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THE APOTHEOSIS OF HERACLES AND
THE DEIFICATION OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
By
Rhonda Carol Pochert

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Art
History of Art
1994

ABSTRACT

THE APOTHEOSIS OF HERACLES AND
THE DEIFICATION OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

By
Rhonda Carol Pochert

The aim of this thesis is to analyze fourth-century works of art in which the image
of Alexander the Great become integrated with the image of Heracles. In order to achieve
this goal, the context in which these works were produced will be fully examined. Chapter
One is an account of Heracles' role as a leader and a savior in literature, art and
philosophy. Chapter Two will establish that Alexander cultivated a Heraclean analogy
which he used to promote his own deification. This will provide a foundation for Chapter
Three which will focus on the visual synthesis of Alexander and Heracles. In the royal
portraits, the features of the king blend with those of Heracles to form a composite image.
The synthesis of Alexander's likeness with Heracles', combined with a heavenward gaze,

serve to communicate the deification of Alexander the Great.

To my hero

and my children.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

 

 

LIST OF FIGURES - _ vii

INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER 1 HERACLES AS THE MYTHOLOGICAL PARADIGM

FOR THE DIVINE RULER 4

Part I: The Depiction of Heracles in Literature- 4

An examination of Heracles' literary treatment from the Homeric poems through
Euripides. Heracles' dual roles of ruler and savior are consistent throughout the literature
although they are interpreted in vastly divergent ways.

Part II: The Depiction of Heracles in Art 25
Early images of Heracles show the prowess of the hero in his most famous labor, fighting
the Nemean lion. The scenes of his apotheosis begin as an introduction of the hero on
Olympus. The later scenes show the deified hero in a state of blessedness in the garden of
the Hesperides. The artistic development mirrors his literary treatment. The concrete,
external attributes of the strong hero gives way to more abstract attributes of moral
superiority. Images of Heracles appear as the savior of mankind and his attempt toward
immortality.

Part III: Heracles as a Model of an Ideal Leader 36
In Prodicus' story of the "Choice of Heracles" the hero must deliberate. To the Sophist,
virtue is knowledge and through this knowledge Heracles is able to choose his own
destiny. His intellect is a vehicle. Antisthenes' works developed the concept of virtue and
austerity in similar terms as Socrates. He used Heracles as an example of the divine king
in his works.

Part IV: Conclusion _ 40
Because of the consistent use of Heracles as an example of the superior attributes of a
leader and savior, he became a symbol for a divine ruler. The frequent use of mythological
figures and conflicts as mimetic of contemporary persons and problems helped to
reinforce the association between Heracles and divine leader.

 

 

 

CHAPTER 2 THE DEIFICATION OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT ..... 43

Part I: The Use of Mimesis in Aristocratic Education 44
Plato is eloquent in his discussion on the education of a king. He instructs that the king is a
personification of knowledge and therefore virtue. Aristotle offers a practical application for
Plato's theory in his works written at Pella during the education of Alexander the Great.
The fundamental principle of aristocratic education is in mimesis. Alexander was well
versed in the examples of leadership provided by the poets and philosophers. The use of
Heracles' example as a role model for divine kingship blended neatly with his training and
ancestry.

 

iv

Part II: The Nature of the Macedonian Monarchy 52
Alexander traced his lineage to Heracles. The succession of the monarchy was hereditary
because divine favor bestowed on the king was inherited by the son. The primary duties of
the king was as chief priest and the welfare of the subjects depended on the king's divine
intervention. Additionally, he served as judge and military commander. The archaeological
evidence supports the king's judicial role of the Macedonian monarchy and history records
his military role. As priest, judge and commander, Heracles offered the perfect paradigm
for Alexander's kingship.

Part III: Precedents of Divine Veneration Bestowed upon Living

Rulers 56
Great commanders and leaders preceding Alexander were honored by a grateful populace
in an unprecedented manner. The hero cults and divine worship were insufficient in
honoring the leaders. The ruler cult emerged as an appropriate veneration for the leaders.
The veneration bestowed upon Lysander of Sparta, Clearchus and Philip II are among the
rulers who received honors. The cenotaph excavated in Ageae was a commemorative
mound showing the posthumous veneration of the divine king, Alexander.

Part IV: The Deification of Alexander the Great 66
Alexander took specific steps towards a political apotheosis. A journey to the Oracle of
Ammon at Siwa in 332 BC. precipitates his divine association. The proposed
enforcement of proskynesis in 327 BC. was followed by the deification decree to Athens
in 324 BC. Collectively, these increments serve to present a portrait of a divine king.

Part V: Alexander as the Successor of Heracles - - 81
Accounts of Alexander's exploits slipped between fact and fantasy which were combined
to complete his biography. The sustained popularity of the Alexander legend attests to its
popularity. Alexander's legend draws heavily on the Heracles' mythology underscoring the
analogy that many were willing to believe. The Asian campaign took on a mythological
mien which paralleled Heracles' labors and which served to establish Alexander as the
successor of Heracles.

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER 3 THE VISUAL SYNTHESIS OF ALEXANDER
AND HERACLES 93
Part I: The Heracles Club as a Royal Insignia 93

 

A chryselephantine ceremonial shield was found in the tomb of Philip I]. A small plaque
with the image Heracles' club in relief was placed on the interior of the shield. The shield
was a symbol of the ruler's role as military commander. Heracles' weapon becomes a
symbol of the Macedonian ruler.

Part H: The Lion Hunt - from Royal Sport to Heraclean Labor................... 94
Heracles' slaying the Nemean lion is the most popular theme in Greek art. The lion itself
was a symbol of royalty and the domination of the beast attests to the victors merit as a
king. Over time, images of Alexander fighting a lion take on the likeness of Heracles'
famous labor.

Part III: The Royal Portrait 109
The Heracles Device on the Coinage of Philip H and Alexander
The Heracles device was used by generations of Macedonian rulers from Amyntas to
Alexander 111. He symbolized the origin of their dynasty and the function of their office.
The portrait of the king and hero became synthesized to represent a composite portrait of an
idealized king.

 

The Royal Portraits Become a Synthesis of Alexander and Heracles
The idealized portrait head used for Alexander is based on the late classical young Heracles

Part IV: Alexander, Aristotle and the Nature of God 117
To Aristotle, god is pure intellect. Man can only glimpse at the nature of god with awe in
minute instances of comprehension. To Prodicus, Heracles' apotheosis was achieved
through intellect. For Alexander, his deification explained his genius. The physical
manifestation of Alexander's divine kingship was communicated through his heavenward
gaze.

 

APPENDIX: FIGURES 121

 

ANCIENT BIBLIOGRAPHY _ _ - 146

MODERN BIBLIOGRAPHY-“- - - - - - - -- ; 149

vi

Figure 1
Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 7

Figure 8

LIST OF FIGURES

Villa Guilia 11688
from Conca
fragment red-figured bell-krater

New York, Malcolm Weiner Collection.
Attic red-figure psykter
ca.460 B.C.

Munich, Antikensammlungen 2302
from Vulci. ABV 294,23.

Attic black-figure belly amphora; Psiax
ca. 520 BC.

Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 212

from Caere. ABV 331,5.

Attic black-figure belly amphora; Priam Painter
ca. late sixth-century B.C.

London, British Museum B.424

from Vulci. ABV 169,3.

Attic black-figure lip cup; Phrynos Painter
ca. mid-sixth century.

New Haven, Conn. Yale University Art Gallery 1913.138.
Attic red-figure pelike

Workshop of the Hyppolytos Painter

ca.375 BC.

The Three-Figure Reliefs on the Altar of the Twelve Gods
xerox. Hesperia XXI,1952,65 f.8.

from S.Woodford, Exemplum Virlutis: A study of Heracles in
Athens in the Second Half of the Fifth Century B. C. (Diss.
Columbia Univ. 1966) fig.52.

Rectangular plaque depicting Heracles' club.

gold repoussé, 0.06 x 0.04 m

Archaeological Museum of Thessalonike

Found in the main chamber of Tomb H, Vergina.
ca.350-325 B.C.

vii

Figure 9

Figure 10

Figure 11

Figure 12

Figure 13

Figure 14

Figure 15

Figure 16

Figure 17

The Lion Hunt Frieze, Tomb II, Vergina (left side)
5.56 m x 1.16 m ; watercolor on stucco.
ca. 350-325 BC.

The Lion Hunt Frieze, Tomb H, Vergina ( right side)
5.56 m x 1.16 m ; watercolor on stucco
ca. 350-325 BC.

Alexander Sarcophagus; Side B
from Sidon

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum
The lion hunt (detail). Alexander with Abdalonymos hunting a lion.
Marble. Height 27 cm.
ca. 320 BC.

Alexander Sarcophagus; Side A

from Sidon

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum

The battle scene (detail) Alexander with a lionskin helmet.
Marble. Height 27 cm.

ca. 320

The Lion Hunt Messene Relief;
Musée du Louvre, Paris, 858
from Messene

Height 595m.; width 1.205m
Early Hellenistic

Medallion from Tarsus, reverse.
Alexander in lion hunt
xerox. Collignon, Sculptue Grecque, ii. Fig.229.

Alexander in a Lion Hunt

Cornelian intaglio

18.5 mm x 16.25 mm

illustration by Mr. F. Anderson.

xerox. P.Perdrizet, JHS, "Venatio Alexandri" XIX (1899) pl XI.
London, Private collection

The Lion Hunt, pebble floor mosaic
from Pella, building 1, room C; Pella museum
ca. 325-300 BC.

Griffin Attacking a Deer, pebble floor mosaic

from Pella, building 1, threshold from room B to room A.
ca.325-300 B.C.

viii

Figure 18

Figure 19

Figure 20

Figure 21A

Figure 2113

Figure 22A

Figure 22B

Figure 22C

Figure 23A

Gold Stater; Alexander the Great
Macedonia, Sidon mint

Dia: .18 mm; Wt: 8.59 gr.

obv. Athena head with griffin on helmet;
London, British Museum 1878; Newell 13
ca. 331-327 BC.

Silver Tetradrachm, Alexander the Great

Macedonia, Amphipolis mint

Dia: 025m; Wt: 17.23 gr.

Obv: Head of Heracles, right, wearing lion's skin

Rev. Zeus seated left, with eagle in right hand spear in left. symbol,
thunderbolt. AAEZANAPOY

Chase-Vermeule, fig. 145.

Genzano Herrrr

from Sicyon, marble

London, British Museum 1754.39
Late Classical Heracles head.

Marble berm of Alexander
from Tivoli,

Paris, Louvre MA 436
H.68 cm

Marble head of Alexander
Paris, Louvre MA 234

no provenance
H: 38 cm

Marble head of Alexander
from the Arcopolis, Acropolis Museum, inv.l331
H: 35 cm

Marble head of Alexander
from Madytos; East Berlin K 203
H: 30 cm

Marbel head of Alexander
from Tivoli; Schloss Erbach 642
H: 25 cm

Marble head of Alexander
Dresden, Skulpturensammlung

no provenance. Dressel Collection
H: 39cm

ix

Figure 23B

Figure 24

Figure 25

Marble head of Alexander

Fulda, Schloss Fasanerie, FAS. ARP I.
no provenance.

H: 25.3 cm

Ivory head of Alexander the Great (frontal)
from the main chamber of Tomb H, Vergina
Archaeological Museum of Thessalonike, 12
H: .034m

350—325 BC.

Ivory head of Alexander the Great (profile)
from the main chamber of Tomb H, Vergina
Archaeological Museum of Thessalonike, 12
thickness: .012 m

350-325 BC.

INTRODUCTION

Heroes are reflections of humankind. They belong to the society that reveres them
embodying both common values and shared aspirations. A heroic figure is a model of
excellence- endowed with the attributes most esteemed; courage, strength, virtue, wisdom.
He is admired for these qualities and venerated as an ideal or model. Because of his
extraordinary display he is often believed to be favored by the gods or to be of divine
descent.

For Greeks, Heracles was both a mortal hero with human failings and a god with
superhuman attributes. He was the hero of the common man; his origins were found in
folklore. His status was elevated to pan-hellenic hero as his cult spread throughout the
ancient world. He was begotten by Zeus to be a leader of men and a savior of mankind- a
role to which he remained consistent. The attributes by which he accomplished this goal
were reinvented with every new age. The early Heracles was a mighty warrior who by
virtue of his strength embodied the necessary attributes to lead and protect his followers.
In Homer, he is cited for his courage to fight against even the gods. In Hesiod, he is
revered as the averter of evil. Pindar exhorts athletes to emulate Heracles for his fortitude
and his strength, while Euripides presents him as a man of virtue whose reward was to
reside in Athens. To philosophers, he became a model of a virtuous life and its blessed
reward. The Sophist, Prodicus endowed him with the intellect to deliberate his fate, while
Antisthenes presented him as the paradigm of a divine king. From strongman to king,
Heracles always remained a model of excellence, a leader and a savior.

Alexander's resemblance to Heracles was due in part to qualities shared by any

hero. However, his emulation of this hero/ god was deliberate. Alexander was

2
extraordinary- a political and military genius whose accomplishments could only be

explained by comparison with Heracles. Moreover, his status as a divine king was given
credence by his emulation of the philosopher-king, Heracles. That is, in Heracles,
Alexander found expression for his pretentions to divine rule.

Alexander’s campaign against the Persians was for the Pan-hellenic good. His
conquests were promoted as Heraclean labors which civilized the world and averted evil.
He, too, was favored by the gods, and he was descended from Zeus through Heracles. His
journey to the oracle of Ammon at Siwa confirmed his godhead. As Macedonian king, he
was their chief priest and intermediary between the gods and his subjects. While his divine
favor was an important justification for his leadership, his greatest claim was that like
Heracles, he was the best among his people and known as an illustrious warrior who was
first in battle. His military prowess was combined with genius. He was tutored in
philosophy and literature by Aristotle in a mimetic method of an aristocratic education -
recitation, imitation and emulation. Alexander was well versed in the works of Homer,
Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides and knew of the treatment of Heracles' character by
these authors. As a student of Aristotle, he was encouraged to become a philosopher- king
who embodied the wisdom of his people. For Aristotle, knowledge was virtue and the
model of the virtuous king was Heracles. Alexander's conquests became expressed as
Heraclean labors to civilize the world. He was a hero, whose genius and prowess could
only be explained as divine. In this way, Alexander was the true successor of Heracles.

This thesis will demonstrate the validity of these general points. It is divided into
three parts. The first chapter is a chronological account of Heracles' role in literature as a
leader and a savior. His apotheosis in art parallels his character development in literature.
That is, the strongman who wrestles the lion is introduced on Olympus with his heroic
attributes- the quiver and the club. Eventually, he is shown transported to the gods by
means of a chariot. Finally, his divinity is expressed as a state of blessed repose in the

garden of the Hesperides. The philosophers Prodicus and Antisthenes promote him as the

3
embodiment of virtue and intellect who was the exemplar of a philosopher -king. As in art

and literature, the philosophers reevaluated the hero's qualities by making them a part of
his character to establish him as an exemplar king.

The objective of Chapter Two is threefold. First, it establishes that Alexander
cultivated the Heraclean analogy from his training and his tradition. Then it examines
precedents of divine veneration that were bestowed upon living rulers. This will provide a
framework from which to examine the steps taken by Alexander to promote his
deification and the mythological overtones of his legend.

Chapter Three will focus on the visual synthesis of Alexander and Heracles. In
Alexander's royal portraits, the features of the king merge with those of his mythological
ancestor to provide a composite likeness of a divine king. Likewise, his military
campaigns became translated as Heracles' most famous labor- killing the Nemean lion.
Heracles' lion headdress became Alexander's attribute. Alexander, like Heracles became
the personification of intellect and wisdom and as such, was deified. The visual and
legendary portrait of Alexander and Heracles became a composite figure of the hopes and

struggles of fourth century Macedonia.

CHAPTER 1

HERACLES AS THE MYTHOLOGICAL PARIDIGM FOR
THE DIVINE RULER

I. The Depiction of Heracles in Literature

"Heracles, we love him because he is like ourselves...His strength
was the cause of his weakness." Anatole France, The Amethyst Ring

The Heracles myth seems to have no obvious starting point. Although the myth
has been traced to the Mycenean Agel, some scholars have even attempted to search for
its origin in oriental traditions.2 Herodotus3 postulated that the cult stemmed from an
Egyptian origin, although this origin has been refuted by both ancient 4and modern
scholars.5 Homer's references to the mythological hero and his exploits assume an
acquaintance with Heracles on the part of the reader 6 which implies a previous
establishment of the myth. In short, modern scholars have generally accepted that he was

"born a man, became a god, suffered labors and gained heaven."7

 

1 MP. Nilsson, Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology (New York: W.W. Norton and
Co., 1963).

2 G. Rachel Levy, "The Oriental Origin of Herakles" JHS, 54,(1934),40-53. see also
G. S. Kirk, Myth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 31-41.

3 Herodotus Histories: Book Two,43-44. (Penguin Books version, 1954 ,145-47.)

4 The Dorians included him in their geneorogy. His cult was distributed throughout
Greece.

5 G. Karl Galinsky, The Heracles Theme (Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman and
Littlefield. 1972) 3.

6Galinsky, 2.

7 Wilamowitz in Galinsky, 5 :"Mensch gewesen, Gott geworden; Miihen erduldet,
Hirnmel erworben."

5
Herodotus states that the Greeks worshipped Heracles as both a god and a hero.8

Homer's concurrence is reflected in both the Iliad and the Odyssey where Heracles is
presented as both a god and a hero. However, Heracles the hero and Heracles the god was
not as sharply delineated in Homer as in Herodotus' description of cult practice,9 where
the distinction between god and hero was obvious and clear . For example, in the Iliad
(5.318-62) Aphrodite rescues Aeneas after a long and arduous battle with Diomedes.
Diomedes. who is a mortal, wounds the goddess. Dione, Aphrodite's mother mentions
three events in which gods were attacked by mortals (IL 5.381-404). One of which
included Heracles' attack on Hera and Hades. Achilleus reflects on Herakles' mortality,
remarking, "Not even mighty Heracles escaped death"(l8.l 17-19) Conversely, in the
Odyssey, only Heracles' shadow appears to Odysseus during his nekyia ; the real

Heracles, we are told, was in heaven (OD 11. 605-8).

 

8 Herodotus,44-45 "...I think that the wisest course is taken by those Greeks who maintain
a double cult of this deity, with two temples, in one of which they worship him as
Olympian and divine, and in the other pay him such honour as is due to a demi-god, or
hero." Also, Pausanias (2.10.2 ) tells the story of Phaistos who insisted on sacrificing
(thuein ) to Heracles as a god while the people of Sicyon sacrificed (enagizein ) to him as a
hero. They compromised by eating the sacrificed lamb then offering the rest to the hero.

9 Lewis R.Farnell, Greek Hero Cults and the Ideas of Immortality (Oxford: The
Clarendon Press, 1921), 98-101. Parnell finds Heracles to have been no god at all. He
makes a primary distinction between the concepts "God" and "Hero". Proceeding from
this, he argues that there is no evidence to suppose any tlreophoric figure as having been
deified by the Greeks. There is a good deal of dissension on this issue. The alternative
position is stated by Jane Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion
(Cambridge: The University Press, 1903), 346, in which she counters: "If a local hero
became famous beyond his own parish, the Olympian religion made every effort to meet
him half-way. Heracles was of the primitive Pelasgian stock. His name, if the most recent
etymology be accepted, means only the young dear Hero--the Hero par excellence. No
pains were spared to affiliate him."

6
In the Iliad, Agamemnon tells of Zeus' purpose in begetting Heracles:

"This day Eileithyia of women's child-pains shall bring forth
a man to the light who, among the men sprung of the generation
of my blood, shall be lord over all those dwelling about him."(l9.103-5)10

Significantly, King Agamemnon recalls Zeus' delusion in order to blame Zeus for his own
delusion whereby he quarrels with Achilleus.11 "The lord of men, " 12 Agamemnon thus
relates the story to establish a parallel between the immortal ruler Zeus "the highest one of
the gods and mortals" 13 and himself.

Zeus made a vow "before all the immortals" (19.100) announcing his intentions for
his semi-divine offspring. Hera, with "guileful intention" repeated his vow and persuaded
Zeus to swear an oath:

"that he shall be lord over all those dwelling about him
who this day shall fall between the feet of a woman,
that man who is born of the blood of your generation." (19.109-11)

Zeus' intentions for the glory of his son begotten with the mortal woman, Alcmene are
twice articulated within nine lines. Hera proceeds to hurry the birth of Eurystheus,

descendent of Perseus. She then delights in relaying the ruse to Zeus:

A great man is born, who will be lord over the Argives,
Eurystheus, son of Sthenelos, of the seed of Perseus,
your generation. It is not unfit that he should rule over the Argives." (19.123-5)

 

10 Homer, Iliad , trans. by Richmond Lattimore(University of Chicago Press Chicago and
London, 1961).(Agamemnon is speaking in the first person for Zeusz)

ofiuepov é'tvbpa mémobe uoyooréxos erAerOr’na
éxcpave'i, 6g Trév‘reoor neprx‘rréveoorv c’xvéger.
'rc'bv t’vapc'bv yevefig, oi 9' «More; éF, éuefi eioi

11Hornet, 11 19.86-19.89

12 Homer, 11 19.76 See Richard John Cunliffe, A lexicon of the Homeric Dialect,
(University of Oklahoma Press,1988), 33. " évag 81vach 'applied to Agamemnon
generally as a title but sometimes as a descriptive term.”

Also, Liddle and Scott, Greek-English lexicon, Oxford, 1871, p 52. évag "a lord, king,
applied to all the gods, esp. to Apollo."

13 Homer, 1] 19.96

7
Zeus immediately recognized Hera's guileful maneuver and hurled Delusion from

Olympos. As a consequence of the guile of Hera, Heracles, "the glory of Hera," was
doomed to perform "some shameful work of the tasks that Eurystheus set him." (19.132)
Three times, within the short span of twenty-five lines, Homer reiterated Heracles'
fundamental raison d'etre: "dung t’rvach" - a leader of man.

Delusion is presumably a human failing, "even Zeus was deluded, though men say
he is the highest one of gods and mortals. "(19.95-96) Agamemnon blames Zeus for his
delusion, because it was Zeus who threw Delusion, "his elder daughter" (19.91) to earth.
Heracles would be deluded by Hera who sent to him Madness, compelling him to murder
his children. Like Zeus and Agamemnon, Heracles was a ruler who, among others,
suffered from delusion.

Therefore, even from this early literary reference, Heracles was presented as both
the figure of a ruler and as an hero-theosl4. As a potential leader, Heracles was expected
to act in his role with the divine power resident in his mortal body. This mortal and divine
nature is manifested by the simultaneous dual worship described by Herodotus, as a hero
and as a god. His role as world ruler will be developed later by Antisthenes, but in this
Homeric passage it is clear that Heracles, the hero-god," is the first of the Greeks to whom
world dominion in the form of world-monarchy was attributed." 15

While Homer speaks of divine powers and touches on divine genealogy, Hesiod's
examination of the birth of the gods makes up his Theogony. Hesiod's genealogies suggest
an unmistakable pattern of change, growth, progression and evolution in a supra terrestrial
sphere. For example, the poet enumerates the monstrous progeny of Phorkys and Keto
whose very existence threaten cosmic order and who were slain by the mortal hero,

Heracles.l6 As ocurfip , Heracles must toil by slaying monsters and vanquishing evil.

 

14 Pindar is the first to use this epithet for Heracles Nem.3.22

15Andrew Runni Anderson, "Heracles and his Successors", Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology, Vol 39,(l928),9.

16Hesiod Theogony 11 327-337 trans: Apostolos N. Athanassakis

8
These labors will eventually become canonized in the hero's later mythology. 17 Heracles'

toils were a favorite subject to the Greek audience. His first labor, to wrestle and kill the
Nemean lion, is the most popular subject in all Greek art.18 Heracles, by performing these
toils, restores order from chaos and acts as an averter of evil for mankind.

Monsters, who do not resemble their parents pose an inherent threat to procreation.
The Theogony is aetiologic, functioning to impose order on the genealogy of the gods.
The earlier generations of gods include monsters: fabulous, non-human creatures. Greek
tradition rejects the nonhuman and the subsequent gods are bonr in human form.
Although immortal, they reflect the human standard, as opposed to their monstrous
predecessors. Hesiod shows how the generation of Olympian gods are purified of non
human elements and how this is accomplished by Heracles who barrishes the monsters so
that Zeus reigns supreme. 19 Like Zeus, Heracles is a beneficent, regulatory force that
fights against disorderly and abnormal forces, an t’xhegfkaxos and om‘rfip, restoring
véuos. These deeds, accomplished by means of his outstanding strength, result in his
superior heroic status.

Subsequently, Heracles reappears in Theogony as the savior of Prometheus.20

We are told that he killed the eagle sent by Zeus as punishment to Prometheus for having

 

17 I.P.Uhlenbrock, Herakles,Passage of the Hero through 1000 Years of Classical Art.
(New Rochelle, New York: Caratzas, 1986) 2. By Classical times his exploits will become
categorized into three groups: the Labours which were performed for Eurystheus his
overlord; the various Deeds which were done independantly and never became canonized;
and the Incidentals that took place during the completion of the labours.

l8F. Brommer, Heracles, The Twelve Labors of the Hero in Ancient Art and Literature.
(New Rochelle, New York: Caratzas,]986), 7.

19Char1es Rowan Beye, Ancient Greek Literature and Society, (Cornell University
Press,1987), 66.
20Hesiod, Theogony 11526-531. " But Herakles, the mighty son of Fair-ankled Alkrnene,
slew the eagle, drove the evil scourge away
from the son of Iapetos and freed him from his sorry plight,
and did all this obeying the will of Olympian Zeus,
who rules on high, to make the glory of Herakles, child of Thebes,
greater than before over the earth that nurtures many.
Zeus so respected these things and honored his illustrious son
that he quelled the wrath he had nursed against Prometheus,

9
stolen fire for mankind.21 Fire allows man to become civilized and to achieve an existence

closer to that of the gods.22 Heracles, for his part, acted as a mortal advocate23 for
Prometheus, and by analogy for mankind, by using his preferential status with Zeus. By
killing the eagle, Heracles altered Zeus' punishment, but did not free Prometheus as stated
in the later tradition.24 The natural world must be manipulated to achieve civilization.
Therefore, from the Hesiodic treatment, develops the second major role of Heracles- that of
our-lip, a savior and advocate for mankind.25

Hesiod ends his Theogony by invoking the muses to sing of the "mortal
women,"26 which leads into a related but independent poem - the Catalogues of Women.
This work comprises a series of genealogies which traced the lineage of the Hellenic
race.27 The final book of this work introduced each heroine with the phrase: fi o'ln " or
such was..." Thus, the title of this section of the Catalogues :is Eoiai.. The Shield of

 

who had opposed the counsels of Kronos's mighty son."

21Hesiod, Theogony, trans. by Apostolos N. Athanassakis who states that "Because in
later versions of the myth Herakles does not merely slay the eagle but also frees
Prometheus from his bonds, some scholars have taken lines 526-528 to mean that
Herakles also freed Prometheus. However, a careful reading of the lines, a comparison
with lines 614—616, and an examination of the early version of the myth, Zeus mitigates the
punishment considerably but does not remove it altogether."

22 Compare with the role of Heracles in Aeschylus Prometheus Bound

23 The poet concludes his treatment of the Hero by recounting the circumstances of his
birth. Theog. 11 943-944. The events which led to Heracles apotheosis are considered to be
a later addition to the text The apotheosis was a later stage of the evolution of the Heracles
myth.

24 Athanassakis,. 49 Aescylus Prometheus Bound.

25 Hesiod, inWorks and Days, concludes the Prometheus- Pandora story by abruptly
stating: " So there is no way to escape the designs of Zeus." (105, trans. Athanassakis)
Man must endure the good as well as the evils that Zeus allocates, but Heracles may act as
mankind's advocate to abate his hardships.

26 Hesiod, Theogony, 1022, trans. Athanassakis.

27 Because each tribe claimed descent from a god, the only functional method of tracing
common lineage was matrilinear, through the mortal woman loved by a god. According to
the Catalogues , Deucalion and Pyrrha, who were the offspring of Prometheus and
Pronoia, gave birth to Hellen (a son) who was the ancestor of the Hellenic race. The
Daughter of Deucalion gave birth to Macedon, ancestor of the Macedonians, cousins of the
Hellenic race. See discussion of fourth- century Macedonian monarchy for the continued
lineage of the Argeadae and the Temenidae and, by contrast, the importance of patrilinear
successron.

10
Heracles also begins with this formulaic introduction which suggests its inclusion as a

supplement.28 The introduction tells of the marriage of Alcmene to Amphitryon and the
unusual circumstances of Herakles' birth. The remainder of the poem relates the conflict
between Heracles and Kyknos son of Ares. Heracles is challenged by Kyknos for the
hero's refusal to yield to the protagonist's chariot in the sanctuary of Apollon Pagasaios.
Heracles, after arming himself, kills Kyknos and incurs the wrath of Ares. The god
throws a spear which is intercepted by Athena, but Heracles in turn throws his spear and
wounds Ares. This is a notable reversal of the Iliad book 5, as it is Ares, not Heracles,
who breaches accepted decorum by fighting within the boundaries of a sacred sanctuary
and by fighting a mortal. In this work, Herakles' actions are nobler than the gods.29 The
virtue of the hero is becoming internalized, Heracles becomes a moral hero restoring
véuog, again acting as a camp.

In the Shield of Heracles, as in the Theogony, Heracles is presented as an ethical
figure in combat against evil and irnpiety. The Shield is full of monsters, and nonhuman
creatures similar to those Heracles fought in his labors. Additionally, he is presented as the
figure who will save mankind, fighting for peace against the very god of war, Ares,
thereby restating his role of camp and dhefilxaxog as developed in the Theogony. 30

"But the father of men and gods

was weaving another plan

in the loom of his mind,

how to sire for gods

and for men who toil for bread

a defender against scourges. (Shield of Heracles 30-35)

 

28 Whether or not The Shield of Heracles was written by Hesiod, the story deserves
attention.

29 Galinsky, 17.

30 Trans by Apostolos N. Athanassakis ; the twelve labors are not mentioned in the Shield
but Athanassakis proposes that the "twelve unspeakably gruesome snake heads" of the
dragon may allude to the labours. The proposed date of the Shield is 590-560 BC.
Additionally, it is noteworthy that the labours seemed to have become codified on the
metopes of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, 460 BC.

1 1
Heracles battles against nonhuman forces, and in doing so, he appropriates their power to

use on behalf of mankind. By this appropriation, he becomes a supra-human figure and is
eventually deified. As Heracles was the figure who helped obtain order on Zeus' behalf in
the Theogony, he equally serves humanity to rid those who threaten civilization. The
ekphrasis contained within the poem contrasts images of monsters with the hero who
fights against them. This contrast further suggests the internal conflict of the warrior who is
at once savior and destroyer.31

Heracles is additionally treated in the Homeric Hymns. The Hymns are first
mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, although Thucydides also cites excerpts from the Hymn to
Apollo. 32 In the citation of Diodorus, the hymns are called preludes which suggests that
they were chanted prior to a Homeric recitation. However, it is generally accepted that they
became a literary genre in their own right, independent from a devotional purpose.33 In
the Hymn, To Heracles the Lion-Hearted, the hero is described as the mightiest of men
on earth, one who did many deeds of violence (noMé ur‘sv ar’rrog Epegsv r’x‘rdoflaha)
but endured many (ROAM: B’r’xvé'rltn )34 This phrase adjacent to the next line describing
Heracles' happiness (WV 5' fiBn Kari: KGAOV 'éBog vloéevrog 'Oltt'rurrou / valer
rep‘néuevo; Ka‘l €er KahMocpupov "Han. ), emphasizes his deification by his r’xperl‘j:
his labors. Herakles' toils lead to his acceptance into heaven from where he is asked to

bestow his own attributes- virtue and happiness. (éperflv 're Kai 6ABov )35 This final

 

31 Athanassakis ,120.

Hesiod, Aspis 11 27-29:

narhp 8' dvbpc‘bv T6 626»: TE

(Dorm: ufi‘rlv iicpalve nerd (ppeolv 621; pa Bedlam

r’xvfipéor r'c’xhonorfjow r’xpfig r’IAKrfipa (pursuant-
32 Translation and analysis by Hugh G. Evelyn-White M.A., Hesiod, The Homeric Hyms
and Homerica, (Loeb Classical Library Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts. 1982), xxxiv.
33 Evelyn-White, xxxv.
34 Line 6-7
35 Line 9.

12
invocation has special significance. These are the ideals of Greek aristocratic education and

Heracles was thus patron of this manly virtue and non-material happiness.36
Bacchylides' epinikion ode 5, written for Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse in 476 BC.
provides us with the next stage in the evolution of the Heraclean myth. The account of
Heracles' descent to Hades to retrieve Cerberus results in his meeting with Meleager.37
This meeting neatly contrasts the immortal hero with the mortal. We are told that Meleager
is only a shade who responds to his circumstances with complete resignation, whereas
Heracles is portrayed with indomitable heroic spirit. It is within this context that
Bacchylides portrays Heracles as human and humane38 for Heracles is moved to tears by
Meleager's plight and by his knowledge of his own impending death. Heracles' tearful
response reveals a more sensitive portrayal. The suffering endured by the two heroes is, in
Meleager's words (95) "the result of the god's V605." The rational philosophy of the sixth
century, found purpose in the sufferings of Heracles and frees the hero from combat with
the gods to establish his role as owrflp. Herakles' virtue and his toil become internalized
giving him a heroic character. Significantly, Bacchylides introduces to the literature
Heracles' death by irnmolation . From this epinikion, the mythological figure of Heracles
evolves into a figure whose divine véog, his suffering, becomes his identity, replacing his
toils, the manifestation of his super human strength. It is therefore logical that the tradition
of his apotheosis following his irnmolation should subsequently be established.39
Conversely, Pindar frequently calls upon Heracles as the superhuman figure to be
emulated by the athletes of the ancient games. These games were an extension of the

heroic ethos found in Homeric epic as they were the recreation of a highly charged

 

36 See Aristotle Hymn to Arete, see also Galinsky, 15. 6ABov, non-material blessing is
most celebrated by the story of Kleobis and Biton who achieved everlasting happiness
through an extraordinary physical deed. (Hdt. 1.3 1)

37 This is Herakles' 11th labor and implies his immortality by his ability to defy death
himself: Hades.
38 Galinsky, 28.
39 Galinsky, 29.

13
aggression for the pursuit of honor and glory. Pindar composed the odes to expound the

glory of the athletes by comparing their achievement to Heracles' prowess in order to
illustrate metaphorically man's approach to immortality through the glory of victory.

Heracles also represented to Pindar "all that was good and noble and necessary to
be saved from the onslaught of the incipient democracy and its non-values."40 Pindar's
promotion of Heracles, the hero-god 41 as the ideal of aristocratic ethics and high morality
required that the poet enhance the hero's image and account for his episodes of violence.42
Pindar elaborates on the notion of Heracles' divine voog, "good and wise men have
become so by divine dispensation".43 The poet continues by attempting to disprove a
conflation of three mythological attacks by Heracles against gods- Poseidon, Apollo, and
Hades. These conflicts are first conflated and subsequently denounced as irnpious freeing
Pindar to represent Heracles as the paragon of aristocratic ethics.44 When Heracles'
battles are recounted, as in his tenth Olympian Ode, Pindar sets the hero in opposition to
enemies who threaten human and divine law. Heracles acts, once again, as camp, to
restore civilization and reinstate véuog.

In the early development of the myth Heracles' Expat-1'] was expressed by his
outstanding strength with which be conquered monsters. These labors defined his c’xperfi,
they were his attribute, an external sign of his superiority: the strong man of Hesiod's
tradition who was appointed to kill monsters, the ow'rrjp, was recalled in the Homeric
Hymn to Heracles. The ruler of man, introduced in the Iliad, reappears in Bacchylides'
odes where Heracles' divinely appointed purpose was to restore véuog. This restoration
implies the second of his two fundamental roles as avaf, r’xvfipdnv. Pindar develops both

roles, the owrfip and the dung r’rvbpd'av, in his odes. As an idol to the athletes, the poet

 

40 Galinsky, 29.

41 Pindar, Nem. 3.22. All translations by Dawson w. Turner, Pindar's Odes, 1898.
42 Galinsky, 30.

43 Pindar 01. 9 . 30.

44 Galinsky, 35.

14
recalls the strength and physical prowess displayed in the athletic games. As the leader of

men, Heracles is presented as the restorer of law and order. In the odes of Bacchylides and
Pindar the hero becomes sensitive to the sufferings of others. His physical superiority, his
éperfi, was internalized to become moral virtue. His sufferings were the result of divine
v60; and the internal, moral manifestation of his physical toils. His moral excellence
results in the hero's apotheosis. For the concrete external signs of his physical superiority
were easily represented by his conquests and by his physique. The intemalization of his
virtue required another expression- deification. This paved the way for the fifth century
tragedians who offered Heracles' character as the ultimate example of man's quest for
divinity through virtue. These Athenian poets trrrned to the nature of divinity and humanity
as the fundamental question of their tragedies. In the center of democracy, Heracles' role as
a ruler held little value for their audience but his essence as a awrfip was not lost.
Aeschylus' Prometheia tells of the punishment of Prometheus and his rescue by
Heracles. Heracles' motivation for his services make him worthy of divinity in contrast to
Prometheus, a Titan, who was motivated by defiance of Zeus in his theft of fire for
mankind. Aeschylus' Prometheia offers a hero who is less the archaic strongman and
who has been cultivated for the fifth-century Athenian audience. It is predicted in
Prometheus Bound that Heracles will free Prometheus from his tethers after shooting the
eagle sent by Zeus.( 771-5, 8702) This is an extension of the myth as told by Hesiod
wherein Heracles shoots the eagle but does not release the Titan from his bonds. As
Heracles is in the role of liberator, he facilitates the reconciliation between Zeus and
Prometheus in Prometheus Unbound. 45 In this way, Heracles becomes the human
advocate of justice. Heracles continues as the owl-rip and completes his beneficial tasks
as predicted by Prometheus and ultimately, replaces him. Essentially, he will continue
Prometlreus' philanthropy but with a very different spirit. For example, Heracles

mistakenly shoots the immortal Chiron with a poisoned arrow. As a result of his painful

 

45 Galinsky, 42.

15
wound, Chiron agrees to let himself be offered to Zeus as a substitute for Prometheus.

Heracles' motivation for liberating Prometheus was to redeem himself for this previous
error.46 In this way, Heracles' heroic action becomes the result of his human failings.

Aeschylus balances the humanness of Heracles with his divinity . Prometheus
predicts at the beginning of Prometheus Unbound 47 that Zeus will deliver Heracles by
means of rocks. Additionally, a later source 48 presents Prometheus foretelling that
Heracles who had been knocked to his knees in battle, would be placed among the stars
after his death and represented in a celestial image. Galinsky suggests that Prometlreus'
prediction probably concluded with Heracles' apotheosis and he cites Athens pride of
having been the first to worship Heracles as a god. 49 Aeschylus treats both the deified
Heracles along with his human side, making the hero a logical symbol of mankind's
aspiration towards divinity. He is presented as a human figure who attains deification
through his philanthropic deeds.

Sophocles paints a very different picture of Heracles in his tragedy, Trachiniae. In
this work, Heracles is a cruel brute who is insensitive to his fellow man. Victims of
Heracles' violent superhuman strength are plentiful in the mythology, Sophocles
introduces the character of Hyllus, son of Heracles, as a victim of his father's psychological
cruelty.5O Heracles demands that Hyllus remain with him to his tormented death, "even
if you must die with me". 51 He instructs his son to summon his mother to ascertain
which causes him more distress, the sight of his mother tortured or the destruction of his
father's body.(1065-9) Finally Heracles demands that Hyllus kill him to free him from his
pain, even though he knows that this would bring the guilt of patricide on his son (1206-9).

 

46 Galinsky, 45.

47 line 4 in Galinsky, 43.

48 Hyg.,Astr.2.6 in Galinsky, 43.

49 Galinsky, 43.Diodorus IV.36

50 Perhaps Sophocles sought to victimize Hyllus in opposition to the image of the doting
father in Euripides' Heracles.

51 Sophocles Trachiniae, line 797-8. All translations of Trachiniae are by Sir Richard C.
Jebb.

16
Heracles' labors are his punishment performed as a slave in penance for the murder of

Iphitus (252-80) or for his own benefit52 The philanthropic nature of his toils are
significantly absent from Trachiniae as well as his role as oce'rfip. As if to further
emphasize Heracles' inhumanity, Sophocles provides his antithesis in the character of his
wife, Deianira.

In the previous mythology, the characterization of Deianira is sparse. As the
second wife of Heracles, she served mainly as the catalyst for his destruction. Nessos, the
centaur attempted to rape Deianira as she crossed a river. Heracles saved his wife and
killed the centaur. Nessos' wound was caused by Heracles' arrow dipped in the Hydra's
poisoned blood. As he died, Nessos told Deianira to retain his blood and to use it as an
aphrodisiac should Heracles' passion for her cool. Deianira followed the centaurs'
deceptive advice and applied the blood upon Heracles' return with Iole.

Sophocles treats her character with new depth and self-awareness. Most
importantly, Deianira is a kindhearted woman who is fully sympathetic to the pain of those
around her. Her treatment of Iole, Heracles' young mistress and her replacement,
underscores her sympathetic nature. Her motivation for the unsuccessful effort to restore
Heracles' affection is honorable. Furthermore, Sophocles introduces two oracles into the
mythology which foretell Heracles' death. This would suggest that his demise is the result
of divinely appointed destiny and would lessen Deianira's culpability. Sophocles omits the
character of Megara, Heracles' first wife who, in the mythological tradition, is killed in his
madness. Instead, he makes Deianira Heracles' lifelong companion in order to emphasize
the estrangement between them and to contrast their temperaments.

The juxtaposition of Deianira's sympathy with Heracles' inhumanity serves to
establish his separation from mankind. The greater his insensitivity to his fellow man, the

greater the distance that Heracles moves from the rest of humanity and the closer he

 

52 He defeated Achelous to win Deianira (498-530) and he slew Nessos to prevent her
rape and ultimately to protect his own honor. (557-568)

17
becomes to the gods: "..in Sophocles as in Euripides, the gods are often distinguished from

human beings chiefly by their inhumanity."53 Heracles' inhumanity suggests he is
approaching the status of a god. The nature of a god as well as the nature of man are placed
in counterpoint by Sophocles to underscore the difference.

The moment that Nessos' trick is revealed, Heracles recognizes the fulfillment of
the oracles and he begins to give directions for his cremation on Mt. Oita (1 l40ff). This
pyre scene is a clear reference to the circumstances of his impending death.54 Does this
also allude to his impending apotheosis ? Three known vases depict Heracles' funeral pyre
while omitting his apotheosis.55 (Figure 1) Yet it is generally agreed that the omission of
the apotheosis does not necessarily imply a denial of Heracles' impending deification.56
Mt. Oita was the site of the cult ritual in honor of Heracles. The festival celebrated included
a bonfire at which animals, effigies and similar ritual offerings were burned. It is postulated
that the fiery death of Heracles originated to explain the cult.57 The literature produced
shortly after the Trachiniae, such as Sophocles' Philoctetes (727-9) and Euripides'
Heracleidae (910-18) link the pyre to his apotheosis. The visual association is equally
strong. Three vases from c.420-380 depict a chariot containing Heracles en route to

Olympos while the pyre burns below.58 The inclusion of both the pyre and the chariot is

 

53 G. Murry, The Wife of Heracles, p.11 in Susan Woodford, Exemplum Virtutis doctoral
dissertation, Columbia University, 1966, 65.

54 Woodford, 65, sees the close of the tragedy in a very different light. In essence, she
postulates that Heracles ultimately accepts his humanin as his god-like strength is
destroyed. His anticipated apotheosis never occurs and Heracles accepts his death with
dignity. (1259)

55 The vases arezl. Villa Giulia 11688, pub C. Clairrnont, AJA 57 (1953) 85-94; 2. a
Krater fragment, unpublished in Leningrad. referenced in: Holt, Philip, "The End of the
Trachiniai and the Fate of Heracles", JHS 109,(l989) 73.; 3. A privately owned psykter
published by J. R. Guy in F. Lissarrague and F. Thelamon (eds.),Image et Ceramique
Grecque ,(Rouen l983)151-2,in Holt, 73, n 16.

56 Holt, 73.
57 MP. Nilsson, JHS xliii (1923), in Holt, 73.

58 Beazley, EVP 103-4; Boardman 128; and Brommer, Vasenlisten 187-8. The vases are
: l. Munich 2360 (Jahn 384) (ARV 1186.30, Metzger 210.25 and pl.28.1, Mingazzini
#108); 2.S.AGata de'Goti, Mustilli collection (ARV 1420.5, Metzger 211.6 and pl.22.1,
Mingazzini #106); 3. New York 52.11.18 ( M. J. Milne, AJA lxvi [1962] 305-6). Holt, 73

18
less common than the frequent depiction of Heracles apotheosis by chariot without pyre.

Clearly, the visual association of these two events is inexorably linked. This strongly
suggests that Sophocles' treatment of Heracles funeral pyre was equally an implied
reference to his apotheosis.

Heracles gives very specific instructions for the construction of his funeral pyre. He
asks his son, Hyllus if he knows Mt. Oita. Hyllus, and most likely the Athenian audience
identified the location as the site of Heracles' sacrifice. Heracles continues his instructions
with unusual detail. 59 For the fire, Hyllus must use oak, the wood sacred to Zeus, and
olive, which is sacred to Athena; the torch, is pine. (1195-9) This is followed by a ritual
silence on the part of his companions (1199-1201). And yet, in contrast to the attention
given to the details of his pyre, Heracles makes no provision for his cremated remains. He
gives no instructions for a sarcophagus or urn. This omission implies that there will be no
remains. The audience is a witness to the formation of a god.60

Sophocles' presentation of the hero has been interpreted in opposite ways. The
strongman, well known from the early tradition, was acceptable to the audience, eventually
becoming noble by the recognition of his mortality . There is no virtue in his labors, nor in
his character, therefore, there is no apotheosis; without virtue there is no deification.

Sophocles seems to suggest that there is only one standard of virtue for both humans and

 

n.19. notes that the earliest of these, Munich 2360, shows satyrs stealing Herakles'
weapons from the pyre, a comic departure implying a previous acquaintance with the
theme.

59 Holt, 76.

60 I am aware of the controversy surrounding this issue. For further study of Heracles'
fate see: Holt, 70 ; C.H. Whitman, Sophocles, (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University
Press, 1951); I.M. Linforth, "The Pyre on Mount Oeta in Sophocles' Trachiniae, "

UCPCP l4,(1952), 255-67; T.F. Hoey, "Ambiguity in the Exodus of
Sophocles'Trachiniae, " Arethusa 10 (1977) 269-94; Charles Segal, "Sophocles'Trachiniae
: Myth, Poetry, Heroic Values," YCS 25 (1977) 99-158; P.E. Easterling, Sophocles
Trachiniae (Cambridge 1982); Mikalson, J.D.," Zeus the Father and Heracles the Son in
Tragedy" TAPA 116 (1986) 89-98.

l9
gods. For a fifth-century Athenian audience, the archaic characterization of Heracles was

transformed, on stage, to a self-aware hero .61

Conversely, he has been seen as the representative of his indominable will
powerfully asserting itself, albeit harshly, but Greek heroes were traditionally imbued
with such traits.62 He achieved an apotheosis by means of his labors and his divine status

is portrayed by his detachment from the human condition.

" Such pictures of extraordinary strength coupled with extraordinary
passions and dangerous faults run all through Sophokles' work.
Heracles, the greatest and the grossest of the heroes, is the most striking

embodiment of the heroic paradox but is not unique. "63
In fact, Heracles self-awareness comes from the recognition of his death and the result of a
virtuous act, his rescue of Deianira. Through his self-awareness he accomplishes his last
labor and achieves divinity.

In his Philoctetes, Sophocles' recreates a hero whose physical deterioration is
contrasted to his inner resolve. The image of Heracles' fortitude in the throws of agony are
paralleled by the crippled Philoctetes' steadfast opposition to Neoptolomos and Odysseus.
This association is strengthened by the inclusion of deified Heracles who functions as a
deus ex machina.. Because of the function of his role, Heracles' deification is clearly
established. The chorus explains: " ..the banks of the Spercheius, where above Oeta's
heights, the lord of the brazen shield drew near to the gods, amid the splendor of the
lightning of his sire.(1408ff)" 64 His funeral pyre was kindled by Philoctetes at Heracles'
request.(Figure 2) As a reward for this kindness, Heracles gave Philoctetes his bow.
Philoctetes was en route to Troy with Greek troops when he was bitten by a snake. The
Greeks left him on an island only to retum ten years later hoping to persuade him to join in

the Trojan war. Philoctetes' bow, the gift of Heracles, was necessary for their victory.

 

61 Woodford, 65.
62 Holt, 78 and M. McCall, AJP xciii (1972) 142-63.
63 Holt, 79

64 All translations of Sophocles' Philoctetes are by Sir Richard C. Jebb, Cambridge
University Press, 1957.1ine 724-9.

20
Philoctetes, bitter from his abandonment, refuses to join the Greeks. Heracles acts as an

agent of Zeus for the resolution of the drama.( 1413) He instructs Philoctetes to go to Troy
and to slay Paris with the bow he had been given . This act will commence the sack of
Troy. By relating the intention of Zeus to Philoctetes, Heracles acts as a mediator between
man and god and by doing so, Heracles restores order.

In the same speech, Heracles relates his reward for enduring his labors: deatlrless
glory, r’xeéva'rov éperflv. (1420) He tells Philoctetes that his sufferings will bring the
same by divine ordinance, but Heracles' immortality is unavailable to Philoctetes; his
immortal fame may be attained through the emulation of his labors. In this way,
Sophocles presents Heracles the paradigm for men in search of immortal glory. 65
Equally, Sophocles has established the hero/god as a mediator between the gods and
men.66

Euripides' treatment of the hero/ god in his tragedy, Heracles, is a departure from
the literary precedents and deserves close scrutiny. The poet suppresses the divine nature
of Heracles to emphasize Heracles' heroic characterization. The work opens with the
secondary characters Amphitryon and Megara, anxiously anticipating salvation by their son
and husband, Heracles. Lycus, the tyrant who holds Heracles' family hostage, is the
antithesis of Heracles. The cowardice of the former serves to emphasize the courage of the
latter. It is Amphitryon who offers the definitive statement on the nature of courage- "To
persevere, trusting in what hopes he has, is courage in a man. The coward despairs." (104-
106)67 Theseus, concurs with this definition, "This is courage in a man: to bear
unflinchingly what heaven sends. "(1227-8) Heracles therefore, to be considered

courageous, must endure his sufferings but, according to the above definition, he need not

 

65 Alexander the Great emulated the labours of Heracles in his quest for deification.

66 This function exactly parallels the role of the Macedonian monarch, whose primary role
is as chief-priest. N.G.L.Hammond, The Macedonian State, (New York: Oxford
University Press,1991), 221.

67 All translations of Euripides are by William Arrowsmitlr, in Grene and Lattimore,
Euripides II, University of Chicago Press, 1956.

21
perform labors of super human strength. In fact, any man who hopes, strives and

perseveres is courageous and Heracles is Everyman. Like all men, he laments and
despairs (1146; 1247-1250), he cries and wishes to die.(l355-6) To this Theseus declares,
" these are the words of an ordinary man"(1248) and Heracles, because he is courageous,
perseveres by rejecting death and hopes by accepting his fate.

If Heracles is established as courageous by virtue of his nature, what then is the
function of his labors? Euripides manipulates the myth to make Heracles' filial piety the
cause and the catalyst for his labors. Heracles performed the tasks in order to win back his
father's native land from Eurystheus and abate Amphitryon's grief.(19-21) We are told
that his labors benefited mankind and their consequence was " to civilize the world."(l7-
21)68 Heracles suggests that his labors are not necessarily praisewortlry or disparaging.
(575-81;1255-80) They are the manifestation of his courage rather than the cause of them
and in this way, Euripides removes them from Heracles' identity to make them the result
of actions by a noble man.

The first half of Euripides' tragedy establishes Heracles' virtuous and courageous
nature as representative of mankind's nature. In the second half, Euripides abruptly
redirects the focus to the cruelty of the gods with the inclusion of a second prologue in the
middle of the play "and may be meant to indicate that the incoherence of the drama extends
to the universe."69 The juxtaposition of the two halves serves to contrast the goodness of
man with the cruelty of the gods. Euripides builds the tragedy by establishing Heracles as a
pious man (17-21)70 a devoted husband (574-5;631-4;638ff) and father (461) who is

 

68 Amphitryon: " great benefactions to mankind"(20) Theseus: "Man's benefactor, Man's
greatest friend" (1250) Chorus' praise include descriptions of the Nemean Lion, Heracles
vs the centaurs, the hind of Ceryneia, the horses of Diomedes, the apples of Hesperides.
the Amazonomachy, the hydra of Lerna, and his descent to Hades.(348-440) Madness:
"worthy deeds" (849) and Heracles (575-81; 1255-80) without taking the analogy too far,
Alexander's pan-hellenic campaign has been described with Amphitryons' statement, "to
civilize the worl ."

69 Lucas, in OCD., 420.
70 Heracles' piety is brought into question by the lines: 1341-1346:

22
unjustly tormented by the very gods he worships and who is induced to kill the family he

loves. Hera sends Iris and Madness to Heracles to induce him into a trance under which he
murders his children.71 Iris states Hera's rationale for this plan, "For the gods are nothing
and men prevail, if this one man escapes" (841-2). If Heracles represents the epitome of
the goodness of man and his labors, which are the manifestation of that goodness, benefit
mankind and civilize the world, then why does man need the gods? Heracles threatens the
status and the existence of the gods. Hera by means of her cruelty and guile, keeps him in
check and maintains control. Although there is no unanimous interpretation of Euripides'
Heracles the play can be read as a negation of divine purpose.

Theseus rescues the despondent Heracles and reminds the hero of his courageous
nature- to persevere and to hope. The association between Theseus and Athens is well
documented72 and the generosity which he displays attests to the Athenian self irnage.73

Theseus promises Heracles the many plots of land that Athens gave to hirn.74 The

 

"...But I do not believe the gods commit adultery, or bind each other in chains. I
never did believe it; I never shall; nor that one god is tyrant of the rest. If god is truly god,
he is perfect, lacking nothing. These are poets' wretched lies."

Euripides, "Heracles," trans. by Wm. Arrowsmith. I concur with the interpretation of
Wm. Arrowsmith which substantiates Famell,"...To say that divine adultery, tyranny, and
misconduct are all ' wretched tales of poets' is a direct and unmistakable challenge... to the
whole Olympian system... (yet to alter his old heroism without also altering the source of
his suffering would be to cripple the conversion at the crucial point. It would obscure, that
is , the fact that Heracles, though broken by necessity, still wins the moral victory over the
power that ruins him, earning for himself and men in a different sense the victory claimed
by Amphitryon over Zeus earlier:

'And I, mere man, am nobler than you, a great god (1.342)." Arrowsmitlr, op. cit.
"Introduction to Heracles". p. 266-268.

Cf. G. Zuntz, The Political Plays of Euripides (Manchester; Manchester University Press,
1955),.51; Lewis R. Famell, The Cults of the Greek States (Oxford: The Clarendon Press
1909),.230,n.b.
71 Woodford, 62. Iris' inclusion suggests yet a further injustice by the gods. Based on a
Satyr play, Hera and Iris are saved from the Satyrs by Heracles. This is the iconography of
a cup by the Brygos Painter

2 Wilamowitz in Woodford, 373:" Theseus serves here as the representative of Athenian
friendliness and piety."
73 Larry J. Bennett and Wm. Blake Tyrrell, "Sophocles' Antigone and Funeral Oratory",
AJ Ph 111(1990) 441-456.
74 Woodford, 62 This explains the many cults of Heracles in Attica.

23
notions that Athens is civilized and the salvation of Greece is a common topos . Isocrates

(5.33) claimed that Athens was the first to recognize Heracles as a god.75 It is fitting,
therefore, that in lieu of everlasting life on Olympus, Heracles seeks salvation in Athens,
for an apotheosis could not be a just reward. Heracles' greatness is derived from his own
nature and his labors are not toils necessary for immortality. The gods do not exhibit the
same noble temperament; therefore, eternal life among them would not be worthwhile.
Athens is civilization. Civilization is man's attempt at ordering his world in relation to his
fellowman, a continuation of véuos. Therefore, Athens replaces Olympos as Heracles'
ultimate reward. (Theseusz) "And so my city helping a noble man shall win from Hellas a
lovely crown of fame." (1314-15)

In Alcestis , Euripides continues to explore the nature of men and gods. Admetus'
wife, Alcestis, has just died and Heracles, who is a guest in Admetus' home learns of her
death. The supporting characters express their desire to save Alcestis in the subjunctive.76
Heracles announces in the indicative, " I must save this woman who had died so
lately.."(840-1)77 He invokes his traditional attribute, his strength, as well as his heart
(837-8) and resolves to fight death or plead with Hades. (843-57) Heracles resurrects
Alcestis and his resolution, courage (499-506) and honor are contrasted with the
supporting characters.(840—3;853-60; 1035) Euripides sets Heracles' achievement in
opposition to Asclepius' by the frequent references to the latter's unsuccessful attempt at
resurrection, a crime for which he was killed. "He who upraised those who were stricken
down, until from the hand of God the flown bolt of thunder hit him." (127-9)78 From
Heracles' final three labors, we know that he had conquered death. It is logical, therefore,

 

75 Isocrates Philip (5.33) while Pausanias twice states that the people of Marathon were
the first to worship Herakles as a god. : Paus.I.15.3; 1.32.4-6.

76 Chorus (1233); 455-8) Admetus (357-63); Woodford, 80.

77 All translations of Euripides' Alcestis are by William Arrowsmith in Euripides 111,
Grene and Lattimore, eds. 1959.

73 Although Alcestis is not sick, it is Heracles' success of her ressurection that suggests a
comparison to Asclepius.

24
that Euripides would replace Asclepius with Heracles, who can successfully save Alcestis

from death. If Heracles can resurrect the dead then he can bestow immortality. Heracles is
once again the representative figure of man's attempt toward immortality, but moreover, he
has now become the vehicle.79

Euripides treats the subject of Heracles' apotheosis in two of his works,
Heracleidae and Orestes. In the former work, the characters announce his godheadgo, but
it is his epiphany that convinces Alcmena. Iolaos prays to Zeus and Hebe for the
restoration of his youth and strength. His prayer is answered by Heracles and Hebe who
appear in the form of stars and restore Iolaos to his former self. The Chorus then describes
Heracles' fate to Alcmena " (Heracles) never died. He rules above, and never set foot in
Hades or inside a crematory fire, but met the wedding goddess and fell in love with Hebe,
and the two were paid honors due to children of Zeus. It was a marriage made in Heaven's
gilded halls."(910-918)81

The apotheosis of Heracles is further treated in Euripides' Orestes through a
reference by Apollo.( 1087) In the role of W Apollo speaks for Zeus and
resolves the drama. Helen has been deified and, like Heracles, " There with Hera she shall
sit, with Heracles and Hebe enthroned, a goddess forever, forever adored there between her
brothers the sons of Zeus.."(1685-1690) 82 The reference to Heracles evokes the image
of his apotheosis through his sufferings as Helen suffered. Heracles functions to establish
a precedent for Helen's apotheosis.

The works of the fifth century Athenian tragedians explore the natures of the divine
and the mortal hero. Aeschylus is able to balance the human failings of the hero with his

divinely appointed function. In Sophocles' Trachiniae, they are held in opposition;

 

79 Compare this discussion with the analysis of Heracles and Asclepius on the Almflhe

30 Iolaos states that Heracles lives in Heaven. (10)

81 All translations of Heracleidae are by Grene and Lattimore, eds., Euripides IV,
Chicago 1959.

82 Translation by William Arrowsmith, Euripides IV, Chicago, 1959.

25
Heracles' divine insensitivity is the antithesis of Deianira's sympathetic humane nature. In

Philoctetes, Heracles' divine stature allows him to mediate between Zeus and Philoctetes
in order to restore véuos. Both of these functions, to mediate and to resolve, will be
fundamental to the subsequent philosophic treatment of the hero. His immortality is the
direct reward of his labors, which is associated with the sufferings of Philoctetes. In his
pain, Philoctetes' is told that the resolution with which he has born his misfortune is similar
to the toll of Heracles. By emulation of Heracles, Philoctetes will gain immortal fame.
Euripides' treatment of the hero in Heracles, promotes his humane nature. Heracles' virtue
and courage underscore the development of the hero in contrast to the suppression of his
divinity. Heracles is able to endure the torturous pain of the death of his family by his own
hand. The happy immortals, by contrast, could never know such profound suffering as
they are above censure, immune from failure and exempt from death. The hero's profound
suffering is matched by his ability to endure. Under these circumstances, an apotheosis
could not be rewarding, only his asylum at Athens could bring a proper resolution within
the word. Athens, the center of civilization, is the very representative of man's restoration
of véuog . In Heracles, the hero is the paradigm for the virtuous fifth century Athenian
while his role in Alcestis, serves to restore his function as a owTfip. Heracles resurrection
of Alcestis defies death and bestows immortality which threatens the status of the gods.
Heracles is associated as the new, successful Asclepius and man's quest for immortality is

realized through this character.

II. The Depiction of Heracles in Art
The representations of Heracles' labors comprise the largest iconographic group in
all of Greek art.83 Within this category, his first labor in which he fights the Nemean lion

is the most popular. The iconographic treatment of Heracles mirrors his literary treatment.

 

83 Brommer, Heracles, The Twelve Labors of the Hero in Ancient Art and Literature,
(New Rochelle, New York: Aristide D.Caratzas, 1986).

26
Early depictions of the hero emphasize his physical prowess through the representation of

his heroic deeds. From the Archaic period into the early fifth century, depictions of the
hero occur on personal works such as gems and vases as well as public works such as
architectural sculpture. He is most often represented as bearded, wearing the lion skin and
carrying a club and bow. By the fifth century, he is increasingly represented on
architectural monuments while the private pieces become less popular. His labors became
canonized into twelve distinct tasks by the mid- fifth century, as evidenced by the interior
metopes on the Temple of Zeus at Olympia,460 BC,84 and the Hephaisteion at Athens,
450-440 BC. By the end of the fifth and the fourth century, the hero reappears on vases
with a new interest in his human side. His appearance has changed and he becomes
beardless and younger, especially in the representations of his fight with the Nemean
lion.85

The lion was sent by Hera to ravage the countryside of Nemea. Heracles fought the
beast but discovered his weapons were useless against the animal and resorted to strangling
him with his bare hands. The pelt, stripped from the lion became his most famous
attribute and his only armor in his subsequent deeds. The Nemean lion fight is represented
in four schemes: he shoots or clubs the beast, strangles it with both arms, or strangles it
with one arm and fights it with a sword.86 The sword is shown only on a metope of the
Hephaisteion in which Heracles is standing and the lion is rearing up. He holds the sword
in his right hand while strangling the beast with his left hand.87 The depictions of Heracles
wrestling the lion were the most popular scheme perhaps due to the variation of wrestling

postures and the depiction of anatomy or perhaps because of the popularity of the sport in

 

84 Pausanias (5.10.9) describes six metopes from the west end and five from the east. But
is is uncertain that the order he uses is the original order. The fight with Kerberos seems to
be the omitted labour.

35 TH. CarpenterArt and Myth in Ancient Greece, (LondonzThames and Hudson, 1991),

1 18.

86 R. Vollkommer, Heracles in the Art of Classical Greece. (Oxford: Oxford University,
1988), 3.

87 Vollkommer, 3.

27
the Athenian palestra. It is with surprising regularity that the many vases representing the

struggle place the hero to the right and the lion to the left. The young Iolaos, Heracles'
nephew and assistant in theses labors is most often placed to the left of the lion.88 This

suggests the inspiration from an original source, perhaps the sculpted metope.

Heracles' Apotheosis

Heracles' apotheosis is depicted in scenes representing his demise, his journey and
his arrival in Olympos. The Introduction scenes comprise the earliest group of his
apotheosis. However the funeral pyre and the apotheosis by chariot gained popularity in
the mid-sixth century. Scenes of Heracles' funeral pyre, as noted in the analysis of
Sophocles' Trachiniae usually include his journey to Olympus.89 An unusual Attic red-
figure psykter (0.460) shows the figure sitting on the pyre with his lion pelt, handing his
quiver to Philoctetes. We know from Sophocles' tragedy, Philoctetes, that the apotheosis
was a necessary element for Heracles' role as deus ex machina, Just as his quiver was
necessary for the victorious conclusion of the Trojan War. It is interesting to note that
Athena's influence is implied by the abundance of olive trees and branches. We remember
from the explicit instructions that Heracles gives to Hyllus that his pyre should include both
oak and olive wood.90 The leaves of the olive branches suggest the impending flames.
The fragment from the Villa Giulia, dated slightly later shows a conflation of Heracles'
apotheosis. Athena's head and upper body is shown in profile while her body is frontal.
Her right arm is lowered while her left arm must have held a spear. The goddess is not in
armor but instead wears a chiton and aegis. Athena's presence at the irnmolation of the

hero is unique. This image of Heracles is equally unusual in that the hero lies dead on the

 

88 LP. Uhlenbrock, Herakles, Passage of the Hero through 1000 years of Classical Art,
(New Rochelle, New York: Caratzas Pub, 1986), 102.

89 Krater S. Agata dei Goti Painter of London F64. ARV2 1420/5 Metzger, pl.
XXII,I,n.26.; Krater New York 52.11.18.; and Pelike Munich 2360 Kadmos Painter
ARV2: 1186/30.

90 Sophocles Traichiniae.

28
pyre, his features are distorted and both arms hang limp. To the right and left of his head

are streaks of water suggesting the extinguished flames. Clairmont suggests that the
adjacent female figure is a nymph putting out the fire.91 The figure of Philoctetes runs off
to the right. The rare presence of Athena suggests to Clairmont that this fragment
represents a literary source.92 The remains of the hero along with the presence of the
goddess implies that his apotheosis is impending.

The second half of the sixth century shows an increased frequency in Heracles'
apotheosis by chariot.93 While this mode of transportation was common for deities to
and from Olympos, the popularity of this scene has been associated by Boardman to the
reign of Peisistratos.94 Herodotus tells of a conflict between coastal towns in Attica
between two ruling factions,lead by Megacles and Lycurgus. Peisistratos, recognizing his
opportunity to seize power amid the chaos, deceived the Athenians into giving him a guard
of club-bearers and seized the Acropolis, where he ruled. Peisistratos' reigned
successfully, we are told, as he maintained the laws and customs: "or'i're Turt‘xs Tug
éor'roa; owrapégag oi’rre Béoula uerahhégag, érrl TE rolor Kareored'om Eveue
Tflv “(SAW Koouécov Kala); Te Ka‘l ti} ." (I. 59. 16-18) A coup by Megacles and
Lycurgus interrupted the rule of Peisistratos who was forced to live in exile. The

insurgents fought among themselves and Megacles turned to Peisistratos in an alliance

 

91 Christoph Clairmont, "Studies in Greek Mythology and Vase Painting. " American
Journal ofArchaeology 57 (1953), 85.

92 Clairmont, 89.

93 Krater Cabinet des Medailles 430 Painter of London F64 ARV2: 1420/3; Krater
London F 64 ARV2 1419/1; Krater Vienna 933, ARV2: 1439/1; Krater fragment Oxford
1954.263; Painter of London F64 ARV2: 1420/2; Krater Ruvo, Jatta 422 Painter of
London F 64 ARV2:1420/4; Frater fragment from the Pnyx, P.226. Metzger n.31; Krater
Oxford, Mynors Upsala Painter ARV2: 1437/13; Krater ,Birmingham 1620.85 Metzger,
pl.XXD(/l n. 34; Krater Bologna 318 Upsala Painter ARV2:1437/4 Metzger pl. XXVIII/3
n. 32. ; Oinochoe Louvre N. 3408 Nikias Painter AVR2: 1335/34 Metzger n. 35

Krater Ferrara T 376 B, ARV2 14241; Krater Ferrara T376va from Spina Group of
Ferrara T 376B ARV2 1424/2; and Krater Ferrara T376va from Spina Group of Ferrara
T376B ARV2: 1424/3.

94 John Boardman,"Heracles, Peisistratos and Sons"Revue Archeologuque [(1972) 57-
72.

29

against Lycurgus. To reinstate Peisistratos' rule in Athens, a ruse was devised for his re-
entry into the city. Phye, a comely woman of great height was dressed in armor as Athena.
She posed next to Peisistratos and together they drove a chariot into the city of Athens.
The irnager of the goddess Athena honoring the hero by bringing him back to her
Acropolis is easily associated with the image of Athena transporting Heracles to Olympos.
This is exactly the premise for Boardrnan's postulate that the increase in painted vases
depicting Heracles' apotheosis by chariot is directly related to Peisistratos' Charade.95 It is
equally noteworthy that the tyrant's first entry into the city was under the protection of
Athenian bodyguards carrying clubs. Clearly, Peisistratos chose to associate himself with
Heracles and most likely his intention was to strengthen his position as a ruler. The role of
Heracles as an ideal ruler of man was so strongly rooted in the minds of the populace that
Peisistratos was able to draw upon this common knowledge as a sign of his power. The
tyrant's apotheosis to the Athenian Acropolis predates Euripides'Heracles by over one
hundred years, but the Charade underscores the association between the ruler of man,
Heracles and Athens.

Examples of Apotheosis scenes from the mid sixth century BC. show Athena
holding the reins while Heracles accompanies her in her chariot or assists in the harnessing
of the horses. Psiax painted a black figure amphora 96 (Figure 3) which depicts such a

scene. Heracles stands behind Athena's chariot while the goddess holds the reins and steps

 

95 Boardman, 62. For a different interpretation of the incident, see W. R. Connor,"Tribes,
Festivals and Processions in Archaic Greece" JHS cvi (1986) 40-50. Connor notes that
Peisistratos is not described as carrying Heracles' attributes, the club and the lion skin. He
interprets the event as a public dialogue - a two way communication and one in which the
public delighted in the display. The message that Peisistratos was expressing by means of
the chariot Charade was not his association with Heracles but his endorsement by Athena.
Phye was the parabates which Connor interprets as the person who leaped from the
chariot and back again. Phye was dressed as Athena which would mean that the goddess
was re-enacting her original entrance to the city as she had done during her contest with
Poseidon. This would imply that Peisitratos was not seizing the kingship but aiding
Athena. He is not acting as Heracles but as Athena's helper. Connor concludes that the
chariot event communicated to the public that Athena was offended and had withdrawn
from the Acropolis but was now returning as protectress of the city.

96 Munich Antikensammlungen 2302, from Vulci ABV 294.23.

30
into the vehicle. Hermes stands at the front of the horses, ready to usher the procession to

Olympos. Additionally, an example of the apotheosis scene by Exekias shows his expert
rendition of the scene.97 The artist depicted Heracles in a chariot with Athena at his side.
At the time this piece was produced, Exekias was a highly influential artist. The use of this
scene by the renowned artist may have contributed to its popularity in the mid to late sixth
century.

A belly amphora by the Priam Painters)8 provides outstanding evidence of the
association between the Peisistratos' affair and Heracles' apotheosis.(Figure 4) On this
vase, three doric columns appear in the background representing the Acropolis and
Peisistratos' residence there. 99 The main characters are represented along with epigraphy
between the columns including " 'HpaKAeoug Kopfi". Boardman concludes that the
reference is made to Phye who became Peisistratos' daughter-in- law. 100 If the image of
Heracles represents Peisistratos then the image of Athena represents Phye who married the
tyrant's son. Therefore, the woman is addressing Phye, as Heracles' daughter.
Additionally, a Black figure Hydria, dated to 530 B.C.101 includes Dionysos, with a
drinking horn, standing behind the chariot. Hermes, with his kerykeion, and two warriors
are standing beside the horses. A woman addresses Athena and Heracles, who stand in the
chariot. The identity of this woman is unknown although it has been speculated to be a

representative of the Athenian people.

 

97 Exekias, Athens Agora Museum, from the Acropolis N. Slope ABV 145.19.

98 Boardman, 64 : Oxford, 212 CVA, n, pl 7,9; 8,5,6;9,3 ABV,331 #5; RM, lxxi,1964,
pl 9.2.

99 Boardman, 64.

100 Boardman, 65. Warren G. Moon takes issue with this interpretation of the inscription.
He translates it to mean " handmaiden of Heracles", referring to the assistance which the
goddess Athena lavished on her hero. Athena, the virgin goddess, is addressed similarly on
a vase by the Priam painter, Louvre F 295. See Warren G. Moon, ed, Ancient Greek Art
and Iconography, (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), 102.

101 T.H. Carpenter, Art and Myth in Ancient Greece, (London: Thames and Hudson
Ltd.,l991), 134.

31
The earliest representations of his apotheosis are depicted in "Introduction to

Olympos Scenes". This scene was most frequently depicted by the Attic Black figure
painters from the second and third quarters of the sixth century. Hermes, who is often
included, true to his role, presents Heracles to Zeus. Athena's presence is equally common
in these introduction scenes. This is the subject of a mid 6th century pedirnental group
from the Acropolis. Zeus is seated facing Athena who is presenting Heracles to him.
Hermes appears between Athena and Heracles, leading him toward the throne. On a lip
cup by the Phrynos painter, dated to the mid 6th century,102 Athena leads Heracles to his
audience with Zeus.(Figure 5) They approach on foot and as an early example of this
scene, Heracles appears reluctant as he carries his club, bow and arrows. It should be
noted that in this depiction, the heroic attributes are carried onto Olympos although in the
some of the myths, Heracles gave his bow and arrows to Philoctetes. These attributes are
also depicted in an introduction scene on an Oinochoe by the Amasis painter from the
same period.103 Hermes is dressed in a short chiton carrying his kerykeion and making a
gesture of welcome. Athena canies a shield with her attribute of an owl on it. Heracles
follows with his sword, bow and arrow giving a gesture of joy. As the introduction scenes
continue into the late sixth century, Heracles seems to be depicted with greater dignity and
confidence.104 On a red-figure vessel by the Sosias Painter, dated 510 to 500, Heracles'
introduction to Olympos is depicted with the figure striding forward carrying his
identifying attributes.105 The hero-god raises his hand in joy with the words inscribed:

"Oh Zeus". A rare, late example of this iconography appears on an Attic stamnos dated to

 

102 London British Museum B424, from Vulci ABV 169.3.in Boardman, Athenian Black
Figure Vases, (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1988), 224.See also: Krater Villa Giulia
2383 ARV2:1339/4.

103 Paris, Louvre 30.

104 Woodford, 132.

105 Berlin Staatliche Mus. 2278, from Vulci ABV 21.1 in Boardman, Athenian Red
Figure Vases: The Archaic Period. London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), 30. This vessel
shows one of the earliest uses of gilding on the raised pomegranates carried on a branch by
one of the Horai.

32
460 BC. The hero/ god is introduced to Zeus by Athena while holding an apple. This

suggests a conflated iconography of both the introduction scene and Heracles' repose in the
garden of the Hesperides. Over time the deification scenes evolved, and the frequency of
"introduction" scenes declined while the those of his divine repose increased. This
suggests that the apotheosis evolved from his physical deification to his spiritual state, 106
which is reinforced by the philosophers' treatment of the hero.

Heracles' feasting among the gods on Olympos is another example of the vase
painters' repertoire depicting the deified hero. 107 Extant examples from the early fifth
century seem to focus on the bounteous feast consumed by the sated gods. 108 However,
later examples from the second half of the flftll century, promote the imagery of repose
and happiness. This follows a general pattern of Heracles' deification imagery. Heracles'
apotheosis evolves from a concrete visual representation of the hero/ god's physical
presence among the gods to a scene of his happiness and repose in an idyllic setting. 109
In these later versions, the feast is less symbolic of gratification than the image of
blessedness as depicted by the setting.110

The apotheosis of Heracles in later painted vases was represented by the depiction
of the hero/god reclining in the garden of the Hesperides.(Figure 6) The transformation of
the iconography mirrors his transformation in literature. Heracles' apotheosis became the
scene of a happy life. Just as Aeschylus' hero suffered human failings and Euripides' hero
found solace in Athens, the visual representation of Heracles shows him as a hero in a
blessed state; luxuriating in the garden of the Hesperides. The myth of Heracles' visit to

the garden of the Hesperides comprises his eleventh labor. The garden was a wedding

 

106 P. Mingazzini "Le rappresentazioni vascolari del mito dell' apotlreosi di Herakles" Atti
della R. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei- Memorie VI, 1, (1925-6), 419-33.

107 See also: Pelike London 1956.2-17.1; Cadmos Painter ARV2: 1186/31 and Krater
from Musee d'Angers Metzger, p XVI/3, n.55.

108 Woodford, 132.
109 Vollkommer, 93.
110 Woodford, 133.

33
present from Gaia to Hera. In the course of the labor, Heracles had many adventures. As

in the metopes of the Athenian Treasury at Delphi and on the temple of Zeus at Olympia,
Heracles is aided by Atlas who obtains the apples while the other holds the sky. The
earliest extant examples of this scene in vase painting begin in the mid-sixth century on a
shield band and an Attic Black-figure cup signed by Nearchos.111 Another Attic vase
from the last quarter of the sixth century depicts Atlas rushing towards Heracles holding
Apples. 112 The subject has been described on the chest of Kypselos and Pausanias
(5.11.5) also reveals that this was the iconography of a painting inside the Temple of Zeus
at Olympia by Panainos.113 Atlas' assistance to Heracles in the garden of the Hesperides
is not represented in later vases and is entirely unknown in Red figure works.114

The myth of the Apples of the Hesperides is also depicted by representing Heracles
fighting the snake, Ladon, that guards the entrance to the garden. In later representations
the daughters of Atlas appear with increased frequency and the hero's combat with the
guardian snake declines in popularity. In later Attic scenes after mid flftll century and into
the fourth century, it is the Hesperides who pick the apples for Heracles. The serpent
seems to have lost his function as an antagonist and serves only to identify the location.
The romantic visions of the idyllic garden remain popular into the fourth century South
Italian vase-painters. The change in iconography from early Heracles and Atlas scenes to
the later Hesperides picking apples for Heracles reveals the idea of his apotheosis as a
blessed after-life. This notion is reinforced by the imagery of Heracles' in repose which
became popular in the late fifth and the fourth centuries. Here, Heracles simply lounges
with the gods on Olympus which suggests that his rest in paradise is reward enough for
his toils on earth. It follows logically that in the myth, this labor assigned to him helped to

 

111 Carpenter, 129.
112 Brommer, 50, p142.
113 Pausanias (5.11.5) states that Panainos was the brother (or nephew ?) of Pheidias.

114 Vollkommer, 18. shows a Bronze mirror depicting Atlas handing over the sky to
Heracles, N.y. 06.1228.

34
prefigure his immortality because we find his repose in this paradise to represent his state

of blessedness.

Heracles in the garden of the Hesperides is also the iconography of the three figure
reliefs from the Altar of the twelve gods dated to the late fifth century. Here, the figure of
Heracles appears with Theseus. The Altar and peribolos was dedicated by Peisistratus the
Younger in c.520 BC.115 The surrounding wall was destroyed in the Persian Wars and
was rebuilt in the late fifth century during which time the altar was expanded and the floor
was paved. Four relief panels each containing three figures have been convincingly
attributed by Roman copies to this Altar. The placement of these panels has been
problematic. It has been suggested that these panels flanked the east and west entrances to
the Altar.116 Thompson 117 has demonstrated that the measurements of two reliefs
depicting Orpheus' rescue of Eurydice and the Peliads with Medea, fit between the posts at
the western entrance.(Figure 7) The eastern entrance is slightly larger which would
accommodate the remaining two panels depicting Heracles' rescue of Theseus and another
in the garden of the Hesperides. Based on stylistic features, these reliefs were dated to 420-
410 BC.

The reliefs were placed such that the central figure faced the entrance. The panel to
the left of the western entrance showed Orpheus to the right of Eurydice who is the central
figure. Orpheus holds his magic lyre in his left hand and lifts Eurydice's veil with his
right. They gaze at each other; she places her left hand on his shoulder. "This is the instant

 

115Woodiord, 248.see also Thucydides v1.54. " Among those of them who held the
yearly office of archon in Athens was the son of the dictator Hippias, who was called
Pisistratus after his grandfather. It was he who, in his year of affice, dedicated the altar of
the twelve gods, which is in the market-place, and the altar of Apollo in the Pythium. Later
the altar in the market-place was extended to a greater length by the Athenian people and
the inscription was obliterated." trans. Rex Warner (New York: Penguin Books) 1972.

116 For full analysis of the panels see Thompson, H. " The Altar of Pity in the Athenian
Agora." Hesperia,, XXI, (1952) 47-82. in Woodford, 249.

117 Thompson, 60 in Woodford, 252.

35
of irrevocable separation." 1 18 Hermes stands behind the pair holding Eurydice's right

hand preparing to return her to Hades.

To the right of the western entrance was placed the Peliad relief panel. Medea
stands on the left side of the panel facing inward towards the central crouching Peliad who
looks into the cauldron. Another daughter stands at the right side of the panel facing
inward. Medea rejuvenated Jason's father119 and convinced the daughters of Pelias to do
likewise. She purposely omitted part of the magic ritual causing the girls to unwittingly
murder their father. Both western panels depict the unsuccessful attempt at reincarnation.

The eastern entrance was flanked by panels depicting Heracles. To the right of the
entrance was the relief sculpture depicting Heracles' descent to Hades. The hero stands on
the left facing inward towards the seated Perithoos while Theseus stands on the right facing
the hero. In the myth, Heracles' task was to capture Cerberus in Hades where he remained
to liberate Perithoos and Theseus. The iconography of the companion panel on the left of
the entrance represented Heracles in the garden of the Hesperides. The Hesperides stand
on either side of the seated deified Heracles who faces the entrance. The study of this scene
in vase painting has shown that Heracles' repose has replaced the apotheosis scenes to
represent the deified Heracles rewarded for his toils.

The western entrance showing Orpheus and the Peliads are combined to represent
unsuccessful attempts at immortality by means of guile and magic. Opposed to these
panels are the representations of Heracles' successful liberation of Theseus and Perithoos
and the reward for his virtue. Just as Euripides replaced Asclepius with Heracles, who
successfully saved Alcestis from death, Heracles' successful resurrection bestows

immortality.120 Heracles is once again the figure of man's attempt toward immortality,

 

118 E. Harrison, "Hesperides and Heroes: A Note on the Three Figure Reliefs" Hesperia
XXXIII(1964), 81. in Woodford, 255.

119 Nostoi fr,6.
120 Woodford, 256.

36
but moreover, he has now become the vehicle. His two appearances on the Athenian Altar

visually reinforces his identity as a savior and deified hero.

III. The Use of Heracles as a Model for an Ideal Leader.

The Sophist Philosophers were itinerant teachers who found employment by
instructing wealthy youths in the art of argument and persuasion. Their primary interest
was in language and dialectical investigation. Yet Protagoras, a prominent Sophist,
promoted his profession as one which taught wisdom and virtue (r’rperr‘j ). Obviously,
they were a profession, but not a homogeneous one. Whether the individual Sophist taught
virtue or rhetoric, his concern was with the human realm and the relationship of man in
society. Prodicus of Ceos was a pupil of Protagoras and a contemporary of Socrates. In
turn, his pupils included Isocrates, Euripides and Xenophon. As a prisoner in Boeotia
during the Peloponnesian war, Xenophon wrote that he was able to negotiate special liberty
to attend Prodicus' lectures. 121

The "Choice of Heracles" is a story within a story found in Xenophon's
Memorabilia. 122 The author tells of a discussion between Socrates and his student,
Aristippus who is significantly, a prospective ruler. The discussion centers on concepts
of moderation and self control . Socrates promotes the exercise of self-control by showing
that this quality is necessary for a prospective ruler. The argument assumes that one would
desire more to rule than to be ruled. This being the case, the ruler would work for a
worthwhile result and find the labor rewarding, for an idle life would dull his mind and
body. Socrates begins to illustrate his point by quoting Hesiod's Works and Days.123 He

 

121 Philostratus, Vitae Sophistarum (Lives of the Sophists) in H.D. Rankin, Sophists,
Socratics and Cynics (New Jersey: Barnes & Noble Books,l983),47.
122 Xenophon, Memorabilia II, trans by Hugh Tredennicki (Balitrnore, Maryland:
Penguin Books Inc, 1970), 21-34.
123 Hesiod 285ff. in Xenophon, Memorabilia II, i, 2022.

Evil is easy to find and freely;

Smooth is the road, and very near she dwells.

But sweat the gods have set upon the way

37
further exemplifies this point by recounting "The Choice of Heracles" by Prodicus.

Heracles emerges as a figure who exemplifies the necessary attributes to be emulated by
the prospective ruler, Aristippus.

According to Prodicus' tale, Heracles as a youth, knew that there were two paths of
life- one of virtue and one of vice. As he sat deliberating which path to take, two women
appeared to him. One was decorous, the other was lascivious. The latter spoke of the
pleasures she could offer Heracles and of the easy acquisition of this sensual gratification.
Her offerings were pleasures of the senses," the sweets of life," and were attained through
the hardship of others. Her name was eudaimonia (happiness) to her friends and kakia
(vice) to her enemies. These names imply that the happiness attained through sensual
gratification was superficially good and fundamentally bad.

The second woman commenced speaking by recounting his parentage, his
education and his character. Her offer was toil, for nothing good would be gained without
toil She then itemized the worthy reward for toll. This list was a roster of a ruler's
attributes: piety requires worship; friendship requires love; honor from the state demands
benefiting it; admiration from Greece results from benefiting Greece; profit from crops and
livestock require investing in them; victory in war requires military training and physical
prowess requires physical training.

Vice interjected her observation about the amount of toil required to achieve these
attributes," What a long and difficult road to enjoyment this woman is describing to you?
I will put you on a short and easy road to happiness." 124 The second woman, Arete,
counters that the gratification offered by vice is not fulfilling as desire is never present.

Without desire, gratification is actually more difficult to achieve. Praise is the ultimate

 

To goodness: long and steep is the path to it
And rough at first; but if thou reach the summit
Thereafter is it easy, hard though it be.

124 Refer to Hesiod Works and Days , 285ff.

38
reward and one that is denied Vice while lavished on Virtue. 125 Both gods and good men

praise virtue and by implication both gods and good men must toil to achieve virtue. It is
in toil, that true happiness lies. Prodicus ends his story with Virtue's proposal to Heracles:
"child of good parents: if you work hard in the way that I have described, you can possess
the most beatific happiness." 126 Those who follow her achieve immortal fame, achieving
the greatest eudaimonia . Although benefitting his friends, and guarding the public good
does not precipitate Heracles' apotheosis, his happiness will be achieved in his lifetime.
Heracles makes no overt choice in this story. The moral lesson is left to Aristippus to
decide which path he will take.

Prodicus' choice of hero, Heracles, was a sound one. As we have seen in literature
Heracles' character has been interpreted in vastly divergent ways according to the author's
interests. For this reason, Prodicus' audience had no immediate clue as to what choice
Heracles would make. In the works of Pindar and Euripides, the sufferings and toil of
Heracles, becarrre internalized representing his moral fortitude. In the "Choice of Heracles"
the hero must choose his own destiny. This choice is an important departure from the
previous tradition in which Heracles' toils were appointed. In choosing between Vice and
Virtue, Prodicus' Heracles must deliberate. This act of deliberation is the most important
introduction to the character's motivation. The figures of Vice and Virtue employ
persuasive language and argument reminiscent of the sophists' exercises. Heracles'
deliberation is an intellectual act by which he controls his destiny with his knowledge of
virtue. 127 Prodicus' treatment of Heracles' character furthers the hero as an man of virtue
and intellect. Socrates illustrates the necessary attributes for a ruler by using this story

illustrating Heracles' knowledge virtue and self-control.

 

125 " I associate both with gods and with good men, and no fine action, human or divine,
is done independently of me. I am held in the highest honour both among gods and
among men of the right sort." (Virtue)

126 ii,1,34.

127 Galinsky, 101.

39
Antisthenes was a "minor Socratic", a contemporary of Socrates whose works

show some Socratic influence. He was also a friend of Prodicus and was credited as a
principle influence for the later Cynics. Unfortunately, only scant fragments of his works
are extant. References to his teachings are found in ancient sources such as Xenophon128
and Diogenes Laertius.129 Diogenes states that there were ten volumes of Antisthenes'
works extant at the time of his writing. Antisthenes' teachings centered on the concept of
virtue and austerity and he was known for his admiration of toil and hardship. Volume
four discussed the nature and leadership of Cyrus along with a treatise on strength called
the "Greater Heracles". Like his treatment of Heracles, Antisthenes' Cyrus was concerned
with presenting the king as a shining example of individual virtue. The following volume
treated the kingly power of Cyrus. Volume ten discussed Heracles and an essay on
prudence or strength. 130 Antisthenes' characterization of Heracles was as an exemplary
man of virtue and a patron of philosophy and ethics. His labors were an example of
perseverance and industriousness for the benefit of mankind. "Happiness is derived from
virtue and virtue is derived from knowledge. The only pleasure to contribute to happiness
is the result of toil, ponos." 131 Antisthenes' cultivation of Heracles' virtue was through
knowledge 137- Because he considered society to be in decline, Antisthenes considered the
moral and intellectual cultivation of an individual as the only solution. 133 This resulted in
a rejection of man's physical pleasures for a virtuous life and Heracles was the moral

exemplar.

 

128 Xenophon, Symposium, trans. Hugh Tredennick (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin
Books, 1970)

129 Diogenes Laertius, The Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers. VI trans. by
CD. Yonge, M.A.,(London: George Bell and Sons, 1905) 217-223.

130 Diogenes Laertius, V1.9.
131 Sir Ernest Barker, Greek Political Theory. (New York: Barnes and Noble
Pub.,l957)41.

132 Barker, 42.
133 Galinsky. 101.

40
IV. Conclusion

From Hesiod, we learn that Prometheus stole fire from gods for mankind to elevate
him and bring him closer to the gods. From Aeschylus we learn that Heracles replaced
the Titan, Prometheus as a savior of mankind. From Prodicus and the later Cynics,
Heracles acts as man's savior by virtue of his knowledge. Knowledge becomes the
element that supplants fire as the means of man's approach to the divine. Plato explains
that man will find happiness in his pursuit of virtue, which means becoming as like to God
as it is possible for man to become. "To become like the divine so far as we can, and that
again is to become righteous with the help of wisdom." 134 Aristotle,135 attempts to
describe the nature of god, the Prime Mover, in Metaphysics. His description reveals that
the Prime Mover is pure intellect, as 'actuality' without 'potentiality'. He continues to
explain that Man, at his finest moments approaches god. They are the fleeting instances
where man's intellect comprehends with overwhelming clarity. Aristotle proposes that
this coup de foudre is an approach towards God. Therefore, it has become knowledge that
brings man closer to God.136 The element of fire is replaced by knowledge, and
Heracles, as a savior and a leader represents man's pursuit of immortality.

We should expect that the viewers of paintings, the spectators of plays, and the
readers of poetry agree to participate in a "game of pretend" in which these works are
props. For the appreciation of representational works is primarily a matter of participation.
This participation is a first person reflection, a self-irnagining in the fictional representation.
In this way, the participant himself becomes a prop in the " game of pretend". The viewer
of the Altar of the Twelve Gods or the audience of Homer's Iliad and Euripides' Heracles,
was equally a participant in the fictional representation who, by agreement, was a self-
reflective prop. In viewing the character of Heracles in all these works of "preten ", the

participant saw fragments of himself - at his best and at his worst. The representation of

 

134 Plato Theaet. 1766. trans. Frederick Copleston, 244.
135 Aristotle, Metaphysics. book lambda.
136 See chapter 2 the philosopher- king in Plato and Aristotle as approaching the divine.

41
Heracles began as a symbol for the ruler of man who exhibited the greatest r’rperl’j and

gradually he evolved into an iconic sign for the most virtuous man in his struggle for
immortality.137 The gap between symbol and Sign was crossed by the humanization of
the hero as we found in Bacchylides, Pindar, Aeschylus and the later poets. Pindar and the
later philosophers used him as a Sign of the philosopher-king, based on his virtuous
character and his reputation as a savior but he has never been depicted in art or literature in
the role of a king. Zeus' intention as expressed in the Iliad was never lost in the depiction
of the hero, instead it was internalized to become his character. He appropriated toils and
virtues as attributes and became a composite figure reflecting the participant. The Heracles
that averted evil and restored law in Aeschylus and the Heracles that supplanted Asclepius
in Euripides' Alcestes was the same Heracles, the ruler of man in the Iliad . This was the
way that the figure of Heracles remained a symbol of a ruler while acting as a sign of a
virtuous 'everyrnan'. His apotheosis became an expression of the best possible reward for
his exceptional achievements. In the early versions of his mythology this apotheosis
meant his presence among the gods on Olympos. The visual representations of his reward
show the concrete idea of his deification as an introduction to Zeus and the Olympian gods.
As Peisistratos attempted to elevate himself among the Athenians, the chariot scenes
became popular on vases of the mid-sixth century. Again, the participant for whom the
vases were painted agreed to the association between image, Peisistratos and Heracles, but
he agreed to interpret the apotheosis scene as a representation of the elevated status of the
politician. We cannot assume that the sixth-century Athenian was fooled by Peisistratos'
guise. Instead we must assume that the association between Heracles as a symbol of ruler

was so strong that Peisistratos was able to use it as a means of communicating his divinely

 

137 Pierce, Collected Papers, vol. 2.: A symbol denotes simply because it is used and
understood as doing so, an iconic sign picks out its referents by virtue of sharing properties
with it.

42

appointed reign.138 The tyrant chose wisely to use the figure of Heracles in promotion of
his authority. The Hellenic mind was perfectly willing to accept the promotion of a living
character with the example of a mythological figure for the use of example, as we will see,
was fundamental to the aristocratic education. Heracles was this example of the best of
men and the worst. He was committed to a life of virtuous action through his terrible

strength.

 

138 Connor, 46. "The citizens are not naive bumpkins taken in the the leader's
manipulation but participants in a theatricality whose rules and roles they understand and
enjoy."

CHAPTER 2

THE DIVINE RULE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

"We read the nature of the human soul in the nature of the state-

We form our political ideals according to our conceptions of the gods.
One thing implies and conditions the other. To the philosopher, to
the ruler of the state, it is therefore of vital importance to begin

his work at this point." (Cassirer, Myth of the State)

Heracles, as we have seen, provides the Greeks with a mythological and theoretical
precedent for the divine ruler. How do we bridge the gap between this mythological
prototype and the historical divine ruler cult? One must examine of Alexander the Great's
political maneuvers to promote his divine rule . The sources for his assumption of divine
kingship are threefold: the mimetic nature of his education by Aristotle; the nature of the
fourth century Macedonian monarchy; and the historical precedents which paved the way
for Alexander's kin gship. Against this background, Alexander undertook specific steps to
promote his divine rule throughout his empire. He visited the oracle at Ammon, he
attempted to institute proskynesis and he issued a decree to Athens requiring his divine
veneration. Alexander clearly expected acceptance of his divine rule. l-Iis campaigns to the
far reaches of Asia took on the mien of Heraclean tasks. Therefore, as Peisistratos had
done in an earlier age, Alexander represented himself as Heracles, a divinely appointed
évag r’rvfipé'ov, to prepare for the acceptance of his world dominion as a divine ruler. This
examination of the political apotheosis of Alexander will commence with a discussion of
his beliefs, his training and his tradition which encouraged the king towards a divine ruler
cult. The nature of his education along with the Macedonian traditions of kingship give us

ample material to interpret his actions. Examples of rulers who received divine veneration

prior to Alexander's claim testify to the changing political conditions which necessitated

43

44
the divine ruler cult . Finally, the legend which surrounded Alexander, even during his

lifetime, will attest to the Heraclean nature of his exploits. Alexander's emulation of

Heracles served to promote his power and his kingship to the furthest reaches of his realm.

I. The Use of Mimesis in Aristocratic Education

Plato is eloquent in his discussion on the education of a king. In his Republic, he
proposes that the ideal state possesses at its head a ruler whose knowledge will guide and
protect his people. This king, who is the most virtuous of men, must govern through his
knowledge, and that knowledge must be knowledge of the truth. The man who has
knowledge of truth is a philosopher 139 therefore, the king is, equally, a philosopher. In
response to the problem of who should become this philosopher-king, Plato identifies three
classes of people within the state: the inferior class of artisans and the superior class of
guardians from which will be chosen the rulers. These extraordinary few will be the best of
their class: intelligent and powerful, careful of the State, devoted to the State and regarding
the State's interest as identical to their own. 140 The rulers will have been trained from
childhood to assume the responsibility of the State and therefore, will benefit from the best
education possible. The king will be trained in music and gymnastics, in mathematics and
astronomy. At this stage, he will be prepared for the study of dialectic where he will begin
to comprehend by reason alone without assistance from the senses. At last, the prospective
ruler will attain " the absolute good by intellectual vision and herein reach the limit of the
intellectual world." 141 The wisdom of the State resides in its rulers. As king, he is the
personification of knowledge and is equally the personification of virtue since knowledge is

virtue. Upon achieving the absolute limit of the intellect he will:

 

139 Plato, Republic 488-489.
140 Plato, Republic 412c9-4l3c7.

141 Plato, Republic 532a7-b2. By this time, according to Plato, they're thirty years old.
They must study Dialectic for five years, then serve in the military for fifteen years in order
to be exposed to temptations. If they remains firm and holds true to their mettle, they will
at fifty years old be ready to rule.

45

"raise the eye of the soul to the universal light which lightens all things, and
behold the absolute good; for that is the pattern according to which they are to
order the State and lives of individuals, and the remainder of their own lives too,
making philosophy their chief pursuit; but when their turn comes, toiling also at
politics and ruling for the public good, not as if they were doing some great
thing, but of necessity; and when they have brought up others like themselves
and left them in their place to be governors of the State, they will depart to the
Islands of the Blest and dwell there; and the city will give them public memorials
and sacrifices and honour them, if the Pythian oracle consent, as demi-gods, and

at any rate as blessed and divine." 142

In 343/2 B.C., Aristotle was invited to Pella by Philip H to undertake the education
of his thirteen year old son, Alexander. The teachings of Plato had a lasting influence on
Aristotle and during his sojourn at Pella, he remained particularly close to many of the
views of the Academy. Aristotle's treatises written prior to and during his sojourn in
Macedonia give us a valuable insight to Alexander's training and education. In Pella,
Aristotle wrote the dialogue On Philosophy , which combines the Platonic theories of
stellar theology with his criticisms of Platonic Forms and Ideas. The early versions of his
Metaphysics are attributed to this period along with the original version of his Politics143
and the lost treatise On Kingship .144 The opportunity to read the thoughts that Aristotle
may have shared with Alexander gives us a rare opportunity to surmise their
conversations during the tutorial.

Aristotle's works, Politics and Nicomachean Ethics (VIII.X.2), discussed the
ideal state and constitution. Generally, he rejected Plato's excessive unification but retained
the overall focus of his mentor's goal. Aristotle wrote that the three good types of
Constitution have companion wrong types- deviations. That is, a beneficial Kingship

opposes a detrimental tyranny; an aristocracy opposes an oligarchy and polity contrasts

 

142 Plato Republic 540a7-c2.

143 C0pelston 15. Aristotle was developing Metaphysics books A,B, K1-8, D, L,M9-10,
and N. In this period also belongs the early versions of Politics books 2,3,7, and 8, which
deal with the ideal state. Utopias on the style of the Platonic Republic are criticized.

144 Anton—Hermann Chroust, Aristotle, New Light on His Life and on Some of His Lost
Works. vol, H (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1973), 216.

46
with democracy. 145 Aristotle described the establishment of the monarchy as a

descendant of the Homeric ruler who was designated the leader due to his exceptional
abilities.146 According to Aristotle, the ideal form of constitution is the rule of one man
who transcends all the other citizens individually and collectively by means of his

c’rperfi, 147 his virtue and excellence that he would be the natural monarch and ruler. This
man would be distinguished by his extraordinary virtue- " such a man will naturally be as a
god among men. " 148 We cannot expect to read Aristotle literally in his use of sirnile but
to surmise that the individual with such exceptional r’xpert‘t would seem superior to the
mortal masses and therefore more god-like.

The education of the aristocracy occupied as much of Aristotle's theories as found
in Plato. Like his mentor, Aristotle attached a great deal of importance to education and
assigned this training to the State. The education must begin by physical training, since the
body and its appetites develop earlier than the soul and its faculties; but the body is to be
trained for the sake of the soul and appetites for the sake of reason. Therefore, for
Aristotle, education is primarily a moral training to develop a virtuous ruler. 149
Unfortunately, the Politics is incomplete and the sections developing the education in
science and philosophy are lost to us. However, extant references to his lost work, On
Kingship, offer limited access to his views on the subject.150 Themistius was an
Aristotelian or a Late Peripatetic philosopher who was known to have greatly admired
Plato. In his work, Oratio II, we find a reference to Aristotle's On Kingship. He quotes
Aristotle as stating that a King need not be a philosopher himself, but must take the advice

of philosophers. "In doing so, he would enrich his reign with good deeds and not merely

 

145 Aristotle, Politics 1279a. 1721.
146 Aristotle,Politics, 1285b 21-3.
147 Aristotle, Politics, 1284 a. 47.

148 Aristotle, Politics, III.viii.1"yetp 980V ev avepamorg euroc; swat tov
torourov."

149 Aristotle, Politics l332b-1333a 16.
150 Chroust, Aristotle, 216.

47
with fine words." 151 It is believed that Aristotle wrote this work in Pella, prior to 340,

during his govemorship of Alexander. 152 It is a more practical approach to the training of
the king than we find in his earlier Politics, and shows Aristotle's experiences at the court
of Hermias, (348/7) and of Philip H (343/2).

Aristotle, in contrast to Plato's theoretical politics, is often seen as a practical
philosopher who considers the de facto politics, state and human condition. In his
Politics, he stated that the " good ruler must be a wise and practical man" 153 and that he
"should avoid impossibilities".154 Furthermore, Aristotle stated that the ruler must look
with sympathy and understanding at the many actual and possible types of cities and
constitutions, and draw upon them as an unbiased observer of political and social
reality. 155

As a student of Aristotle, Alexander must have been exposed to Aristotle's theories
of the ideal ruler in preparation for his role as the ideal philosopher-king. We must
remember that the ideal example of this ruler was, by virtue of his knowledge, Heracles.
Prodicus' story of the " Choice of Heracles" prepares the way for him to serve as such a
figure as the paramount ruler of men. The Cynics completely identified the idea of an
ethical kingly véuog with Heracles, and he was the model of an ideal king. Aristotle, in
his Nicomachean Ethics, maintained that the education of the ideal ruler was a moral
training intended to elevate his soul and his capacity for reason and krrowledge.156 He

who cultivates his intellect, is most beloved of the gods and ultimately finds happiness.157

 

151 Themistius, Oratio Viii. 107D in Chroust, Aristotle, 216.
152 Chroust, Aristotle, 216.

153 Aristotle,Politics 1277a16ff.

154 Aristotle, Politics 1265 a 17.

155 Aristotle, Politics 1290 b 25ft.

156 Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics X.ix.8.

157 Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics X. viii.l3 trans. H. Rackham, Harvard
Univ.Press,1990/
"For if, as is generally believed, the gods exercise some super-intendence
over human affairs, then it will be reasonable to suppose that they take
pleasure in that part of man which is best and most akin to themselves,

43
We are told that the fundamental principle of aristocratic education has its basis in

example.158 The didactic use of famous heroes and their traditional consequences is an
integral part of ethics and education. Rhetorical training included prosopopoeia , a
common exercise in dramatization in which a speech of a famous character was invented
using varying situations. Pindar used Heracles as a mythological exarnplar in his victory
odes. Plato built his philosophy on the conception of pattern, and Aristotle uses Homeric
examples freely.159

In Book III of the Republic, Plato defines mimesis in poetry as impersonation: " to
liken oneself to another either in voice or in appearance is to make a mimesis of the person
to whom one likens oneself." 160 In this context, Plato barred poetic mimesis from
education because poetic intent is deceptive in regards to the identity of the speaker. The
Poet tries to make us think what is not true and so must the performer. 161 This is the
essential point of Plato's dispute with poetry. He is not concerned that the listener will be
beguiled into mistaking reality for poetic mimesis but rather the that the listener will
eventually become the performer, whose aim is to deceive. Plato belonged to a culture in

which poetry was written to be performed. Ancient Greek education depended heavily on

 

namely the intellect, and that they recompense with their favours those
men who esteem and honour this most, because these care for the things
dear to themselves, and act rightly and nobly. Now it is clear that all these
attributes belong most of all to the wise man. He therefore, is most beloved
by the gods; and if so, he is naturally most happy. "

158 Werner Jaeger, Paideia vol. I, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 32.

159 Consider also Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics; Book 7 113- 12:" ...the qualities of
character to be avoided are three in a king: vice, moral weakness and brutishness. The
opposites of two of these are obvious: one is virtue and the other is moral strength. The
most fitting description of the opposite of brutishness would be to say that it is
superhuman virtue, a kind of heroic and divine excellence; just as Homer has Priam say
about Hector that he was of surpassing excellence; 'for he did not seem like one who was a
child of a mortal man, but of a god.’ Therefore, if as is said, an excess of virtue can change
a man into a god, the characteristic opposed to brutishness must evidently be something of
this sort."

160 Plato, Republic, 393c5 . For full discussion of Mimesis see: P. Woodruff," Aristotle
on Mimesis" in Essays on Aristotle's Poetics , ed. Amelie Oksenberg Rorty, (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1992), 73-95.

161 Plato, Republic 111 393 CID.

49
the recitation or performance of poetry by upper class youngsters, and Plato was afraid that

students would tend to become like the characters they irnpersonated if they performed
mimetic poetry. 162 Within Plato's ideal society, each student must play his own part and
mimetic performances would have required them to play many parts which would be a
bad influence on a member of the guardian class. Plato's argument depends on the
assumption that mimesis can reproduce objectionable features of the original and so
interfere with the proper education of the young aristocrats. Plato's objection serves to
verify the use of recitation, imitation and emulation in aristocratic education which
encouraged emulation of the poetic ideal.

From secondary sources we know that Aristotle did educate Alexander by the use
of poetic mimesis. Plutarch163 states that Alexander was particularly fond of Homer and
that Alexander said he had taken the Iliad and the Odyssey along on the Asian campaign.
Alexander 's copy of the Homeric poems was either annotated by Aristotle, 164 or by
Alexander and Callisthenes.165 The casket in which he kept it was selected from Darius'
possessions and he kept it as one of his most treasured objects, even sleeping with it and
his dagger close at hand.166

Alexander requested that Harpalus send to him the works of Euripides, Aeschylus
and Sophocles during his Asian campaign. 167 This bit of evidence gives us insight into
Alexander's literary preferences. It is probable that Alexander's education included poetic
mimesis. Plutarch states that the "sons of the Persians, of the Susians and of the
Gedrosians learned to recite the tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles." 168 Quintilian

(10.1.67) states that for one who trains as a speaker, a knowledge of Euripides would be

 

162 Plato, Republic III 394 a 1.

163 De Fortuna Alexandri Magni, Oratio 1
164 Plutarch Alex 8

165 Strabo xm. 1.27

166 Plutarch Alex. 26

167 Plutarch Alex. 8.

168 Plutarch,De Fortuna 5.

50
more helpful than Sophocles. Surely Alexander benefited from at least a comparable

education as that given to the sons of the Orientals.

Aristotle held that Euripides was the "most tragic of poets" which could have
influenced his student's preference. Therefore, the works of Euripides hold special
importance for this study. The Poet was known to have had acquaintance with the
Sophists, with some involvement with Anaxagoras and Socrates. As an accomplished
tragedian, he was invited to the Macedonian court at Pella by Alexander's grandfather,
Archelaus where he remained for two years until his death, 406 BC. His works,
according to Plutarch,169 were favored by Alexander who could recite them from
memory. In a debate with Callisthenes, Alexander is said to have exchanged barbed
quotations from Euripides. 170 In his Heracles, Euripides developed the character of the
hero/god as the epitome of the goodness of man. His labors were the manifestation of that
goodness and which benefitted mankind and civilized the world. Alexander saw his
conquests as Heraclean labors and he, too benefited mankind by bringing civilization to the
known world. It is therefore most probable that Alexander's education included these
works and that his emulation of Heracles was, in part, inspired by his literary knowledge.

Since, the use of mythological example has a long tradition in ancient education and
reasoning and as such, there is due cause to look to Heracles as a precedent for Alexander
both in his quest for knowledge and in his conquests" to civilize the world"171. As we
have seen, by the early fourth century,Heracles was thought to have been begotten to rule
mankind and deified by virtue of his knowledge. He thus could have served as a
mythological example of a divine ruler to which Alexander could aspire. We have only to
remember Peisistratos' mimetic use of Heracles to promote his own reign in Athens to see

the strength of mythological paradigm in the Greek mind. Alexander's emulation of

 

169 Plutarch. Alexander , 51
170 Plutarch, Alexander, 53.
171 Amphitryon in Euripides Heracles (17-21)

51
Heracles was entirely in keeping with the use of mythology as a paradigm for his own

divine kingship.

The political potential for the mimetic use of Heracles by the Macedonian
monarchy was not lost on Isocrates. The Athenian orator used Heraclean mythology to
promote his political agenda for a pan-Hellenic campaign by Philip H against the Persians.
Isocrates recalled Philip's lineage from Heracles in his propaganda in order to persuade him
to emulate his ancestor's wisdom, ambition and justice. 172 In fact, he used the precedent
of Heracles' expedition against Troy ostensibly to persuade Philip to take up the cause
against Persia. 173 Isocrates suggested that Philip's previous victories were accomplished
with the aid of divine intervention, and furthermore, the orator himself was divinely
inspired.174 Elsewhere, Isocrates wrote that if Philip conquered Persia," there would be
nothing left for him but to become a god."175 While acknowledging the role of hyperbole
in fourth century orations, the reference to Heracles, the divinely appointed ruler, served to
underscore the established analogy. Philip's great military success may have won equally
great admiration but clearly, the orators, admirers and adversaries helped to promote his
image using Heracles as an example.

The use of mythology for political propaganda did not begin with Isocrates'
Philippus. Moreover, in order to influence public opinion, the orator could not have
invented the mythological paradigm. Instead, he must have relied on an established

interpretation of Heracles. Isocrates wisely selected Heracles with which to associate

 

172 Isoc. 5.114

173 Isoc. 5. 111-115. " When Heracles saw that Hellas was filled with wars and
factions....he reconciled the cities with each other, and then showed to succeeding
generations with whom and against whom they ought to go to war. For he made an
expedition against Troy... and easily took the city by storm. ( To Philip) make
expeditions...with the Hellenes against those upon whom it is fitting that the descendants of
Heracles should wage war." trans. M.M. Markle IH op. cit. 85.

174 Isoc. 5.151

175 Isoc. Ep. iii. 5 The authenticity and influence of the work is debated by Ehrenberg,
Alexander and the Greeks. 90. Balsdon, in Griffiths, op cit. 184; Hammond and Griffiths,
History of Macedonia , vol. H 456. Tarn argues for the influence of the elderly statesman's
comments on Alexander . Tarn, Alexander the Great, H, 365-369.

52
Philip. The analogy served to present the mythological Ovaf, érvbpdrv as Philip and

promoted his capability of defeating the Persians, as Heracles defeated Troy, a formidable
and irrepressible enemy. Additionally, it persuaded the Hellenes to accept Philip as a
second Heracles, to become their leader in a Pan-Hellenic campaign, as Heracles was a

Pan-Hellenic ruler and god.

H. The Nature of the Macedonian Monarchy

By recalling Philip's descent from Heracles, Isocrates touched on a profoundly
religious bond. According to Argead genealogy,Argeas was the son of Macedon who was
begotten by Zeus. Perdiccas was the son of Temenus who was begotten by Heracles.
Perdiccas displaced Argeas and was assimilated into the Argead line. In this way,
Alexander the Great through Perdiccas traced his lineage to Heracles. 176 The succession
to the Macedonian kingship was based on heredity because the divine favor bestowed upon
a ruler was inherited by his son. 177 The welfare of the Macedonians depended on this
divine intervention. The king's primary duties were religious, his office was as chief priest.
As such, be sacrificed to the gods on behalf of the state and conducted the appropriate
festivals and ceremonies. As he was descended from a god, he became the intermediary
between the gods and his people and he was imbued with superhuman powers. 178

Consequently, he possessed a sacred mien and was venerated as such in his role. 179

 

176 Hdt. 8.137; Thuc. 2.99.3; 5.80.2; Theopompus, FHG 1.283 == Jacoby, FGrHist. 2
B 115 F 344; D. S. 7., fr. 17; Isoc. Phil. 32; Arr. 4.11.6. Ap. Dascalakis, "L'origine de la
maison royale de Macédoine et les légendes relatives de l'antiquité", in Ancient Macedonia
(Thessaloniki 1970), ed. B. Laoudas and Ch. Makaronas, 155-61, reviews the ancient
testimony (without giving references). He postulates that there is a kernel of historical truth
in the ancient legend: there was a reverse Dorian invasion, from the Peloponneseus to the
region of the Pindus, when they occupied Bottiaea (pp. 160-1). For a summary, see C. F.
Edson, "Early Macedonia", in Ancient Macedonia, 18-21.

177 N.G.L. Hammond, The Macedonian state, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992),
18.

178 Compare this office with the roles of Heracles as mediator between the gods and man
in Aeschylus' Prometheia and in Euripides' Philoctetes.

179 Hammond,The Macedonian State, 22.

53
Heracles' function as mediator between men and the gods directly parallels the role of the

Macedonian ruler. As the rescuer of Prometheus and as deus ex machina in Philoctetes,
Heracles served as mankind's advocate and mediator. "The Macedonian king was the
intermediary between the Macedonian people and the gods and in this role he was an object
of veneration."180 The king was invested with a religious aura which was all important.

Alexander, as chief priest, conscientiously sacrificed daily even when he was
approaching death.181 His historians often refer to his sacrifices, temple dedications,
dreams and omens . The frequency of his sacrifices to Heracles is especially noteworthy.
At the commencement or the termination of major campaigns, Alexander sacrificed to
Heracles, as if to define each campaign as a Heraclean labor.182 Marsyas, a priest of
Heracles, and a Macedonian historian, wrote that upon entering a city, the king was met
"by someone carrying a guala (goblet) full of wine, he accepts it and he pours a
libation."183 Regular sacrifice to Heracles Patrous, the ancestor, have been reported at
both Aegeae and later at Pella.184

The second role of the Macedonian monarch is to act as the commander of the
army. Not only did he use his divine guidance to lead the campaign but he was also first in
battle. The king claimed preeminence among his followers on account of his own physical
prowess. Homeric kingship lived on in fourth century Macedon and the king's authority
consisted in his own physical c’xperfi.185 As we have seen the heroic ideal of (rpm-1’1

were well known concepts to Alexander as his fondness for the Iliad was well

 

180 Hammond,The Macedonian State, 221.

181Arrian An. 7.25.2; Curtius 4.6.10

182 Alexander sacrificed to Heracles: on the banks of the Danube J ust.9.2.10- 12;
Hellespont ,Arlian An. 1.4.5 , H.7; the Pinarus after the Battle of Issus, Arrian An. 2.24.6;
Tyre twice after the siege, Anian An. 3.6.1; Hydaspes at the start of the voyage to
"Heracles, his ancestor" Arr. An 6.3.2; in Carmania, Arrian Ind. 36.3.

183 F GrH 135-6 in N.G.L. Hammond, 1992. 67
134 Hammond, The Macedonian State, 22.

185CF. Edson, "Early Macedonia ", in Ancient Macedonia, ed. B. Laourdas, I
(Thessaloniki 1970) l7ff.

54
documented. 186 Plutarch187 reports that Alexander's favorite line was: "Outporepov,

Buorher’rg T’ éyaflog, Kpa'répos T ' alxur‘rrns." 188 "The same Philip who
demonstrated such cunning in his dealings with the Greeks also fought in the forefront of
battle." 189 Alexander, for his part, fought alongside his men in the foremost ranks, and
demonstrated his superiority by the strength of his constitution .190

The king was additionally chief judge. He was assigned the role of guardian of
véuog, fighting the enemies of universal law and order, and later the Cynics promoted this
characterization of Heracles as the ideal ruler. Plutarch remarked that 'nothing so befits a
king as the work of justice.‘ and that Philip H was renowned as a judge. The Macedonians
had the right to appeal their case directly to the king. The appeal was delivered in writing
or in person and the king's decision was final. 191 A story was told that Philip informed an
appellant, an elderly woman, that he had no time to hear her case. She replied, "then you
have no business to be king'; he heard her case and gave his judgment. 192

The archaeological excavations at Aegae, the ancient capitol of Macedonia, have
unearthed a palace dated to 276-239 BC. and assigned to the time of Antigonos

Gonatas.193 It is square in plan with rooms arranged around a central colonnaded

 

186 " be regarded the Iliad as a handbook of the art of war and took with him on his
campaigns a text annotated by Aristotle, which became known as " the casket copy" and
which he always kept under his pillow together with his dagger." Plutarch, Alex 8

187 De Fortuna Alexandri Magni, Oratio I

138 De Fortuna, 10.

189 L. Edmonds, 370.

190 " He also used to say that it was sleep and sexual intercourse which more than
anything else, reminded him that he was mortal; by this he meant that both exhaustion and
pleasure proceed from the same weakness of human nature." Plutarch, Alexander 22; "..he
saw in the distance a number of scattered watch-frres which belonged to the enemy. It
was always his habit in a crisis to encourage the Macedonians by sharing in their dangers,
and so , trusting to his speed and agility, he dashed to the nearest camp fire, dispatched
with his dagger the two barbarians who were sitting by it, and snatching up a flrebrand ran
back to his own party. " Plutarch Alexander 24.

191 N.G.L.Hammond, The Miracle that was Macedonia, (London:Sidgwick and Jackson:
Great Civilization Series, 1991), 34.

192 Hammond, The Miracle that was Macedonia, 34.
193 Andronicos and Rhomaios. Vergina, 39-

55
courtyard. Access to the palace is by means of a triple propylon, centered at the north wall.

The tholos, a circular hall, lay south of the third unit of the propylon. The external plan of
this room was square while the internal plan was circular. The entrance was placed on the
western wall for access to the eastern stoa In the fill, Hewzey found parts of a votive
offering and he also recorded the discovery of niches set into the walls and the base of a
throne against the northern arc of the hall.194 The last phase of excavations completed by
Andronikos and his team, revealed an inscription on the floor of this tholos: HPAKAHI
HATPQIQI. 195 The inscription was a dedication to Heracles the progenitor of the royal
Argead dynasty. This has led archaeologists to conclude that the function of the tholos was
both judicial and religious. The dual role of the Macedonian monarchy would have
allowed for the formal shrine to serve as a court of justice. This dedication in the tholos
would have served to substantiate both the function and the lineage of the enthroned.
Heracles' role as the ruler of mankind and the savior from evil was known to
Alexander. His aristocratic education depended heavily on recitation and performance of
epic poetry and his emulation of Heracles was grounded in his training for the monarchy.
Aristotle described monarchies 'of heroic times' in very general tenus. The king governed
willing subjects and he ruled according to law. The king was granted full powers as
commander and as judge and he was mediator with the gods. 196 This is what Aristotle
called a constitutional monarchy. He considered that the Macedonian monarchy was very
close to the Homeric model and seemed to categorize it as " hereditary monarchies among
some of the barbarians." 197 Therefore, the nature of Alexander's kingship in fourth
century Macedon was closely paralleled with the epic monarch. Heracles, Alexander's

ancestor, was established as Zeus' progeny intended as the ideal king. As a divine

 

194 L. Heuzey, and H. Daumet, Mission Archeologique de Macedoine, Paris, 1876, 117.
in M. Andronicos, Vergina, The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City, (Athens: Ekdotike
Athenon S. A., 1987), 42.

195 Andronicos, Vergina, 39.
196 Aristotle, Politics 1285b 2123.
197 Aristotle, Politics 1285b 30-3.

56
descendant and a king, Alexander possessed divine v60; exactly as did Heracles, and he

was elevated to a superhuman status. As a pupil of Aristotle, he was educated in
philosophical principles which distinguished him from his subjects, just as Heracles was
given knowledge and thus deified. Given the duties and traditions of Alexander's kingship
and his preparation for the position, one must conclude that he could not do otherwise than

to become the philosopher-king par excellence and like Heracles, a divine ruler.

IH. Precedents of Divine Veneration Bestowed upon Living Rulers

The stage had been set for the acceptance of Alexander's divinity by the Greeks
themselves. Following the Peloponnesian war, the political and religious climate was
receptive to a re-evaluation. In the development of the divine ruler cult, historical heroes
who were victorious in battle became elevated to a super-human status with unprecedented
veneration. In the case of the early examples, such as Lysander of Samos the
consecration of divine honors came from a grateful oligarchy or populace in return for their
heroic t’rpe‘n‘t. The orientation of bestowal shifted with the veneration of Philip 11. As a
Macedonian monarch, Philip was imbued with divine favor and an elevated stature. With
his self-promoted divinity, Philip was likely to establish his authority over the conquered
populations. This shift in orientation marks a significant political maneuver by Philip to
usurp the control of this inchoate veneration among the Hellenes. In turn, Alexander
opportunistically promoted his rule as divine.

The hero cult stood intermediate between the Chthonic realm and the Olympian
realm. 198 In the eighth century, the evolution of the polis necessitated the development
of a hoplite phalanx. As such, the cult of the common heroes became an expression of
group solidarity. The rise of the hero cult replaced the declining 'cult of the dead' to become

the Chthonic counterpart to the worship of the Olympian gods.199 Because the focus of

 

198Farnell,_Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality,(Oxford: Cllaredon Press, 1921).
65.

199 Walter Burkert, Greek Religion(Boston: Harvard University Press, 1985), 205.

57
cultic practice centered around the hero's grave, the sanctity of location is inherent to cultic

ritual and continuity . The specificity of location is attested by the construction of the
heroon, a sacred grave precinct, and by the erection of a monument to the hero. The cultic
rites included blood sacrifices for apotropaic purposes. The blood was offered through a
pit, bothros, or a hearth, eschara, over which a sacrificial ram or pig's head is held. This
sacrifice was a nocturnal ritual and the color of the sacrificial animal was black200 The
annual enagismos, the hero cultic feast, was held on the anniversary of the hero's death. It
was the culmination of the hero's honors with the spirit of the hero who had lived a mortal
life on earth and manifested supematural power after his death.201

By contrast, sacrifice to the Olympian gods required the elevation of the victim,
usually an ox, onto an altar, bomos, while the animal's head is held up toward the sky
allowing the gods to savor the Vitals. The sacrifice was performed in the morning and after
the appropriate parts were offered to the gods, the rest was eaten by the worshippers. The
use of the color white was symbolic for the Olympian worship. 202 As for Heracles,
though he was considered a mortal hero, in legend, he was concurrently worshipped as an
Olympian god. He singularly represented a transitional figure between the veneration of a
mortal hero and a god. Although the grave site was prominent in heroic veneration,
Heracles had no grave. Since community solidarity was fundamental to the hero cult,
Heracles was a panhellenic hero worshipped throughout the Greek world.203

A belief in the afterlife and a belief in the power of the deified king were

considerably different. The Macedonian monarch was venerated in life as possessing

 

200 AD. Nock Essays on Greek Religion, vol. 1,188 also Howard Shapiro," Heros
Theos: The death and apotheosis of Heracles" Classical World, vol. 77,1 (1983), 7-18.
also A.D. Nock "The Cult of Heroes," Harvard Theological Review 37 (1944), 143-147.
documents the frequent exception of Hero cult practices.

201 Burkert, 205.

202 AD. Nock, Essays on Greek Religion, vol. 1, 190.

203 S. Woodford, "Cults of Heracles in Attica," in Studies Presented to George M.
Hanfrnann, Fogg Art Museum Harvard University Monographs in Art and Archaeology
II, David Gordon Mitten, John Griffiths Pedley, and Jane Ayer Scott, eds.(Mainz, W.
Germany: Verlag Philipp Von Zabern, 1971), 211-225.

58
semi-divine power. This power was passed on from father to son, heredity of this semi-

divine stature was the decisive factor in the succession of the throne. As chief priest, the
king was the intermediary between men and gods. As chief justice he was capable of
restoring and maintaining véuos. As the king was the first in battle, he was venerated as a
hero and recognized for his physical prowess. In death, the king was worshipped by his
subjects in the hopes for the same divine protection and favors he was capable of providing
in life. In 317 BC. Philip H and Alexander the Great appeared side by side as deities in a
festival for Macedonian and Persian soldiers, "for there were altars to the gods and to
Alexander and Philip."204

The early examples of a deified ruler were victorious heroes who were regarded as
extraordinary leaders. The gap between a hero and a god was bridged by this figure who,
by military or political achievement obtained superhuman stature. The rise of the political
ruler cult in the fourth century is removed from the religious practices of the hero cult205
By venerating the ruler with divine honors, the community recognized his power in return
for god-like benefits.206 Therefore, a ruler was deified in return for the favors he was
capable of providing, not to establish his position as a ruler. As we have seen from
Homer, the ancients conceived divine power as a plurality to which they attached various
divine personalities. Heracles, for example, acted on earth in human form to fulfill the
function as OOOTflp. Against this framework we can better understand such promotion
and worship of uniquely powerful rulers to fulfill a particular function, such as the
protection of a city. After Homer, the mental construction of the anthropomorphic divine
world had been canied on chiefly by images, both verbal and visual. The use of statues
and panegyrics to promote the divine ruler cult offer our first evidence of the institution of
the divine ruler status. By the Hellenistic period, the ruler cult was an accepted and

established form of honor.

 

204 N.G.L Hammond, The Macedonian State, 30.
205 Famell, 17.
206 Burkert, 239.

59
The veneration of the divine ruler varied greatly.207 Quite simply, the grateful

populace could manipulate the powerful leader by flattering him using divine language. As
an oecist, the king who founded a city was worshipped as a god. A statue of the king, an
agalma. placed in an existing temple, allowed him to share the divine honors with the god,
owvaés 056g. The city could legislate the king as an official deity with a statue, an eikon,
and his cult would be served by a priest. The dual nature of the king's role is exemplified
by the two kinds of statue. The agalma, was the cult statue representing the king as
ow‘rfip, 'for his virtue, courage in war and defeat of the enemy'.208 The eikon represents
the king as civic benefactor, for his ' virtue, care in prospering the state, and munificence
towards the demos.‘209 The king's dual role, which was distinguished by the types of
honors bestowed, recalls exactly the dual nature of Heracles and is Similarly represented
with visual attributes.210 Therefore, the consecration of the divine ruler cult was a
political maneuver without religious connotations.211 The political nature of the divine
ruler cult is evidenced from even the early examples and there is no indication that the
deification of Alexander should be anything but political.

Evidence for the earliest acceptance of an historical figure transformed to a
living,divine ruler lies in the statements of Duris as reported by Plutarch.(Lys. l8)
Lysander was reported to have been the first to receive divine honors after the battle of
Aegospotami in 404 BC. As a god, altars were erected to him and sacrifices were made to

him.212 Additionally, the Heraea was renamed the Lysandreia as verified by epigraphic

 

207 Hammond and Scullard, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1992, 939.

208 This is the wording of the decree of the Pergamene demos voting honours to Attalos
IH. Admittedly later than our study, it serves to illustrate the nature of the agalma. (IvP
249=OGIS 332) in R.R.R. Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits (Oxford Monographs on
Classical Archaeology,Clarendon Press, 1988) 20.

209 From the same decree above, Smith, 20.

210 See chapter 3.

211 Hammond and Scullard, 939.

212 FGrH 76 F.71= Plutarch, Lysander 18:" He was the first, as Duris says, in his
history, among the Greeks to whom the cities reared altars as to a god, and sacrificed; to
him were songs of triumph first sung, the beginning of one which still remains recorded:

60
evidence,213 indicating four celebrations in the fourth century.214 Habicht dates the

Lysandreia to 404-394, based on an inscription on the statue base from the Heraea. The
annual Lysandreia was celebrated until 394 when Sparta was defeated by the Persians and
the anti-Spartan alliance of Greek city states.215 Pausanias describes three memorials

dedicated by Lysander to commemorate his victories.216 Most interesting of these

 

"Great Greece's general from spacious Sparta we

Will celebrate with songs of victory..."
And the Samians decreed that their solemnities of Hera should be called the Lysandria;...."
cf. Frg 26: Athen. 15.696 E

213 T. Homolle, Fouilles de Delphes, III. Paris,1908, 24. and 1929;( T. 3, Epigraphie,
fasc, I, n. 50.); Pausanias X 9.4: trans. by Peter Levi (New York: Penguin Books) 1988.

Lysander dedicated this statue

after his victory in the swift ships.

He has destroyed the power of Athens

and crowned Sparta the invincible:

the acropolis of Greece;

and the country of beautiful dances.

Ion of Samos wrote this poem.

214 Plutarch (Lys. 18.5-6) see also A.B. Bosworth, Conquest and Empire , the Reign of
Alexander the Great, (CambridgezCambridge University Press, 1993), 280 :"These
details have often been challenged, but it is now epigraphically attested that the Lysandreia
were celebrated at least four times in the fourth century." Epigraphical evidence in Habicht
1970, 243-4 attests to the four festivals in the fourth century. He bases his position on an
inscribed fragment that mentions a pancratiast's four victories in the Lysandreia. He dates
the inscription to 404 BC. and proposes that the festival was annual.

215 Contra: E. Badian, " The Deification of Alexander the Great" in Ancient Macedonian
Studies in Honor of Charles F. Edson, (Thessaloniki, 1981, 34-35) Badian opines that
divine honors were voted to Lysander posthumously by a grateful oligarch to
commemorate his triumph and their restoration due to the military prowess of Lysander.
Badian dates the Lysandria no earlier than 394. However, I agree with Bosworth, (1993)
280 who observes, that "the deification by a grateful populace motivated to propitiate his
temporal power would have no benefit from a posthumous apotheosis."

216 Pausanias IH 17.4: (The Lakonian Akropolisz) "... The western colonnade has two
eagles carrying two Victories: They were dedicated by Lysander in memory of both his
victories."
Pausanias VI 3.14-15: " Lysander, son of Aristokritos of Sparta was dedicated at Olympia
by the Samians, and their first inscription is this:

In the amazing woods of Zeus king of the sky

I stand by dedication of the people of Samos...

..Lysander has achieved everlasting glory for Aristokritos

and for his country: is famous for courage."
Pausanias X 9.4: (Phokis).." Opposite them stand Spartan dedications from the spoils of
Athens: The Dioskouroi and Zeus and Apollo and Artemis, then Poseidon, Lysander being
crowned by Poseidon,.."

61
memorials is the one dedicated by the Samians at Olympia (Pausanias VI 3.14-15) The

iconography not only includes Lysander among the Olympian gods, but represents him as
crowned for his maritime victory by none other than Poseidon. Clearly, Lysander's
memorial at Olympia visually affirms his divine representation and reinforces the
bestowal of divine honors during his lifetime as explicitly stated by Duris and accepted by
Plutarch. The critical question centers upon the deification of a living ruler, for
posthumous honors were a fait accompli. This bestowal of hymns, sacrifices, and festivals
seems to constitute divine honors to a living leader. The granting of such honors by the
oligarchies was a political maneuver to stay in favor with Lysander. This elevation
instilled envy among other political leaders motivating them to aspire towards similar
treatment, 217 which exemplifies the underlying political nature of the ruler cult. It was a
tool with which to manipulate the largess of the leader yet one, by which the control of
consecration remained with the populace. In this way, a social and political equilibrium
was established.

There are accounts218 of cult worship to Clearchus, a tyrant of Heracleia in Pontus.
(364-352 BC.) Justin, for example, states that he claimed to be the son of Zeus and even
named his own son, Kepat'rvog, Thunderer, perhaps to emphasize his divine descent.219
Plutarch states that he went so far as to carry a thunderbolt 220; that he was worshipped
with Olympian honors.221 "If Clearchus had divine pretensions, he was certainly in a

position to impose them on his unfortunate subjects. "222

 

217 Plutarch, Lys.19.1
218 Ael. Frg. 380 Hercher; Plutarch, Mor.338 B; Justin XVI.5.8-11.

219 this was not unique to Clearchus' son, Ptolemy I by Eurydice was also named
narrative; and Seleucus HI was similarly named.

220 Plutarch Mor. 338B: Translation by Frank Cole Babbitt, Harvard University Press, IV
(1962) 449.

221 Justin XVI. 5811.
222 Bosworth, 280.

62
Additional alleged precedents of the deification of living rulers include: Dion of

Syracuse 223 Empedocles224, Pythagoras225 and Amyntas, the grandfather of
Alexander the Great.226 Most significantly, accounts of divine honors paid to Philip H
give the strongest evidence for his worship as a divine nrler. Pausanias ( 5.20.9- 10)
reports that Philip established a dynastic cult in the Philippeum at Olympia.227 He
describes a round building located soutlr-west of the Temple of Hera, which suggests a

divine association by its position within the boundaries of the sanctuary. The Shrine of

 

223Diodoros Siculus (16.11.2) recounts the honors granted to Dion of Syracuse whose
"arete" surpassed what was becoming a man. In 357 BC, Dion proclaimed his intention
to liberate all of Sicily from the tyrant Dionysius. Plutarch (Dion 29) states that the grateful
Syracusans hailed him as a god. Shortly thereafter, Dion fell from favor and was exiled
from Syracuse only to be recalled after the siege by Dionysius' troops. The grateful
populace elected Dion a general with absolute authority and revered him with honors suited
to a god, as benefactor and savior of his fatherland.(Diodoros Siculus l6.20.6)
Additionally, Plutarch (Dion46. 1) states that "the citizens hailed Dion as saviour and their
god" as be lead his troops through the city. The veneration of Dion has been used by
some scholars as evidence of deification of a living mortal providing precedent for
Alexander's deification.(M. Smith, in E. Badian, "Deification of Alexander the Great", The
Center for Hermeneutical Studies, Berkeley, (1976) 57. It is possible that this was
laudatory rhetoric, an expression of the degree of exaltation by the grateful Syracusans
without any intent to characterize forms of veneration they took.(Taeger,153) Habicht
postulates that the language of Diodoros applies the honors from the cult of dead heroes to
a living man in recognition of his arete, 1066501 Tlur‘t . (Habicht,244)

224 Katharmoi, B. F Gr H., 112. 49, PPF ed. H. Diels.

225 lambl. V.P. 28. 140 =Aristotclis Fragmenta Selecta , ed. W.D. Ross(AFS, 131); Ael.
V.H. 4.17 (=AFS,131); Apul. De Deo Soc. 20. 167 (=AFS,133); Diogenes Laer. 8.1.11(=
AFS,131) Ael. V.H. 2.26 (=AFS. 130)

226Ael. Aristides, 38. 480 p 715 Dindorf; There is mention of a new temple of Amyntas
in Pydna, and the statement of it by Demosthenes. It was built by the Pydnaeans for
flattery. cf. Habicht, 11-12; E. A. Fredricksmeyer, " On the Background of the Ruler Cult"
in Ancient Macedonian Studies in Honor of Charles F. Edson, Thessaloniki, 1981, 154.
contra, Taeger, 174.

227Pausanias 5.17.4 " The gold and ivory statue of Aridaios' wife Eurydike and Philip's
wife Olympias have been transferred here from what was called the Shrine of Philip."
which stood southwest of the temple of Hera. all translations of Pausanias are by Peter
Levi, Penguin Books, 1988.

Pausanias 5.20.9: "There is a small Doric temple which they still in my day call the
Mother's Sanctuary, preserving its ancient name....(located) inside Altis, and so is the
round building called the Sanctuary of Philip, on the pinnacle of which is a bronze poppy
that ties the roof beams. (10) ...built in fired brick with columns standing round it; Philip
built it after the fall of Greece at Chaironeia. Philip and Alexander are there and Philip's
father Amyntas, all by Leochares in ivory and gold like the portraits of Olympias and
Eurydike."

63
Philip was dedicated by the king, himself, after his Chaironeian victory. Archaeological

excavations have produced the remains of the temple and fragments of the
chryselephantine statues described by Pausanias. It is important to note that the use of
chryselephantine was normally reserved for statues of deities. According to Pausanias, the
chryselephantine statues of Eurydice and Olympias were later moved to the Sanctuary of
Hera.228 But the original location of the Philippeum and the use of chryselephantine attest
to the divine intentions of Philip.

Additional dedications are reported by Arlian (1.17.11) who describes a statue of
Philip which was dedicated by the Ephesians and placed in the Temple of Artemis at
Ephesos. 229 Moreover, inscriptions attest to the dedication of altars to "Zeus Philippios"
by the inhabitants of Eresus in lesbos.230 Habicht231 postulated that the newly founded
democracy in Eresus consecrated the altars in appreciation for Philip's aid against the
former tyrants. The evidence indicates profound association between Philip and the cult of
Zeus such that the sacrifices made to Zeus were by inference also made to Philip.232
The dedications of sculpture in a divine context does not in itself attest to a divine ruler cult,
nor do the iconography, medium and location stand as irrefutable evidence of divine
worship. However, the exalted status of the ruler must be accepted by the direct association
between the sacrifices to Zeus and thus to Philip by the people of Eresus.

In 356, Philip re-founded Crenides and renamed it Philippi. He then established the
city of Philippopolis on the Hebrus in 341. The founding of a city in one's own name was
unprecedented and indicated that Philip usurped the customary role of the city's patron deity

 

228 Pausanias, 5.17.4.

229 Bosworth, Conquest and Empire; The Reign of Alexander the Great, (Cambridge
Univ Press, 1988), 281 Bosworth notes that while this gesture was intended to honor the
king, it does not imply deification.

230 Tod, Grk Historic Inscrip H 191.6.; Bosworth,281.

231 Habicht. 39.

232 Bosworth, 281. contra: Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 11 Munich
1961,142. suggests that "Zeus Philippios" indicated recognition of the God as Philip's
patron deity.

64
for himself.233 Further evidence advancing the theory of divine honors for Philip is

found in Clement's Protrepticus (4.54.5) which indicates that the Athenians established a
law to introduce proskynesis to Philip and that his cult worship in the Sanctuary of
Heracles was initiated by the Athenians after the battle of Chaeronea, 338, BC.234 Philip's
extraordinary military power secured his position as hegemon over the Greek city states.
The release of the Athenian prisoners of war and the proposal of an Athenian alliance,
advanced Philip's image as an omnipotent ruler. The Athenians, fearing a barbarian
slaughter, reacted with gratitude to Philip's magnanimity.

According to Diodoros (16.92. 5)235 the wedding of Philip's daughter included a
procession of sculptures depicting the Olympian gods in which a statue of the king was
included as their synthronos. Both the artistry and the inclusion of Philip's statue served to
establish the ruler as if he were a god. We have noted the reports of Clearchus' imitation of
Zeus. Philip's statue in an official public procession must be interpreted as a public political
statement- propaganda.

The divine pretensions of Clearchus and most evidently, of Philip mark a notable
shift in the development of the ruler cult. Lysander of Samos and Dion of Syracuse were
allegedly the recipients of divine honors given by a grateful populace. As hero and
arm-rip, the victorious leaders merited the highest exaltation from the spared citizens. By
contrast, the procession at Pella, the dynastic shrine and statues in the sacred sanctuary ,
the use of chryselephantine, and the founding of a city in his own name, were not

consecrated by grateful citizens in return for Philip's political largess. These were acts

 

233 EA. Fredricksmeyer, " On the Background of the Ruler Cult" in Ancient Macedonian
Studies in Honor of Charles F. Edson. Thessaloniki: Institute of Balkan Studies, 1981,
155.

234 EA Fredricksmeyer, 155; Bosworth, 281, writes that " at best it refers to the erection
of an honorary statue in the precinct, as at Ephesus." c.f. Badian, 1981.

235 Diodorus (XVI 92.5) "...Philip included in the procession statues of the twelve gods
wrought with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show of wealth to strike awe in the
beholder, and along with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suitable for a god, that of
Philip himself, so that the king exhibited himself enthroned amongst the twelve gods."

65
intended to communicate a political message from the king to the populace. It illustrates

the use of a concrete Visual sign, to impart an abstract concept. The inclusion of his own
likeness among the Olympian gods forces the spectator to interpret the mimemata as
reality. This is exactly the response that Plato warned against and precisely Philip's goal.
By the inclusion of his likeness among the gods, Philip is equally divine. What can be
more powerful than a ruler exalted by divine honors, but a divine ruler? With this, the
origin of the consecration of the divine honors shifted from political bribe to political
symbol. Public recognition of his exalted status could only improve Philip's prospects for
imperialist campaigns. Philip was preparing to use his position as supreme commander of
the Greek city-states when he was assassinated in 336B.C. The use of art for political
propaganda is by no means unprecedented, but the novel sophistication of this mimemata
towards a divine ruler cult is noteworthy. It is against this religious and political
background that deification of Alexander emerges as a synecdoche in the evolution of
Greek religion. 236 We should expect that Alexander in his quest as divine ruler should

employ the same mimetic devices to impart his exalted stature.

 

236 One of the more interesting examples of cult worship after Alexander is the Athenian
paean to Demetrius Poliorcetes. Demetrius had "freed" the Athenians by overthrowing the
tyrant, Demetrius of Phalerum giving rise to the veneration of Demetrius Poliorcetes as a
"soter"(Plutarch Dem 12.2 -5) The paean is recorded by Athenaeus (6.253 e):

0 Son of the most mighty god Poseidon and of Aphrodite, hail !

For other gods are either far away, or have not ears, or are not,

or heed us not at all; but thee we can see in very presence, not

in wood and not in stone, but in truth. And so we pray to thee.
Plutarch records that the Athenians assigned the opisthodomos of the Parthenon to
Demetrius as living quarters and that "he was received and entertained by Athena" (Dem.
23.2-5)
Clearly, the Athenian willingness to accept his divine sonship and the installation of
Demetrius in the Parthenon attests to the impact of Philip and Alexander's deification. The
paean echo's the sentiments expressed by Thucydides and those in the paean to Lysander.

66
IV. The Deification of Alexander the Great

"If men really could not distinguish between frogs and men,
fairy-stories about frog-kings would not have arisen."
J .R.R. Tolkien, "On Fairy-Stories"

The monarchy in Macedonia enjoyed an elevated stature that assumed a divine
association. We have noted that Alexander's succession to the throne was based on his
descent from Heracles and ultimately from Zeus as well as his divine favor as a member
of the Argead clan. The figure of Heracles as an exemplary king was an equally important
source of inspiration in his quest for recognition of his divine kingship. Recitation and
imitation of the literary and philosophical treatment of Heracles must have been a
component of his education by Aristotle. Therefore, Alexander's stature as a Macedonian
king and his preparation by Aristotle produced a personality that was ripe for the reception
of divine kingship. This does not mean that Alexander thought of himself as a god.
Aristotle could not have imparted such a notion based on his treatise in Metaphysics part
of which was written during his sojourn at Pella. Furthermore, as the chief-priest, we
have noted the degree of Alexander's piety. The quest for divine kingship must be treated
as distinct from his notion of the nature of god. He must have reconciled the two concepts
and as an astute political genius, he was able to elevate himself to the stature of a divine
king without compromising his Aristotelian training on the nature of god. Scholars have
isolated three documented events on which to base their studies of Alexander's political
apotheosis: the king's Visit to the oracle of Ammon, winter 332 BC; the proposal for
proskynesis, 327 BC; and the deification decree to Athens,324 B.C. While each act does
not in itself qualify as undeniable proof of Alexander's political apotheosis, they do
function as increments collectively portraying a divine king. Each step was given credence
by the example of Heracles. Alexander was inspired by Heracles' example to visit
Ammon where his dual paternity, similar to Heracles' was revealed. The introduction of
proskynesis was proposed and supported by the philosopher Anaxarchus, who used

Heracles' example as supporting evidence. The deification decree to the Athenians met with

67
opposition documented by famous retorts. Did the Athenians object to Alexander's divine

kingship or to the consequences requiring the subordination of the Athenian citizens? The
responses ridicule the premise of Alexander as an Olympian god not the political proposal
for divine kingship. Alexander exploited the precedents set by Philip and Lysander to
assume the office of the divine king. However, the Sheer magnitude of Alexander's empire
and his military achievements demanded recognition as superior to anything the world had
ever seen. The leaders of the past paled by comparison and only in Heracles could they
find an explanation for the superiority of Alexander.

Arrian (3.3.2)237 reports that the infallibility of the oracle at Siwa and the precedent
established by the visits of Perseus and Heracles inspired Alexander to emulate their
oracular journey. Moreover, the historian explicitly states that Alexander was motivated by
his desire to recreate and emulate Heracles' achievements. Their common roles and lineage
reinforced Alexander's suspicion that he was more than a distant offspring of Zeus. As we
have seen, the descent of the Argeads from Heracles had been firmly established, and
completely accepted generations before Alexander. Wilcken argues that the Greeks had
identified Ammon with Zeus long before Alexander, and equated the two as
interchangeable deities.238 His departure to Ammon established him as the direct
progeny of Zeus. Curtius (IV. Vii. 8) states"...but yet a great longing plied spurs to the

king's purpose of visiting Jupiter, whom he, not content with mortal eminence, either

 

237 Arrian 3.3.2: "After these events, Alexander suddenly found himself passionately
eager to visit the shrine of Ammon. One reason was his wish to consult the oracle there as
it had a reputation of infallibility, and also because Perseus and Heracles were supposed to
have consulted it. The former when he was sent by Polydectes to slay the Gorgon, the
latter during his journeys in Libya and Egypt in search of Antaeus and Busiris. But there
was also another reason: Alexander longed to equal the fame of Perseus and Heracles; the
blood of both flowed in his veins, and just as legend traced their descent from Zeus, so he,
too had a feeling that in some way he was descended from Ammon. In any case, he
undertook this expedition with the deliberate purpose of obtaining more precise
information of this subject, or at any rate to say that he had obtained it.

238 U. Wilcken, Alexander the Great (New York: w. w. Norton, 1967), 240.

68
believed, or wished men to believe, to be the founder of his race." 239 Yet the founder of

one's race does not denote divine sonship nor is it a pre-requisite for veneration as a divine
ruler. As Heracles had both a mortal and immortal father, so should Alexander. Dual
paternity , therefore, is both a logical extension of the Argead tradition and a logical
mythical advancement for Alexander's political apotheosis.

The earliest account of the journey to the oracle is by Alexander's historian,
Callisthenes,who is quoted by Strabo (17.1.43)240 and Plutarch (Alex. 26,27). In this
source, the main objective of Alexander's Visit was to seek validation of his divine
sonship. The miracles of the journey set the tone for the revelation to follow. The

unfavorable conditions did not deter Alexander's uéGog nor did the hardships that occurred

 

239The remark appears to originate from Ptolemy(Badian,4 n.9) and is echoed in the lines
of Arrian . Ptolemy (FGrH 138) and Aristobulus(FGrH 139) are recognized as eye
witnesses whose histories provided a favorable account of Alexander's with emphasis on
the military campaigns. Ptolemy's work is dated between 320 - 283 BC. (L. Pearson, The
Lost Histories of Alexander the Great, (Chia,California: Scholars Press, 1983), l91.while
Aristobulus, wrote his history of Alexander after the battle of Issus, 333 BC. concentrating
on geographical, botanical novelties along with the military campaign. (Bosworth, 297)If
Curtius' and Arrian's source was Ptolemy or Aristobulus, then the mythical reference
was a departure for the normally accurate Macedonians, who acquiesced to Alexander's
promotion of divine sonship without complete acceptance. (L. Pearson, 191)

240 Strabo (17.1.43) "At any rate, Callisthenes says that Alexander connived a very great
ambition to go inland to the oracle, since he had heard that Perseus, as also Heracles, had
done so in earlier times; and that he started from Paraetonium although the south winds
had set in, and forced his way; and that when he lost his way because of the thick dust, he
was saved by rainfalls and by the guidance of two crows. But this last assertion is flattery
and so are the next; that the priest permitted the king alone to pass into the temple in his
usual dress, but the rest changed their clothes; that all heard the oracles from outside except
Alexander, but he inside; that the oracular responses were not, as at Delphi and among the
Branchidae, given in words, but mostly by nods and tokens, as in Homer, 'Cronion spoke
and nodded assent with his dark brows' the prophet having assumed the role of Zeus; that,
however, the fellow expressly told the king that he, Alexander, was son of Zeus. And to
this statement Callisthenes dramatically adds that although the oracle of Apollo among the
Branchidae had ceased to speak from the time the temple had been robbed by the
Branchidae, who sided with the Persians in the time of Xerxes, and although the spring
also had ceased to flow, yet at Alexander's arrival the spring began to flow again and that
many oracles err carried by the Milesian ambassadors to Memphis concerning Alexander's
descent from Zeus, his future Victory in the neighborhood of Arbela, the Death of Darius,
and the revolutionary attempts in Lacedaemon. And he says that the Erythraean Athenais
also gave out an utterance concerning Alexander's high descent; for, he adds, this woman
was like the ancient Erythraean Sibyl. Such then are the accounts of the historians".

69
en route. In Strabo's version, the intervention of crows to lead the lost voyagers, for which

Ptolemy substitutes snakes, and Aristobulus substitutes ravens. This assistance was
followed by divine intervention of a rainfall to clear the dust storm, to harden the sand, and
to alleviate their thirst241 lending credence to the declaration of divinity with a subtext of
divine support. " (Alexander) was able to overcome not only his enemies but even places
and seasons of the year." 242 Upon arrival at the Oracular shrine, Callisthenes reported
that Alexander entered the inner sanctum of Ammon alone, although his companions were
privy to parts of the prophesy, most significantly, the priest's epitaph: "son of Zeus." 243
The priest also was reported to have responded to Alexander by "nods and tokens". 244

 

241 Plutarch,(26-27) describes the journey in like terms, however, the substitution of
ravens for crows and the overwhelming thirst was alleviated by rainfall. Ptolemy
substitutes serpents for crows (Arrian, Anab.3.3.5).

242 Plutarch, Alexander 26.
243Plutarch, Alex 27, reports that the priest misspoke saying "db Tra'i Ales " in lieu of

, "(Ir Tralblov" . Tarn corroborates Plutarch's interpretation by speculating that the priest
must have spoken in his non-native Greek or else Alexander would have needed an
interpreter. W.W. Tarn in G.T. Griffiths (ed.)Alexander the Great: The Main Problems,
Cambridge, 1966, 152. and U. Wilcken, Alexander the Great, 240. The Greeks had
identified Ammon with Zeus long before Alexander and equated the two as
interchangeable deities. He proposed that the god at Siwa had become either a Greek or an
Egyptian-Greek deity. Peter Green, Alexander of Macedon, Harmondsworth 1970.269.
states that Alexander's status as conqueror of Egypt, therefore Pharaoh, he would be
Ammon's son ex-officio, which proposes that he was crowned before Visiting the shrine of
Siwa Only the Romance supports this with mention of his coronation. Contra, E. Badian,
"Alexander in Iran", in Cambridge History of Iran II, Cambridge 1985, 433 n.1. Stanley
Bumstein, "Pharaoh Alexander“. A Scholarly Myth, Ancient Society, 22, 1991, 139-145,
states that the epitaph is not a formulaic greeting for the pharaoh of Egypt therefore
Alexander was not the pharaoh of Egypt and the utterance came as a real surprise.

24“IThe declaration of Alexander's divine sonship was corroborated by several oracles
(Badian,6). Callisthenes told the story that upon Alexander's arrival at Didyma, the oracle
there began to speak after a long silence stretching back to the days of Xerxes. He also
reported that in early spring of 331 BC, Milesians carried from Apollo to Memphis
pronouncements about Alexander's descent from Zeus, together with prophecies about his
future victory near Arbela, the death of Darius, and the Spartan revolution. This appears to
be too soon for the news of the oracle of Ammon to have reached them and the declaration
of Alexander's divine descent must have preceded his journey to Siwa (Bosworth 285).
The Erythraean prophetess, Athenais, spoke of Alexander's divine descent. It is assumed
that her utterance supported Alexander's divinity because of its inclusion by Callisthenes
with other oracles lending credibility to his godhead (J acoby, HB, FGrH 124, Kallisthenes,
f. 14 a.b.a.).

70
Callisthenes, as Alexander's historian, published reports of the campaign with an

eye to the public image of his leader, and most certainly reported the journey with
Alexander's approval. Indeed his histories have slipped into propaganda. He was rebuked
by Polybius for his unabashed flattery of Alexander.245 However, as nephew and pupil of
Aristotle, his method of character analysis in Deeds of Alexander (FGrH 124) revealed his
extensive knowledge of Homer. He employed a pattern of plot development that
embellished the legendary nature of Alexander and his campaign. For example, initially
Alexander confronted a fatal or impossible situation and overcame it by an apparent
miracle which culminated in the recognition of his godhead.246 A similar plot treatment
can be found in Callisthenes' account of the proskynesis of the sea at Pamphylia.”7 As in
the adventure at Siwa, Alexander met with unfavorable conditions yet be commenced his
expedition in spite of the weather. The army was saved by a miracle of divine intervention.
The subsequent recognition of Alexander's godhead concluded the event.248 The allusion
to the proskynesis of the sea before Poseidon (Il 13.26-30) could not have been lost on the

 

245 Polybius12. 12b
246Pearson,.38.

247 Additional episodes reminiscent of the Homeric tradition include the Gordian knot,
and Alexander's sickness at Tarsus. In Callisthenes' account, the army was rescued from
drowning while advancing along the coast at the base of Mt. Climax in Pamphylia. A
strong south wind blew water onto the road submerging the men up to their waists. The
wind then shifted and blew the sea back again. The ancient historians deemed this event as
" heaven- sent stroke of luck" Plutarch, 17; Arrian, 1.26.2; Strabo 14.3.9; see also L.
Pearson, op.cit. 36-37: The direct account of Callisthenes comes from Eustathius and the
Townley scholia on the passage in the Iliad (F.31= Schol. Homer, II. 13.26-30) .
Eustathius concedes that Homer is dealing in wonders here but finds this permissible for a
poet. However, Eustatlrius cites Callisthenes' description of Alexander's passage along the
Pamphylian sea " even though he does not make the sea part before him in delight, as in
making way before Poseidon, nevertheless says that it withdrew from before his march as
though recognizing him, and that it too did not fail to know its lord ( so that in arching itself
and bowing it may seem to do obeisance)."

248 Strabo 14.3.9;" Alexander met with stormy weather here, and putting his trust
principally in Fortune Started out before the sea subsided, with the result that the march
went ahead all day long through water, the men being wet up to their waists."

71

Greek audience.249 "At any rate during this journey the assistance he received from the
gods in his difficulties was more readily believed than the oracles that followed, or rather it
was because of this assistance that the oracles were believed."250 The importance of
mythological and legendary examples to the ancient mind promoted the acceptance of such
metaphorical references. 251 Clearly this promotion was intended for a Greek audience; the
Persians, neither those among Alexander's retinue nor his subjects, would have the cultural,
and religious preconceptions to assimilate his divine sonship. Callisthenes was astute in his

propaganda and wisely associated Alexander's achievements with Homeric references.

 

249 Homer, 1] 13.26-30. "Going there he (Poseidon) harnessed under his chariot his
bronze-shod horses, flying-footed, with long manes streaming of gold; and he put on
clothing of gold about his own body, and took up the golden lash, carefully compacted, and
climbed up into his chariot and drove it across the waves. And about him the sea beasts
came up from their deep places and played in his path, and acknowledged their master, and
the sea stood apart before him, rejoicing. The horses winged on delicately, and the bronze
axle beneath was not wetted."

250Plutarch, Alex.27.

251 Consider also the Homeric overtones of the famous Gaugamela Prayer: Plutarch Alex
33.1: "...and at this be shifted his lance into his left hand, so Callisthenes tells us, and
raising his right he called upon the gods and prayed that if he were really the son of Zeus
they should protect and encourage the Greeks. ..... an eagle which hovered for a while over
Alexander's head and then flew straight towards the enemy. The sight acted as an
immediate inspiration the watching troops... " Furthermore, according to his accounts,
Homer appeared to Alexander, reciting from the Odyssey (iv,354-355), prior to his
founding of Alexandria: (Menelaos' description of his wanderings) " There is an island
there in the heavy wash of the open sea, in front of Egypt, and they call it Pharos, as far out
as the distance a hollow ship can make in a whole day's sailing when a sharp and following
wind is blowing it onward." trans. Richmond Lattimore, Harper Row, 1967.

As in the case of Philip, the founding of a city in one's own name lends the
connotation of divinity. The founder of the city receives civic cult honors, the evidence of
which is attested by cult statues of Alexander, which is preserved in a number of extant
copies. See Schwarzberg," The portraiture of Alexander" in F ondation Hardt pour l'Etude
de l'Antiquite Classique, Entretiens, Tome xxii, 233-234. The author uses a bronze
statuette in the British Museum as an example of his cult statue. "The figure of Alexander
wears an aegis of Zeus which is longer than usual and resembles the Macedonian chalmys.
The shape of the aegis is reflective of the shape of the city itself. Alexander carries a spear
in the right hand and the palladium in his left The palladium is an illusion to the one stolen
by Diomedes which he brought to Argos. Aeneas is said to have retrieved the palladium
during the fall of Troy and brought it with him to Rome. Alexander's possession of the
palladium connects the king not only with the Homeric tradition but also serves to validate
the local legend that Alexander rescued the palladium from Troy and brought it to
Alexandria."

72

Alexander's inspiration was derived from Heracles, his journey was imbued with divine
assistance and his arrival culminated in the revelation of his godhead. Just as the Homeric
heroes sought to explain their condition through the use of mythology, Alexander's journey
paralleled Heracles' Visit to Ammon and revealed his divine sonship. Alexander, as the
ultimate ruler, used Heracles as his mythological counterpart.

Alexander's proposal for Proskynesis in 327 BC, was a practice performed by the
Persians before their king. It was a secular act without religious connotation.252 By
contrast, to the Greeks and Macedonians, who lacked the cultural and religious precedent to
assimilate this act, it represented the debasement and humiliation of one mortal to another
and was reserved for the veneration of the Gods. 253 To the Greek mind, the acceptance
of proskynesis was considered an act of hybris . The issue of proskynesis sparked a
religious debate as recounted by Arrian. (IV. 10) on the propriety of rites afforded to the

mortal and the divine .254 Arrian's recreation of the dialogue gives immediacy to the

 

252 Herodotus 1.134 and Bosworth. 234-

253 Herodotus,VH.136.l, recounts the Spartan ambassadors to Xerxes who were forced
to perform proskynesis objected that it was not their custom to do so before any mortal.
Isocrates, IV.151, abrades the Persians for their performance of this act.

Aristotle, Rhet.1361a36, identifies proskynesis as a barbarian mark of honor.

254 Arrian IV,11: Alexander had arranged with Anaxarchus and the Persian and Median
noblemen at his Court that the subject should be brought up one day at a banquet. The
discussion was begun by Anaxarchus, who declared that Alexander had a better claim
upon them to be considered divine than Dionysus or Heracles. The reason for this was not
merely his brilliant and successful career, but also the fact that neither Dionysus nor
Heracles was connected with Macedon: Dionysus belonged to Thebes, and Heracles to
Argos- the latter only connection with Macedon was through Alexander, who had his
blood in his veins. This being so, there would be greater propriety in the Macedonians
paying divine honors to their own King. In any case there was no doubt that they would
honor him as a god after he had left this world; would it not, therefore, be in every way
better to offer him this tribute now, while he was alive, and not wait till he was dead and
could get no good of it?

Those who were, so to put it, "in the know" expressed their approval of what
Anaxarchus said, and were only too willing to begin prostrating themselves forthwith; but
the Macedonians- or most of them- who were present, strongly dissented, and said
nothing. Suddenly, Callisthenes intervened. 'For my part' he said, T hold Alexander fit for
any mark of honor that a man may earn; but do not forget that there is a difference between
honoring a man and worshipping a god. The distinction between the two has been marked
in many ways: for instance, by the building of temples, the erection of statues; the
dedication of sacred ground- all these are for gods; again, for gods sacrifice is offered and

73
debate while accurately representing the polemics. Habicht,”5 accepts the debate as

contemporary, though the dialogue is invented, the linguistic clues to a late invention are
absent.256 Furthermore, Plutarch's account (Alex 54),merely refers to the debate in
assumption of its general acceptance.257

In Arrian's passage, Anaxarchus, advocates for the proposal of proskynesis before
Alexander. The plan to introduce the act was promoted by Alexander's Court supporters,
and the Persians at Court. Anaxarchus opines that Alexander's entitlement to divine tribute

is greater than Dionysus' or Heracles' as evidenced by the king's successful military career

 

libations are poured; hymns are composed for the worship of gods, while panegyrics are
written for the praise of men. Yet of all these things not one is so important as this very
custom of prostration. Men greet each other with a kiss; but a god far above us on his
mysterious throne, it is not lawful for us to touch- and that is why we proffer him the
homage of bowing to the earth before him. Again for the worship of gods we perform the
ceremonial dance and sing the song of praise. There is nothing surprising in this, for even
the gods are worshipped by varying forms of ceremonial; and heroes and demi-gods,
remember, have again their own peculiar, and quite different rites.

It is wrong to ignore these distinctions; we ought not to make a man look bigger
than he is by paying him excessive and extravagant honor, or, at the same time, impiously
to degrade the gods( if such a thing were possible) by putting them in this matter on the
same level as men ...... [ to Anaxarchus, you are the advisor of ] Philip's son, a man with the
blood of Heracles and Aeacus in his veins, a man whose forefathers came from Argos to
Macedonia, where they long ruled not by force, but by law.

Again, not even Heracles was accorded divine honors by the Greeks while he was
alive- nor when he was dead either, until the command to do so was given by an oracle of
Apollo at Delphi. Well, here we are in a foreign land; and if for that reason we must think
foreign thoughts, yet I beg you, Alexander, to remember Greece, it was for her sake alone
that you might add Asia to her empire, that you undertook this campaign.

255 Habicht, 1970, p39.

256 See E. Badian,"The deification of Alexander the Great" in Ancient Macedonian Studies
in Honor of Charles F. Edson. (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies-158: 1981) 30.
who states:"Habicht has also carefully examined the characteristic forms of phrase that
mark a statement concerning deification as late: all forms of speech that refer to 'making' a
god or 'voting'a mortal to be a god, as opposed to recognising the fact of his divinity.
Now, such phrases are totally absenc from the debate, and it is surely unlikely that they
would have been accidentally avoided, in a passage of such length at a late date, or that
anyone composing the passage at a late date would have known the facts that Habicht has
disengaged."

257contra: Truesdell S. Brown " Callisthenes and Alexander" in G.T. Griffith ed.
Alexander the Great: The Main Problems, 1966, 242. who states that Alexander's
deification: "as an issue could only have become important after the return from India
when the problems of a permanent form for the empire could no longer be postponed.
And at that time Callisthenes himself was dead. "

74
and his Macedonian heritage. Anaxarchus also proclaims that Alexander's posthumous

reverence will be divine, and as such, it should be granted to him while alive. The
conflation of heroic and divine honors suggested by Anaxarchus is evidenced by the points
in his proposal for proskynesis: Alexander's heroic prowess in battle to the benefit of his
Macedonian people deserves heroic glorification. Furthermore, the specificity of location,
as manifested in the hero cult becomes an issue of lineage in this debate. Anaxarchus
offers as precedents to heroic glorification: Heracles and Dionysus. However, because
these two examples received heroic as well as divine honors, Anaxarchus is able to cross
from the heroic realm into the divine. The elderly philosopher continues the conflation by
proposing that Alexander's Macedonian origin befits "divine honors to their own King."
(Arrian IV. 1 1) The divine nrler as "a god among men" is integrated with the heroic
honors. Finally, Anaxarchus traverses the boundary of religious cults by stating that
Alexander will undoubtedly be deified posthumously, for expedience, he should be deified
now.

Interestingly, Anaxarchus' recommendation does not draw on the historical
precedents for divine veneration of a living ruler such as Lycurgus or even Philip. Instead,
he exploits the example of Heracles' as the paradigm of the divine ruler and explicitly
establishes a parallel with Alexander . As we have seen, the Cynic Antisthenes, in his
Heracles, treats the hero-god as the fast of the Greeks to whom world dominion, in the
form of world-monarchy was attributed.258 The sophist, Anaxarchus, wisely chose
Heracles as a precedent. Only in Heracles, will we find a figure able to match the
magnitude of Alexander's military as well as philosophical quests. The implication of
Alexander as divine ruler and world monarch through the example of Heracles will have

far-reaching effects.

 

258 W.W. Tarn, "Alexander, Cynics and Stoics." American Journal of Philology
60(1939), 49.

75
Callisthenes disputes the philosopher's proposal and, as Arrian (IV.11) and

Plutarch (Alex.54) assert, represents the opinion of the Macedonian soldiers. In his
lengthy rebuttal, he appeals to decorum and explicitly delineates between the veneration
befitting heroes, demi- gods and Gods. Callisthenes cites Alexander's achievements in
battle establishing him as a hero but maintains the distinction between men and gods. He
defends the propriety of this distinction by itemizing the ritual afforded to the gods and
culminating with the most reverent: proskynesis. The historian reinforces the impropriety
of proskynesis to a living mortal by citing the hybris of crossing the boundaries. While
Callisthenes actively promoted the notion of Alexander's divine sonship, his objection to
proskynesis was not hypocritical. The divine sonship was amply precedented and fully
acceptable.”9 Greek mythology provides numerous instances of gods consorting with
mortals to father mortal sons, who after death may become either a god or an hero.
However, divine sonship and divine kingship were mutually exclusive concepts.
Callisthenes accepted and indeed promoted the former whereas he rejected the latter. He
then redirected his attention to Alexander's origins by the epitaph, "Philip's son". His
glaring omission of Ammon and Alexander's divine sonship stresses his Macedonian
heritage. The oracle of Ammon, not the act of proskynesis, would allow Alexander to
advance toward the same goal- as successor of Heracles. To this, Callisthenes concludes, "
I beg you, Alexander, to remember Greece." 260

Sometime after the debate, Plutarch (54.4-6) and Arrian (IV. 12) tell of a private
banquet at which Callisthenes refused to perform proskynesis before Alexander .261

 

259 Badian, 10-11.

260 Curtius (8.5.22) and Arrian (IV, 12) continue to describe the remainder of the banquet
with " ...then the senior Persian officials rose from their seats and one by one groveled on
the floor before the King. Ieonnatus, a member of the Companions, thought one of them
bungled his bow, and burst out laughing at his attitude, which was, indeed, hardly
dignified."

Curtius 8.5.22 states that it was Polyperchon who laughed at the Persian.

261 Chares of Mitylene, the Royal Chamberlain was the source for both Arrian and
Plutarch. According to Plutarch, 54.6, Hephaestion maintained that Callisthenes had
originally agreed to perform proskynesis but reneged on his promise.

76
Alexander's kinsmen and intimates had previously agreed to perform proskynesis. The

participants drank a toast to Alexander, prostrated themselves, and received a kiss from
Alexander. Callisthenes, in his turn, drank a toast but failed to prostrate himself .
Alexander was in conversation with Hephaestion and was informed of Callisthenes'
omission by Demetrius, one of the Companions. Callisthenes' famous retort " I shall leave
one kiss poorer" shows his rejection of the act but did not seem to alter Alexander's
intention to propose proskynesis to larger sphere. 262

Clearly, the attempted introduction of proskynesis was aborted due to
incompatibility with Greek tradition as expressed by Callisthenes' response to Anaxarchus.
How could a political genius such as Alexander have failed to anticipate the impending
opposition to the act of proskynesis ? Callisthenes' abstract literary apotheosis was venial.
His account of the sea at Parnphylia performing proskynesis to Alexander was directly
inspired by the Homeric precedent of the sea in obeisance to Poseidon. The representation
of Alexander as a divine ruler who is reflective of divine nature is not the same as a
recognition of Alexander, the god. Compare the act of proskynesis with Philip's statue
among the Olympians, representing him in the image of divine. No one was confused
between the statue and the man nor between the statues and the Gods. Clearly, the Greek
mind was willing to accept a ruler as a mimemata for the divine nature in man at his best.
The proposal for proskynesis confused divine representation with the god himself and was
unacceptable to the Greek mind. Alexander misjudged the willingness of his subjects to
cross the boundary from imitation to reality. If they had, Alexander's authority would have
been absolute, as a political genius, he could not have failed to recognize this.

In 324 BC. Alexander sent to the League of Corinth the Exiles Decree. This
document ordered the restoration of political exiles to the city states of the League. Athens

stood to lose Samos, from which all Samians had been expelled while Athenian colonists

 

262Bosworth op.cit. 286. notes that Chares' story is popular with those who maintain
proskyneses as an adaptation of Persian ceremony i.e. Balsdon 1950, 379-382; Hamilton
1969, 152-3; contra Badian 1981, 48-54, Goukowsky 1978, I. 47-49.

77
settled in their place.263 The Deification Decree, as proposed by some scholars, was an

adjunct condition of the Exiles Decree and was politically motivated to insure the
enforcement of the Exile's order.264 Alexander, as hegemon of the league of Corinth
was not constitutionally permitted to interfere with Athens' internal affairs. However, if
deified, the League would be forced to execute his plan.265 Athens retained Samos in
return for his deification. Unfortunately our three principal biographers do not mention any
official request on the part of Alexander, but their silence cannot be taken as contradiction.
The documentation for the deification decree exists only indirectly. The anecdotal
evidence seems to presuppose a request by Alexander in some form. Plutarch 266 states
that the decree enacting divine honors was introduced by the pro-Macedonian, Demades.
He reminded them that " in their concern for heaven, they were likely to lose the earth. "267
If honors were enacted, they were certainly revoked by the commencement of the Larnian
War when Demades was fined for the proposal and suffered antimia . 268 Aelian's States
that, "Alexander sent instructions to the Greeks to vote him a god."269ln reference to
Philip's' statue in the procession at Pella with the Olympian gods, the response adequately
established the political nature of the decree and the equally political opposition. Lycurgus'
response is recorded by Plutarch: " What sort of God can this be when the first thing you

have to do on leaving his temple would be to purify yourself?"270 The Spartan, Damis

 

263 Badian, 11.

264 Much of the German scholarship proposes that these extant comments regarding the
worship of Alexander were in response to a demand on the part of Alexander: Wilcken
1970, 391; and Schacherrneyer 1973, 525-531. Eduard Meyer 1910, 330-2 argued for the
political maneuver and motivation which was supported by Tarn 1948, 370-3; Atkinson
1973, 331-5. While Balsdon, 1950, 383-8; Badian 1981, 54-8 and Bosworth 1988, 288-9
offer a more historical approach See also Bickennan n 79.

265 W.W. Tarn in Griffiths, Alexander the Great, the Main Problems, 174.
266 Plutarch Mor. 842D

267Demades Val Max 7.2, see Badian op.cit.11.

268 Athen. 6.251b. Dinarchus Dem 94, Hyp Dem. fr 8 col 31.

269 Aelian, VH 2.19 also in Athenaeus, 6.251b in Bosworth 286.
270Plutarch, Mor. 842D

78
responded: " As Alexander wants to be a god, let him be one."271 Demosthenes'

derision is famous: "let him be son of Zeus and of Poseidon too if he wishes. " 272 These
extant remarks comprise the evidence, though indirect, for Alexander's decree. While it
was hotly debated, it served as another increment towards the divine rule of Alexander.

Alexander's childhood friend and closest companion was Hephaestion. Alexander
bestowed on him the office of 'chiliarch ' which distinguished him as 'tlre first subordinate'.
Plutarch (Alex 72) states that after the sudden death of Hephaestion in the autumn of 324
BC, Alexander grieved uncontrollably. Desiring that Hephaestion might be granted divine
honors, be consulted the oracle of Ammon. His request was denied and the god
diminished Hephaestion's honors to heroic status.”3 Athens accepted Hephaestion's
heroic honors and Alexander took deliberate action to insure the lasting recognition of this
cult. The propriety of Hephaestion's heroic cult would demand that Alexander's stature was
higher. The hero cult of one of Alexander's servants could only mean that the King himself
had been deified. Hypereides274 states that the Macedonian oppression of the Greeks

require that they reject their religious traditions by the practice of honors for living men; but

 

271 Plutarch Mor 219E and Ael. VH 11. 19

272 Badian 54 :Din. I94. "Hyperides reports his quip (In Dem. 31).' Demosthenes at this
point was (ironically) willing to go so far as to recognize his divine sonship...‘
Unfortunately there is a gap of 13 lines of 15-20 letters each in the Hyperides papyrus, at
this point, before the next securely legible part ,'He wished to set up a statue to King
Alexander, God Invincible'. Although, strictly speaking, we cannot prove that there had
been no change of subject, i.e. that the statement still concerns Demosthenes, this is the
obvious conclusion when the passage is read together with Dinarchus (10.), where it is
reported that Demosthenes, still in Alexander's lifetime, in the end said:' The demos must
not dispute the grant of celestial honours to Alexander.”

273 Arrian 7. 23. 6. " Alexander had sent special envoys to the shrine of Ammon to
inquire what honours he might with propriety pay to the dead Hephaestion. The envoys
now returned with news that Ammon permitted sacrifice to be offered him as to a "hero"
or a "demi god". Alexander was much pleased, and from that day forward saw that his
friend was honored with a hero's rites.

Plutarch 72: " Alexander's grief was uncontrollable. As a sign of mourning he gave orders
that the manes and tails of all horses should be shorn, demolished the battlements of all the
neighboring cities, crucified the unlucky physician and forbade the playing of flutes or any
other kind of music for a long time until finally an oracle was announced from the temple
of Ammon, commanding him to honor Hephaestion and sacrifice to him as a hero."

274 Hyper. Epitaph. 21 Bickerrnan, Athenaeum 41, 1963, 70f.

79
that an even greater outrage was expressed for their compulsion to honor their servants as

heroes. In this, Hypereides seems to imply that a cult of Alexander was extant but not
formally imposed.

In the spring of 323 BC. envoys, wearing ceremonial wreaths, were granted
audience with Alexander. They placed golden Chaplets on his head a move which has been
interpreted as a ritual indicating deification of Alexander.275 Badian 276 states that some
Greek cities in Asia Minor worshipped the King as a god in his lifetime, even earlier than
Athens apparently did. After Alexander's conquest of Ephesus, the city established a cult
to him.277 Yet the relation between the king and the Ephesians was guarded, at best. The
Ephesians bristled in reaction to his intended dedication of a new temple of Artemis, the
antecedent of which burnt at the moment of his birth. The ban mot is well attested: "it was
inappropriate for a god to dedicate offerings to gods." In retaliation, Alexander's withheld
genuine freedom for the city and privileges 278 only to rededicate a Temple to Athena
Polias at the next city on his itinerary, Priene. Pliny (35.92) describes a well known
portrait by Apelles of Alexander wielding the thunderbolt in the Temple of Artemis at

Ephesus.279 This portrait was commissioned by Alexander, the payment for which was

 

275 Arrian 7.23.2 Successive delegations from Greece also presented themselves, and the
delegates, wearing ceremonial wreaths, solemnly approached Alexander and placed golden
Chaplets on his head, as if their coming were a ritual in honor of a god. But, for all that, his
end was near. See also Balsdon, Historia, 1950, 383ff; Wilcken, 209-215 contra: Badian,
15.

276 E. Badian, 15

277 Strabo XIV. 1. 22" Now Alexander, Artemidorus adds, promised the Ephesians to
pay all expenses, both past and future, on the condition that he should have the credit
therefor, on the inscription, but they were unwilling, just as they would have been far more
unwilling to acquire glory by sacrilege and a spoilation of the temple. And Artemidorus
praises the Ephesian who said to the king that it was inappropriate for a god to dedicate
offerings to gods."

278 E. Badian, "Alexander and the Greeks of Asia" in Ancient Society and Institutions,
Studies presented to Victor Ehrenberg on his 75th birthday. Oxford, 1966, 45.

279 Pliny 35.92 " He also painted in the Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, a portrait of
Alexander holding a thunderbolt for twenty talents: the fingers seem to stand out and the
thunderbolt to project from the picture; the reader should remember that all this was done
with four colors. For this picture he was paid in gold coins, reckoned not by number but
by measure."

80
reputed to be large. The location of the work would not be as remarkable if Alexander had

not been wielding the thunderbolt. The altar to the ruler was always oovvaés 666$, by
including the ruler's statue with the Olympian gods and by their sharing of their worship.
The iconographic implication of Alexander as Zeus wielding the thunderbolt in the Temple
of Artemis at Ephesus suggests a veneration beyond the honors normally granted to the
ruler.280

These events provide the historical foundation from which to analyze the imagery
and the interpretation of his political apotheosis. The ancient forms of veneration towards
gods and heroes were in the process of dissolution prior to Alexander's claim, for the
veneration of a hero was insufficient tribute to the fourth century rulers. The development
of the ruler cult provided a political tool with which to manipulate, and to become
manipulated. Alexander's stature and duties as a Macedonian king presupposed his divine
ancestry and his supernatural nature. His Aristotelian training cultivated his intellect
reinforcing his elevated status as a 'god among men.‘ Callisthenes' epic style and divine
language was acceptable, as long as it remained metaphorical. Polybius 281 agreed that
"Callisthenes spoke of a man whose soul, all admit, had something in it greater than
human..." The resistance to his introduction of proskynesis indicated that his deification
was not accepted as reality. Instead, he was able to attain divine rule which evolved from a
mythological paradigm. His proskynesis shifted the divine veneration from a political
honor to a religious realm forcing participation on his subjects. However, posthumous
cults to Alexander were fully accepted in Asia Minor and the islands. Thrasos held a
festival in honor of Alexander, but it has not been securely dated282 and the cult at

Erythrae held a position of priesthood for 'King Alexander' until 270 BC. The Ionian

 

280 Badian, 72.
281Polybius, X11 23.4

282Bosworth, 289 Badian, states that the cults of Asia Minor were instituted during the last
four years of Alexander's reign.

81
koinon held an annual festival on Alexander's birthday becoming a prototype for the

deification of the Roman Emperor.283

Alexander's promotion of his divine nrle presented a contradictory situation that
was eventually resolved through mimesis. On the one hand, he was a mortal who lived
and fought with his troops. On the other hand, he was accorded a divine status by his
subjects and actively pursued this status by his visit to Ammon, proposal for proskynesis
and by the decree to Athens. The expression of Alexander's divinity through representation
was acceptable as long as it did not contradict the initial premise. That is, the image of
Alexander's divine sonship; the metaphorical divinity of Alexander in Homeric terms; and
the consecration of divine honors by decree were mimemata that did not invalidate reality.
The introduction of proskynesis contradicted reality forcing the participation of the subjects
in opposition to their values. The verbal and visual image was the most important vehicle

for the king to bridge the gap between his actual and ideal nature.

V. Alexander as the Successor of Heracles

"I for my part hold that there is no limit to the labors of a noble rrran

except the labors themselves, those of them which lead to fair deeds.

Fair deeds belong to those who undergo labor and take chances. And

it is sweet to live with arete and to die leaving behind immortal fame.

Do you not know that our ancestor Heracles would not, by remaining in
Tiryns or Argos, or in the Peloponnesus or Thebes, have attained such fame
as to become or to seem a god, having been a mortal? "(Alexander, Arr.5.26)

Heracles was the figure of the ideal ruler due to his superior strength, virtue and
knowledge. Alexander's political and military genius rendered him kosmokrator
possessing unprecedented world dominion. The ancient world must have seen the clear
association between the historical and the legendary figures. Heracles' deification resulted
from his outstanding t’rperl‘j. The reports of Alexander's achievements, both historical
and legendary served to established Alexander's r’rperr'] as being not only equal to but
greater than Heracles', The logical implication suggests that Alexander, as Heracles'

 

283Habicht, 1970, 17-25, Badian, 1981, 59-63, Bosworth, 1988, 289; SIG 3 1014 line
111.

82
successor, was equally a divine king. Alexander's image and campaign took on a

mythological mien and he consciously strove to imitate his ancestor and become the
successor of Heracles. The ancient sources corroborate accounts of Alexander's emulation
of Heracles' conquests. Indeed, after the death of Darius,284 Alexander, as Victor of the
pan-Hellenic campaign against the Persians rejected the desire of his troops for a
homeward march, and redirected his quest toward "the ends of the earth" thereby
inaugurating the 'mythic phase' of his campaign.285 In fact, there exists a wealth of
visual and literary references to Alexander as a deified ruler which firmly establishes the
parallel. The legendary presentation of Alexander's r’rperfi in Heraclean terms is
precisely the sustenance of artists. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, legend or
myth may be as good as history. All avowedly unverifiable tale may be as suggestive and
stimulating as a trustworthy account of actual events, and may inspire similar insight. The
romantic legends of Alexander's exploits provide useful evidence for the interpretation of
Alexander's Heraclean t’rperr'] and his succession of divine kingship.

The promotion of Alexander's divinity required an explicit comparison between the
achievements of Alexander and the labors of Heracles. Callisthenes, Anaxarchus and the
score of Alexander historians advanced just such a parallel to the extent that the equation
between Alexander and Heracles became a common topos in the historical narrative. After
the death of Darius, the Persian campaign was Victoriously concluded and the troops
expected a homeward march. However, Alexander continued towards the "ends of the
world" and surpassed his ancestor's achievements by succeeding at Aomos; by his
conquest at Tyre; and by surpassing the pillars of Heracles.

The news of his exploits easily Slipped between military reports and fantasy. These
adventure stories became the basis of his subsequent historical biographies. The historians

wrote for the public's curiosity and entertainment while maintaining varying degrees of

 

284May, 330 BC.
285 L. Edmunds, The Religiosity ofAlexander, 369

83
faithfulness to fact. Subsequently, the Alexander legend became an historical romance

including tales of remote locations, superhuman feats and frightening monsters. Most
importantly, at all points in the development of Alexander's legend, the public believed in
his c’xpe‘nj . For this is the core of his character that all the sensational accounts share and
embellish. A poet, historian or politician must connect with his audience's preconceptions
and expectations in order to develop his message. The sensational histories of Alexander
would not have sustained a long period of popularity and repetition if it did not draw upon
the image that many people wished to believe about him. The promotion of Alexander's
political apotheosis rests on the public's acceptance of his Heraclean character.

The circumstances surrounding Alexander's conception and birth were discussed in
mythical terms even during his lifetime. Olympias promoted and benefited from such
speculation as she confided to Alexander the secret of his conception before he left for
Asia. 286 This secret, was of Olympias' impregnation by Zeus disguised as a thunderbolt
or as a serpent. Thus Alexander had the same dual paternity as Heracles, and Olympias
then urged Alexander to show himself worthy of his lineage. Plutarch recounts the dreams
of both Olympias and of Philip concerning Alexander's birth.287 In this description of the
birth of Heracles, Olympias' dream furthers the image of Alexander as a second Heracles.
This account reappears in the Alexander Romance, embellished with astrological elements.
The sight of the snake with Olympias weakened Philip's passion and cooled his affection
for her so that from that time on he seldom came to sleep with her.288 The Syrian
version of the Romance provides an elaborate mythological lineage from Ammon to

Heracles and Dionysus to Alexander through his conception by a serpent-god. Nectanebos,

 

286 Plutarch Alex 2: thunderbolt; Plutarch Alex 3.3 serpent. The report comes from
Eratosthenes.

287 Plutarch, Alex 2:"On the night before the maniage was consummated the bride
dreamed that there was a crash of thunder, that her womb was struck by a thunderbolt and
that there followed a blinding flash from which a great sheet of flame blazed up and spread
far and wide before it fmally died away.

288 Ps. Callisthenes 13.28

84
the exiled Egyptian king turned magician, sleeps with Olympias in the form of a serpent, a

ram, Heracles, Dionysus and finally as himself.

Through Aristander's interpretation, Plutarch relates Philip's dream before the birth
of Alexander. In this dream, Philip saw himself "in the act of scaling up his wife's womb,
and upon the seal he had used there was engraved, so it seemed to him, the figure of a
lion." 289 Plutarch's treatment of Alexander's birth foreshadows his divine nature and
provides a mythological portent to Alexander's achievements surpassing his father's. 290
Discussion regarding Alexander's divine conception and birth may have begun earlier, but
could not have ban well developed prior to Alexander's ascension to the throne to avert
any suspicion of his legitimacy. Much later, the Byzantine manuscript for the Romance
describes Alexander's rage at the charge of illegitimacy as resembling a new Heracles at
the feast of the Centaurs and Lapiths.291The stories surrounding the birth of Alexander
prepare the mythological groundwork for Alexander's divine nrle. Heracles provided the
example and his dual paternity became a shared image in order to explain the latter's
godhead to the populace. Zeus is the father of Heracles; Zeus-Ammon is the father of
Alexander. Thus contemporary accounts of Alexander's lineage, conception and birth
take on the tone of the mythological conception of Heracles.

The legend of Bucephalus serves to further develop the mythological tone of
Alexander's biography. The horse was named for a white blaze in the middle of his

forehead that resembled an ox's head.292 This seems to be indicative of a breed from

 

289 Plutarch Alex.2.7

290Similarly, Ouranos contained his offspring within Gaia's womb to prevent them from
usurping his power. Kronos' subsequent emasculation of Ouranos is a symbol of the son
superseding his father. Zeus, for his part was prophesied to surpass his father, and the
subjugation of Kronos and the Titans by Zeus completes the cycle.After Philip was
assassinated, Alexander inherited the Pan-Hellenic cause superseding Philip's campaign by
his victory .

291 AR. Anderson, "Heracles and his Successors", Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology vol. 39,1928.p, 22.

292 Arrian An V. 19.5

85
Thessaly.”3 According to the tradition, Bucephalus was savage, untamed and beyond the

skills of the royal trainers. Alexander successfully mounted and rode the horse after which
Philip exclaimed " My son, seek thee a kingdom equal to thy self; Macedonia has not room
for thee."294 The Alexander Romance continues the mythical tone of this episode by
describing the horse's speed as exceeding that of Pegasus and Areion.295 Philip sent to the
Delphic oracle to find out who his successor would be, he received the response that
whosoever shall ride the wild horse Bucephalus through the streets of Pella shall not only
be his successor but become kosmokrator as well. Upon hearing this, Philip expected the
coming of a new Heracles.296 Some scholars have suggested that this prophecy derives
from an ancient Macedonian oracle promising the royal crown to him who succeeded in
breaking the wild horse as Heracles rode the horses of Diomedes.297 It is clear, however,
that the nature of the Bucephalus episode in Alexander's biography portrays Alexander's
i560; as a counterpart to Heracles'. The exclamation of Philip resounds with the
recognition of Alexander's supersession of his father's reign.

After the assassination of Philip, Alexander quickly assumed his inherited
position as the hegemon of the Corinthian league and commander of the Hellenic
campaign against the Persians. He had forced the Greeks to recognize him in this role by
renewal of the treaty that Philip had made with the Greeks which was valid for Philip's
successor. Additionally, by his identification with Achilles and Agamemnon, and his
evocation of the Trojan Wars and the Persian War of 480, he evoked not just the Pan-
Hellenic but the sacred aspect of the war on which he embarked in Asia to an even greater

extent than Philip had ever done. 298 Alexander's reply to Darius in rejection of the

 

293 Arrian, A 5.19.5; Pliny, N.H. vm, 154; Plutarch Alex 6. Strabo 15.698 give the size
of the head as the descriptive origin of name.

294 Plutarch, Alex 6.

295 Ps. Callisthenes, 1,13.
296 Ps. Callisthenes 1,15.
297 A.B. Anderson, 17.
298 Badian, 1966,43.

86
Persian King's offer for peace underlines the Macedonian nationalistic motivation for the

campaign.299 "As supreme commander of all Greece, I invaded Asia because I wished to
punish Persia for this Act- an act which must be laid wholly to your charge." Alexander
identifies himself as the defender of Hellenes. He continued, stating his punitive intent, and
identified Darius as the representative of all Persia This is the raison d 'etre of his Persian
campaign, 334 BC.

In 330 BC. the death of Darius suggested the Victorious completion of the Persian
campaign and implied a homeward march. This was precisely the reaction of his anxious
troops. 300 Curtius relates the soldiers anticipation and the rumors of going home which
they circulated.301 Plutarch3ozstates that Alexander selected only the best to accompany
him and after consulting with his commanders, called a meeting of the Assembly. In his
address, Alexander persuaded the soldiers to remain in order to subdue the territories. The
address served to motivate his troops to complete the Pan-Hellenic campaign and to
rekindle their cnthusiasm.303

On the Hyphasis River, in the Summer of 326 B.C., Alexander summoned his
commanders to propose a river crossing and a subsequent march into Asia. The

commanders opposed his plan and a sacrifice proved unfavorable.304 His companions,

 

299 Arrian, An. 2.14. 4-6
300Curtius 6.2. 3.4; Plutarch Alex 47.1; Diod. 17.743.

301 Curtius 6.2. 15ff:... gossip, the vice of idle soldiery, spread without authority that the
king, content with what he had accomplished, had decided to retum forthwith to
Macedonia They ran as though crazed to their tents and made ready their packs for the
journey; you would believe that the signal to march had been given throughout the whole
camp ..... Alarmed, as was natural, the king, who had determined to traverse the lands of the
Indus and the remotest parts of the Orient, summoned the leaders of his forces to his tent,
and with tears in his eyes, complained that he was being recalled from the midcourse of his
glory, to take back to his native land the fortune of one who was vanquished rather than
that of a victor; that it was not cowardice on the part of his soldiers that stood in his way,
but the envy of the gods, who had inspired in the bravest of men a sudden longing for their
native land, to which they would return a little later with greater glory and fame. "

The speech is not historical, but pointedly Homeric.

302 Plutarch, Alex 47.1.4.

303 Curtius, 6.2.15; Diod 17.74. 34; Plutarch Alex 47. 14; Just. 12.3.4.

304 Arrian, An 6.3.2.

87
including Ptolemy, Arrian's primary source, convinced the leader to remain stationed. This

speech, as reported by Arrian305 though not verbatim, is indicative of Ptolemy's account
and is certainly credible. Alexander's address succinctly states his intention: to complete
the conquest of the world to the east beyond India and then to turn west to the Pillars of
Heracles. Thus he will have surpassed the achievement of his ancestor , Heracles.

The Pan-Hellenic campaign which Alexander resumed against Persia in 334 BC.
was an entirely different mission from the goals stated by Alexander two years later on the
Hyphasis. The Macedonian army, on a nationalistic campaign was loyal and tireless. This
same army was reluctant and suspicious of Alexander's mythological quest. In point of
fact, the nature of Alexander's Assemblies carried the tone of an address to mercenary
troops with promises of riches and booty.306 Callines, an officer in the Companion
cavalry told Alexander that the army's reluctance stemmed from the perception that
Alexander no longer regarded them as kinsmen. In his subsequent addresses to his troops,
the king never failed to call upon his Argive ancestor, Heracles.307 For it is this pan-
Hellenic god that symbolized not only Alexander's origins and duties but he is the
important paradigm for the nature of his Eastern campaign. Furthermore, for Alexander,
the emulation of Heracles' exploits, and surpassing his achievements was a goal in itself. If
Alexander's r’rperr‘t is equal to or greater than Heracles', then Alexander was as meritorious
of divine rule as Heracles.

In 333 B.C., at Gordium, Alexander attempted the apparently impossible task of
untying a knot of a yoke in the temple of Zeus. It was prophesied that he who successfully
accomplished this task would become the king of Asia. Alexander performed the

"miracle" and his success was hailed by the gods with thunder and lightning in the night

 

305 Arrian, An 5.26.2 ff see quotation p 1.

306 Edward M. Anson, "The Evolution of the Macedonian Army Assembly", Historia,
XL, 1991p234.

307 EM. Anson, 236.

88
that followed.308 Callisthenes appears to have been the original narrator of the episode

and this historians similar inspiration by Homer is apparent.309 Alexander believed that
the god at Gordium was Zeus, and the celestial response was in confirmation of the
fulfillment of the oracle.310 The effect on Alexander must have been profound. The
victory at Issus, the long siege at Tyre and the invasion of Egypt and penetration into India,
fulfill the portent at Gordium. The mythical nature of the ensuing campaign must have
been due, in part, to this event.

On the approach to Tyre, Alexander was met by the city's envoys and expressed
his intent to sacrifice to Heracles in "the most ancient Temple to Heracles known to
man."311 The city denied the Persians and the Macedonians access beyond the
fortification walls causing Alexander to commence a long siege on the city. While the
speech in Arrian revealed the military and logistic importance of the city, the appearance of
Heracles to Alexander in a dream attested to the personal importance of the siege.312 In his
dream, Alexander was greeted by Heracles who invited him to enter the city. Aristander
interpreted the dream relating the seven month long struggle to the labors which Heracles
had accomplished. The conquest of Tyre, the most difficult single operation of Alexander's
career, became the equivalent of Heracles' labor.313 Upon entering the city, Alexander
sacrificed to Heracles, held a parade in his honor, and rededicated a ship in the god's
name.314 Only the Tyrians who sought refuge in the Temple of Heracles were spared

slavery.3 15

 

308 Arrian, An. 2.3 and Plut. Alex 18.
309 L.L.Pearson, 38.

310 L.Edmunds, 378-379.

311 Arrian, An. 2.16

312 Arrian, An. 2.18.1

313 Tarn, 39

314 Arrian, An 3.6.1.

315 L. Edmunds, 374.

89
Alexander continued his conscious effort to rival the achievements of Heracles by

his capture of the Rock of Aornos.3l6 According to Arrian, Heracles intended to lay
siege to this rock but refrained due to earthquake tremors taken as opposing divine signs.
Strabo's version has Heracles unsuccessfully attacking the fortified rock three times.
Alexander captured the rock "so to rival the god's reputation" (Curt VH1.85.2) 317
Alexander's troops laid siege "for seven days and seven nights." (Curt. VIH.85.2) The last
night brought victory for Alexander who immediately sacrificed to his ancestor,
Heracles.318 Alexander's conquest of impossible tasks had become an acceptable equation
to the labors of Heracles.

At the farthest reaches of his Indian expedition, Alexander set up altars in imitation
of his ancestor and to establish his supersession of Heracles' achievements. By the end of
the summer, in pursuit of the ends of the earth, Alexander sets fire to his own baggage
wagons a symbolic act, which was imitated by his men.319 They would have no booty,
no prize to show for their courage. The heroic ideal was the raison d'é‘tre for Alexander's
quest.

The common Greek citizen's perception of his mythical quest can only be
ascertained by inference but one must have been overwhelmed by the magnitude of
Alexander's accomplishments. While his heroism was seemingly meaningless to
Diogenes320 and comical to Menander their efforts must have had a reciprocal effect of the
formation of the Alexander legend.321 Aeschines, for example, derides Demosthenes for
failing to take advantage of Alexander's 'withdrawal outside the outermost points of the
north and almost beyond the borders of the inhabited world.‘322 In fact, unknown to

 

316 Arrian, An.4.28.1-4; Diod. 17.852; Curt. 8.11.2; Strabo. 125. i 7-8.

317 A Stein, on Alexander's Track to the Indus, 1929; 144. Sir A. Stein identified the
location and testifies to the rock's irnpregnable terrain.

318 Anian, An. 4.3.6.

319 Plutarch, 57.1

320 Plutarch, Alex 14.2; cf. Hamilton commentary 34.

321 L.L. Gunderson, Alexander's letter to Aristotle about India, 1980, 5.
322 L.L. Gunderson, 6

90
Aeschines, Alexander was headed toward Bactria in pursuit of Bessus which was to many,

the end of the earth. Though the orator's quip was hyperbolic, he voiced what many
believed. In this way the legend of Alexander was taking shape in the mind of the
common man and it must have continued to evolve through daily conversation. The
Alexander Romance was written for the entertainment and curiosity of the citizen and is a
valuable account of their perceptions of Alexander.

The sources for the development of the Romance include the tradition of the
historical romance as exemplified by Ctesias.323 The dry histories were embellished for a
wider public with the inclusion of themes and subjects not previously treated. Additionally,
the rising interest in the national heritage of a subjugated group gave added impetus to the
popularity of the genre. The letter romance originated in the prosopopoia exercises of the
rhetorical schools.324 There also exists in the Romance examples of longer letters which
originated independently from the prosopopoia. 325 These longer letters seemed to make
no attempt to imitate an historical figure rather, they function to report fantastical
adventures in far away lands.

It is one of these longer letters which help to decipher the ordinary Greek citizens'
perception of Alexander and his exploits. "The Letter from Alexander to Aristotle about
India" survives in a Latin version of the original Greek independently from the Romance. It
was written shortly after the death of the king, between 316 BC. and 308 BC 326 The
author was possibly a Macedonian Bematist who accompanied Alexander on his

expedition. Significantly, the text of the letter assumes a prior knowledge on the part of the

 

323 L.L. Gunderson, 15-16.

324 The " last days" (Ps.- Call. IH 30-33); the "Conversation with the Gymnosophists
(Ps.-Call. IH.6) and the "Letter from Darius to Alexander" L.L. Gunderson, 123,

325 The Letter from Alexander to Aristotle about India" (Ps. Call III. 17) "The Letter to
Olympias and Aristotle (Ps. Call H 23-41) and "The Letter to Olympias" (Ps. Call IH 27):
LL. Gunderson, 125.

326 L.L. Gunderson, 132: to detail the evidence and reasoning used to date and attribute
authorship are beyond the scope the this study. I accept the analysis of the text and the
conclusions by Gunderson.

91
reader regarding Alexander's biography and history. The adventure detailed in the text

drew numerous sophisticated parallels to Heracles that assumed a knowledge of the
contemporary analogue. It has been suggested that this letter was written in order to explain
to the common citizen Alexander's purpose for his oracular visit and to connect that visit
with his Indian campaign.327 In doing so, it promoted the Heraclean reference and
provided a legendary account of his exploits. The letter suggests that Alexander, upon
learning of his divine sonship, set off to the ends of the earth to prove himself as the
successor of Heracles. This author could not have proposed such a concept to the public
unless there was a preconceived notion. In fact, the mythological references to Heracles
were so firmly established that the author was able to draw upon them as signifiers of his
postulate. The "man in the street" was connecting Alexander's campaign with Heracles'
mythology before the death of Alexander.

As soon as fifty years after the death of Alexander, Theocritus(17,13-33)
represented Ptolemy and Alexander as deified in heaven, serving as the paladins of
Heracles, to whom they both trace their lineage. They are ageless, escorting Heracles; the
one carrying his how the other his club. The apotheosis of Alexander implying immortality
in the company of the gods is a reiteration of the apotheosis of Heracles. Furthermore, the
poet draws a comparison that is well established for Alexander in order to promote the
apotheosis of Ptolemy.

Alexander, wheather motivated by politics or piety, sought to attain the stature of a
divine nrler through the emulation of Heracles' c’xperfl. His political apotheosis evolved
through a multitude of historical, political, and mythical increments. His political genius
separated him from the masses and required a supematural definition. Aristotle taught that
the ruler must attain this elevated stature through arete, which was knowledge. He must
have instructed Alexander in poetry equating him with the ruler par excellence, Heracles.

As king of the Macedonians, his succession from Heracles was responsible for his

 

327 L.L. Gunderson, 138.

92
position and his supernatural nature. Heroes before Alexander were bestowed divine

veneration and Alexander was most certainly aware of Philip's claim. Alexander's genius
required expression in divine language and like extraordinary leaders before him, he sought
this political honor. The legend which surrounded his character and his campaign proves
the receptivity of the Hellenic audience. Alexander's political stature was given expression
by his posthumous divine ruler cult, but his genius was not satisfactorily explained by the
political veneration. In the minds of his followers, he was not merely an astute leader or a
courageous hero, they looked to describe his nature in religious terms-as a second

Heracles.

CHAPTER 3

THE VISUAL SYNTHESIS OF ALEXANDER AND HERACLES

Alexander emulated Heracles as the mythological examplar of the divine ruler. His
conquests took on the mien of Heraclean labors by which he too, 'civilized the world.’ Their
shared legendary references became visually translated into shared physical features. This
public image of the king became a composite portrait of Heracles and Alexander. Most
importantly, Alexander's appropriation of his ancestor's attributes expressed not only his
relationship to the hero-god but it also invited comparison. Alexander's royal images were
used to symbolize and concretize social, political and religious conditions. The king was
elevated by and from his subjects and his composite image, as Alexander-Heracles
expressed the nature of his super human stature. Their common iconography became
widely acknowledged and accepted to such an extent that the later kings used the

iconography to express their relationship first to Alexander then to Heracles.

I. The Heracles Club as a Royal Insignia
The Temearrid dynasty not only traced their ancestry from Heracles, but his
attributes served as symbols for their monarchy. From the excavations at Vergina in the
main chamber of Tomb H, an exquisite chryselephantine shield was found.328 The
identification of the tomb has generally been accepted as that of Philip H, and therefore, it is
dated to 336 BC. 329 The form for the shield was made of wood, over which layers of

 

328 Andronicos, Vergina 136 ff.

329 Hammond, 28:"Pending the final publication, it is beyond reasonable doubt that these
tombs are those of Amyntas 1H (Tomb 1), Philip H (Tomb H), and Alexander IV (Tomb

111)."

93

94
leather were stretched. On top of the leather was a guilded layer, the central emblem was

composed of an ivory relief sculpture. The iconography of this relief sculpture is uncertain.
It depicts a youth who is nude except for his chlarnys which falls in thick folds to his left.
He is standing on a rock ledge, and kneeling at his feet is a young woman made of ivory
which has greatly disintegrated. Attached to the interior of the shield was a small,
rectangular gold plaque with a relief of the Heracles club. 330(Figure 8) This relief of
Heracles' club served as a royal emblem. It was the instrument with which Heracles fought
evil monsters and restored vélros. The symbol of Heracles became the symbol of
Macedonian kingship. The shield was the king's ceremonial weapon, as the material and
workmanship would suggest. Philip's ceremonial shield served as an effigy of the actual
shield with which he, as the Macedonian king, would use in battle, fighting enemies and
restoring véuog. The club of Heracles was a symbol for the Macedonian king as oce‘rr'jp.
The use of Heracles' weapons symbolized the royal ancestry but importantly, his club

served as a symbol for the role of the Macedonian monarchy.

H. The Lion Hunt- From Royal Sport to Heraclean Labor.

The lion hunt was a royal pursuit in the tradition of Heracles hunting the Nemean
lion. The mythological hero slew the lion that was sent by Hera to save the town from the
ravaging beast and wore the pelt as his attribute throughout the centuries. The depiction of
Heracles fighting the Nemean lion is the most popular theme in all of Greek art.331 The
lion itself was a symbol of royalty and Heracles' domination over the beast attested to his
physical superiority making him a worthy leader. In later versions of his mythology, his
struggle and subsequent victory symbolized his virtuous character as meritorious of rule.

The iconography of Heracles' lion hunt was so firmly established in Greek art and in the

 

330 Andronicos, Vergina , 137. The placque measures 0.06 x 0.04 m.

331 Frank Brommer, Heracles, The Twelve Labors of the Hero in Ancient Art and
Literature, (New Rochelle, New York: Aristide D. Carazas, 1986), 7.

95
Greek mind that the depiction of a lion hunt would naturally suggest this famous labor of

Heracles.

Lion Hunt: Philip's Tomb.

A painted mural found on the facade of Philip's Tomb in Vergina, depicts a lion
hunt. The royal iconography reinforces the identity of the interred. Xenophon's treatise On
Hunting (XI. 1) mentions that lions, leopards, wolves, pantlrers, bears were to be found in
Macedonia and describes in detail the manner in which they were hunted.332 It is therefore
probable that this frieze is not only a chronicle of an actual event but equally a depiction of
the royal sport. This painting is located in the frieze created between the cornice capping
the trigliphs and metopes and the geison.(Figures 9 & 10) The painting covers the entire
field created by the parallel corrrices which is 5.56 m. long and 1.16 m. high.333 The
painting is executed in watercolors, which was probably started a fresco and was
completed a secco. 334 The royal lion hunt takes place in a sacred grove as indicated by a
towering stele covered with fillets. It was once thought that the columnar stele, frequently
depicted in Pompeian landscape paintings, was used to establish the central axis of a
composition. The origin of such a pictorial element proves to be Macedonian.335 This is
true in the Vergina lion hunt. The stele is rendered at an oblique angle causing one side to
be greatly highlighted and the other to be in shadow. An indication of the light source and
perspective are achieved by the placement and representation of this structure. Faint
mountains appear in the background giving a remarkable illusion of deep space for this
early work. In the middle ground, four trees and rocks comprise the remainder of the

landscape which acts only as a backdrop for the animal and human figures. Seven men on

 

332Andronicos, Vergina, 238-
333 Andronicos, 106.
334 Andronicos, 114.

335 P. H. Von Blanckenhagen, "Painting in the Time of Alexander and Later" Macedonia
and Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Times, Studies in the History of Art ,
Symposium Series I,vol.10, National Gallery of Art, Washington 1982, 258.

96
foot and three men on horses are aided in the hunt by nine hunting dogs. The six wild

beasts include: a boar, buck, lion, bear and deer.

The horizontal field and the dynamic nature of the iconography challenges the artist
to present a balanced composition while maintaining vraisemblance. The hunt is arranged
into four groups. The two groups at the outer edges are comprised of two humans and
two beasts. The left edge shows a young nude hunter kneeling over a wounded deer while
the nude, mounted youth aims his spear at a buck racing out of the frame. The group at the
extreme right is comprised of two male youths. One youth wears a short tunic an animal
pelt around his back, sandals and a flat helmet. He holds a net with which he will ensnare
one of the beasts, presumably the wounded bear perched on the rocks behind him. His
companion is poised ready to thrust his spear at the lunging bear. His headgear is a
rounded small, brimmed cap that covers his hair without obscuring his face. These two
outer groups, by means of the figure's postures and the direction of their gaze terminate the
composition with a stable x-shape.

The center of the frieze contains the most dynamic figures. The artist was
particularly adept at the presentation of the human figure in extreme postures rendered
frontal, from the back and at a 3/4 View. The nude hunters on foot are poised in an
exaggerated heroic lunge. This is especially true of the youth brandishing an ax behind the
lion. His face and expression is legible and individualized suggesting that this is a portrait
of one of the Paides.336 The two mounted figures are isolated by virtue of their position.
The rearing horse carries a bearded adult who is postulated to be Philip H, the Macedonian
king interred within the tomb. An ivory portrait within the tomb resembles that of the

bearded horseman especially through the prominent superciliary arch, a known feature of

 

336 Androincos, 117. see Arrian Alex 4.13.1:"It was a practice going back to Philip's time
that the sons of Macedonian notables who had reached adolescence should he enlisted for
the service of the king; and besides general attendance on his person, the duty of guarding
him when asleep had been entrusted to them. Again, whenever the king rode out, they
received the horses from the grooms and led them up, and they mounted the king in
Persian fashion and were his companions in the rivalry of the chase. "

97
Philip. His figure is given additional prominence by the rearing horse which places him

above all the other figures in the composition. Furthermore, the head of this horseman is
directly in line with the spear pointing to the fatal wound of the lion. The eye is naturally
drawn from this central action to the face of the king. The horse rears toward the left while
the figure of the king lunges to the right forming a balanced X-shaped unit. The horse and
rider form part of a triangular composition, completed by Philip's spear which is only
moments away from killing the lion, and the beast itself, who glares up at the king. This
pyramid forms the center of activity around which the subordinate figures react. It was the
King's prerogative to give the coup de grace in a hunt, particularly to the royal beast, the
lion.33'7 Furthermore, Macedonian custom required the king and the royal family to hunt
on horseback.338 Therefore, the identity of the remaining two mounted horsemen
becomes discernible.

The central mounted youth is framed by dead tree trunks. His horse is rearing at an
3/4 view and the boy's face is turned inward toward the viewer. He is poised, ready to
thrust his spear into the lion located a considerable distance away. Scholars have postulated
that this is a true portrait of Alexander based on his most prominent feature- his eyes, as
well as his Chaplet and his central position within the composition.339 The remaining
mounted youth is likely to be Arrhideaus, the mentally afflicted son of Philip H. This
horseman is turned away from the viewer, traveling towards the background away from
the lion hunt. This iconographic device serves to divert attention from this prince at the time

of the succession of the throne.

 

337 Curt 7.6.7 and Curt. 8.1.14.

338 Curt. 8.1.18.

339 It is perhaps more tempting to identify Bucephalos in this work by his large forked
blaze that "resembled an ox-head" (Arrian , Anab. V. 19.5) and deep forelocks and huge
stature as described by Plutarch (Alex.6.). Upon tameing the wild horse, Alexander rode
him throughout the city. Philip recognized his son's fulfillment of the oracle and expected
the coming of a new Heracles, he dismounted kissed him and said,"My son, seek thee a
kingdom equal to thyself; Macedonia has not room for thee."

98
The posture of mounted Alexander recalls the mounted Alexander in the Battle of

Issus mosaic in Pompeii. However, in the mosaic, Alexander's head is turned in profile
giving his enlarged eye an over-exaggerated effect. It is generally agreed that the mosaic is
a copy of an original painting by Philoxenos of Eretria, 330-300 BC. The mosaic
represents the king in combat with Darius. He is shown bareheaded, and armored, fighting
on horseback. The enlarged eyes of the young Alexander of the royal hunt show a definite
affinity with those of Alexander in the mosaic.340 The fact that they are always
represented as large and expressive is corroborated by Plutarch's description of
Alexander.341 In fact, it is Alexander's large eyes that become a contributing feature in the

identification of many of his portraits and one that will be considered below. 342

Alexander Sarcophagus

Hunting was clearly a favorite pastime of Alexander's as he is again represented in
a lion hunt on Side B of the Alexander Sarcophagus. Side A of the coffin, shows
Alexander and his Companions in the Battle of Issus against the Persians. In the battle at
Issus (333B .C.) Alexander won Phoenicia and Abdalonymos obtained his throne. The
battle depicted opposite the hunting relief is surely this battle. The sarcophagus was found
in the nekropolis with three other sculptured coffins . This coffin was probably made for
Abdalonymos who was appointed king of Sidon by Alexander in 332, BC. and died in

 

340 Andronicos 117. The author also notes various other similarities between the mosaic at
Pompeii and the lion hunt frieze of Philip's Tomb in order to establish a chronology for the
tomb. The position of the protagonists, the palette of the works, the position of the horses
the unusual dead tree trunks which frame both Alexander figures and the broken spear tips
one carried by the bear and another in the lower right of the mosaic attest to the strong
affinity between the two works. Schefeld (in Andronicos) postulates that the frieze is an
earlier work. The painting of the battle of Issos is dated to 330-317 BC. This supports the
chronology for Philip's tomb of 340-330 BC.

341 Plutarch Alex 4.
342 R.R.R. Smith Hellenistic Royal Portraits. Clarendon Press (1988) 60.

99
311 BC. The earliest date for the sarcophagus was set at 325 BC. as determined by details

in military accoutrements and costume. 343

Side B of the Sarcophagus depicts a lion hunt. (Figure 12) Diodorus344 tells of a
famous royal lion hunting park at Sidon which is located just north of Issus. This famous
lion hunt scene was perhaps a hunt at Sidon . In this relief, there are three protagonists who
are emphasized by virtue of their position and posture: Alexander, an Oriental horseman
who is possibly Abdalmonymos and a Companion of Alexander's.345 The lion attacks
the horse of the Oriental while Alexander rides behind, giving him equal prominence with
the figure of Abdalmonymos. Alexander is bareheaded, his hair is short without his
characteristic anastole, and his features are generalized. Alexander's features do not offer
portrait individualization, in fact, these three figures have the same basic head type. 346 The
beardless young male faces with short curly hair are sculpted in a classical rounded triangle
in front View and are in profile, even and compact. They closely resemble the popular head
types" of the late Classical Heracles. 347The identification of Alexander in the lion hunt
comes without the aid of his usual attribute, the lion headdress. Instead, he introduced a
diadem and retained the Heraclean analogy by the context.“8 This seems to suggest that
the Alexander-Heracles in a lion hunt was a well established iconographic feature and that
the artist was drawing upon precedent. Was substitution of Alexander for Heracles so

commonplace that the lion hunt itself became a sign of the Macedonian king? If this were

 

343 Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, Hellenistic Sculpture I , Madison:

(1989) 40.
344 Diod. 16.41
345 The identity of the heads is from von Graeve, Alex. Sark, in R.R.R.Smith, 63.
346 R.R.R.Smith, 63.
347 See discussion on the Genzano Heracles head, Skopas.
348 R.R.R.Smith, 36:" There already existed in Greek culture a rich stock of headbands
used by gods and mortals, and it is much more likely that Alexander took his new royal
symbol from here, rather than the East. He adapted, selected, or 'invented' a particular
headband-plain white, knotted with flee-hanging ends-but one which would be of a generic
form familiar to Greeks and Macedonians. In 'origin' it probably meant precisely nothing.
In this lay its real value and success as a symbol. Originally empty of meaning, it could
take on whatever significance Alexander gave it. "

100
true, the artist of this Sarcophagus was able to introduce Alexander's new attribute, the

diadem, in an unambiguous iconographic setting.

The Battle relief on the opposite side of the Sarcophagus presents Alexander
mounted on horseback wearing the lion headdress.(Figure 11) Three horsemen are given
prominence in a similar manner as the hunt scene, by posture and position. These three
figures are of Alexander and his Companions in Boiotian cavalry helmets. Alexander
wears a cuirass with shoulder-pieces and lion heads, matching the cuirass found in Philip's
tomb.349 The head type of Alexander in this relief bears the same idealization as the
figure of the hunt relief. His head and features as well as those of the Companions are also
sculpted in a generalized 'late Classical Heracles type'350. Whether this sarcophagus was
the product of a local Sidonian workshop or a Greek creation, 351clearly the depiction of
Alexander' portrait had attained an idealized iconographic type. The use of the late Classical
Heracles head type for Alexander suggests that the hero's features were frequently
substituted for Alexander's to the extent that the latter's portrait became generalized and
appropriated the likeness of the former. The lion hunt itself, once the most common
iconographic representation of Heracles had been adopted by Alexander and the hero's
visage was appropriated These attributes of the mythological hero are the Visual equivalent
of the epithet in literature. They help to substantiate the supposition that Alexander's

resemblance to Heracles served to promote his kingship to his subjects.

 

349 Andronikos, Vergina , fig. 95 and 96.
350 R.R.R.Smith, 61.

351 The origin of the piece is unclear and debated: R.R.R. Smith and Ridgway propose a
Greek origin.

101
Craterus Monument

Both Pliny 352and Plutarch 353 describe a famous sculptural group at Delphi
depicting Alexander hunting lions. Epigraphic evidence found at Delphi, dates the
dedication of the monument to c.321 B.C.354 The sculpture was dedicated by Craterus,
the son of one of Alexander's lieutenants and a fellow hunting participant, also named
Craterus. We learn from the inscription that Alexander was saved from the lion's attack
by the elder Craterus who vowed to erect this monument in gratitude. During the hunt,
Alexander challenged his companions to match his physical prowess and courage.
Alexander's heroic display was noticed by an envoy from Sparta who had accompanied
him on the hunt, causing him to remark:" Alexander, you fought nobly with this lion to
decide which of you should be king!"355 While the dialogue is the historian's invention,
the sculptural reference attests to the historical accuracy of the event. This monument
commemorated the hunt by showing Alexander in mortal danger and proving his t’rperr’].
The lion hunt was used by Alexander to reinforce his image of superior physical strength
and his royal stature. These were shared attributes of Heracles which implies that Heracles'
image was strongly suggested in the representation of Alexander in the Craterus'
monument. We are told that Lysippus was able to render the portrait of the king so as to
inspire Cassander's awe at the sight of the monument.

A relief depicting a lion hunt from an altar or a column base was found in
Messene.(Figure 13) It depicts a mounted horseman in a Macedonian chiton, chlarnys and
causia charging a lion while a nude figure leans inward towards the beast. This figure

wields a double ax and is in a posture reminiscent of the Vergina painting. The nude hunter

 

352 Pliny N.H. 3463-64.

353 Plutarch Alex 40.4. "Craterus later had this hunting scene represented in bronze and
dedicated it at Delphi: it showed the figures of the lion, the bounds, the king fighting with
the lion and Craterus advancing to help him. Some of these sculptures were executed by
Lysippus, and some by leochares."

354 B.C.H xxi p. 598 in P.Perdrizet, "Venatio Alexandri",JHS (1899) 274.

355 Plutarch (Alex) 40.4

102
holds a lion pelt "as an improvised shield around his left arm in much the same way

Heracles' lion pelt served as his armor. "356 The lion is shown attacking a fallen hound
while another dog approaches from the right. These dogs are lean and smooth-hair
suggesting a similar breed, the Laconian hound, such as those found in the Gnosis mosaic
at Pella and the Vergina painting.357 It has been suggested that this work was inspired by
the Craterus monument.358 This raises two contradictions— Macedonian law obliges the
king to remain mounted, and the lion pelt carried by the nude figure on foot, easily alludes
to Alexander's association with Heracles. The Vergina painting showed nude hunters
without the implication of divinity while the two protagonists, Alexander and Philip, were
fully clothed. Yet the relief from Messene shows the mounted hunter clothed and the nude
hunter carrying a lion pelt. The identification of Alexander as the nude figure with the lion
pelt contradicts the evidence. The posture, nudity and lion pelt were clear visual references
to Alexander with the attributes of Heracles. The Messene relief possibly reflects a new
iconographic treatment of the king in the royal hunt because the monument was
posthumous.

Craterus H was the son of Phila, the daughter of Antipater, whom Craterus I
married in autumn 322. The father died in battle in the autumn, 321 BC. Therefore,
Craterus H was an infant at the time of his father's death. 359 Assuming that the son
dedicated the monument as an adult, the Craterus monument must have dated to the last
years of the century. The latest date of leochares' production is given to about 320 B.C.,
and Lysippus could not have worked beyond the end of the century.360 The Craterus
monument commemorated an actual event of two deceased heroes- Alexander and

Craterus. Their death liberated the sculptor to invent an heroic vocabulary in which to

 

356 The Search for Alexander, Exhibition Catalogue (1980) 121.
357 The Search for Alexander, 122.

358 J.J.Pollitt,Art in the Hellenistic Age, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge:(l988)
38. and Search for Alexander , 122.

359 Droysen, Historic de l'Hellenisme, ii.(1892) 115.
360 P. Perdrized,"Venatio Alexandri"JHS (1899), 275.

103
promote their courage and (merit. The lion hunt most easily parallels the labor of

Heracles, the attributes of whom were previously appropriated by Alexander. The sculptor
represented Alexander more closely as Heracles: nude, with a lion pelt, and lunging into the
beast. This lion hunt iconography became a shared emblem of Alexander as the successor
of Heracles.

The Craterus monument would easily have inspired many reproductions though the
discovery of a replica is still speculative. Two medallions in the treasury of Tarsus show
the profile of Alexander, obverse, and a mounted horseman about to spear a lion, reverse.
(Figure 14) This was postulated to have been inspired by the sculptures at Delphi.
However, the figure of Craterus I does not appear on the medallion nor is there any danger
to the mounted figure. Like the lion hunts previously described, the king is mounted and
the lion succumbs to his might.361

A small comelian intaglio may offer a glimpse of the original Craterus
monument362 (Figure 15) This small medallion shows in the right field a nude figure
with one knee on the ground defending himself with his raised sword. The lion, on the
same ground line in the center and left, attacks the kneeling figure. Behind the lion in the
center of the medallion is a mounted figure who drives his spear into the lions back with an
emphatic vertical thrust. The mounted hunter wears a Macedonian causia and chlamys as
seen in the Messene relief. Since the Craterus monument was dedicated by the lieutenant
who saved Alexander, Alexander should have been depicted in a perilous position. The
nudity and the posture of the fallen figure allude to Alexander's image as Heracles, fighting
the Nemean lion. The later Heracles myth tells of the hero wrestling the beast and finally
killing it with his sword. The kneeling Alexander holds his sword in his right hand which

is bent over his head clearly indicating that weapon for the kill. Lysippos was well known

 

361 Additional representations of Alexander in a lion hunt are mentioned by Pliny (NH
34.64-6) who reports of a sculpture at Thespiae by the artist Euthuykrates, the son of
Lysippos. However, there is no further description of their work.

362 Published by Paul Perdrizet,"Venatio Alexandri" JHS (1899), 273-279.

104
for his many depictions of Heracles and the idealized figure type represented on the intaglio

suggests that of the young hero.

A lion hunt is also the subject of the mosaic in Room C, Building I at Pella which
is especially important due to the location of the find.363 Pella was the birthplace of
Alexander the Great and served as the Macedonian capital city. The excavations have
revealed a large dwelling with three open courtyards running north to south. The central
court is paved with a pebble mosaic in a simple rhomboid pattern framed by a spiral
design; the other two are peristyle courts with stone columns of the Ionic order. Various
large rooms open onto these courtyards including three rooms along the west side
containing the famous mosaics. Based on architectural features of the building, the mosaics
have been dated to the last quarter of the fourth century. 364

The figures consist of light colored stones contrasting with the deep blue-black
background. The pebbles were placed compactly hiding the plaster foundation layer. The
subtle differentiation in the varying hues of the stones have been used expertly to achieve
chiaroscuro. The contour line and the interior anatomical demarcations are emphasized by
leaden channeling. The depiction of pictoral space is achieved by a strongly foreshortened
ground line. It provides a stage like setting for the silhouetted figures. The emblem is
framed by a bead and reel border with subtle shading which gives the illusion of
architectural ornamentation. Beyond the architectural frame is a floral boarder with
tendrils and flowers foreshortened to give a three dimensional illusion.

The central composition represents two youths closing in on a central snarling
lion.(Figure 16) The figure on the left wears a chlamys and a causia while the figure on the
right is bare headed and wears the chlamys. The youth on the right has short cropped hair,
his head is nestled in the angle of his arm as he holds his sword behind him with his right
hand. In his left hand he holds the sheath for his sword. This upper body treatment of head

 

363 M. Robertson,"Early Greek Mosaic",Studies in the History of Art, 10: Macedonia and
Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Times ( Washington) 241.

364 Robertson, 243.

105
and arm is reminiscent of the cornelian intaglio which suggests that they derived from a

common original. Both figures lean in the same heroic lunge found in the Vergina
painting and the Messene relief. The figure on the left holds a greatly foreshortened spear in
his right hand and a sword in its sheath in his left hand.

The lion hunt mosaic is one of four scenes depicted in a series of three rooms. It
has been speculated that two of these rooms were andrones, or dining balls with a broad
plaster surround which was elevated. The dining couches stood on the surround while the
central mosaic was open.365 As the function of Building I was most likely a public or
perhaps an official residence the program of mosaics should promote a public statement.
366 The mosaic is roughly contemporary with the Craterus monument and corresponds
with the intaglio and Messene relief by depicting a nude lunging hero. As the same
Alexander- Heracles analogy is conjured up by the mosaic, the iconography seems to have
become formulaic: Alexander fought the dangerous beasts as Heracles fought the Nemean
lion restoring order and protecting his subjects. The official nature of the dwelling suggests
that the iconography of the lion-hunt would promote an official or political image.

Room B contains the famous Dionysus mosaic in which the god rides a panther,
seated sideways. The god is depicted sitting easily at a three quarter pose with his right
hand on the panther's neck and holding in his left his attribute, the tasseled thyrsus, a staff
tipped with a pine cone. The god's hair is edged in lead channeling and the curls of his
long unruly hair are depicted with terra cotta comma-shaped pieces. On his head is a
wreath which is rendered with the same excellent workmanship. The threshold of room C
from room B contains a panel in poor condition, representing a centaur holding a wine
bowl, facing his mate. Room A contains a geometric design mosaic in a similar style to

those found in the courtyard.

 

365 Ph.Petsas, "Mosaics from Pella," Colloques Internationaux sur La Mosaique Greco-
Romaine, Paris, 1965, 41-56, figs. 1-21.

366 Petsas, 46.

106
At the threshold between room A and room B lies a narrow mosaic panel

depicting a lion-griffm attacking a stag. (Figure 17) This is a Persian griffin with a lion's
head bearing curved horns and a lion's torso with curled wings. The beast attacks the
startled stag from behind and bites the victim in the back. From the wound, blood flows
with remarkable realism considering the nature of the medium.

The lion- griffin, as depicted on the threshold appears in the gold coinage of
Alexander. The gold staters of minted during Alexander's reign show a profile of helrneted
Athena, obverse and a winged Nike, reverse.367 The bowl of the helmet is usually
adorned with a serpent, but in some cases, is decorated with a griffm.368 (Figure 18) In
the early centuries this griffin ornamentation undoubtedly decorated the crests of helmets to
represent irrepressible might or supematural power. The griffin was of Eastern origin and
appears in Hittite and Mesopotamian art as demonic forces or companions of the gods. 369
The Greek griffin evolved into a winged monster with a lion's body and a bird's head. This
type of griffrn is by far the most common type to be found decorating Athena helmet.
However, there exists another type of griffin on her helmet in a significant number. This is
the Persian griffin with a lion's head bearing curved horns and a lion's torso with curled
wings. The development of the animal form shows that the original Babylonian form
possessed eagle's hind legs and tail but this was dropped in the fifth century by the Greeks
themselves in their representation of the Persian griffm.37O The Greek modified form of

the Persian griffin remained associated with Persia where it is frequently used in

 

367 Muller, Alexander le Grand, p.3; v.Prokesch-Osten: Les Alexandres de ma collection
qui ne se trovent pas dan le Catal de Muller. Alex. IH PROa 40-55. p 71. "Staters d'or
avec le casque de Pallas a griffon." and B.V. Head, HN (1983)226 fig.137.

368 Some examples also show a Sphinx. These are very rare and do not fall within the
scope of this study.

369 Daremberg et Saglio, s. v. galea, pp.1450 f.

370Furtwangler "Gryps"in W.H.RoscherAusfuhrliches Lexikon d. griechischen u.
romischen Mythologie, 1884. and Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia
(1922) 801' the lion-headed griffin of Panticapaeum is the Iranian animal, created in
Babylonia, and thenceforward common throughout Asia, especially in the Iranian area' in
GE. Hill, " Alexander the Great and the Persian lion-gryphon", JHS XLIH (1923) 158.

107
representations in conflicts, slaying Greeks or being slain. The lion-griffm was, therefore a

symbol for the Persian enemy par excellence. The use of this symbol on the gold staters
by Alexander becomes an appropriate political emblem especially once the time and place
of its issue is considered.

It occurs at Sidon, Ace-Ptolemais, and at Tarsus.37l It is found first at Sidon and
is attributed to the 'end of 333 to circa 330 B.C.' 372 at Ace it appears in 329-8 BC. and at
Tarsus in 327 BC. The appearance of the lion griffin emblem seems to coincide with
Alexander's victory at Gaugamala (331 BC) and certainly follows the Battle of Issus near
Sidon (333 BC.) Therefore, the lion- griffin symbolized Alexander's attack and
assumption of the Persian royal power. The gold stater with lion-griffm is not found to
have been minted at Babylon. From the eastern mint, the symbolism of the Greco-Persian
monster would be meaningless. It is limited to Cilician and Phoenician regions, and it is
exactly the outlying satrapies that would need the reinforcement of such an emblem: the
lion-griffm on the helmet of Athena

If the lion-griffm symbolized the Persian empire to the Hellenic mind, the killing of
this beast would be a virtuous achievement, of similar magnitude to Heracles' killing the
Nemean lion. The ornamentation of Athena's helmet shows that the griffin was associated
with the Persian empire and represented Alexander's conquest of the Persian empire. The
similar lion-griffm that appears in a mosaic in Building no.1 at Pella is directly adjacent to
the representations of Alexander Heracles in the lion hunt and the seated Dionysus. These
are exactly the two deities that Alexander emulated during his Persian campaign. The
placement and iconography strongly suggests a political symbolism promoting Alexander

as the Heraclean camp and as the Dionysian conquering deity. The dating of the coins,

 

371 It possibly appears at Cyprus as well Muller #723.

372 E.Newell in GE Hill, "Alexander the Great and the Persian lion-gryphon", JHS
XLHI (1923) 159. see also G.K. JenkinsAncient Greek Coins, (1972) #509: " Alexander
the Great: Athena head griffon on helmet; Sidon mint, c.331-327 B. C. (stater, obverse,
8.59 gm., diam. 18mm., BM 1878; Newell 13)"

108
the Craterus monument and the mosaics fall within the last quarter of the fourth century.

Surely iconographic images as strong as these were mutually influencial.

The representations of the lion hunt come from a Macedonian tradition of a royal
pastime. The lion was an ancient royal symbol therefore, the hunt and conquest of the lion
represented the king's greater c’rperfi and worthiness as ruler. Heracles fighting the
Nemean lion was popular due to the political motif of Heracles as a savior conquering evil.
These three themes converge in the representations of the Alexander lion hunts. The
Vergina tomb painting proves the existence of the royal sport before Alexander's eastern
campaigns. The Battle of Issus brought the fall of Darius and the acquisition of Persia to
Alexander's empire. The royal hunting park of Sidon was the site of an historical lion hunt
at which Alexander and his satrap Abdalonymos participated. The Alexander Sarcophagus
represents both the battle and the hunt clearly connecting the two events. In the battle relief,
Alexander wears the Heraclean lion helmet ; in the Heraclean lion hunt, Alexander wears a
Dionysian diadem. The Macedonian monarch in the image of Heracles must evolve to
become a divine emperor in the image of Dionysus.373 The Alexander Sarcophagus
clearly represents the turning point in the image of Alexander.

The Craterus monument and those inspired by it represent Alexander as a
Macedonian ruler. Craterus was his loyal Macedonian lieutenant and the sculptural group,
executed posthumously, represents Alexander at the hunt in Sidon or earlier. The
commemorative nature allowed the sculptor to diverge from tradition and more closely
align the king to his mythological ancestor. The mosaics located in Pella represent the lion
hunt in the Heraclean tradition. The use of Heraclean lion hunt iconography promoted
Alexander as the Macedonian monarch to his subjects. As son of Philip and descendent of
Heracles, Alexander was king of the Macedonians by heredity. The nature of his rule was

according to the virtuous ideals of his aristocratic education and Macedonian custom.

 

373 P. Goukowsky, Essal' sur les Origines du Mythe d 'Alexandre, II, Alexandre et
Dionysos, (l'Universite de Nancy H, 1981), 40.

109
Heracles was the mythological prototype of the ideal Macedonian monarch with which

Alexander's image soon became synonymous. The lion- griffin symbolizing the Persians
not only embellished Athena's helmet but was placed adjacent to the lion-hunt mosaic in
Pella As Heracles vanquished the irrepressible Nemean lion, so Alexander conquered the

Persians.

IH. The Royal Portrait

The Heracles Device on the coinage of Philip H and Alexander the Great

The Heracles device had been used in Macedonian coinage by generations of
Macedonian kings as represented by coinage of Amyntas IH374, Perdiccas 1H375 and
Philip H376. Heracles, as the paradigm for the king, symbolized the origin of their dynasty
and the role of their monarchy. A head of Heracles wearing the lion skin headdress was
also chosen by Alexander to be the device for his silver coinage, minted in tetradrachms
and fractional silver denominations.377 The reverse shows a seated Zeus 378with the
legend: AAEEANAPOY. This Heracles silver tetradrachm was struck in profusion from
numerous mints, twenty three of which can be identified.379 The silver coinage was most
widely circulated providing a vehicle by which the king could promote his authority. With

such a wide circulation throughout the empire, the Heracles device became a symbol for

 

374 C.M.Kraay and M.Hirmer,Greek Coins, (Thames and Hudson,London, 1966) #560.
Heracles obv. facing right. bearded wearing lion skin headdress. Standing horse rev. See
also B.V.Head Historia Numorum, Sanford J. Durst New York:(l983) 221-222 fig. 133.
375 Kraay and Hirrner, #561. Heracles Obv. facing right; youthful (without beard) wearing
lion skin headdress.rev.galloping horse. See also B.V. Head, 222 fig. 134.

376 E.T.Newell,Royal Greek Portrait Coins, (Racine, Wisconsin ,1937), 12. A Gold
Stater Struck at Philippi obv. Head of youthful Heracles facing right. rev.tripod. G. Le
Rider, Le Monnayage d 'argent et d 'or de Philippe II (197 7)

377 Margaret Thompson,"The Coinage of Philip H and Alexander HI" Studies in the
History of Art , vol. 10 National Gallery of Art, Washington.,114.

378 J. J. Pollitt, 25-26 states that the image of a seated figure of Zeus was directly inspired
by the Phidian cult statue at Olympia The use of this reverse type suggests a pan-hellenic
appeal which was politically advantageous for Alexander.

379 A. Bellinger, Essays on the Coinage of Alexander the Great (The American
Numismatic Society, New York: 1963) 42.

1 10
the conquests of Alexander who, like Heracles' labors, banished evil, restored order and

civilized the world. 380

The tetradrachm minted in Babylon, 326-325 BC. by Alexander continues to Show
the Heracles portrait but begins to suggest Alexander's attributes.(Figure 19) The anastole,
deep set eyes and prominent chin and brow attest to the conflated image of Heracles and
Alexander. This development of the Heracles portrait has been the subject of much debate
and the identification of Alexander in this coinage remains controversial.381 Yet, it is
generally agreed that the numismatic portrait of Alexander is securely represented by his

posthumous image on the coinage of Ptolemy I382, Seleukos I 383and Lysimachos384.

 

380 Additionally, for his bronze coinage, he chose a Heracles portrait, obverse, and the
weapons of the hero, reverse.

381 J. Fears and Fulco in "Deification of Alexander the Great" The Center for
Hermeneutical Studies, B. Badian ed., Berkeley,1976), 29-38. argue for the identification
of Alexander in this device. Seltrnan, Ch.,Greek Coins, 212:'the head of Heracles has
frequetly the features of Alexander himself." Hill, G.F.,Historical Greek Coins,
103,pl.VH, no.59: "Head of young Herakles r., with features resembling Alexander's."
Tondreau, J., Revue de Philologie, de Litterature et d 'Histoire Ancienne., series 3, 23:47-
48, 1949. Contra: A. Bellinger, Essays on the Coinage of Alexander the Great (New
York, 1963) and R.R.R. Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits (Clarendon Press,
Oxford,l988) 59. For coins issued at Pella NewellAlexander Hoards II, Demanhur, 1905.
The American Numismatic Society, Notes and Monograms. New York,1923, pp. 71ff.,
pl. H1.

The Porus coin has been accepted as a contemporary portrait of Alexander but the
full figure representation offers little in the way of recognizable facial features due to the
small size of the evidence. Mitchiner, I, 20, type 21a.

A rare bronze coin from Egypt may contain a contemporary portrait head of
Alexander in Persian dress: B.N.F.cdm:#3767; M. J. Price NNf-NYTT (Journal of the
Numismatic Society of Norway) March I (1981), 32-7, fig. 1-4.

382 Two examples issued from Alexandria c.320-315 BC. on tetradrachms: A. (obV)
Alexander with elephant scalp, Ammon's horn, aegis and Dionysos-type diadem.(rev)
seated Zeus. Kraay, Hirmer, No. 796; Search No.18. and B. (obv.)Alexander with the
same attributes in smoother style (rev) archaic AthenaKraay, Hirmer, Nos.797-8; Search
No.3 1.

383 Two examples: A. Alexander in elephant scalp on a small issue of gold double darics,
minted at Ecbatana, c.303-293. R.R.R Smith,Portraits No.74.3 ; B. Alexander wearing
a bull horned helmet covered with panther skin, and a panther's skin knotted around his
neck. Tetradrachms and drachms minted at Susa, c. 300-280 BC. Kraay, Hirmer No.740
R.R.R. Smith Portraits, No. 74., 4.

384 Alexander with diadem and Ammon's horn, on tetradrachms minted from c.297. The
anastole and prominant chin and brow are evident. The hair is long and tosseled. The

1 11
This invites comparison between the portraits, which have marked similarities. The brow,

superciliary arch, is prominent and the eyes are enlarged. The frontal nasal suture is deep
due to his upward gaze. The anastole, and aquiline nose further attest to his likeness.
Whether Alexander's attributes were assimilated onto the portrait of Heracles, or Heracles'
attributes were assimilated onto the portrait of Alexander, the ambiguity is obvious and
significant. The portrait of the king and hero became synthesized, suggesting that their
association was strong enough to promote the king and the hero- god as one. Just as
Heracles' image as a paradigm for the kingship of Macedon is promoted by his
numismatic portrait on the coinage of the Temenidae kings, Alexander's composite portrait

reinforces his Pan-Hellenic authority through the course of his campaigns.

The Royal Portraits become a Synthesis of Alexander and Heracles

The image of Alexander merged into the image of Heracles resulting in a
composite portrait of an idealized king. The head of Alexander on the Sarcophagus from
Sidon shows the idealization of the king's features to the extent that his identification results
primarily from his attributes and the context. The idealized portrait head used for
Alexander is based on the late classical young Heracles type.385 This head type is best
represented by the Genzano Herrn, a copy of a marble original Heracles at Sicyon
attributed to Skopas.386(Figure 20) The eyes are deeply set and the brow is prominent.
The muscles of the neck, the stemo-cleido-mastoids are plate like and long. The head is
turned to the left and tilted upward. The jaw is heavy, the chin is prominent yet the face is

long. The general mood of the Genzano-Heracles was one of 'heroic endurance'.387 The

 

consistancy of issues suggests that they replicate a major portrait. This type was in use long
after Lysimachos. Kraay, Hirmer, Nos. 580-2;

385 R.R.R.Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits, 63.

386 R.R.R.Smith, 21 and Andrew F. Stewart, Skopas ofParos.(Noyes Press,Park Ridge,
New Jersey, 1977), 139-140, pl.30-31. The Genzano herrn in the British Museum is
related by Stewart (reszraef) to the Tegea Heads by Skopas.No. 17 .

387 Stewart, 91.

1 12
idealized heads of the Alexander sculptures assimilated the heroic features of the young

Heracles sculptures of the fourth century. Like Alexander's coinage, the ambiguity of the
portrait would have promoted the image of Alexander as the second Heracles. The lion
hunt iconography certainly strengthened the analogy . The idealized Heracles head type
coupled with the lion hunt became a formula for Heracles-Alexander as evidenced by the
Pella mosaics. By this formula, the association between the king and the hero was
strengthened in the imagination of his subjects.

A contemporary portrait of Alexander can only be discenled from a few extant
examples and from scarce literary descriptions. Plutarch describes a sculpture by Lysippus
which he thought was the best representation of the king.388 The features of the Lysippus
portrait that Plutarch found remarkable are those features that became typical of
Alexander's deified portraits by Hellenistic sculptors- a long, poised neck slightly tilting the
head and expressive wide eyes. Unfortunately, Lysippus' original portrait of Alexander as
described by Plutarch has not survived. Copies were postulated as replicas of Lysippus'
work but these opinions have not been generally accepted. 389 The extant portraits of
Alexander executed during his lifetime and dated by external evidence, comprise a very
small group of marble and Ivory portrait heads. These contemporary sculptures come from

the excavation at Vergina and from Roman copies based on three different original head

types.

 

388 Plutarch (Alex) 4. "The best likeness of Alexander which has been preserved for us is
to be found in the statues sculpted by Lysippus, the only artist whom Alexander considered
worthy to represent him. Alexander possessed a number of individual features which
many of Lysippus' followers later tried to reproduce, for example the poise of the neck
which was tilted slightly to the left, or a certain melting look in his eyes, and the artist has
exactly caught these peculiarities. On the other hand when Apelles painted Alexander
wielding a thunderbolt, he did not reproduce his colouring at all accurately. He made
Alexander's complexion appear too dark-skinned and swarthy, whereas we are told that he
was fair-skinned, with a ruddy tinge that showed itself especially upon his face and chest."

389 M. Bieber, Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art, (Argonaut Pub.
Chicago:l964), 42 Contra: R.R.R. Smith, 60.

l 13
The contemporary portrait types, excluding the ivory portrait found in Vergina,

exist in two or three Roman copies each, which bespeak their reproduction from a Greek
original. They include the Azara Herm (Figure 21),the Erbach type (Figure 22) and the
Dresden type (Figure 23)390. The Azara herm is inscribed with Alexander's name and the
copies are similarly modeled, although they are poorly preserved. The Erbach type is best
represented by the Acropolis head which many consider to be an original portrait by
leochares. 391 The Dresden type is well modeled and finely executed with two copies of
Similar quality. Although the sculpted portraits are not dated, the Azara herrn seems to
represent Alexander as the most mature. None of them have explicit divine attributes nor
reflects any of the Alexander types put out on the Diadochs' coinages.392 This suggests
that they belong before the Hellenistic coin portraits of Alexander. As a group, they
represent Alexander as the young late Classical Heracles- a calm restrained hero with heavy
strong features and fleshy cheeks. 393 The face is large and almost square, the jaw is heavy
and the chin is defined. The brow is prominent and the eyes are deep set as found on the
Heracles' head type. The contemporary Alexander portraits show a muscular neck, but the
distinct articulation of muscle layers is not easily discernible due to their damaged
condition.394 The hair length varies among this group, though his famous anastole is well
represented. The contemporary portraits of Alexander show and idealization based on the
young Heracles head type of the Late Classical period. The synthesis of the hero's features

 

390 I agree with R.RRSmith in excluding the Eubouleus type Alexander which exists in
eight copies. Although Smith excludes them on the basis of the idealized hairstyle and
non-royal dress indicating to him that it is not an Alexander portrait, I feel that the idealized
hairstyle and refined features allude to the posthumous Dionysian portraiture of Alexander.
Contra: M. Bieber, Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art , Chicago (1964), 26.
391 R.R.R.Smith, 60 and Robert Wyman Hartel, "The Search for Alexander's Portrait" in
W.L.Adams and E.N.Borza,Phillip II, Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Heritage,
University Press(l982), 168.

392 R.R.R. Smith, 61.

393 M.Bieber, 22.

394 The Azara Herm has been restored at the break in the neck. The Erbach type from the
Acropolis(#1 and 2) shows an original neck, with elongation and subtle modeling through
the stemo-cleido-mastoids, though there is damage to the left side.

l 14
with those of the king further substantiates the use of the Heracles imagery to promote the

rule and authority of Alexander the Great. 395 These portrait heads offer a composite
image of the king as a young hero, they are a portrait of Alexander-Heracles.

If Plutarch is to be believed, Lysippos represented Alexander in his portrait with
features which showed his distinct characteristics. Plutarch criticized the portraitists who
followed Lysippos stating that they failed to capture his 'virile and leonine expression', the
qualities of his true ethos.396 None of the three contemporary portraits of Alexander from
this group represent the tilted poise of his neck. Nor do they show a "melting look in his
eyes." They could not be based on Lysippos' portraits of Alexander which, according to
Plutarch, was rendered with such realism that Cassander was awestruck. This portrait
would not offer the ambiguity as this group of Alexander- Heracles portraits. Moreover,
Lysippos was renowned for his prolific production of Heracles sculptures; some fifteen
hundred works are ascribed to him by ancient writers.397 Plutarch surely knew Lysippos'
Heracles sculptures yet he did not use them as reference with which to describe the
Alexander portrait.

From the excavations at Vergina came a true contemporary portrait of Alexander
which invites comparison to the Alexander-Heracles types.(Figure 24) This ivory head

was found among a group of twenty heads which formed a relief scene along the wooden

 

395 The Dionysian diadem which later became associated with the divinity of the ruler is
also absentThe late Alexander portraits of with these elements recall the god Dionysos.
They clearly differ from the later Alexander portraits which show him as divinized with
softer features, longer hair and exhibiting 'pathos'.

396 Plutarch, Moralia 335. Heiner Protzmann,"Realismus und Idealitat in spatklassik
und Fruhhellenismus" Id! 92 (1977) 196-97.,in Robert Wyman Hartle " The Search for
Alexander's Portrait" in Adams, W.L. and Borza, Eugene N, Philip 11, Alexander the
Great and the Macedonian Heritage, (1982), 168. states that the reality, the personality as
well as the will of Alexander were rendered in Lysippos' portraits. The argument by
Rudiger leirnbach, "Plutarch fiber das Aussehen Alexanders des Grossen, " AA no.2
(1979) 213-20 in Adams and Borza, 168. reinterprets Plutarch's text as "Plutarch had at his
disposal the means of control by which he was able to assert that Lysippos had best
rendered the features of Alexander."

397 Uhlenbrock, J.P., Heracles, Passage of the Hero Through 1000 years of Classical
Art, Caratzas, New York: (1986), 11.

1 15
bier. The location of the find suggests that ambiguity would have been intolerable. Upon

the death of Philip H, speculation on the succession of the throne would have been avoided
at all costs. Additionally, the realism found in Philip's portrait, among this group of ivory
portrait heads, attests to the accuracy of the Alexander likeness. Philip's portrait deliberately
depicts the king with a blind right eye and a scar above it on the superciliary arch.398
Judging from the accuracy with which Philip's portrait was rendered, Alexander's portrait
would have been treated with the same realism.

The Vergina portrait shows Alexander as a youth of about eighteen years old. His
nose is aquiline, his chin is pointed and his cheeks are fleshy. This portrait emphasizes a
powerful neck and throat with plate-like sterno-cleido-mastoid muscles which form a deep
V-shape. The slight turn of the neck and the tilt of the head to the left, forms an inverted S-
curve that is accurately described by Plutarch. His eyes are almond shaped and wide open
indicative of the 'melting gaze'. His brow is prominent and his eyes are deep-set. The
frontal nasal suture is furrowed as is his prominent brow, resulting from his intense
upward gaze.(Figure 25)

The ivory portrait of Alexander shows him with the distinct features described by
Plutarch in the works of Lysippos. The distinctive poise of the neck and the 'heavenward
gaze'. previously associated with the later deified depictions of him, are clearly present in
this early work and give credence to Plutarch's description of Lysippos' portraits. In other
words, Alexander's attributes normally associated with his Hellenistic and deified image
appear in this early portrait. The realism with which the artist depicted the portrait of Philip
would most likely be applicable to this portrait of Alexander. Therefore, these legendary
attributes were, in fact, distinctive characteristics of Alexander's features. The Alexander-
Heracles portrait type, when compared to the Vergina head show a marked departure in the

representation of the king. The king's heroic features in his contemporary portraits took on

 

398 M.Andronicos, fig.79-8 1.

l 16
the idealization and ambiguity of his coinage. His royal image was rendered as a

composite- an Alexander-Heracles.

The later fourth century brought forth the science of physiognomia that interpreted
the inner moral character by external appearance. This discipline was explained in two
early treatises that were peripatetic essays from the Aristotelian corpus.399 At the core of
this science was the assumption that noble birth and Virtuous character were manifested in
physical appearance, it developed and continued the old aristocratic notion of Kalle; l<'
8171166; . A handsome, well-proportioned body and visage indicated a honest, noble
character. Conversely, deformities and ugliness displayed a villainous type. If the physical
appearance communicated the virtue of the king, his portraiture was a cause for serious
concern. By the third century, professional physiognomists issued canons of the royal
appearance. Although the validity of the treatise on kingship by 'Diotogenes' is
controversial, the document fully expresses the Hellenistic philosophy on kingship.400 The
treatise presents a synthesis of ethical and divine conceptions of kingship which parallel the
Heraclean and Macedonian ideal exactly.

The passage from 'Diotogenes' states that the king must possess a 'conspicuous
bearing' that communicates his position as "a statesman" and as "a man of affairs." He
will do this by appearing and speaking in a manner that is 'magestic'(semnos ). He must
also look "fine and generous in his social intercourse". His physical appearance must also
impart a " relentless and formidable (deinos ) hatred of wickedness and corruption." Most
importantly, Diotogenes states kingship is an imitation of the divine.

"majesty ( semnos ) is an imitation of the divine and can rouse the
wonder and awe of the masses...he must separate himself from the
passions of ordinary mortals and draw near to the gods, taking upon himself...

 

399 Aristotle Minor Works, XIV: 805-14. Loeb edn., trans. H. Rackham,Harvard Univ.
Press: (1990)

400 Text in Stobaeus V1.22; Vii.61-6; in Pseudepigrapha 1, Entretiens Fondation Hardt 22
(1975), 59-87. I have taken the text from R.R.R.Smith, 51. Smith cites 0. Murray, Peri
Basileais, 246-7. in his arguement for the Hellenistic dating of the document which was
written under the pseudonym, Diotogenes, an invented Pythagorean Philosopher.

117

a conspicuous and encompassing eminence in his appearance (opsis ),
thoughts, desires, disposition of soul, actions and in his very physical
movements (kinesis) and posture (thesis tou somatos ); ..thus those who
look on him, will be struck by his awesome manner, his restraint and

by his prominent bearing. 401
The royal portrait of Alexander the Great imparted his kingship by the use of Heraclean
features. His image as Heracles expressed his moral and ethical character; his physical and
military prowess; and his divine nature all of which made him worthy of royal power.
Recall the statements of Plato in his description of the ideal king who has achieved the
same elevated stature as "blessed and divine."402

Lysippos was said to have imparted Alexander's ethos by representation of his
leonine and masculine qualities and to have "accommodated his t’rperl‘j in his
appearance. "403 It is not stated how Lysippos was able to communicate his divine nature,
though his sculptures of Alexander filled Kassander with awe. What imparts divinity

without the explicit use of an external attribute?

IV. Alexander, Aristotle and the Nature of God
Plutarch (Alexander 7) tells us that Aristotle published his esoteric works while
Alexander was campaigning in Asia. We are told that the nature of these treatises was such
that the average student would not have been exposed to this knowledge. Instead, it was
discussed "only by word of mouth to a select few ".404 Alexander wrote a peevish

response to Aristotle denouncing the public's acquisition of this knowledge. "405 We must

 

401 Diotogenes, ap. Stobaeus, Viii.62 in RR.R.Smith, 51.

402 Plato, Republic 540a 7- c2. Please see chapter 2 for a greater treatment of the text.

403 Plut. Moralia 335 b.

404 Plutarch, Alex. 7

405 Plutarch Alex 7. trans. Ian Scott-Kilvert . Plutarch The Age of Alexander, Penguin
Classics New York: (1983) 259." Alexander to Aristotle, greetings. You have not done
well to write down and publish those doctrines you taught me by word of mouth. What
advantage shall I have over other men if these theories in which I have been trained are to
be made common property ? I would rather excel the rest of mankind in my knowledge of
what is best than in the extent of my power. Farewell."

1 l8
assume, knowing the principles put forth in his Politics and the sentiment expressed by

Alexander, that the king possessed knowledge unavailable to the masses. And it was this
knowledge that set him apart, elevated him to the status as ruler. Plato defines the king as
one who has reached "the limit of the intellectual world. "406 He is the personification of
virtue since Virtue is knowledge.

What then, could be the nature of this knowledge? We know that Aristotle wrote
an early version of Metaphysics- books gamma and lambda while he tutored at Pella
From the pedagogical program promoted by Plato and Aristotle, we also must surmise that
the education of the young prince must have included this treatise in his philosophical
training. Metaphysics is, according to Aristotle, wisdom par excellence . The philosopher
and the king is one who desires knowledge about the ultimate cause and nature of reality.
It therefore, entails the 'first principles' and 'causes of things', so it is universal knowledge
in the highest degree. The early books of the Metaphysics treat these 'frrst principles' and
'causes' using a regressive argument in order to arrive at the 'Prime Mover'. Every motion,
every cause has a previous cause whose action, or motion, gave rise to the following
cause. In this way everything is 'actual' but has the potential to become something else.
Every motion then, is a transit from 'potentiality' to 'actuality' which is in fact the potential
to move again. This being so, the universe requires a Prime Mover.407 The Prime Mover
is pure act, and therefore, immaterial, for materiality involves the possibility of being acted
upon and changed. Since the Prime Mover is immaterial, his activity is the "thought of
thought": vofiors vofioecos.

"Hence, the possession of knowledge rather than the capacity for knowledge
is the divine aspect of mind, and it is the activity of intellectual vision that

is most pleasant and best. If the divine then is always in that good state

in which we are at times, we are struck by awe; and if it is in a still better
state, this is grounds for still more awe. Now, it is in this better state that

the divine has its being and its life. For the activity of mind is also its life
and the divine is that activity. The self-sufficient activity of the divine is

 

406 Plato,Republic 532a 7. Please see chapter 2 for a full discussion of the text.
407 Aristotle, Metaphysics Book delta.

119

life at it eternal best We maintain, therefore, that the divine is the eternal
best living being, so that the divine is life unending, continuous, and eternal.408

Aristotle began his Metaphysics with the statement that "Man by nature desires to
know" .409 As Prometheus brought fire to man to elevate him towards the gods, Heracles
brought knowledge. By becoming the incarnate of intellect, Heracles attained divinity.
However, Aristotle states that Man can only know god and achieve divinity in those
fleeting instances where "intellect finds its fulfillment in being aware of the intelligible"410.
This scintilla fills us with "wide-eyed awe", a coup de foudre, that is "life such as ours in
its best moments. "411

Therefore, the divine nature of man is approached through intellect which is
manifested through a "wide-eyed awe" of intellectual vision. Plato and Aristotle tell us that
the king has achieved his royal status through intellect and as such he will "raise the eye of
the soul to the universal light which lightens all things and behold the absolute good."412
The Peripatetic physiognomists along with 'Diotogenes' explain that the portrait of the king
must impart his divine stature through his physical appearance. The physical
manifestation of Alexander's divine kingship was communicated through his heavenward
gaze. This feature appears in his early ivory portrait found in the tomb of his father, Philip
H. Upon the death of his father Alexander succeeded to the throne in accordance with
Macedonian tradition. The power of the king was inherent in his physical person and it
was transmitted from father to son.413 The representation of Alexander's heavenward gaze
communicates to his Macedonian subjects, his divine stature and his royal position.

The greater Hellenic world would not have tolerated the divine pretensions nor the

monarchical imposition. The fact that Alexander was a shrewd political genius is

 

408 Aristotle, Metaphysics Book lambda, VH 1274 a ff. trans. Richard Hope.
409 Aristotle, Metaphysics Book Alpha 980 a 1.

410 Aristotle, Metaphysics 1274a 1.

411 Aristotle, Metaphysics 1274 a2.

412 Plato,Republic 540 a 7-c 2.

413 Hammond, 22.

120
evidenced by his transformation into Heracles-his ancestor, a Pan-Hellenic god and royal

prototype. The Greek mind easily accepted mimetic imagery. Temples across the Greek
world told of contemporary events through mythological and legendary exploits. The fact
that Alexander's Persian campaign was recounted in terms of Heraclean labors which
developed his kingship as a coat-rip. His lion hunt relief sculptures which probably began
as a chronicle of the actual royal sport, developed posthumously to appropriate the features
of a Heraclean lion hunt The royal portraits executed during his lifetime, show a hero with
the physical features of the late Classical Heracles. As such, his face is young, beardless
and square, his eyes stare forward irnpassively. Classical figures of gods in repose look
evenly ahead and the heavenward gaze does not have precedent Posthumous images of
Alexander resume the heavenward gaze as indication of his divine kingship. The king
looks beyond men to a divine status. " As Zeus has Olympus, Alexander the earth." The
poised neck, tilt of the head and upward gaze is one of the most commonly reproduced
features of the later Hellenistic royal portraits. Just as Alexander became a second

Heracles, the successors became a second Alexander."'14

 

414 For example, this can be found on the coinage of Lysimachos.

APPENDIX: FIGURES

121

 

 

Figure 1
Villa Guilia 1 1688
from Conca

122

art/4

I ,

 

Figure 2
Attic red-figure psykter
ca.460 B.C.

123

 

, Figure 3
Attic black-figure belly amphora; Psiax
ca. 520 BC.

124

*’ 4gfifi§figfififi§t$®é$su

 

Figure 4
Attic black-figure belly amphora; Priam Painter
ca. late sixtlr- -century B .C

125

 

_ Figure 5
Attic black-figure lip cup; Phrynos Painter
ca. mid-sixth century.

1‘};

 

Figure 6
Attic red- -figure pelike Workshop of the Hyppolytos Painter
ca.375 B. C.

127

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

-—- v—a—d O—d—1

‘.

.— fl _. .— ‘ ——6 t—— ” —. p—
.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

—-"—\<-—-_8-—r-—~o—-r——

l

 

 

 

A? ..

 

O—fla—‘O—

 

 

 

 

 

 

l
r—r—r—a-P

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 7
The Three-Figure Reliefs on the Altar of the Twelve Gods

128

 

Figure 8
Rectangular plaque depicting Heracles' club.
ca.350—325 B.C.

 

.lfirtl

..mrMUIInI/I: ..Ilr./ 4) u
f w «\W Aisha

129

 

a.

C
I
‘1

a .

.. . sesame

 

Figure 9
The lion hunt frieze, Tomb H, Vergina (left side)
ca 350-325 BC.

130

W

 

 

3"
1M mm , .» .
\. LV/Alflfihku 1 "(f 3,, //%
1 ~ " ' , '
fi‘ ‘: - l‘ x . [|\ / .
R if; ‘n- {A y! a ”7);“, 't/f/

 

 

 

Figure 10
The lion hunt frieze, Tomb II, Vergina ( right side)
ca. 350-325 BC.

131

 

Figure 11
Alexander Sarcophagus; Side B
ca. 320 BC.

132

 

Figure 12
Alexander Sarcophagus; Side A
ca. 320

133

 

Figure 13
The Lion Hunt Messene Relief

Early Hellenistic

134

 

Figure 14
Medallion from Tarsus, reverse.

135

 

Figure 15
Alexander in a Lion Hunt

136

 

Figure 16
The Lion Hunt, pebble floor mosaic
ca. 325-300 BC.

I37

 

Figure 17
Griffin Attacking a Deer, pebble floor mosaic
ca.325-300 B.C.

138

 

Figure 18
Gold Stater; Alexander the Great
Macedonia, Sidon mint
ca. 331-327 B.C.

139

 

Figure 19
Silver Tetradrachm, Alexander the Great
Macedonia, Amphipolis mint

140

 

Figure 20

Genzano Herm _
Late Classical Heracles head.

141

 

Figure 21
Marble Azara hem of Alexander

142

 

Figure 22
Marble head of Alexander

143

 

Figure 23
Marble Head of Alexander

 

Figure 24
Ivory head of Alexander the Great (frontal)
from the main chamber of Tomb II, Vergina
350-325 B.C.

145

 

Figure 25
Ivory head of Alexander the Great (profile)
from the main chamber of Tomb II, Vergina
350-325 B.C.

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