aspiration was less
significant. Table 4.63 shows that educational aspiration (F = .377)
was less significant than educational attitude (F - .155). This means

that neither educational attitudes nor educationa1 aspirations were

192

significantly related to family income level. Of the two variables.
however. aspiration was less significant. which suggests that aspira-
tions will be more similar to subjects who came from high or average
levels of income with those who came from families with low income

levels. more than their similariti es in attitudes toward education.

Table 4.63.-Univariate F-test for fanily incane level of respondents
(df = 2. 157).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signif.

Category MS MS F-Val ue of F
Educational attitudes .47608 .25254 1.88521 .155
Educational aspirations .23226 .236% .9859 .377

 

To conclude. it appears from Tables 4.61 through 4.63 that
the respondents' educationa1 behavior. aspirations. and attitudes were
not significantly related to their family income level. Those who came
from families with average and high levels of income did not vary in
their educational behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.

The nonsignificance of the relationship can be explained by the
fact that in Saudi Arabia one's financial situation is not considered a
hindrance to obtaining an education or to planning to continue an
education. This is especially true of girls' education which is free
and has free transportation. Also. girls are given a monthly reward
for enrolling in secondary teaching institutes and at the university

level. Thus money never is considered a problem in continuing one's

193

education. unlike the situation in the United States. where higher
education. especially. is a serious financial consideration. These
facts explain why Saudi women's socioeconomic level is not signifi-
cantly related to their educational attitudes. aspirations. and behav-
ior.
W: Is there a relationship between the Saudi
Mission's new ruling and Saudi women's educational behavior?

The respondents were asked to indicate the effect of the Saudi
Mission's ruling. which says that only those Saudi women who are
enrolled in and attending school will receive a complete allowance and
the entire annual allowance for clothing. books. and tuition. Those
who are not attending school will receive only half of the monthly
allowance and will not be. allowed the other annual allowance A cross-
tabulation was performed to determine how this ruling has affected the
respondents' educationa1 behavior. using responses to Item 39: What
effect has the ruling had on your thinking toward going to school ?"
From Table 4.64. it can be seen that a significant relationship existed
between the Missi on's new ruling and the respondents' school attend-
ance.

As the table shows. 32 of the 79 women who were attending
school (40.5!) were influenced by ihe ruling and went to school either
because they felt encouraged or pressured to do so. Forty-seven
women (59.5%) were already going to school before the ruling. so they
were not affected by it. Also. 60 women (37.5!) were not attending

school at the time of the ruling and felt it did not apply to them.

194

 

 

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195

However. three individuals (3.75) who were not attending school
indicated the ruling might encourage them to go to school. and 12
(14.81) said it made them feel pressured. although they were not
attending school.

From the data in this table it can be concluded that a large
number of the respondents were not attending school and were not
affected by the ruling. although about 18.! gave their opinion about
the ruling. which means some other reasons affected their school
attendance that made the ruling unworkable for them. The table also
indicated that a considerable number of those who were going to school
(40.5%) had not been going to school before the Hissi on's ruling and
began to attend after the ruling. either because they were encouraged
or felt pressured to do so. Therefore. the significance resulting from
this analysis related mostly to the increase in the number of women who
were going to school.

W: Are the educational aspirations. behavior.
and attitudes of Saudi women who were born and resided for a period
outside Saudi Arabia different from those of Saudi women who were
born in Saudi Arabia and have always lived there?

First. a cross-tabulation was performed on the respondents'
educationa1 behavior by whether or not they had been born and raised
outside Saudi Arabia to determine if there was a significant difference
in educational behavior between women who were born and raised abroad
and those who were born and raised in Saudi Arabia. Table 4.65 shows
that F = .2478. which means there were no significant differences in

the educational behavior of the two groups.

196

Table 4.65.--Cross-tabulation of respondents' educationa1 behavior
by birthplace.

 

 

Go to Do not Go
School to School Row Total
Birthplace
N Z N S N 3
Inside Saudi Arabia 75 50.7 73 45.3 148 42.5
Outside Saudi Arabia 4 33.3 8 66.7 12 7.5
Column total 79 49.4 81 50.6 160 100.0

 

Raw chi-square = 1.33557 df = 1 Signif. = .2478

Table 4.65 shows that 148 Saudi women (92.5%) had been born and
raised in Saudi Arabia: only 12 (L51) had been born and raised abroad.
(See Table 4.2 for places of birth and residence outside Saudi Arabia).
Although the nunber of women born outside Saudi Arabia is too small to
allow meaningful comparisons. the analysis does give some idea about
school attendance. at least for those who had been born and raised in
Saudi Arabia. ‘

Seventy five of the 148 women born in Saudi Arabia (50.7!) were
attending school. and 73 (45.3%) were not attending school. On the
other hand. 4 of the 12 women born outside Saudi Arabia (33.35) were
attending school. and 8 (66.7%) were not. Thus a larger proportion of
women born outside Saudi Arabia than those born in the Kingdom were
attending school.

A multivariate analysis of variance was carried out to

determine if there was a significant difference between those the

197

educational aspirations and attitudes of women born inside or outside
Saudi Arabia. (See Table 4.66.) F = .617. which indicates no
significant differences existed between women born inside and those
born outside Saudi Arabia. in terms of their educational aspirations

and attitudes.

Tab1e 4.66.--Multivariate test of significance: relationship between
birthplace and respondents' educational aspirations and

 

 

attitudes.
Test Name F-Value df Signif. of F
Hilks .99387 2 .617

 

A univariate analysis of variance was performed to reveal
whether the influence on educational attitudes or that on educational
aspirations was less significant. Table 4.67 shows that neither
attitude nor aspiration was significantly influenced by the respond-
ents' birthplace (signif. of F for attitude - .344: signif. of F for
aspiration = .705). However. the difference in terms of attitude was
large. which means that those Saudi women born and raised outside the
Kingdom were more similar in aspirations to those born and raised in

Saudi Arabia than they were similar in aspirations.

198

Table 4.67.-Univariate F-test for birthplace of respondents (df =

 

 

l. 158).
Hypothesis Error Signif.
Category 16 MS F-Val ue of F
Educational attitudes .23008 .25551 .90047 .344
Educational aspirations .03426 .23818 .14390 .705

 

It can be concluded from Tables 4.66 and 4.66 that birth and
residence outside Saudi Arabia had no significant influence on the
respondents' educational behavior. aspirations. and attitudes-whether
they were attending school and had positive attitudes and high levels
of educational aspirations. and vice versa.

Beeeeceh Queetjen J]: Is there a relationship between family
background (parents' ethnicity and mother's nationality) and Saudi
wonen's educationa1 aspirations. behavior. and attitudes?

To determine whether there was a difference in the educational
behaviors of women whose ethnicity was other than Saudi and those whose
family was originally from Saudi Arabia. a cross-tabulation was
performed. Table 4.68 indicates there was no significant difference
between the two groups (signif. = .6191).

The table shows that the families of 118 of the 159 respondents
(74.21) originated in Saudi Arabia: 41 (25.8!) had other ethnic
origins. (See Table 4.11 for places of origin.) Sixty of the 118
women whose parents were originally from Saudi Arabia (50.8%) were

attending school. and 58 (49.2%) were not. In addition. 19 of the 41

199

women whose ethnic background was other than Saudi Arabian (46.3%) were
attending school. as opposed to 22 (53.7%) who were not. Thus it can
be concludeti that as the two groups did not differ significantly in
their educational behavior. family ethnicity was not considered a

factor affecting school attendance in the United States

Table 4.68.--Cross-tabulation of respondents' educational behavior
by parents' ethnicity.

 

 

Non-
Saudi Saudi Row Tetal
Educational Behavior
N x N x N 5
Going to school 60 75.9 19 24.1 79 100.0
Not going to school 58 72.5 22 27.5 80 100.0
Column total - 118 74.2 41 25.8 159 100.0

 

Raw chi-square = .24713 df = 1 Signif. = .6191

A multivariate analysis of variance was carried out to
determine if there was a significant difference in the educational
aspirations and attitudes of respondents of Saudi and non-Saudi
ethnicity. As shown in Table 4.69. the significance of F was .270.
which was not significant. This means the two ethnicity groups were
similar in their educational attitudes and aspirations.

A univariate analysis of variance was performed to show whether
educationa1 aspirations or attitudes were less influenced by family

ethnicity. Table 4.70 shows that although neither attitudes (.136) nor

200

aspirations (.155) were significantly different. aspirations were the
less significant of the two. This means that women whose parents were
original 1y from Saudi Arabia were more similar in their aspirations
than in their attitudes to those whose parents*were not originally from

Saudi Arabia.

Tab1e 4.69.--Mu1tivariate test of significance: relationship between
parents' ethnicity and respondents' educational aspira-
tions and attitudes.

 

Test Name F-Val ue df Signif. of F

 

H11 ks . 9&36 2 . 270

 

Table 4.7D.--Univariate F-test for ethnicity of respondents' parents
(df ==1. 57).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signif.

Category MS MS F-Value of F
Educational attitudes .56654 .25272 2.24171 .136
Educational aspirations .47983 .23440 2.04487 .155

 

It can be concluded from the data in Tables 4.68 and 4.69 that
the respondents' educationa1 behavior. aspirations. and attitudes were
not significantly influenced by their ethnic origin.

To determine if there was a significant difference in

educational behavior between women whose mothers were from Saudi Arabia

201

and those whose mothers were not from Saudi Arabia. a cross-tabul ation
of respondents' educational behavior by mothers' ethnicity was per-
formed. (See Table 4.71.) The significance was .4628. which indicates

no significant difference existed between the two groups.

Table 4.71.--Cross-tabulation of respondents' educationa1 behavior
by mothers' ethnicity.

 

 

 

Non-
Saudi Saudi Row Tetal
Educational Behavior
N X N Z N 5
Going to school 66 83.5 13 16.5 79 100.0
Not going to school 64 79.0 17 21.0 81 100.0
Column total 130 81.3 30 18.8 160 100.0
Raw chi-square = .53919 df = 1 Signif. = .4628

As shown in Table 4.71. the mothers of 130 of the 160 study
participants (81.3%) were from Saudi Arabia: 30 (18.85) were not from
Saudi Arabia. Of the 130 women whose mothers were from Saudi Arabia.
66 (50.8%) were attending school. and 64 (49.2!) were not attending
schoo1--Just a small difference. Of the 30 women whose mothers were
not from Saudi Arabia. 13 (43.3!) were attending school. whereas 17
(56.7%) were not. a slightly greater difference than there was among
the respondents who were attending school. Thus it can be concluded
that mothers' ethnicity did not have a significant influence on the

respondents' educational behavior.

202

In addition a multivariate analysis of variance was performed
to determine whether differences existed in the educational attitudes
and aspirations of respondents with Saudi and non-Saudi mothers As
shown in Table 4.72. there were no significant differences in the

attitudes and aspirations of the two groups (signif. == .797).

Table 4.72.--Multivariate test of significance: relationship between
mothers' ethnicity and respondents' educational aspira-
tions and attitudes.

 

Test Nane F-Val ue df Signif. of F

 

Wilks .99712 2 .797

 

To reveal whether educational aspirations or educational
attitudeswas less significant. a univariate analysis of variance was
carried out. Table 4.73 shows that educational aspirations (.968) and
attitudes (.582) were not significant However. aspiration level was
less significant than that of attitudes. which means that women with
Saudi and non-Saudi mothers were more similar to each other in their
aspirations than in their educational attitudes.

On the whole. from Tables 4.68. 4.69. 4.71. and 4.72. it can be
seen that parents' ethnicity. including mothers' nationality. had no
significant influence on the respondents' educational behavior. aspira-

tion 5. or attitudes

203

Table 4.73.-Univariate F-test for ethnicity of respondents' mothers
(df =1. 158).

 

 

Hypothesis Error Signif.
Category NB MS F -V a1 us of F
Educational attitudes . 07611 . 25647 . 30455 . 582
Educational aspirations . 00039 . 23 830 .00163 . 968

 

W: Is there a relationship between the length
of stay in the United States and Saudi women's educational aspi ra-
tions. behavior. and attitudes?

To determine if there was a relationship between women's length
of stay in the United States and their educational behavior. a cross-
tabulation of educational behavior by length of stay was performed.
Table 4.74 shows that a statistically significant relationship did not
exist between length of stay and educational behavior (signif. =
.0662).

From this table. it can be seen that 49 of the 160 respondents
(36.6%) had been in the United States less than a year. Of that
number. 29 (59.2%) were attending school and 20 (40.8%) were not
attending school. which means that during their first year in the
United States a majority of these women attended school. Also. 35 of
the 160 respondents (21.9%) had been in the United States one to two
years. Of that number. 18 (51.4%) were attending school and 17 (48.6%)
were not-~indicating no difference Twenty-three of the 160 respond-
ents (14.4%) had been in the United States two to three years Of that

number. 11 (47.8%) were attending school and 12 (52.2%) were not.

204

 

 

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:. >000 0o 000:0. :.000 0:0 .o.>0000 .0:o.000000 .m0:00:oam0: mo :o.00.:000immo:unu.:0.: 0.000

205

Hence through the three-year period that subjects stayed in the United
States. a considerable number still were not going to school.

Further. 24 of the 160 subjects (15.0%) had been in the United
States three to four years. Of those 24. 14 (58.3%) were attending
school and 10 (41.72) were not. indicating that after the third year in
the United States a considerable number of the women were attending
school.

Just 14 (8.8%) of the women had been in the United States from
four to five years. Of that number. only 4 (28.6%) were attending
school. whereas 10 (71.4%) were not attending school. Of the 15 women
(9.5%) who had stayed in the United States more than five years. only 3
(20.0%) were going to school: the other 12 (80.0%) were not students.
The high percentage of nonattendance among women in these two residence
groups is explained by the fact that their husbands were about to
complete their studies. which generally last from two to about six
years. Hence these respondents might have been discouraged from
attending school when they knew it would not be of any benefit to them
because they would soon be leaving the United States

This fact is clearly supported when a Pearson correlation
procedure was performed to determine whether there was a significant
relationship between length of stay in the United States and respond-
ents' educationa1 aspirations and attitudes. (See Table 4.75.) For
aspiration. p = .004. indicating a significant relationship in a nega-
tive direction. This means that the longer the subjects stayed in the

United States. the lower were their aspirations—the less likely they

206

would be to seek further education. However. the relationship between
educational attitudes and length of stay was not significant (p =
.063).

Table 4.75.--Pearson correlation coefficient for the relationship
between length of stay in the United States and Saudi
wonen's educational aspirations and attitudes.

 

 

Variable r N p
Educational aspirations -.2091 160 .004
Educational attitudes -.1213 160 .063

 

The nonsignificance of the relationship between subjects'
length of stay in thelJnited States with their educational behavior
(Table 4.74) and the negative correlation between length of stay and
educational aspirations.can be explained by the increased number'of
respondents with children in the longer residence periods. A
relationship existed between number of children and women's educational
aspirations and behavior but not with their attitudes (Table 4.55).

One may also conclude from the data in Table 4.74 that of the
76 respondents (47.5%) who had been in the United States from two years
to more than five years. 44 (57.9%) were not attending school and 29
(42.1%) were going to school. Thus a large number of women are staying
in the United States from two to five years or more. and a large

segment of them are not attending school and hence are not profiting

207

from being in the United States in terms of educational behavior. This
finding also supports flue results in Table 4.40. In addition. as shown
in Table 4.75. the longer Saudi women stayed in the United States. the

more their educational aspirations were suppressed.

W110

Twenty Saudi Arabian women from the Lansing. Michigan. area
were interviewed individually. Six questions were posed to obtain
basic information related to flue topics of study-educational behavior.
aspirations. and attitudes--as well as information concerning factors
that hindered or facilitated their attending school. their attitudes
toward the Saudi Mission's new ruling school. and whether their being
in the United States had affected their educational attainment. The
interviews were conducted to support the questionnaire data and to
provide additional. more detailed information that might not have been
gained from the questionnaire.

Conducting a personal interview was considered difficult for
both the researcher and the interviewees themselves Because Saudi
women are not used to interviews. flue researcher decided that 20 inter-
views would be sufficient to elicit detailed data about flue main themes
of flue research. The women were interviewed in their homes: the ses-
sions lasted about an hour.

Before going to the subjects' homes. the researcher telephoned
to introduce herself and explain flue purpose of the call. as well as to

arrange a suitable time for flue visit. The researcher had seen some of

208

flue interviewees at friends' homes. but al though she recognized their
faces she had never had personal contact with these women.

The subjects were interviewed alone. without their husbands
present. because Saudi men and women who are not related to one anofluer
cannot mingle Most women were wearing the long dress that is always
worn in Saudi Arabia. Their household furnishings and the aroma of
food being prepared completed the picture of a typical Saudi hone.

The interviewees' uneasiness was evident in their facial
expressions and their voices Therefore the researcher chatted wiflu
them about general topics before beginning the interview. As is the
custom in Saudi Arabia. Arabic coffee and dates were served. When the
interviewees were more at ease. flue researcher took out a pen and paper
and asked if she could write down flueir answers so she could remember
them accurately. All interviewees agreed. The researcher did not
write all of the time during the interviews but took advantage of
numerous interruptions (phone children. interviewee fixing tea. and so
on) to catch up on her notes.

The interview contained six major questions Responses were
coded. and similar answers were combined for discussion purposes In
the following pages. each question is restated. followed by a

discussion of flue i nterviewees' responses to that item.

W
The first question was divided into two parts. Part A was

intended to elicit information about the respondents' educational

behavior (whether or not they were going to school). Part B was

209

designed to reveal some factors that hindered them from going to school
or encouraged their school attendance in the United States.
W: Are you going to school in the United States?
Of flue 20 women who were interviewed. 12 (60.0%) were attending
school. Eight (40.05) of the interviewees were not attending school at
flue time of flue study.

W: iihy are you or are you not going to school in the
United States?

Responses of the women who were attending school were as
follows:
Four out of the 12 wonen (33.31) said:

I'm going to school to get an education and have a degree which can
stand as a weapon. and so women should be encouraged to have as
much education as they can that will help then flueir whole life.

Three out of 12 (25.0%) noted:

Generally. education increases women's awareness. and particularly
I'm going to school to learn a new language (English).

One each (8.3%) said:

It is my ambition. Furthermore. it is a good opportunity being
here in flue United States-~a country that is advanced in knowledge
and science.

Every woman should get an education as stated in our religion in
the the Holy Ouran. Seeking knowledge is an obligation of every
Moslen wonan or man.

My husband wanted me to pursue my education. He encourages me a
lot. In addition. educated women can participate in flue country's
development: we are especially in need of educated women

If I do not go to school that means I won't be able to receive the
monthly allowance from flue government. which [my family] needs to
beat flue higu cost of living in flue United States.

210

I don't have children and I feel that I have much time. I go to
school to fill up my time

The responses of the eight women who were not attending school
were as follows:

Four of the women (50.0%) indicated that the main obstacle to
school attendance was their children Some of their comments having to
do with children follow.

There is no day-care center near our house to put our children in.
and first of all it is not an Islamic one. It is an American day-
care center. and to tell the truth. we hate our children to go to
non-Islamic day-care centers. which will have different language
customs. and religion than ours. Children at early ages easily
acquire things and this early age is an important time for
learni ng. Besides. it is very expensive and the government doesn't
pay the fee.

lie hate to leave our children with our husbands. who are not used
to this type of responsibility and which will take time from flueir
studies He is the one who came [to the United States] mainly for
this purpose We should afford him flue good. quiet environment to
be able to study and succeed: then we can go back to our country in
peace.

Three (37.5%) said:

Schools here in the United States are coeducational. There are no
schools for girls only. I'm not used to that kind of school. but
I'm going to pursue my education in the future when I go back to
Saudi Arabia.

One wonan (12.51) said:
It is because of the bad weafluer and the problem of transportation
[Specifically. in winter she had to dress the children and then
drive them to the baby-sitter.] Most of the time it was hard to

drive to school in snowy or rainy weather. and my husband didn't
help with all of that.

W: Twelve of the 20 interviewees
were attending school. Four out of the 12 (33.3%) were motivated by

their ambition and desire to learn and believed that education is very

211

important. Three of them (25.05) said they were motivated by their
intention to learn the language of the country in which they were
living. One (8.35) said living in the United States was an opportunity
she did not want to waste. and one (8.35) said the Islamic religion
motivated her to seek an education. Another (8.35) was encouraged by
her husband. and yet another was motivated by the Mission's ruling
regarding the monthly allowance. Thus being in the Uni ted States
(8.35). husband's encouragement (8.35). Islamic religion (8.35). the
Mission's ruling (8.35). taking advantage of their own desire and
ambition to get a degree (33.35). and learning English (25.05) were
factors encouraging women to attend school. On the ofluer hand. having
young children. coeducation. and husband's lack of encouragement dis-
couraged eight women from pursuing their education Of these factors.

children were flue obstacle mentioned most frequently.

W

This question was directed at the women who were enrol led in
school. to discover their present level of education and their goal
beyond this level. fluereby to elicit information related to educational
aspirations.

W: What level of education are you in. and what level are
you seeking?

Three of the 12 women (25.05) who were attending school were
enrolled in a community college. All three indicated they would be
satisfied with getting a bachelor's degree One woman (8.35) was

seeking her master's degree because she already had a bachelor's degree

212

from Saudi Arabia. However. she was waiting for approval to come from
Saudi Arabia.

Eight women (66.75) were enrolled in an English-language pro-
granu. Four of them (33.35) were seeking no particular degree. their
only aim being to learn the English language. The other four (33.35)
were enrolled in flue English-language program to fulfill flue require-
ments for their university-level study. One (8.35) already has a
bachelor's degree from Saudi Arabia and was seeking a master's degree

Wm: Most of the interviewees who were
going to school had a well-defined educational aim and good aspi ra-
tions. even though half of them (66.75) had been enrolled in an
English-language program from two to four years Eventual ly fluey plan
to have either a baccalaureate or graduate-level degree which indi-
cates they are pursuing a high level of education. Only four (33.35)
were enrolled in nondegree programs and just wanted to learn the
English language One (8.35) said:

When I was about to finish the program I got pregnant so I stopped
studying for one year to have my baby. Then I went back but found
I had forgotten [most of what I had learned]. I have started from

the beginning again. It's almost two years now. and I hope to
finish [the program].

W

This question was designed to elicit the interviewees'
reactions to and views about the Saudi Mission's new ruling concerning
wives' study abroad and to elicit information regarding its influence

on fluei r decision regarding school attendance.

213

W: What do you think about the Mission's new ruling
concerning wives' study?

Seven of the 20 interviewees (35.05) expressed a feeling of
surprise about this ruling. They said. in effect:

This ruling is a very strange one because it is supposed that with
or without this ruling women should be going to school.
particularly at the present time when a lot of women are going to
school and receiving an education However. it is a good decision
that might encourage women who are not attending school to go to
school and think seriously about pursuing an education.

Ten women (50.05) disagreed with ruling. Some of their statements
follow:

This is not a good ruling. It certainly needs to be reviewed.
There are some husbands who don't agree and completely refuse to
let their wives go to school. Living in the United States is very
hard and we need enough money to live with. especially when fluere
are no relatives nearby to help financially. This ruling makes it
more difficult for Saudi students who are abroad to live.
particularly when they have many children.

This completely unfair decision discriminates between flue woman as
a student and the woman as a wife The student woman is not better
than the housewife They forget that the wife has the main
responsibility for raising children and making a new generation
and this is the main message for every woman and her primary
responsibility.

Some women might want to go to school but for one reason or another
(for example husband's disagreement or young children) she cannot
do it. This ruling implies pressure. and women should not be
forced to do something they are not able to do. especially study-
ing.

Three of flue interviewees (15.05) said:

This ruling implies a good purpose and a good step from our
government. showing its concern for girl 5' education. It might
help girls think seriously about their educational attainment.
However. it should be revised to consider some special exceptions.
like women who have more than one child or fluose who need special
care because of illness or are especially young. Special ci rcum-
stances like pregnancy and breastfeeding should also be considered.

214
W: What effect has the ruling had on your decision about
going to school?
Ten interviewees (50.05) said:

This ruling didn't affect me because I was already going to school
before this ruling was made.

Five (25.05) said:

It didn't have any effect on me. specially at the present time.
as I an not able to attend school because of my children.

Two (10.05) noted:
I wasn't going to school before this ruling. and actual 1y I'm very
happy with this ruling because at least it encouraged me to go to
school and learn the language

Three (15.05) said:
This ruling made me go to school. but with the feeling of pressure

I felt like I was pushed to attend school because I don't like to
have a half salary.

Was: From the interview responses. it
appeared that 7 of the 20 women (35.05) were satisfied with the Mis-
sion's ruling alfluough they expressed surprise at 11'. Ten women (50.05
of the respondents) were not happy with the ruling. The remaining
three interviewees (15.05) accepted the ruling but not completely.
implying it needs revision in order to be acceptable This implies
their lack of acceptance for the ruling as it now stands. So. in
general. most of flue respondents were dissatisfied with flue ruling.

As for the rul ing's influence. it did not seem to have a great
effect on most of flue respondents (75.05). regardless of whefluer or not
they were attending school. However. some women (15.05) said the
ruling had encouraged them to attend school and they had enrolled in

Engl ish-1 anguage cl asses

215

W

This question was directed at all of the interviewees. to see
what might be done to make flue ruling more acceptable.

Quesjjm: What suggestions do you have to make this ruling more
effective and acceptable?

Eight of the interviewees (40.05) suggested that the ruling
should specify Moslem women to take care of flue children while their
mothers were in school. Eight (40.05) also said the government should
pay the school or day-care center fee for the children Four (20.05)
suggested that the government could cut student wives' privileges and
that women who do not go to school could get their regular salary
without the clothing. books. and tuition allowance.

Five interviewees (25.05) suggested open schools for Saudi
woman. with female teachers. Four (20.05) said exceptions should be
made for pregnant women. new inofluers. and those who are breastfeeding.
Three (15.05) suggested a monthly reward could be given to those who
study. to encourage them to continue their education. and that the
regular salary be maintained for those who choose not to study. One
woman (5.05) suggested support for part-time study. to learn general
information or flue English language

W: The women's concern about their
children was apparent They provided suggestions fluat might alleviate
some of the drawbacks facing mothers who want to pursue an education
and make it easier for them to go to school. Eight women (40.05)

suggested a Moslem women's organization to care for the children and

216

eight (40.05) thought the Saudi government should pay for day-care
centers. A school for females only was the suggestion made by five
women (25.05). Four interviewees (20.05) suggested that exceptions to
the ruling be made in special cases. and three (15.05) suggested a
reward to encourage women to continue their education
W

This question was intended to gain information concerning the
influence fluat living in flue United States had had on flue interviewees'

educationa1 behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.

W: Has your being here in the United States affected your
thinking about going to school?

Eleven of flue interviewees (55.05) said. in effect:

Yes I like the curriculum. the way they teach. the way teacher
and students interact. and flue length of flue school day. These can
encourage one to pursue her education But I don't like [coeduca-
tional classes].

Four (20.05) said:
It encouraged me. but not the direct reason for making one go to
school. The desire for getting an education is already fluere and
when the desire is there it does not matter where you are: the
person will seek learning and education

Five (25.05) commented:

Absolutely not. The different language and the [coeducational
classes] made me hesitate about going to school.

Wm: Being in the United States posi-
tively affected most women to attend school. Some of the different
reasons respondents gave for that were the good curriculum. teacher-
student interaction. and length of school day. Slightly more than half
of the interviewees (55.05) indicated that. Five women (25.05)

217

responded negatively. saying that being in the United States did not
encourage them to attend school. mainly because of language deficien-
cies and coeducational cl asses Fina11y. sue women (20.05) noted they
were pursuing an education for its own sake not just because fluey were

living in the United States

W

This question was intended to elicit information about whether
the interviewees were satisfied with the general educational
accomplishments of Saudi women compared to those of Saudi men

W: What do you think about Saudi Arabian women's present
educational accomplishment? (How far do you think she should go
with her education compared to Saudi men?)

In response to the first part of the question 14 women (70.05)
thought fluat Saudi women were doing fine based on flue short time since
education for girls began Six (30.05) expressed dissatisfaction.
saying fluat Saudi Arabia should have more educated women especially at
higher levels of education and in scientific fields

In answering the second part of the question. eight women
(40.05) said that women should continue in school as long as they have
flue ability to do se There are no limits to learning. whefluer one is
a woman or a man Women have as much ability to be educated as men do.

Eight women (40.05) indicated their approval for women to
pursue higher education but did indicate that males should be given
priority in this regard:

A woman should continue her education and go through the higher
levels of education unless she has some difficulty concerning her

218

children and her responsibilities as a housewife. If she faces
some difficulty like feeling unable to combine going to school and
raising her children. cleaning the house. and caring for her
husband. she'd better leave school and leave it to her husband. He
is the one who should have the priority to pursue an education
because he is flue family breadwinner and has flue main responsibil-
ity for the support of his family.

Four of flue interviewees (20.05) said:

Women should only pursue the basic education that can enable them
to function well in flue family and raise her children Secondary-
level education would be enough. I don't encourage going furfluer
fluan that. In a case like being here in the United States. learn-
ing the language is absolutely enough.
Of that nunber. one woman (5.05) stated:

I would like to get an M.A. or Ph.D. for raising my children. but
not for academic purposes This is the best degree I can get
through taking care of my children Women should not be equal wiflu

men because fluey have ofluer responsibilities and duties she must
consider her priority.

Was: Eight of the interviewees (40.05)
supported and encouraged flue idea of women pursuing as much as educa-
tion as they can and agreed that equal educational opportunity should
exist between men and women Others (40.05) agreed in principle but
still placed educational priority with men and asserted women's primary
responsibility being housework and child care. A few interviewees
(20.05) completely disagreed with women's pursuit of education. except
fluat which would enable them to be better wives and mofluers. and com-

pletely rejected the idea of equal education for men and women

We:

Data from flue questionnaires and interviews were presented in
this chapter. The chapter was divided into three sections The first

part presented the demographic data in tabular and narrative form.

219

Data pertaining to the research questions were presented in the second
part. and flue results of statistical analyses performed to answer the
research questions were discussed. The third part of the chapter
contained the interview results. The following chapter is a
presentation of a comprehensive overview of the findings. discussed in

terms of some theoretical bases for fluose findings

O-iAPTER V

DISGJSSICN OF THE FINDImuS

The following discussion deals wiflu the findings of this study
of Saudi Arabian women's educationa1 behavior. attitudes. and
aspirations The findings were based on the questionnaire results. as
well as interview responses of 160 Saudi women who accompanied flueir
husbands who came to the United States to study. The interview results
provided more detailed information regarding these women's educational
behavior. attitudes. and aspirations and revealed some of the factors
that influenced that behavior. Also in this chapter. many studies
related to the present researth are discussed to provide a theoretical
basis for flue investigation and to support. explain and clarify what
appeared to be unexpected or unusual findings

From the survey data and interview results. it was revealed
that a considerable number of Saudi women did not attend school. About
half of the respondents (81 or 50.65) were not attending school. and 79
(49.45) were attending (Table 4.27). The average length of stay in the
United States was from two to four years (Table 4.6). which is a long
time to be away from home and a considerable amount of time to be
wasted. These women arrived in the United States with an average level

of education. mostly a high school certificate (Table 4.24). which

220

221

should allow them a good chance to seek a higher educational degree.
The good chance showed in many ways: they had stayed in the United
States from two to five years in the United States. had a high school
education. and were provided financial support from flue Saudi govern-
ment to continue their schooling. Tables 4.27 and 4.45 showed that a
considerable number of women (81 out of 160) were not attending school.
and only 79 out of the 160 were attending school. Even those who were
going to school were not enrolled in a degree prograrn The meiority of
them were enrolled in Engl ish-language programs (Table 4.28). Hence
fluey were enrolled in English-language programs for two to four years.
even though the language center expected that one year was sufficient.
This finding indicated that either there were impediments to the
wonen's learning or they were not taking their education seriously.

In addition. it appeared that the women who stayed in the
United States from two to more than five years were still not attending
school (Table 4.75). The longer flue women stayed with flueir husbands
in the United- States. the less likely they were to continue their
education or to pursue further levels of schooling. Whereas their
attitudes toward education were good. still they were not seeking
higher levels of education

From the interviews it can be seen that a majority of the
interviewees were attending school (60.05 were attending school and
40.05 were not). However. 66.75 of those who were going to school were
still enrolled in English-language programs although fluey had been in
the United States for four years. Some of them justified studying

222

English for that long by saying they must master flue language first and
then enroll for a degree program. Others said they did not seek any
particular degree but just wanted to learn English. Therefore. even
though more fluan half of flue interviewees were attending school. flue
majority of them were not making the expected progress They were just
enrolled in English-language programs and had other priorities than
their education

Because the findings reveal ed that a considerable number of
Saudi women were not attending school in the United States. further
analyses were undertaken to discover how. with flue level of education
fluey had already achieved. fluey could stay a relatively long time in a
country known for its advanced knowledge and educational practices and
still not pursue a higher education From flue study findings. it was
revealed that some majorlfactors influenced Saudi women's educational
behavior. attitudes. and aspirations Those factors were divided into
two general categories: cultural factors and gender-role perceptions

Before explaining these factors. some other factors that
appeared to have little influence on Saudi women's educational behav-
ior. attitudes. and aspirations are discussed. Those factors were
pa rents' level of education and attitudes toward education. parents'
socioeconomic level. urban or rural residence. being born and raised
outside Saudi Arabia. family ethnicity. traveling to foreign countries.
English-language ability. having relatives in the United States. and
being far away from home Findings regarding these factors are

described in flue following paragraphs

223

LesLInfluentlaLEastsst

WW According to the present study.
parents' education. or the educational level of either father or
mother. had little influence on the subjects' educational behavior.
attitudes. and aspirations This means that women with uneducated
parents did not differ in their educational behavior (Tables 4.46 and
4.49). educational attitudes. or aspirations (Tables 4.47. 4.48. 4.50.
and 4.51) from those with more educated parents In fact. more women
wiflu uneducated fafluers or mofluers were attending school than those who
had educated parents This finding was unexpected and surprising
because most researchers have indicated a positive relationship between
parents' educational level and their children's educational attitudes
and aspirations That is. as parents' educational level increases. flue
more educated their children are and the lower rate of attrition from
school. But this finding will not be surprising if it can be said fluat
children who have uneducated parents are eager to go to school and are
raised with flue curiosity for going to the world of education and being
the leader of the family. Also. their parents are likely to have their
children get an education when they come to realize flue value of educa-
tion and the position of educated people

In this study. flue lack of a significant relationship between
parents' educational level and Saudi women's educational behavior.
attitudes. and aspirations can be explained by flue fact that all of the
subjects in this study were married. This means they are now under the

authority of their husbands. anofluer important source of control for

2211

Saudi women In addition these women were far away from their parents
and had lived abroad with their husbands a long time without direct
contact with. their parents Most of their interaction was wiflu their
husbands. children. and some Saudi friends who were in the same
condition they were. To these reasons must be added the nature of the
Moslem husband-wife relationship. which is discussed later in this
section. Taking all these factors into account. the lack of influence
of parents' educational level or even attitudes toward their daughters'
education is understandable

WMW. The study findings also
indicated fluat women from high income levels did not differ from those
whose parents had low income levels (where income level was taken as an
indicator of socioeconomic level) in flueir educational behavior (Table
4.61) or in their educational attitudes and aspirations (Table 4.62).
This also was an unexpected finding because a number of other research-
ers have found parents' socioeconomic level to be associated with
students' achievement. However. most of fluese studies have been done
in western societies.

"Students from lower socioeconomic-level cl asses tend to score
lower on achievement tests than middle and upper class students do"
(Woolfolk & Nicolich. 1979. p. 467). Wilson (1962) indicated that
family income has a large influence on education. According to that
study. which was intended to explore the effect of monthly income on
education Wilson discovered that a large proportion of flue subjects

wanted to enroll in the university but financial factors precluded

225

their doing so. In addition. Tuel's (1966) findings showed that low
income level is an influential factor in students' attrition Peston
and Ziderman (1970) found that students who continued their college
education were primarily from high income levels Those who completed
only a high school education were mostly from middle or average income
levels. and students who dropped out of school at an early age were
mostly from low income levels

All of these researchers confirmed that socioeconomic level is
related positively to education and educational behavior in western
countries However. the present study had different results. which was
unexpecten This finding is a result of the nature of education in
Saudi Arabia. where the Saudi government imposes no educational
expenses Education is free. and the government encourages girls to
continue furfluer education and to pursue a university-level degree by
giving them a monthly allowance Thus parents need not worry about
their children's education even if they have a low income

Also. flue lack of a significant relationship between socioeco-
nomic level and the subjects' educational behavior. attitudes. and
aspirations can be explained by the fact that most of the subjects'
fathers had governmental positions or were businessmen (Table 4.15).
and a very low percentage had fathers in low-status occupations. In
Saudi society. men are likely to be employed in the governmental sector
or administer their own business Very few are farmers or are in
handicraft occupations. which are considered low-status employment and

are left to foreign manpower.

226

We. Most researchers

have found a positive relationship between urbanization and education.
especially in terms of attitudes toward women's education In general.
urban people have more positive attitudes toward education than do
rural people and encourage women to become educated. Also. degree of
urbanization influences not only attitudes toward seeking an education.
but also the types and levels of education women pursue. It has been
shown that in rural areas women are not encouraged to seek higher
education: they are satisfied with limited levels of schooling or none
at aTL In addition. rural women prefer education that is closely
related to their role as a woman and wife. such as homeveconomics
education in which they can learn to cook or sew.

Further. Cope (1975) found that social adaptation is an
important factor in achieving well in college. Inability to adapt to
the college social environment often leads to failure and subsequent
attrition from college. especially for students from a rural back-
ground. which'differs from the college social environment. In the
present study. contrary results were found. suggesting that women from
rural areas did not differ frorru urban women in their educational atti-
tudes. aspirations. and behavior. This can be explained in two ways.
Most of flue women who participated in this study were from urban areas.
and the size of that group might have influenced the findings. On the
other hand. another. stronger factor might have influenced women's
attending school. as well as their educational attitudes and aspira-

tions. such as their husbands' attitudes. number of children. the

227

different enviromuent. and living in a culture that differs frorru their
own.

W. The findings
revealed that women who had been born and resided outside Saudi Arabia
did not differ in their educational behavior. attitudes. and
aspirations from those who had been born and resided in Saudi Arabia
(Tables 4.65 and 4.66). However. this finding cannot be considered a
clear-cut result because the number of non-Saudi women was very small
(only 7.55) (Table 4.1) compared to those who had been born and resided
in Saudi Arabia (92.55). The majority of non-Saudi respondents had
been born and resided in Arabic Moslem countries (Egypt. Lebanon.
Syria. and Iraq) (Table 4.2). where gi r1 5' education was introduced
long before it was in Saudi Arabia. Thus it would have been expected
that women who had resided in those countries would have different
aspirations and attitudes from their counterparts who had been born and
resided in Saudi Arabia.'which could influence their going to school in
the United States

MWMWLBIMM. The findings
revealed that women whoserfamilies were not originally from Saudi
Arabia or who had non-Saudi mothers did not differ in their educational
behavior. attitudes. and aspirations from subjects whoserfamilies were
originally from Saudi Arabia or whose mothers were Saudi (Tables 4.68.
4.69. 4.71. and 4.72).

W The writer speculated
fluat having close relatives in flue United States might encourage Saudi

228

women to communicate their educational attitudes and aspirations to
those individuals. especially when they were living far from home So
if some of their female relatives were going to school in the Uni ted
States. they might have been encouraged and enthusiastic about going to
school. as well. However. this speculation was not supported in the
present study. Both women who were attending school and those who were
not attending school indicated that having relatives in the United
States did not influence their thinking about going to school (Table
4.57).

Sixty percent of the subjects did not have relatives in the
Uni ted States. and those with distant relatives (21.25) outnumbered
women with close relatives (18.75). In addition. the women's
communications with their relatives were infrequent. and most visits
lasted less than one week (Tables 4.7 and 4.8). a short time for deep
interaction.

WW Language was not considered an
obstacle or hindrance to school attendance because most of flue women
reported they knew English fairly well (Table 4.39). which allowed then
basically to communicate with Americans (Table 4.57. Item 81). Both
groups of subjects (attending school and not attending school)
disagreed that language was an obstacle preventing their going to
school (Table 4.57. Iten 60).

MW Traveling to foreign countries
appeared to have little influence on subjects' school attendance even

though 46.05 of the subjects had traveled to countries other than the

229

United States (Table 4.10). Both groups (going and not going to
school) agreed fluat travel to ofluer foreign countries had not had any
influence on. their attitudes toward going to school (Table 4.57. Item
50).

WAN—9.03.90.11.90- Family attitudes toward
education and parents' attitudes did not have much influence on the
subjects' educational behavior (Table 4.57. Items 84 and 86). It
appeared that almost 96.05 of the women's parents encouraged them to
pursue an education and did not mind their doing so as long as they
could fulfill flue responsibilities of mofluer and wife (Table 4.35). In
addition being away from home and family did not appear to influence
flue subjects' educational behavior (Table 4.57. Item 80).

In this study. Saudi women's educational behavior. attitudes.
and aspirations were less influenced by socioeconomic level. parents'
level of education mothers' nationality and parents' ethnicity. bi rflu
and residence outside Saudi Arabia. urbanization traveling to foreign
countries. knowing the English language. being far away from home.
their parents' attitudes toward education. or whether they had rel a-
tives living in the United States

MW
WW5

Certain important factors most influenced Saudi women's educa-
tional behavior. attitudes. and aspirations These factors cannot be
separated from one another because they all interacted to interfere

with Saudi women's educational aspi rations and attitudes and their

230

attending school in the United States Those factors were categorized

as cultural factors and gender-role factors

W

Cultural factors in this study pertained mainly to living in an
environment that differs completely from that of Saudi Arabia.
American and Saudi societies differ in terms of religion. culture.
traditions. language. and weafluer.

Being in the United States. discouraged a large number of Saudi
women from continuing flueir education (Table 4.40. Item 45). especially
the coeducational school setting. As indicated in Table 4.44. Item 79.
they wanted to attend school and realized that living in the United
States provides a good opportunity to continue their education (Table
4.44. Item 44). As one interviewee stated. "I was encouraged by my
ambition Furthermore. it is a good chance for being here in the
U. S.A.. flue advanced country in knowledge and sciences."

The subjects did not think the curriculum was too difficult or
that the educational facilities in the United States were inadequate
(Table 4.44. Item 90). Rafluer. they were deterred by flue coeducational
classes and interacting with male professors who demonstrate lessons
and ask questions that require discussion Such interaction is very
hard for Saudi women because they are not accustomed to it.

As one woman interviewee indicated. "Scluools here in the United
States [are coeducational]: there are no schools for girls only. and
I'm not used to this kind of school." Another woman said. "I'm used to

veiling my face. also in the United States. so I can't go to school

231

with an unveiled face If I wanted to do it the school would not allow
me to do it." Another stated. "I'm used to wearing a very long dress
and I didn't like to go to school with this type of dress. which will
get attention of the other students. and besides it makes moving not
very easy. especially if I take the bus" Those comments were made by
the three interviewees who were not attending school because of the
coeducational setting (interview results. Question 1. part 8).

Interview results were supported by responses to the open-ended
question in which women were asked to indicate factors that prevented
fluem from attending school. About 465 of those who were not attending
school (Table 4.31) indicated that coeducation was one of the reasons
that prevented them from going to school. Thus. the school social
environment discouraged these women from going to school and planning
to continue flueir education in the United States They could not adapt
to the different social environment. so they preferred to stay home
This finding was supported by Cope's (1975) study. He indicated that
social adaptation is an important factor for achieving well in college
The inability to adjust well to flue social environment of college often
leads to attrition

In addition cultural factors and their influence on the school
environment have been studied by many ethnographers. For example.
Mobatt and Erickson (1981) studied the cultural differences in class-
rooms. which influenced Indian students' adaptation to and interaction
in school. Their findings revealed that culture was. indeed. an

important factor in these Indian children's school experiences

232

Concerning cultural factors. it is appropriate here to discuss
various anthropologists' definitions of culture to clarify the meaning
of the term. The earliest definition of culture was offered by E. B.
Taylor in 1871. According to him. culture in its widest sense is the
complex whole that includes knowledge. belief. art. morals. laws. and
customs. and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a
member of society. This definition is broad enough to cover all human
activity. According to a modified definition culture is the sum total
of the knowledge. attitudes. and habitual behavior patterns shared and
transmitted by flue members of a particular society (Linton 1940). In
this definition of culture Linton distinguished between learned behav-
ior and genetic behavior. He thought of where flue learned behavior as
a culture Leach (1967) defined culture by referring to historically
invented and created designs and ways for living--explicit and
implicit. rational. irrational. and nonrational--which exist at any
given time as potential guides for human behavior.

Goodenough (1971) viewed culture in broad cognitive terms He
saw culture as a system of standards for perceiving. believing. evalu-
ati ng. and acting. For Goodenough. different cultures use different
systems of perceiving. believing. evaluating. and acting. Different
cultures are recognized as those groups of people whom one sees as

having different systems.

233

It can be concluded from the preceding definitions that culture
comprises habits. beliefs. values. attitudes. and behaviors that dis-
tinguish one specific group from another. The culture of the United
States is completely different from that of Saudi Arabia--in terms of
religion. traditions. customs. values. and language. So it is not
unexpected fluat Saudi women would feel these differences. which results
in a cultural conflict that influences their educational behavior.
attitudes. and aspirations and discourages a large number of them from
attending school. This was supported by the fact that a number of
respondents indicated fluat if they were now in Saudi Arabia they would
be going to school (Table 4.45. Item 83) but that attending school is
not enjoyable in the United States (Table 4.40. Item 51). The women
who were attending school and those who were not both agreed that
pursuing an education would be more enjoyable if they were going to
schools for girls only (Table 4.57. Item 88).

A minor environmental factor affecting Saudi women's
educationa1 behavior was the weafluer in the United States. specifically
Michigan weafluer. As one interviewee stated.

It is the bad weafluer and the problem of transportation especially
in the winter. Dressing flue children and driving them to school or
to the baby sitter's Most of the time. it is hard to drive to
school in snowy or rainy cold weafluer.
Also. in response to an open-ended question (Table 4.31). two
respondents indicated flue weather causes them problems. and fluey are
not used to this type of weather. In Saudi Arabia. the climate is
generally very hot. and just moderately cool in the winter. It rarely

rains in the summer.

231+

These cultural differences and a unique environment indeed
discouraged a large number of Saudi women from going to school and made
them postpone their school attendance until their return to Saudi
Arabia after their husbands finished their study. They did indicate an
aspiration and ambition to continue their education some time in the
future (Table 4.29). When subjects were asked about the degree of
education they sought. a large number of women although they were not
studying at the time of flue study. indicated flue degree to which fluey

aspi red.

(320.021.39.13

Cultural differences were not the only factor that influenced
Saudi women's educationa1 behavior. aspirations. and attitudes.
Another factor. classified as gender role also discouraged women from
attending school and continuing flueir education The factors classi-
fied under gender-role perceptions that emerged in this study were hus-
bands' attitudes and flue women's attitudes toward themselves as women.
which is an extension of Saudi Arabia's environment and culture

W In the
present study. both the questionnaire and interview results indicated
fluat caring for children and household responsibilities. such as cook-
ing. shopping. and driving children to school. were considered the main
duties and responsibilities of Saudi women Housework was considered
an obstacle that hindered their going to school and made them rel in-

quish thoughts of continuing their education About 18.05 of the women

235

who were not going to school indicated housework as the reason (Table
4.31). especially those who did not have someone to help them with
household tasks. When they are residing in the United States. the
logical person to help would be flue husband because he usually is the
only other adult member of the household. If these women had someone
to help with flueir domestic duties. perhaps more of them might be going
to school (Table4.57. Item 85).

Vanek (1974) indicated that women today spend as much time on
housework as flueir mofluers and grandmothers did. especially those who '
are unemployed. Also. time spent on child care has increased. Today.
more time is also spent on tasks associated with consumption In
addition. technological changes have created new time constraints in
homemaking. and the presence of children. especially young ones.
creates extra demands that make it difficult to balance both housework
and study.

Children also were found to have a significant influence on
women's educational behavior and aspirations From flue survey data. it
appeared that number of children was correlated negatively with women's
educational behavior. That is. the more children the women had. the
less likely they were to attend school and aspire to a further educa-
tion (Table 4.55). Also. Table 4.42 showed that some women had been
planning to continue their schooling before they came to the Uni ted
States. but after they arrived they could not follow through with those

plans These women had more children than did the subjects who changed

236

their minds in favor of attending school once they arrived in the
United States.

Also. from the open-ended question it appeared that having
children or getting pregnant was flue foremost obstacle hindering Saudi
women's school attendance. About 64.05 of the respondents mentioned
this (Table 4.31). Also. half of the interviewees mentioned factors
having to do with their children as influencing them not to attend
school. Having a number of children and flue desire to raise them in a
Mosl em environment. teaching them from the beginning to understand
Islamic values. were flue primary concerns of fluese women particularly
if fluey had no one available to help then.

Crumb (1982). too. concluded that a large number of students
leave school because of personal problems. such as pregnancy and diffi-
cul ty in arranging childcare Also. in studying attrition of high
school students after the birth of their first child. Darobi (1979)
stated that ”pregnant teenagers present a special case of dropouts
since many have interrupted their schooling by force rather than by
choice" (p. 2). He commented:

Women who have been out of school for several years are unlikely to
return to high school after child birth. . . . They would find it
difficult to return to school because of home obligations and the
difficulty of making adequate child care arrangements. (p. 90)

Camp (198)) found that marriage and pregnancy. including child
bearing. attract many students away from school. When flue girls in his
sample were asked about their intention to return to school after

marriage or the birth of their babies. most of them responded fluat they

wished they could return to school and continue their studies. but the

237

difficulties they encountered in terms of family and child-rearing
responsibilities made it very difficult for them to continue their
schooling. They continued to explain that they could not afford day-
care centers. that the centers were too far away. or that facilities
count not provide the necessary care for their babies

Data from flue present study and flue aforementioned research all
confirm the fact that. indeed. housework and family obligations.
including care of children. can be considered a major obstacle that
hinders Saudi women's educational behavior and aspirations Unless
they receive support and encouragement from someone like their hus-
bands. they will be unable to attend school and be less likely to
continue furfluer education (Table 4.57. Item 85).

WEIRD.
Before explaining what were considered important findings from the
study. this seems to be an appropriate place to give a general back-
ground about flue nature of flue relationship between husband and wife in
Saudi Arabia. The husband-wife relationship is male oriented and is
directed. guided. and governed by Islamic principles The male is
considered the head of the household because he is the breadwinner and
is the one primarily responsible for his family. Both husbands and
wives have rights and duties toward each other that should be
respected: these also are governed by Islamic rules

The Ouran states. "And they [women] have rights similar to
those [of men] over them. and men are a degree above them" (2:228).

Man is considered more capable than woman Thus. a man is responsible

238

for the protection. maintenance. and guardianship of his womenfolk.
Support is flue husband's duty; thus flue wife's right is to be supported
and maintained in the way of food. shelter. clothing. and protection
Also. husbands have the right to expect certain behavior from their
wives. as stated in the following Sura from the Holy Ouran: "Men have
authority over women because Allah has made the one superior to the
other. and because they spend their wealth to maintain them. Good
women are obedient. They guard their uneven parts because Allah has
guarded than" (Sura 4).

Thus the Ouran makes it cl ear that when Islamic women enter
Paradise. Allah rewards their good deeds At the same time it
recognizes the special status and responsibilities of women They
should be obedient to flueir fafluers and husbands and are flue ones who
are primarily responsible for child rearing and household duties

Vinogradov (1974) noted.

The inherent limitations in the character of women confine then to
flue sphere of nature whereas men are capable of operating in flue
sphere of culture These two worlds of nature and culture
correlate with the private and public sectors of social life. A
woman therefore is relegated to the nature and private world of
child rearing and general domesticity while a man's life unfolds in
13;)CM tural or public world of politics. trade and religion (p.

From this brief background it can be concluded that the gender-
role definition between genders in Saudi society is very apparent and
clear. So husbands have the power and authority over their wives. and

if husbands ask their wives to do things within their responsibilities

and duties. they should agree and obey.

239

Thus it is understandable why. in this study. Saudi husbands'
attitudes toward their wives' education were revealed to be very
important and were significantly related to their educational behavior.
attitudes. and aspirations (Tables 4.44. 4.52. and 4.54). Of the four
factors that appeared to have a significant influence on Saudi women's
educational behavior. aspirations. and attitudes. husbands' attitudes
were the most influential. This strong relationship was evidenced in
the influence of the husbands' attitudes over all three variables.
Husbands' attitudes influenced women's decision to attend or not to
attend school. flueir attitudes toward education and flueir likelihood
of pursuing further education Husbands' influence appeared to be more
significant than that of parents themselves. This finding suggests
that if husbands wanted their wives to pursue an education and
supported them in this endeavor. the wives were likely to remain in
school. Not only words or attitudes. but also action--in the form of
helping with housework and child care--are important Thus some of the
women in this study decided not to attend school because their husbands
preferred that they stick to their natural role as a housewife and
mother. or else the husbands encouraged education but left all of the
household responsibilities to their wives. Such actions indirectly
say. "Don't go to school: stay home and take care of your house" (Table
4.44). As one interviewee confided.

My husband didn't say anything about my enrolling in school. He
said. "Okay. go ahead and start. I like flue woman to be educated."
I felt very happy about that I enrolled in school--first it was a
language program. I passed the language in a short period--in

about six months My husband was very busy all the time working
in flue laboratory all day from morning until night I didn't feel

2110

his absence very much in the language period of study. I had a
child. with an Arabic babysitter taking care of him all flue time [I
was at] school. Once I started to enroll in the academic program.
which was geography. I started to feel crazy--coming home from
school. having my child from the babysitter. going shopping. doing
housework and cooking. doing laundry [at a laundromat]--all that
alone without even a little help from my husband. like doing
dishes Sometimes when [he has forgotten] something like books he
makes me drive and get it for him. When he is home he is studying.
resting. or watching TV. When he is outside he is in the library
or laboratory for hours and hours. And I'm alone here to do
everything. At last when I felt pressure and I felt very tired. I
decided not to go to school and stay home and he didn't comment
about this decision for not going to school. Which can suggest he
is not really from his heart supporting me for going for
education."

This story was told by an interviewee who said. "I didn't go to school

because of my husband" (interview results. p. 211. Question 18).

The findings regarding husbands' negative influence also were
supported by responses to flue open-ended question (see Table 4.31). in
which husbands' disagreement with their wives' going to school was the
third most important factor preventing women from attending school
(about 12.05 of the sample indicated that their husbands did not
encourage their education).

Yet while husbands can discourage their wives from attending
school. they can also contribute positively and encourage flueir wives
to go to school and seek further education This was apparent when the
interviewees were asked flueir reasons for going to school. One said it
was because of her husband's support (interview results. p. 210.
Question 18). In response to the same question. about 13.55 of the
questionnaire respondents indicated they were attending school because

of their husband's support (Table 4.30). So husbands' influence

2111

appeared to be an important factor influencing Saudi women's educa-
tional behavior. attitudes. and aspirations

WWW Another important element
fluat can be classified under gender role and that cannot be separated
from the husband's influence is the nature of Saudi Arabian women's
view of fluemselves as women This view of themselves is acquired from
the environment. their families. and their society. It is clear that
Saudi society places more importance on flue male whose place is out-
side the home--at school or at work. Women's place is at home--either
flueir parents' home or flueir husband's The whole community. including
family. relatives. and the educational system itself. believes in the
natural role of women as housewives. always protected by men. this
viewpoint has formed the Saudi Muslim woman

As Minces (1982)Anoted. the strict segregation between the
genders that still prevails in Saudi society is not often broken Even
professional women by flue very nature of flueir occupations. usually
deal only with children and other women Furthermore. they are
expected to conform to the general law of their society: They must
marry and have children of their own

Saudi girls are strictly controlled and guided by the
traditions of their family. especially if they have been raised by
illiterate parents Their plans and futures are directed by the
family. Parents may realize flueir sons need an education because they
will have to support a family. but these same parents may strongly

believe the best future for their daughters is to have good husbands.

2112

In a study of social and economic influences on Saudi Arabian women's
education. Afandi (1983) found that most illiterate mothers (79.55)
preferred that girls take care of children and the house. while just
20.55 claimed fluat gi r1 5' education was more important.

In the present study. no relationship was found to exist
between parents' education and women's attending school here in the
United States because the respondents were married. This is the way in
the Saudi culture Once a woman is married she moves to another
authority. which does not differ much from the authority at home Al-
Baadi (1982) explained that "l egal authority over a woman moves from
her fafluer to her husband at her marriage" (p. 44).

Also. it is considered more important for women to be married
and have a good husband than to obtain an education. Even the
educational system guides. women to be good wives and mofluers "[The]
objective of women's education is to bring her up in a sound Islamic
way so fluat she can fulfill her role in life as a successful housewife
ideal wife and good mother. and to prepare her for other activities
that suit her nature such as teaching. nursing and medicine"
(Educational Policy in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. 1978. p. 28). Thus
it is not surprising that women fluemselves have this attitude and view
about themselves and their role

In the present study. fluis notion was supported clearly by both
survey results and in particular flue interviews. where flue gender-role

definition was articulated by the women themselves Many interviewees

21.3

indicated they could not go to school because of their children or
because of housework (Tables 4.31 and 4.55).
When the interviewees were asked how far Saudi women should
continue with education compared with Saudi men. it appeared that all
respondents thought women should be educated. However. only about 405
of the interviewees said women can be educated equally with men.
Whereas another 405 of the subjects approved women's education they
said fluat if women cannot manage going to school with fulfilling their
responsibilities as mother and wife they should leave school and stay
hone. As one interviewee said.
If she faces some difficulty like feeling unable to do everything
togefluer--go to school and raise children home and husband--she'd
better leave school and leave it for her husband. He is the one
who should have flue priority to go for it. because he is flue family
breadwinner. the main supporter of his family. (Interview results
p. 219. Question 6)

The remaining 205 of the interviewees asserted that women should get a

basic education. but such education is only to support and enhance

their role as a mothers One interviewee stated.
I would like to get my MA. degree or Ph.0. for raising my children
heal fluy and good. but not for getting an academic degree The best
degree I can get is seeing my children growing up healthy--
socially. emotionally. and educationally. A woman should not be
equally educated with men because she has other responsibilities
and duties to consider. (Interview results. p. 219. Question 6)

Thus it appears from the findings of this study that Saudi
women understand and accept their traditional role very well. This
role emerged fron and is supported by flue hone society. and school.

In terms of home influences. it appeared from the study that

parents encouraged their daughters to seek an education: about 39.55 of

2114

the respondents' parents encouraged their daughters to pursue an
education even after marriage However. about 56.05 of the parents
encouraged their daughters' education under the condition that it did
not interfere with flue traditional role (Table 4.35). Society offers
the Saudi woman roles that match her ability. which is restricted to
working as a teacher or a doctor. Even her working outside flue home is
limited to a specific role. According to the findings of the present
study. of those women who worked outside flue home flue majority (78.95)
were employed in the field of education (teacher. administrator. or
social worker) or in medicine (15.85) (Table 4.34).

Thus. because of their upbringing. it is natural for Saudi
women to accept society's attitudes about fluemsel ves and to view flueir
role in the traditional manner. as evidenced by the study findings It
is not unexpected or unusual that this perception of their role can
influence Saudi women's educational attitudes. behavior. and
aspirations. making many of fluese wonen prefer not to go to school but
to leave educationa1 pursuits to their husbands (interview results.
p. 219. Question 6).

Many researchers have investigated gender role and its rel a-
tionship to education attempting to discover factors that influence
gi r1 5' education Cope (1975) reviewed several studies of factors
influencing boys and girls to leave school. One of these studies. by
Iffert. Austin. and Hill (cited in Cope. 1975). included large number
of college stu dents. These researchers found that boys leave school

because of the socioeconomic factor. which was considered the most

2‘45

influential factor affecting gi r1 5' education They also found that
girls leave school for lack of interest. Knoel and Bemis (1964) dis-
covered that marriage. pregnancy. and child rearing were the most
influential of flue social factors affecting gi rls' education (cited in
Cope. 1975).

Maccoby and Jacklin (1975) suggested that some girls have lower
levels of self-esteem and seek less attention than do boys Such girls
have acquired their attitudes from the environment in which they
matured--their families. relatives. society. and even the schools
differentiate between girls and boys through their dealings with the
young people As a result. sone girls develop negative attitudes about
themselves that influence them to leave school. In another study.
Stein and Bailey (1975) described gender role in relation to flue com-
ponents of achievement. such as "emotional independence. assertiveness.
and competitiveness. all of which are traditionally unfeminine charac-
teristics" (p. 350).

Darabi (1979) found that women who became pregnant during their
school days and were motivated to continue schooling for several months
during pregnancy tended to continue their studies after delivery.
These women's decisions were affected by flueir high educational aspira-
tions and modern gender-role attitudes They believed that women are
not restricted to traditional role and that they have an equal right
with men to further their education. in order to satisfy their needs
and desires This finding suggests that women's continuing their

education can be affected to some degree by their attitudes about their

21:6

own gender role. that is. perceiving themselves as important indi-
viduals They feel fluey must have an equal education with men and not
restrict themselves to the traditional gender roles On the other
hand. women who adopt the traditional gender roles may see school as
uninteresting or unuseful in their lives and may decide not to continue
flueir education.

Finally. Knight and others (1979) noted that during girls'
early school years. flueir'occupational perceptions tend to be limited
to the traditional female fields: teacher. nurse. secretary. and
mofluer. These authors explained that gender-role socialization in flue
family. in the labor market. and in society in general is the major
influence shaping and affecting women's careers

WW. Results of the preceding
studies supported the findings of this research--that gender role is an
important element in wonen's attending or not attending school. as well
as flueir educational attitudes and aspirations. Another factor that
seemed to have a favorable influence on Saudi women's educational
behavior was the Saudi Mission's ruling. which states that if wives who
come abroad with their husbands attend school. they will receive all
flue advantages their husbands receive and will be treated equally with
their husbands in terms of receiving a complete allowance. school
expenses. clothing. books. and so on If the wife prefers to stay at
hone she will get only half of the monthly allowance and will not be

eligible for flue ofluer financial benefits

207

This ruling was considered a very good step on the part of the
Saudi government. which indicates concern about their citizens and
about raising the educational level of these people. especially women
Actually. this ruling encouraged some of the women in this study to
attend school. even though they felt pressured to do so (Table 4.64).
which shows the important influence of flue ruling.

When interviewees were asked about the ruling's influence. half
said they had been going to school before the ruling was made. and
25.05 were not attending school and did not intend to do so. The
remaining 25.05 had been influenced by the ruling to attend school:
they were either happy or felt pressured to do so. Some women believed
fluat flue ruling has a good purpose and shows flue government's concern
for girls' education and might help girls think seriously about
education However. a majority of flue respondents did not agree with
this ruling and said it should be revised or eliminated (Tables 4.36
and 4.37). Yet when they were asked to offer opinions or suggestions
to make the ruling more workable and acceptable most of them suggested
fluat the government should leave to the wonen themselves flue decision
whether or not to attend school (Table 4.37: interview results. p. 214.

Question 3).

Summary.

As indicated in this study. Saudi Arabian women who came abroad
with their husbands had a good opportunity to benefit from living in
the United States They arrived with a high school or university-level

education remained in the United States from two through five years.

2148

had the government's financial support in paying all of their educa-
tional expenses. and were in a country that is considered advanced in
terms of knowledge and educational facilities All of those factors
seem to indicate they had a good chance to seek further education
while in the United States However. in the present study. consider-
ably more women were not going to school fluan were going to school.

To uncover why a considerable number of Saudi women did not
attend school in flue United States. furfluer analysis was undertaken to
reveal sone of the factors that influenced their educational behavior.
attitudes. and aspirations Some factors. such as parents' educational
level. socioeconomic level. whefluer the respondents were from urban or
rural areas. being born and raised outside the country. mother's
nationality and family's ethnicity. traveling to different countries.
language ability. having relatives in flue United States. and being far
away from home. were reveal ed to have little influence. The lack of
influence was explained and clarified.

Other factors that appeared to be more influential were cl assi-
fied into three general categories: (1) cultural factors. the differ-
ences in the environments of the countries. especial ly as it concerns
educationa1 types. values. and systems: (2) gender role which includes
women's duties and responsibilities for housework and child care.
husbands' attitudes. and Saudi wonen's perceptions of their traditional
gender role: and (3) the Saudi Mission's ruling (related only to those

who were attending school). which encouraged a considerable number of

2‘19

Saudi women to go to school. As shown in Figure 5.1. it appears fluat

all of these factors were interrelated. and together they influenced
Saudi Arabiaiu wonen's educational behavior. aspirations. and attitudes
No single factor. by itself. appeared responsible for preventing Saudi

women from attending school or pursuing furfluer education

250

Factors influencing Saudi Arabian women's educational behaviors.
attitudes. and aspirations in the United States

 

 

 

 

 

   
 
 
  

 

 

Gender-role perception

\

Saudi women's Husbands'
perceptions of attitudes
their tradi-
ti onal role

 

 

 

 

 

Saudi Mission Cultural influencel

ruling

Household/ ‘>[U.S. environment
child care

 

 

 

 

 

 

   
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

iBorn and raised outsidei

1 Saudi Arabia 1
L A

Mother's nationality E
and family's ethnicityJ

........... F'-"'-"'-
I
............................................. .-----------------
1 Being far awayi i Languagei_ 1 Traveling to i : Having relativesi
l L--l I- -l l— —- I
i from home i u u u foreign countries: 1 in U.S. u
L .............. J i. ........ J k .................................. J

.............. indicates a less influential factor
[:}—E:}‘{:}‘{:] indicates most influential factors
-———e>———e>- indicates interrelationships between factors

Figure 5.l.--Schematic summary of the factors influencing Saudi women's
educational behavior. attitudes. and aspirations.

GiAPTER VI

SUWARY. CWCLUSIWS. PND REmMMENDATImS

This chapter contains an overall summary of the study. as well
as a summary of the meior findings. conclusions based on the research
findings. recommendations to help guide those who are responsible for
taking appropriate action to help Saudi women who are living abroad and
to plan further for their educational enrichment. and suggestions for

further research.

5011mm
This study was an exploratory investigation of the educational

behavior. attitudes. and aspirations of Saudi Arabian womenwho were
living with their husbands in the United States. in addition to the
factors influencing flueir behavior. attitudes. and aspirations The
following 12 research questions were posed to provide direction for the
study:

1. What are the educational behaviors of Saudi Arabian women
who reside in the United States with their husbands who are studying
abroad?

2. What influence does being in the United States have on

Saudi wonen's educationa1 behavior?

251

252

3. Is there a relationship between parents' level of education
and Saudi wonen's educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes?

4. Is there a relationship between the husband's attitude
toward women's education and the wife's educational aspirations.
behavior. and attitudes?

5. Is there a relationship between having children and Saudi
women's educationa1 behavior. attitudes. and aspirations toward pur-
suing an education?

6. Are there other factors that influence Saudi women to
pursue an education?

7. Are urban Saudi women's educational aspirations. behavior.
and attitudes different from those of rural wonen?

8. Is there a relationship between Saudi women's socioeconomic
level and their educational aspirations. behavior. and attitudes?

‘9. Is there a relationship between the Saudi Mission's new
ruling and Saudi wonen's educational behavior?

10. Are the educational aspi rations. behavior. and attitudes of
Saudi women who were born and resided for a period outside Saudi Arabia
different from those of Saudi women who were born in Saudi Arabia and
have always lived fluere?

11. Is there a relationship between family background (parents'
ethnicity and mofluer's nationality) and Saudi women's educational aspi-

rations. behavior. and attitudes?

253

12. Is there a relationship between the length of stay in the
United States and Saudi wonen's educational aspirations. behavior. and

atti tudes?

laments:

The researcher conducted an extensive review of literature
related to women's studies in general and to Saudi women's issues in
particular. as well as pertinent Saudi government documents The major
source of data was flue survey questionnaire which included questions
related to the study of Saudi wonen's educational behavior. attitudes.
and aspirations In addition personal interviews were conducted to
provide detailed information that might not have been revealed through

the questionnaire.

finals

The sample comprised Saudi Arabi an women who came to the United
States with flueir husbands. who were studying here One portion of the
sample (N = 200) was selected from a population of 300 Saudi women
attending a conference held in Cincinnati. Ohio. The Saudi families
attending the conference represented all of the states except Hawaii
and Alaska. The names of Saudi females living in Michigan were
eliminated fron the conference enrollment list fron which the sample
was selected.

In addition to the sample drawn at the conference. the
researcher decided to include flue entire Michigan population because a

limited number of Saudi females were living in the state The total

2514

number of study participants was l60--lOO fron throughout the United
States (United States sample) and 60 from Michigan Thi rty-five women
attending the conference returned their questionnaires to the
researcher before flue conference ended. Those responses were tabulated
separately f ron the 65 fluat were returned by mail to avoid any possible
bias The results of flue demographic data analyses were reported for
three subgroups:

l. the United States sample (65 respondents)

2. flue conference group (35 respondents)

3. the Michigan population (60 respondents).
In the analysis of data to answer the research questions. the three
subgroups were treated as one unit (N = 160) because the subgroups were
similar demographically and because of flue small number of respondents
in each group.

Means. standard deviations. frequencies. correlation coeffi-
cient. chi-square. multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA). and a
univariate F-test were used to analyze the data elicited through the

survey questionnaire and interview.

censlusjms
The following conclusions are based on the findings from the
questionnaire and interview responses.
1. Saudi Arabian women who came to the United States with
their husbands had a good opportunity to pursue their education in a
country renowned for 'its advanced scientific knowledge and educational

system. They arrived with a reasonable level of education (high school

255

or college). stayed in the Uni ted States for a considerable period
(from two to four years). and received financial support from the Saudi
government to pursue an education

2. The Saudi government has shown special concern by providing
its female citizens an opportunity to pursue an education and by
encouraging them not to let this unique opportunity slip away.
However. it appears that a considerable number of the Saudi women in
this study did not take advantage of this chance

3. The Saudi Arabian women in this study recognized the
importance of education at least as an aid in raising their children
and in contributing to the country's progress However. they still
adhered to their traditional sex role in believing that men should have
first priority in obtaining an education.

4. Saudi Arabian women believed that coming to the United
States provided a good opportunity to pursue an education at least to
acquire another language. However. most of them believed that the
environment of the United States in general. and of the schools in
particular. did not help or encourage then to seek an education.

5. Saudi Arabian women had a strong desire to pursue their
education in the United States However. certain factors hindered that
desire and suppressed these women's aspirations and educational
behavior. thereby preventing them from attending school.

6. The main factors that hindered Saudi women's educational
behavior and aspirations were household responsibilities and child

care. being in the United States. and husbands' attitudes. No single

 

256

factor was responsible for hindering their educational behavior and
aspirations: rather. all of flue factors interacted to influence women's
educational behavior and aspirations Those inf1uentia1 factors were
classified under two main categories: cultural factors and sex role

7. Saudi Arabian husbands had a significant influence on their
wives' educational behavior. attitudes. and aspirations This influ-
ence cannot be underestimated. Husbands' attitudes and cooperation or
lack of support eifluer encouraged or discouraged wonen's school attend-
ance.

8. The Saudi Mission's ruling was considered an effective
means of making many wives think seriously about pursuing an education
while in the United States. However. this ruling did not solve the
problems of women who. for various reasons. could not attend school
even after the ruling took effect.

9. Child care and household responsibilities seemed to be the
mejor concern of Saudi Arabian wonen living in flue United States This
was the most influential factor in their decision whether to continue
study and to pursue furfluer education

10. It appeared from the questionnaire and interview responses
fluat some Saudi women maintained the traditional Moslem way of life:
staying at home. cooking. dressing in traditional garb. and home
furnishings and decoration They were endeavoring to recreate an
environment similar to that at home. which can be considered to
restrict their movements and limit them to the circle of their own

community. This often curtails their interactions with American women

257

about whom they know little except what they see on television or

observe fron a distance in town

WW

Since this study was an exploratory one. the limitations are
considered at the end of the study. Certain limitations were reveal ed
after the study was done:

1. When the sample was broken down into subgroups. the numbers
in the cells were not large enough to test for significance and to
answer the related research questions. eg.. when comparing these who
came from urban and rural areas. those born and raised outside Saudi
Arabia with those born and raised inside the Kingdom. those with vari-
ous levels of incone and those froru different ethnic groups.

2. The questionnaires did not include some other questions.
which. if they had been asked. would have made flue study more accurate
eg.. flue husband's major field of study. at what point the husband was

in his program. and also flue age of flue respondents

Becomendatmns
Based on flue study results. flue following reconmendations are
made for policy makers in Saudi Arabia and their representatives here
in the United States These reconmendations can be used as guidelines
for taking appropriate action to help Saudi wonen who are living abroad
and to plan furfluer for flueir educational enrichment.
1. Saudi planners should form a committee composed of Saudi

women to study Saudi wives' affairs in the United States. This

258

committee could have branches throughout the Uni ted States These
committee members could investigate women's conditions and
circumstances. follow up their progress. determine the problems that
face them and hinder their taking advantage of the opportunity to
continue their education and help facilitate their experience abroad.

2. Since lack of adequate child care was considered the most
influential factor hindering Saudi Arabian women's educationa1 behav-
ior. attitudes. and aspirations. Saudi planners should undertake a
comprehensive study of what can be done to ease the problem of child
care for Saudi wives who wish to attend school while living abroad.

3. Since Saudi husbands' role in their wives' educational
behavior. attitudes. and aspirations was evidenced. wives will be more
encouraged if they feel there is ample time for them to pursue their
education after their husbands finish their study. Thus some
modification should be made in the husbands' scholarships by extending
the scholarship period to allow flue wives to finish flueir studies

4. Mass media. especially a magazine. should be provided by
those responsible for education in flue United States Such a magazine
might be similar to the one published by the Saudi Mission (AW
Magazine; last issue February 1986). The media should devote space to
timely women's issues An article about Saudi women who have earned
flueir degrees in flue United States and how they did so could act as an
incentive for other Saudi women who share the same conditions and might
encourage them to persist in obtaining their degrees Some of the

problems that face wonen here in the United States could be discussed.

259

and suggestions or proposed solutions to these difficulties could be
provided.

5. Theses and studies completed by Saudi women should be
published to provide encouragement and motivation for undertaking such
endeavors.

6. Rulings like the one recently established by the Saudi
mission need to be studied and evaluated to consider special cases and
unique circumstances

7. If possible some consideration might be given to providing
Saudi couples with information concerning educational opportunities
that are appropriate to the wives' educational background (for example.
information about the English language programs available in the state
to which they are going and the appropriate educationa1 centers for
women both of which can benefit fluem as women and contributed in the

long run when they return to Saudi Arabia).

W
The following are suggestions for further study. based on the

findings revealed in the present investigation. as well as its main
limitations It appears that examining Saudi women's educational
behavior is an important concern for future efforts

1. This study could be replicated using a larger sample.
perhaps 500 women to provide wider representation This would allow

such important factors as urban and rural residence. birth and

260

residence outside Saudi Arabia. socioeconomic level. and ethnicity to
be investigated in greater depth.

2. A study could be conducted to compare the educational
behavior. attitudes. and aspirations of women from ofluer Arabic Moslem
countries with those of Saudi women who come abroad with their
husbands Such a comparison might uncover other factors that influence
women's educational behavior. attitudes. and aspirations and would
allow generalizations to be made.

3. Other studies could be undertaken to examine in greater
depth the factors fluat were revealed in this study to be influential.

4. A similar study could be conducted. including Saudi
husbands and male students in flue sample to obtain direct information
about their opinions and attitudes about Saudi women's education
instead of seeking this information fron flue wonen fluonselves.

5. This study was conducted in the United States. which
differs completely from Saudi Arabia in terms of language culture and
religion Further research could be done in other Arabic Moslem
countries to investigate educational behavior. attitudes. and
aspirations of Saudi women living in their own country. Such a study
would allow conparisons to be made and might reveal ofluer factors that
interfere with and influence these women's educational behavior.
attitudes. and aspirations

6. This study could be replicated using additional research
procedures that would allow closer observation. such as ethnographic

research). In-depth interviews could be conducted. not only from one

261

area but from different areas. to elicit more information related to
Saudi women's educational experience

7. A similar study could be conducted in Saudi Arabia to
investigate the educational behavior and aspirations of wives who

return to Saudi Arabia from the United States or any other western

country.

APPENDICES

262

APPENDIX A

ENGLISH AND ARABIC VERSIONS OF THE

COVER LETTER AND QUESTIONNAIRE

26.3

26h

Dear sisters abroad:

Accompanying this letter is a questionnaire which I would like for
you to answer. Your responses on this questionnaire will provide
valuable information that will be used as part of a study required
to fulfill the requirements for my doctoral degree at Michigan
State University. The aim of this study is to explore the educa-
tional behavior, aspirations, and attitudes of Saudi wives who
reside abroad with their husbands who are studying in the United
States. The study is also intended to reveal some of the factors
that might facilitate or hinder those behaviors and aspirations

as a result of being in a foreign country, far away from home,
with a different religion, culture, and language.

It is hoped that the findings of this study might provide directions
and baseline information that will have the potential to help plan-
ners and decision makers in both Saudi Arabia and the United States
develop ways to offer help to Saudi wives who are living abroad.

The women could then pursue their education and be able to return

to their homes and make a positive contribution in building the
Saudi nation. '

Dear sisters, your help is needed, and your contribution to this
study is very much appreciated. The quality of the results and
the effectiveness of the study's contribution depend on the objec-
tive data and frank opinions and Ideas you provide.

I realize that your time is very valuable. However, answering this
questionnaire will not require much of your time. Most important,

the information you give and the Opinions you express will be kept

highly confidential. Therefore, your name is not required.

Thank you for your c00peration.

Your sister abroad,

Sultanah I. Dumiati

265

SECTION I

In this section you are requested to provide some general
background information about yourself. Please mark the appropriate
answer to each question by putting an "X" in the space beside your
answer.

1. Were you born outside Saudi Arabia?

a. No

.____ b. Yes (Please specify where: )

2. If you were born outside Saudi Arabia. how long did you live
in the country in which you were born?

a. 1-2 years

b. 2-3 years

c. 3-4 years

d. 4-5 years

e. more than 5 years Please write how long:
years . months days

 

3. If you were born outside Saudi Arabia. what is (are) the reason(s)
for being born and living abroad?

a. Father's work
b. Parent's (father's or mother's) sickness
c. Home country

 

d. Any other reason (Please specify

 

4. In which city in Saudi Arabia have you lived the longest?

a. Riyadh

b. Jeddah

c. Mecca

d. Medina

e. Dammam

_____ f. Taieef

9. Other (Please specify )

 

9.

266

How long have you been in the United States?

a. Less than 1 year
b. 1-2 years
c. 2-3 years
d. 3-4 years
e. 4-5 years
f. More than 5 years

Do you have any relatives living in the United States?

a. Yes: my brother is living in the United States.

b. Yes: my sister is living in the United States.

c. Yes: my uncle is living in the United States.

d. Other relatives (Please specify )
e. I don't have any relatives living in the United States.

Have any of those relatives living in the United States visited
you? How often? For how long?

a. Yes: they visited me once for less than one week.

b. Yes: they visited me once for more than one week.

c. Yes: they visited me more than once for less than one week.
d. Yes: they visited me more than once for more than one week.
e. No: they have not visited me at all.

f. No: I don't have relatives living in the United States.

Have you ever visited these relatives during your stay. or when
returning to your home country? How often? For how long?

a. Yes: once for less than one week.

b. Yes: once for more than one week.

c. Yes: more than once for less than one week.
d. Yes: more than once for more than one week.
e. I have not visited them.

 

Have you ever visited any foreign country other than the United
States?

a. No
.____ b. Yes (Please specify which country or countries:

 

 

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

267

Where did your ancestors originate?

a. Originally from Saudi Arabia
b. Bokhurist

c. Tunisia

d. Yemen

e. India

f. Egypt

9. Other (Please specify

 

§
0

a is your father's level of education?
a. College graduate
b. Secondary school
c. Middle school

d. Elementary school
e. Can read and write
f. Illiterate

 

Where did your father receive his education?

a. My father went to a public school in Saudi Arabia that
was open at that time.

_____ b. My father was taught by the religious tutors (imams)
in Saudi Arabia.

c. My father was educated outside Saudi Arabia.
(Please specify )

 

Where does your father work?

a. Manages his own business

b. Government employee (public sector)

c. Private sector

d. Other (Please specify -)

 

Is your mother from Saudi Arabia?

a. Yes
b. No (Please specify where she is from

 

What is your mother's level of education?

a. Illiterate

b. Can read and write
c. Elementary school
d. Middle school

 

e. Other (Please specify

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

268

Where did she go to school?

a. My mother was taught by a private tutor in Saudi Arabia.
____ b. My mother went to public school in Saudi Arabia.
____ c. My mother was taught in the kuttab (a very early primary
institution for teaching).
d. She went to school outside Saudi Arabia.
(Please specify where )

Has your mother ever worked?

a. No
_____ b. Yes (If yes. please state where )

 

Compared with Saudi families in general. would you say your
family income is:

a. Above average
b. Average
0. Below average

 

 

How many children did you have before coming to the United States?

a. None

b. One

c. Two

d. Three

e. More than three

a. None

b. One

c. Two

d. Three

9. More than three

How old are your children?

_____ a. Less than 2 years
_____ b. From 2-6 years
_____ c. More than 6 years
__ d. Items a and b
_____ e. Items a and c
_____ f. Items b and c
_____ 9. Items a. b. and c

22.

24.

25.

26.

269

What level of education did you have before coming to the
United States?

 

 

Did you

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

Elementary school

Middle school

Secondary school

Bachelor's degree

Teaching institution (secondary-middle)

Other (Please specify )

plan to continue your education when you came to the

United States?

 

Have

a.
b.
c.

Yes
No
I was undecided

you changed your mind about continuing your education since
arriving in the United States?

a.
b.
c.

0.

Yes: I was planning to continue my education but for

some reason I didn't.

No: I was planning to continue my education and I went

to school.

Yes: before coming to the United States I didn't plan

to continue my education. but I did.

No: I was not planning to continue my education and didn't.

If you are not studying now. please list your most important
reasons for not going to school:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

If you are now studying in the United States. who is the primary
sponsor of your education?

 

 

a.
b.
c.
d.

Government

My family
My husband

Private organization

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

270

If you are now studying. please list your most important reasons
for going to school:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

If you are studying now. how long did you stay at home before
you started your study?

 

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

I started as soon as I came to the United States.
Less than one year

One year

Two years

Three years or more

I don't study

If you are now studying in the United States. what degree or
diploma are you seeking?

What

illlllll

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

High school

University level

Master's degree

Special di pl ona

English language program

Other (Please specify )

degree are you seeking in the long run?

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

g.

____ b.

c.
d.

High school

Bachelor's degree

Master's degree

Ph.D. degree

Nondefined degree

I don't study now

Other (Please specify )

does your husband feel about you continuing your education?

My husband encourages me to take care of the children
and the household more than getting an education.

My husband helps me with the housework and taking care
of the children so that I will have time to study.

My husband doesn't like me to continue my education.
My husband likes me to continue my education. but he
doesn't help me with child care or housework.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

271

Who is sponsoring your husband's education?

a. Government
b. His family

 

____ c. Himself
_____ d. Private organization
____,e. Other (Please specify )

Did you work in Saudi Arabia?

a. Yes
D. No

If your answer tOIQuestion 32 is yes. in what field have you
worked?

a. Education (teacher. school principal. administrator)
b. Medicine (nurse. doctor)
0. Other (Please specify )

 

 

How do your parents feel about your getting an education?

a. My parents feel it is necessary and important for me
to continue my education even after getting married.
____ b. My parents feel it is not necessary for me to continue
further education. especially after getting married
and having children.
c. My parents don't mind my continuing with my education as
long as it does not interfere with my role as a wife
and mother.

 

In what way have your parents encouraged you to continue your
education?

a. They pray for my health and success.

b. They provide me with financial support.

c. They don't encourage me to continue my education.
d. They provide me with guidance and advice.

 

 

How do you feel about the ruling concerning the education of
wives of men studying abroad?

a. It is a fair decision.

b. It is an unfair decision.
c. It encourages Saudi women to continue their education.
d. Other opinions (Please specify

 

 

38.

39.

40.

41.

272

Were you going to school before this ruling?

 

a. No
D. Yes

How has this ruling affected your thinking and planning about
continuing further education?

 

a. It encouraged me to continue my education.

b. It pushed me to continue my education.

c. It didn't affect me at all because I already was going
to school.

d. It didn't affect my thinking and planning because I am
not intending to continue my education anyhow.

Do you have any suggestions concerning this ruling to help make
it more workable and acceptable?

 

 

 

 

9.

 

How is your command of English developing?

 

 

a. Very well

b. Well

0. Not bad

d. Not well (I don't know the language at all)

273

SECTION II

In this section you are requested to check the most accurate
response given, or the answer that best describes your feelings. Please
answer each item by putting an ”X” in the box in the appropxiate column.
Please check only one response for each item.

 

0
0
L.
0 UT
0 r0
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U] ‘-
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v
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U) '- L 0"
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L. L '0 U) L
U 01 C '- H
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42. Being a student helps one feel happy, proud of
himself, and able to participate in social
life.

 

43. Being in the United States is a good chance
for one to get a degree or at least develop
another language. '

 

Ah. Being in the United States,.which is a foreign
country, discouraged me from planning to con-
tinue further education.

 

AS. I was going to continue my education, but
taking care of children made it difficult for
me, so 1 preferred to stay home.

 

46. Women should have an equal chance with men in
getting an education as long as they have the
ability and aspiration.

 

47. Having children should not be an excuse for
not pursuing further education.

 

48. Having relatives in the United States influ-
enced my thinking to pursue further education.

 

49. Traveling to foreign countries influenced
my thinking to pursue further education.

 

50. Going to school in the United States is
more enjoyable than in Saudi Arabia.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

27h

 

Strongly Agree

Agree

Undecided

Disagree

Strongly Disagree

 

51.

The place of Saudi Arabian women is not only
at home; they also should get jobs outside
their homes.

 

52.

The wife as well as the husband should be
a breadwinner.

 

53-

There is no need to get an education if
one does not want to get a job.

 

Sh.

Compared to women in other countries of
the world, Saudi Arabian women are not
educated as well as they are.

 

55.

Making jobs available for Saudi Arabian
women will make them pursue higher education.

 

56.

I shall be able to continue further educa-
tion if there is an Islamic day care center
having Moslem people to take care of my
children.

 

S7.

Saudi Arabia's new ruling concerning wives'
study motivated me to continue my education.

 

58.

I don't like my children to go to American
school.

 

59.

Not knowing the language has prevented me
from continuing my education in the
United States.

 

60.

Saudi Arabian women need to get more
education, especially at higher levels.

 

61.

I am so satisfied about my children going to
Arabic school.

 

62.

The Arabic school in our district has good
facilities and good specialized teachers.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

275

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

0
0
L
0 cu
0 0
L ill
on .—
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63. Being a mother should not prevent one from
pursuing further education.
64. A woman should not go to the trouble f0 contin-
uing her education as long as her family can
support her with all the money she needs.
65. It is not necessary for a girl to continue
her education and get a job as long as she
will get married.
66. Getting married makes it impossible for the
Saudi Arabian woman to continue her education.
67. The Saudi Arabian government encourages
women to get higher education.
68. Saudi Arabian men encourage their wives
to continue their education.
69. Saudi Arabian women should get higher educa-
tion in order to raise a better family.
70. Having very good financial support should
encourage Saudi Arabian women to continue
their education.
71. Life in the future will be more enjoyable for
those who get an education.
72. I think that women in Saudi Arabia should
aim to get at least a college degree.
73. After 1 came to the United States, my thinking

about education changed for many different
reasons.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

276

 

 

 

 

 

0
0
L
0 cu
0 0
L in
m .-
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74. Being in the United States helps me choose the
field of study that expresses my interests.
75. Going to school and studying takes a lot of
time and entails a lot of responsibility.
76. I prefer staying home to take care of chil-
dren and the house more than pursuing an
education.
77. Getting an education is important to help

women understand themselves as independent
persons.

 

78.

I have a strong interest in getting a higher
education, but the environment in the United
States does not help me go to school.

 

79.

Being far away from my family makes it hard
to continue my education.

 

80.

The difficulty in my social contact with the
American people prevents me from continuing
my education.

 

81.

Sometimes I hesitate to talk to Americans or
ask them questions because I think I might
not be understood.

 

82.

If I were in Saudi Arabia now, I might not
still be going to school.

 

83.

My parents do not encourage me to get a
higher education.

 

84.

If I had someone to help me with the house-
work and child care, I might be going to
school now.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

277

 

Strongly Agree

Agree

Undecided

Disagree

Strongly Disagree

 

85.

Family traditions discourage me from
continuing my education.

 

86.

Saudi Arabia needs highly educated women
to fill the jobs available for women.

 

87.

I would continue my education in the
United States if there were schools for
women only.

 

88.

I do not like to go to school in Saudi
Arabia because of the difficulty of
the curriculum and the unsuitable
teaching methods.

 

89.

I do not continue my education in the
United States because there are no educa-
tional facilities or good curriculum.

 

90.

Going to school in Saudi Arabia is
tedious and boring.

 

 

91. I prefer studying math and science over
any other field of study.
92. There should be more Saudi Arabian

women studying math and science.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

278

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APPENDIX B

ENGLISH AND ARABIC VERSIONS OF THE PILOT STUDY

COVER LETTER AND QUESTIONNAIRE

30]

 

302

Dear sisters abroad,

These are questions I would like you to answer. By answering these
questions, you will be helping me develop a questionnaire which will
be part of a study aimed at exploring the educational behavior,
aspirations, and attitudes of Saudi wives who reside abroad with their
husbands who are studying in the United States. Please feel free to
express your objective opinions and frank ideas, which will contribute
to the completion of this study.

Dear sisters, I'm sure that answering these questions will require
some of your time. However, if you consider your scientific contri-
bution and your assistance of a sister abroad, that will make it
easy for you to answer them.

Your name is not required, and your answers will be very confidential.
Finally, thank you for your cooperation and help. Because time is
limited, please answer the questions quickly and return them to me.
Please feel free to call me with any questions you may have. My
phone number is 882-5hl6.

Your sister abroad,

Sultanah I. Dimiati

l0.

ll.

12.
l3.
l4.
l5.
16.

17.

303

SECTION I

Where were you born?

If you were born outside Saudi Arabia. where were you born? How
long did you live there?

Have you visited your home country since you left it? What were
your reasons for leaving your home country to live in Saudi Arabia?

For the most part. where did you live in Saudi Arabia: a large city
or a small town? Please name the city or town you lived in:

 

How long have you been living in the United States?

Do you have any relatives in the United States? What is their
relationship to you?

Do you have any other relatives living in a foreign country? What
relationship are they to you? Where do they live?

Have you ever visited these relatives during your stay in the
United States. or when returning to your home country?

How does having relatives in the United States or in a foreign
country help you plan to continue or discontinue your education?

Have you ever visited any foreign country other than the United
States?

Most Saudi Arabians have mixed ethnicity. or they are originally
from another country. Where did your ancestors originate?

What is your father's level of education?
Can your father read and write?

Where did he receive his education?

Where does he work?

What is your mother's level of education?

Does she read and write?

Tan
19.
ZCL.

21.

225
23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

36.

30h

Where did she receive her education?
Does your mother work? If so. where?
Is your mother from Saudi Arabia?

Do you consider your family's income to be average. above average.
or below average?

Do you have children?

If yes. how many children did you have before you came to the
United States?

How many children have you had during your stay in the United
States? -

How do you feel about having children and continuing your
education?

Have you had any difficulty continuing your education with
children?

If so. what do you suggest to overcome this difficulty?

What level of education did you have before coming to the United
States? '

Did you plan to continue your education when you came to the
United States?

After you arrived in the United States. did you decide to continue
your education?

If you are now studying in the United States. what degree or
diploma are you seeking?

If you are now studying in the United States. who is the primary
sponsor of your education?

If you are now studying. please list your most important reasons
for going to school.

If you are not studying. please list your most important reasons
for not going to school.

How long had you been in the United States before deciding to go
to school? What prompted your decision?

‘377.

BIB.

39?.

‘40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

 

305

Did you work in Saudi Arabia? If so. for how long? In what
field?

Who is sponsoring your husband's education?

How does your husband feel about your continuing your education?
Does he help you with the housework? Does he encourage you to
take care of the children and the house. rather than getting an
education?

How do your parents feel about your getting an education?

In what way have your parents encouraged or discouraged you to
continue your education or to seek a higher degree in education?

How do you feel about the new government ruling concerning wives'
education?

Were you going to school before this ruling. or have you started
since the ruling was made?

Do you feel pressure to go to school because of the new ruling?
If so. why?

Do you have any suggestions concerning this new ruling. to help
make it more workable and acceptable?

SECTION II

If you are a student. how has this experience made you feel?

How should women's opportunity to pursue an education compare
with that of men?

How has living in a foreign country affected your motivation to
pursue or not to pursue an education?

What do you think about husband and wife sharing the responsi-
bility for housework. employment. and financial decisions?

Please describe your feelings about the educational environment
in the United States.

What is your opinion of the educational facilities and curriculum
in Saudi Arabia?

10.

ll.

12.

l3.

I4.

15.

16.

l7.

IS.

19.

20.

Zl.

306

How have your parents' traditions affected your pursuit of an
education?

How do you think Saudi women compare to women from other
countries. in terms of their education?

How does going to school in the United States compare to
going to school in Saudi Arabia?

Should a woman pursue an education if she does not want to get
a Job?

If Jobs are made available to Saudi women. how will this
influence whether or not they pursue higher education?

How should women's opportunity to pursue an education compare
with that of men?

If her husband or family can support her financially. is there
any reason for a woman to pursue an education?

How does marriage affect Saudi women's pursuit of further
education?

Has your concept of education changed since you have been living
in the United States? In what way?

Has being far from home affected your motivation to pursue
further education?

What academic field of study do you prefer?

If you were living in Saudi Arabia now. would you be going to
school?

Do you talk to Americans and/or ask them questions. or do you
hesitate because of a language barrier?

Has the coeducational system of education in the United States
influenced your decision to seek further education while in
the United States?

If Saudi women erdoyed the same rights in every aspect of their
lives that Saudi men have. would this influence their pursuit
of higher education?

307

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APPENDIX C

ENGLISH AND ARABIC VERSIONS OF THE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

313

31h

introduction. Hello, . My name is Sultanah, and I
talked with you before by telephone. I am going to do a doctoral
dissertation which is an exploration of the educational behavior,
attitudes, and aspirations of Saudi wives who reside abroad with
their husbands who are studying in the United States. I am also
interested in the factors influencing those behaviors and aspira-
tions. I'd like to talk with you about that. Our conversation
will be kept confidential.

 

 

I. Are you going to school in the United States? Why are you or
are you not going to school?

2. What level of education are you in, and what level are you
seeking? (only for those attending school)

3. What do you think about the Saudi Mission's ruling concerning
wives' study abroad? What effect has the ruling had on your
decision about going to school?

A. What suggestions do you have to make this ruling more effective

and acceptable?

5. Has your being in the United States affected your thinking about

going to school?

6. What do you think about Saudi Arabian women's present educa-
tional accomplishment? How far do you think they should go
with their education compared to Saudi men?

315

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