. hi . A. 1...; . a: 911.. 3. . In? .1 A r x 1.». ‘ 3...... 1 Emir... ..J 5. I 1 3. 2 . .35 .v .92. 9.5.44: '- 1.15: 3:... . . 1.... '| ifike Akbar.“ .A.L : V- :a “ 93m? "3‘ M 2h?” 2.2.x. .x. .1 u?i.:l..« 1.... V .3 ; man: . ‘ . , . 2.... ‘ i. .. 1 3;" ' i liiiiii i \i ii ii. ii [iii 3 1293 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled The Police Subculture Revisited: Unique Occupational Characteristics & Perpetuation of Police Solidarity In Small & Medium Sized Departments presented by Margaret T. Britz has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy degreein the SSC Interdisciplinary Doctoral Program with a Concentration in Criminal Justice & Criminology Major professor Date November 7, 1991+ MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 »—_______,_ 4 LIBRARY Mlchigan State Unlverslty PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this chockomm your record. TO AVOID FINES mum on or More data duo. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE :9? ‘1‘ ~. \Vlf .22805 ___——— V, “0 -.. 'JAN07 ”on 041'? “4 THE POLICE SUBCULTURE REVISITED: UNIQUE OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 8: PERPETUATION OF POLICE SOLIDARIT Y IN SMALL & MEDIUM SIZED DEPARTMENTS by: Marjie T. Britz A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Social Science School of Criminal Justice 1994 ABSTRACT THE POLICE SUBCULTURE REVISITED: UNIQUE OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS & PERPETUATION OF POLICE SOLIDARITY IN SMALL & MEDIUM SIZED DEPARTMENTS BY Marjie T. Britz Though popular in the law enforcement literature, the "police subculture" has not been empirically examined. It was hypothesized that unique characteristics exist in policing which perpetuate identification with fellow officers, and that individual characteristics (i.e. gender, race, age, etc.) are secondary to more salient factors, such as levels of socialization, administrative support, stress, personal isolation, and perceived danger with group identification. The sample consisted of four regularly scheduled academy classes with varying levels of police experience. Upon arrival at the academy, each recruit was asked to complete the survey prior to engaging in academy training. This sample was selected due to the diversity in level of police experience among respondents. It was hypothesized that demographic variables, such as race, gender, age, military experience and level of police experience, would not significantly affect occupational overidentification. The data indicated that individual characteristics, such as race, gender, age, military experience and level of police experience did not appear to have a significant effect on occupational solidarity. These demographic variables were found to display significant relationships with at least one of the dependent variables: level of socialization, perceptions of danger, stress, and administrative apathy. The data further indicated that factors more salient to the law enforcement occupation (i.e. danger, stress, etc) displayed significant relationships with occupational solidarity. Copyright by Marjie T. Britz 1994 Dedicated to my farnilu Mom, Dad, Teddy, & Marianne Britz and in loving memory of my Grandparents Theodore and Margaret Britz and Robert C. Trojanowicz ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My ability to undertake and complete this project was largely attributed to the efforts and support of two men: David L. Carter and Dennis M. Payne. It was David's encouragement and tenacious optimism that made the research meaningful. His role of mentor aNd friend was the motivation that enabled me to continue working when despair was my companion. My sincerest thanks and deepest gratitude to my dissertation advisor, David L. Carter. I would also like to thank Dennis M. Payne, my surrogate father/ mentor/ friend/ and counselor. It was his support, and the graciousness of his family, which enabled me to continue working in Michigan, which I found intolerable at times. To Denny, Jan, and the family... Thank you so much, you will never know what you mean to me. I would also like to thank my family - Mom, Dad, Marianne & Teddy for supporting me throughout this endeavor. Without their unfailing love and support, my life would be much less than it is. Thank you, I love you more than words. Finally, I would like to express my heartfelt appreciation to Robert C. Trojanowicz. A true gentleman and noble humanitarian — gone but not forgotten. Thanks, Bob, I know you're in a much better place. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES x CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 Introduction 1 Problem 4 Nature and Scope of the Study 5 Hypotheses 6 Purpose 7 Integration of Theories 12 Definition of Terms 14 11. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 17 Introduction 17 Definition 17 Theoretical approaches to the police subculture 18 Social Psychological 18 Sociological 24 Marxist/ critical 28 Differences in theoretical perspectives 30 Factors contributing to perpetuation of police subculture 32 Organizational socialization 32 Stage models of socialization 34 vi Anticipatory Encounter Metamorphosis Post-academy Informal socialization Current socialization research Individual characteristics Distinctions of the police subculture Hierarchical socialization Individual differences Women's affect on occupational subculture Police subculture Danger Isolation Stress Cynicism and deviance Alcoholism and substance abuse Suicide Health problems Summary III. METHODOLOGY Research design Survey design Sample Response rate Chi-square statistic vii 88”: 38 4O 41 41 45 46 48 52 55 57 59 61 65 65 66 68 71 71 73 75 77 81 IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA V. Introduction Socialization variables Danger variables Administrative variables Stress variables Informal variables Solidarity variables Secondary analysis CONCLUSIONS Introduction Conclusions Demographic variables Socialization / demographic variables Informal / demographic variables Danger / demographic variables Stress/ demographic variables Administrative/ demographic variables Solidarity/ demographic variables Summary of demographic variables Group solidarity as dependent variable Solidarity / Danger variables Solidarity / administrative variables Solidarity/ informal variables Solidarity / stress variables Solidarity/ socialization variables viii 83 83 85 91 97 102 108 113 125 144 144 144 145 145 146 147 148 149 150 154 155 155 156 156 157 159 Policy recommendations and suggestions for future research 161 Works cited 165 Appendices 180 Table 3.1a 3.1b 3.1c 3.1d 3.1e 3.1f 3.1g 3.1h 3.1i 4.1 4.1b 4.1c 4.2 4.2b 4.2c 4.2d 4.3 4.3b 4.3c 4.4 4.4b 4.4c 4.4d 4.5 4.5b 4.5c LIST OF TABLES Description Proportion of respondents by age Proportion of respondents by gender Proportion of respondents by race Proportion of respondents by experience Proportion of respondents by education Proportion of respondents by CHOME Proportion of respondents by MILEXP Proportion of respondents by DEPSIZ Proportion of respondents by POPIUR Socialization variables by demographics SOCIV by demographics SOCVI by demographics Danger variables by demographics DANGI by demographics DAN GII by demographics DANGIII by demographics Administration variables by demographics ADMI by demographics ADMII by demographics Stress variables by demographics STRESSI by demographics STRESSII by demographics STRESSIII by demographics Informal variables by demographics INFI by demographics IN FIV by demographics Page 78 78 833?} 80 80 81 88 89 90 93 94 95 96 100 101 104 105 106 107 110 111 112 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The law enforcement profession has long been viewed as an impermeable entity, restricting its membership to like minded individuals. Long regarded as one of the most mysterious of professions, law enforcement has been the focus of much media attention. This attention has been both positive, as in the case of community policing, and negative, as illustrated by the Rodney King incident. Although potentially increasing public empathy for law enforcement personnel, increased public criticism has also been a byproduct. Recent allegations of large scale police corruption has increased public interest in the practices of the law enforcement community. Furthermore, exposes written by former police officers have raised questions as to the existence of a police subculture (e.g. W). This alleged "subculture" may be responsible for the perpetuation of organizational corruption and misconduct. It has been assumed that this subculture is so strong that individual differences among officers are quickly subsumed. However, it is unclear as to what factors have created this phenomenon. Few would argue that the law enforcement profession is not inherently dangerous and stressful. Though various occupations 2 experience danger and stress, it is quite different from that experienced by the police. For example, bank tellers, conducting multimillion dollar transactions and handling thousands of dollars in currency daily, must experience high levels of stress. Factory workers, performing the same task over and over and over again for eight hours, surely experience stress caused by pure tedium. The coal miner, who is exposed to pathological carcinogens and hazardous working conditions on a daily basis, is arguably in a more potentially life threatening occupation. However, law enforcement is virtually the only occupation which routinely has injuries resulting from intentional acts by individuals, as opposed to accidents. It is this episodic characteristic of law enforcement which results in heightened stress levels and perceptions of danger (Kroes, 1976; Hill 8: Clawson, 1988; DeSanto & Fennelly, 1979 Cullen, Link, Travis 8: Lemming, 1983). It is important to note that although the coal miner is exposed to dangerous working conditions, this danger is continuous. So much so, that it is no longer a primary consideration. The police officer, on the other hand, experiences long periods of inactivity and sporadic exposure to life threatening situations. The average officer, then, must be ever vigilant that the potential for danger exists. Thus, it is not the actual level of danger which is important, but rather, the perceived level of danger. These levels of perceived danger are shared only by other officers. Too often citizens, who routinely see officers issuing traffic citations, will express discontent that their local law enforcement should be "chasing criminals instead of innocent citizens." These 3 attitudes promulgate a sense of security within the constituency, leading them to believe that officers rarely, if ever, are involved in deadly confrontations with armed assailants. This apathy contributes to feelings of isolation for many officers. Contributing to feelings of isolation for many individuals in the law enforcement community is lack of familial support. Like the public, police families are unaware of the unsettling situations which police officers may experience in their work day. How many of them have had to examine the remains of a murdered child or respond to a fatal car accident, only to find several dead teenagers who died while experimenting with alcohol? How many of them have had to arrest a father who sodomized his two year old son? How many of them have had to take the life of an individual under the color of law? The answer to all the questions is simple - none. Thus, officers often identify more strongly with other members of the law enforcement community, because they understand, they have been there. Newcomers to the profession are regaled with tales of particularly gruesome homicides and "good busts" thrown out by the local prosecutor. In this way, incumbents are preparing the newcomer for what lies ahead. Socialization of newcomers is an inherent aspect of organizational behavior. It is a process whereby an individual becomes aware of behaviors, mannerisms, norms and general beliefs not only of the organization itself, but, also of organizational members (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979; Nelson, 1990; Ondrack, 1975). Academicians have long been interested in the effect of 4 socialization on individual beliefs and behaviors (Ondrack, 1975; Olesen 8: Davis, 1966). It has been suggested, however, that few occupations experience the same degree of socialization as the police. In fact, numerous authors have suggested that this process, in police work, is so strong that individual members relate more to their departmental (or universal) occupational peers, than any other individual in their lives (Skolnick, 1966; Van Maanen, 1978b; Van Maanen, 1975). Furthermore, an osmosis of norms and perceptions of the organization seems to occur. More succinctly, newcomers to an organization are inundated with informal departmental mandates to such an extent that individual differences are quickly subsumed (Van Maanen, 1975). This osmosis may be attributed to perceptions of danger, heightened levels of stress or public isolation. However, past research in these areas has focused on their existence rather than their consequences (O'Connel, Holzman, 8: Armandi, 1986; Perrier 8: Toner, 1984; Malloy 8: Mays, 1984). Intuitively, it would appear that these factors contribute significantly to perpetuation of an occupational subculture, yet this relationship remains unexplored in the extant literature. It is important to ascertain whether a subculture of policing does exist, and its roots, thereof. Once this relationship is determined, sound policy and administrative decision- making may be implemented to reduce negative consequences of law enforcement solidarity and occupational identification. Statement of the Problem 5 The purpose of this study was to evaluate the relationship which exists between level of socialization, perceived danger, stress, isolation, administrative apathy, and occupational identification. The study also examined the relationship of individual factors, such as race, age, gender, military experience, childhood home, and length of service, and departmental/ demographic characteristics, such as departmental size and population of jurisdiction on the same variables. Scope and Nature of the Study This study will be an examination of certain unique characteristics of police organizations, and their effects on group solidarity and perpetuation of an occupational subculture. The following goals exemplify this objective: (1) To identify and define a suitable theoretical premise for the study of occupational solidarity. An attempt was made, through a review of the literature and by analysis of a self-administered questionnaire distributed throughout a regionally based police academy, to determine a theoretical analysis of the police subculture. This process should itself to successful application whereby a cognitive interpretation of individual characteristics and demographic factors influencing levels of professional solidarity may be established. (2) To develop an instrument and research method by which occupational solidarity may bc examined. This methodology is grounded in the theoretical foundation selected as propitious and 6 based upon hypothesized relationships between individual factors and occupational solidarity. Such an effort highlights policy implications for administrators, enabling them to update departmental policies based on empirical data. This study was designed to be exploratory in nature. Due to the sparcity of literature in this area, this study was intended to illuminate underlying perceptions of respondents so that future research may fully explore uncovered phenomenon. By selecting a sample with varying levels of street experience and elimination of academy experiences as a potentially mediating variable, the findings of this study should suggest policy or procedural implications for administrators. HYPOTHESES (1) It is hypothesized that perceptions of danger effect the level of occupational identification and solidarity within the law enforcement community. More specifically, it is hypothesized that higher levels of perceived danger will result in higher levels of occupational identification and solidarity. (2) It is hypothesized that levels of stress effect the level of occupational identification and solidarity within the law enforcement community. More specifically, it is hypothesized that individuals expressing higher levels of stress will be more likely to exhibit high levels of group solidarity. (3) It is hypothesized that administrative apathy effects the level of occupational identification and solidarity within the law 7 enforcement community. More specifically, it is hypothesized that administrative apathy will have a positive relationship with group solidarity. (4) It is hypothesized that level of socialization effects level of occupational identification and solidarity. More specifically, it is hypothesized that level of socialization has a positive relationship with occupational identification and solidarity. (5) It is hypothesized that perceptions of public isolation effects levels of occupational identification and solidarity. More specifically, it is hypothesized that officers displaying perceptions of higher public isolation will exhibit greater levels of occupational identification and solidarity than officers displaying perceptions of lower public isolation. Purpose The term "police subculture" is often thought to be representative of the entire law enforcement community. Although a much discussed topic in the literature, the existence and origins of a "police subculture" have failed to be empirically examined. Furthermore, research which has been conducted on certain phenomenon thought to be relevant to the existence of such a subculture has concentrated on large metropolitan police agencies. There has been virtually no empirical research which has examined the police subculture or factors contributing to such a phenomenon in smaller, rural agencies. Rather, criminal justice professionals, acting on the assumption that such a universal phenomenon exists, have validated its existence simply by empirically ignoring it or by suggesting that measures of socialization are indicative of occupational identification. Organizational socialization is not synonymous with organizational solidarity. Rather, the sociological and psychological literature point out that "socialization" is a process with distinct phases of development regarding anticipations (Schein, et. al., 1979; Schein, 1971; Van Maanen, 1978b). These anticipations are the basis for the individual's longevity within the organization. It is during this process that newcomers and incumbents identify individual "fit" within the organization (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979; Van Maanen, 1978b). Academicians have often confused this final phase of development, the metamorphosis, with occupational solidarity (Skolnick, 1966). They have failed to consider the possibility that although newcomers adapt their behavior and their mannerisms to that of incumbents, they are merely playing a role. Police socialization may be quite distinct from that of other organizations (Van Maanen, 1978a; Van Maanen, 1978b; Hopper, 1977; Delaney, 1985). Task proficiency may be more salient to a police recruit more quickly than to an incoming sales representative due to the inherent danger in the former's occupation. An additional factor contributing to the totality of the socialization process in law enforcement organizations may be perceptions of social ostracization (Skolnick, 1966; Brown, 1988). Across organizations, the osmosis of norms, ideals and perceptions of organizational incumbents is essential to a newcomer’s occupational longevity. Newcomers to all organizations must adhere to established modes of behavior or risk ostracization from the group. Lack of conformity results in job dissatisfaction, personal stress, and, ultimately, organizational demise (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979). In some organizations, this lack of conformity may result in snubs at the water fountain or heated glares. In a police organization, however, this censure may be fatal. Much of the research on the socialization of newcomers has been conducted in organizations quite different from the police. Subjects have included such groups as professional students, nurses, and factory workers (Nelson, 1990; Olesen, et al., 1966; Schein, 1971 ; Simpson, 1967). Traditionally, it has been assumed that all newcomers experience the same stages and adaptation techniques. The few studies focusing specifically on police socialization have generally concentrated on academy experiences of individuals with no prior policing experience (Hopper, 1977; Van Maanen, 1975; Bennett, 1984; Bahn, 1984; Charles, 1981). Although this is an important phase in a newcomer's development, it is less than holistic eliminate further individual development from study. The need for further research in the areas of police socialization and group solidarity is necessitated due to the changing demographics within police agencies. Although early studies 10 (Skolnick, 1966; Neiderhoffer, 1967; Baldwin, 1962) laid the foundation for contemporary scholars, it must be noted that most are over a quarter of a century old. They were also conducted prior to the induction of women and minorities into the field, and thus include a homogeneous population comprised almost exclusively of White males with little or no higher education In addition, these studies only explored socialization practices and outcomes in large, metropolitan departments. Due to progress in the field, such as higher educational requirements, advances in training and supervisory practices, studies of police socialization are needed to keep abreast of recent developments. Traditional theories of police socialization have assumed that the "subculture" of police organizations is so strong, that individual differences are irrelevant, as they are quickly overwhelmed (Van Maanen, 1975; Skolnick, 1966). These assumptions, however, are based on outdated organizational personnel selections. Individual differences, such as gender, race, age, and past military experience, as well as demographic comparisons between large and small departments must be considered in the evaluation of the socialization process. Traditional models of socialization, eliminating individual differences as viable impacts on newcomers, failed to provide a complete schematic. However, they did provide contemporary scholars with a rudimentary blueprint of stages and experiences confronting newcomers to an organization. Fortunately, contemporary scholars have expanded on these early 11 models and provided a working model of newcomer sense-making (Louis, 1980). Although a conceptual framework has been established, the study of socialization and group solidarity is far from complete. Individual differences and demographic characteristics are just two of the factors which have been ignored in the research. More important is the lack of empirical analysis of socialization on occupational identification. Further, characteristics specific to law enforcement (i.e. danger, isolation, stress), while examined individually, have not been evaluated in terms of police solidarity. These elements appear to be intuitively responsible for the perpetuation of an occupational subculture, yet have been largely ignored in the literature. It has been argued that certain personality trends are apparent among law enforcement personnel. Officers have been found to display a high degree of cynicism, dogmatism, authoritativeness, and political conservatism (Skolnick, 1966; Neiderhoffer, 1967; Baldwin, 1962). Although found to exist, these characteristics have not been empirically evaluated as to their relationship with the police subculture. Rather, it has been assumed that these personality traits are passed from incumbents to newcomers during the socialization process. However, it is essential for contemporary scholars to evaluate the relationship which exists between perceptions of danger, public isolation, operational stress, and administrative apathy and these characteristics. 12 It is apparent from the literature that inconsistencies of mortality rates exist across occupations. The police have been found to be more likely to suffer from physiological conditions exacerbated by high levels of stress. Further, it appears likely that law enforcement personnel suffer from disproportionate risks of suicide and alcoholism (Guralnick, 1963; Hill, et al., 198). It is important to note that these unique characteristics have not been examined in studies of socialization or in studies of group solidarity. It would appear logical that these conditions create a more malleable atmosphere for intensive socialization and propagation of an occupational subculture. A synthesis of the relevant psychological and sociological theories must be explored in order to develop a theoretical foundation of occupational identification. Further, the existence and origins of a police subculture must be analyzed in search of an understanding with practical implications for future departmental regulations. In effect, it was felt necessary to explore the relationship of levels of stress, perceived danger, isolation, and socialization and identification with occupational peers. Integration of Theories Research in the industrial-organizational literature has increasingly evaluated the impact of individual personality in occupational domains. They have examined the connection between cognitive processes and task dominance (Ostroff 8: Kozlowski, in 13 press). They have further examined individualized knowledge acquisition. However, these studies have failed to examine the specific result of personality on occupational socialization. In addition, they have emphasized individual differences at the expense of organizational characteristics (Jones, 1983). In order to come to a clearer understanding of the socialization process within a police organization, both individual and occupational characteristics must be considered. The development of individual personalities may be characterized as a perpetual process - starting in infancy and continuing throughout adulthood. External factors as well as individual cognitive processes result in unique manifestations of behavioral patterns, i.e. a personality. It is not necessarily the process of early personality development that we are interested in; rather, it is the extant personality of an occupational newcomer which must be evaluated in the socialization process. These behavioral patterns may or may not change during organizational initiation. However, it must be recognized (and controlled for) that these differences, as well as universals, do indeed exist among individual newcomers. While it is true that individual personalities are unique in and of themselves, it is also true that remnants of socially accepted behavior patterns may be found among sets of individuals. It would appear that gender stratification and marginalization of minorities, predominant in society at large, may result in unique behavioral or 14 cognitive manifestations for several members of the occupational arena prior to organizational induction. This partiality may be especially prevalent among law enforcement personnel, due to foundations of misogyny and patriarchy. However, this partiality may also be subsumed by occupational identification. It will be argued that law enforcement personnel experience unique levels of extraneous variables (i.e. danger, stress, administrative apathy, public hostility, and personal isolation) which may moderate the impact of personality differences. Thus, these factors may be more salient to individuals than innate behavioral patterns. As personality is not static, it is suggested that cognitive processing and subsequent behavior manifestations will evolve over length of service and exposure to occupational culture and organizational members. Summarily, it is argued that as organizational norms are accepted and incumbents are identified as universal peers, individual differences in personality will become less relevant to occupational identification. Definition of Terms Used Administrative apathy - impassivity on the part of administrative personnel, either emotionally or operationally, in matters concerning individual line officers. A perception among line officers in which administrators are perceived to be unsympathetic to situations involving officers. 15 Anticipatory socialization - refers to the period during which a newcomer establishes expectations about the law enforcement profession prior to actual initiation into the occupation based on personal experience, childhood socialization, media depictions, and societal perspectives. Encounter socialization - refers to the period during which a police recruit enters the law enforcement organization with established expectations and is confronted with the reality of the policing world. IsolationZsocial isolation - refers to the dichotomous relationship of society and the law enforcement community exacerbated by social factors, such as racism, poverty, or socioeconomic status. Law enfcrcement cfficcr, pclice officcr, apd cfficers - refers to sworn personnel in a selected southeastern state, who have attended the selected regional police academy. Metamorphosis - refers to the period in which fundamental transformations in the newcomer's ideology and behaviors occur through which an osmosis of organizational norms is apparent. Organizational socialization and socialization - refers to the process in which newcomers to an organization identify organizational norms, expected behaviors and ideals necessary to assume an 16 organizational role, mandated by job description and administrative expectations, and for acceptance as an organizational member, judged informally by the established work force. Pcrceived dgger - a social and individual construction influenced by situational characteristics of the possibility of physical or emotional harm. P lice subculture rou oli ri an 0 cu a ion li n 'fi ' - a collective and cohesive trend towards identification with occupational peers more strongly than with various significant others; a tendency in which the law enforcement milieu acts as a referent for individual role construction, i.e. solidification of norms, behaviors, and ideologies among law enforcement personnel in such a way that identification with other individuals in law enforcement, regardless of locality or jurisdiction, is placed above identification with friends, family, or the general public. Stress - refers to chronic or episodic anxiety causing agents which result in feelings of unease or personal disequilibrium. These agents may be operational, situational, familial, or societal. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction Perhaps the most striking aspect of the issue of an occupational subculture is the lack of current empirical research. The preponderance of the literature, though lying a foundation, is either methodologically deficient or so outdated that conclusions reached must be viewed with a certain amount of skepticism. It must also be noted that the vast majority of the literature deals with the police subculture, levels of stress, socialization procedures, or isolation, exclusively, with little attempt at isolating potential relationships among the variables. However, when taken as a whole, the literature lays a foundation on which theoretical and practical implications may be evaluated. Definition Generally, speaking the definition of police solidarity is somewhat universal in the literature. For example, Westley (1970:198) defines the police culture as: 17 18 . the particular definitions of the public and of his conduct that the policeman develops out of this interaction assume a collective and cultural character because the police hold the experience in common, because of the strong consensual bond developed by the felt hostility of the public In a similar vein, Skolnick (1966: 52) describes police solidarity as: An exceptionally strong tendency to find his social identify within his occupational milieu. It has been suggested that occupational solidarity occurs across occupational boundaries; that common characteristics tend to create an atmosphere conducive to collegial solidification (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979). However, few organizations experience the same degree of occupational identification as the police (Van Maanen, 1978a; Van Maanen, 1978b). In order to come to a better understanding of the literature distinguishing police socialization from that of other organizations, it may be helpful to 1) discuss relevant theoretical approaches to the study of the police subculture and to the law enforcement community in general; 2) discuss concepts of personality and individual differences; and, 3) discuss the roots of organizational socialization and the advances made in this area in other disciplines. 19 THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO THE POLICE SUBCULTURE Social Psychological Given that a somewhat broad working definition has been proposed, certain theoretical approaches should be discussed in order to identify disparities found throughout the literature. The two most widely accepted perspectives are the social psychological and the sociological approaches. The social psychological school of thought embraces the notion that "...a person's thoughts, feelings, and behavior are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied behavior and/ or characteristics of others" (Greenberg and Ruback, 1982: 8). This ideology posits that a significant other need not be present to affect the individual's response to a given stimuli. Rather, the individual, in making a decision, balances expected reactions from appropriate social actors. Thus, an individual officer uses his / her discretionary power in such a manner that consistency of perceived reactions and reality are assured. It is important to stress the interaction of sociological influences and psychological variations in explanations of reality. Perhaps the most widely accepted, and definitely the most widely cited, of this theoretical perspective stems from Skolnick's (1966) seminal work. Skolnick posited that a combination of certain characteristics unique to law enforcement, such as danger, authority, and efficiency, generated "distinctive cognitive and behavioral 20 responses" within the police milieu, i.e. the "working personality" (Skolnick, 1966: 42). These distinctive processes resulted in an occupational mind set. This working personality is best represented by officers performing general patrol duties, as they are the building blocks upon which the entire organization rests. Skolnick's (1966) working personality develops from the unification of danger and authority. Due to the danger inherent in police work, self-preservation instincts in officers increase, and manifest themselves in heightened levels of cynicism and suspicion. This serves to distance the officer from symbolically dangerous individuals. Additionally, the element of authority isolates the officer from nondangerous individuals due to its very nature. This perception of isolation acts as an impetus for occupational solidarity. Skolnick's (1966) social psychological approach is based on the assumption that individuals evaluate reactionary conclusions prior to making a decision. For example, individual officers actively seek to categorize subjects before deciding upon a course of action. This is not to say, however, that every situation allows an individual officer to cognitively appraise the relevant circumstances before action is necessitated; but rather, when evaluative opportunities present themselves, officers respond consistent with the occupational personality. The concepts of authority and danger are necessarily interdependent. Officers are vested with authoritative powers to detain, arrest, and use force in situations where circumstances 21 warrant this behavior. These powers are socially prescribed, and are necessary due to the element of danger. The concept of danger acts as a motivational force for officers to identify and seek solidarity among ranks. Skolnick's "symbolic assailant" epitomizes the social psychological approach to the police subculture. Social norms typologize individuals which may be perceived by the officer as potentially dangerous. Although Skolnick's (1966) work is widely cited, two major problems exist which limit its generalizability. Primarily, methodological weaknesses exist in the design of the study. Skolnick spent only eight days with patrol officers, yet discusses the working personality to be especially prevalent in these officers. Qualitative research within a police organization must allow for a period of trust gathering and decreasing of suspicion. Skolnick himself mentions the limitations imposed by a brief study as a "whitewash tour", yet does little to remedy this in his own research (Skolnick, 1966: 37). The second limitation may not be attributed to limitations on the part of the author. As all research eventually must be, Skolnick's piece is severely outdated. Similarly dated, Van Maanen's (1978b) piece posits that police officers are actually representative of a group marginalized by society. As such, a totalitarian view of the police subculture can only be realized if certain key elements are evaluated: the social definitions created by individuals within the marginalized subculture; the outsider's coping mechanisms triggered by his / her 22 marginality; and, the demarcation of appropriate standards and behaviors followed by the outsider. Upon entry into the police organization, incumbents are the most persuasive in shaping the recruit's occupational behavior patterns. It is during this socialization process that a "psychological contract" is formulated. This psychological contract represents a bond between individual goals and organizational constraints and purposes . This contract can only be achieved after the four step initiation phase which all newcomers experience: pre-entry, admittance, change, and continuance (Van Maanen, 1978b: 294). Van Maanen's (1978b) sequential patterning is promulgated by internal sensemaking from external forces. Pre-entry, or choice, is indicative of perceived individual and occupational fit. This phase is characterized by anticipatory expectations. In police organizations, the newcomers initial contact with occupational solidarity occurs during the academy. Recruits are encouraged to display team work and identify with fellow recruits. Further, the paramilitarism displayed at the academy induces newcomers to distance themselves from "the brass" (Van Maanen, 1978b: 299). It is during the change, or encounter, phase that newcomers are exposed to the reality of the organization. Incumbents perpetuate the police subculture by inundating the newcomer with occupational myths, languages, and acceptable behavior patterns. Concurrent street experiences enable the newcomer to mediate internal and external perceptual explanations. Finally, the 23 newcomer reconciles occupational reality and preliminary expectations during the continuance, or metamorphosis, stage (Van Maanen, 1978b). If these expectations cannot be reconciled, occupational longevity will be limited. According to Manning (1978b), occupational reality is a tripartite phenomenon occurring in law enforcement organizations. Shared assumptions about the police culture, task dependency, and the nature of police work combine to create a set of intrinsic understandings within the organization. This reality includes perceptions of theoretical futility, and dueling ideologies, external and internal, of formalized rules and procedures. What remains concrete is the notion that actions are situationally justified (Manning, 1978a; Manning, 1978b). Organizational ties result from interdependence of actors seeking to accomplish designated tasks. Officers rely on supervisors for promotional recommendations, transfers, etc. At the same time, supervisors rely on their subordinates for efficient work productivity (Manning, 1978b). This interdependence, however, does not ensure consistency of agreement or morality. Manning (1978b) suggests that an individual’s position in the organizational structure is directly responsible for his/ her perceptions of shared assumptions. Seeking to maintain middle- class perceptions of morality mandates the supposition of a "consensual other" by supervisors (Manning, 1978b: 75). This psychological microcosm is necessary for the legitimation of 24 authority. Paradoxically, these individuals are not responsible for symbolically dangerous individuals nor experience confrontations with an openly hostile public; thus, a loss of respectability from subordinates is inevitable (Manning, 1978b). However, interdependency results in organizational cohesion due to situational ambiguities. Within the framework, two general types of interdepartmental relationships may be defined: "vertical/ situational cliques" and "horizontal/situational cliques" (Manning, 1978b: 64). Circumvention of formal administrative rules and regulations requires collusion among subordinates and supervisors. This collusion is mutually cohesive, as the potential for loss is ubiquitous. Similarly, officers create a protective barrier between themselves and their superior officers. To accomplish this, the creation of horizontal/ situational cliques is required. Maintenance of these cliques is essential not only for protection, but for informal processing and individualized justice, as well (Manning, 1978b). Sociological Perspectives The sociological perspective posits that external factors, such as social class, social structure, social organizations, and social stratification, act upon individuals, shaping their behavior. This perspective primarily evaluates the aggregate, rather than the individual. According to several sociologists, the police subculture results 25 from social isolation, public hostility, and apathetic administrators. These factors contribute to this elusive phenomenon - the police subculture. These sociologists argue that public hostility is an inevitable consequence of legitimized authority. This hostility, though natural, is responsible for the development of a separate subculture within occupational groups such as the police (Westley, 1970; Reiner, 1978; Brown, 1980). Further, manifestations of organizationally sanctioned racism are consistent with individual officers pre-police socioeconomic position. Thus, suspicion of varying racial groups was socialized to these individuals pre— adolescently, and is only exacerbated by their position of authority. These sociologists argue that the subculture is a naturally occurring phenomenon due to similarities among officers, not an aberrant one. An additional factor reinforcing police solidarity is the self- protection of group members. As officers identify with one another, attacks on any member results in a closing in among ranks, for to attack one is to attack the whole (Westley, 1970; Reiner, 1978; Brown, 1980). This perpetuates the code of secrecy among organizational members. Members deviating from this code are ostracized by their peers. Already isolated from the general public, individuals are then outcast by their selected subgroup (Putti et al., 1988; Westley, 1970). Due to the totality of isolation, officers subscribe to this code of silence, unconsciously reinforcing social isolation. Finally, norms of the subculture are perpetuated by the socialization process which newcomers are exposed to. Like any 26 culture, newcomers to the police organization must learn the appropriate behavioral patterns of that culture consistent with the group's dominant occupation vaules and beliefs. Newcomers to law enforcement are first formally socialized in the academy, where they learn the formal rules and regulations of the trade. Included in this stage is an informal socialization process through group bonding and perpetuation of "police lore" through war stories, informal expectations of instructors, etc. However, it has been argued that post—academy socialization is a more important determinant of occupational longevity. Incumbents communicate (largely through intimidation) the code of silence to the newcomer, stressing negative consequences for nonconformance. This, in addition to the reality of police work, serves to extinguish all individual characteristics (Hopper, 1977; Westley, 1970; Delaney, 1985). The prevalence of secrecy within the department serves two major functions. It serves to protect members against internal discipline, and it enables members to avoid public accountability. This secrecy allows individuals to circumvent formal regulations without fear of repercussion, thereby reinforcing the primacy of the work group. Consequently, role definition is primarily established by this solidified work group (Holdaway, 1977; Delaney, 1985; Decker, 1978; Bennett, 1984). This does not suggest, however, that the occupational subculture disallows individual confrontations between individual members (Fielding, 1985). Some sociologists suggest that individuals are inherently 27 different due to social diversity. Officers, like members of society, hold belief systems distinguishable from one another. These belief systems are formulated through pre-adolescent socialization, and, later, through organizational socialization. In fact, "...racial, sexual and other tensions may divide officers..." (Fielding, 1988: 50).These ingrained differences result in a variety of approaches to similar incidents by police officers. However, varying decisions are characterized by selectivity, consistency and stability. It has been argued that racism is an unfortunate result of occupational solidarity among officers (Skolnick, 1966). However, some suggest that the level of racism inherent in policing is actually "a reflection of the racism prevalent in ...society and the social groups from which the police are drawn" (Reiner, 1985: 161). Thus, the occupational culture is not responsible for breeding prejudicial behaviors; but, rather, these attributes may be indicative of pathological societal standards. Brown (1980) suggested that two types of external factors exist which may perpetuate occupational solidarity: environmental and organizational. Environmental constraints refers to actors external to the police organization itself. These actors, such as the public, seek to control the police by implementation of mandates, public policy, and vocalization. This group is responsible for the legitimation of police power. Although congenital in a heterogeneous population, to the officers, fluctuating moral consensus represents societal inconsistencies. Compounded by 28 organizational factors, such as apathetic administrators, this inconsistency promulgates an occupational subculture which represents stability and moral consensus. Although acknowledging interdepartmental tension, Holdaway (1977) suggests that other, more tangible, factors contribute to the occupational solidarity found among police. He posits that technological developments such as motorized patrol and greater communication systems have served to further isolate officers from their communities. The advent of two way radios has allowed officers to maintain constant communication with their fellow officers. Whereas traditional officers often had only themselves to rely on, contemporary policing, with its emphasis on technology, enables officers to receive assistance in a matter of moments. Although maximizing individual safety, community relations suffer (Holdaway, 1977); Marxist/Critical Perspective Similar to the sociological perspective, the Marxist approach attributes occupational solidarity to external forces, more specifically, class conflict. Although the majority of work in the area of the police subculture is not consistent with this approach, there does exist limited research from a few British sociologists. Remember, little research has been conducted which evaluates the very existence of the police subculture; rather, as its existence is assumed, scientists explore factors contributing to this phenomenon. 29 Jefferson (1988) argues that the key to understanding the police subculture lies in race and class relations. He suggests that the majority of the hostility directed towards the police is reported by low income and unemployed young black males. These individuals are the most likely to experience negative interactions with law enforcement personnel. This hostility in turn serves to solidify the police subculture as they close ranks in order to protect themselves from such antagonism. Minorities and members of the lower economic class are often one and the same. Marginalized by a society wishing to maintain the status quo, these individuals lack educational opportunities and fiscal prospects. Due to these limitations, members of marginalized groups direct their frustration and hostility towards "the most obvious symbol and representative of an oppressive white authority", i.e. the police (Smith, 1986 as cited in Jefferson, 1988: 523). Critical theorists, then, argue that race and class are intrinsically related, neither superseding the other. Structurally speaking, the police were created to uphold standards of the upper classes, and to thwart efforts by marginalized groups. As such, the police represent a barrier between the have's and have not's. Acting as instruments of the state, the police solidify themselves both personally and morally due to the pressures by both groups. Both groups tend to pigeonhole law enforcement personnel: the have's - as a necessary evil not ascribable to their level; and, the have not's - as the legitimate authority of an oppressive state. Thus, officers are 30 not welcomed by either group and must create their own class, at the same time recognizing their own mediocrity. Although this perspective on its face seems meritorious. Empirical research which has examined issues of race and social economic status of officers has not been conducted. It would appear logical that minority groups, marginalized by society as a whole, would bear resentment to institutions perceived to be Eurocentric. Research should be conducted to explore the internal conflict minority members within the law enforcement community may experience due to conflicting expectations of the two groups. Differences in Theoretical Perspectives Although appearing rather similar on the surface, sociological perspectives and the social psychological perspective are inherently unique. The social psychological perspective argues that explanations of social phenomenon are inherently linked to intra- individual processes whereby individuals learn, develop perceptions, and display motivation. Sociologists, on the other hand, explain reality by factors external to the individual, such as social stratification and social organization. Furthermore, social psychologists use the individual as their primary unit of analysis, while sociologists tend to focus on groups of individuals. (The groups are similar in that they sometimes use small groups of individuals.) (Greenberg, et al., 1982). While there are some similarities among the perspectives 31 regarding factors attributing to the police subculture, the differences are more salient. All theoretical perspectives acknowledge the significance of individual perceptions of danger. Potentially hazardous situations are inherent to instruments of social control. Sociologists argue that the social nexus in which law enforcement exists mandates that law enforcement organizations solidify. Thus, officers subscribe to the occupational mentality, distancing themselves from the public, simply to protect themselves (Reiner, 1985; Hopper, 1977; Brown, 1980; Neiderhoffer, 1967). Social psychologists, on the other hand, point out that individuals are distinct and cognitive processes differ (Skolnick, 1966; Van Maanen, 1978a; Van Maanen, 1978b; Manning, 1978b). In fact, the element of danger is experienced disparately among similar officers. Some officers, they suggest, enjoy the risks of law enforcement, and experience a profound psychological satisfaction in dangerous situations, as it reinforces romanticized expectations of their individual role (Van Maanen, 1978a). Both sociologists and social psychologists assert that social isolation is a contributory factor in the occupational subculture. Sociologists argue that public antagonism towards law enforcement officials, in general creates a naturally occurring cohesiveness among officers. These officers fail to cognitively evaluate external influences on their behavioral patterns. Social psychologists, on the other hand, posit that group identification occurs due to individuals' cognitive selectivity. 32 Evaluation of the two positions reveals that although they concur on certain extrinsic characteristics, the competing theoretical foundations are so inherently distinct that reconciliation of the two is irrealizable. While sociologists suggest that varying structural characteristics are responsible for the perpetuation of occupational solidarity, social psychologists deny that these external factors exist in a psychological vacuum. Rather, individual officers are more likened to existentialists. Neither perspective is universally accepted as theoretical propositions are individually chosen, and neither is inherently wrong. FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO PERPETUATION OF A POLICE SUBCULTURE Now that competing theoretical perspectives have been examined, it is useful to discuss factors which may affect the perpetuation of a police subculture. These factors are ones previously identified as exhibiting the potential for solidification of ranks, yet have tended to be measured exclusively rather than evaluated as interdependent phenomena. Organizational socialization Newcomers to an organization bring with them individual characteristics, which may or may not affect their acceptance and adherence to organizational expectations. These characteristics 33 stem from both internal and external sources and may uniquely individualize newcomers to an organization. These characteristics may place them at odds with the established membership. Thus, the experienced members of an organization must develop strategies for controlling the newcomer's behavior so they will not disrupt established norms or behavioral patterns. These strategies encompass a myriad of solutions aimed at teaching individuals acceptable activities (Van Maanen and Schein, 1979; Brown, 1988; Skolnick, 1966). To identify these strategies, the term "organizational socialization" will be implemented. Organizational socialization may be defined as the process in which newcomers to an organization identify organizational norms, expected behavior and ideals necessary to assume an organizational role, mandated by job description and administrative expectations, and for acceptance as an organizational member, judged informally by the established work force (Van Maanen and Schein, 1979; Van Maanen, 1975; Manning, 1970; Bahn, 1984; and, Bennett, 1984). Newcomers, then, must learn, not only the informal aspects of the organization, but, also, the formal machinations of their appointed role. This formal socialization is more easily propagated by administrators. Job descriptions and formal rules and regulations are a more concrete area which newcomers must familiarize themselves (Louis, 1980). Formal expectations of the organization are usually articulated and individuals trained, as to their official role. Even these formalized expectations, however, require some 34 adaptations by newcomers. However, traditional models of socialization, relying most heavily on the impact of the organization on the individual, failed to account for individuals' impact on the organization or individual differences (i.e. personality or personal value systems). Traditional Stage Models of Socialization In traditional models of socialization, certain stages of socialization were identified. These stages were thought to be universal, regardless of individual or organizational differences. This process may be divided into three distinct socialization phases: anticipatory, encounter, and metamorphosis. Anticipatory socialization, involves the process in which an individual, prior to entering an organization, forms expectations (Merton, 1957). Anticipatory Similar to other organizations, police socialization actually initiates prior to individuals entry into the organization. This stage of socialization, the anticipatory stage, consists of preconceived expectations and perceptions of their role, not only in the organization, but also in the social milieu, as well. These expectations derive from various sources, such as friends and relatives. However, expectations are also influenced by the media. This is especially problematic for individuals aspiring to be police officers (Merton and Rossi, 1968). Few, if any, media depictions of 35 police roles, behaviors, and activities are even close to accurate. Thus, individuals, basing their expectations mainly on sensationalized ideals, are inevitably disheartened by the reality of police work (Merton and Rossi, 1968). It was suggested that this primary stage promulgates individual personality traits which produce unique manifestations during the actual introduction into the organization and that these foundational perceptions may ultimately predict an individual's organizational longevity. However, traditional stage models of socialization failed to operationalize these individual personality traits, and left an incomplete schematic for contemporary scholars. For law enforcement hopefuls, the police academy is the first tangible obstacle individuals must confront in their structural socialization program. Unlike preconceived expectations, the academy is more salient to individuals, as they enter phase two of the socialization process and are initiated into the concrete world of policing. Encounter Expectations formed in the anticipatory stage are then compared to the reality of organizational characteristics in the encounter stage (Louis, 1980; Van Maanen, 1976). Individuals often find that their anticipated expectations are not always met by the organization. However, it is up to individuals who had formed unrealistic expectations to adapt to the reality of their occupational 36 setting and role. If they are unable to do so; repercussions or ultimately, their organizational demise may occur. In a qualitative study of a police academy, Hopper (1977) found that individuals in this stage could be categorized into three groups based on their long range perspectives or expectations: idealistic, practical, and realistic. Idealistic cadets were found to have high anticipatory expectations regarding maintenance of their individual identities. Additionally, they expressed elevated levels of altruistic expectations. These idealistic expectations, however, were not cohesive with the organizational reality. These individuals either adapted, resigned, or were terminated. Those that remained shifted their perspective into a more practical mode, and joined the ranks of Hopper's second group - the practical. Practical cadets were ones which recognized the need for change and innovation and participated in the transformation process. These cadets, however, did not realize the amount of ambiguity and discretion involved in operational procedures. Although all but two of Hopper's (1977) practical cadets (these left to secure higher paying jobs) expressed desire to continue in the law enforcement profession, a number were terminated by the academy. Thus, it is essential to realize that not only do individuals select organizations consistent with their personalities; but, organizations, as well, select individuals who may be woven into the organizational fabric. Practical cadets who remained soon mirrored their "realistic" 37 counterparts. All realistic cadets in this study had previous law enforcement experience and were well prepared for organizational, as well as personal expectations. Thus, no turnover was apparent in this group (Hopper, 1977). The consequences experienced by the individuals in this study are not exclusive to the law enforcement profession; but, rather are indicative of a trend across organizations. However, due to the very nature of law enforcement training, an additional element must be introduced. At quasi-military type academies, recruits are often ridiculed and disciplined strictly. The only individuals expressing sympathy for them are their fellow recruits. Recruits learn early on that the only ones they can count on are their fellow officers (Bennett, 1984; Neiderhoffer, 1967). This type of socialization has been referred to as divestiture socialization. Divestiture socialization, inherent in most police organizations, is designed "to disconfirm many aspects of the recruit's entering self-image, thus beginning the process of rebuilding the individual's self-image based upon new assumptions" (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979: 250-251). Generally, speaking, this type of socialization is designed to maintain established norms. In other words, divestiture socialization attempts to strip individuals of their personal characteristics, while reinforcing the salience of group / organizational values. Metamorphosis 38 As mentioned previously, Hopper's (1977) study found that several of the idealistic cadets either resigned under pressure or were terminated due to unmet anticipatory expectations. The remaining idealistic cadets adapted to the organization, and were subsumed by the practical cadets, who eventually resembled the realistic cadets (Hopper, 1977). This adaptation signified their progression into the final stage of socialization: metamorphosis. The final stage of socialization is characterized by fundamental transformations in organizational newcomers. It is at this time that individuals develop perspectives similar to the organization (Louis, 1980). In most organizations, this metamorphosis signals an end to the "newcomer" status. The initiation rites of passage are completed. However, police recruits are distinct from other organizational newcomers, in that the completion of the socialization process in the academy signals a graduation into the next socialization arena - the department. Post Academy Unlike their civilian counterparts, upon graduation from the academy and arrival at the department, new recruits, recently forming friendships with their fellow recruits, are once again on the outside looking in. Infiltration of the police subculture is a difficult task, at best. It is this reinitiation of the socialization process which is thought to be the most crucial to an individual's occupational longevity. 39 Schein (1971) identified three organizational boundaries which a newcomer to an organization must cross: functional, hierarchical, and inclusionary. The functional and hierarchical boundaries facing newcomers are characterized more formally. For instance, the functional boundary is simply the set of tasks to be accomplished. Further, it delineates departmental organization and structure. Likewise, the hierarchical boundary is the position in the formal organizational hierarchy which an individual must identify and acquire. Thus, the hierarchical boundary outlines the ladder of authority. However, it does not "presume that such authority carries with it the power to direct the behavior of underlings" (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979:219). These boundaries concrete in nature are readily identifiable to the newcomer. However, the inclusionary boundary is less tangible, and achieved only through informal socialization processes. Schein's (1971) inclusionary boundary is somewhat abstract and difficult to conceptualize. This boundary involves the interpersonal domain of the organization's social fabric. Van Maanen 8: Schein (1979) have conceptualized it as an interactional dimension, resembling a radial slice of a functional circle. Individuals moving toward the inclusionary boundary radiate away from the periphery towards the center, reaching varying degrees of inclusion. Movement along this dimension can only be accomplished through shared norms, perceptions, and ideals (Schein, 1971; Van 40 Maanen 8: Schein, 1979). Newcomers to an organization usually remain on the periphery until metamorphosis is completed. However, successful passage across the functional and hierarchical boundaries may be accomplished without passage across the inclusionary boundary. Formal and informal methods of testing newcomers are developed by incumbents before inclusionary status is granted (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979; Schein, 1971). Only after this status has been achieved may newcomers be permitted to share secrets; communicate in operational jargon with co-workers; and, to become aware of unofficial norms, practices, and chain of command (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979). It is this informal socialization process which appears to be most salient to police organizations. Informal Socialization Perhaps the greatest predictor of newcomers' occupational longevity is their ability to successfully complete the informal socialization process mandated by their fellow employees. This process may be initiated collectively or individually (Louis, 1980). On the collective level, newcomers are socialized as a group. This type of socialization is apparent in organizations which implement training programs for all newcomers. Individual socialization occurs when organizations fail to provide formal socialization programs. In these situations, newcomers are exposed to organizational norms and expectations through individual 41 organizational members while working. Past research in the organizational socialization arena was primarily directed towards the interactions between newcomers and established organizational personnel. They asserted that the effective socialization of individuals was a primary concern of both the newcomers and the established workers of an organization. An individual not adhering to accepted organizational norms threatens the stability of the status quo, who have developed norms and behavior patterns acceptable to the administration. Individuals deviating from these behaviors risk censure from their co-workers. This censure either forces individuals to conform or be ostracized from the informal social network of the organization (Manning, 1970; Van Maanen and Schein, 1979; Van Maanen, 1975; Bedrosian, 1981; Charles, 1977). Experiences of socialization have been found to effect organizational commitment, role satisfaction and organizational longevity. However, traditional models failed to address the effect that individual characteristics of the newcomer played in the organizational process. CURRENT SOCIALIZATION RESEARCH Traditional models of socialization, concentrating primarily on organizational characteristics, did not examine the role played by individual characteristics. In fact, most of the early, and even some contemporary, literature has appeared to be conducted under the assumption that to organizational members, roles and expectations 42 are so overwhelming that individual characteristics are extraneous. Fortunately, the trend in socialization research appears to be based in a more individualistic framework. Individual Characteristics and "Newcomer Sensemaking" Although similar in many respects, contemporary models of socialization are typically multi-level analyses directed to the individual level. The majority of these studies have adopted the stages previously identified. Further, they have recognized the universal nature of certain phases confronted by newcomers. However, they have developed models in which "...newcomers are accorded an active role in mediating personal and role outcomes" (Jones, 1983:464). Integrating symbolic interactionism and social learning theory, Jones (1983:465) posits that newcomer adaptation strategies are based on the manner in which newcomers '...have learned, historically, to deal with new situations." Individuals, then, will react differently to the same stimuli depending upon ideals taken from their repertoire of experiences. Before entering the organization, they have preconceived notions of appropriate situational reactions. They have, in effect - a personality. A further problem associated with traditional models of socialization is their lack of consideration for individual differences in "attributional processes" (Jones, 1983:467). Jones (1983:467) suggests that "...attributional processes will moderate the way in 43 which role related and cultural knowledge is transmitted to the newcomer and also contaminate the feedback given to newcomers by established organizational members. This perspective asserts that differences in the perception of behavior. Summarily, newcomers may interpret organizational meanings very differently than established organizational members, moderating the organizational learning process. Socialization of individuals, then, is not exclusively mandated by organizational members. Rather, individual processes lead to very different socialization outcomes. Contemporary industrial organizational psychologists argue that the socialization outcome is the result of 1) the strength of organizational socialization methods, and knowledge communicated to newcomers by the organization; and, 2) individual psychological orientations of newcomers based of levels of individual growth, self—efficacy and past experiences (Jones, 1983:468). Jones (1983) typologized all newcomers as: naive , competent, or dominant. Naive newcomers are quickly overwhelmed due to insufficient experience levels. These individuals perceive entry into the organization as a threat to their psychological well being, and immerse themselves in task orientation so as to avoid contact with others, incumbents and newcomers alike. This avoidance cessates the socialization process, and is not conducive to successful integration. A competent individual, on the other hand, has sufficient past experiences, enabling him/her to decode 44 organizational symbols, norms, and processes. However, this decodification does not ensure appropriate behavioral patterns. Finally, the dominant individual is one which not only decodifies organizational reality, but seeks to actively change it as well (Jones, 1983) Jones' (1983) model, then, provides a schematic which includes: manner in which formal and informal socialization practices affect newcomer response; manner in which individual differences affect the newcomers' initial psychological orientation towards the organization and condition newcomer response; and, manner in which attributional and learning processes affect the way both the newcomer and the organization negotiate a joint definition of the situation. Due to the comprehensiveness of this interactionist model, Jones' blueprint has been replicated in various studies to identify individual cognitive processes moderating the socialization process. Thus, it becomes apparent that individual differences must remain a viable consideration in all future research designs of socialization. A similar model of socialization, accounting for individual differences suggests that newcomers use insiders as models and resources for organizational understanding (Major, et al., 1992). Along those lines, other studies have attempted to expand on traditional models by examining the feedback system adopted by many newcomers (Ashford, 1986; Ashford 8: Tsui, 1991). They found that individuals with high levels of self esteem will use their 45 environments to assess their success, but will not rely on their environment for instruction Furthermore, individuals who use monitoring as their primary acquisition tool often misinterpreted informal cues. This misinterpretation often led to mistakes, and perceptions of ineffectiveness by managers (Ashford 8: Tsui, 1991). Contrary to earlier studies, Ostroff and Kozlowski (in press) found that primary focus of information acquisition is on task and role related aspects; rather than, organizational domain. They also found that newcomers are more likely to use personal observations as their primary tool of learning. However, positive socialization occurs when newcomers acquire task knowledge from supervisors. A further development in contemporary socialization models is the recognition of the inadequacy of traditional socialization measures. Earlier studies have measured the effectiveness of socialization using blanket outcomes. (Schein, 1968). However, due to the absence of prima facie causality, and acting on the assumption that it is more appropriate to focus on outcome variables most related to the processes of socialization, alternative measures have been developed. For example, Ostroff and Kozlowski (in press), posited that information acquisition was strongly related to newcomers' adjustment, satisfaction, commitment, stress and turnover intentions. Although these developments have resulted in a more individualized picture of organizational reality, these studies have still failed to include demographic variables, such as race and 46 gender. Thus, the impact of organizational characteristics on marginalized groups has remained unexamined. DISTINCTIONS OF POLICE SOCIALIZATION Similar to other organizations, socialization actually initiates prior to individuals entry into the organization. This stage of socialization, the anticipatory stage, consists of preconceived expectations and perceptions of their role, not only in' the organization, but also in the social milieu, as well. These expectations derive from various sources, such as friends and relatives. However, expectations are also influenced by the media. This is especially problematic for individuals aspiring to be police officers (Merton and Rossi, 1968). Few, if any, media depictions of ' police roles, behaviors, and activities are even close to accurate. Thus, individuals, basing their expectations mainly on sensationalized ideals, are inevitably disheartened by the reality of police work (Merton and Rossi, 1968). Although the academy is the first tangible obstacle facing a law enforcement newcomer, the training academy is merely an agent of policy instruction. "Real" police work can only be simulated at the academy (Skolnick, 1966). 1 Upon graduation from the academy and arrival at the department, new recruits, recently forming friendships with their fellow recruits, are once again on the outside looking in. Infiltration of the police subculture is a difficult task, at best. It is at 47 this stage of the socialization process which is most crucial to an individual's occupational longevity. Hierarchical socialization During their initial sojourn into the law enforcement profession, recruits are socialized by their occupational peers, their field training officer (FTO), and their immediate supervisors. Although no research in the law enforcement community has been conducted, research in the industrial organizational literature has found that subordinates often adapt norms and attitudes displayed by their supervisors, most importantly, their FTO's. Several studies have found that students in professional schools tend to adopt attitudes and values similar to those of the faculty. Hammond and Kern (1959) asserted that students identify with "significant others" and conform to their displayed belief system. Similarly, Simpson (1967) asserted that students often shift from an idealistic orientation to one of a more pragmatic approach. This shift in attitudes was attributed to the variability of significant others throughout their training process. In an attempt to further ascertain the relationship between the faculty belief system and individual adaptations, Ondrack (1975) hypothesized that the consistency, or lack thereof, of values and beliefs displayed by the faculty was the independent factor influencing level of positive socialization - the adaptation of students to faculty norms and attitudes. Similarly, Olesen (1966) observed 48 that the relative lack of uniformity between students' beliefs and values could be attributed to the variability displayed by significant others. It must be pointed out that socialization is an ongoing process affecting all organizational members, not only new recruits. Officers moving up the organizational ladder are also subject to socialization from their bureaucratic peers. According to Gigliotti (1978), managers have a tendency to overlook the needs of their subordinates, rapidly relating more to their new position than to past experiences and organizational peers. Police literature seems to suggest that supervisors, although somewhat protective of their officers, are more likely to side with administrators in a conflict (Gigliotti, 1978; Brown, 1988; Skolnick, 1966; Powell, 1981). This behavioral pattern, however, has remained unexplained. Individual differences It is hypothesized that certain individual characteristics affects the degree to which cultural norms and ideals of an organization are accepted. However, individual characteristics, such as age, gender, race, military experience and childhood home have been all but ignored as to their relationship with occupational socialization and group solidarity. Although various studies have been undertaken in other areas which address this issue, the police subculture has long been regarded as an impermeable entity, restricting membership to those who had successfully adopted cultural norms and expectations. 49 This perception of police organizations has been promulgated by various studies conducted on the police which initiated the concept of the policeman's "working personality" (Skolnick, 1975; Brown, 1981; and, Bennett, 1984). The seminal works by Skolnick (1975) and Brown (1981) first conceptualized the socialization apparent in police organizations. These studies found that individual characteristics did not significantly alter the socialization that recruits and newcomers received. Rather, these studies reported that the presence of organizational culture was so salient in police organizations that individuals, regardless of personality differences, adopted the norms and beliefs of departmental members. As noted previously, these studies were generally undertaken prior to the induction of minorities and women into police organizations. Furthermore, changing educational requirements and less stringent height and weight specifications have radically changed the pool of applicants which departments have to choose from. However, since these studies, there has been no further empirical research on the prevalence of socialization within police departments. Traditionally, individuals entering the police organization were predominantly young, uneducated, white males frequently from a "police family." This commonality perpetuated the police subculture or the "good ole boy" syndrome. Certain police organizations, predominantly in metropolitan areas, still maintain this type of personnel. However, recent social movements have 50 resulted in the influx of minority members and females into this once exclusive club. In 1972, an amendment to Title VH of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, prohibited employment discrimination based on gender. This provision has resulted in a transformation of many police organizations. Few studies have considered the effect of socialization on females and minorities. Charles (1981) asserts that socialization begins at birth, where individuals are instructed on their appropriate gender roles. He further posits that traits adopted by an individual in early childhood are difficult to alter. He argues that the type of socialization received by a female child will radically affect her acceptance of organizational norms and behaviors. Likewise, male officers gender socialized since childhood will behave differently around a female who is deviating from traditional gender role (Kennedy and Homant, 1981; Koenig, 1981). However, there has been no comprehensive empirical study to date which has compared the levels of socialization received by specific gender members. Furthermore, no comprehensive study has measure the content of socialization practices displayed by organizational members according to gender. In addition to the influx of females into police organizations, a number of minorities have also made their entrance. A review of the literature reveals feelings of suspicion directed at members of different ethnic and racial groups (Skolnick, 1966; Brown, 1988; Neiderhoffer, 1967). More recent literature on relations between 51 the police and minority communities have presented similar findings. However, since the 1972 amendment, in which minorities gained access to law enforcement opportunities, there has been little research on experiences of a minority member within the police organization (Powell, 1981). A further area which has remained unaddressed in the literature appears to be the impact of higher educational requirements on socialization practices. Since the advent of police "professionalism", many police organizations are including educational incentives for current officers, and limiting future access to the department to individuals with higher levels of education. This educational requirement, in addition to more innovative programs, has radically transformed the applicant pool from which police administrators draw (Powell, 1981; Brown, 1988; Charles, 1981). Furthermore, these variations in applicant upbringing has resulted in a myriad of distinct individuals, rather than the homogeneity once present. Thus, a definite need for empirical research exists in the area of socialization. Traditionally, individual differences in the study of police socialization have been all but ignored. Van Maanen (1975) suggested that the police "subculture" is so cohesive that individual differences are extraneous. This study, however, might be dated in its applicability to current police practices. These outdated notions may be partially attributed to the similarity among background of new recruits. However, with changing employment practices and 52 upgraded educational requirements, police organizations seem to have "...lost their identity" (Bahn 1981: 393). Thus, a meticulous perusal of the law enforcement literature does not appear to be necessary to determine that widescale induction of females and minorities might be met with noisome resistance. Intuitively, it would appear that the policing profession is inherently misogynic. In order for us to fully understand the chauvinistic foundations of this occupation and its impact both on organizational socialization and the occupational subculture as well, it might be helpful to first discuss societal gender socialization, and subsequent stratification, and its underlying assumptions. Women's Affect on the Occupational Subculture In socially stratified societies, occupations, as well as behaviors, are associated with appropriate gender role stereotypes. Masculine occupations, for example, are characterized by high levels of competence, physical exertion, assertiveness, and competition. Feminine occupations, on the other hand, are often associated with caregiving, nurturing, and subservience (Berg and Budnick, 1986). Definitional characterizations place law enforcement squarely within the realm of masculine occupations. Patriarchal societies mandate female subservience, while promoting male dominance. Accordingly, individuals are socialized into acceptable gender role orientations (Lorber 8: Farrell, 1991; West 8: Zimmerman, 1991 ; Kennedy 8: Homant, 1981). Deviation 53 from these roles results in public censure and possible ostracization. However, due to economic uncertainties and pro-active social movements, women are more, and more, entering traditional male dominated occupations such as, law enforcement. Neiderhoffer's (1967) depiction of the police subculture was characterized by high levels of chauvinistic individuals. This misogynistic culture disallowed perceptions of gender equity. As "real" police work inherently involved dangerous elements, females were not accorded the opportunity to perform general police duties. Rather, prior to the Women's Movement, the role of the "policewoman" was seen as a "...logical extension of the hearth with a role function congruent with the conventional view of women as mothers, guardians of children, and protector of public morals" (Lord, 1986: 84). Consequently, women were typically assigned roles subordinate to that of their male counterparts, i. e. custodial or social worker positions within the department, particularly work with juvenile offenders. Thus, passage of the Crime Control Act of 1973 was met with resistance from male officers, who perceived females as passive, nurturing individuals, not designed for the rigors of the masculine world of law enforcement (Lord, 1986; Vega and Silverman, 1982; Balkin, 1988; Berg and Budnick, 1986). Over twenty years have passed since this significant decision, and yet male officers still express ambivalent, and often antagonistic, feelings towards females on patrol. The earlier research indicates that male officers overwhelming perceive females 54 as too weak and lacking the capability of dealing with violent situations (Vega 8: Silverman, 1982). Yet, are perceived as capable of working with juveniles and rape victims, and performing general traffic duties. These same officers reported that females were likely to exchange sexual favors for promotional opportunities. (Vega 8: Silverman, 1982). It must be noted that little or no empirical research has been conducted over the past twelve years which refutes or substantiates these claims. However, anecdotally there appears to be significant changes in gendered perceptions of law enforcement officers. These findings are consistent with the feminist ideology. Threats to traditional notions of masculinity create anxiety among officers. Further, females are consistently ushered towards emotional or nurturing duties, i.e. interaction with juveniles and victims of sexual assault. And, finally, females not subscribing to from proscribed gender roles are perceived as deviant or "fallen" (Brownmiller, 1975). This perception is necessary due to role ambiguities created by females in policing. Females on patrol create role ambiguities for both themselves and their male counterparts. Socialized in a society where it is not only appropriate, but expected as well, to be the passive complement to male aggression, female officers experience equivocation during routine patrol duties. Expected by their peer group to behave in accordance with organizational norms and expected by society to maintain consistence with gender role stereotypes, males experience 55 similar ambiguities. These ambiguities reinforce the male occupational subculture, as the reaffirmance of masculinity can only be achieved through interactions with other males. Thus, the occupational subculture solidifies, leaving women on the outside (Lord, 1986). Female police officers, then, are not only isolated from the public, but are further denied peer group acceptance. Unfortunately, much of the extant literature on police women examine issues of competence and acceptance by civilians. Although research has been conducted which examines peer group perceptions, these studies have failed to adequately assess possible impacts on the police subculture. The Police Subculture The study of police socialization was prevalent in the literature throughout the late 1970's and early 1980's. Police organizations during this period were homogeneous entities, primarily comprised of high school educated, White males. This homogeneity perpetuated the "good ole boy" cycle prevalent in most police organizations. However, due to Affirmative Action law, civil rights suits, and more enlightened police managers, departments are increasingly more heterogeneous. Although socialization occurs across organizational arena, it is perhaps most apparent in heavily bureaucratic organizations like the military or the police. In recent years, much attention has been focused on police organization, in search of the elusive "working 56 personality" suggested by Skolnick (1966). This "working personality" constitutes a unique set of attitudinal and behavioral characteristics that differentiate police officers from their civilian counterparts (Bennett, 1984). In an attempt to explicate the preternatural behavioral patterns common to police personnel, two opposing hypotheses have been presented. The first, the predispositional model, asserts that certain personality traits are inherent in individuals prior to their induction into the police organization. This position suggests that individuals seek out police departments due to their desire to be rewarded for these distinct character traits (Bennett, 1984; Austin, et al., 1987). The second, the socialization model, maintains that individual differences prior to entrance into the police occupation are discarded due to the nature of police work. This suggests that the demands on police officers serves to negate individual characteristics common to the general public (Skolnick, 1966; Brown, 1988; Tift, 1974, Austin, et al., 1987; Van Maanen, 1975; Neiderhoffer, 1967). This position has been supported by numerous empirical studies. However, the first position remains to be examined. Law enforcement agencies differ widely from the vast majority of organizations. It is these very differences which make socialization among police officers a unique phenomenon, scarcely addressed by other than practitioners. These differences, inherent in and unique to police organizations, serves to solidify members and creates a private club, restrictive in its membership (Skolnick, 1966; 57 Brown, 1988; Neiderhoffer, 1967). In fact, van Maanen (1975: 215) observed that the police culture "...can be viewed as molding the attitudes - with numbing regularity - of virtually all who enter." The acceptance of group norms by individuals is not solely a factor of organizational socialization. ' Certain characteristics, unique to the police profession, serve to isolate police officers from the general public, resulting in a solidified bond of police personnel. One of these unique characteristics is the danger inherent in the daily work of a police officer. Danger Danger may be dichotomized into two distinct categories: physical danger and emotional danger. Physical danger may be defined as "exposure to agents that can cause bodily pain, injury, illness and/ or death". Emotional danger may be defined as exposure to human tragedy, pain, misery and suffering" (Jermier, Gaines, 8: McIntosh, 1989: 16). It must be pointed out that several authors assert that law enforcement professions are inherently dangerous and entail high occupational risks (Tauber, 1967); while others negate the notion that law enforcement is more dangerous than other, civilian occupations (Terry, 1985; Stark, 1972). In fact, several occupations, such as loggers and truck drivers have been cited as having higher occupational injury rates, than law enforcement. However, police officers are "more likely to be killed on the job or in homicides than the average worker" (Jermier, Gaines, 8: McIntosh, 58 1989: 19). Thus, the concept of danger as it relates to policing needs further clarification. Danger may further be categorized as either objective or subjective. Objective hazards may exist in a variety of work settings other than policing. For example, physical danger results from exposure to high elevations or heavy machinery on construction sites, infectious diseases in hospital work, or poisonous gases in mining excavations (Jermier, Gaines, 8: McIntosh, 1989). However, the degree of objective danger in these situations is not easily discernible. This may be attributed to corporate interests or personal denial. In each of these occupational categories, the objective danger which is present may be controllable or strategies created to decrease hazardous possibilities. Procedures, such as safety lines on construction sites or surgical gloves in hospitals, serve to decrease the risk of negative consequences. Furthermore, personnel in these occupations are aware of the risks and from which direction they come. Police officers are not afforded this luxury. Innovations and technolorical advancements have reduced certain operational risks in law enforcment (i.e. body armor, advanced communication systems, etc.) However, the law enforcement occupation remains unpredictable. Although officers spend more time maintaining order and performing service functions, law enforcement is the only peacetime profession which routinely loses personnel to armed aggressors. The new recruit, like the majority of civilians, has never been exposed to the threat of 59 danger on a daily basis (Skolnick, 1966; Brown, 1988). This threat, incomprehensible to non-police, serves to alienate officers from the general social milieu. Perceived, or subjective, danger appears to be more salient to law enforcement personnel. Subjective danger is a personal and social construction. Perceptions of danger may be influenced by factors, such as control over the situation, familiarity with the source of danger, and the dramatic character of the events (Jermier, Gaines 8: McIntosh, 1989). As officers are often confronted with unanticipated volatile situations, their perception of danger may be magnified. In fact, it has been suggested that police officers are preoccupied with danger (Skolnick, 1966). Unfortunately, this preoccupation manifests itself in increased stress levels. Perceptions of danger have both positive and negative consequences on an individual officer. The very nature of law enforcement demands an individual to be ever vigilant against the possibility of potential danger and harm. Thus, heightened perceptions of danger prevents careless behavior and risk taking. However, heightened perceptions of danger can also cause heightened work stress and "manifestation(s) of depressive symptomalogy" (Cullen, et al., 1983: 461). Isolation The threat of danger and the knowledge of occupational fatalities serves to create in individuals a sense of cynicism and 60 suspicion. It has been suggested that mortality sensitive individuals are more likely to adopt behaviors of cultural protection (Rosenblatt, et al., 1989). Traditional research suggested that these behaviors, often misinterpreted as authoritativeness, placed an invisible barrier between officers and citizens. Every new person encountered on the street must be approached as a possible threat. This approach antagonizes an already hostile public, further alienating police officers (Skolnick, 1966: Brown, 1988; Neiderhoffer, 1967; Bennett, 1978) These studies strongly argued that public hostility was an almost palable phenomenon. They argued that new recruits were unprepared for the hatred exacerbated by their uniform. They themselves had "...never...done anything for which to be hated- which of us have?" and, yet, "...people would gladly see him dead." There is nothing more unsettling than the "...silent, accumulating contempt and hatred of a people" (Baldwin, 1962: 65-67). No other professions had experienced it, and few could fathom it. The underlying root of this hatred was inexplicable (Skolnick, 1966: Brown, 1988; Neiderhoffer, 1967; Bennett, 1978). It must be noted that the majority of these studies were conducted over fifteen years ago. Current research in the law enforcement literature suggests that relations with the public are at an all time high. These perceptions have been attributed to community based policing and training programs designed to enhance communication skills of personnel. However, public 61 opinion was the variable of interest in these studies, police perceptions were not. Little contemporary research has focused on law enforcement officers' perceptions of the public. The reality of public isolation may not be as salient as the perceived one. Largely through the efforts of community policing, police officers are now routinely involved in the community; whereas traditionally, officers only encountered citizens in times of distress. It would appear then, that the perception of public isolation for police officers should have decreased. However, this phenomenon has not been explored. If these perceptions have not changed in pace with the public's, feelings of isolation may result in the individual officers, resulting in an increase of solidarity among ranks (Brown, 1988). However, heightened stress levels may also result. Increased stress levels are not the only negative consequence which may result from police isolation. As mentioned previously, this isolation propagates an aura of cynicism and ambivalence towards the public they are sworn to represent. This isolation may also cause marital discord and familial dissonance. Ultimately, these perceptions of isolation may cause serious psychological disorders, as social support has been found to be a necessary mediator for healthy development (Graf, 1986). The isolation which police officers experience as a group is not, in and of itself, the primary factor in the acceptance of organizational norms by new recruits. Rather, it creates an atmosphere more malleable for effective socialization. 62 Stress Perhaps the greatest distinction between the police and other occupational personnel is the amount and type of stress experienced. Stress has been defined as "a perceived imbalance between social demands and perceived response capability; under conditions where failure to meet demands has important consequences" (Violanti, 1983:2111) Stress may be either chronic or episodic. Chronic stress refers to "continuous stressors in and out of occupations settings"; while episodic stress refers to "irregular disruptions that require personal adjustment for the purpose of restoring equilibrium" (Anson 8: Bloom, 1988: 231). Although levels of stress experienced by police officers is unusually high, this does not suggest that other occupations are stress free. Other service occupations, such as emergency medical technicians and firefighters, involve life and death situations, bureaucratic decision-making, and rotating shift work. Stress in police work is comprised of several factors. Some of these unique factors, discussed previously, are danger and isolation. However, there are several other contributory factors. These stressors may be grouped into four broad categories: 1) organizational practices and characteristics; 2) systemic practices and characteristics; 3) public practices and characteristics; and, 4) actual police work (Territo and Vetter, 1981). 63 Organizational stress refers to stress resulting from procedures and practices within the bureaucracy. Studies have shown that lack of administrative support, faulty equipment, changing shifts, and relations with supervisors have all been reported by officers as organizational stressors . Systemic stress results from frustrations with the criminal justice system. Factors such as court appearances and leniency result in heightened stress levels for law enforcement personnel (Territo and Vetter, 1981). Public apathy and media misrepresentation are additional stressors on officers. And, finally, police work itself is thought to be inherently stressful. Studies have indicated that long hours, perceptions of danger, and tedious activities all result in psychological stress (Territo and Vetter, 1981; Kroes, 1976). Furthermore, as discussed earlier, the police are forced to adopt authoritarian attitudes and often practice depersonalization techniques to cope with unpleasant work situations (i.e. crime victims, dead bodies, abused children) (Violanti and Marshall, 1983). It has been suggested that authoritarian demands on an officer are quite stressful. Officers must restrict their responses in work situations. This creates a psychological conflict within the individual (Violanti and Marshall, 1983). Likewise, depersonalization strategies pose psychological threats because it creates tension between objectified and actual human emotions (Levine and Scotch, 1973; Violanti and Marshall, 1983). Recent research has indicated that these factors may be 64 mediated by social or personal support. Graf (1986) found that individuals having a broader support system expressed lower stress levels. Similarly, Gaines and Jermier(1983) found that increased co- worker support reduces occupational stress. Consequences of heightened levels of stress may be both functional and dysfunctional. These factors may contribute to a cohesiveness among ranks, and a greater willingness to identify with fellow officers. Furthermore, displacement of stress also allows an officer time to think about the situation, choose alternative solutions to the problem, and allows individuals to put things into perspective (DeSanto and Fennelly, 1979). However, the negative consequences of stress, far outweigh the positive. Cynicism and Deviance In order to cope with heightened levels of stress, individuals develop strategies to reduce perceived levels of stress. In policing, two of the most common coping strategies are cynicism and deviance (Violanti, et al., 1983). Niederhoffer's (1967) cynicism scale attempted to measure levels of cynicism within the policing community. Cynicism refers to disbelief of a situation. Officers often adopt this strategy to depersonalize the situation, thus making it less stressful. Deviance is an additional coping mechanism implemented by many officers. Because police are the keepers of norms, they have ample opportunity to deviate without fear of repercussions. 65 Furthermore, due to the tremendous peer pressure within an organization, deviance may become commonplace (Violanti, et al., 1983). Deviance may include minor criminal transgressions, substance abuse or abuse of power. However, this coping strategy, along with several others, often increases an officer's stress level as fear of discovery becomes more salient. Alcohol and Substance Abuse Alcoholism among police officers has been found to be significantly higher than other occupations. It has been estimated that as many as twenty-five percent of departmental personnel abuse alcohol (Goolkasian, Geddes, and DeJong, 1985; Territo, et al., 1981). Alcohol abuse among police officers often manifests itself it increased rates of absenteeism, tardiness, citizen complaints of misconduct and insubordination by supervisors (Territo, et al., 1981). Likewise, drug abuse among law enforcement personnel is on the rise, and may be attributed to stress factors (Carter, 1988). Suicide Another occupational hazard stemming from police stress is suicide. It has been argued that suicide rates among male police officers are significantly higher than that of other occupations. It has been suggested that these rates are inflated for six primary reasons: (1) as policing is a male dominated profession, and males have a higher success rate for suicide attempts, the numbers are inflated; (2) the use, availability and familiarity with handguns results in higher 66 success rates; (3) the constant exposure to danger results in psychological repercussions, creating a more malleable situation; (4) long work hours and rotating shifts weaken familial and community ties, resulting in an individual more likely to attempt suicide; (5) constant exposure to hostility and public apathy combined with (6) judicial inconsistency results in overwhelming frustration (V iolanti, etaL,1981) It appears that four of the six contributory factors in high suicide rates are also some of the greatest stressors on law enforcement personnel. Thus, increased stress levels appear to be related to disproportionate suicide rates. All of the above listed consequences of stress are very serious problems, not easily remedied. However, the most insurmountable problem associated with high stress levels is the effect on individual health. Health Problems Recent research in the health community has indicated that increased levels of stress contributes to a variety of ailments. Due to the impact of stressors on individual officers' health, much research has been directed at the relationship between police stress and physical well being. One of the earliest studies in this area, was Guralnick's (1963) study of 149 occupations. The data indicated that police officers were more likely to suffer from heart disease and diabetes. The data also indicated a higher number of suicides for police officers. However, it must be noted that this data was taken 67 from 1950 census information and occupations listed on death certificates. Thus, the data must be evaluated carefully, and with consideration of the time period involved. A more recent study by Milham (cited in Violanti, Vena and Marshall, 1986) has suggested that police officers experience higher mortality rates for heart disease, diabetes, colon cancer and liver cancer. However, these results were contradicted by the Normative Aging Study conducted by Sparrow (cited in Violanti, et al., 1986). This study suggested that police officers had similar heart disease rates as civilians. The validity of this study must be questioned, as the police subjects used were "a select group of very healthy veterans who volunteered for the study and no information concerning confounding variables was discussed" (Violanti, et al., 1986: 17). Perhaps one of the most methodologically sound studies to date in this area was conducted by Violanti et al.(1986). This study indicated that police mortality for all causes is not significantly different from the general population. However, police officers displayed a higher likelihood for all malignant neoplasms (cancer). More specifically, police officers were more likely than their civilian counterparts to suffer from cancer of the esophagus, cancer of the colon, and ulcers. It was also found that mortality rates for circulatory diseases increase proportionately with years in service. Furthermore, the data indicated that police officers were three times more likely to commit suicide, than were other occupational workers. It has been suggested that increased stress levels result in 68 heightened levels of adrenaline to be secreted. This in turn may reduce vibrancy of the immune system, and result in susceptibility to various malignancies (Fox, 1978). Intuitively, stress would seem to contribute to health deterioration. Recent studies have reported specific bodily reactions to stressful situations which may result in increased mortality rates. For example, during stressful situations the movement of the intestines to digest food is decreased. Additionally, the sphincter muscle also contracts. These conditions may induce food and waste products to remain in the intestines, resulting in high levels of carcinogous materials to remain in the body (Violanti et al., 1986). Summary After an extensive review of the literature, it is apparent that there has been no attempt to empirically examine the roots of occupational identification. Factors such as departmental characteristics and individual differences have only been tangentially explored. The vast majority of the literature on the police subculture is either dated or provides no empirical substantiation as to the existence of a subculture unique to the law enforcement community. Past research on stress related matters among the police have centered on possible repercussions or underlying causes of heightened levels of stress. They have not attempted to examine the relationship, if any, which exists between increased stress and occupational identification. Likewise, the literature dealing with 69 danger or perceptions thereof have often discussed possible coping mechanisms, but failed to empirically link perceived danger to group solidarity. Finally, research on police isolation has been scarce. Rather, it appears throughout the literature that there is an underlying assumption that such isolation does occur. Although research in the area of socialization has made great strides in the industrial-organizational psychology literature, it appears to be stagnant in the criminal justice literature. There has been no comprehensive study to date which has examined differences in socialization practices among police organizations. Rather, socialization literature in the criminal justice field have failed to consider demographic and departmental characteristics. If effective policy implementation of any sort is to occur, administrators must ascertain underlying causes of occupational identification. However, there has been no empirical evidence presented which has examined this phenomenon. Summarily, although both the social psychological and general sociological perspectives have merit, an integration of feminist ideology and the social psychological perspective should more fully explicate potential consequences of female integration. Evaluation of the impact of increased women on patrol must incorporate psychological as well as structural characteristics. Traditional research in policing has failed to establish theoretical perspectives encompassing gender inequity. Much of the extant literature was conducted over twenty-five 70 years ago, thus evaluation of experiences of females and minority members has not yet been examined. Similarly, these studies were conducted prior to the movement towards professionalism among law enforcement departments, in which higher education is a primary consideration. Furthermore, these studies were conducted during one of the most turbulent time in this country's history. Hostility towards the government, and the police in particular, resulted in a bifurcated society. The advent of community policing, professionalization, and advanced training programs has significantly reduced the chasm between the two. Thus, much of this research, based on foundations of mutual distrust and resentment, may be obsolete in contemporary law enforcement. Previous research on the police subculture was conducted prior to the scopious induction of females into the law enforcement milieu. Based on assumptions of homogeneity, theoretical, and ideological, notions of the occupational subculture may not be applicable to contemporary law enforcement. Thus, future theoretical perspectives must include foundations of heterogeneity, consistent with the population studied. CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY Research Design This study was designed to evaluate the relationship between unique occupational characteristics and identification with law enforcement peers among personnel in small rural agencies. It was hypothesized that perceptions of danger, isolation, stress, and socialization would have a positive relationship with group solidarity. This study was also undertaken to evaluate relationships which existed between demographic characteristics such as race, gender, age, length of service, and military experience of respondents and occupational identification. Departmental characteristics such as size and population density were also evaluated as to their impact on occupational identification, perceptions of danger and levels of stress, administrative apathy, socialization, and public isolation. Individual personality characteristics were not be evaluated in this study. Rather, this study was designed to test the hypothesis that organizational characteristics are responsible for the majority of the variance explained in levels of occupational identification as the literature 71 72 suggested. It was anticipated that the results of this study would provide police administrators with empirical data and conclusions which could be used to produce sound policy, realistic training, and appropriate supervision in matters relating to an occupational subculture and possible consequences, thereof. This study was not intended for large scale generalizability. Rather, it was intended to explore the issues in smaller law enforcement agencies where there had been a near void in empirical research, and provide baseline data for future research The first phase of the study was the development, design, distribution and analysis of a self administered questionnaire. This instrument was then distributed to four sessions of a regionally based police academy. Each of the 148 enlisted personnel were asked to describe their level of experience from one of six levels: 1) none; 2) less than one month; 3) one to three months; 4) four to six months; 5) six to nine months; and, 6) more than nine months. The survey instrument was designed to evaluate the relationship of occupational, and demographic characteristics on levels of solidarity. The conceptual basis for this decision was that over-identification with an occupational subculture may lead to pathological tendencies within the police organization, such as substance abuse, corruption, abuse of authority, or misfeasance. Levels of identification could by identified by conducting an attitudinal survey to pinpoint unhealthy solidarity trends. 73 Survey Design This survey design may be viewed as a perceptual study of police officers. The instrument was constructed after an analysis of previous research findings, observations of law enforcement interactions, and a general review of the literature. In essence, the survey was a modification of several empirically tested measures. Level of socialization was measured by implementing a modified version of Chao, O'Leary—Kelly, Klein, and Gardner's (1994) organizational socialization scale. The original measure was the product of four years of socialization research by the authors. Subsequent reliability analysis resulted in the removal of several items. The remaining items were claissified into six main content areas: performance proficiency, people, politics, language, organizational goals and values, and history (Chao, eta], 1994). Modification of this scale was deemed necessary due to the exploratory nature of the research design. The resulting scale included socialization factors such as, organizational politics and organizational culture. Organizational culture items included areas such as language, history, and organizational goals and values. For purposes of this study, factors which were task related were removed. This modification was necessary as original measures of task efficiency were directed towards specific task dominance. These factors were not considered relevant to the police occupation where specific tasks were not consistent or immediately 74 identifiable to organizational members. Furthermore, in some instances, generic references were replaced by occupational specific terminology. Perceptions of danger were measured through items established by Jermier, Gaines, and McIntosh (1989). Measures of stress, isolation, and group solidarity were created after an analysis of previous research, and an extensive review of the relevant research. The survey consisted of 37 questions and explored areas of stress, perceptions of danger, levels of socialization, feelings of isolation, and occupational solidarity. Demographic characteristics, such as age, race, gender, military experience, educational level, and past law enforcement experience were also included, as were departmental characteristics, such as department size and community population. Group solidarity was the dependent variable and levels of organizational stress, operational stress, socialization, isolation, and perceptions of danger were the independent variables in the primary analysis. Additional analysis was also conducted in which demographic characteristics were implemented as independent variables in evaluation of these levels, as well as levels of group solidarity. In an attempt to maximize the internal validity of the study, the survey was designed to be anonymous. This practice was implemented in an attempt to minimize biased responses from individuals apprehensive of possible repercussions from their 75 superior officers. To maintain the anonymity of respondents, surveys were distributed by an independent research team. A cover letter with an explanation of the purpose of the study accompanied the instrument. Each completed survey was deposited into a central mailing container at each work station and mailed directly to the researcher by a faculty collaborator. Removing the process from the normal police chain of command provided an atmosphere for anonymity, which also contributed to validity controls. In order to achieve the highest possible response rate, several meetings were held with academy representatives prior to the distribution of the survey instrument. The commanding officer of the academy provided each participant at the academy with a general overview, and requested their cooperation in this research endeavor. On the perceptual section of the questionnaire, responses were scaled on a Likert scale with five possible categories: 1) Strongly agree; 2) Agree; 3) Neutral; 4) Disagree; and, 5) Strongly disagree. In the demographic section of the questionnaire, individuals were given open ended questions, which after review were categorized by the researcher. Sample The sample consisted of every member of four separate academy sessions at a selected regionally based law enforcement training academy (n=148) somewhere in the Southeastern United States. There are three regional academies in the state, and five 76 departmental academies. Because the literature has suggested that primary socialization is completed within twelve months of occupational initiation, this particular region and academy were selected in order to maximize variability of experience and individual characteristics among respondents. Unlike some states who mandate completion of the academy prior to initiating actual law enforcement duties, all sworn officers in the state selected were required to undergo 480 (12 weeks) hours of minimum standards training within nine months of their date of employment. Thus, the sample included "rookie" officers with up to nine months of street experience, as well as completely inexperienced cadets who had not yet been exposed to organizational or operational characteristics. This particular sample was also selected due to the sponsorship prerequisite. Participants of this training academy must be sponsored by a law enforcement agency, and must be employed by that agency. No unsponsored, or non-law enforcement personnel were allowed access to the program. This characteristic distinguishes this academy and region from others in the country which require individuals to pay a fee, much like tuition, to attend. It was anticipated that these self-sponsored academies were comprised of individuals with high levels of realistic expectations as they would have closely evaluated the policing profession before committing themselves to a substantial fiscal undertaking. Furthermore, it was thought that these individuals would display 77 pre-existing higher levels of occupational commitment as a financial investment was at stake. Thus, it was thought that analysis of sponsored individuals would be more conducive to evaluating levels of socialization and levels of organizational solidarity. The training academy, one of three regional academies, was overseen by a state sponsored standards and training commission. The academy was located in the northeastern region of the state and received officers from 21 counties. These counties were primarily rural in nature. Additionally, both municipal and county levels of law enforcement were represented. Response Rate Enrollment for the four regularly scheduled recruit classes totalled one hundred and forty-eight (148). One hundred and thirty- six were returned to the researcher. Five of these surveys were excluded by the researcher due to failure to answer the demographic questions (i.e. gender, age, race, etc.) which were critical to the analysis. Thus, one hundred and thirty—one (n=131) surveys were used in the analysis (Tables 3.1 a), b), c), d), e), and f) illustrate the distribution of respondents. A response rate of 88.5% was achieved. This higher than average response rate may be attributed to the fact that surveys were distributed on the first day of recruit training. The variances in numbers of respondents from question to question may be explained in that some respondents omitted answering certain questions. 78 T l 1 a - A Value Frequency Percent 20-25 years 0 67 51.1 26—30 years 1 36 27.5 31—35 years 2 7 5.3 36—40 years 3 6 4.6 over 41 years 4 12 9.2 M £8 9 7 1 7 Over one-half of the achieved sample (51.1%) were between twenty to twenty-five years of age, as would be expected in this new officer group. An additional 27.5% were between twenty-six and thirty. Slightly over 91% were male, and 82.4% were white. Fifty- five percent had attended at least some college classes, while only 3.1% had more than a bachelor's degree. Over thirty-five percent (35.1) had some military experience, while 65.6% had less than nine months law enforcement experience. Tl .lb- nr Value Frequency Percent male 1 120 91.6 female 2 11 8.4 Total 131 100.0 79 Table 3 . 1 (c) — Race Value Frequency Percent white 1 108 82.4 nonwhite 2 23 17.6 Total 131 100.0 Table 3 . 11d) - level cf pglice experience Value Frequency Percent none 1 26 19.8 less than 1 month 2 2 1.5 1— 3 months 3 19 14.5 4 - 6 mont hs 4 8 6 . l 6~9 months 5 31 23.7 more than 9 months 6 44 33.6 unknown 9 1 .8 Total 131 100.0 Table 3.1 (e) - highest education lcvel attained Value Frequency Percent high school 1 38 29.0 associate's or some college 2 72 55.0 bachelors 3 16 12.2 more than bachelors 4 4 3.1 Lniknown 9 1 8 80 Total 131 100.0 Table 3.1(f)- Is jurisdiction childhood home? Value Frequency Percent yes 1 66 50.4 no 2 63 48.1 unknown 3 l .8 Total 131 100.0 Table 3.1(g) - Officers with military experience Value Frequency Percent yes 1 46 35.1 no 2 84 64 . 1 unknown 9 1 .8 Iggal 131 100.0 Almost ninety-five percent (94.7%) of the sample came from departments with less than 100 sworn personnel, considered to be small departments. Only 3.8% of the sample had more than 100 sworn personnel, and all of these had less than 500 officers. Ta le 3.1 h - D r men iz Value Frequency Percent small department 0 124 94.7 medium department 1 5 3.8 unknown 2 1 . 5 l . 5 Total 131 100.0 81 Over twenty-three percent (23.7%) of the sample came from rural communities with population values of less than 5,000. An additional 12.2% had under 10,000, while 34.4% had under 100,000 as the population of jurisdiction. Only 4.6% of the sample was derived from communities with over 100,000 people. It should be noted, however, that 25.2% of the sample did not know the population of their jurisdiction or chose not to answer this question. Table 3.10) - population of jurisdiction Value Frequency Percent under 5000 0 31 23.7 5001 to 10000 16 12.2 1 10001 to 100000 2 45 34.4 3 over 100000 6 4.6 Missing 33 25.2 Total 131 100.0 The Chi-Square Statistic The Chi-Square test of independence was selected due to its ability to test the independence of the relationship between categorical (nominal) variables. The Chi-Square, based on a distribution of frequencies, ascertains whether the two variables are independent, exhibit no relationship or an association due to chance, or are dependent where the relationship or an association due to chance, or are dependent where the relationship is real and would seldom occur due to chance alone. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF DATA Introduction The data will be presented in three sections. The first section of the analysis will involve cross-tabulation of the independent variables of a demographic nature (i.e. age, race, gender, etc.) against the dependent variables. The independent variables included in this analysis were gender, race, age, level of education, military experience, and level of law enforcement experience. Originally, the variables of race and age were open-ended questions. However, they have been categorized by the researcher as follows: age was divided into five distinct categories 1) 20-25 years; 2) 26-30 years; 3) 31-35 years; 4) 36-40 years; and, 5) over 41 years. Similarly, the variable of race was collapsed into two categories, white and nonwhite, due to the small numbers of respondents in other categories. The variable "level of education" included seven categories: 1) less than high school; 2) high school diploma or GED; 3) some college; 4) associate's degree; 5) bachelor's degree; 6) master's degree; and, 7) more than master's degree. The variable "level of law enforcement experience" was divided into three month 82 83 increments, starting with "no law enforcement experience and ending with "more than 9 months." The dependent variables were categorized into six distinct groupings. The first category was composed of socialization variables, including variables directed at organizational learning and cultural expectations. The second category was composed of solidarity variables and included variables dealing with organizational identification, peer support and distance from the general public. The third category, informal variables, addressed issues of formal vs. informal mechanisms of support and control within the organization. The fourth category included variables of administrative apathy and the fifth targeted perceptions of danger. Stress variables were included in the final category, and addressed perceived levels of stress, not the underlying causes. Only those variables which were found to statistically significant appear in this section. The analysis of this data is used to make determinations of the extent of perceptual differences among respondents with varying demographic characteristics. The data are analyzed to either confirm or refute the presence of an occupational subculture which renders background characteristics irrelevant. The third section of the analysis involved the crosstabulation of variables in the solidarity category with the variables in the remaining five categories originally designated as dependent variables in the first section of analysis while controlling for demographic variables. This analysis was undertaken to determine 84 whether varying levels of stress, socialization, isolation, perceived danger, and administrative apathy effect levels of occupational identification. The twenty-nine elements were collapsed into two categories. The process used to collapse the responses involved combining responses of strongly agree with agree into one category. Likewise, responses of strongly disagree and disagree were combined. The differences between strongly agree and disagree are hard to define, and for purposes of acceptance or rejection, this collapsed process was deemed sufficient. Socialization Variables Socialization Variables Seven variables were categorized into the socialization section of the analysis. Variables in this section related to level of socialization achieved by respondents. Variables included knowledge of organizational formal expectations and goals as well as informal expectations and social networks. Familiarity with occupational language and symbols were also included. Of the seven socialization variables, three were found to have significant relationships with at least one of the demographic 85 variables previously mentioned (Table 4.1)1. The data indicated that females were more likely to disagree than males that they knew the informal power structure in their organization (X2=9.2892; sig=.049). However, over 70% of all males and females indicated that they were familiar with this structure (see Table 4.1b)2. Officers from small departments were more likely to display knowledge of the informal infrastructure than were their counterparts in medium sized departments (X2=16.1865; sig=.003). In fact, 73% of all officers in small departments agreed that they were cognizant of the most influential people in their department, compared to only 20% of officers in medium sized departments (see Table4.1b). Level of law enforcement experience exhibited a significant positive relationship with knowledge of informal power structure (X2=29.579; sig=.003). Officers with less experience were less likely to agree that they had knowledge of this structure than officers with more experience (see Table 4.1b). Age was found to have a significant relationship (see Table 4.1) with comprehension of formal departmental goals (X2=19.866; sig=.031). Officers between the ages of 26-30 were the least likely to agree (56%) that they understood the formal goals of their organization (Table 4.1c). Officers over 36 years were the most 1 Is cases where the expected values for each cell fell below 5, the Chi-square value listed were actually derived from Fisher's Exact Test. 2 Due to errors in rounding, proportions may not sum up to one. 86 likely to indicate that they understood the formal goals of their organization. As a whole, 74% of the sample, regardless of age, understood prescribed organizational mission statements. As stated, three variables included in the socialization portion of the analysis were found to be significantly related to at least one of the demographic variables. However, these relationships must be approached cautiously as the Lambda values were relatively weak. The existence of strong Cramer's V statistic with these values suggests that organizational variables may be as important, if not moreso, than demographic variables. 87 4min a; Sufi. .2 1. _ cmnmzpmzqegsmrw . ,xsoaamm e Essa , 1 coin. $2953 $095 Canmwwnulzn 84.3mm ,Qmmmam3m3m_ wowwm AmonSM rectal: .3839..." .29 isms rmmxe “sens . so.” 1. -889le m, H8: :33. < a. s . Mamas pose 98 38 0.8m All. .558. . obfil l bed: 1th Immmwm: (51; News 908 . balm - - brawls.-. ., bestow..- l...l~- “filmmmw -. 981 98o PST. 88.. 5 - i 11.1 .l .l. rilllllll lilil i mflfifldUeflm .loisla lbw: - EE_ if; Sq 903920330055. 88 TABLE 4.1(lb - SOCIV DEP.VARIABLE IND.VARIABLE AGREE DISAGREE ’NEUTRAL KnowlLdge of AGE informal - 20-25 yrs 0.73 0.1 0.16 power . 26-30 yrs 0.58 0.19 0.22 structure 31-35 yrs 0.43 0.14 0.43 (SOCIV) 1 36-40 yrs 1 0 0 more than 40 0.92 0.8 0 GENDER Male 0.71 0.1 1 0.18 Female 0.7 0.3 0 RACE White 0.72 0.1 1 0.17 Non-white 0.64 0.1 8 0.1 8 DEPSIZE A small 0.73 0.1 1 0.17 medium 0.2 ,1 0.6 0.2 :POPJUR , lunder 5000 0.77 T 0.1 0.13 5001-1000 0.75 g 0.13 0.13 10001-100000 0.69 , 0.13 0.18 ' over 100000 . 0.67 . 0.17 0.17 l LEEXP A l - NONE i 0.39 l 0.19 0.42 1 less/ month ‘ 0.5 l 0. S l 0 l 1-3months : 0.68 0.21 ; 0.11 1 3-6 months 1 0.75 0.13 l 0.13 I 6-9 months 7 0.77 0.1 0.13 more/9 months 0.87 0.05 3 0.9 T EDLEv . a l [ HS 1 0.66 1 0.08 0.26 lasso/some coll 0.72 l 0.15 l 0.13 i [ bachelors ’ 0.69 l 0.13 i 0.19 I more/bachelors: 1 l 0 l 0 ' l CHOME i l l 1 yes i 0.71 l 0.09 i 0.2 ; 5 no i 0.7 0.16 i 0.14 e : MILEXP l l ' . YES , 0.74 l 0.17 l 0.09 , 1' NO 7 0.69 l 0.1 i 0.21 = l l l ___._ .. P'" 1F-~ 89 TABLE 4.1 'c - SOCVI 1 N0 DEP.VARIABLE 1N0.VARlA8LE AGREE DISAGREE NEUTRAL Understand AGE formal goalsi 20-25 yrs 0.78 0.02 0.21 (socw) . 26-30 yrs 0.56 0.06 0.4 31-35 yrs 0.71 0.29 0 36-40 yrs 0.83 0 0.17 more than 40 z 0.83 0.08 0.08 GENDER Male 0.73 0.05 0.22 Female 0.6 0 0.4 RACE White 0.74 0.04 0.22 Non-white 0.64 0.09 0.27 DEPSlZE 1 small , 0.27 ' 0.04 . 0.24 , medium 1 l 0 . 0 EPOPJUR ’ a gander 5000 l 0.77 1 0.03 0.19 15001-1000 1 0.63 ‘ 0.13 e 0.25 10001-100000 0.76 0.04 gs 0.2 Lover 100000 1 0.67 0 f 0.33 . LEEXP ; i 3 i N0NE 0.54; 0.12 0.35 iless/month , 1f 0 l 0 i 1-3months T 0.9' 0 l 0.11 g 3-6 months 1 0.88 0 gt 0.13 6-9 months 1 0.65 0.07 l 0.29 more/9 months 0.77 0.02 i 0.21 EDLEV l 1 HS 1 0.66 0.08 i 0.26 Lasso/some coli 0.78 . 0.04 i 0.18 * bachelors i 0.56 l 0 0.44 more/bachelors 1 l 0 i 0 ; CHOME l i : ' yes i 0.76 g 0.06 ' 0.18 i no i 0.7 i 0.03 0.27 ; MILEXP l l 1 YES i 0.7 l 0.04 i 0.26 i 0.74 l 0.05 l 0.21 90 Danger Variables LEGEND for variable names SOCIV I am knowledgeable of the department’s informal power structure SOCVI l understand formal goals of department SOCVII Rapport is important for promotions DA NGI l confront hazardous situations at work DANGII I am exposed to physical harm while working DANGIll My job is physically dangerous ADMl I am viewed favorably by the administration ADMll The administration is supportive STRESI My job is very stressful STRESll I am calm at work STRESIII I experience job frustration at work lN Fl The formal goals of my department are also my goals. 1N Fl V Fellow officers are the best source of information in my department. SOLDI I do not consider any of my fellow officers as personal friends. SOLD” 1 am usually excluded in social get togethers outside the department SOLDlll I am identified as one of the gang SOLDV Fellow officers perceptions of me are very important SOLDVl Most of my personal friends are also police officers SOLDV I || My old friends now feel uncomfortable around me. Danger Three variables were categorized into the perceptions of danger section of the analysis. These variables included officers' perception of safety and potential for hazardous situations. This 91 section also included respondents' perceived level of danger as related to other occupations. Gender was found to have a significant relationship with the first variable (DANGI) to measure perceptions of danger (See Legend 1). Males were more likely to agree that they confronted hazardous situations at work than were their female counterparts (X2=12.9011; sig=.012). Only 50% of the females included in the analysis indicated that their occupation exposed them to hazardous situations, compared to 80% of their male counterparts (see Table 4.2b). Officers with military experience were also more likely to agree than their counterparts with no military experience (X2=9.8812; sig=.042), 85% of officers with military experience compared to 74% of non-military personnel. Race was found to have a significant relationship with the variable DANGII (Table 4.2). White officers were more likely to indicate that they were exposed to physical harm (X2=10.4316; sig=.034). Eighty-three percent (83%) of white officers indicated that they were directly exposed to physical harm in carrying out their jobs, while only 68% of non-white respondents indicated agreement (see Table 4.2c). Officers with military experience were also more likely to indicate agreement than were their civilian counterparts (X2=9.574; sig=.048). Eighty-seven percent (87%) of former military personnel indicated agreement, while 77% of non-military officers answered affirmatively. The final variable included in this section (DANGIII) displayed 92 significant relationships with race (X2=14.5822; sig=.0056) and department size (X2=9.488; sig=.05). White officers were more likely to describe their job as physically dangerous (Table 4.2). Sixty-four percent (64%) of non-white officers perceived their occupation as physically dangerous, compared to 88% of white officers (Table 4.2d). Officers from small departments were more likely (85%) than their counterparts from medium sized agencies (60%) to answer affirmatively. Although three of the variables included in the danger section of the analysis were found to be significantly related to at least one of the demographic variables, the relationships , as indicated by Cramer's V can only be described as moderate to weak. Also, Lambda values indicate that environmental characteristics may affect these variables as well. 93 496.0 A.~ . i 1 ..... L 1 ii l l Hsmrwsw- E62888! ii i i 1 6926823851... .1 11.1 sew/199w wanesaii -waiiiwi :56» < a. .xmwmfiofi mmcmmfiammmfioqw OmZDmWiiilLWMofiiiil o.o.~ obwww o.-.m 0:9.de €11,293- 1 1 1 i 1 i - iii. 2 1 i i sees 19%; 99; 988 9:5 923 Tween 6 wine @911 i 11Wi§in11m -1 M- 114139 m 90! 933 9. 8m 98%. 611,129.? 1 1 1 11 1 :ii1i11iii1--llii1 1- , 31.9mm 1- imui 903 983 93; 938 :58 a 36.851 Emacs. m Hmhmw 1.1H1.1i,..._w.mm-i, 98|mm 929". 98m 988 16)sz i i 1 . iiil omemnm 9:5 98 92% 9:: 988 94 " TABLE 4.2(tb -0AN61 DEP.VARIABLE; IND.VAR|ABLE ‘ AGREE DISAGREE NEUTRAL Confront ? AGE hazardous 20-25 yrs 0.79 0.08 0.13 situations at 1 .l-u-l-v-«i- 26-30 yrs 0.78 0.17 0.06 work 0.57 0.14 0.29 (DANGl ) i 31-3Syrs i j’ 36-40yrs ’ 1 0 0 more than 401 0.67 0.25 0.08 J GENDER 1 LL Male 0.8 0.1 0.1 1 Female 0.5 0.3 0.2 l RACE 1 White 0.78 0.12 0.09 Non-white 0.73 0.09 0.18 DEPSIZE small 0.77 0.11 0.11 medium 0.8 0.2 0 POPJUR under 5000 0.71 01 0.19 5001-1000 0.94 Ai-w- — 0.06 0 10001-100000 0.76 0.13 0.11 i over 100000 0.83 0.17 0 iLEEXP l NONE 0.65 0.08 0.27 less/ month 1 -3 months 0.74 0.16 0.11 3-6 months 6-9 months 0.81 0.13 0.07 more/ 9 months 0.8 0.14 0.07 EDLEV HS 0.87 0.11 0.03 lasso/some col 0.75 ' 0.14 0.11 l l bachelors 0.69 0.06 0.25 more/bachelo 0.75 0.25 CHOME yes 0.82 0.11 0.08 “O 0.73 0.13 0.14 MILEXP YES 0.85 0.09 0.07 NO 0.74 0.13 0.13 95 TABLE 4.2 ic-DANGII i l i DERVARIABLEE lND.VARlABLEi AGREE 015AGREE i NEUTRAL lam exposed i AGE . l to physical ; 20-25 yrs i 0.81 l 0.09} 0.1 danger at war? 26-30 yrs i 0.75 0.08? 0.17 (DANGII) 31-35yrs i _ 17; of 0 36-40 yrs 0.83; 0.171 0 . more than 40 0.831 0.081 0.08 ' GENDER l l Male 08? 0.08? 0.12 Female 09? 0.1,; 0 RACE 7 White 0.83 0.07‘ 0.09 Non-white 0.68: 0.14 0.18 DEPSIZE 7 . small 0.81 0.09 i 0.1 1 L medium 0.8 0 0.2 lPOPJUR under 5000 i 0.81 0.07 0.13 5001-1000 ’ 0.94 0.06 0 10001-100000 0.8 0.11 0.09 1 over 100000 0.67 0.17 0.17 i LEEXP NONE 0.85 0.04 0.12 less/month 1 0 01 1-3months 0.68 0.1 1 0.21 3-6 months 0.88 0 0.13 6-9 months 0.81 0.1 0.1 more/ 9 months 0.82 0.11 0.07 EDLEV HS 0.84 0.11 0.05 asso./some cola 0.81 0.07 0.13 bachelors 0.75 0.1 3 0.1 3 more/bachelors 0.75 0 0.25 CHOME yes 0.83 0.08 0.09 no 0.78 0.1 0.13 MILEXP YES 0.87 0.07 0.07 N0 0.77 0.1 0.13 TABLE 4.2 ld-DANGlll AGREE L DERVARIABLE; 1ND.VAR1ABLE ; DISAGREE NEUTRAL My job is l AGE i ,1 physically - 20-25 yrs ; 0.811 0.05. 0.15 ‘_d_21_rlgerous 1 26-30 yrs 0.89‘ 0.03: 0.08 (DANGIII) 31 -35 yrs 1 = 01 0 , 36-40 yrs 1 0.831 07’ 0.17 more than 40 0.83: 03 0.17 i GENDER I g: i ’ Male [ 0.85? 0.031 0.12 Female 1 0.7; 0? 0.3 1 RACE l , White i 0.887L 0.031 0.09 Non-white ' 0.641 0.05‘ 0.32 DEPSIZE j 1 small ‘ 0.851 0.03 0.12 medium , 0.6 0 0.4 POPJUR 1 under 5000 0.87 0 0.13 5001-1000 0.88. 0.06 0.06 10001 -1 00000 0.877 O-OL 0.11 over 100000 1 0i 0 LEEXP i NDNE . 0.85! 0 0.15 less/month l 1 O 0 1-3months 0.79, 0.05 0.16 3-6 months 0.881 0 0.13 6-9 months 0.77 0.07 0.16 more/9 mon 0.89 0.02 0.09 EDLEV HS 0.87 0.03 0.11 assonome col 0.85 0.03 0.13 bachelors 0.75 0.06 0.19 more/bachelors 0.75 O 0.25 CHOME yes 0.86 0.03 0.11 no 0.81 0.03 0.16 MILEXP YES 0.8 0.02 0.17 N0 0.86 0.04 0.11 97 Administrative Apathy Variables Administrative Apathy Variables Two variables were included in this section which measured perceptual levels of administrative support, or lack thereof. These variables were included in the analysis for exploratory reasons. ADMI was found to have a significant relationship with race (Table 4.3). Whites were more likely to indicate that they were viewed favorably by administrators in their department (X2: 13.896; sig=.008). Seventy-one percent (71%) of white respondents indicated that they were perceived in a positive manner by administrators, while only 50% of non-whites answered affirmatively (Table 4.3b). In fact, over one-fourth of non-whites disagreed that the administration held them in esteem. ADMII was also found to have a significant relationship with race (Table 4.3). White officers were more likely to describe the administration as supportive (X2: 10.786; sig=.029) . Sixty-eight percent (68%) of white officers included in this study agreed that the administration in their department was supportive of officers, only 50% of non-whites concurred (Table 4.3c). Military experience was also found to have a significant relationship with ADMII (X2=10.236; sig.=.037). Twenty-four percent (24%) of officers with military experience did not perceive the administration as supportive, while only 8% of officers with no military experience expressed this sentiment. 98 Although two of the three variables include d in the administrative section of the analysis were found to exhibit significant relationships with at least one of the demographic variables included in the study, low Lambda values indicated that these relationships may be attributed to environmental factors. This relationship needs to be explored in greater detail. 99 ...ozo 9w : 1 .1 1 1. L11.1iii,1ii i 4>mrm Am - 535.9325 513.8 11 - .1 ,11.111111-i-.ii,i11 ommimzoimzw «L’s-18%, 1.2.6.. <>a>mrm 2-85% ma .528.» < or. on Swing @6me? UR W085- i .1 wmeWi iii Show 0.00m obmww o.~wow ohmmu A sue: 1L ii 833856388636111111mumwwmmiiiiiDMwmmii 98¢ 98; 98mm 98» s 3025 1 1 1 4 11 ii; i iii: games 8.8m 984 98. w 91 34 98 s 100 TABLE 4.3 Eb - ADMI DERVARIABLEJNDNARIABLQ AGREE : DISAGREE NEUTRAL lam viewed f AGE . 5 favorably by i 20—25yrs 5 0.64 '» 0.03 1 0.33 administration? 26-30 yrs . 0.67 1 0.17 a 0.17 (ADMI) ; 31-35 yrs T 0.71 L 0.29 i 0 F 36-40 yrs g 0.83 E’ o s‘ 0.17 E more than 40 i 0.75 f 0.17 0.08 f GENDER j j: ' Male ‘ 0.68 f 0.08 ' 0.24 Female ; 0.7 1 0.2 r 0.1 1 RACE 4’ 3 3 5 White “ 0.71 0.05 j 0.23 1' Non-white 0.5 T 0.27 i 0.23 j DEPSIZE ? 1‘ ‘ small I 0.67 0.09 1 0.24 medium 1 1 O I 0 POPJUR ¥ 1 under 5000 0.65 j 0.13 0.23 15001-1000 0.56 : 0.06 0.38 10001-100000 0.73 0.09 0.18 over 100000 0.83 0 0.17 LEEXP NONE 0.46 0.12 0.42 less/month 0.5 0.5 O 1-3months 0.79 O 0.21 3-6 months 0.75 0.13 0.13 6-9 months 0.71 0.07 0.23 more/9 months 0.7-3 0.11 0.16 EDLEV HS 0.66 0.13 0.21 asso./some col 0.72 j 0.07 0.21 bachelors 0.55 ' 0.06 0.38 more/bachelo 0.5 0.25 0.25 CHOME . yes 0.67 0.14 0.2 no 0.68 0.05 0.27 MILEXP YES 0.7 0.11 0.2 NO 0.67 0.08 0.25 I l 101 TABLE 4.3 Ic- ADMII l DERVARIAELE;lN0.VARlA8LEI AGREE DISAGREE j NEUTRAL AdministrationL AGE 1 is supportive T 20-25 yrs 0.66 0.09 ; 0.25 (ADMII) 26-30 yrs 0.61 0.22 0.17 F 31-35 yrs 0.57 0.14 1 0.29 * 36-40yrs 0.83 0 j 0.17 more than 40 ? 0.67 0.25 ; 0.08 ; GENDER f : Male 0.63 0.15 1 0.22 Female 0.08 O 0.2 L RACE 1‘ White 0.68 0.1 0.22 ‘ Non-white 0.5 0.32 0.18 ' DEPSIZE L _ small _ 0.64 l 0.15 0.22 1 medium 0.8 0 L 0.2 LPOPJUR % T Junder 5000 0.65 0.13 0.23 T5001-1000 0.69 0.19 ; 0.13 10001-100000 0.53 0.22 ; 0.24 éover 100000 1 o l 0 ___.- LEEXP m.__-_----___.._-_. ._.__._.-_- ‘ :_ .______ NONE 0.62 ' 0.08 0.31 Hess/month - 1 L. 0 : 0 f 1-3months I 0.79 ‘ 0.05 ; 0.16 i 3-6 months 1 0.75 0 i 0.25 6-9 months T 0.48 0.26 ,1 0.26 more/9 months 0.68 0.16 T 0.16 * EDLEV j _ 1 HS 0.58 0.18 0.24 Lassa/some coL 0.69 L 0.13 i 0.19 bachelors 0.63 * 0.13 0.25 more/bachelors 0.75 0 L 0.25 E CHOME l L 1 yes ' 0.62 0.1 1 i 0.27 ' no 0.67 f 0.18 L 0.16 MILEXP 1 1 YES 0.61 0.24 0.15 N0 0.67 l 0.08 ' 0.25 102 Stress Variables Three variables were categorized as stress variables for purposes of this section of the analysis. These variables measured levels of perceived stress among officers. It also included officers' perception of law enforcement as stressful when compared to other occupations. The data indicated that race was significantly related to STRESSI (Table 4.4). Whites were more likely to agree that policing is stressful (X2=11.353; sig=.023). Fourteen percent (14%) of non- whites did not think that policing was stressful, while only 3% of whites disagreed (Table 4.4b). Age was found to be significantly related to STRESSII (Table 4.4). Young officers were less likely to indicate that they felt calm at work (X2=18.803; sig=.043). Officers between 31-35 years were the most likely to indicate calmness at work (Table 4.4c). In fact, the data indicates that officers' perceptions of calm working conditions peaks in this age group, and generally declines as they get older. Military experience was also found to be significantly related to calmness (X2=10.443; sig=.036). Almost three-fourth (74%) of the sample with military experience agreed that they felt calm at work, while less than half (49%) answered affirmatively (Table 4.4c). Level of law enforcement experience was shown to be significantly related to STRESSIII (Table 4.4). Officers with one to three months street experience were the least likely to agree that 103 they were under a lot of pressure at work (X2=33.405; sig=.000). Officers with less than one month and officers with three to six months experience were the most likely to feel frustrated at work (Table 4.4d). Only 4% of officers with no experience felt that they were not under a lot of pressure at work. STRESSI and STRESSII were found to be significantly related to race, age, and military experience. Although the Chi-Square statistic and significance levels were high, these relationships may in fact be Spurious due to the extremely weak Lambda values. The relationship between STRESSIII and law enforcement experience, however, should be considered moderate to strong (L=.238; V=.357) 104 36.0 P; 64%me _ 11 1 1 1 , 1 1 4 11L1 111111-111 391331-11 mamméommm 11111111111 1 cmomzomfi <>m$mrm WW2101.1/N>@..»llmrw mammogram m5 £28.» < ox. cm Kiev/160. Mmqnmmg 11 1- 11 1+ m>nm 111111 :.wmw 903 POA chow chum a Aqumwmw. 1 1 1 1 1411111111: 1 Samoa. ~11". ace»: 1 mexmmiiW 8.8.8. 0.9; o 0.8m 0.me S Amammms 1 11 11 lili 1! 11 gimme. Sim 0.8m 0.2 B 3 mg 3me s $636138 1.11% @1363... .111 1H11Wmlmm11 111: 3.8m 11 o 0.8m 9me 0.8m S 105 Vi TABLE 4.4 lb - STRESI DEP.VARlA8LE€lND.VARlA8L? AGREE DISAGREE NEUTRAL Policing is ; AGE 1 very stressfulT20-25 yrs T 0.84 0.02 0.15 (STRESSI) 26-30 yrs 0.74 0.09 0.17 L 31-35 yrs = 1 L 0 0 i 36-40 yrs l 0.83 ’ 0.17 L 0 more than 40: 0.83 0.08 " 0.08 T GENDER l 1 ' Male 0.82 0.04 0.14 Female 5 0.8 0.1 f 0.1 RACE T i . White 1 0.82 1- 0.03 i 0.1 5 . Non-white T 0.76 i 0.14 l. 0.1 l DEPSIZE T ‘ small 0.81 i 0.05 0.14 ,1 medium 1 L 0 ' 0 1 POPJUR j under 5000 1 0.94 3 0 1 0.07 5001-1000 0.81 j 0.06 g 0.13 10001-100000 0.8 l 0.02 0.18 ‘0ver100000l 1 0 a 0 LEEXP N0NE 0.77 0.04 0.19 . less/month 1 0 0 1 1-3months 0.78 0.05 0.16 1 3-6 months 1 0 1 0 6-9 months 0.77 0.1 l 0.13 more/9 months 0.84 - 0.02 l 0.14 r EDLEV T HS 0.84 0 0.16 asso./some col! 0.76 0.09 1 0.16 bachelors 0.94 0 l 0.06 hora/bachelors 1 o l 0 CHOME 1 yes 0.83 0.03 T 0.14 no 0.79 0.06 0.14 MILEXP , YES 0.76 0.04 . 2 ‘ N0 0.84 0.05 j: 0.11 106 TABLE 4.4 g’c-STRESII ‘->-—1bvc— -4 DEP.VAR|ABLE£IND.VARIABLEE AGREE DISAGREE NEUTRAL lam calm at : AGE i work *: 20-25 yrs ' 0.49 0.1 0.4 (STRESSII) T 26-30 yrs 0.58 0.22 . 0.19 _1,_ Y 31:31.5.)Lrs___i_.__19-§§- 0 0-14 36-40yrs ; 0.83 0 l 0.17 7 more than 40 i 0.67 0.33 2 o 1 GENDER 1 : i ; Male 1 0.6 ‘ 0.13 _T 0.27 Female 0.3 0.3 1! 0.4 RACE j E White 0.57 4. 0.15 a 0.28 1 Non-white g 0.59 : 0.14 l 0.27 T DEPSIZE T a 1 small 0.56 T 0.15 1 0.29 Ti medium 1 ; 0 i 0 j POPJUR 1T L i under 5000 0.65 1 0.16 l 0.19 E 5001-1000 0.56 i 0.31 0.13 10001-10000 0.53 i 0.13 l 0.33 ‘ over 100000 0.67 i 0 E 0.33 LEEXP l l l NONE 0.46 0.15 l 0.39 l less/month 0.5 0.5 l 0 1-3months 0.63 l 0.05 0.32 3-6 months 0.63 i 0.13 0.25 6-9 months 0.58 0.1 l 0.32 more/9 months 0.61 0.21 l 0.18 l EDLEV l ' HS 0.55 0.18 3 0.26 asso./some col 0.61 1 0.15 T 0.24 bachelors 0.44 ‘ 0.06 0.5 more/bachelors 0.75 0 0.25 CHOME yes 0.58 1 0.17 0.26 no 0.59 l 0.11 0.3 MILEXP l YES 0.74 i 0.11 . 0.15 1 No 0.49 l 0.17 l 0.35 107 TABLE 4. 4d d-STRESIII DEP. VARIABLE IND. VARIABLE lexperience ‘ AGE AGREE DlSAGREE : NEUTRAL 'bfrustration; 20—25 yrs 3 I (STRESSlll) 4 26-30 yrs 0.3 0.36 1 0.34 f 31-35 yrs 3 0.28 0.39 ' 0.33 ; 36-40yrs F 0.14 0.29 0.57 i more than 40 0.17 , 0.67 0.17 i GENDER 0.42 T 0.25 0.33 1 Male i T Female 0.3 0.35 - 0.35 RACE 0.2 i 0.5 T, 0.3 White L L Non-White 0.3 T 0.35 1 0.35 l DEPSIZE 0.27 T 0.41 0.32 1 small i i 1 medium 1 0.3 0.36 0.34 .7 POPJUR i 0.2 0.4 i 0.4 1 under 5000 I l 1 5001-1000 0.45 0.29 0.26 10001-100000 0.31 0.56 g 0.13 :1 over 100000 0.27 1‘ 0.33 l 0.4 4 LEEXP 0 T 0.33 0.67 l NONE 2 { less/month 0.23 0.08 l 0.69 fl-amonths 0 1 l 0 j 3-6 months 0.16 0.63 0.21 1 6-9 months 0.63 0.25 0.13 more/9 months 0.39 0.39 0.23 EDLEV 0.27 0.39 0.34 HS asso./some col: 0. 4 0.37 1 0.24 bachelors 0. 21 0.42 ‘ 0.38 more/bachelors 0.31 0.1 9 0.5 f CHOME 0.75 0 0.25 T yes no 0.3 0.35 0.35 MILEXP 0.29 0.38 0.33 YES No 0.24 0.41 0.35 0.31 0.33 1 0.35 108 Informal Variables Informal Variables Two Of the five variables categorized into the informal section Of the analysis were found tO display significant relationships with at least one of the demographic variables. Variables included in this section Of the analysis addressed issues of formal vs. informal mechanisms of support and control within the organization. Childhood home was found to have a significant relationship with INFI (Table 4.5). Officers who were Officers in the jurisdiction of their childhood home were more likely tO agree that formal goals of the department were consistent with their own goals (X2=16.09; sig=.013). Sixty-two percent Of these officers acknowledged the consistency Of goals, while 56% Of Officers policing in a jurisdiction other than their childhood home agreed (Table 4.5b). However, 26% and 40%, respectively, did not agree nor disagree with the statement. The data indicated that a significant relationship existed between level of education and INFIV (Table 4.5). Officers with high school diplomas or GED'S were more likely to agree that fellow Officers were the best information in the department (X2=15.76; sig=.046). Only 44% of Officers with a bachelor's degree indicated that information received through the informal network Of the department was better than that received through other sources, while over three-fourth (76%) of Officers with high school diplomas or GED's indicated this was the best source (Table 4.5c). 109 Although two Of the informal variables of the analysis were found to display high levels of significance with at least one Of the demographic variables, Lambda values Of less than .05, may indicate that these relationships were spurious or may be attributed to external factors. 110 ...oEo Pm Barns-11 _ among? $2315.41. 1 11L? ammmzomza §asmmm1 .1 l11_-z1luM§E%m_11mlmE-w0cl%m ma times. < .01. a." qua-«31m. mOm-_M1m_.m-Bkmmm_1m11. GIOZm 1 3.8 0.9m 0.8?» PM; oumow m 122.3 1 1. 1- -l 1.11 1 mass ended 11moawalswll 1m immirml< 1.1 3.3 0.03 982 omsmu 8.8m m 2225 1 11 TABLE 4.5 lb - INFI l DEP.VARIABLEL|ND.VARIABLE; AGREE DlSAGREE NEUTRAL Formal goals AGE l are my goals L 20-25 yrs 7 0.6 0.08 0.33 (INFI) 26-30 yrs AL ‘7’ l 0.53 0.14 0.33 L“ ——_.—-__ 31-35 yrs 0.57 O .._..L. 0.43 36-40 yrs 1 0.67 0 0.33 fmore than 40.T 0.58 0.17 0.25 GENDER Male 1.....1 0.58 0.09 0.33 Female 0.6 0.1 0.3 3 RACE ~4i— --.L... _. - 4L- 1 White 0.59 0.08 0.32 Non-white 0.55 0.14 0.32 DEPSIZE J small 0.57 0.1 0.98 v—v medium 1 0 0 POPJUR lunder 5000 0.75 -. “1..-. —L—~4br - 01 0.16 v 15001-1000 1 0.63 -1>——. --1> 0.13 0.25 10001-100000 0.49 0.07 -.-J-r- all -. 34»- 0.44 over 100000 0.67 0.33 LEEXP NONE 0.39 0.08 0.54 less/ month 05 05 l 1-3months 0.68 0.32 3-6 months 0.88 0.13 1 6-9 months 0.58 0.1 0.32 more/9 months 0.61 0.14 0.25 EDLEV HS 0.61 0.03 0.37 asso./some coll 0.6 01 0.31 bachelors 0.44 0.25 0.31 more/ bachelors 0.75 0.25 CHOME yes 0.62 0.12 0.26 no 0.56 0.05 0.4 MILEXP YES 0.65 0.07 0.28 NO 0.55 0.11 0.35 l 11 TABLE 4.5 lb - lNFl l l l DEP.VARIABLEL|ND.VARIABLE . AGREE DlSAGREE L NEUTRAL Formal ggals AGE are my goals : 20-25 yrs l g T 0.6 0.08 0.33 (INF!) 26-30 yrs 1 0.53 0.14 0.33 31-35 yrs l l L 0.57 0 0.43 36-40 yrs 0.67 O 0.33 Tmore than 40 . 0.58 0.17 0.25 GENDER Male 0.58 0.09 0.33 Female 0.6 J 0.1 0.3 .4»... 1 RACE 3 White 0.59 -.-.- s - 4i— 0.08 0.32 Non-white 0.55 0.14 0.32 DEPSIZE ; small 0.57 0.1 0.98 medium 1 0 0 POPJUR lunder 5000 0.75 -. _,.._.. ——lb~—-4>~ A - 01 0.16 f 15001-1000 0.63 0.13 0.25 10001-100000 0.49 0.07 0.44 ‘ over 100000 0.67 0.33 LEEXP NONE 0.39 0.08 0.54 less/ month 05 05 1 -3 months 0.68 0.32 3-6 months 0.88 0.13 1 6-9 months 0.58 01 0.32 more/ 9 months 0.61 0.14 0.25 EDLEV HS 0.61 0.03 0.37 asso./some mi 0.6 01 0.31 bachelors 0.44 0.25 0.31 more/ bachelors 0.75 0.25 CHOME yes 0.62 0.12 0.26 no 0.56 0.05 0.4 MILEXP YES 0.65 0.07 0.28 N0 0.55 0.11 0.35 TABLE 4.5 c - lNFlV 1 DEF.VAR1ABLE11ND.VAR1ABLE§ AGREE DlSAGREE ; NEUTRAL Fellow ' AGE 1 . L officers best 1 20-25 yrs 1 0.73: 0.03‘ 0.24 information T 26-30 yrs 0.53? 0.14f 0.33 (lNFlV) : 31-35 yrs 1 0.71; 0.14? 0.14 f 36-40yrs i 0.83’ 0 0.17 7 more than 40; 0.83 1T 0.08: 0.08 ’ GENDER T ; 1 J Male 0711 0.06' 0.23 ' Female 0.4: 0.2, 0.4 1 RACE 1 I I 1 White L 0.69? 0.07} 0.24 1 Non-white E 0.64L 0.09j 0.27 f DEPSIZE ' 1 E ‘ small 0.69L 0.07; 0.24 - medium 0.6? 0} 0.4 EPOPJUR T ; junder 5000 l 0.77; 0.07L 0.16 T5001-1000 i 0.751 0.06; 0.19 10001-100000 0.69‘ 0.071 0.24 ,’ over 100000 0.67 01 0.33 5. LEEXP l 4 j NONE 0.54] 0.12] 0.24 jbss/month 0.5T 0] 0.5 T 1-3months 0.74 0.051 0.21 3-6 months 0.63 0 0.37 1 6-9 months 0.74 0.1 0.25 more/9 months 0.73 0.05 0.22 ’ EDLEV HS 076' 0.05 0.18 1asso./some coll 0.71 0.08, 0.21 } bachelors 0.44 0l 0.56 more/bachelors 0.5 0.25 0.25 CHOME i - 1 yes 073“ 0.08 0.2 no 0.64 0.06 0.3 i MILEXP YES 0.61 0.11 0.28 1 NO 1 0.73 0.05 0.23 A l. i. l 113 Solidarity Variables Solidarity Variables Five Of the eight variables categorized in the solidarity section of the analysis were found to have significant relationships with at least one demographic variable.The section included variables dealing with organizational identification, peer support and distance from the general public. The variable SOLDI was found to be significantly related to seven Of the demographic variables (Table 4.6). Race was found to be significantly related to SOLDI (X2=28.003; sig=.000). Non-white Officers were more likely to agree that they had personal friends in their department (Table 4.6b). Both white and non-white Officers displayed a high agreement, with 97% Of whites agreeing and 100% of non-whites agreeing. Gender was also found to have a significant relationship with SOLDI (X2=25.6732; sig=.000)). Female Officers were more likely to agree that they had personal friends in their department (Table 4.6b). Like race, 97% Of males agreed, and 100% of females agreed. Size Of department also displayed a Significant relationship with SOLDI (X2=25.329; sig=.000). Ninety-eight percent (98%) Of Officers from small departments indicated that they had friends among their co-workers, while 91% Of Officers from medium-sized departments agreed (Table 4.6b). Officers with six to nine months of law enforcement experience were the least likely to agree 114 (X2=30.569; sig=.000). Ninety percent (90%) of these Officers agreed that they some Officers were personal friends as well as co-workers, while 100% Officers with no police experience up to six months agreed (Table 4.6b). Officers with a bachelor's degree or more were more likely to indicate agreement (X2=28.163; sig=.000). Every member Of the sample with a bachelor's degree or more indicated agreement, while Officers with some college were the most likely not to agree (Table 4.6b). However, 96% Of these Officers still indicated agreement. Officers assigned to jurisdictions not their childhood home were less likely to agree, than were their counterparts who policed in the jurisdiction Of their childhood (X2=26.345; .000). Officers with military experience were less likely to indicate agreement, than were their civilian counterparts (X2=31.516; sig=.000). Ninety-one percent (91%) of ex-military personnel agreed that they had friends among departmental peers, and 100% Of civilian personnel agreed. It should be noted that over ninety percent Of the sample in each category indicated agreement on this variable. The variable SOLDII was found to have a significant relationship with military experience (X2=6.84; sig=.048). Officers with military experience were less likely to disagree that they were excluded from social get-togethers (Table 4.6c). Eighty—three percent (83”o) Of non-military personnel, as opposed to 72% Of Officers with military experience, felt included in social activities. However, low lambda values indicate a weak, if not spurious 115 relationship (L=.04; V=.2155). Thus, this relationship must be explored further, so that environmental affects may be examined. Age, population Of jurisdiction, and military experience were found to be significantly related to SOLDIII (Table 4.6). Younger Officers were more likely to agree that they were one of the gang (X2=25.013; sig=.005). Officers who were between the ages Of 20-25 years were the most likely to indicate agreement, while Officers between 31-35 were the least likely to agree (Table 4.6d). Forty-two percent Of officers who were more than 40 years Of age did not believe that they were part of the gang. Although the Chi-square value and significance level indicated a relationship between these two variables, the relationship displayed was rather weak (L=.1364; V=.309). Officers whose jurisdiction included between 5,001-1,000 peOple were the people were the least likely to agree that they were part of the gang (X2=18.563; sig=.005). Fifty-six percent (56%) Of Officers policing jurisdictions of 10,001 tO 100,000 agreed identified themselves as part Of the gang, while only 31% of Officers of populations Of 5,001 - 10,000 agreed (Table 4.6d). This relationship, however, may indeed be Spurious, and may be attributed to environmental factors (L=.O6; V=.3078). Officers with military experience were less likely to agree that they were part Of the gang (X2=16.901; sig=.002). Only 28% Of Officers whose experiences included tours in the military answered affirmatively, while 62% of Officers with no military experience 116 agreed (Table 4.6d). Military experience was also found to have a significant relationship with SOLDV (Table 4.6). Officers with no military experience were more likely to agree that how they were perceived by fellow Officers was important (X2=9.881; sig=.042). Eighty-one percent (81%) of Officers with no experience agreed that fellow officers' perceptions were important, while 65% of former military personnel answered affirmatively (Table 4.6e). This relationship, however, may be spurious, as indicated by low Lambda values (L=.O30; V=.1942). SOLDVI was found to have a significant relationship with level Of law enforcement experience (Table 4.6). Officers with no experience were the least likely to agree that most Of their personal friends were fellow Officers (X2=25.377; sig=.013). Officers with more than nine months experience were the most likely to agree at 64% (Table 4.6e). Only 23% of Officers with no experience agreed. The variable SOLDVIII was found to have significant relationships with department size, level of education, and military experience (Table 4.6). Officers in small agencies were also more likely to agree than were Officers in medium agencies (X2=12.679; sig=.05). Eighty percent (80%) Of officers from medium sized agencies disagreed that Old friends were now uncomfortable, while only 31% Of Officers from small agencies disagreed (Table 4.6g). Level Of education (X2=15.584; sig=.014)) and military experience (X2=9.579; sig=.048) were also found to have significant 117 relationships with SOLDVIII (Table 4.6). Officers with a bachelor's degree were the least likely to disagree that their occupation had changed their friendships, while Officers with some college or an associate degree were the most likely tO disagree (Table 4.6g). Sixty-one percent (61%) of Officers with only a high school education or GED were the most likely to indicate agreement, while only 40% Of the group most likely to agree (associate/ some college) answered affirmatively. Officers with no military experience were more likely to agree, than were former military personnel (Table 4.6g). Three - fourth of the sample with no military experience indicated that old friends were uncomfortable, while only 25% Of those with military experience agreed. Althoug each relationship indicated high Chi- square and significance levels, Lambda values less than .10 indicate that the relationships may be spurious. SOLDVIII was also found to be significantly related to gender (X2: 13.885; sig=.047). 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---'J p ——..L-—~ b—"P- ~4-—-.‘-1y_._.-. 124 TABLE 4.6 7g-50LDVlll T . DEP.VARlABLEWD.VARlABLEL AGREE _ DlSAGREE NEUTRAL Dld friends now AGE ; 4 uncomfortablefi 20-25 yrs 1 0.55 . 0.24 i 0.21 (SOLDVlll) 3 26-30 yrs 4: 0.42 L 0.36 ; 0.22 0 31-35 yrs 4 0.43 T 0.29 ' 0.29 ; 36-40yrs ? 0.33 ; 0.67 7 0 f more than 40 T 0.33 E 0.42 ' 0.25 * GENDER ? ’ 7 Male ; 0.48 ; 0.34 g 0.18 Female 7 0.3 7 0.1 4‘ 0.6 RACE 3 i L White T 0.46 i 0.35 0.19 ‘ Non-white ? 0.5 0.18 5. 0.32 T DEPSIZE l L g i small 0.48 i 0.31 j 0.21 3 medium ; 0 0.8 1 0.2 ‘ POPJUR l z under 5000] 0.52 j 0.32 0.16 4 5001-1000 ‘ 0.44 I 0.38 1 0.19 10001-1000061 0.44 0.33 . 0.22 1‘ over 100000 ’ 0.33 l 0.17 0.5 T LEEXP l l NONE 0.65 0.19 0.15 g less/month 1 0 1 0 T1-3months i 0.26 r 0.37 0.37 a 3-6 months 0.25 i 0.63 0.13 6-9 months 0.48 l 0.29 0.23 more/9 months 0.46 0.36 0.18 l EDLEV f HS 1 0.61 1 0.32 0.08 lasso/some colT 0.4 ’ 0.38 0.22 1' bachelors 0.44 0.13 0.44 more/bachelors 0.5 0.25 0.25 CHOME ‘ ‘1 yes 0.52 l 0.32 0.17 no 0.43 0.33 0.24 1 MILEXP YES 0.25 0.41 0.26 N0 0.75 L 0.27 0.18 l 125 SECONDARY ANALYSIS The second part of the analysis involved exploration of possible relationships between solidarity variables, and the other five categories hypothesized to be salient to the law enforcement occupation. In this section, each variable categorized into the solidarity group was analyzed against each variable in the categories of stress, administrative apathy, danger, informal, and socialization. Each variable will be presented individually for maximum clarification. The variable SOLDI was found to be significantly related to DANGI, DANGII, and INFII (see Table 5.1). Officers who agreed that they confronted hazardous situations at work (DANGI) were more likely to disagree that they had no personal friends among fellow officers (SOLDI) (X2=11.095; sig=.026). Ninety-four percent (94%) of all officers who agreed with DANGI disagreed that none of their occupational peers were their personal friends (Table 5.1b). Twenty percent (20%) of officers who did not feel that they were confronted with hazardous situations in policing agreed that they had no personal friends among their occupational peers, while only 4% of officers who agreed with DANGI agreed with SOLDI. Similarly, officers who agreed that their job was "physically dangerous" (DANGIII) were more likely to disagree that they had no friends within the department (X2=16.7305; sig.002). Ninety-three (93%) of officers indicating agreement with DANGII] indicated 126 Dependent :lND EXZ 71519 llambda iv iphi YDF ' E . l T 7 . SOLDI lDANGl T 1 1.095; 0.026 3 0 0.2058? 0.291 ‘ 4 SOLDI EDANGm 4 16.73057 0.002, 0.0571 0.2527: 0.3574! 4 SOLDI _1;INFII : 34.885. 0. 0.1205; 0.3643 0.516 4 50LDll fsoo : 8.943 T 0.01 1 . 0.1089? 0.2613 0.2613: 2 SOLD" isocw 7 15.808. 0; 0.0357; 0.3474 . 0.3474 2 50LDll 750w : 5.33T 0.02? 0.092 1 0.20177 0201 7 1 50LDll ’socvr 1 6.032 0.049 0. 0.2109 0.2109 2 . sown socvll T 6.3704? 0.041 0; 0.2205 0.22054 2 soLDll lNFll I 6.136? 0.047: 0.0816' 0.2164.‘ 0.21641 2 SOLDII ”NEW 4? 6.058; 0.048: 01 0.2151 =, 0.2151 . 2 SOLD" LSTRESSIII * 8.1 12: 0.01? 0.0714 1 0.2488 g 0.2488; 2 50LDll jADMl 10.239 T 0.006; 0% 0.2796 0.27961 2 l 1 1 . l 1 50mm lSOCVll ; 1 1 .1 89: 0.025 2 0.0606: 0.2067 - 0.2923 4 . SOLDIll lDANGl 3 9.531? 0.0497 0.0606; 0.1 907 1 0.26977 4 SOLDlll STRESlll f 10.2106 ; 0.037; 0.1067 0.1974' 0.2792; 4 SOLDllI STRESIV 1 9.68?1 0.048 ; 0.0423: 0.1892! 0.2675? 4 SOLDlll AOMI j 1 2.1 5871* 0.016T 0.1061T 021 54} 0.30471, 4 SOLDlll ADMll 1 10.028 0.04i 0.1061 1 0.1956! 0.27673 4 ‘ l E l SOLDlV 5001 9.592 0.048L 0.1333? 0.191131 0.2706; 4 SOLDIV SOCIV 21.8471 (H 0.083; 028887 0.4084? 4 50LDlv DANGl 13.129! 0.01 1 1 0] 022391 0.3166; 4 SOLDlV {INFlll 13.5819 0.0011 0.1667? 0.322T 0.322,» 2 SOLDIV ATSTRESII 15.999 0.0031 0.0667} 0.247171 0.3495? 4 s0LDlv lsrREsw 9.548 0.049' 0.0833? 0.1892l 0.2676: 4 soLDlv AM 4, 13.348 0.01 0.03331 0.2257? 0.3192 4 . l SOLDV socv i 6.162 1 0.046 0.087 0.2169‘ 0.21691 2 . . 1 ~ 1 SOLDVI jsoo 1 17.714; 0.001 0.098 0.26 0.3677? 4 SOLDVI rLsocu I 1 7.554T 0.002; 0.0972 0.2589 0.3661 f 4 SOLDVl socw 4‘ 14.004 0.007 3 0.0972 0.2312 0.327l 4 SOLDVI socv T 8.4266 0.01 5‘ 0.084 0.2536 0.25367 2 SOLDVI INFIV 10.698 0.03 0.0833 0.2021 0.2858T 4 -SOLDVII 5001 12171 0.016 0.0318 0.2155 0.3048 4 SOLDVII lNFv 10.183 0.037 0.047 0.1972 0.2788 4 SOLDV" srREsul 10.854 0.028 0.0588 0.2035 0.2879 4 SOLDVlll socv" 15.403 0.004 0.1286 0.2425 0.3429 4 50le ADM! 10.039 0.041 0 0.1958 .L 0.2768 4 50me lNFl 1 16.981 0.002 0.04691 0.2546 0.36 4 will lNFlll L 21.95 0 0.14061 0.4093 0.4093 2 127 disagreement with SOLDI compared to 82% (Table 5.1b). Ten percent (10%) of officers who did not perceive their job as physically dangerous agreed that they had no personal friends within the department. However, Lambda values of less than .10 may indicate that these relationships may be spurious. Table 5.1b - SOLDI as dependent variable Independ. Response Disagree Agree Neutral Variable to dep.var. SOLDI by Disagree ' .73 .02 .07 DANG] 1 Agree .94 .04 .02 Neutral .80 .07 .13 SOLDI by Disagree .82 .10 .08 DANGII] Agree .93 .05 .02 Neutral .73 .13 .13 SOLDI by Disagree .47 .35 .06 INFII Agree 1 * * Neutral .89 .04 .08 SOLDI was also found to be significantly related to INFII. Officers who indicated that informal norms are more important than 128 formal departmental policy (INFII) were more likely to disagree with SOLDI (Table 5.1b). In fact, 100% of all officers who indicated agreement with INFII, disagreed that they had no personal friends among occupational peers. Thirty-five percent (35%) of officers who disagreed with the primacy of informal norms indicated agreement with SOLDI. SOLDII was found to have significant relationships with SOCI (X2: 8.943; sig=.011); SOCIV (X2=15.808; sig=.000); SOCV (X2=5.33; sig=.021; SOCVI (X2=6.032; sig=.049); SOCVII (X2=6.3704; sig=.041); INFII (X2=0.136; sig=.047); INFIV (X2=6.058; sig=.048); STRESSIII (X2=8.112; sig=.017); and, ADMI (X2=10.239; sig=.006). Ninety percent (90%) of the sample who indicated that they had learned "how things really work" in the organization(SOCI) disagreed that they were excluded from social gatherings outside the workplace (SOLDII) (Table 5.2b). No respondent in the sample indicated agreement with SOLDII. Conversely, officers who disagreed that they were excluded were more likely to indicate that they had no knowledge of the informal power structure of the organization (SOCIV) . Eighty-eight percent (88%) of officers who answered negatively to SOCIV, disagreed that they were excluded from social gatherings outside departmental obligations. Officers who indicated disagreement with SOCV were also more likely to disagree with SOLDII (Table 5.2b). Eighty-six percent (86%) of the sample which indicated that they were not familiar with the "customs, rituals, ceremonies and celebrations" of the law 129 enforcement occupation (SOCV) indicated that they were not excluded from social gatherings with departmental peers outside working hours. None of the respondents included in the study indicated agreement with SOCV. Eighty-four percent (84%) of officers who agreed that they understood the formal goals of their department (SOCVI) also indicated disagreement with SOLDII compared to 67% of officers who disagreed with SOCVI (Table 5.2b). Table 5.2 b- SOLDII as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDII by Disagree .78 * .22 SOC] Agree .90 * .10 Neutral .66 * .34 SOLDII by Disagree .88 * .13 SOCIV Agree .85 * .15 Neutral .48 * .52 SOLDII by Disagree .86 * .14 SOCV Agree * * * Neutral .7 * .31 SOLDII by Disagree .67 * .33 SOCV I Agree .84 * .16 130 Neutral .65 * .36 SOLDII by Disagree .94 .48 ..06 SOCVII Agree .82 * .18 Neutral .66 "‘ .34 SOLDII by Disagree .86 * .15 INFII Agree .88 * .12 Neutral .68 * .32 SOLDII by Disagree .89 * .1 1 IN F IV Agree .83 * .17 Neutral .64 " .36 SOLDII by Disagree .83 * .17 STRESIII Agree .90 * .10 Neutral .65 ‘ .35 SOLDII by Disagree .83 * .17 ADMI Agree .85 * .15 Neutral .58 * .42 Officers who disagreed with SOCVII were more likely to indicate disagreement with SOLDII (Table 5.2b). Ninety-four percent (94%) of the sample that indicated that rapport was important for promotions (SOCVII) disagreed that they were 131 excluded from outside activities by other departmental members. Eighty-eight percent (88%) of officers displaying agreement with (SOLDII) disagreed that informal norms were more important than formal departmental guidelines (INFII). Conversely, officers who disagreed that fellow officers were the "best source of information in the department" (INFIV) also indicated disagreement with SOLDII. Eighty-three percent (83%) of the sample did not feel excluded from extracurricular gatherings and felt that departmental peers were the most valuable source of information (Table 5.2b). Officers who indicated agreement with STRESII were more likely to disagree with SOLDII (Tble 5.2b). Ninety percent (90%) of the sample who agreed that they felt "frustrated at work," also disagreed that they were left out of social gatherings. Similarly, 85% of the sample agreed that they were viewed favorably by the administration (ADMI) and disagreed that they were excluded. SOLDIII was found to be significantly related to SOCVII (X2=11.189; sig=.029); DANGI (X2=9.531; sig=.049); STRESSI (X2=10.2106; sig=.037); STRESIV (X2=9.682; .048); ADMI (X2=12.158; sig=.016); and, ADMII (X2=10.028; sig=.04). Officers who were more likely to agree that rapport was important for promotions (SOCVII) were more likely to agree that they were identified as "one of the gang" (SOLDIII). Fifty-seven percent (57%) of officers who felt that getting along with co-workers were important considerations in promotional processes also indicated that they perceived themselves as part of the informal social network 132 (Table 5.3b). Similarly, 73% of the sample who indicated that they felt they experienced hazardous situations at work (DANGI) also indicated agreement with SOLDIII. Officers who indicated agreement with STRESIII were more likely to agree with SOLDIII (Table 5.3b). Sixty-three percent (63%) of the sample indicated that they felt "frustrated at work", and identified themselves as one of the gang. Nineteen percent (19%) of officers who disagreed that they experienced job frustration did not perceive themselves as part of the gang. Conversely, officers who indicated disagreement with STRESIV were more likely to agree with SOLDIII. Sixty percent (60%) of officers who disagreed that they were "under a lot of pressure at work" (STRESIV) indicated that they were part of the gang. Table 5.3 b- SOLDIII as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDIII by Disagree .38 .5 .13 SOCVII Agree .13 .57 .34 Neutral .21 .34 .45 SOLDIII by Disagree .21 .49 .31 DANG] Agree .13 .73 .13 Neutral .07 .33 .60 133 SOLDIIIby Disagree .19 .55 .25 STRESIII Agree .16 .63 .21 Neutral .20 .33 .48 SOLDIIIby Disagree .17 .60 .23 STRESIV Agree .29 .46 .24 Neutral .11 .46 .44 SOLDIIIby Disagree .33 .42 .25 ADMl Agree .14 .59 .27 Neutral .26 .26 .48 SOLDIIIby Disagree .22 .33 .44 ADMII Agree .17 .60 .24 Neutral .21 .31 .48 Officers who indicated agreement with ADMI were also more likely to indicate agreement with SOLDIII (Table 5.1). Fifty-nine percent (59%) of the sample agreed that they were viewed favorably by the administration (ADMI) and agreed that they were one of the gang compared to 42% of officers who disagreed with ADMI (Table 5.3b). Likewise, officers who agreed that the administration was supportive in their department (ADMII) were more likely to agree with SOLDIII. Sixty percent (60%) of officers who indicated support 134 from the administration identified themselves as one of the gang, compared to 33% of officers who disagreed with ADMII. SOLDIV was found to be significantly related to SOCI (X2=9.592; sig=.048); SOCIV (X2=21.847; sig=.000); DANGI (X2=13.129; sig=.011); INFIII (X2=13.582; sig=.001); STRESII (X2=15.999; sig=.003); STRESIV (X2=9.548; sig=.049); and, ADMI (X2=13.348; sig=.01). Officers who indicated that they knew how things "really worked" in their organization (SOCI) were more likely to indicate that they were "popular" in their department (SOLDIV). Fifty-five percent (55%) of the sample indicated that they were familiar with the inner machinations of their department, and indicated that in their department they were popular among their co-workers (Table 5.4b). Fifty-one percent (51%) of officers who indicated that they had knowledge of the informal power structure within the organization (SOCIV) also indicated agreement with SOLDIV. Similarly, officers who indicated that they were exposed to hazardous situations at work (DANGI) agreed that they were popular (Table 5.4b). 135 Table 5.4 b- SOLDIV as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDIV by Disagree .04 .22 .74 SOCI Agree .03 .55 .41 Neutral .06 .34 .60 SOLDIV by Disagree .19 .25 .56 SOCIV Agree .03 .51 .46 Neutral * .13 .87 SOLDIV by Disagree .13 .40 .47 DANGI Agree .04 .47 .50 Neutral * .07 .93 SOLDIV BY Disagree .08 .54 .38 INFIll Agree * "' * Neutral .01 .30 .69 SOLDIV by Disagree .16 .37 .47 STRESII Agree .01 .52 .47 Neutral .05 .22 .73 136 SOLDIV by Disagree .06 .54 .40 STRESIV Agree .07 .46 .46 Neutral .02 .29 .69 SOLDIV by Disagree .1 7 .50 .33 ADMI Agree .02 .48 .50 Neutral .07 .19 .74 Officers who indicated disagreement with INFIII were more likely to agree with SOLDIV (Table 5.4b). Fifty-four percent (54%) of officers who disagreed that most of what they perform on the street was learned at the academy (INFIII) agreed that they were popular in their department. Fifty-two percent (52%) of the officer who indicated that they felt calm and at ease at work (STRESII) indicated agreement with SOLDIV (Table 5.4b). Officers who indicated that "they were under a lot of pressure at work" were more likely to disagree that they were popular in their department. The data also indicated that officers who did not feel that their department was supportive (ADMI) were more likely to express disagreement with SOLDIV (Table 5.4b). Table 5.5 b- SOLDV as dependant variable 137 Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDV by Disagree .06 .81 .14 SOCV Agree * * * Neutral .02 .68 .31 SOLDV was found to display a significant relationship with only one variable in the analysis, SOCV (X2=6.162; sig=.046). None of the officers in the sample expressed agreement with SOLDV. Eighty-one percent (81%) of the sample who indicated that they were not familiar with the customs, rituals, ceremonies, and celebrations (SOCV) agreed that fellow officers perceptions of them were important (Table 5.5b). The data indicated that SOLDVI was significantly related to SOCI (X2=17.714; sig=.001); SOCII (X2=17.554; sig=.002); SOCIV (X2=14.004; sig=.007); SOCV (X2=8.427; sig=.015); and, INFIV (X2=10.698; sig=.03). Officers who agreed that they had learned how "things really work" in their department (SOCI) were more likely to agree that most of their personal friends were also police officers (SOLDVI). Sixty-two percent (62%) of the sample indicated that they were knowledgeable about the inner workings of their department and agreed that the majority of their social friends were also law enforcement personnel ((Table 5.6b). Similarly, 55% of the 138 sample who indicated that they had "learned the ropes of law enforcement" indicated agreement with SOLDVI. Table 5.6 b- SOLDVI as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDV] by Disagree .44 .30 .36 SOCI Agree .12 .62 .26 Neutral .44 .32 .24 SOLDV] by Disagree .56 .35 .09 SOCII Agree .18 .55 .28 Neutral .23 .44 .33 SOLDV] by Disagree .56 .38 .06 SOCIV Agree .23 .52 .25 Neutral .39 .22 .39 SOLDV] by Disagree .35 .50 .15 SOCV Agree * * * Neutral .34 .39 .37 SOLDIV by Disagree .67 .11 .22 IN Fl V Agree .24 .53 .24 Neutral .36 .33 .31 139 Officers who indicated that they had knowledge of the informal power structure in their department (SOCIV) were more likely to agree with SOLDVI (Table 5.6b). Fifty-two percent (52%) of the sample who agreed that they had learned who the most influential officers in their department were (SOCIV) agreed that the bulk of their friendships were formed with other police officers (SOLDVI). The data also indicated that officers who disagreed with SOCV were more likely to agree with SOLDVI. Fifty percent (50%) of the sample who disagreed that they were familiar with the customs, rituals, ceremonies and celebrations of the law enforcement culture (SOCVI) indicated that the majority of their personal friends were fellow officers. None of the respondents indicated agreement with SOCV. The data indicated that officers who agreed with INFIV were more likely to agree with SOLDVI (Table 5.6b). Fifty-three percent (53%) of the sample who indicated that fellow officers were the best source of information in the department (INFIV) agreed that most of their friends were police officers (SOLDVI). Sixty-seven percent (67%) of officers who did not feel that their occupational peers were the best source of information expressed disagreement with SOLDVI. 140 Table 5.7 b - SOLDVII as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDVII by Disagree .15 .77 .09 SOCII Agree .15 .43 .43 Neutral .14 .63 .23 SOLDVII by Disagree .24 .62 .14 INFV Agree .13 .65 .22 Neutral .08 .53 .40 SOLDVII Disagree .26 .49 .26 bySTREIII Agree .1 1 .74 .16 Neutral .07 .61 .33 The variable SOLDVII was significantly related to SOCII (X2=12.171; sig=.016); INFV (X2=10.183; sig=.037); and, STRESIII (X2: 10.854; sig=.028). Officers who disagreed with SOCII were more likely to agree with SOLDVII (Table 5.7b). Seventy-seven percent (77%) of the sample who disagreed that they "had learned the ropes of their job" (SOCII) agreed that the public was not sympathetic to police officers (SOLDVII). Officers who indicated agreement with INFV were more likely to agree with SOLDVII. Sixty-five percent (65%) of the sample who agreed that most of what 141 they performed on the street was learned at the academy indicated agreement with SOLDVII. Seventy-four percent (74%) of the sample agreed that they were often frustrated while working (STRESIII) and agreed that support from the public was not prevalent (Table 5.7b). Table 5.8 b - SOLDVIII as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDVII] by Disagree .19 .56 .25 SOCVII Agree .29 .57 .14 Neutral .45 .21 .34 SOLDVIII by Disagree " .67 .33 ADMl Agree .39 .40 .21 Neutral .23 .58 .20 The data indicated that SOLDVIII was significantly related to SOCVII (X2=15.403; sig=.004) and ADMI (X2=10.039; sig=.04). Officers who indicated agreement with SOCVII were more likely to agree with SOLDVIII (Table 5.8b). Fifty-seven percent (57%) of the sample who indicated that rapport with fellow officers was important for promotions (SOCVH) agreed that old friends now felt uncomfortable around them (SOLDVHI). Sixty—seven percent (67%) 142 of the sample who disagreed that they were viewed favorably by the administration in their department (ADMI) agreed with SOLDVIII (Table 5.8b). The data indicated that SOLDIX was significantly related to INFI (X2=16.981; sig=.002) and INFIII (X2=21.95; sig=.000). Officers who agreed with INFI were more likely to agree with SOLDIX (Table 5%). Thirteen percent (13%) of the sample who disagreed that the formal goals of their department were also their goals (INFI) agreed that reality was learned from fellow officers, NOT the academy (SOLDIX). Conversely, 58% of the sample who indicated goal consistency with the organization disagreed that the academy did not prepare them for the street realities of policing. Table 5.9 b- SOLDIX as dependant variable Independ. Disagree Agree Neutral Variable SOLDIX by Disagree .34 .13 .53 INF] Agree .58 .08 .33 Neutral .35 .12 .54 SOLDIX by Disagree .26 .44 .30 IN FIII Agree * * * Neutral .16 .14 .70 Officers who disagreed with INFIII were more likely to agree 143 with SOLDIX (Table 5.9b). Forty-four percent (44%) of the sample who disagreed that most of what they performed on the street was learned at the academy (INFIII) agreed that they learned more about real police work from their fellow officers than academy learning (INFIII). CHAPTER V CONCLUSIONS Introduction This research consisted of the administration of a self-report questionnaire distributed to every member of four regularly scheduled academy classes at a regional law enforcement training center in Alabama. The analysis of the generated data was used to ascertain relationships between stress, perceptions of danger, levels of socialization, administrative apathy, informal structures and networks, and group solidarity. Certain training and supervisory implications for police administrators and policy makers were found. These implications for further training and increased supervision must be considered by police administrators and policy makers if an effort is to be made to mediate the impact of informal networks and group solidarity which may prove pathological to police agencies. Conclusions Collectively, there exists certain inconsistencies of perceptions of levels of socialization, administrative apathy, stress, perceptions of danger, informal norms and group identification among varying 144 145 demographic variables. The independent variables, gender, race, age, military experience, educational level, department size, population of jurisdiction, and level of law enforcement experience were found to exhibit significant relationships with at least one of the dependent variables. Furthermore, there exists significant relationships between levels of socialization, administrative apathy, stress, perceptions of danger, informal norms, and group identification. Using group identification as the dependent variable, it was learned that officers' identification with their occupational peers was affected by their individual levels of socialization, administrative apathy, stress, perceptions of danger and informal norms. Socialization/demographic variables Of the seven variables pertaining to level of socialization, three were found to display significant relationships to with at least one demographic variable which may indicate that individuals with varying backgrounds are socialized differently. It was found that females were more likely to indicate that they were not knowledgeable of the informal power structure in their departments. Males, on the other hand, indicated that they were cognizant of the most influential members of their department. However, 18% of the males sampled failed to indicate agreement or disagreement with the question, which may have affected significance levels. This is consistent with the literature which indicates that women are not as 146 likely to have an informal mentor and may, in fact, be excluded from social networks (Berg 8: Budnick, 1986; Davis, 1984; Kennedy & Homant, 1981). Seventy-two percent (72%) of members of small departments overwhelming claimed familiarity with their departments' informal hierarchy, as compared to 20% of members of medium-sized departments. This may suggest that members in small departments are given more individualized attention, whereas officers in medium-sized departments may get lost in the shuffle. As expected, officers with higher levels of law enforcement experience were more likely to indicate agreement. Interestingly, 39% of officers with no law enforcement experience (those that had not performed law enforcement duties within their department) indicated that they had knowledge of their department's informal power structure. This may be attributed to the large number of officers from departments with less than twenty officers. Informal/demographic variables Of the five variables included in the informal section of the analysis, two were found to exhibit significant relationships with at least one of the demographic variables. It was found that comprehension of formal goals was significantly related to respondent age. Officers between the ages of 31-35 were the most likely to indicate a lack of cognizance of formalized mandates and regulations. This may be a generational effect due to the high levels of unrealistic expectations. Military experience was found to display 147 a significant relationship with perceptions of promotional policies. Former military personnel were less likely to indicate that rapport was important for promotions, while civilian officers indicated strong agreement. This may be attributed to the fact that military officers are well acquainted with merit systems, in which promotional procedures rely on length of service and performance levels. Furthermore, former military personnel, familiar with heavily bureaucratic organizations, may have more realistic expectations than their civilian counterparts. Danger/demographic variables All of the three variables included in the perceptions of danger section were found to display significant relationships with at least one demographic variable. Male officers and officers with no military experience were more likely to indicate that their job was "physically dangerous." Eighty-five percent (85%) of the males sampled indicated agreement, while only 70% of females agreed.This finding is consistent with the literature which suggests that male officers tend to protect female officers (Siegel, 1980). Thus, intuitively, it would seem that women would feel less threatened. The literature also suggests that female officers are more likely to use interpersonal skills to defuse potentially violent situations, while their male counterparts are more likely to respond with force (Wexler 8: Logan, 1983; Siegel, 1980). This lack of violence displayed by female officers would mediate perceptions of danger. Finally, 148 perceptions of danger may be predicated on occupational folklore (i.e. war stories) which females may be excluded from (Wexler 8: _ Logan, 1983; Berg 8: Budnick, 1986; Davis, 1984; Kennedy 8: Homant, 1981)). Likewise, white officers were more likely than their non-white counterparts to agree that they confront hazardous situations at work and that they are exposed to physical danger at work. Although not specifically referenced in the literature, this may be attributed to the same white, patriarchal ideology which tends to exclude females. The data indicated that officers with military experience were more likely to agree that they confronted hazardous situations at work and that they were exposed to physical danger at work. This is also consistent with the literature which suggests military personnel are more likely to subscribe to traditional masculine stereotypes. The essence of danger reinforces the male role. Officers from small departments were also more likely to indicate that their job was physically dangerous. This may be due to the likelihood of one-on- one socialization common to small departments, propagating occupational folklore. Stress/demographic variables Of the four variables included in the stress section of the analysis, three were found to be significantly related to at least one of the demographic variables. Whites were more likely to agree that policing is very stressful. Similarly, younger officers were more likely 149 to disagree that they felt calm at work than older officers. Older officers may have settled into their behavioral life pattern, while younger officers may feel the need to prove themselves. Officers with military experience were also more likely to agree that they felt calm and at ease while working. This may be due to their past experience and familiarity with heavily bureaucratic organizations. Non-military personnel may be unaccustomed to the discipline and hierarchical structure of the law enforcement occupation which may affect levels of stress. Officers who had been at the department six to nine months were the most likely to indicate that they experienced job frustration. This is consistent with the industrial-organizational literature which suggests that this period is typified with high levels of organizational demise and dissatisfaction (Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979; Simpson, 1967; Schein, 1971). This may be the period in which officers ultimately make the career choice whether or not to remain in law enforcement. This is also the period in which unmet expectations must be reconciled. Further, these officers may also feel frustrated due to their length of experience and the continuing primacy of the "rookie" role. They may consider themselves to be adequately prepared, and yet they are not totally excepted as full-fledged police officers. Administrative/demographic variables Both of the variables considered in the administrative section 150 of the analysis were found to exhibit significant relationships with at least one of the demographic variables. Non-white officers were more likely to disagree that they were viewed favorably by their administration and that their administrative was supportive. Like many occupations traditionally defined to be masculine, the hierarchy or upper management is consistently white, male. These officers, artifacts from an earlier generation of law enforcement which was primarily homogenous, may be uncomfortable with the influx of women and minority members into their realm. This may also be indicative of stereotypical prejudices of African-Americans found in Southern, rural areas. Non-white officers may be more likely to indicate lack of support from administrators due to their perceptions of occupational peers. Twenty-four percent (24%) of officers with military experience disagreed that the administration was supportive. This may be due to the fact that military personnel are familiar with heavily bureaucratic organizations. Officers with this type of experience may have preconceived notions of the administration prior to their induction into the law enforcement culture, involving bureaucratic apathy. Solidarity/demographic variables Of the nine variables classified in the solidarity section of the analysis, six were found to exhibit significant relationships with at least one of the demographic variables included in the study. None 151 of the officers included in the sample indicated that they did not have personal friends among officers, however, inconsistencies were found among certain demographic characteristics of the respondents. Officers from small departments were more likely to indicate that they had personal friends among their occupational peers. Small departments may be more likely to be less bureaucraticized than medium-sized departments. Thus, in departments with less than twenty officers, rookies are more exposed to one-on-one communication among incumbents, whereas officers from medium-sized departments may get lost in the shuffle. The informality of the structure, along with the proportion of incumbents to newcomers, may promote an atmosphere more conducive to friendship formation. Contrary to the extant literature, 100% of female and non- white respondents indicated that they had friends among their departmental peers. Three percent (3%) of male and white respondents indicated neutrality. This may indicate that officers in rural areas are more cohesive and display less prejudicial behavior than their urban counterparts. However, as the vast majority of the sample included were from rural communities, no valid comparison could be made. Officers with six to nine months experience were the most likely to indicate neutrality. It is interesting to note that these officers were also the most likely to indicate high levels of stress. Thus, stress may have a negative impact on an individual officer's 152 occupational friendships. Stronger tools of statistical analysis should be implemented to explore this relationship. It was also found that higher levels of education resulted in higher levels of agreement. The college experience may promote cognizance of the value of networking. As expected, officers whose primary jurisdiction was their childhood home were more likely to indicate that they some of their occupational colleagues were also their personal friends. As these officers matured in these areas, they would also be more likely to have a number of friends among the community. Forty-two percent (42%) of officers over 40 years of age disagreed that they were "part of the gang". The primacy of organizational fit may be diminished for these officers in the autumn of their career. Younger officers may display a need for organizational belongingness, whereas older officers may tend to be more comfortable in their social networks. It was found that military experience was significantly related to five of the nine variables included in the solidarity section of the analysis. Officers with military experience were less likely to indicate agreement with all of the solidarity variables. Officers with military experience were less likely to indicate that they had personal friends among the department. These officers were also less likely to agree that they were included in social gatherings outside departmental hours and less likely to identify themselves as "one of the gang". Again, this may be consistent with intangible knowledge 153 gained through the military experience itself. Familiarity with relocation may result in a greater degree of independence. Further, individuals with histories of relocation may be less willing to risk emotional attachment to the group. However, this relationship must be explored further, as it is inconclusive. Officers with more than nine months experience were most likely to indicate that most of their personal friends were among their occupational peers. This is consistent with the literature which suggests that the socialization process is usually completed within nine months (Schein, 1971 ; Van Maanen 8: Schein, 1979). As the socialization process in law enforcement is traditionally so overwhelming, this may suggest that the longer officers are exposed to the police culture, the less they will identify with others outside the law enforcement occupation. Females were less likely to indicate that old friends were uncomfortable around them, since they entered the policing profession. This may suggest that females choosing to enter the law enforcement occupation may have a history of gender role deviation. Thus, personal friends feel less threatened by the individual's career choice of an occupation stereotyped as inherently masculine and aggressive. Further, female friends may relate more to the primacy of stability and employment benefits which draw many women to the policing occupation. However, this relationship should be explored in future research, as this study was designed to be exploratory and can not fully substantiate these suppositions. 1S4 Officers with low levels of educational attainment were more likely to indicate that old friends were uncomfortable with their new profession. As higher education is designed to expose individuals to varying ideological perspectives and create an atmosphere of greater understanding, individuals with higher degrees would be more likely to accept varying career choices. Summary of demographic variables As previously mentioned , certain inconsistencies were found among officers with varying background characteristics, and perceived levels of stress, danger, administrative apathy, socialization, and group solidarity. The displayed relationships suggested that females and blacks may confront unique experiences in the socialization process. Various background characteristics were also found to be significantly related to stress, administrative apathy, and perceptions of danger. Contrary to much of the extant literature, females and non-whites were more likely to indicate lower levels of stress and administrative apathy, than were their white, male counterparts. However, as this study was designed to be exploratory, further research must be conducted in this area to examine these relationships in depth. Further, this study made no attempt to apply typologies of stress experienced by officers. Although, females and non-whites were less likely to display high stress levels, generally, this did not control for types of stress. Intuitively, it would seem that female officers would experience 155 additional stress related to gender role deviation; however, this relationship was not explored. The data also indicated that background characteristics, including race and gender, did seem to be secondary to the occupational culture. It was found that blacks and females were more likely to indicate agreement with several of the solidarity variables included in the analysis. This lends support to earlier research which suggests that the police subculture is so salient to law enforcement officers that individual differences are quickly overwhelmed. Group Solidarity as Dependent Variable Solidarity/Danger Variables It was hypothesized that heightened levels of perceptions of danger would significantly affect officers' level of occupational identification. This hypothesis is consistent with the results of the study. Officers who indicated that they encountered hazardous situations at work were more likely to perceive themselves as "one of the gang" and popular in their department. Additionally, these officers, as well as officers who perceived their job as physically dangerous, were more likely to indicate that they had personal friends among occupational peers. Ninety-three percent (93%) and 94%, respectively, agreed that some organizational colleagues were also their personal friends, while 10% of officers who did not 156 perceive their job as physically dangerous indicated that they had no friends among their occupational peers. This is further consistent with Skolnick's (1966) original theory of the law enforcement subculture. As perceptions of danger increases, officers' reliance on occupational peers increases. This study indicates that mortality salience among officers may perpetuate an atmosphere conducive to the perpetuation of occupational identification. Solidarity/Administrative Variables It was hypothesized that high levels of administrative apathy would increase individual officer’s level of occupational identification. This hypothesis was not supported by the data. In fact, the data indicated that officers who indicated that they were viewed favorably by the administration were more likely to indicate that they were popular in their department, and identify themselves as "one of the gang". This finding is inconsistent with the literature which argues that administrative apathy magnifies the police subculture. However, this finding must be approached with caution, as only two variables were included in this section of the analysis. Future research in this area should include construction of a reliable measure which would adequately explore this relationship. Solidarity/Informal Variables It was found that informal norms and procedures were found 157 to be significantly related to several variables included in the solidarity section of the analysis. None of the officers included in the sample who agreed that informal norms are more important than organizational mandates indicated that they had no friends among the department. However, 35% of officers who disputed the primacy of informal norms agreed that they had no friends among their department. This supported the hypothesis that informal networks solidify law enforcement occupational groups. The data also indicated that sixty-five percent (65%) of officers who agreed that informal operational procedures were inconsistent with formal departmental policy agreed that the public was unsympathetic to the police. This further supported the hypothesized relationship between informal structures and the police subculture. Fifty-three percent (53%) of officers who indicated that the best source of information in their department were fellow officers agreed that most of their personal friends were also police officers. Similarly, 54% of officers who disagreed that most of their operational activities were learned at the academy agreed that they were popular in their department. This suggests that officers who have many social friendships within the department are more likely to operationalize their occupation through perceptions of significant others, namely departmental peers. Solidarity/Stress Variables Of the five stress variables included in the analysis, three were 158 found to display significant relationships with at least one of the variables included in the solidarity section of the analysis. Partial support for the research question was indicated. Clarification of the results of stress on the occupational subculture, however, is impossible due to the limitations in the study. Contradictory results were discovered. Officers who agreed that they were often frustrated at work were more likely to identify themselves as "part of the gang." Seventy-five percent (75%) of officers who agreed that they felt frustrated at work indicated that the public was unsympathetic to police officers. This supports the hypothesis that higher levels of stress influence officers' occupational identification. However, the data also indicated that officers who felt calm at work were more likely to agree that they were "popular" in their department, as were officers who did not feel they were under a lot of pressure on the job. Further analysis of this relationship is necessary before clarification of the relationship between stress and occupational solidarity is possible. This study hypothesized that higher levels of stress would increase officers' subscription to the police subculture. However, this study could not fully support this hypothesis. It is possible that the police subculture actually mediates stress, and thus, should be treated as the independent variable. It may also be possible that types of stress have varying impacts. Future studies should include this possibility, as well as evaluate the possibility that the police subculture acts as an emotional buffer to many officers. 159 Solidarity/ Socialization Variables Of the seven socialization variables included in the analysis, six were found to display significant relationships with at least one of the variables included in the solidarity section of the analysis. The data supported the hypothesis that level of socialization affected occupational identification. It was found that officers who indicated knowledge of informal customs and practices and cognizance of formal goals were more likely to agree that most of their personal friends were occupational colleagues. Sixty—two percent (62%) of officers who indicated that they were familiar with the inner machinations of their department indicated that the majority of their friends were also police officers. Officers who indicated knowledge of organizational culture were also more likely to indicate that they were popular in their department. Additionally, 51% of officers who indicated familiarity of the informal power structure agreed that they were popular among their occupational peers. This indicates that level of socialization promote greater group identification. It must be noted that officers who disagreed that they had learned the ropes of law enforcement were more likely to agree that the public is unsympathetic. This finding, however, may be an artifact of the sample selected. As the respondents had not yet attended the academy, and were in fact being surveyed upon their arrival at the academy, they may not have felt as comfortable with 160 their knowledge of the law enforcement occupation, as would officers who had completed their training courses. Future research should examine this phenomenon in more depth, and should be designed in such a way that more sophisticated or more powerful statistical techniques may be employed. Due to the limitations of the chi-square statistic and the exploratory nature of the study, linear relationships could not be examined. This type of research is necessary if total understanding of occupational identification is to occur. Policy recommendations Results of this study must be evaluated cautiously. This study was designed to be exploratory. It was intended to uncover certain underlying phenomenon which have been addressed but not supported in the extant literature. It was not intended for large scale generalizability. Rather, it was conducted on a limited sample of officers in small, rural departments in one region of Alabama. As such, the results of this study are not indicative of trends in outlying jurisdictions or of larger, urbanized departments. As noted, several inconsistencies were found among respondents' perceptions of levels of stress, administrative apathy, danger, subscription to informal norms, socialization and group solidarity. The data indicated that the majority of officers included in the sample were found to display high levels of stress, danger, socialization, subscription to informal norms and group solidarity. 161 Administrators should be concerned that a large number of officers indicated the primacy of informal norms vs. formal departmental mandates. The variables included in this section of the analysis were found to display significant relationships with solidarity variables, suggesting pathological consequences of the occupational subculture. Additional training and supervision should be considered if policy adherence is to be maintained. The data also indicated that perceptions of stress among officers were high. As stress was found to be significantly related to group solidarity, administrators may wish to consider stress management programs and provide assistance to officers incapable of reconciling elevated stress levels. However, this study did not attempt to examine sources of stress. Future research should examine varying sources of stress to determine whether certain types of stress are more supportive of group solidarity. This sample did not display high levels of administrative apathy. In fact, officers reported high levels of support from the administration. It was found that these officers were more likely to indicate agreement with solidarity variables. Administrators, then, may actually be perpetuating the police subculture. However, only two variables were included in this portion of the analysis. Both of these variables measured administrative support. Thus, further research is necessary which examines the impact of administrative apathy on the police subculture. As expected, respondents indicated high levels of perceptions 162 of danger. Interestingly enough, female officers were more likely to indicate lower levels of perceived danger. This supports the literature which suggests that female officers rely more heavily on interpersonal communication skills, than on aggressive, physical capabilities. Administrators may wish to conduct further training on communication styles and techniques, stressing the primacy of communication in reducing hostility and aggression among perpetrators. This study supports that perceptions of danger among all officers in unrealisticly high. This perception may lead to cynicism and authoritativeness, threatening to community ties. Although officers must be prepared for potentially volatile situations, realistic expectations may alleviate high levels of stress and benefit public perception. High levels of group solidarity were discovered in the analysis. The high proportion of officers responding affirmatively to occupational identification suggests that a police subculture does exist. The literature suggests that group identification may be either positive or negative. Thus, group identification for progressive departments may, in fact, benefit both community and departmental members. Solidification of ideals and expectations may increase organizational pride and occupational professionalization. However, occupational solidarity may also perpetuate pathological trends, such as corruption, deviance, or general misfeasance. Similarly, the process of organizational socialization may perpetuate negative law enforcement behavior. Administrators 163 must recognize that these phenomenon may be positively manipulated through increased training, supervision, and selection. Thus, they are in control of their department’s destiny. Administrators must develop selection criteria and promotional procedures which is consistent with the ideology desired. Furthermore, special attention should be granted to the selection of field training officers (FTO’s). As the literature suggests, newcomers to an organization operationalize occupational reality most consistent with perceptions of their field training officers. Administrators, then, must carefully select individual FTO’s whose philosophy mirrors that of the administration and community desires. Summarily, this study indicates that group solidarity among the sample selected does exist. Further, demographic characteristics may affect individual socialization experiences. These phenomenon, in and of themselves, are not necessarily harmful to organizational mandates. 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(1986). Gender-related differences in correctional officers'perceptions and attitudes. Journal of Criminal Justice, .14, 349-361. APPENDICES Appendix A Map of represented areas 177 _ M —._ 7’3: "-' " ' aunEznaL‘ ’ 2 -5 g ‘ - ’ ,g , 5.1315011: .— 2": PL”. 1:“ - ‘>-{ m . kagz-A: COLBERT g ,, - - " . its - = ‘ J E ""-::. :‘z ' . . .’ n uoaca. ;'- ,. ~— FRANKLIN,_ : m i 7.1356. D; .1. JIVIJV‘I ,5 ./ ”ii/ /.. ms c2065.: \_. - .‘v. \ awe-11k; 19““) \\\ \“fiw ate-her ‘ 1 '\ l \\ \ \ ‘\ ‘\ . ( .\. '~ IU' . H, _. r1 {-1 _J U) / / ) 1.11011 M ’.fi up .. MIC-ll. l’lVllSNElllI) HELDIIEJ Appendix B UCRIHS forms 178 MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY April 5. 1904 TO: Manic T. Britz 500 Baker Hall RE: [RE 3: 94436 TITLE: THE POLICE SUBCULTURE REVISITED: UNIQUE OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS AND PERPETUATION OF POLICE SOLIDARITY REVISION REQUESTED: N/A CATEGORY: l-C APPROVAL DATE; April I. l994 The University. Committee on'R'e'search lnvolvmg Human Subjects' (UCRIHS) reView of this project is complete. I am pleased to advrse that the rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately prOtected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate. Therefore. the UCRIHS approved this protect Including any revision listed above. Renewal: ' UCRIHS approval is valid for one mlendar year. beginning with the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to continue a project beyond one year must use the green renewal form (enclosed with the original approval letter or When .1 protect is renewed) to seek updated certification. There is a maximum of four such expedited renewals possible. Investigators wishing to continue a prOJect beyond that time need to submit it again for complete rev1ew. Revisions: UCRIHS must review any changes in procedures involving human subjects. prior to initiation of the change. If this is done at the time of renewal. please use the green renewal form. To revise an approved protocol at any other time during the year. send your written request to the UCRIHS Chair. requesting revised approval and referencing the project's IRB I and title. Include in your request a description of the change and any revised instruments. consent forms or advertisements that are applicable. Problems! Changs: Should either of the following arise during the course of the work. investigators must notify UCRIHS promptly: (1) problems (unexpected side effects. complaints. etc.) involving human subjects or (2) changes in the research environment or new information indicating greater risk to the human subjects than existed when the protocol was previously reviewed and approved. lfwe can be of any future help. please do not hesitate to contact us at (5l7) 355-2180 or FAX (517) 3364171. 483244046 Sincerely. 517355-2130 - FAX 517335-1171 avid E. Wright. Ph. UCRIHS Chair DEW:p_jm CC: Dr. Dawd L. Carter talcum 179 APPLICATION FOR APPROVAL OF A PROJECT INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS - INITIAL REVIEW UCRIHS - Michigan State University David E. Wright. Ph.D.. Chair 225 Administration Building East Lansing, MI 48824-1046 15171 355-2180 - Teieoiione . . . (5171 336-1171 . FAX “AR 2- 2.19% Office Hours: M-E (8:00 A.M.-Noon 8i l:00-S:OO.P.M.I qLi’IQlo «lo DIRECTIONS: Please complete questions on this application using the instructions and ‘ definitions found on the lavender sheets (revised December 3993). I. RESPONSIBLE PROJECT INVESTIGATORISI ADDITIONAL INVESTIGATORISI (Faculty or staff sa-Mrvisorl Dayle/Z. er’ef‘ [Kari/e 7 5:1: 2 Faculty (03‘: (429' 51'5/51 FacH-o‘t/u. 10:: (Social Security =l //‘/6/ Z 8 w I believe the research can be safely completed Fae/Stu. lO:: with dangerinq maNubiects. Further. I have read\the encros’é‘d procesai and I am Fac..r’Stu. ID:: Fac.iStu. IC-‘v‘t willing to supervis anyjstudeni invest ators. ' >\ .. “\ (Signaturel 2. ADDRESS ADDRESS (for commentslacorovai letterl (for comments/approval letterl r“ x . 500 Be er fiqll ELL L: .Edlégi- H at l W6 l ( ' '\' T . d J Phone :: 3'53- :u‘l’i Phone at: 9355:2179} "— FAX :: ' " .' FAX :: (J 4. PROPOSED FUNDING AGENCY (if anyl - S. DOES THIS PROJ -"'T UTILIZEIAN INVESTIGATIONAL DRUG. DEVICE OR PROL'. JRE? Yes I 1 No If yes. is there an IND :? Yes I I No I l 6. DOES THIS PROJ T INVOLVE THE USE OF HUMAN BLOOD OR TISSUE? Yes [I No 7. DOES THIS PROPOSAL HAVE AN MSU 0RD NUMBER? Yes I l .r No bet/T 8. WHEN WOULD YOU PREFER TO BEGIN DATA COLLECTION? 4/1/911, Please remember you may not begin data collection without prio—rlJ‘ERfl'lS approval, 9. CATEGORY (Circle A. 8 or C below. See instructions.) a. This proposal reouires review by a full sub-committee. b. This prooosal is eligible for expedited review. Specify category or categories Q This prooosalif aempted from full sub-committee review. Soecit’v category or categories " . FOR OFFICE USE ONLY A Subcommittee Agenda 5/7/ /' L 180 10. PROJECT DESCRIPTION 1 Though popular in the law enforcement literature, the police subculture has not been empirically examined. It was hypothesized that unique characteristics exist in policing which perpetuate identification with fellow officers. This research examines the relationships which exist between levels of socialization. administrative support. stress, personal isolation, and perceived danger with group identification. This paper further examined the relationships which exist among demographic characteristics (i.e. gender. race. population of jurisidiction) and these variables. The sample consisted of four regularly scheduled academy classes with varying levels of police experience. It was hypothesized that officers with higher levels of socialization, stress, personal isolation, and perceptions of danger more closely identified with their fellow officers. It was also hypothesized that administrative apathy contributed to overidentification. 1 1 . PROCEDURES Participants were asked to complete a general opinion questionnaire. (for further detail about questionnaire. please see methodology chapter attached) 12. SUBJECT POPULATION a. The study population may include (check each category where subjcCIS may be included by design or incidentally): Minors { } Pregnant Women { } Women of childbearing age {XX} Institutionalized persons { } Students {XX} Low Income persons { J Minorities {XX} Incompetent persons (or those with diminished capacity) { } Number of subjects (including controls) 1 1 181 If your are associated with the subjects (e.g., they are your Students, employees, patients), please explain the nature of the association NOT APPLICABLE How will the subjects be recruited? All members of four regularly scheduled recruit classes. If someone will receive payment for recruiting the subjects, please explain the amount of payment, who pays it and who receives it. "NOT APPLICABLE Will the research subjects be compensated? [X]No []Yes. If yes, details concerning payment, including the amount and schedule of payments, must be set forth in the informed consent. Will the subjects incur additional financial costs, as a result of their participation in this study? [X] No [ ] Yes. If yes, please include an explanation in the informed consent. Will you be advertising for research participants [X] No [] Yes. If yes, attach a copy of the advertisement you will use. Will this research be conducted with subjects who reside in another country or live in a cultural context different from mainstream U.S. society? [X] No [ ] Yes. (1) If your answer is yes, will there be any corresponding complications in your ability to minimize risks to subjects, maintain their confidentiality and/or assure their right to voluntary informed consent as individuals? [ ] No [ ] Yes (2) If your answer to H is yes, what are these complications and how will you resolve them? Appendix C Academy syllabus 182 Rev. 07/12/89 BASIC LAW ENFORCEMENT ACADEMY 7 WEEK COURSE DESCRIPTION INTRODUCTION TO LAW ENFORCEMENT 3 1. Opening Remarks 33g Orientation 1 Official opening of the class followed by' a descriptive explanation of the course and subject objectives. Rules governing students‘ activities during course and methods of work evaluation will be outlined. 2. History o_f_ Law Enforcement M533 Enforcement 355 Profession 1 To familiarize the student with the history of law enforcement up to the present day system, its origin and development. Also, law enforcement as a profession, its advantages, disadvantages, and what it means to the new officer entering the profession. 3. Alabama Peace Officers Standards 'ggg_ Training Commission ESE. #1981 1 222 Amending Agtf3l56 An explanation of Acts #1981 and #156 and its purpose. GENERAL TOPICS 45 1. Notebook Construction SEQ Notetaking 1 Explanation and demonstration of the following methods of notetaking, the purpose, value and organization of notebooks. 2. Loyalty, Morale 35g Internal Security 2 An explanation of loyalty and its value to the employee and the organization, morale and its effects upon the efficiency of the organization and indi- vidual employees, including internal security within the organization, its functions, purpose and meaning, dealing with allegations, rumors. gossip and security leaks. 3. Federal L3! Enforcement Agencies 1 Acquaint the student with the various federal law enforcement agencies. Explain their jurisdiction and how they may assist local law enforcement agencies. 4. State £3! Enforcement Agencies 339 State Parole Offices 35g Ag; Laws (a) Acquaint the student with the various state.law enforcement agencies, their jurisdiction and how they may assist local law enforcement agencies. Explain the duties and purpose of the state parole office. including service available to local law enforcement officers. (b) An explanation of the Alabama laws regulating alcoholic beverages, with emphasis on manufacturing, sales,_stor- age and transportation. To cover both comercial and private. 183 Rev.O7/lZ/89 5. Introduction £9_Terrorism This course is intended to give the student a brief overview of current terrorist activities and some of the more active terrorist organizations. 6. Telephone Burglary ggg Obscene Calls Instruct the student on necessary actions to take in the event of burglary of pay telephone boxes. Also, instruct the student in immediate and follow- up action to take in the event of obscene telephone calls. 7. Communication (Radio) Teach the students the basic procedures and techniques for the efficient operation of base stations, mobile units, teletype units, ACIC and NCIC. 8. Records 33g_Reoorts Explain the importance of records, reports and procedures for maintaining good records. Also, explain the importance of receiving, documenting and submitting good reports. 9. Effective Writing To teach or explain the importance of proper English and grammer used in written communication, initiate and explain steps and ways to become a more effective writer (sentence structure, i.e., correct use of verbs, nouns, pronouns, punctuation, use of the dictionary, etc.) 10. Federal Firearms ggg_Untaxed Whiskey Laws Explain the duties and jurisdiction of the A.T.F. as pertains to federal firearms regulations and untaxed whiskey laws. ‘ 11. Explosive 555 EC l971/Recognition g: Bombs 2E2 Explosive Devices (a) Explain the possibility of serious consequences of a bomb threat. Explain what information should be ob- tained from the caller and order of questions to ask the caller. Explain the established procedures to follow after the threat. (b) Explain Correct procedure used in a systematic search for suspected explosive devices. (1) Correct method to approach the search area. (2) Detection by sound. (3) Search on four levels. (4) Marking searched areas. (5) Orderly evacuation. (c) Practical Exercise - Give the student knowledge in recognition of bombs, explosives, and incendiary ' devices. Also, explain the techniques in searching and handling these devices. III. IV. 184 Rev. 07/12/89 12. Handling _t_hg Emotional_ly Disturbed Teach the student how to recognize emotionally disturbed persons and of- fer suggestions on methods of handling these persons, including interviews, arrests and referrals. 13. First 519 Each student will be required to satisfactorily complete a first aid course with emphasis on controlling breathing, bleeding, treatment for shock and transporting the injured. 14. Stress To acquaint the officer with the problems and symptoms, of stress, how to recognize stress, the indicators that lead to stress, how to avoid undue stress, how to deal with symptoms and problems of stress and ways and means of coping with the stress syndrome. EQUIPMENT 1. Care mggg Police Equipment Instruct the student in the proper care and use of police equipment, both personal and departmental (uniforms, vehicles and their components.) 2. Operation gt: Emergency Vehicles (a) For each student to gain an understanding of what constitutes an emergency vehicle, what conStitutes an emergency, the laws pertaining to emergency vehicles, the rights, responsibilities and liabilities pertain- ing to emergency vehicle operation. (b) High Speed Pursuit Driving - to acquaint the student with specific statatory law and case law of high speed pursuit, and to include individual and departmental civil liability. 3. Police Defensive Driving Each student will be required to satisfactorily complete the defensive driving course designed by the National Safety Council. CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION 1. Receiving and Handling Complaints For the student to understand the importance of receiving the citizens‘ complaints, with special emphasis on courtesy, interest and explanation of procedure for handling the many various types of complaints. 2. Preserving t_h_e_ Crime Scene - Searchingm Charting To teach the fundamentals of crime scene protection, the conduct of the preliminary investigation, the search of the crime scene and sketching the crime scene. To include a practical exercise in searching the sketching. 39 185 Rev. 07/12/89 3. Buildigg Searches Instruct the student in the proper method of building searches, keeping in mind the objective of the search, Such as: (1) Burglary Suspects (2) Wanted Persons (3) Evidence and Contraband (4) Barricaded Suspects, with and Hithout Hostages 4. Collecting 32_Preservation gf_Evidence Teach the student the proper methods of collecting, identifying, recording and preserving evidence. The various types of evidence that will deteriorate from decomposition, evaporation and exposure. To impress upon the student the proper handling, transportating, storage and custody of various types of evidence. Also, the preparation of evidence for laboratory examination. 5. Death Investioation Provide methods and information to be used by the first at-the-scene inveSti- gator (law enforcement officer); explain the manner of the collection, pre- sentation, and transmittal of materials to the crime laboratory, techniques of a quality on-the-scene investigation, things to look for in determining the types of deaths, and how to process the crime scene accordingly, and the ultimate presentation of that evidence. 6. Fingerprint Theory Acquaint the student with the history of fingerprints and general information as to their classification. Have students participate in actual fingerprint- ing of each other and practice developing latent prints. 7. Burglary Investigation Review the elements and degrees of burglary. Teach the general M.O. of com- mercial, residential, safe and other burglary investigations from the field officer. Instruction in covering techniques for various kinds of robberies and prevention patrol techniques. 8. Robbery Investigation Review the crime of robbery. Analyze the N.O. for robbers and review the basic principles of robbery investigation from the viewpoint of the field officer. Instruction in covering techniques for various kinds of robberies and prevention patrol techniques. 9. Identification 2: Stolen Automobiles Develop an understanding of proper methods of identifying and recovering stolen automobiles. N‘ 1536 Rev. 07/12/89 10. Vice and Narcotics Operation Acquaint the student with various types of vice and narcotics Operations, methods of drug identification, and techniques of investigting such offenses. . Three (3) hours narcotics. One (1) hour gambling operations. One (1) hour prostitution. . One (1) hour investigation technique DEAN-J 11. S35 Crimes Instruct the student in the recognition of the different types of sex crimes they may encounter. Explain the different modus operandi of sex criminals. 12. Search, Seizure Egg Civil Rights Develop an understanding of the constitutional, statutory laws and common law pertaining to searches and seizures, to include: searches incidental to arrests, searches with warrant, searches without warrant, probable cause searches. stop and frisk, moving vehicle searches, inventory searches and consent searches. Also, develop an understanding