~ - r ‘I'Q‘IF‘;TQ“-ylnf .7.,,‘,.,\~ max mamas ma m musmm 7 -. f _ f . 5; ms mama's OF THREE cm mmnmms ~ » -. . f Thesis for the Regrets 01PM}; EWRHHERE‘E STATE ummz’sm ;* WHERE RE GREENE WWIIWWWHHWI 1293 01011 6618 This is to certify that the D thesis entitled Black Demands for Open Housing: The Responses of Three City Governments presented by Kenneth R. Greene has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. Edema 111— Political Science 41% Major professor Baum 0-169 l I‘I I'f ‘ 0-169 IIWHUNIWNWWI 1293 01011 6618 This is to certify that the O thesis entitled Black Demands for Open Housing: The Responses of Three City Governments presented by Kenneth R. Greene has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D.deqme in__ Political Science MM Major professor Dms:ggdér_ULTJEEZJ_0 Ate sift? @001 n , ABSTRACT BLACK DEMANDS FOR OPEN HOUSING: THE RESPONSES OF THREE cm GOVERNMENTS by Kenneth R. Greene The primary focus of this study is the Operation and inter- action of variables in the process of adapting Open housing ordinances in three cities -- Jackson, Lansing, and Flint, Michigan. City coun- cils in each of the cities adopted an ordinance. Consequently, this research does not concentrate on the final result of the councils' deliberations but on the process through which the result was obtained. Decision process variables chosen for study were: (1) attitudes of decision makers -- mayors, managers, and councilmen; (2) influence from decision makers, individuals and groups in the community, and constituents; (3) extent of cooperation among decision makers; and (4) a council's decisional style -- whether or not councilman attempted to reach agreement before voting at public meetings, and whether or not the council's decisions were unanimous. The study also has a second focus -- to suggest the implica- tions of different processes of adapting ordinances. Specifically, this involves examination of the effect of process on the stringency of ordinances. The stringency of an ordinance is determined by the Kenneth R. Greene type of building covered and the penalties assessed for violation of the ordinance. To examine the decision processes in the cities, structured interviews were conducted with decision makers and informants. In- formants were selected because their positions in the community would tend to make them familiar with events surrounding adOption of Open housing ordinances. The data indicates that the process through which city coun- cils reach policy decisions is more complex than the simple translation of attitudes into votes. Not only must the distribution of attitudes among councilman be considered, but also the intensity with which the attitudes are held. There appeared to be a reciprocal relationship between intensity of attitudes and the potential for effective influence. In the cities, influence was exerted on decision makers by other decision makers and by community individuals and grOUps. Con- stituency pressure was relatively unimportant in the decision process. The data indicates that only when constituents are particularly con- cerned over an issue and their representative is concerned with re- election will constituency influence be effective. The extent of cOOperation among decision makers and a coun- cil's decisional style were related to whether influence came from within the council or from community individuals and groups. Coun- cils which interacted smoothly, and voted unanimously on issues appear to insulate themselves from external influence and enhance possibili- ties for internal influence. Kenneth R. Greene Although each of the councils in the cities adapted Open hous- ing, the process by which ordinances were adapted differed. The differ- ence was primarily in the extent to which a decision was the result of bargaining and compromise among decision makers rather than negotiations between decision makers and community individuals and groups. The data suggest that the more adOption of Open housing is the result of negoti- ations among councilman, the more stringent the ordinance. We cannot conclude, however, that a stringent ordinance was primarily the result Of insulation of a council from external pressure. Such insulation may allow decision makers considerable freedom in policy decisions, but it does not necessarily affect the direction Of those decisions. Decision makers themselves must be willing to adapt a stringent ordinance. BLACK DEMANDS FOR OPEN HOUSING: THE RESPONSES OF THREE CITY GOVERNMENTS by EJ Kenneth RffiGreene A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would particularly like to acknowledge the assistance of Bryan T. Downes who guided this dissertation. He provided many hours of thoughtful conversation which stimulated many Of the ideas dis- cussed in the study. Also, Charles Press and Joseph Schlesinger contributed valuable criticisms and pointed out logical weaknesses in my arguments. My wife, Pam, and daughter, Regan, contributed their patience and forbearance to the completion of this dissertation. ii Chapter 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. TABIE OF CONTENTS PART ONE. INTRODUCTION The Process of Adapting Open Housing Ordinances The Methodology and Context . . . . . . . . . PART TWO. OPEN HOUSING DECISIONS IN THE THREE CITIES The Open Housing Decisions in Jackson . . . . The Open Housing Decision in Flint . . . . . The Open Housing Decision in Lansing . . . . PART THREE. ANALYSIS OF OPEN HOUSING DECISIONS IN THE THREE CITIES The Process of Adapting Open Housing Ordinances: Attitudes of Decision Makers and Influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Process of Adapting Open Housing Ordinances: Interaction Among Decision Makers Implications of the Processes for the Stringency of Ordinances and Incidence Of Re forenda O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Summary and Implications for Innovative Policy Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography..................... Appendix A. B. Ordinances Adopted in the Three Cities . . . Interview Schedule for Informants . . . . . . iii 45 63 77 87 112 130 150 163 170 180 Table of Contents (Continued) Appendix C. Interview Schedule for Decision Makers . . . . . . . . 196 D. Questionnaire for Decision Makers . . . . . . . . . . 211 iv Table l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. LIST OF TABLES Selected Characteristics of the Cities' Populations The Formal Rules and Procedures in the Three Coulnunities.................... Councilmen's Attitudes, Votes and Reasons for v0 ta 8 0 O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Extent of Bargaining Among Decision Makers and Stringency O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O o Extent of Bargaining Among Decision Makers and InCidence Of Referenda e e e e e e e e e e e e Unanimous or Split Council Decision and Incidence OfReferenda 000.000.000.000... 36 40 102 135 140 142 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Decision Makers in the Three Cities . . . . . . . . . . 30 2. A Model for the Analysis of Innovative p01 icy Change a 0 o o e o o o o e o o e 0 o O O 0 O O O 156 vi PART ONE INTRODUCT 1m CHAPTER 1 THE PROCESS OF ADOPTING OPEN HOUSING ORDINANCES The variety of policy responses of cities to similar problems has interested and intrigued political scientists. Only recently, how- ever, have they rigorously attempted to explain this diversity of policy. These attempts have been aimed primarily at determining how a city's V revenues are allocated. The choice of expenditure policy as the de- pendent variable is undoubtedly based on the availability of data and the anenability of municipal expenditures to comparative research. Other studies, however, have examined policies such as fluoridation and school desegregation. Unfortunately, when political scientists have moved from one issue to another they have tended to examine different variables. But when the same variables have been studied on different issues. their impact on the issues has been found to vary. This prob- lem may be particularly acute when we move from expenditure to non- expenditure policy. The range of policy alternatives Open to decision makers may be much narrower on fiscal matters than on non-expenditure issues such as Open housing because Of the constraints imposed on de~ cision makers by the city's available revenues. What is needed, then, are comparative studies Of a variety of issues which utilize a common explanatory framework. The following section presents typical examples of recent com- parative research on municipal policy. These studies indicate that 2 political scientists in attempting to explain municipal policy choices have progressively moved from focusing primarily on environmental vari- ables, to examining political structural variables, and finally to in- vestigating process or interaction variables such as attitudes of de- cision makers and influence. In this movement, the political actors -- mayors, managers, councilman -- become increasingly important in the political process. Social and environmental factors are no longer seen as being automatically legislated into policy, but rather are viewed as parameters within which individuals who must make the policy decisions Operate.1 Environmental factors provide the broad outlines, but polit- ical decision makers provide the details which give ultimate shape to municipal policy. Some Examples of Previous Policy Research Masotti and Bowen in ”Communities and Budgets: The Sociology of Municipal Expenditures" studied eighteen cities in Ohio and found that expenditures of the communities varied with the socioeconomic characteristics of their pOpulations. When the authors examined thirty- eight socioeconomic characteristics, they uncovered three underlying factors -- socioeconomic status, age of residents, and pOpulation mobil- ity -- which were directly associated with approximately sixty-five per cent of the variance in municipal expenditures.2 These findings, ac- cording to the authors, indicated that policy, at least expenditure 1Michael Aiken and Robert R. Alford, ”Comparative Urban Research and Community Decision Making," The New Atlantis, v. 1, no. 2 (Winter, 1970), pp. 85-110. 2mm H. Masotti and Don R. Bowen, ”Comunities and Budgets: The Sociology of Municipal Expenditures,” Urban Affairs anrterly, v. 1, no. 2 (December, 1965), pp. 44-45. 3 policy, could be viewed as a response to political pressures or demands arising from the community context. Lineberry and Fowler, in ”Reformism and Public Policies in Ameri- can Cities,” considered the relationship of both community characteris- tics and formal rules and procedures to municipal policy. They stated, ". . . Our central purpose is to determine the impact of both socio- economic variables and political institutions (structural variables) on outputs of city governments."3 The authors studied a random sample of the 309 American cities with populations of 50,000 or more in 1960. The outputs considered were measures of the cities' tax and expenditure policies. The authors concluded: We found that political institutions 'filter' the process of converting inputs into outputs. Some structures, par- ticularly partisan elections, ward constituencies, mayor- council governments and commission governments, operate to maximize the impact of cleavage indicators on public policy.‘ This conclusion argues that inputs/demands/pressures from the commun- ity context were not transformed directly into policy, but were medi- ated by the cities' political institutions. Eyestone and Eulau, in a study of cities in the San Francisco Bay Area, investigated the relationship between decision makers' atti- tudes and municipal policy. The authors were concerned primarily with the association between community development, which they measured in terms of both planning and amenities expenditures, and attitudes of 3 Robert L. Lineberry and Edmund P. Fowler, ”Reformism and Public Policies in American Cities," American Political Science Review, Ve 61’ no. 3 (September, 1%7)’ po 703e 4 Ibide’ Pe 715s 4 decision makers toward develOpment. Their analysis suggested that re- gardless of size, growth, or resource capability, the more favorable decision makers' attitudes toward develOpment, the more develOped the city's policy.5 Although Eyestone and Eulau concentrated on decision makers' attitudes, they also attempted to place the policy predispositions of councilman into a broader framework. They noted that: . . . the data are interpreted as supporting the general validity of a model of city policy develOpment as a re- sponse to challenges from a changing city environment. Analytically, public policies are responses to city growth, problems arising out of city size, and resource capability, with the city group life and councilmen's policy preferences being the major intervening variables. 6 Grain, Katz, and Rosenthal attempted to determine the conditions under which fluoridation would be adopted by action of the executive and/or legislative branch of the city government. They found that the conditions were (i) relatively low levels of controversy, (2) experi- enced leadership of high status in the comunity on the pr0ponent side, and (3) active support from the major health organizations and from or- ganizations not exclusively concerned with health.7 They concluded, however, that "of all the actors involved in the governmental decision, the mayor seems to have the greatest influence," and that ”the mayor's stand is the major detenminant of the fate of fluoridation."8 5Robert Eyestone and Heinz Eulau, "City Councils and Policy Outcomes: Developmental Profiles," in James Q. Wilson, ed., City Poli- tics and Public Policy (New York: Wiley, 1968), pp. 59-60. 61b1d. , p. 560 7Robert L. Crain, Elihu Katz, and Donald B. Rosenthal, 1132 Politics of Community Conflict (Indianapolis: Hobbs-Merrill, 1969), pe 121a 91bid., p. 114. 5 Limitations of this Previous Research These studies found that socioeconomic characteristics of a community's population, form of government, councilmen's attitudes, and the mayor's stand were related to municipal policy choices. But these attempts to explain policy were unsatisfactory because they either ignore or treat superficially the process through which policy decisions are reached.9 The linkages between these variables and policy are blurred. For example, Masotti and Bowen stated concerning the relationship between the three factors -- status, age, mobility -- and policy that: . . . budget makers, like other decision makers, do not operate in a social vacuum. They respond to the pressures and opportunities they perceive, and when these factors are large and gross, such as the characteristics we have been discussing in this paper, the responses of different decision makers to similar stimuli are likely to be similar-.10 Masotti and Bowen thus rejected, with little evidence, the notion that decision makers in different cities may have different policy prefer- ences which guide their responses to the pressures and opportunities they perceive. Lineberry and Fowler omitted the process through which deci- sions are reached. In their analysis they examined contextual and structural variables. In their article, however, they presented a ”causal model” which they hypothesized would explain policy outputs. The causal model: 9These studies have been selected for discussion as examples of recent research on urban policies and not because of unique weaknesses. loMasotti and Bowen, op. cit., p. 56. 6 . . . would include four classes of variables: socio- economic cleavages, political variables (including party registration, structure of party systems, patterns of aggregation, strength of interest groups, voter turnout, etc.), political institutions (form of government, type of elections, and type of constituencies), and political outputs.11 None of these variables, except those the authors did not examine, would directly tap or measure the interaction of individuals or groups on policy decisions. Eyestone and Eulau assumed that if a majority of councilman are favorably disposed toward a particular policy, the policy will be adopted -- an assumption which is Open to question. The authors did ' not explain how these predispositions might be translated into policy. We can readily imagine, however, that councilman could persuade members of a council who favor one policy to vote for another. It is equally plausible that the mayor or community individuals might have an impact on what policies a council adapts. The Eyestone and Eulau study went beyond the two previous studies because it examined a process variable, councilmen's attitudes, but it did not consider variables which may mediate between councilmen's attitudes and a council's decision. Crain, Katz, and Rosenthal, since they found that themayor's stand was the most important determinant of the fate of fluoridation, attempted to measure the influence of mayors by deveIOping two indi- cators of influence. The first indicator was a "crude index of mayoral power; his term of service in office," and the authors argued that a "mayor's term of office is an indirect correlate of his power.”12 11Lineberry and Fowler, op. cit., p. 714. 12 Grain, Katz, and Rosenthal, op. cit., p. 182. 7. The second, ”more direct index of mayoral power” was applied to mayor-council cities. The cities were divided into two groups: those in which the mayor has a veto over all council resolutions compared to those in which he has no veto or only a partial one. . . . Somewhat tautologically we do find that the strong mayors are in fact more powerful, for their position is a better determinant of the governmental decision than is the weak mayor's stand.13 Both measures of mayoral power are based on formal aspects of the mayor‘s position -- his length of time in office and his veto power. But.Dahl in New Haven and Banfield in Chicago have demonstrated the importance of informal arrangements which facilitate a mayor's in- fluence. Consequently, the two indicators employed by Crain, Katz, and Rosenthal to measure influence are inadequate. In addition, simply noting the position of a mayor on an issue does not explain the process by which fluoridation was accepted or rejected, even if the mayor's position coincided with the final decision. An examin- ation of interaction between mayor and council is necessary to de- termine whether or not the mayor exercised influence. The Decision Process These studies, then, have attempted to eXplain policy choices with static variables -- form of government or mayor's stand -- and have not dealt systematically with interactions which take place among individuals and groups in a community, and which result in governmental decisions. These interactions are normally considered as part of the ”decision process” which is defined as: . . . a sequence of activities which results in the selection of one course of action, (sometimes) from l31b1d., p. 183. 8 a set of socially defined alternative courses of action which are intended to bring about a particular future state of affairs.14 That these studies have not adequately considered the decision process does not mean simply that they have not included variables which may affect policy, but that they have omitted perhaps one or more extremely important sets of variables. For testimony to the importance of the decision process in policy formation, consider the vast literature on decision making.15 Also, Richard Hofferbert has written that: . . . it is reasonable to assert that all public policies are, at one point or another, the result of manifestly deliberate action by an identifiable group of men with formally endowed prerogatives -- a policy making elite.16 He also notes that: . . . any combination of 'pre-elite' factors may be operative on a given policy proposal, but elite re- sponse in some formal manner is a sine gpa non of policy. . . .17 In addition, James W. Clarke, in an aggregate study of adoption of different forms of government found that: . . . in general, the relative importance of environ- mental variables declined when political process vari- ables were considered iimultaneously in the analysis of referenda outcomes. 8 14Richard C. Snyder and Glen D. Paige, "The United States' De- cision to Resist Aggression in Korea: The Application of an Analytic Scheme,” Administrative Science Quarterlx, v. 3, no. 4 (December, 1958), pe 347s 15In urban politics see specifically Robert E. Agger, Daniel Goldrich, and Bert E. Swanson, The Rulers and the Ruled (New York: Wiley, 1964), Ch. 1. 16Richard I. Hofferbert, "Elite Influence in Policy Formation: A Model for Comparative Inquiry," paper delivered at the 1968 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, p. 4. 17Ibid., p. 11. 18James W. Clarke, "Environment, Process and Policy: A Recon- sideration,” American Political §cience Review, v. 63, no. 4 (December, 1969), Pa 1180e 9 These statements suggest the importance of process variables for municipal policy making. Unfortunately, our knowledge of variables which compose the decision process, as well as their impact on that process, is limited. Downes has attempted to conceptualize this pro- cess, and has posited the following dimensions: 1. Citizen attitudes and opinions 2. Citizen political participation 3. Group activities and the formation of coalitions 4. Political communications 5. Structure of power and influence 6. Nature of political leadership 7. Interaction of the formal, authoritative decision makers.19 This listing gives an indication of the variables/components which may be included in an examination of the process through which decisions are reached on Open housing ordinances. But considerable research must be conducted before the salient variables which compose the de- cision process can be accurately measured. Once the process and its component variables have been ade- quately conceptualized and studied, political scientists will be able to determine with greater accuracy than at present why specific policy decisions are made.20 What we may then develop is a model 19Bryan T. Downes, ed., Cities and Suburbs: Selected Readings in Local Politics and Public Policy (Belmont: Wadsworth, 1971), Ch. 1. Downes differentiates between the decision process and the policy making process. For him, the decision process involves only the inter- action of formal authoritative decision makers. The policy making pro- cess is "that set of interactions taking place between individuals and groups in a community which results in governmental decisions.” What is called the decision process in this study corresponds to Downes' policy making process. 20Masotti and Bowen found that their three factors explained 65 per cent of the variance in municipal expenditures, and Lineberry and Fowler showed that political structural variables explained a max- imum of 71 per cent of the variance in their dependent variable -- a tax/income ratio. 10 that, with only a few variables, will explain and predict with a high degree of accuracy municipal policy choices. In order to develop this parsimonious model of municipal policy choices, political scientists must adequately measure variables in the decision process and determine their impact on policy. Aggregate studies are unsuited for this undertaking, however, because they have 21 Con- difficulty explaining how inputs are transformed into outputs. sequently, in aggregate studies ”political variables are usually de- fined operationally in structural rather than behavioral or interac- tional terms."22 Case studies, in contrast, are able to examine in depth the behavior and interaction among individuals participating in the formation of public policy. Case studies, from an examination of the process of adopting specific policies, can develop measures of de- cision process variables and suggest hypotheses which may be tested in subsequent comparative studies. 21Herbert Jacob and Michael Lipsky, "Outputs, Structure, and Power: An Assessment of Changes in the Study of State and Local Poli- tics," in Marian D. Irish, ed., Political Science: Advance of he Discipline (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1968), pp. 221-229. 22 Clarke, op. cit., p. 1182. 23A research strategy which merges the perspectives of case and aggregate analysis is the intensive study of one or a few issues in a significant number of communities, perhaps twenty-thirty. This strategy would permit examination of the impact of socioeconomic vari- ables as well as the isolation of unique city characteristics which have plagued case studies. It would also allow investigation of be- havioral and interactional variables which previous aggregate studies have not been able to measure. Research conducted in this manner would incorporate the strengths of both case and aggregate analysis. 11 The Decision Process on Open Housing This study of adaption of Open housing ordinances is an attempt to add to existing knowledge of urban policy making by intensively ex- amining the process through which decision makers attempt to alleviate or solve problems (real or perceived) in the community.24 In a study of this nature it would be difficult to include all variables which may affect the process of reaching a decision on an open housing ordin- ance. Because the central focus of the study is on the formal polit- ical decision makers, only certain variables have been selected for ex- amination. These variables are: l. Attitudes of decision makers 2. Influence - from community individuals and groups, from constituents, from administrators, and from decision makers 3. Council interaction t tud of Deci i Makers Most studies of local politics have not intensively studied decision making bodies. Instead, political scientists have considered them primarily as groups which merely ratify pr0posals of the mayor, administrators, or community influentials. Only recently have they begun to study the members of local legislatures. Crain,in The Politics of School Desegregation, considered the attitudes of school board mem» bers and concluded that the liberalism of board members was an important 24These problems may be brought to decision makers' attention either by community individuals and groups or by decision makers theme selves. The validity of the model of the decision process is not affected by the way in which decision makers become aware of problems. 5 In this study decision makers are the mayors, managers, and councilman in the three cities. 12 factor contributing to the "acquiescence" of school boards to demands for desegregation.26 Also, Eyestone and Eulau, as previously mentioned, found that decision makers' policy preferences were closely reflected in the policies the cities pursued.27 These studies suggest that de- cision makers' attitudes are an important element in the decision pro- cess, and that we would expect the more favorable decision makers are toward open housing, the more likely the council will adopt an open housing ordinance. Influence From Community Individuals and Groups Any examination of the decision process must consider the im- pact of influence. According to Dahl, A has influence over B to the extent that he can get B to do something that B would not otherwise do.28 When decision makers are considering an issue, various individ- uals and groups communicate their preferences to decision makers and attempt to influence their decision. As Banfield and'Wilson note, "persons not elected to office play very considerable parts in the making of important decisions."29 Also, the community power literature is replete with examples of the impact of "community influentials" on 30 municipal policy. Analysis of the decision process, then, would be 26Robert L. Grain, The Politics of School Desegregation (Chicago: Aldine, 1968). p. 167. ' 27Eyestone and Eulau, op. cit. 28Robert A. Dahl, "The Concept of Power,” Behavioral Sciengg, v. 2 (JUIy, 1957), p. 201. 29Edward C. Banfield and James 0. Wilson, Cigy Politics (Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), p. 243. 30See Charles Press, Main Street Pglltics: Polic Makin at the local Level (East Lansing: Institute for Community Development, 1962). l3 incomplete without an examination of the effect of community individuals and groups on decision makers' actions. From Constituents Constituency influence on municipal decision makers has not been studied systematically. Although political scientists have docu- mented low levels of participation in local elections, they have not investigated the relationship of the local representative to his elec- tors. Miller and Stokes, however, have studied constituency influence in Congress. They found that although constituency pressure varied across issues, when present in any marked degree it was related to the roll call behavior of Congressmen.31 They also discovered that the issue domain in which the relationship between the Representatives' roll call behavior and constituency pressure was the strongest was civil rights.32 Applying these findings to the local level, we may assume that constituency pressure will have an impact on the decision process, particularly the decision process on open housing. It is dif- ficult, however, to determine the linkages between constituency pres- sure and decision makers' actions. Since mayors and councilman are elected officials, we might expect that their actions would more closely correspond to constituents' wishes the more they feared retribution at subsequent election. Linkages between elections are considerably more difficult to specify.33 3hWarren E. Miller and Donald E. Stokes, ”Constituency Influence in Congress," in Angus Campbell, et al., Electlons and the Political Order (New York: Wiley. 1967), p. 359. 321b1d. 33See V. 0. Key Jr., Public gpinion and American Democragy (New York: KnOpf, 1963), pp. 411-414. ““ 14 From Administrators Influence may also be exerted by a city's administrators -- the heads of city departments and commissions. As Banfield and Wilson note, "political administrators . . . may be active and autonomous forces in the city's politics.”34 They also argue that the head of a department may be ”a lobbyist on behalf of the department and a mediator or arbiter who decides the terms on which an issue is to be settled.”35 Administra- tors generally possess expertise on particular issues, and decision makers may defer to this expertise when considering an issue. Salisbury has also argued that "the professional workers in city related programs" are an active grouping in the ”new convergence of power."36 He further states that this new convergence of power -- the mayor, business groups, and the experts -- ”actively seeks out solutions to certain problems it regards as critical to the city's growth.”37 Administrators, then, may participate both in the selection of issues which decision makers will consider, and the final resolution of those issues. From Decision Makers Decision makers are subject to attempts at influence not only from outside groups and individuals, but also from other decision makers. Numerous studies have reported the influence of the mayor or manager in the decision process. Dahl has shown that Mayor Lee was able to become 34Banfie1d and Wilson, op. cit., p. 217. 35Ibid. 36Robert H. Salisbury, ”Urban Politics: The New Convergence of Power,” in Jay S. Goodman, ed., Perspectives on Urban Politics (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1970), p. 47. 371s d., p. 53. 15 head of an ”executive centered coalition" and thus become generally in- fluential in New Haven.38 Adrian, in a study of three communities, found that "the manager and his administration are the principal sources of policy innovation and leadership in council-manager cities."39 The influence of the mayor or manager, then, may be an important element in the decision process. But.mayors and managers are not the only decision makers who may exert influence. Councilmen may also be influential in the decision process. Because of tenure on the council, a committee chairmanship, or presumed expertise, a councilman may be able to affect decision on issues before the council. Consequently, we must allow for possible influence from mayors, managers, and individual councilman. Council Interaction This study will also examine two aspects of council interaction: cooperation among decision makers and the council's decisional style. Cooperation Among Decision Makers This refers to the affective relations among decision makers, whether or not they interacted smoothly. In a small decision making body such as a city council, affective relations among members may be extremely important for the ability of the body to perform its functions. In the case of the city council, this notion suggests that the higher the level of affect, the greater may be the ability of the council to consider and respond to problems in the community -- the greater the 38Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), Ch. 17. 39Charles R. Adrian, ”A Study of Three Communities," Public Administration Review, v. XVIII (Summer, 1958), p. 208. l6 task performance of the council.40 COOperative interaction may also increase opportunities for decision makers to influence each other to support specific programs. Decisional Style Decisional style refers to the way in which issues are handled by the city council and the extent to which the council's handling of issues affects overt issue conflict. Overt issue conflicts are dis- agreements which arise over issues before the council and result in split votes on council decisions. Downes, in a study of St. Louis suburbs, found that some of the councils attempted to work out differ- ences in private or in committees before taking the final vote at the regular meeting, while others discussed issues more openly with little attempt at overcoming differences before the public meeting.41 A city council's decisional style, than, has two dimensions: 1. whether or not councilman attempt to reach agreements before voting at public meetings; 2. whether or not the council's decisions are characterized by overt issue conflicts. Both dimensions of the decisional style will be examined because when political scientists study only overt issue conflict on city councils they may be missing central aspects of council decision making. The decisional style of a council is important because whether or not a council makes its decisions in private and achieves unanimity 4oSidney Verba, Small Grou s and Political Behavior (Prince- ton: Princeton University Press, 1961). 41Bryan T. Downes, "Suburban Differentiation and Municipal Policy Choices: A Comparative Analysis of Suburban Political Systems," in Terry N. Clark, ed., Communit Structure and Decision-Makin : Comp parative Analyses (San Francisco: Chandler, 1968), pp. 255-267. 17 may affect (a) the ability of community individuals and groups to in- fluence decision makers, and (b) the nature of the policy choices. Relationshipg Agppg the Variablep The primary focus of this research will be on the operation and interaction of the variables selected for study. Each of the councils examined adopted an open housing ordinance. The study, how5 ever, will not concentrate on the final result -- adoption of an ordin- ance -- but on the process through which the result was obtained. In this process, decision makers are subjected to various pressures which may affect their decision. In order to reach a decision, they must weigh the impact of the variables acting upon them. Decision makers' actions, then, are the results of rational calculations. Following Salisbury, we assume that in those calculations, decision makers ”do or seek, subject to periodic evaluation and correction, whatever brings them a positive balance of benefits over costs."42 Thus, decision makers will consider carefully the rewards and costs for themselves of their actions. We will assume in this context that when no other factors are operating, an action which reflects a decision maker's attitude toward an issue will give him some reward, while an action which contradicts his attitude involves some costs to him.43 When decision makers are confronted with an issue, however, other factors normally do operate. Primarily, decision makers are 42Robert H. Salisbury, ”An Exchange Theory of Interest Groups,” in Robert H. Salisbury, ed., Interest Group Politics in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), p. 47. 43For a discussion of the relationship between an individual's attitudes and his behavior see Theodore M. Newcomb, Ralph H. Turner, and Philip E. Converse, Social Psychology (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), pp. 67-73. 18 subject to influence attempts which either promise rewards or threaten costs to the individual as a result of his actions. Decision makers must determine the relative effects of these possible Opposing influ- ences and weigh them against the rewards or costs of acting with or against one's attitudes. (Of course, a decision maker is generally unable to give exact weights to the various possible rewards and costs because he can never be absolutely certain of the possible effects of his action or whether the rewards or costs can actually be imposed on him“) The primary factors which enter into an individual's calcula- tions, then, are his attitudes and influence. Influence is a variable which may mediate between decision makers' attitudes and a council's decision on an Open housing ordinance. But variables are also present which affect the impact of different sources of influence. Cooperative interaction among decision makers may increase the possibilities for compromise and bargaining over issues, and may increase the possibilities for influence to occur among councilman. In addition, if a council attempts to reach agree- ment on issues before public meetings, and generally votes unanimously at those meetings, groups and individuals outside the council may have limited ability to influence council decisions. In this way a council may insulate itself from external influence. In sum, when decision makers are considering an issue, various factors operate shuultaneously to affect their decision. Decision mak- ing is a continuous process in which decision makers weigh the relative rewards or costs of their actions. In order to study this process, we 44For a discussion of uncertainty in decision making see Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Harper and Row, 1957), esp. Ch. 5. 19 must break it down analytically; we must consider the impact of vari- ables in the process separately. Dividing the process analytically involves certain disadvantages: the appearance that decision makers are affected by one variable at a time or that one variable is neces~ sarily the most crucial in the process. We must emphasize, however, that no one variable can account for a council's decision. Each vari- able has an impact on the final result. But it is difficult to de- temmine the impact of particular variables without arbitrarily dividing the decision process into its component elements. Realizing that the divisions in the process are analytical, we will use the following hypotheses to guide the investigation of the decision process on open housing ordinances. The more favorable the decision makers' attitudes toward open housing, the more likely a council will adopt an cpen housing ordinance. Again, influence may mediate between decision makers' attitudes and a council's decision. This influence may come from community in- dividuals and groups, from constituents, from city administrators, and from decision makers. We hypothesize that The more cooperation among decision makers, the more likely influence will be exerted by decision makers rather than by community individuals and groups or by constituents. The more a council attempts to reach agreement on issues before public meetings and votes unanimously at those meetings, the more influence will be exerted by decision makers and the more de- cision makers will be insulated from the influence of community in- dividuals and groups and constituents. The study also has a second focus -- to suggest the implications of different processes of adapting ordinances. Specifically, this in- volves examination of the effect of process on (1) the stringency of ordinances, and (2) the incidence of referenda following council passage 20 of open housing. The stringency of an ordinance is determined by its scape -- the type of building covered by the ordinance, and severity -- the penalties assessed for violation of the ordinance. If an open housing ordinance results primarily from interaction among decision makers, compromise may be easier to reach than if the de- cision resulted from interaction among community groups and decision makers. Since fewer actors would be involved in the bargaining, we might expect that the compromise would produce a stronger ordinance. Thus, we hypothesize that The more an open housing ordinance is the result of inter- action among decision makers as apposed to interaction between com- munity groups and decision makers, the higher the stringency of the ordinance. If a decision on an cpen housing ordinance is reached through cooperative interaction among decision makers, and community individuals and groups were not central participants in the decision, the issue would probably not arouse serious controversy in the community. Consequently, the citizenry is more likely to accept the council's decision. From this reasoning, we would expect that The more an Open housing ordinance is the result of inter- action among decision makers, the less likely a referendum will follow that decision. Goals of the Study In summary, this study has three goals. Two have already been mentioned: (I) to examine the interrelationship of the variables in the decision process and develOp hypotheses regarding the impact of these variables which can be tested in subsequent comparative research, and (2) to suggest the implications of different processes of adapting ordinances for the stringency of ordinances and for subsequent referenda. 21 The third goal is to develOp generalizations which relate differences in process to the prospects for policy change. In this regard, open housing may be a particularly important policy for study, important because it.may be considered an example of a specific type of policy -- innovative policy. An innovative policy is a policy designed to meet a newly arisen or perceived problem.45 Other examples of innova- tive policies are urban renewal, fluoridation, school desegregation, model cities, and community action programs. Consequently, the im- plications of the process of adapting open housing ordinances may be applicable to the passage of this general category of public policies. 45James G. March and Herbert A. Simon, Organizations (New York: liley, 1958), pp. 174-75. CHAPTER 2 THE METHODOLOGY AND CONTEXT The preceding chapter has presented variables which may affect the process of adapting Open housing ordinances. The task of this chapter is to outline the methods used to investigate the variables and their relationships and to present background information on the communities studied. Nature of the Research Festinger and Katz have noted that: . . . empirical research . . . proceeds in a variety of settings and contexts. The setting for any research project is generally guided by the nature of the questions being asked and the degree of control desired.1 Since the questions asked in this study concern the political process in cities, the appropriate research approach is the field study of in- dividual communities. In a field study, the investigator: . . . first looks at a social or institutional sit- uation and then studies the relations among the attitudes, values, perceptions and behaviors of individuals and groups in the situation.2 Since the primary goal of this study is to examine the deci- sion process in local communities and to develop hypotheses, the 1Leon Festinger and Daniel Katz, Research Methods in the Be- havioral §ciences (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966), Pa 13o 2Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1964), p. 387. 22 23 research is exploratory. The field study is particularly appropriate for this purpose because, as Katz has argued: . . . the great strength of the field type study is its inductive procedure, its potentiality for discover- ing significant variables and basic relations. . . .3 In the area of local politics, Wilson has stated that "real progress requires the intensive study of a small number of communities."4 A field study, then, can provide information and insights regarding the decision process in municipalities. A problem encountered in field studies is with the use of hypotheses. As Katz has noted: . . . the difficulty with the use of hypotheses in field studies is the inability to determine causal re- lationships with any definiteness, since most of the measures are not taken with respect to gystematic changes in some ascertained dependent variable. Consequently, examination of the variables and relationships presented in the first chapter must remain tentative. One method of decreasing the danger of determining causality in field studies is the investigation of more than one community. The importance of comparison in research has been noted by Campbell and Stanley: Basic to scientific evidence . . . is the process of comparison, of recording, or of contrast. Any ap- pearance of absolute knowledge, or intrinsic knowledge about singular isolated events, is found to be illusory 3Daniel Katz, ”Field Studies,” in Festinger and Katz, op. cit., p. 75s 4James Q. Wilson, “Problems in the Study of Local Politics,” in Edward H. Buehrig, ed., Essa s in Political Science (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1963 , p. 140. 5Katz, op. cit., p. 78. 24 upon analysis. Securing scientific evidence involves making at least one comparison. Although comparative analysis does not constitute experimental control, it does permit the isolation of unique factors which might contaminate a single city study. For this reason, this study will investigate adop- tion of Open housing ordinances in three communities. Despite the value of comparative analysis, a study of three cities can only suggest the impact of variables in the open housing decision process on adaption of ordinances. Selection of the Cities Selection of the three cities was dictated by the design of the study. The criterion for selection was whether a city council had con- sidered adopting an open housing ordinance. The three cities are in the same state and thus Operate within the same legal framework. But the cities were not matched according to size, economic base, demo- graphic character of the population, or formal political institutional arrangements. Because the cities vary along these dimensions and adequate control of the effect of these variables is not possible, the external validity of the study's conclusions is limited. A brief description of the adaption of open housing ordinances in the three cities is informative. In September, 1966, the Jackson city council adapted a city policy of open housing. The ordinance excluded only single family dwellings, but included a cumbersome en- forcement procedure. The ordinance was subsequently defeated in a referendum in April, 1967 by a margin of over 2 to 1. In June, 1968 6Donald T. Campbell and Julian C. Stanley, Experimental and Qpasi-Experimental Designs for Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963), Pa 6e 25 the city council again passed an Open housing ordinance. Its pro- visions excluded one and two family dwellings, but included a $100.00 fine for violations of the ordinance. Referendum petitions were cir- culated, but the required number of signatures was not obtained, and after thirty days the ordinance went into effect. The Flint city council adapted Open housing in October, 1967. The ordinance excluded multiple family dwellings of five or less units, and assessed a fine of $300.00 for violation of the ordinance's pro- visions. In February, 1968 petitions were filed and the ordinance was placed on the ballot. In the referendum Open housing was sustained by 30 votes out of over 40,000 cast, the first time Open housing was en- dorsed by a public vote in the United States. In October, 1967 the Lansing city council unanimously adapted an open housing ordinance. The ordinance excluded one and two family- dwelling units, and included a $500.00 fine for violations of the or- dinance. Referendum petitions were never taken out, and the ordinance quietly went into effect. At this point it should be explained that the names of deci- sion makers have been changed. All interviews were prefaced with the following statement: Mr. , before we get started I want you to feel assured that anything you tell me will be treated with strictest confidence. The information and opinions you give me today will be processed with material from other peOpIe in and in the other cities studied. No names of individuals will be used, and what you tell me will be Off the record. While many respondents remarked that they were not concerned with anonymity, others emphasized that their comments should be treated as confidential. As to the authenticity of the reporting Of respondents' 26 comments, do Tocqueville's statement in the introduction to Democracy in America is apprOpriate. Here the reader must necessarily rely upon my word. I could frequently have cited names which either are known to him or deserve to be so in support of my as- sertions: but I have carefully abstained from this practice. . . . I had rather injure the success of my statements than add my name to the list of those who repay generous hospitality . . . by subsequent chagrin and annoyance. Selection of Respondents Structured interviews were conducted with decision makers and informants in the three cities. The Use of Informants Selltiz, et a1. note that one method which is fruitful in the search for important variables and hypotheses is interviewing respond- 8 ents who might provide ”provocative ideas and useful insights." The authors agree that although a random sample of individuals who might have knowledge of an Open housing decision might not be of value, . . . it is nevertheless important to select respond- ents so as to ensure a representation of different types of experience. Wherever there is reason to believe that different vantage points may influence the content of ob- servation, an effort must be made to include variation in point of view and in type of experience.9 The Informants Informants were selected because of their position in the 7Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy igfiAmerica, quoted in John H. Kessel, The Goldwater Coalition (indianapolis: Hobbs-Merrill, 1968), p. V111" aClaire Selltiz, Marie Jahoda, Morton Deutsch, and Stuart.W. COOk, Research Methods in Social Relations (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967 , p. 55. glide , pe 56o 27 community which would tend to make them familiar with both the events surrounding adoption of the Open housing ordinance and the general politics of the city.10 They were not selected because of their par- ticipation in the decision, although some of the informants were in- volved in the Open housing issue. To allow for differences in point of view, five individuals were chosen as informants. They were: (1) the newspaperman who covered the open housing issue; (2) the Executive Vice President of the’Chamber of Commerce; (3) the Director of the city's Human Relations Commission: (4) the head of the local NAACP chapter or Urban League, and (5) the Director of the Local Labor Council. The intention was to interview the men who held these po- sitions at the time the city considered open housing. It was not pos- sible in all cases to interview these peOple. For example, in Flint the Director of the Urban League was on a leave of absence in Washing- ton. Fortunately, the co-chairman, with the Urban League Director, of the most active group supporting the Open housing ordinance, was inter- viewed. In this case, because of the individual substituted, little information was lost. In one instance, however, when the original in- formant was not available and no suitable replacement could be found, some information might have been lost. The loss was probably minimal because the selection of informants was designed to give acnmprehensive account of the adaption of Open housing ordinances. Thus, if one informant was not interviewed, the amount of information only he could 10For a similar use Of informants see Terry N. Clark, “Com- munity Structure, Decision-Making, Budget Expenditures and Urban Re- newal in 51 American Cities,” American Sociological Review, v. 33, no. 4 (August, 1968). pp. 576-93. 28 provide was limited. It should be noted that in two cities all in- formants were interviewed, while in Jackson four of the five inform- ants were interviewed. Problems with the Use ofAInformants Although the positions Of informants were comparable across cities, the informants themselves were not. For example, the newsman who covered Open housing differed greatly in their knowledge of the less obvious aspects of their city's politics. The choice of inform- ants based on position in the community, then, can lead to problems of information acquisition. If, on the other hand, informants were selected on the basis of participation in the decision, information collected might be less comprehensive and objective. The problem of selection of informants appears to have no totally satisfactory solution. Another problem concerning the informants was also encountered. Originally, the President of the Chamber of Commerce when the city considered open housing was selected as an informant. After some dis- appointing results, the Executive Vice President of the Chamber was substituted for the President. These men, who were permanent members of the Chamber, had a much greater understanding of their city's politics than did the Presidents who were elected by fellow Chamber members for one year terms of Office. The Decision Makers Since Chapter 1 emphasized that decision makers are an important element in the decision process, mayors and councilmen in the three cities were interviewed. City managers were not interviewed because 29 preliminary discussions with informants and councilmen indicated that the managers did not take either public or private stands on open housing and did not attempt to influence votes on the ordinances. 0f the thirty-six councilmen and mayors who were in office when Open housing ordinances were adapted, twenty-six were interviewed. When these figures are broken down, twenty-three of thirty-two councilmen and three of four mayors were interviewed -- a response rate of ap- proximately 75 per cent for each category of decision maker. Sig- nificantly, in no city were less than a majority of the decision makers interviewed. Figure 1 presents the decision makers in the three cities. Information Collected In order to explore the variables and relationships presented in Chapter 1, informants and decision makers were asked to provide inp formation on four major aspects of the political process in each city. Respondents were asked: 1. What were the circumstances surrounding the articula- tion of demands for an Open housing ordinance, and who pre- sented these demands to decision makers? 2. What individuals and groups became involved in the issue after decision makers had agreed to consider Open housing, and what was their impact on the council's decision? 3. What decision makers attempted to influence council adOption Of Open housing, and how successful were they? 4. What was the decisional style of the council; did the decision makers attempt to avoid overt issue conflict, and what effect did the style have on adoption of ordinances? 30 anoaafiz ammo>epm sumac seaoo shomonm: ammovom aaommmm moaned: madman pumaopm amamv< cowmm adamnopwz one: eeeaz . end: seesaw and: roeoeom use: renew one: recap one: reason Anosezv use: users use: egoeom and: enema soda pmfiah smomfimmo: make: use: cannon one: phase was: umooom one: woman scream wood wmwmmmq ammafid *qflMoHoz amwflxmmmh omumaupa omaaufi emneauee owmmanp< smommoao amen «xeroxmmh madam pmopaeu tandem whommama hOHfim anomaaona wood meaHo mmmma was 2H mmmudx chmHomn H mmbUHh pomofimepmH omonp mopmowvas whomumm avaouh fixmaoxmmh sHHmm cashew anvwam seamen mdaueam amoxmm coma memxomh end: redeem use: eeeeeom ens: hogan use: recap can: reason and; essay use: eeoeem end: enema mahmx 31 Decision makers, because their attitudes were posited as an important element in the decision process, were asked about their pre- dispositions toward Open housing. It is admittedly difficult to link attitudes to behavior, but the councilmen's voting behavior is a matter of public record. It is, therefore, only their responses to questions concerning their attitudes which might be suspect. All decision makers interviewed, however, appeared quite willing to state why they voted for or against an Open housing ordinance. The problem of determining the linkages between attitudes and behavior remains, but at least the two points between which the linkages must be made are relatively secures Checks on the Validity Of the Information As a check on the information collected, both informants and decision makers were asked to provide information on the same aspects of the political process in their city and on the Operation of that process on Open housing. There was also a division of information collected from these two groups. Informants were expected to provide an overall view of the Open housing question, while decision makers were to provide information on the bargaining and compromise which might have occurred over the issue. By combining information from the two groups of respondents, a more accurate and complete picture of Open housing decisions in the three communities could be constructed. Although this division existed, sufficient overlap between information gathered from each group of respondents provided a check on the validity of their answers. This first check on the validity of the information has relied upon interviewing two sets of respondents. But Katz has Observed that 32 the use of independent measures in a field study should not be confined to interviews with different subgroups or types of peOple. They should be extended to include behavioral observa- tion and existing objective records. The relationships that are found between measures that are obtained in these different ways are more convincing than if they are all de- rived from a single instrument. It is not so much a ques- tion of validating interview response against behavior as it is a matter of assuring that real relationships exist between the factors that are measured. And Webb, et al., note that . . . it is only when we naively place faith in a single measure that the massive problems of social re- search vitiate the value of our comparisons.12 Consequently, this study has employed objective measures. One objective check was to study the voting records of city councilmen on Open housing and similar issues. If an individual claimed to be concerned with problems of the Black community, his record should indicate this orientation. If all councilmen, or at least a majority, in a city profess to favor policies to better race relations, yet few such programs have been adopted, interesting ques- tions arise concerning both their responses and the city's political process. This check also indicates the extent of voting splits and on what types of issues the splits occur, which is important in de- termining a city council's decisional style. A second check was to read the local newspapers to learn what individuals and groups were involved in the decision and the actions Of decision makers. This furnishes an important objective measure of the information provided by respondents. 11Katz, op. cit., p. 82. 12Eugene T. Webb, Donald T. Campbell, Richard D. Schwartz, and Lee Sechrest, Unobtrusive Measures (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966), p. 34. 33 Problems in the Collectign Ofyggiid Data One valuable tactic for studying the urban political process is observation of city council meetings. This research tactic could pro- vide information on the patterns of interaction and influence among de- cision makers by revealing whether or not councilmen deferred to other councilmen or to the mayor or manager, and whether this deference de- pended on the issue under consideration. Unfortunately, in each city a number of councilmen who were on the council at the time the city adapted open housing are no longer in Office. Also, only one of the mayors remained in office. Consequently, this valuable objective measure could not be used. Another problem is that many city councils discuss their dis- agreements privately and then vote unanimously at public meetings. Because of this, reviewing city council voting records might not be fruitful. When a city council adopts this procedure it is more dif- ficult to learn the details of any policy decision, and the interviewer must probe respondents to gain information concerning disagreements which did not become public. If a council makes policy decisions in private to avoid public disagreement, councilmen may be hesitant to discuss the presence or extent Of disagreement with an interviewer. One means of partially overcoming this problem is for one individual to do all the interviewing in a city, as was the case in this study. This allows the interviewer to get a "feel” for the politics of a city and to follow up information received from one person by probing others. After a series of interviews, the investigator can become quite familiar with a policy decision which councilmen might be reluctant to discuss. 34 A further problem is that newspaper coverage is uneven. In one of the cities, events of the Open housing controversy were reported in great detail, while in another the newspaper's references to Open housing were minimal. Despite these problems, the objective measures used should pro- vide checks on the information obtained by interview. Use of both ob- jective and subjective data collection techniques was designed to insure that the information secured was relatively unbiased. Collection of Information About the Referenda Since this study is also concerned with referenda which followed the adaption of Open housing ordinances by city councils, the methods of collecting data on referenda must also be outlined. The interview schedules for both informants and decision makers contained questions about the groups involved in the referenda and their activities.' Respondents were also asked why their city did or did not have a referendum. An objective measure of the individuals and groups involved and their actions is provided by newspaper coverage of the campaign. This is, Of course, subject to the limitations discussed previously. An objective measure which checks the effectiveness of the strategy and tactics employed by groups involved in the referenda is the voting results. Fortunately, the referendum in Flint was the only issue on the ballot; and in Jackson only lesser county officials with no relation to open housing were on the ballot. Consequently, voting results are not contaminated by voters who went to the polls primarily to register a preference on another issue and who also voted on the 35 open housing ordinance. Open housing was the main reason in both cities for citizens to go to the polls. The three interrelated sources of data provide an adequate means for investigating variables which might affect the outcome of a referendum. Organization of the Study The following section of this chapter will provide an introduc- tion to the context of the political process and the formal rules and procedures in the three communities. The next three chapters are con- cerned with the politics of adoption of Open housing ordinances in the cities. These chapters are primarily descriptive and are designed only to provide information about the open housing decisions in each city. Chapters 6 and 7 will investigate the decision process variables and relationships presented in Chapter 1. Chapter 8 will attempt to re- late differences in the processes of adoption of open housing ordinances to stringency of ordinances and the incidence of referenda following adOption of Open housing. Based on the conclusions of Chapters 6-8, Chapter 9 will discuss the possibilities of innovative policy change. Some Aspects of the Context and Formal Rules and Procedures Contextual Characteristics Each city in the study is a core city of a standard metrOpolitan area, as defined by the United States Bureau of the Census. The com- munities vary in size, economic base, and characteristics of their pOpulatiOns. Table 1 presents some selected contextual characteristics. As the table indicates, Flint was the largest, most industrial- ized city with the highest percentage Of Blacks, the lowest median 36 TABLE 1 SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CITIES' POPULATION$* Population, 1940 POpulation, 1950 Population, 1960 Growth Rate -- 1940-1950 Growth Rate -- 1950-1960 Per cent Negro, 1940 Per cent Negro, 1950 Per cent Negro, 1960 Median School Years Completed Per cent Completed Less than Five Years Per cent Completed High School or More Median Income Per cent Under $3,000 Per cent $10,000 and Over Median Age Per cent Under 18 Per cent 65 and Over Jackson 49,656 51,088 50,720 2.9% -O.7% 3.0% 5.4% 9.2% 11.1 4.9% 43.0% $6,422 15.6% 17.1% 31.1 35.2% 12.4% Flint 151,543 163,143 196,940 7.7% 20.7% 4.4% 8.6% 17.5% 10.9 5.2% 41.0% $6,340 12.9% 16.7% 28.0 36.9% 7.3% Lansing 78,753 92,129 107,807 16.9% 17.0% 2.1% 3.3% 6.3% 11.9 3.4% 49.4% $6,477 12.2% 17.0% 28.9 36.1% 9.0% 37 Table 1 -- Continued Jackson Flint Lansing Total Employed 18,874 73,363 42,562 Per cent in Manufacturing 31.E% 50.5% 27.1% Per cent in Retail and Wholesale 19.Z% 16.2% 20.0% Per cent in White Collar I 43.9% 36.4% 48.0% *All data are from United States.Census Reports -- 1940, 1950, 1960. 38 income, and the lowest median school years completed. Lansing was the middle city in size, had the greatest percentage Of people in white col- lar occupations, the smallest percentage of Blacks, the highest median income, and the highest median school years completed. Jackson was the smallest city, and held the median position in regard to industri- alization, percentage of Blacks, median income, and median school years completed. In the interviews, an attempt was made to go beyond these pOpulation statistics and discover more informal aspects Of the nature of the cities' pOpulations. Informants and decision makers were asked: Is there anything in particular you feel I should know about your city which might help me to better understand the Open housing issue? Jackson respondents strongly emphasized that the community was very conservative -- the peOple did not want change. They noted that one fire station had been closed and the city was in severe financial difficulty because citizens would not support the city's pleas for in- creased revenues. Respondents also noted that the younger people were moving out of the city to the surrounding townships. To emphasize the community's conservatism, the respondents stated that the labOr uniOns were not strong supporters of measures designed to alleviate some of the city's social problems. Also, according to respondents, few fed- eral projects were in Operation in Jackson. The city, then, was un- responsive to change. Respondents in Flint noted that the city was an industrial com- munity, "a working man's town." They explained that during the Depres- sion, General Motors hired workers from Arkansas and Missouri to work in the automobile plants. These workers had settled in the Fourth and 39 Eighth Wards of the city. The importance of this move of white Southern- ers into the city for an Open housing ordinance is, of course, that these peOple might not be receptive to an issue designed to help Blacks. Flint is almost one-fifth Black, and respondents agreed that the city's social problems were increasing. Respondents in Lansing replied that the city was a cosmopolitan community. The city was the capital of the state, and a major university was located in a neighboring municipality. Consequently, according to respondents, the city's working class members blended with state employees and university peeple. Respondents also stated that Lansing was a progressive community; the city was engaged in extensive urban renewal projects and social prOgrams. They explained that the people who worked for the state and the university tended to be liberal and receptive to change. Formal Rules and Procedures This brief description illustrates the diversity of the com- munities. But the diversity is not limited to the characteristics of their pOpulations. The formal rules and procedures also varied across the cities. Table 2 presents the salient aspects of the rules and pro- cedures in the three cities. Jackson has a council-manager form of government with non- partisan elections. The eight councilmen are nominated by wards but elected at-large every two years. The mayor is elected for a two-year term directly by the peeple, and he votes on all issues. The vote of the mayor of Jackson is equal to that of any other councilman, and he has no veto power. Flint also employs the council-manager form Of government with nonpartisan elections. Councilmen are nominated and elected from wards. cmmfipsonooz “326.88 .3 . mamnuoco .mmumanpm nepomam maoauoco Hwocaooquhmz wcfimzoa emmfipmmanoz qmmfipumaeoz poaaom mo amen defiaoeao oOfipOOHO ommmaupo use mowpmnfiaoa who: .dowpoofiaoe who: mOfipoedm no make momma momma mo pupae omaHHOedoo mowpoeao pomufiv .mommndzwafioosoo .uomoqmzuafienooo paoaumoboo no such pcaam momxomh mmHBHZDzzoo mamas awe 2H mambnmoomm Qz< mmqpm Adxmom may N mqmocda cu mpfiomneo\mpaafipm map apes mmmxma definwomv mmESmmm Hovoa one: moohzomom s hOHHom #oPdDOGGH obgm>ommH .Al op A! mavens” cofiambfipoz ncaoepmno mozdmo MOHAOA m>HB<>OZZH mo mHqudz< mma mom game: 4 N HMDGHM 157 Thus, a resistance to innovation appears built into the political system. A second obstacle to innovation may be the lack of motivation on the part of decision makers to innovate. Salisbury has argued that the ”new convergence of power" actively "seeks” out solutions to certain problems it regards as critical to the city's growth.11 He also states that: . . . the bulk of the city's working agenda is made up of proposals drawn up by the city's own technicians to meet problems identified by them or their allies in the problem-oriented sectors of the community. The indication is, however, that this activity on the part of the new convergence is confined to relatively ”safe” or non-controversial is- sues. For, as Salisbury notes: . . . some issues are forced 'from the outside,‘ of course. Things which city leaders would prefer not to have to deal with may be pressed in this fashion. . . . Race relations issues generally come under this category. Almost every large city mayor has been compelled to take action, not because he or his coalition particularly wanted to but because they were forced to by external pressure.i3 Advocates of innovative change, then, may encounter resistance from gen- eral predispositions against change in the community, the "mobilization of bias,” and/or from decision makers who are unwilling to consider or effect such policies. Given this generally unfavorable climate for innovation, we may ask what resources supporters of innovative change may employ to gain 11Robert H. Salisbury, "Urban Politics: The New Convergence of Power,” in Jay S. Goodman, ed., Perspectives on Urban Politics (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1970), p. 53. 121bid., p. 55. 131pm. 158 their objectives. Political scientists have discussed four means by which groups may obtain desired programs: (1) direct influence on de- cision makers, (2) voting,14 (3) community organization,15 and (4) protest.16 The findings of this study of open housing may help determine the relative effectiveness of each method for attaining innovative policy change. , Earlier it was stated that the motivation to innovate could be considered an obstacle to change. This study of open housing has indi- cated that motivation on the part of decision makers may be a resource for change. Franklin in Lansing, Russell in Flint, and Baker in Jackson, each were receptive to innovation and pressed for Open housing ordinances in their cities. Two, Franklin and Baker, were successful, although they employed markedly different means of influence. From this we can con- clude that decision makers with a motivation to innovate are an important resource for policy change. An additional conclusion is that if demands are presented to a city council by decision makers rather than by extern- al individuals or groups, the probability of innovation is greater. A qualification to this statement is that the intensity of the attitudes of decision makers toward an innovative policy change must be considered. Again, influence will be less effective the more decision makers are opposed to change. 14William R. Keech, The Impact of Negro Voting (Chicago: Rand MC".11Y’ 1968 )e 15Michael Lipsky and Margaret Levi, "Community Organization as a Political Resource: The Case of Housing,” paper delivered at the 1970 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. 16Michael Lipsky, ”Protest as a Political Resource,” American Political Science Review, v. 62, no. 4 (December, 1968), pp. 1144-58. 159 Influence for innovation may also come from community individuals and groups. But, as the adoption of open housing ordinances indicates, such influence often leads to conflict in the decision process and lower outputs. Innovation which was primarily the result of external influence would tend to be limited in scope or extent. To this point, the discussion of external influence has been de- voted primarily to groups which have bases for influence -- money, pres- tige, organization, status, etc. But demands for innovative policies may alsorcome from "relatively powerless groups." Relatively powerless groups, according to Lipsky, are "those groups which, relatively speaking, are 17 What resources may these lacking on conventional political resources.” groups use to overcome resistance to policies which would benefit them? Carmichael and Hamilton have emphasized the importance of voting by Blacks to achieve favorable policy decisions.18 But Keech in his study of Durham and Tuskeegee found that "the role of the vote in the quest for equality" was limited.19 The data on adaption of Open housing ordinances also indicates that voting is, as Prewitt argued, not an effective means of control over local representatives. Local decision makers tend to have discrete rather than progressive ambition;20 that is, they want a particular office for a specified term and then choose to withdraw from public office. Consequently, councilmen may act with little regard for 171bid., p. 1144. 18Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power (New York: Rand“ House, 1%7), Che 5e 19keech, op. cit. 20Joseph A. Schlesinger, Ambition and Politics (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966). p. 10. 160 their constituents' wishes. Another factor which limits a councilmen's accountability is that participation and interest in local issues by the citizenry is extremely limited. Councilmen on each of the four councils remarked that interest in terms of letter, telephone calls, and council meeting attendance was minimal. If constituents were to become inter- ested in local issues, councilmen might become more responsible to them, but the lack of progressive ambition establishes limits on a councilmen's accountability to constituents. Community organization is also offered as a means for relatively powerless groups to gain influence over decision makers. As the previ- ous discussion suggested, such organization when it encourages interest and participation in local issues may have an impact on innovative policy change by bringing pressure on councilmen. However, organization of these relatively powerless groups may lead to counter-organizations or mobilization of existing hostile groups, and these groups may have con- ventional political resources and thus a potential for direct influence on decision makers. Community organization, then, may lead to intense community conflict. With this increasing conflict, the influence of community organizations may be weakened or negated. Again, if an in- novative policy is adopted, but considerable controversy surrounded its adaption, the extent of the new policy may be circumscribed. A third resource, suggested by Lipsky,21 which relatively power- less groups may use to obtain innovative policy change is protest. As the examination of epen housing ordinances indicated, protest activity may be effective only when it is relatively novel to the decision pro- cess. As decision makers become accustomed to protest, their responses 21Lipsky, op. ci . 161 may become more saphisticated and less ameliorative. But other factors may also affect the impact of protest. First, counter groups may mobil- ize which raises the level of conflict and may weaken the effect of the protest. Also, protest activity may have an adverse effect on decision makers and cause their resistance to stiffen. Councilmen in Flint noted that if they "hadn't already made up their minds to do so, the violence would have caused them to vote against cpen housing." While this may be primarily a rationalization for their Opposition to Open housing, it does indicate that protest may have a negative effect on councilmen. In sum, although bloc voting, community organization, and protest have been suggested as viable means for effecting innovative policy change, their impact is limited. Most urban political systems have a built-in conservative bias, which is difficult to alter. Perhaps the most effective means of altering that bias is through action by a deci- sion maker who is receptive to change. Working within the council, he may be able to bring about innovative policy change which, if vocifer- ously pressed by external groups, might be dismissed. If, however, such sympathetic councilmen are absent, innovative policy change will be ex- tremely difficult to accomplish. This study of cpen housing ordinances suggests that municipal policy change will continue to be incremental. Conclusions Previous studies of adaption of municipal policy have either ignored or placed limited emphasis on formal decision makers, particu- larly city councilmen. Only the mayor has been considered an important actor in local politics. This study suggests that councilmen are 162 central actors in the decision process because their attitudes, their interaction, and their ability to influence each other have important implications for the adoption of innovative policies. 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No person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws; nor shall any person be denied the enjoyment Of his civil or political rights or be discriminated against in the exercise thereof because of religion, race, color, or national origin. Policy. It is hereby found that discrimination in housing violates the public policy Of the City, and that such discrimination in housing is injurious to the public health, safety and general welfare of the City Of Jackson and the peOple thereof. Discriminattgn Prohibited. NO owner of real prOperty, lessee, sub- lessee, real estate broker or salesman, lender, financial institution, advertiser, or agent Of any of the foregoing, shall discriminate against any other person because Of the religion, race, color or national origin Of such other person or because Of the religion, race, color, or national origin Of the friends or associates Of such other person, in regard to the sale or rental Of, or dealings concerning real prOperty located in the City of Jackson. Any such discrimination shall be considered an unlawful housing practice. Exemption. The provisions of this ordinance shall not apply to the rental Of a room or rooms to three or less persons in a single dwelling unit, the remainder Of which dwelling unit is occupied by (1) the owner or member of his immediate family, or (2) a lessee Of the entire dwelling unit or members of his immediate family. Limitation. Nothing in this ordinance shall require an owner to Offer prOperty to the public at large before selling or renting it, nor shall this ordinance be deemed to prohibit owners from giving preference to prospective tenants or buyers for any reason other than religion, race, color or national origin. 170 171 Enforcement Procedure. (1) Any person claiming an unlawful housing practice in violation Of this ordinance shall file a written complaint with the Jackson Human Relations Commission, setting forth therein the details including lo- cation Of property, names, dates, witnesses and other factual matter. The complaint shall be signed and the truth of the allegations shall be sworn to under oath given before a notary public. The wilful filing Of a false complaint shall be deemed a violation of this ordinance. (2) Thereupon the Commission or its agent shall make a prompt and full investigation Of the claimed unlawful housing practice. If, after such investigation, the Commission by a majority vote Of its members deter- mines that a violation Of this ordinance has occurred, it shall attempt to eliminate or adjust the unlawful housing practice by conciliation and persuasion. (3) If the Commission finds a false complaint or fails in conciliation proceedings, it may forward all papers and reports relating tO the matter to the City Commission together with its findings and recom- mendations. The complaint, investigation and conciliation proceedings of the Commission shall be confidential and shall not be made public until they are forwarded to the City Commission. The'City Commission shall thereupon review the proceedings and determine either to dismiss the complaint, pursue further conciliation procedures, or refer the same to the Michigan Civil Rights Commission for apprOpriate legal action under state law. Severability. This ordinance is declared to be severable. If any prO- vision, section or clause Of this ordinance is held invalid, such in- validity shall not affect any remaining portion thereof. If this or- dinance is declared invalid in its application to any transaction or transactions, it shall remain in force as regards all other transactions. This ordinance shall take effect Thirty (30) Days from date Of adOption. “*HHH‘N‘I‘I Adapted: 9/27/1966 JACKSON 1968 ORDINANCE NO. 68-12 AN ORDINANCE To AMEND THE CODE OF THE CITY OF JACKsm BY ADDING A NEW CHAPTER TO BE DESIGNATED CHAPTER 105, OF TITLE Ix, OF SAID CODE. THE CITY OF JACKSON ORDAINS: That the Code of the City Of Jackson be and the same hereby is amended by adding a new Chapter, designated Chapter 105, Title IX, of the Code of the City Of Jackson, to read as follows: FAIR HOUSING Discrimination th Sgte,;tease or RentatLPrOhibited. It shall be unlaw- ful for an owner, lessee or sub-lessee Of real prOperty, or any agent or representative thereof, to refuse to sell, exchange, rent or lease any housing accommodation or living quarters of any sort within the City of Jackson, because of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Discrimination in Lending Prohibited. It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discriminate in the lending Of money, guaranteeing Of loans, accepting of mortgages or otherwise making avail- able funds for the purchase, acquisition, construction, rehabilitation, repair or maintenance Of any housing accommodations or living quarters Of any sort within the City Of Jackson because Of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Discrtpination py Rea; Estate Broker or Salesman Prohibited. It shall be unlawful for any real estate broker or salesman to refuse to make available for inSpection or to refuse to accept Offers tO purchase, Offers to lease or any other prOposed agreements with reference to the sale, exchange or lease Of real prOperty because of race, color, re- ligion, national origin or ancestry. Discrimination in Terms and Privileges Prohibited. It shall be unlawful for any owner, lessee, or sub-lessee of real property or any other person concerned with transactions in real prOperty to discriminate because Of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry with reference to the terms, conditions or privileges Of the sale, rental or lease of any hous- ing accommodations or living quarters Of any sort within the City Of Jackson or in the furnishing of facilities or services in connection thCI'OWI. th e 172 173 Publication Indicating,Certain Preferences Prohibited. It shall be un- lawful for any person, firm or corporation to publish, circulate, issue or display or cause to be published, circulated, issued or displayed, any communication, notice, advertisement or any sign of any kind relat- ing to the sale, rental or lease of real prOperty within the City of Jackson indicating exclusion of or preference for any person or group of persons based upon race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. False or Substantially Misleading Statements Prohibited. It shall be unlawful for any person, firm or corporation to knowingly or intention- ally present false or substantially misleading statements to the authori- ties charged with enforcement of this ordinance or to sign a complaint for violation of this ordinance based upon false or substantially mis- leading information. Exclusions. The foregoing sections shall not apply: (a) To the rental of a housing accommodation in a building which con- tains housing accommodations for not more than two families living independently of each other, if the owner or lessor or a member of his family resides in one of the housing accommodations. (b) To the rental of a room or rooms in a single family dwelling by the owner or lessor if he or a member of his family resides therein. (c) To the sale or rental by the owner or lessor of a housing accom- modation in a building which contains housing accommodations for not more than two families living independently of each other which was not in any manner listed or publicly advertised for sale or rental. (d) To the rental of a housing accommodation for not to exceed twelve months by the owner or lessor where it was occupied by him and maintained as his home for at least three months immediately pre- ceding occupancy by the tenant and is temporarily vacated while maintaining legal residence. Permissible Transactions. Nothing in this ordinance shall be construed as prohibiting any person, firm or corporation from imposing any and all conditions and requirements relative to any of the transactions hereinabove described, provided such conditions do not concern race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry and provided such con- ditions are imposed uniformly regardless of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Nothing in this ordinance shall be con- strued as prohibiting the owner, lessee or sub-lessee of real prOperty, or any person, firm or corporation concerned in real estate transac- tions, from exercising absolute discretion in establishing the terms and conditions of the sale, exchange, lease or rental of real prOperty or in any transactions involving real prOperty, provided such terms and conditions do not concern race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Nothing in this ordinance shall be construed as requiring an owner, lessee or sub-lessee of real prOperty to offer said prOperty to the public at large before selling or renting same. 174 Penalties. Any person, persons, firms or corporation violating any of the provisions of this ordinance shall, upon conviction thereof, be sentenced to pay a fine of not exceeding One Hundred ($100.00) Dollars or by imprisonment for not more than Ninety (90) Days in the County Jail, or by both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the Court. Severability. If any section, sentence, clause or phrase of this ordi- nance is for any reason held to be unconstitutional, such decision shall not affect the validity of the remaining sections, sentences, clauses and phrases of this ordinance as an entirety, it being the legislative - intent that this ordinance shall stand notwithstanding the invalidity of such section, sentence, clause or phrase. This ordinance shall take effect Thirty (30) Days from the date of adOption. Adopted: 6/18/1968. FLINT ORDINANCE NO. 20008 An Ordinance prohibiting discrimination in the sale, rental or lease of housing accommodations or living quarters of any sort within the City of Flint; prohibiting discrimination in lending transactions; prohibiting discrimination by real estate brokers or salesmen; prohibiting discrimin- ation in the terms and privileges of such transactions; providing certain exceptions with reference thereto; prohibiting the making of false or substantially misleading statements to the authority charged with en- forcement of this ordinance, and providing penalties for the violation hereof. THE CITY OF FLINT ORDAINS: Discrimination in Sale, Lease or Rental Prohibited. It shall be unlawful for an owner, lessee or sub-lessee of real property, or any agent or representative thereof, to refuse to sell, exchange, rent or lease any housing accommodation or living quarters of any sort, within the City of Flint, because of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Discrimination in Lending Prohigitgg. It shall be unlawful for any person, firm or corporation to discriminate in the lending of money, guaranteeing of loans, accepting of mortgages or otherwise making avail- able funds for the purchase, acquisition, construction, rehabilitation, repair or maintenance of any housing accommpdations or living quarters of any sort within the City of Flint because of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Discrimination by Real Estate Broker or Salesman Prohibitgg. It shall be unlawful for any real estate broker or salesman to refuse to make available for inspection or to refuse to accept offers to purchase, offers to lease or any other proposed agreements with reference to the sale, exchange or lease of real property because of race, color, re- ligion, national origin or ancestry. Discrimination in Terms and Privileges Prohibited. It shall be unlawful for any owner, lessee or sub-lessee of real property or any other person concerned with transactions in real prOperty to discriminate because of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry with reference to the terms, conditions or privileges of the sale, rental or lease of any housing accommodations or living quarters of any sort within the City of Flint or in the furnishing of facilities or services in connection therewith. 175 176 Publication Indicating Certain Preferences Prohibited. It shall be un- lawful for any person, firm or corporation to publish, circulate, issue or display or cause to be published, circulated, issued or displayed, any communication, notice, advertisement or sign of any kind relating to the sale, rental or lease of real prOperty within the»City of Flint indicating exclusion of or preference for any person or group of persons based upon race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. False or Sgbstantiglly Misleading Statements_Prohigited. It shall be un- lawful for any person, firm or corporation to knowingly or intentionally present false or substantially misleading statements to the authorities charged with enforcement of this ordinance or toisign a complaint for violation of this ordinance based upon false or substantially misleading information. It shall be unlawful for any person, firm or corporation, by threats, intimidation, coercion, extortion or conspiracy, to induce or attempt to induce any person owning an interest in real property in the City of Flint, to violate the provisions of this ordinance. Exceptions. This ordinance shall not be construed as barring any religious or de- nominational institution or organization, or any charitable or education- al organization which is operated, supervised or controlled by or in con- nection with a religious organization, from limiting admission to or giving preference to persons of the same religion or denomination, or from making selections for the purpose of promoting the religious prin- ciples for which it is established or maintained. The provisions of this ordinance shall not apply to the owner of a dwelling house, apartment building, or multiple housing facility of any sort in which said owner or members of his immediate family resides, who rents or leases five or less housing units in said dwelling house, apartment building or multiple housing facility. Permisgigy3412aggggtiggg. Nothing in this ordinance shall be construed as prohibiting any person, firm or corporation from imposing any and all conditions and requirements relative to any of the transactions hereinabove described, provided such conditions do not concern race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry, and provided such con- ditions are imposed uniformally, regardless of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry. Nothing in this ordinance shall be con- strued as prohibiting the owner, lessee or sub-lessee of real prOperty, or any person firm or corporation concerned in real estate transactions, from exercising absolute discretion in establishing the terms and con- ditions of the sale, exchange, lease or rental of real property or in any transactions involving real prOperty, provided such terms and con- ditions do not concern race, color, religion, national origin or an- cestry. Nothing in this ordinance shall be construed as requiring an owner, lessee or sub-lessee of real prOperty to offer said property to the public at large before selling or renting same. 177 Penalties. Any person, persons, firm or corporation violating any of the provisions of this ordinance shall, upon conviction thereof, be sentenced to pay a fine of not exceeding three hundred dollars ($300.00) or by imprisonment for not more than ninety (90) days in the City or County Jail, or by both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion 0 f the Court. Severability. If any section, sentence, clause or phrase of this or- dinance is for any reason held to be unconstitutional, such decision shall not affect the validity of the remaining sections, sentences, clauses and phrases of this ordinance as an entirety, it being the legislative intent that this ordinance shall stand notwithstanding the invalidity of such section, sentence, clause or phrase. Effective Date. This ordinance shall take effect on the 10th day of November A.D. 1967. Approved this 30 day of October A.D. 1967. LANSING AMENDED ORDINANCE ORDINANCE NO. 139 (OPEN HOUSING) An Ordinance of the City of Lansing, Michigan, providing that the Code of Ordinances, City of Lansing, Michigan, be amended by adding a new chapter to be numbered 176. The City of Lansing Ordains: Preamble. It is hereby found that discrimination in housing adversely affects the continued develOpment, renewal, growth and prOgress of the peOple of the City of Lansing and of the City of Lansing and that such discrimination is injurious to the public health, safety and general welfare of the City of Lansing and the peOple thereof. Discrimination Prohibited. No owner of real prOperty, lessee, lessor, sub-lessee, sub-lessor, real estate broker or salesman, lender, financial institution, advertiser or agent of any of the foregoing shall discrimin- ate against any other person because of the religion, race, color, nation- al origin or sectional origin, of such other person or because of the re- ligion, race, color, national or sectional origin of the friends or as- sociates of such other person in regards to the sale, rental of, or deal- ings concerning, real prOperty located in the City of Lansing. Definitions. As used in this ordinance, unless a different meaning appears clearly from the context, the following terms shall have the meanings prescribed in this section. (a) Discriminate or discrimination: The term includes any differ- ence in treatment of individuals or groups in the sale, lease, rental or financing of housing units or real estate or housing accommodations because of race, color, creed, religion, ancestory, national or sec- tional origin. (b) Owner: Includes the lessee, lessor, sub-lessee, sub-lessor, assignee, assignor, managing agent or other person having the right of ownership or possession or the right to sell, rent, lease any housing accommodation or any part thereof. (c) Financial Institution: The term means any person regularly engaged in the business of lending money or guaranteeing loans on real prOperty. 178 179 (d) Person: Includes an association, partnership or corporation as well as a natural person. The term is applied to partnerships or as- sociations whose members as applied to corporation includes their officers. (e) Real estate broker and agent: The term means any natural per- son, partnership, association or corporation who, for a fee or other valu- able considerations, sells, purchases, exchanges, rents, negotiates or attempts to negotiate the sale, purchase, exchange or rental of real prOperty or holds himself out as licensed in the business of selling, purchasing, exchanging or renting the real property of another or collects rental for the use of real prOperty of another. (f) Transfer: Means to sell, rent, lease, sub-lease, or assign real prOperty. Exemptions. (a) Nothing in this chapter shall require an owner to offer prOp- erty to the public at large before selling or renting it, nor shall this chapter be deemed to prohibit owners from giving preference to prospective tenants or their buyers for any reasons other than religion, race, color, or national or sectional origin. (b) Nothing in this Ordinance shall be construed as to limit the rights of access by an individual to remedies before the Civil Rights Commission of this State or before the courts of this State on an in- dividual basis, or to prohibit the co-Operation between the City of Lansing and the Civil Rights Commission of this State. (c) Nothing in this chapter shall be interpreted as repealing the existing powers of the Human Relations Commission to work through con- ciliation and education to eliminate such discrimination in the sale and rental of real prOperty or in other transactions related to the subject matter of this ordinance. (d) The provisions of this ordinance shall not apply to the rental of a room or rooms to three or less persons in a single dwelling or two family unit, the remainder of which dwelling unit is occupied by (1) the owner or member of his immediate family, or (2) a lessee of the entire dwelling unit or members of his immediate family. Penalty. Violation of this ordinance shall be deemed a misdemeanor. Every person convicted of a violation of this ordinance may be punished by a fine not to exceed $500.00 and/or by imprisonment of not me than 90 days in the discretion of the court. Adopted October 2, 1967 APPENDIX B INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR INFORMANTS Informant OPEN HOUSING LEGISLATION RESEARCH PROJECT Mr. _*, before we get started I want you to feel assured that anything you tell me will be treated with strictest con- fidence. The information and opinions you give me today will be pro- cessed with material from other people here in fig, and in the other cities studied. No names of individuals or cities will be used, and what you tell me will be off the record. The purpose of this study is to learn how policy is made here in . In particular, to learn how the decision on Open housing was reached. In the first part of the interview, I am primarily interested in the actions of individuals and groups prior to the decision on Open housing by the city officials. Later in the interview I will ask you about the people involved in the referendum campaign. I would like to begin the interview by asking you some general questions about issues which might be important in __, . 181 182 1. Here is a list of subjects which sometimes pose problems for cities in the United States. (HAN) RESPONDENT LIST 1.) would you tell me which of these have been very serious problems in which have been fairly serious problems in 7‘, and which have not been serious problems in 7 Very Fairly Not Serious Serious Serious (1) Industrial and economic devel- Opment (new plants, electrifi- cation, employment, labor supply, .tCe) e e e e e e e e 1 2 3 (2) Housing and building (slum clearance, blight and deteri- oration, zoning, etc.) . . . l 2 3 (3) Race and ethnic relations (school desegregation, hous- ing segregation, racial violence, etc.) . . . . . . . l 2 3 (4) Public improvements, services, and utilities (transportation, roads, streets, sewage, etc.) 1 2 3 (5) Health (public & private hos- pitals, sanitation, etc.) . . 1 2 3 (6) Culture (libraries, clubs, theaters, etc.) . . . . . . . l 2 3 (7) Education (including school construction, curriculum problems, reorganizations, etc.)eeeeeeeeeeee 1 2 3 (8) Social improvement and welfare (child welfare, crime, delin- quency, poverty, care for the aged, handicapped, etc.). . . 1 2 3 (9) Air pollution (the regulation of industrial and private 91111551005) e e e e e e e e e 1 2 3 (10) Recruitment of capable public servantSeeseeeeeee 1 2 3 183 2. (LET RESPONDENT KEEP LIST 1.) Would you now tell me whether each of these subjects has provoked a great deal of controversy in during the years since 1960, has provoked a moderate amount of con- troversy, or has provoked little or no controversy? A Great A Moderate Little Deal of Amount of or No Controversy Controversy Controversy A. Industrial and economic de- velOpment (new plants, elec- trification, emplo ent, labor supply, etc.)m. . . . . l 2 3 B. Housing and building (slum clearance, blight and deter- ioration, zoning, etc.) . . . l M (A) C. Race and ethnic relations (school desegregation, hous- ing segregation, racial vio- lence, etc.) .'. . . . . . . l 2 3 D. Public improvements, services, and utilities (transportation, roads, streets, sewage, etc.) 1 2 3 E. Health (public and private hospitals, sanitation) . . . l 2 3 F. Culture, recreation, sports (libraries, clubs, theaters, etc.)eeeeeeeeeeee 1 2 3 G. Education (including school construction, curriculum prob- lems, reorganizations, etc.). 1 2 3 H. Social improvement and welfare (child welfare, crime, delin- quency, poverty, care for the aged, handicapped, etc.). . . 1 2 3 I. Air pollution (the regulation of industrial and private emissions) . . . . . . . . . l 2 3 J. Recruitment of capable public servantSeeeeeeeeee 1 2 3 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 184 TOday, many American cities are facing new problems. Very often, these problems are so new that the public at large is not immedi- ately aware of them. Some individual or group must bring these matters to the attention of civic leaders and the public. Are there any particular individuals or groups in who normally initiate action on new issues or problems? Yes ( ) No ( ) Depends on the issue ( ) RROBB: What person or groups? I Who initiated action on the open housing question? RROBB: Why did he (the group) initiate the action? In some cases, city officials might bring problems to the attention of interested groups or individuals who then might initiate action ' on the problem. Do you know if such a process occurs in ? ' Yes ( ) No ( ) DK ( ) ;§_XB§: How Often? RROBB: Does it occur over Specific types of issues? RROBB: What issues? RROBB: Why do you think this occurs? Do you know if this occurred in the case of Open housing? Yes ( ) No ( ) DK ( ) RB”XB§: What city official was involved? RROBB: Why would he do this? When an issue develOps, what groups generally become involved? That is, are there any groups in that generally participate in public policy decisions? Yes ( ) NO ( ) Depends on the issue ( ) RROBB: What groups? In your city is there any individual or group that is extremely in- fluential over policy making? Yes ( ) No ( ) PROBE: What individual group? PROBE: Why is this individual or group influential? 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 185 What was its (his) position on Open housing? RROBB: Why did it (he) take this position? Do Negro groups often participate in public policy decisions? ‘ Yes ( ) No ( ) Depends on the issue ( ) RROBB: What groups? RROBB: Are they generally very influential? Yes ( ) No ( ) Depends on the issue ( ) RROBB: Why or why not? After Open housing became an issue, what were the most important groups that supported the prOposal? PROBE: Why did these groups support the preposal? PROBE: What did those groups do to influence the decision of the city officials? Are these groups generally influential on other policy questions? What city officials were most vigorous in their support of Open housing? PROBE: Why did they support Open housing? PROBE: What did they do in support of Open housing? Were the Negroes strong in their support of the Open housing ordinance? Was the Black community united in favor of Open housing? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF NO: Why not? What Black leaders were important in the open housing issue? RROBB: Why were they important? RROBB: What did they do to influence the adoption of Open housing? Were whites or Blacks more important in bringing the question of Open housing to the attention of the city officials? Whites ( ) Blacks ( ) PROBE: Why? 18. 19. 20. 21. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 186 After Open housing became an issue, what were the most important groups that Opposed the prOposal? PROBE: Why did these groups oppose Open housing? PROBE: What did they do to influence the decision: Are these groups generally influential on other policy decisions? What city officials were most vigorous in their Opposition to Open housing? PROBE : Why? I PROBE: What did they do? Does the local press usually take a stand on political issues? Yes ( ) No ( ) Depends on the issue ( ) R3 Did the local press take a stand on Open housing? Yes ( ) No ( ) What was that stand? What effect did the support (Opposition) of the press have? RECORD ANY COMMENTS Do the city officials in tend to take the lead in prOposing and enacting policy within the community, or do they tend to ratify agreements which the civic leaders or interested groups have reached? PROBE: Why do you think this is the case? In the case of open housing, did the city Officials take the lead in proposing and enacting the policy, or did they ratify an agree- ment which was reached by the interested groups? PROBE: Why? When the city officials are making policy decisions concerning com- munity affairs, to what group's Opinions do they give the greatest weight? RECORD VERBATIM: THEN CIRCLE APPROPRIATE CODE. 1.00.1 bUSiness men a e e e e e e e e 1 Neighborhood groups . . . . . . . . 2 Ethnic groups (SPECIFY) e e e e e e 3 labor unions e e e e e e e e e e e e 4 Heads of municipal agencies . . . . 5 Local newspapers e e e e e e e e e e 6 City and county employees . . . . . 7 "0913098 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 8 Other (SPECIFY) e e e e e e e e e e 9 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 35. 187 In the case of Open housing, to what group's Opinions did the city officials give the greatest weight? RECORD VERBATIM: THEN CIRCLE APPROPRIATE CODE. Localbusinessmen..........l NeighborhOOd groups a e e e e e e e e Ethnic groups (SPECIFY) . . . Labor unions . . . . . . . . Heads of municipal agencies . Local newspapers e e e e e a City and county employees . . "9913093 eeeeeeeeee Other (SPECIFY) e e e e e e e e e e e e e e . O . . C C . . . . C . O . e e e e e e e €>a1\IO\U‘th)hJ In general, how responsive is the mayor to the problems of minority groups? RECORD ANY CGAMENTS. How responsive is the council to the problems of minority groups? ;{ RECORD ANY COMMENTS. '5 Thank you; now I'd like to ask some questions about the city of- ficials in your city. What is the normal relationship between the mayor and the city council/commission? Is it one of conflict or cooperation? PROBE: Who usually exercises leadership in the city? PROBE: Why is this? What was the relationship between the mayor and the council on Open housing? Conflict or cOOperation? RECORD ANY COMMENTS. What is the normal relationship of the manager and the city council/commission? Conflict or cOOperation? PROBE: Who usually exercises leadership? Why? What was the relationship between the manager and council/commis- sion on Open housing? Conflict or cOOperation? Thank you. Now I would like you to tell me, if you could, why the city of- ficials took the stands they did? 37. 39. 41. 188 Was any city official particularly important in the decision on Open housing? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF YES: Who? PROBE: Why was he so important? Was there any particular action which was extremely important for the decision on Open housing? , Hi Yes ( ) NO ( ) PROBE: What action? PROBE: Why was it so important? I Now some questions on how issues are handled in . 53 When the Council/Commission is in disagreement on an issue, would you say that there is more or less the same lineup here in ? I mean, do some members seem to vote together on controversial issues? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF YES: Who seems to be voting with whom? IF YES: How do you account for the fact that the Council/Commis- sion divides as it does? Did this division Operate on Open housing? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF NO: What caused the different division? In are issues usually surrounded by controversy or are most issues handled rather routinely with little discussion or conflict? PROBE: Why is this? Was Open housing issue surrounded by controversy or was it handled rather routinely with little discussion or conflict? PROBE: Why was this? 42. 43. 44. 45. 189 When the city government in is inaugurating a new project -- such as an urban renewal project, a new welfare program, a new capital improvements program -- is it the normal practice to hold a number of public meetings on the prOposal, or doesn't the government usually hold public meetings on the proposal? A number of public meetings are usually held (ASK A) . . . . 1 One or two public meetings are usually held (ASK A) . . . . 2 Usually no public meetings are held (GO TO Q. 43) . . . . 3 F} A. IF PUBLIC MEETINGS HEID: Do a large number of citizens attend A these meetings, do very few citizens attend these meetings, or do almost no citizens attend these meetings? A large number . . 1 ii Very few . . . . . 2 Almost none . . . . 3 Are prOposed projects of the city government very often altered because of the testimony or suggestions made by citizens either in public meetings or in other ways, or are proposed projects rarely altered, or are proposed projects never altered because of suggestions of citizens? Often eeeeee 1 RaI'CIYOeeeee 2 Never eeeeee 3 When the city government in your city considered Open housing were a number of public meetings held, were one or two meetings held, or were no public meetings held? A number of public meetings were held (ASK A) . . . . 1 One or two meetings were held (ASK A) . . . . . . . 2 No public meetings were held (GO TO Q. 45) . . . . . 3 Was the fate of the prOposed Open housing ordinance altered because of the testimony or suggestions made by citizens either in public meetings or in other ways? Yes it was altered ( ) NO ( ) IF YES: How or why was it allowed? 47. 49. 50. 190 How would you rate citizen interest in the government and politics of the city? Is it high, moderate, low, or non-existent? Or does it depend on the issue? RECORD ANY COMMENTS High Moderate Low Non-existent P It depends on the issue PROBE: What kinds of issues do the citizens seem most interested in? How would you rate citizen influence in the government and politics of the city? Is it high, moderate, low, non-existent? Or does it deggnd on the issue? High RECORD ANY COMMENTS __ Moderate .____ Low ____'Non-existent .____ It depends on the issue RROBB: On what kinds of issues are the citizens most influential? How interested was the general public in Open housing? High ( ) Moderate ( ) Low ( ) Non-existent ( ) RROBB: Why? How influential was the general public in the open housing decision? High ( ) Moderate ( ) Low ( ) Non-existent ( ) RROBB: Why? Now a few final questions on the Council's/Commission's decision on open housing. Was there any particular individual or group who was extremely in- fluential in the final decision on open housing? PROBE: Why were they influential? PROBE: What did he (it) do? 51. 52. 53. 55. 56. 57. 59. 191 How important were Negro groups or individuals in the final outcome? RROBB: Why were they influential? Were there any events either within the community or outside the community which influenced the Council's/Commission's decision on Open housing? RROBB: What were they? Thank You. Now I would like to ask you some questions about the referendum held in your city. Why do you think the city did (or did not) have a referendum on Open housing? I What individual or group initiated the referendum? L; PROBE: Why was the referendum initiated? What were the most important individuals or groups who sugported open housing in the referendum campaign? Any new groups? PROBE: How effective were these groups? PROBE: Why were they effective? What were the most important individuals or groups who oggosed open housing in the referendum campaign? Any new groups? RROBB: How effective were these groups? RROBB: Why were they effective? During the referendum campaign, were any new issues brought in? Yes ( ) NO ( ) ;R_XB§; What were the issues that were brought in? lR_!B§: Why were these issues brought in? What Negro groups or individuals were active in the campaign? What effect did these groups have? PROBE: Why? 60. 61. 62. 63. 65. 66. 192 Now I would like you to tell me if any of the city officials were particularly important or effective either for or against Open hous- ing during the referendum campaign? PROBE: Reason for importance or effectiveness? What position did the local press take during the campaign? What effect do you think this had? RECORD ANY COMMENTS. How much interest was generated by the referendum campaign? How much controversy was generated? RECORD ANY COhMENTS. What do you think determined the outcome of the vote on the refer- endum? What factors were most important? Now I'd like to ask some questions about elections in Are there in your city any organized groups, such as a civic league, good government association, or labor union, that regularly put for- ward or endorse candidates for mayor or city council, prepare and circulate campaign literature, or engage in similar public political activities? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF YES: Group 1 a. What is the name of the group b. From what groups in the city (merchants, union labor, veterans, etc.) do the members come c. Are the candidates of this group successful? Frequently ( ) Sometimes ( ) Rarely ( ) WHY? Group 2 a. What is the name of the group b. From what groups in the city do the members come c. Are the candidates of this group successful? Frequently ( ) Sometimes ( ) Rarely ( ) WHY? Vt! 1.1. 0.x. rim 67. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 193 Are there in your city any informal groups of citizens that regularly get together before each city election to recruit candidates, donate money for campaigns, provide personal support, or the like? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF YES: Group 1 a. From what groups in the city (merchants, union labor, veterans, etc.) do the members come b. Are the candidates of this group successful? Frequently ( ) Sometimes ( ) Rarely ( ) WHY? Group 2 a. From what groups in the city do the members come b. Are the candidates of this group successful? Frequently ( ) Sometimes ( ) Rarely ( ) WHY? Do the incumbents usually plan an important role in recruitigg new candidates for public office? RECORD ANY COMMENTS. Yes ( ) No ( ) Are political parties active in the elections? Yes ( ) No ( ) l§_XBB: What sort of things do they do? Does the local press support or endorse candidates for city office? Yes ( ) No ( ) 00 candidates supported by the press generally win? Yes ( ) No ( ) Is there anything else you think we should consider in this study Of Open housing legislation? Is there anything particular you feel we should know about the situ- ation here in which might help me to understand the Open housing issue? END OF INTERVIEW: Thank you very much for the time you have given us. We really appreciate it. If you have any questions about the study, please feel free to contact Mr. Kenneth Greene, Department of Political Science, Michigan State University. 194 THESE PAGES ARE TO BE COMPLETED BY THE INTERVIEWER IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE INTERVIBV. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Were there other persons present or within earshot during the interview? Interviewer's estimate Of frankness/ sincereity of respondent's reglies. Interviewer's estimate of general cOOperativeness of respondent throughout the interview? Interviewer's estimate of respondent's general receptivity to the interview. Interviewer's impressions of the re- spondent (and his responses): (1) Sincerity? (2) Congenial/Congeniality? (3) Well informed (4) Aggressive? (5) Open-Minded? Yes, throughout Yes, at times NO Very frank Frank Not very frank Very evasive Very COOperative COOperative Not very cooperative Very uncOOperative Very receptive Receptive Not very receptive VEry unreceptive very sincere Sincere Not very sincere Very sincere Very congenial Congenial Not very congenial Very uncongenial Very well informed Well informed Not very well informed Very uninformed vary aggressive Aggressive Not very aggressive very unaggressive Very open-minded Open-minded Not very Open-minded Closed-minded AAAA “AAA “AAA AAA AAAA INA/NA MAA AAA/N AAA“ VVVV VVVV VVVV VVV vvvv vvvv wvv VVVV vvvv 195 (6) Dogmatic? (7) Fluency? (8) Resentment or resistance? (9) Cynical? (10) Reliability? N0. ——‘— Very dogmatic Dogmatic Not very dogmatic Very non-dogmatic Very fluent Fluent Not very fluent Not at all fluent Very resentful Resentful Not very resentful Not at all resentful Very cynical Cynical Not very cynical Not at all cynical very reliable Reliable Not very reliable Very unreliable AAA/K AAAA AAAA AAA/K “AAA vvvv VVVV VVVV vvvv savvy APPENDIX C INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR DECISION MAKERS OPEN HOUSING LEGISLATION RESEARCH PROJECT Mr. , before we get started I want you to feel assured that anything you tell me will be treated with strictest con- fidence. The information and opinions you give me today will be pro- cessed with material from other people here in and in the other cities studied. No names of individuals or cities will be used, and what you tell me will be off the record. The purpose of this study is to learn how poliCy is made here in . In particular, to learn how the decision on Open housing was reached. In the first part of the interview, I am primarily interested in the actions of individuals and groups prior to the decision on Open housing by the city Officials. Later in the interview I will ask you about the peOple involved in the referendum campaign. I'd like to begin the interview by asking some questions about general policy making in . 197 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 198 Previous studies of local governments have shown that most City Councils/Commissions tend to emphasize at least one of the fol- lowing general policies. Would you please indicate which one of these policies you feel is emphasized most here in ? INTERVIBVER: HAND RESPONDENT LIST 1. AND ASK HIM TO RANK THESE POLICIES (1.2.3.4) ACCORDING TO THEIR IMPORTANCE HERE IN . 1. Encouraging economic growth - commercial and industrial develOpment. 2. Providing and securing increasing services. 3. Maintaining existing services only. 4. Maintaining the existing social character of the city. 5. Other (SPECIFY) Are there any particular groups or individuals here in who normally bring new issues or problems to the attention of the public or the city officials? Yes ( ) No ( ) depends on the issue ( ) RROBB: Who does this? What individual or group initiated the action on open housing? RROBB: Why? After Open housing became an issue, what were the most important groups or individuals that suggorted the prOposal? RROBB: Why did these groups support Open housing? RROBB: What did these groups do? Are these groups generally influential on other issues? Were the Negroes strongly in favor of Open housing? Yes ( ) N0 ( 1 Was the Negro community united in favor of the policy? Yes ( ) No ( ) l§_ROI: Why weren't they united? What Negro leaders were important in the open housing question? RROBB: Why were they important? PROBE: What did they do? 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 199 After Open housing became an issue, what were the most important groups or individuals that oggosed the proposal? PROBE: Why did these groups Oppose open housing? PROBE: What did these groups do? Are these groups generally influential on other issues? What individual(s) or group(s) do you think were most important in the Council's/Comaission's decision on Open housing? PROBE: Why were these individuals or groups important? Now I would like to ask you some questions about how the Council/ Commission Operates. Apart from routine matters, how do things get on the agenda of the Council/Commission here? Is it mostly the city's administrative Officers, Councilmen/Commissioners themselves, or outside groups who bring things to the attention of the Council/Commission? 1. Mayor 2. City clerk, manager, etc. 3. Councilmen/Commissioners 4. Outside groups 5. Other INTERVIEWER: FOR ”OUTSIDE GROUPS” OR "OTHER," SPECIFY What about Open housing, how did it get on the agenda of the Coun- cil/Commission? In most City Councils/Commissions there is usually a member who gives the whole Council/Commission leadership and direction. From your experience here in .__: who would you say is the most influential member of the Council/Omission? INTERVIEWER: RECORD NAME BELOW. IF NO ONE LEADER. SKIP ITEMS 15 AND 16, AND PROCEED TO ITEM 17. Mr. There is no one leader ( ) PROBE: Just what is it, in your Opinion, that makes him a leader? Would you say that his leadership pertains to all matters that come up, or how does it work? all matters ( ) some matters ( ) OTHER (SPECIFY) What was his position on Open housing? 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 23. 24. 200 IF NO ONE LEADER IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 14: Just what makes the Council/Commission tick? I mean, who decides what the Council/Commission should do, and how does it work? Thank you. Now, does the Council/Commission ever meet in closed executive sessions? Yes ( ) No ( ) INTERVIEWER: IF NO, SKIP TO QUESTION 22. DO you think closed executive sessions are important if the Coun- cil/Commission is to work effectively, or not so important? important ( ) not so important ( ) PROBE: What makes you think so? In general, how do executive sessions differ from the Council's/ Commission's public sessions? Where would you say that most Council/Commission work takes place? at public meetings ( ) in committee meetings ( ) at special meetings or executive sessions ( ) other (SPECIFY) PROBE: Why is this? Thank you. Now I would like to ask you about the various jobs in the City Council/Commission. What role ought the Mayor play in his relations with Councilmen/ Commissioners -- that is, how should the mayor act toward the other~Council/Commission members? Now, Just how did Mayor make out in terms of the requirements you just set? WOuld you say you were very satis- fied, satisfied, not very satisfied, or not satisfied at all with the way he/she acted toward the other Council/Commission members? 1. very satisfied INTERYIEWER: RECORD ANY COMMENTS 2. Satisfied 3. Not very satisfied 4. Not at all satisfied In terms Of these same requirements how satisfied were you with Mayor on the Open housing question? Were you very satisfied, satisfied, not very satisfied, or not satisfied at all with the way he/she acted toward the other Council/Commission members? 1. Very satisfied 2e Siti‘fied 3. Not very satisfied 4. Not at all satisfied PROBE: Why is this? 25. 26. 27. 29. 30. 201 INTERVIEWER: ASK QUESTIONS ON THIS PAGE IN ELENT AND JACKSON ONLY Now, what about the City Manager? How should he act toward the Commission? Just how did/does Manager make out in terms of the requirements you just set? Wbuld you say you are very satisfied, satisfied, not very satisfied, or not satisfied at all with the way he acts toward the Commission? 1. Very satisfied INTERVIEWER: RECORD ANY COMMENTS 2e sat15f1.d _ 3. Not very satisfied 4. Not at all satisfied In terms Of these requirements, how satisfied were you with Manager on the Open housing question? Were you very satisfied, satisfied, not very satisfied, or not satisfied at all with the way he acted toward the Commission? 1. Very satisfied 2. Satisfied 3. Not very satisfied 4. Not at all satisfied PROBE: Why is this? Thank you. Now I would like to ask you some questions about how issues are handled by the Council/Commission here in . How does the Council/Commission handle issues which are brought before it by individuals or groups? Does it . . . 1. Discuss the issues before the public, 2. Discuss the issue in private, or 3. Refer the issue to the relevant committee immediately. 4. OTHER (SPECIFY) Does this process vary according to the type of issue or question which is brought before the Council/Commission? Yes ( ) No ( ) IF YES: How does it vary? What was the process in the case Of Open housing? 1. Discuss before the public 2. Discuss in private 3. Refer tO relevant committee immediately 4. OTHER (SPECIFY) INTERVIEWER: IF PROCESS DIFFERENT FROM NORMAL PROCEDURE ASK Why was Open housing handled this way? 31. 32. 33. 35. 202 How does the Council/Commission work out disagreements which may arise between members over a particular issue? Was there any disagreement over Open housing? Yes ( ) No ( ) I§_Y§§: How was the disagreement worked out? When the Council/Cbmmission is in disagreement on an issue, would you say that there is more or less the same line-up here in ? I mean, do some members seem to vote together on controversial issues? Yes ( ) NO ( ) IF YES: Who seems tO be voting with whom? FIRST GROUP SECOND GROUP THIRD GROUP Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. _____.‘-_.____ Mr. Mr. Mr. v- ‘— wh h w —v IF YES: How do you account for the fact that the Council/Com- mission divides es it does? Did the disagreement over Open housing correspond to this line-up? Yes ( ) NO ( ) PROBE: Why or why not? If the Council/Cemmission ever splits over an issue, is it ever along political party lines? I mean, do members Of the same party vote together? Yes ( ) NO ( ) IF YES: Would you say that this happens Often, occasionally, rarely, or what? Often ( ) Occasionally ( ) Rarely ( ) OTHER (SPECIFY) IF YES: On what kinds 0f issues is the Council/Commission likely to split along party lines? IF YES: Was the vote on Open housing along party lines? INTERVIEWER: RECORD ANY COMMENTS 36. 37. 203 In spite of splits or differences of Opinion that may occur, it has been found that many City Councils/Commissions vote unanimguglx on many issues. What is your impression here in -_e ? Would you say unanimity occurs very Often, Often, only sometimes, or rarely? 1. Very Often 2. Often 3e smtims 4. Rarely PROBE: On what kinds Of issues is the Council/Commission most likely to vote unanimously? Here is a list Of statements which have been made about why unanimp ity occurs in legislative bodies. Would you please indicate how relevant, in your Opinion, these reasons are here in _7 ? INTERVIEWER: HAND RESPONDENT LIST 3? AND ASK HIM TO CHECK EACH ITEM AS HE SEES FIT. Often Sometimes Never Relevant Relevant Relevant 1. There is simply nO disagree- ment on many issues ( ) ( ) ( ) 2. We usually talk an issue over and try to reach agreement ( ) ( ) ( ) 3. We just don't like to disagree whenever possible ( ) ( ) ( ) 4. We go along with the others to get support for our own proposals ( ) ( ) ( ) 5. You gO along with the others even if you disagree a bit because it's uncomfortable tO be in the minority ( ) ( ) ( ) 6. We try to iron differences out in private, before the issue comes up in open session ( ) ( ) ( ) 7. There is an unwritten rule that it is better tO agree than to disagree ( ) ( ) ( ) 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 204 Thank you. I would like to ask you some questions about your re- lations with the peOple here in ______ . In general, how would you rate citizen interest in what the Coun- cil/Commission is doing in v ? Is it high, mod- erate, low, or non-existent? Or does it depend on the issue? 1. High INTERVIBNER: RECORD ANY COWENTS 2. Moderate 3. Low 4. Non-existent 5. It depends/issue PROBE: How do you evaluate citizen interest? What sort of things do you take into account -- is it attendance at Council/ Commission meetings or what? PROBE: What kinds Of issues do citizens seem to be most inter- ested in? Is it mostly the same people you hear from, or different people from one issue to the next? same peOple ( ) different people ( ) DO the peOple who contact you usually speak for themselves, or as representatives Of some group in the community? as individuals ( ) as representatives ( ) How interested were the citizens in the Open housing issue? high ( ) moderate ( ) low ( ) non-existent ( ) What effect do you think the general public had on the Coun- cil's Commission's decision on Open housing? Here is a list of two main points Of view of how a representative should act when he has to make up his mind. INTERVIEWER: HAND RESPONDENT LIST 43, AND ASK -- I'm wondering how you feel about these different points of view. 1. One view is that he should always use his own judgment or follow his convictions and principles, regardless of what others want him to do. 2. The other view is that, being elected, he should always do what the voters want him to, even if it is counter to his own judgment or principles. 45. 47. 49. 50. 205 Thank you. Now I would like to ask you some questions about your own position on the Open housing issue. Did you originally favor or Oppose the Open housing ordinance? favor ( ) Oppose ( ) PROBE: Would you tell me why you supported/Opposed it? Did you change your mind? Yes ( ) no ( ) , .ggggg: Why did you change your mind? What do you think were the most important or convincing arguments $25 Open housing? PROBE: Why do you think those arguments were important or convincing? What do you think were the most important or convincing arguments against Open housing? PROBE: Why do you think these arguments were important or convincing? Was there any particular individual or group who convinced or per- suaded you to think the way you did? Yes ( ) no ( ) IF YES: What individual or group? PROBE: How was this individual or group able to convince or per- suade you? Did any Negro groups have any impact on your thinking or actions? Yes ( ) no ( ) IF YES: Which one(s)? PROBE: Why did they have an impact? Were there any events either within or outside the community which had an impact on your thinking or actions? vos ( ) no ( ) IF YES: What were they? PROBE: Why’did they have an impact? Thank you. 51. 52. 53. 55. 59. 60. 61. 62. 206 Now I would like to ask you some questions about the referendum held in your city. Why do you think the city did (or did not) have a referendum on Open housing? What individual or group initiated the referendum? PROBE: Why was the referendum initiated? What were the most important individuals or groups who supgorted Open housing in the referendum campaign? Any new groups? PROBE: How effective were these groups? PROBE: Why were they effective? What were the most important individuals or groups who oggosed Open housing in the referendum campaign? Any new groups? PROBE: How effective were these groups? PROBE: Why were they effective? During the referendum campaign, were any new issues brought in? Yes ( ) NO ( ) PEPPER: What were the issues that were brought in? .PPPPEB: Why were these issues brought in? What Negro groups or individuals were active in the campaign? What effect did these groups have? PROBE: Why? Now I would like you to tell me if any Of the city Officials were particularly important or effective either for or against Open housing during the referendum campaign? PROBE: Reason for importance or effectiveness? What position did the local press take during the campaign? What effect do you think this had? RECORD ANY COMMENTS. How much interest was generated by the referendum campaign? How much controversy was generated? RECORD ANY COMMENTS. 63. 65. 67. 69. 207 What do you think determined the outcome of the vote on the refer- endum? What factors were most important? Thank you. Now I have a few questions about some Of the political aspects Of the job Of Councilman/Commissioner. WOuld you say there is much campaigning for the¢3ouncil/Commission here in or not much campaigning? much ( ) not much ( ) How about the peOple here in ? WOuld you say there is much interest in Council/Commission elections, some inter- est, little interest, or no interest at all? 1. Much interest INTERVIEWER: RECORD ANY COMMENTS 2. Some interest 3. Little interest 4. NO interest Here is a list Of the kinds Of things campaigning may involve. Would you please tell me the things you are likely to do in a campaign here in ? INTERVIEWER: HAND RESPONDENT LIST 1. Make telephone calls 2. Run advertisements in newspapers 3. Speak to large audience 4. DO door to door campaigning 5. Speak to small informal groups 6. Print cards or posters 7. Ask others to campaign PROBE: Is there anything else not on the list that you do? In general, about how much would you say a campaign for the City Council/Commission costs here in ? $ How are these expenses paid for -- mostly by yourself or how? self ( ) INTERVIEWER: RECORD ANY COMMENTS OTHER ( ) BUT DO NOT PRESS (SPECIFY IF POSSIBLE) In your last campaign for the council/commission, were there any community groups or organizations which supported you? Yes ( ) NO ( ) IF YES: PROBE FOR NAMES OF GROUPS -- Just which groups were they? IF YES: What kinds Of things did they do? 70. 71. 72. 73. 208 In the last campaign, did you run with some others on a slate? Yes ( ) NO ( ) EPLXEB: Who were they? IF YES, PROBE: Were all of you elected, or were some defeated? All elected ( ) Some defeated ( ) RECORD ANY COMMENTS We know that elections to the City Council/Commission are non- partisan, but we are wondering whether the political parties are at all active in Council/Board elections here in . Yes, active ( ) Sometimes active ( ) NO, not active ( ) IF PARTIES ARE ACTIVE OR SOMETIMES ACTIVE: What sort Of things do parties do? IF PARTIES ACTIVE OR SOMETIMES ACTIVE: Would you say this party activity in the local elec- tions is Open or disguised? Open ( ) Disguised ( ) Thank you. Is there anything else you think I should consider in this study Of Open housing legislation? Is there anything in particular you feel I should know about the situation here in _fifi_which might help me to better understand the Open housing issue? END OF INTERVIEW: Thank you very much for the time you have given me. I really appreciate it. If you have any questions about the study, please feel free to contact Mr. Kenneth Greene, Department Of Political Science, Michigan State University, East Lansing, THESE PAGES ARE TO BE COMPLETED BY THE INTERVIEWER IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE INTERVIEW 1. 2. Were there other persons present Yes, throughout ( ) or within earshot during the Yes, at times ( ) interview? NO ( ) Interviewer's estimate of frank- very frank ( ) ness/sincerity Of respondent's Frank ( ) regiies? Not very frank ( ) Very evasive ( ) 3. 4. 5. 209 Interviewer's estimate Of general cOOperativeness Of respondent throughout the interview. Interviewer's estimate Of respond- ent's general receptivity to the interview. Interviewer's impressions Of the respondent (and his responses): (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (a) Sincerity? Congenial/Congeniality? Well informed? Aggressive? Open-Minded? Dogmatic? Fluency? Resentment or resistance? Very cooperative Cooperative Not very COOperative Very unCOOperative Very receptive Receptive Not very receptive Very unreceptive Very sincere Sincere Not very sincere vary sincere Very congenial Congenial Not very congenial Very unconfenial Very well informed Well informed Not very well informed vary uninformed Very aggressive Aggressive Not very aggressive Very unaggressive very Open-minded Open-minded Not very Open-minded Closed-minded Very dogmatic Dogmatic Not very dogmatic Very non-dogmatic Very fluent Fluent Not very fluent Not at all fluent Very resentful Resentful Not very resentful Not at all resentful AAAA “AAA AAA" AAA“ AMA “AAA AAAA AAAA “AAA AAA“ vvvv VVVV VVVV Vvvv vvvv VVVV vvvv vvvv vvvv VVVV (9) Cynical? (10) Reliability? 210 Very cynical Cynical Not very cynical Not at all cynical Very reliable Reliable Not very reliable Very unreliable AAAA AAAA VVVV vvvv APPENDIX D QUESTICNNAIRE FOR DECISION MAKERS OPEN HOUSING LEGISLATIQ‘J RESEARCH PROJECT This questionnaire is to be filled out by mayors and city council- men/commissioners in Flint, Lansing, and Jackson. I want to assure you that the information given in this question- naire will be kept strictly confidential. This information will be coded and processed with similar material obtained from indiv- iduals in the other municipalities. No names of individuals or cities will be used. The completed questionnaire will be picked up by the person who will interview you for this project. If you have any questions feel free to call: Mr. Kenneth Greene Department of Political Science Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan 48823 517-355-6590 212 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 213 QQESTIONNAIRE First of all, a few questions about your background: Where were you born? (City), (County)“— (State7fif And in what year? Where were you brought up -- I mean when you went to grammar or high school? (City)* (County) (State) (City) (County)’ ‘(State) What was your parents' birthplace? Father: Mother: How many years have you lived in this city? What is your principal occupation -- I mean what do you actually do in your work? If you are retired, what did you do before you retired? And who is your employer? Self—employed . . . . . . . . . ( ) Partnership . . . . . . . . . . ( ) Other (specify) (Name of Firm) Has this been your main occupation all your working life? Yes ( ) No ( ) If no, what other work have you done, and for about how long? JOB: YEARS: JOB: YEARS: Where is your place of work? Is it here in this city, in a neighbor- ing city, or where? In city ( ) Neighboring city (Name) 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 214 For councilwomen only: If your husband works, what is his regular occupation or job? Would you tell me a little bit about your education -- how many grades of school have you completed? (circle) Graduated Elementary 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Yes ('7‘""fi3 ( ) High School 1 2 3 4 Yes ( ) No ( ) College 1 2 3 4 Degree: Graduate Work years Degrees: Professional School 1 2 3 4 Degree: (Law, Medicine, etc.) Trade School 1 2 3 4 If you went to college, which one did you attend? (Name) Now a few more questions about yourself. What is your marital status? Married ( ) Single ( ) Divorced ( ) Separated ( ) Widowed ( ) Do you have any children? How old are they? Age Age Age Age Age Age Age Age Age Age Which of these rough income categories do you fall into? $3,000 - $4,999 ( ) $15,000 - $19,999 ( ) $5,000 - $7,499 ( ) Over $20,000 ( ) $7,500 - $9.999 ( ) What newspaper(s) do you read regularly? (specify) Nam () 1. 2. 3. What nagazine(s) or Journal(s) do you read regularly? (Specify) None ( ) l. 2. 3. 215 18. Do you belong to any organizations or associations? If so, do you attend regularly? Do you hold an office or have you held an of- fice? Are you a member of any committee of the organization? Attend Hold Past Member Name of Organization Regularly Office Office Committees ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 19. Are you active in a political party now or have you been active in a party previously? Active ( ) Active Once, Not Now ( ) Never Active ( ) Other 20. At what level of political organization were you active? Active local level ( Active state level Active national level ( Active local and state level ( Active at all three levels ( Other ) ) ) ) ) 21. Generally speaking, do you usually think of yourself as a Republi- can, a Democrat, or Independent, or what? Republican ( ) Democrat ( ) Independent ( ) Other Now some questions about your election to the council. 22. Before you were elected to the council the first time, were there other times when you ran but didn't get elected? How many times? One ( ) Two ( ) More than two ( ) Elected first try ( ) Other 23. 24. 25. 26. 216 How many terms, including the present one, have you served on the city council? How many years is this? (Termsyi (Years) In your last election campaign, did anyone run against you? Yes ( ) No ( ) Have these been continuous terms, or were there interruptions? Continuous ( ) Interrupted ( ) Other: Here are four statements sometimes made in the texts on local government. They are not mutually exclusive, but I would like you to rank them in the order which fits most closely our own conception of the job of a councilman. (Rank -- l, 2, 3, 45 (a) It's the job of the councilman to be acquainted with the business before the Council, attend all Council sessions regularly, do the chores of the job and vote on the issues before the Council. (b) The councilman should try to get an overall picture of all the problems that exist in the community, be fair to all sides and try to balance and harmonize conflicting demands that are made on the Council. (c) The councilman should know or try to find out what the people in the community want, express their needs and wants at the Council table, and protect the interests of the peOple in the community. (d) The councilman should propose programs which advance the city as a good place to live in, make for better local government and try to solve the city's problems even before they arise. Can't rank 217 27. I am wondering from whom you think you get the best information about city affairs. Could you check these sources as to their importance? Very Fairly Not very Unin- Information From: Ipportant Ipppppgpp,lpppp§gp§ pggtgpt (a) Mayor ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (b) City clerk ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (c) City Manager ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (d) Other city officials ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (e) Other councilmen ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (f) Party leaders ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (9) People at council meetings ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (h) People in the community ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (1) People in my neighborhood ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (J) The newspaper ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Other (specify): ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 28. Just to get an overall picture of the job of councilman, how would you rate the following -- very important, fairly important, not very important, or unimportant? (Check each item). Very Fairly Not very Unim— Ipportant Important Important portant (a) Helping individual citizens who have problems with the city government ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (b) Talking with city employees, administrative people, and department heads ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (c) Informally talking with other councilmen about matters coming up at the next council meeting ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (d) Talking with officials from other cities or county offices about common problems ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Now some questions about the council and your city. 29. 30. 31. 218 Here is a list of things which, some say, city councils must do. I'm wondering whether you can rank these four items in the order of their importance here in your city, as it seems to you. (Rank -- l, 2, 3, 4) The council should find imaginative solutions for the city's many problems The council needs to do only what is required by charter or statute The council should adjust the conflicts of different interests. The council should do what the peOple want it to do. Can't rank. It has been found that most communities have some sort of conflicts. Here is a list of possible line-ups that occasionally occur. Could you check these conflicts as to their importance in your city? Very Fairly Not very Unimp Important Important Ipportant portant Business vs. Labor ) ( ) ) ( Republicans vs. Democrats ) ( Old Residents vs. New Residents White People vs. Minorities Supporters of new taxes vs. Opponents New Subdivisions vs. Old part of city Supporters of city planning vs. Opponents Supporters of city spending vs. Opponents ( A A A “AAA ( ) ) ( () ) ) () () () ) () () () ) () () () ) () () () ) () () () ) () () () Are there any other important conflicts not on the list? 219 Speaking of groups or organizations here in your city, which are active in community affairs and sometimes appear before the Council? 32. Which would you say are the Now, what would you say makes most influential? these groups so influential -- what are the ggin reasons for their influence? W Reasons for IW (1) __ (1) (2) V (2) (3) ii. ___ (3) (4) - .__ (4) (5) (5) (6) _w_ V (6) (7) (7) _“ 33. Generally speaking, how important are the following groups in making the key decisions on major policies in your city? Very Fairly Not very Unim- Important Important Impgrtant portant The businessman ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) The labor leaders ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) The political parties ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) The voters ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Are there any groups here in your city which are consistently critical of what the council is doing? 34. Which groups or organizations What, in your opinion, makes them seem to be critical? (Please so critical? list) (1) (1) (2) (2) (3) (3) 220 35. How do you think your Council/Commission compares with other Councils or Commissions on each of the following points? 1. Better than 3. About the 5. Not as Good Most Same as Most as Most The way the men get along together' ( ) ( ) ( ) The way the men work together ( ) ( ) ( ) The way the men help each other in their work ( ) ( ) ( ) 36. Would you tell me how you feel about the following policies. Do you strongly approve, approve somewhat, are undecided, disapprove somewhat, strongly disapprove? Strongly Approve Disapprove Strongly Approve Somewhat Undecided Somewhat Disapprove Urban renewal ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Bringing new industry to the city ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Increasing taxes to provide improved city services ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Public housing ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Fluoridation of a community's water supply ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 5 d1 finspggigirzaflgmm ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) City owned parking lots ( Air pollution control ( Model cities ( ( School desegregation 221 Here is a list of statements. Would you please read each item and decide quick;y how you feel about it; then record the extent of your agreement or disagreement. The best answer to each statement below is your personal Opinion -- there are no right or wrong answers. We have tried to cover many different and Opposing points of view; you may find yourself agreeing strongly with some of the statements, disagreeing just as strongly with others, and perhaps uncertain about others; whether you agree or disagree with any statement, you can be sure that many peOple feel the same as you do. Agree Disagree Very Very Much Agree Undecided Disagree Much 1. Many formerly private concerns such as health services and hospitals should now have more active financial sup- port from city gov- ernments ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 2. White peOple have a right to keep Negroes out of their neighbor- hoods if they want to, and Negroes should re- spect that right. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 3. The most rewarding or- ganizations a person can belong to are local clubs and as- sociations rather than large nationwide organizations ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 4. If cities and towns around the country need help to build more schools, the government in Wash- ington ought to give them the money they need. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 5. Cities should expand their services Just as the states are doing ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. ll. 12. Where possible, a city should set aside land for large scale, tract type, residential building There is a problem with the civil rights movement because many Negroes are demanding privileges which many whites do not have. Despite all the news- paper and TV coverage, national and inter- national happenings rarely seem as inter- esting as events that occur right in the loc community in which one lives. 222 Agree Very Much Agree Undecided Disagree () () () () a1 () () If Negroes are not get- ting fair treatment in housing and jobs, the government in Washing- ton should see that they do. () () A city should not hesi- tate to increase its debts to finance publi works projects if they cannot otherwise be paid for. Setting aside areas fo new shOpping centers c () () 1‘ promotes continued city prosperity. Most demonstrations have hurt the Negroes' cause more than they have helped () () () () ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Disagree Very Much 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 223 Agree very Much Agree Undecided No doubt many newb comers to the com- munity are capable peOple; but when it comes to choosing a person for a responsi— ble position in the community, I prefer a man whose family is well established in the community. ( ) ( ) ( ) The government in Wash- ington ought to see to it that everybody wants to work can find a job.( ) ( ) ( ) Every city should pro- vide for economic growth by attracting new industries and stimulating local business. ( ) ( ) ( ) Every city should pro- vide in its budget for amenities such as parks and libraries for its citizens. ( ) ( ) ( ) In many cases, Negro leaders have not been willing to make reason- able compromises on civil rights issues. ( ) ( ) ( ) Big cities have their place but the local community is the back- bone of America. ( ) ( ) ( ) The government ought to help peOple get doctors and hospital care at low cost. ( ) ( ) ( ) A.master plan and a full-time professional planning staff are nec- essary to guide city develOpment. ( ) ( ) ( ) Disagree Disagree Very Much 224 Agree Very Much Agree Undecided Disagree 21. The government should leave things like electric power and housing for private businessmen to handle ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 22. I have greater respect for a man who is well established in his local community than a man who is widely known in his field but who has no local roots. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Thank you very much for your cOOperation. Disagree Very Much ( ) ( ) "Iiflififlfljtfitfifl"(JIMIIMWJV