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MW” Majorrop Feb 14, 1995 Date LIBRARY M'Chigan State University PLACE fl RETURN BOX to remwethle checked from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before dete due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MARMADUKE WILLIAM PICKTHALL (1875-1936) AND THE LITERATURE OF TRANSITION By Ahmad Yahya Al-Ghamdi A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English 1 995 ht late fin". DECO'fe 8 Cuilu forlad among Only 3 ID the l CuHure The I the K Ifihgn (1921 COnCt other base COWx ABSTRACT MARMADUKE WILLIAM PICKTHALL (1875-1936) AND THE LITERATURE OF TRANSITION By Ahmad Yahya Al-Ghamdi Marmaduke Pickthall made several trips to the Near East between late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Pickthall did not become a political representative, a job he sought in the East, he became a cultural representative for both the West and the East. Pickthall's love for fantasy of the Near East gradually developed, as he lived closely among the Near Easterners, into a realization that the Near East was not only a fantasy, but also a spiritual inspiration. Pickthall's travels and life in the Near East were culminated in his acceptance of Islam in 1917. The study at hand investigates the impact of Marmaduke Pickthall's cultural transition on his Near Eastern novels: Said the Fisherman (1903), The House of Islam (1906), The Children of the Nile (1908), The Valley of the Kings (1909), Veiled Women (1913), The House of War (1916), Knights of Araby (1917), Oriental Encounters (1918) and The Early Hours (1921) The methodology followed is a qualitative study of the texts, with concentration on a referential thematic and comparative approach. In other words, I have paid special attention to trace Pickthall's transition based on cultural references treated throughout his novels while comparing his writing before and after his conversion to Islam. T bansti Easter? earher the we empras PICK‘."& ttutude de‘erse F contras flemer Easerr reason This study finds that Pickthall's cultural conversion went through a transitional process that was directly and clearly reflected in his Near Eastern novels. The playfulness and enchantment found in Pickthall's earlier novels was gradually replaced with more serious writing. One of the main issues repeatedly presented in Pickthall's later novels is his emphasis on the cultural understanding of others, especially at first hand. Pickthall's representations of Near Eastern themes reflectatransitional attitude ranging from indifference to agreement to appreciation and some defense or propagation. Further research might consider issues like a. a comparison and a contrast between Pickthall's Near Eastern and English novels; b. elements of biography in Pickthall's fiction; c. Pickthall's use of Near Eastern vocabulary; d. Pickthall's treatment of Islamic themes; e. The reason(s) that made Pickthall so unknown and forgotten. C Com AHMAC 1995 © Copyright by AHMAD YAHYA AL-GHAMDI ‘ 1995 WlihOuf never . Olher r close f' DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated with gratitude to my mother and father without whose encouragement, patience and prayers, this work could never have been completed; lshall be grateful to them to the rest of my life. Dedicated also to my wife, sons, daughters, brothers, sisters and other relatives, especially the memory of my maternal uncle, Ahmad, and close friend, Omar...May Allah host their souls in eternal Peace. prowd beIOVE 83d 5 go to Mate innoce dzssert valca‘: Png'a EDD-'9: gurdan Paana: Athana to lhar encOur. her sk. DlOneeg leends 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My most and foremost gratitude and praise go to Allah (God) who provided me with patience and strength to complete this work. I deeply thank my beloved parents for their enduring patience and abundant prayers, and brothers and sisters for their cotinuous encouragement. Special thanks and appreciation go to my wife for her unceasing support and patience during my ups and downs while working for this research, and to my children whose sweet smiles and innocent looks had been a rich source of relief. My deepest respect, gratitude and thanks go to Dr. William Johnson, my dissertation director and academic advisor, for his generous assistance and valuable time and encouragement he offered me throughout my doctoral program and, particularly, this work. His prompt response and advice are deeply appreciated. I would like to extend my sincere thanks to members of my doctoral guidance committee: Dr. Roger Meiners, Dr. Paul Munsell and Dr. Victor Paananen for their assistance and advice. lalso would like to thank Dr. Arthur Athanason for his former participation in my doctoral guidance committee. I wish to thank Dr. A. Welch for his careful reading of the manuscript and for his encouragement for the publication of this study, and Mrs. Rosemary Johnson for her skillful editing of this dissertation. Special thanks go to Peter Clark whose pioneering, valuable book on Pickthall encouraged me to conduct this study. Last but not least, warm thanks are extended to relatives and close friends for their continuous support and encouragement. vi TABLE I CHAPT IINTR E F F F F l | ".05 Hl| TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................ vi CHAPTER: I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 1 Background ................................................................................ 1 The Importance of the study ....................................................... 2 Research Questions ................................................................... 2 Research Hypothesis ................................................................. 3 Research Delimitations ............................................................... 3 Research Limitations .................................................................. 4 Review Of Related Literature ...................................................... 4 Research Methodology And Design ............................................ 8 An Overview Of Pickthall's Life ................................................... 10 The Early Life ................................................................... 10 Pickthall and the Near East ............................................... 11 Back to England ................................................................ 12 Again to the Near East ...................................................... 12 Pickthall and Islam ............................................................ 13 Pickthall in India ............................................................... 14 The Final Days ................................................................. 14 ll. ON REPRESENTATION ................................................................... 16 Foreword: Representation and Pickthall ...................................... 16 Introduction ................................................................................ 18 Definition ................................................................................... 18 Literary Representation ................................. . ............................. 20 Representation and Content ....................................................... 21 Representation and Language .................................................... 24 Representation and Reality ........................................................ 26 Ill. PICKTHALL'S NEAR EASTERN FICTION BEFORE 1917 ................. 32 1. Said the Fisherman (1903) ..................................................... 32 Introduction ...................................................................... 32 Publication History ............................................................ 33 Summary of Events ........................................................... 34 Interpretation .................................................................... 36 vii Historical Representation .................................................. 41 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 41 Conclusion ....................................................................... 43 2. The House of Islam (1906) ..................................................... 45 Introduction ...................................................................... 45 Summary of Events ........................................................... 45 Interpretation .................................................................... 48 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 51 Conclusion ....................................................................... 53 3. The Children of the Nile (1908) ............................................... 55 Introduction ...................................................................... 55 Summary of Events ........................................................... 56 Pickthall's Versus Cromer's Representation of Egypt ......... 58 Social Change: Brigandry .................................................. 64 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 67 Cultural References .......................................................... 68 Inaccurate Representations ............................................... 69 Use of Humor .................................................................... 73 Language as a Representational Device ............................ 74 Some of Pickthall's Language Techniques ......................... 75 a. Special Use of Words .......................................... 75 b. Use of Variation ................................................... 76 c. ln-Text-Definition ................................................. 76 d. Word Combination ............................................... 76 e. Transliteration ..................................................... 77 f. Use of Different Spellings ..................................... 77 9. Use of Arabic Style .............................................. 77 Conclusion ....................................................................... 78 4. The Valley of the Kings (1909) ................................................ 79 Introduction ...................................................................... 79 The Story .......................................................................... 79 Interpretation .................................................................... 81 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 88 Conclusion ....................................................................... 90 5. Veiled Women (1913) ............................................................. 91 Introduction ...................................................................... 91 The Story .......................................................................... 91 Interpretation .................................................................... 93 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 99 Conclusion ....................................................................... 101 viii IV Pl V.ANA Afl\H_ APPEA BIBLIC 6. The House of War (1916) ....................................................... 102 Introduction ...................................................................... 102 Summary of the Novel ....................................................... 102 Interpretation .................................................................... 104 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 112 Conclusion ....................................................................... 113 IV. PICKTHALL'S NEAR EASTERN FICTION STARTING IN 1917 ......... 118 1. Knights of Araby (1917) .......................................................... 118 Introduction ...................................................................... 118 Summary .......................................................................... 119 Interpretations .................................................................. 120 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 129 Conclusion ....................................................................... 131 2. Oriental Encounters (191 8) ..................................................... 132 Introduction ...................................................................... 132 Interpretations .................................................................. 132 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 141 Conclusion ....................................................................... 142 3. The Early Hours (1921) .......................................................... 143 Introduction ...................................................................... 143 The Narrative .................................................................... 143 Interpretation .................................................................... 146 Conversion Markers .......................................................... 149 Conclusion ....................................................................... 150 V. ANALYSIS OF TRANSITION ............................................................ 155 Introduction ................................................................................ 155 Definition ................................................................................... 155 Aspects of Transition .................................................................. 156 Conclusion ................................................................................. 170 General Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Research ......... 170 APPENDIX .......................................................................................... 175 REFERENCES IN PICKTHALL'S CHILDREN OF THE NILE ........ 175 Abbreviations: ................................................................... 175 References to Islamic Culture ........................................... 175 References to Arabic Words and Expressions .................... 183 References to Arabic Culture ............................................ 190 Places Referred to ............................................................ 194 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................. 196 ix 0 3M Elie-ma 0 3.3.5." 9 -‘-|-' Hi hill-'9 e Niles -‘-|-u At;9lo . has 2.14.. .uam Awlg . Alain a. Qayaeméymmrymnwmm Writ/ygw/WWWMWM amhmmmm. WWM/ywwymamwm mmmw. The Quran 93:1-5 The Early Hours. p.289. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Background I came to know Marmaduke William Pickthall asa novelist years ago, while I was working for my Master's in Albany, NY. I was reading E. M. Forster's Abinger Harvest, which described Pickthall as "the only contemporary English novelist who understands the Near East."1 Mr. Forster's remark aroused my interest in knowing more about Mr. Pickthall. I have been interested in reading and studying literary works that treat Near Eastern themes. My interest in working on Pickthall was renewed when I came across a whole book written about Pickthall by Peter Clark entitled Marmaduke Pickthall: British Muslim published in 1986 by Quartet Books Limited. In his introduction, Mr. Clark writes that "Marmaduke Pickthall is best remembered, when remembered at all, as a translator of the Qur'an, but he was also a novelist Between 1903 and 1921 he published nine novels set in Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Yemen and Turkey. He also wrote six novels set in England, and short stories mainly about the Near East published in three collections." After reading Mr. Clark's book, I decided to consider Pickthall as the topic of my dissertation. Th the I- IN. and Sat Ian; Ilhi Res aim: The Importance of the Study I think that this topic of research serves the following purposes: a. Bridging a gap between the two cultures that Pickthall fully represented in his life, almost equally: "For twenty years of Pickthall's adult life he was a practicing Christian. For the last twenty years he was a conscientious Muslim."2 b. Contributing, albeit a little, to making Pickthall better known to the Western as well as Near Eastern audience. Peter Clark writes about Pickthall's literary career: But as a novelist Pickthall is very much in a British tradition of novel writing. The best of the Near Eastern novels contain the circumstantiality of Sir Walter Scott, the exuberance of Charles Dickens, the moral strength of George Eliot, the compassionate tragedy of Thomas Hardy and the universality of E. M. Forster." . "I am suggesting not that Pickthall is as great as any of these but that his writings are recognizably influenced by the literary heritage to which these others have contributed. (pp. 2-3). c. Pedagogically speaking, teaching literary texts with universal and/or Near Eastern themes is very helpful and advisable in a country like Saudi Arabia which represents a culture different from the one the English language subscribes to. In such a case, Pickthall's Near Eastern fiction is, I think, very helpful. Research Queetlons This study aims at answering the following research questions: 1. Did Pickthall give an accurate description of the social atmosphere he wrote about? Re tr: It 3 2. Was Pickthall influenced by his English background? 3. How to define the 'transition' in Pickthall's work. 4. What type of transition did Pickthall's work go through?, Le. a. thematic! ideas b. technique c. setting d. tone 5. What led Pickthall's work through the process of transition? 6. What are the aspects of Pickthall's transition? 7. Did the transition occur gradually or overnight? 8. Was the transition marked by a significant incident? 9. What caused Pickthall to travel to the Near East? Research Hypothesis The researcher puts forward the following hypothesis: "Marmaduke Pickthall's fictional writing went through a process of transition as he publicly accepted Islam in 1917, almost towards the middle of his adult life. This transition is represented byachange in thematic as well as technical treatment." Research Delimitations The research will be limited to treating Pickthall's fictional writing with an emphasis on the Near Eastern fiction, namely the following works: 1. Said the Fisherman 1903 2. The House of Islam 1906 Lc re CC "E VII 50 the 4 The Children of the Nile 1908 The Valley of the Kings 1909 Veiled Women 1913 The House of War 1916 Knights of Araby 1917 Oriental Encounters 1 918 The Early Hours 1921 $093999.“ Research Limitations The research will be limited by the lack of writings about Pickthall and his works save for two books: Clark's and Anne Fremantle's Loyal Enemy, published in 1938, and a very few scattered pieces of writings. Review Of Related Literature Virtually the only biography ever written of Marmaduke Pickthall is Loyal Enemy, by Anne Fremantle, a young friend of the Pickthalls, upon request by Pickthall's widow, Muriel. The book was published in London by Huchinston & Co. Publishers Ltd. As far as I can tell, this book is no longer in print. Interestingly enough, the author chose the title after a comment made to her by Lady Evelyn Cobbold who described Pickthall as "England's most loyal enemy."3 Perhaps Pickthall's ideas and political views shaped such comments. Loyal Enemy, more than four hundred pages long, is a rich source of information and comments about the life, adventures and works that were available to Ms. Fremantle. The book records the life of Pickthall starting from some accounts on his ancestors, and following him aH thl and K where carry break about chasm tunes Funhe autho: index book book, To he; re: ha arr ad: Me S "H”Qu imDOn 5 all the way through his education, adventures, initial trip to the Near East and to Europe, back to England and again to the Near East and India where he spent the major part of his later life. However, the book is not very well organized. Its chapters carry no titles, and they usually flow into each other without a noticeable break. In addition, it is not easy to getaspecific piece of information about any aspect of Pickthall's life before one reads almost awhole chapter or more. Moreover, the author does not immediately mention dates of some events she talks about. The reader has to dig to find out. Further, the author does not cite references for comments by some authors she quotes, except for the name of the author or the writer. The index is not comprehensive. Yet some of the fragmentary nature of the book is due to the fact, as the author explains in the prefatory note to her book, that: To produce a straightforward biography [about Pickthall] would be nearly impossible, for two reasons. First, because he kept few records even of his outward life-and, being shy, confided to no one his reminiscences. He was, indeed, quite extraordinarily sensitive, armoring himself equally against inquisitive and critical, and merely admiring, fellow creatures.‘I This tells us how painstaking an effort Ms. Fremantle must have made in writing her biography of Pickthall which remains an indispensa- ble source of valuable information and documentation of Pickthall's intriguing life. Peter Clark's Marmaduke Pickthall: British Muslim is another important book about Pickthall. Mr. Clark would not call his books biogra: Marma extens book I include TurKEy Islam; Fiction rESOUr Pickth SerioL Charn~ noVel Pithr inclqe biography. He explains: there is little to add in the way of biographical information since discovered. This book is not another 'life' but rather an examination of his writings and his ideas.5 Marmaduke Pickthall is very well written and organized. The author did extensive research on the subject for almost three years. He divided his book into two parts, of four and two sections respectively. The first part includes 1. The Arrival of a Writer; 2. AHeart is Broken: Pickthall and Turkey; 3. The Turn of the Tide: Pickthall and Islam; 4. The Servant of Islam: India, the Qur'an. The second section has 5. The Near Eastern Fiction and 6. Tales of England and Europe. At the end Mr. Clark adds a resourceful bibliography in chronological order of almost everything Pickthall wrote and published. In addition to the two books cited, there are some few writings on Pickthall and/or some of his works. As an example, E. M. Forster wrote a few paragraphs about Pickthall in Abinger Harvest in 1921. D. H. Lawrence reviewed Said The Fisherman in Ade/phi in late 1928. The review was published with some of Lawrence's posthumous articles in Phoenixfi In Abinger Harvest, E. M. Forster wrote "Mr. Pickthall is much too serious to be scornful: though Islam is his spiritual home, his most charming novel is about an Oriental Christian and his most ambitious novel about a Muslim of the bad type."7 Mr. Forster added that "He [Mr. Pickthall] does not sentimentalize about the East, he is part of it, and only incidentally does his passionate love shine out."° l novens menta' about intere: cred}. Thai conte Cuhur unpre unde OTlglr Euro to re dista him. the| judg bee. dlsi tall: the cor Ge: Un: edi 7 Forster's comments that Pickthall is "the only contemporary English novelist who understands the Near East"° and that "he does not senti- mentalize about the East, [because] he is part of it" are worth thinking about. Pickthall's understanding of the Near East is perhaps the most interesting aspect of his personality and writing that gives his writing credit hardly given to others who traveled and wrote about the Near East. This quality gives him, in my judgment, an edge over many of his contemporary men and women of letters and orientalists. Pickthall's cultural representation of the Near East would not have achieved such unprecedented success had it not been for this unmatched original understanding. I believe that Pickthall's understanding of the Near East is original in the sense that he took an approach chosen by hardly any European of his age. Pickthall took the initiative to break all the barriers to reach and live with the native people closely without any sense of distance, pride or prejudice that hampered other traveling writers before him. These reasons render, in my viewpoint, Pickthall's understanding of the Near East distinguished. Moreover, Pickthall's unsentimentality about the East is not, in my judgment, because he is a part of the East, as Mr. Forster suggests, but because Pickthall knew the Near East first hand in a comprehensive and disinterested manner. There is no evidence, in my judgment, of sentimen- tality in Pickthall's earlier novels, i.e. before Pickthall becomes a part of the East. It Pickthall were to sentimentalize about the East, he would have done so in earlier novels like Said the Fisherman where Pickthall richly depicts different original Near Eastern scenes in full color with sweet and unpleasant images juxtaposed. Pickthall abstained from deliberate editing, e.g. removing the unpleasant images. In other words, Pickthall expre Nearl Pickt? the h Did have partlc grow: a CO! hm h in hn H$ c home R883; then IOHc pUbl 8 expresses no sentimentality either before or after he becomes part of the Near East. On the other hand, DH. Lawrence remarks that "Marmaduke Pickthall, I am almost sure, remained an Englishman and a gentleman in the Near East. Only in imagination he goes native. And that thoroughly."‘° D.H. Lawrence's remark is significant in the sense that Pickthall did not have to stop being English in his close approach to the Near Eastern life, particularly the Near Eastern culture. DH. Lawrence seems to answer growing concerns among fellow countrymen that Pickthall is going native, a concern serious enough to make his mother summon him home during his first visit to the Near East. Pickthall went, in my own judgment, native in imagination as well as in reality without sacrificing his English identity. His original understanding and attachment to both cultures makes him at home in the East or in the West. Research Methodology And Design My method of studying the transition in Pickthall's works that are mentioned in the first chapter is as follows: 1. The nature of the research will be qualitative descriptive. 2. I will divide Pickthall's works under consideration into the following two categories: a. W (The year in which Pickthall publicly declared his acceptance of Islam). These works are: 1. Said the Fisherman 1903 2. The House of Islam 1906 3. The Children of the Nile 1908 group lechnr noveu but It, SeCia: 9 4. The Valley of the Kings 1909 5. Veiled Women 1913 6. The House of War 1916 b.E'l' llll'l | . . IEIZI 7. Knights of Araby 1917 8. Oriental Encounters 1918 9. The Early Hours 1921 3. A comparison will be made between the works in the two groups to trace the transition and follow its development. 4. The study will focus on two elements: the themes and the technique(s) used in treating these themes. 5. As for other fictional works, i. e. Pickthall's English novels, I will deal with them only when I find that they are helpful in observing the transitional process. 6. My aim while conducting this research is, as Peter Clark put it, "to describe the process with sympathy, refraining from any sectarian applause or censure." (p.2). 10 An Overview Of Pickthall's Life11 The Early Life Marmaduke William Pickthall was born on April 7, 1875 in Cambridge Terrace, London. His father, the Rev. Charles Grayson Pickthall, was born in 1828. Charles obtained a degree from Cambridge and took Holy Orders. He became a curate to his father. After the death of his first wife, Charles married a widow, Mrs. Mary Hale, daughter of Admiral Donal Henry O'Brien (1785-1857). The couple had Marmaduke by the end of the first year of their marriage. A year later, Marmaduke had another brother, Rudolph George (known as Bob). Mary O'Brien was said to be a descendent from Irish Kings. She had lived in India, twenty years before marrying Mr. Pickthall, with her first husband, William Hale. When Marmaduke was about six months old, he fell desperately ill, and had to be circumcised. He spent the first few years of his life in the Rectory of Chillesford. His father died in October 1881. Marmaduke's mother moved to London. It was hard for Marmaduke to leave Chillesford. He hated gray streets and the trapped skies. During his life, he had a passion for empty skies and open horizons. This is the kind of atmosphere Pickthall was brought up in. It is no wonder then that his passion and love for the East developed in him early in his life. Marmaduke was an intelligent and brilliant boy, but a brain fever at the age of eight affected his ability to do math, and caused him a continual feeling of anxiety. He regarded himself a failure, especially when, at the age of eighteen, two attempts of marriage failed. But Marmaduke Pickthall developed a love to read abundantly. He spared no time reading Byron, Swinburne, Meredith, Thackery, Scott, Dickens and Disraeli. It was Disraeli whose novels introd. langue His 1' mothe languc which SChOO Pic 11 introduced Pickthall to the Near East and to the British Eastern Empire. Marmaduke developed a love and a capability for learning languages. At an early age, his German was excellent, and he knew Latin. His father's successor also encouraged him to learn languages. His mother, too, was a great help. She took him to Europe to improve his languages. Learning languages, after his sickness, was the one thing for which Marmaduke showed a potential genius. He abandoned a day public school at Harrow six terms after initial enrollment. Pickthall and the Near East Marmaduke's mother "declared that Marmaduke was born with an Eastern mind: he was ever content to play alone, quiet and self-absorbed." (Fremantle, p. 16). This proved to be true. Mrs. Pickthall herself had lived in India for a long time and she had read The Arabian Nights. Marmaduke longed to travel to the East. In the preface to Oriental Encounters, he wrote "I dreamed of Eastern sunshine, palm trees, camels, desert send, as of a Paradise which I had lost by my shortcomings," (p.1). His dream came true in early 1894, when his mother arranged his travel to the Near East with a missionary after he became a candidate for one of the two vacancies in the Levant Consular Service. When Pickthall arrived, he met the dragoman Suleyman who helped Pickthall learn Near Eastern character, customs and costumes. Pickthall traveled in Egypt, Palestine and Syria. In Damascus, he was dissuaded from becoming a Muslim by a Syrian shaykh so that Pickthall could spend more time before deciding. In the Near East, Pickthall had mixed feelings of a unsentimental attitude and a released depression. Pickthall, as observed by EM. Forster and discussed above, did not sentimentalize about the Near East. 12 Pickthall did not remove the disagreeable from his cultural representa- tions of the Near East. Pickthall seemed to grow weary of the fantasized Near East as represented in The Arabian Nights. He rather wanted to see the real Near East, and he saw it, and successfully showed it to his readers in its original form. Pickthall, on the other hand, found in the Near East a release from the school depression, and the Near East returned him to what he had lost by catastrophe and failure. Back to England At the age of twenty one, Pickthall returned to England in response to a call from his mother. He married Muriel Smith who he had met some time before his first trip to the Near East. Marmaduke started writing about his experience in the Near East. His first Near Eastern story, 'The Word of an Englishman', was published in Temple Bar in July 1898. Some time later, Pickthall published All Fools (1900), Enid (1904), and Brendle (1905), all on Suffolk themes. He also published Said the Fisherman in 1903 and The House of Islam in 1906, both treating Near Eastern matters. Again to the Near East Pickthall returned to Egypt in September 1908 accompanied by Muriel. Three months later the Pickthalls arrived in Lebanon. They spent a short time there before traveling to Damascus and Jerusalem. In the following year they returned to England. In 1909 Pickthall published his short Palestine novel, The Valley of the Kings, and other works followed. Pot au Feu was published in 1911, Larkmeadow in 1912, and Veiled Women in 1913. 13 In January 1913 Pickthall traveled to Istanbul, Turkey via Berlin. Pickthall arrived in Turkey after the Young Turk Revolution that took place in 1908. Pickthall was in support of this Revolution for it meant reforms in the Ottoman Empire, something desirable fora man who now began to show interest in MUslim matters. Pickthall's love of learning languages accompanied him in his travels. In Egypt and Syria he learned Arabic, and in Turkey, he learned Turkish. When he later traveled to India, Pickthall learned Urdu. But it was Arabic that he mastered. Pickthall would consider himself more knowledgeable of Arabic than some Muslim scholars. His strong command of Arabic is evidenced by his translation of the Qur'an. Pickthall and Islam When Pickthall was traveling in Syria and Palestine, during his first trip to the Near East, he considered embracing Islam but a Syrian religious leader, the Shaykh al-‘Ulama of Syria advised him to wait until he was older and went back to England. However, Pickthall's interest in Islam and Islamic affairs remained in his mind. That interest was increasing in time and was reflected on some of his writings after 1914, eg. references to Islamic beliefs and quotes from the Qur'an. In January 1917 Pickthall wrote for the first time for both the Islamic Review and Modern India. "In the summer and autumn [Pickthall] gave a series of talks to the Muslim Literary Society in Notting Hill, West London, on 'Islam and Progress'. During the last talk of the series, on 29 November 1917, he declared openly and publicly his acceptance of Islam... He argued that Islam alone was a progressive religion." (Clark p.38). Pickthall took the harm com: Chrc Pickl retur publl there left 1 when workr Cu/tu years two ) this ; his tr; more MaYl 14 name Muhammad and became an active member of the British Islamic community. His wife followed her husband in his new faith. Pickthall in India In 1920 Pickthall was invited by the management of the Bombay Chronicle to serve as the editor of this journal. Pickthall accepted the job. Pickthall stayed four years in Bombay. In the autumn of 1921 Pickthall returned to Europe to spend the winter months. In 1922 Pickthall published a collection of short stories, As Others See Us. Shortly thereafter, he returned to India via France and Egypt. In 1924 Pickthall left the Bombay Chronicle, and in January 1925 he moved to Hyderabad where he lived for ten years, the happiest period of his life. Pickthall worked as a school master, and in 1927 he became the editor of Islamic Culture. Pickthall also worked for the Nizam of Hyderabad for several years. In 1928 the Nizam offered Pickthall a leave with full payment for two years to complete his translation of the Qur'an into English. During this period Pickthall consulted many scholars in Europe and Egypt about his translation. The translation was published in December 1930. The Final Days At the beginning of 1935 Pickthall retired after serving the Nizam more than five years. Pickthall and his wife then returned to England. In the middle of May 1936 Pickthall became ill and died at eleven em. on 19 May 1936 of coronary thrombosis. NOTE p2 Phoen Edwa Prcktha 15 NOTES TO CHAPTER I 1Abinger Harvest. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1976. p.279. 2Clark, Marmaduke Pickthall: British Muslim, London: Quartet Books 00.. 1986, p.2. 3Loyal Enemy, p.7. ‘lbid., p.6 50lark, p.1. 5D. H. Lawrence. "A Review of Marmaduke Pickthall's Said the Fisherman" in Phoenix, the Posthumous Papers of D. H. Lawrence. Edited and with an Introduction by Edward D. McDonald. New York: The Viking Press. 1938. pp.351-54. 7Forster, p.279. 8lbid. 9Ibid. 1”Lawrence, p.351. 11Based on Anne Fremantle's Loyal Enemy and Peter Clark's Marmaduke Pickthall: British Muslim. __— *fi — the c impor Easte dll’Ect t0 be repres where: Pieser and e' USage sUCCe. Enghs to his PIthh CHAPTER II ON REPRESENTATION Foreword: Representation and Pickthall Based on the issues of cultural representation discussed below and the characteristics of Pickthall's literature, representation poses as an important approach to the study of Pickthall's novels, particularly the Near Eastern ones. I will select some of the issues treated below to show their direct and strong relevance to Pickthall's Near Eastern novels. Language, to begin with, stands as the most important element in the process of representation. Pickthall's language is, in my judgment, the most interesting characteristic of his Near Eastern novels. Pickthall carefully presents original Near Eastern texts through his free use of Arabic words and expressions in addition to numerous cultural references. This kind of usage makes the reader see true glimpses of the Near East. Pickthall successfully employs the technique of domestic language to bring his English readers closer to the Near East, trying to meticulously represent to his fellow countrymen the ethos of the Near East. Another issue is the historical representation. The majority of Pickthall's Near Eastern novels are either based on historical events, like 16 17 Said the Fisherman, The Children of the Nile, and The House of War, or are basically historic like Knights of Araby and The Early Hours. It is therefore important to study Pickthall's representation of historical events. Knights of Araby, for example, is an accurate history of medieval Yemen borrowed from true histories but presented in afictional form. It is very hard to tell the imaginary from the real in Knights of Araby. The third important issue is the validity of external representation. External representation is vulnerable, as discussed below, to fall short of true and accurate representation. Internal representation, on the other hand, is the most accurate one once it becomes free of emotions. To his advantage, Pickthall acts as an external as well as an internal representative of the Near East. His true and full understanding of the Near East gives him the privilege to represent this area while enjoying simultaneously both the knowledge of the internal representation and the emotional freedom of the external representative. It is all these facts about Pickthall that made his Near Eastern literature an unprecedented one. In addition to the above mentioned issues, we should keep in mind that Pickthall came to the Near East asa political representative, a job that he did not get. Nonetheless, Pickthall continued the mission of representing both the East and the West, on his own, to all who read English. Unlike Edward Said‘, who favors, but doubts the existence of, a pure, non political representation of the East and the West to each other, Pickthall does not let political and ideological constraints affect his representation of both the East and the West. 18 Introduction My aim in this chapter is to present the reader with a brief account, mainly theoretical, on representation through which every work of art or thought is introduced to the audience. This theoretical introductory chapter serves the purpose of creating a context for this dissertation. The word "representation" denotes a complicated process in which many factors combine to affect the production of the work of art. Understanding the process of representation is a necessary tool for enjoying, comprehending and interpreting any work of art. Representation is the process of meticulously conveying a meaning through any suitable means capable of carrying the meaning in a particular context. The theory of communication deals with three elements: the transmitter, the recipient and the message. Based on this, I think that there are five elements involved in the process of representation. First, the meaning or the message to be represented. Second, the initiator of the meaning (source). Third, the medium of carrying that meaning. Fourth, the recipient of the meaning, i.e. the audience. Fifth, the context in which the meaning is to be represented. Definition Oxford English Dictionary lists a number of definitions of whichl choose the following: a. "An image, likeness, or reproduction in some manner of a thing;" b. "The action or fact of exhibiting in some visible 19 image or form;" c. "The action of placing afact, etc., before another or others by means of discourse; a statement or account, esp. one intended to convey a particular view or impression of a matter in order to influence opinion or action;" d. "A formal and serious statement of facts, reasons, or arguments, made with a view of effecting some change, preventing some action, etc.; hence, a remonstrance, protest, expostulation;" e. "The action of presenting to the mind or imagination; an image thus presented; a clearly-conceived idea or concept." Definitions e. and, especially, c. best define the meaning of "representation" in the context we are concerned with. Although definition b. focuses on the visible outcome of representation, the non-visible, e.g. mental, verbal, etc., form of representation is of no less significance. Combining the two definitionsl can say that representation is the act of portrayal to the mind. This act takes many forms, and the portrayal happens in many shapes. The ultimate recipient of the outcome of representation, as stated in definition b., is the mind. One could say that representation is a system of communication, just like language. This definition takes representation beyond being just a mere way of portrayal. This is because portrayal in itself is, in my judgment, not sufficient or is insignificant without the presence of a recipient capable of understanding and comprehending the idea or image being portrayed. In other words, representation is a system of communication whose significance is inherent in the basic concept of the process of communication itself which is incomplete without the simultaneous presence of three parts: the transmitter, i.e. the originator of representation; the receiver, i.e. the audience; and the message, i.e. the content of representation, or the idea or image being represented. Communication will not occur without the simultaneous presence of these 20 three parts. Similarly, the process of representation will not take place in the absence of the three essential parts. Moreover, the strength of representation depends on the strength of all the parts necessary for the completion of the representational process. Therefore, it is natural to encounter a weak representation or a strong representation. The process of representation, as mentioned above, is complex in that many elements and activities take place. Moreover, representation becomes involved in many topics and subjects. According to these topics, subjects, and elements, representation is divided into many kinds, for example, literary, political, historical, legal, religious, and so forth. However, all kinds of representation fall into two main categories, i.e. verbal and non-verbal. Examples of verbal representation are any written or spoken forms. Non-verbal representation includes mental and similar forms. The examples of the kinds of representation listed above, and others of course, reflect one or more of the categories and the subcategories just mentioned. Of those, lwill be dealing with the literary representation throughout my dissertation. Literary Representation Literary representation is the portrayal of themes, characters and places in all literary genres: poetry, fiction and drama. Writers, poets, novelists, playwrights and artists, to name a few, have to take all the factors affecting the process of representation into consideration, in order to achieve a complete and a successful representation of concepts or ideas they want the audience to receive. Writers and artists have to have an idea about the group or type of audience they are targeting. Awriter for children, for instance, would of necessity use an approach different 21 from one used for adult readers. Representation is like language in the sense that different usages of language are used in different situations. The source of representation, i.e. the author, therefore has to find a suitable medium through which the represented idea or image is to be transmitted. The medium to be used in the process of representation in the case of the narrative is verbal discourse, whether written or spoken. The content and form of this discourse shape the process of representation. There are many elements, like figures of speech, that determine the degree of strength of any given representation. Representation and Content The content, to start with, is, in my judgment, the main component of the process of representation. The idea(s) or image(s) being represented are what I mean here by "content." The content could be a representation of reality or of something else, depending on the context the reader or critic is dealing with. The context I refer to here is the one pertaining to literary representation. One of the basic elements in a literary text is its representation of reality, i.e. what I might call the literary reality, as differing from imagination. I feel that the word "imagination" falls short of conveying what lmean by the term "literary reality," which represents the content of literary representation more strongly than "imagination." The first impression one gets after encountering the word "imagination" is that it reflects something confined to and related to the mind. "Literary reality," on the other hand, conveys a connotation that is not limited to the mind only, but a process that encompasses all the mental faculties, human culture and the possibilities in the universe into an experience or activity I call literature. Every idea or image represented 22 in literature is a "literary reality." The expression "literary reality" also serves the purpose of distinguishing this type of reality from other kinds, such as historical and social. The literary reality that is represented in the historical novel has something to share with the historical reality, i.e. both represent and portray events that actually happened, but from different perspectives. This leads us to questions like: if reality is represented in a particular text, then to what extent is that reality fully represented? and how authentic is the representation? or has the represented reality been affected by the prejudices or the way of thinking of the writer? It is difficult to answer such questions fully and honestly. Such a problem is not evident in fictional narrative. As for the historical novel, one finds that the literary or historical reality represented there is transformed or affected to a certain degree while being represented. The reason for this is because "narrative is," as Hayden White puts it, "not merelya neutral discursive form that may or may not be used to represent real events. . ."2 The absence of neutrality in narrative discourse renders a truthful representation of reality something inconceivable. White explains new criteria for distinguishing between what is real and what is imaginary: Recent theories of discourse ...dissolve the distinction between realistic and fictional discourse based on the presumption of an ontological difference between their respective referents real and imaginary, in favor of stressing their common aspect as semi- ological apparatuses that produce meanings by the systematic substitution of signified (conceptual contents) for the extra- discursive entities that serve as their referents.3 This new theory challenges the long-cherished belief that reality can be fully and truthfully represented. According to this theory, it becomes very 23 difficult to distinguish between what is real and what is fiction. Although many factors affecting the true representation of reality come from outside the text, the theories referred to by White suggest that new factors are now coming from within the text itself. In other words, there is now another authority that controls the interpretation of the text, i.e. language. Verbal representation, that is language, is almost the strongest form of representation. The sources of reality are now believed to be found not in archives or data bases, but in discourse and rhetoric.‘I This verbal activity underlies the very nature of the art of story-telling. After all, narrative is the art of "how to translate knowing into telling."5 The word is the bridge that carries human experience from the mind into "a form assimilable to structures of meaning that are generally human rather than culture-specific."6 Once the story is "out there," it is no longer the property of the culture that produced it; it belongs to the whole of humanity. The universality of the story-telling stems from the fact that it is a result and governed by a universal system, i.e. language. Like language, story-telling has become an integral part of human experience and human activity. Roland Barthes remarks that narrative is "simply there like life itself . . . international, transhistorical, transcultural."7 It is language that makes narrative "international, transhistorical, transcul- tural." In Hayden White's words, "narrative might well be a solution to . . . the problem of fashioning human experience intoaform assimilable to structures of meaning that are generally human rather than culture- specific."° Narrative, or story-telling, is not only a result of human experience; it shapes and enriches this experience. In other words, narrative and human experience relate to each other in a two-way 24 direction. This characteristic is not limited to narrative; it is found in poetry and other terms of art, as T. S. Eliot states: ; The poetry of people takes its life from the people's speech and in turn gives life to it; and represents its highest point of conscious- ness, its greatest power and its most delicate sensibility.9 This reminds me of the famous saying that life imitates art in the same way that art imitates life. It is this reciprocal relationship that gives meaning and significance to both life and art; neither of them can exist without the presence of the other. Although Eliot's description of poetry might be argued as national rather than transnational, lthink that good poetry is shared by all people as an essencially human experience. Representation and Language Language, as mentioned above, is the most important element in the process of literary representation. The word is the instrument of the power of language. The word has become "a bridge over, a new space between the intellect and the world."10 This bridge is not only one of meaning, but one of power too as seen in T. S. Eliot's comment on Dryden's powerful use of language: "[Dryden] applies vocabulary, images, and ceremony to make an enemy helplessly ridiculous."11 The issue of language and power is of great interest to people of letters, linguists, orators, politicians, journalists, propagandists and others. The power of words may very well overshadow the merit of the subject represented by these words. In other words, a capable writer could manipulate words to create an impression about some thing or idea that is not necessarily innate in that thing or idea. Similarly politicians, for example, do the same thing with words. In this game of words the invariable loser or victim is either the fact or idea represented, or the recipient, or both. Words have 25 become more important than the idea or image, i.e. the content, they represent. T. S. Eliot's preference for words over their meaning, or form over content12 is not without basis. The words that can add significance to an insignificant subject can also strip such significance from a significant subject, depending on the shrewdness and the intention of the writer or orator. Writers, however, may find themselves in a position controlled by the prevailing norm in a totalitarian society. In this case representations face more risk. In such a society writers might find themselves like "many Victorian writers [who] find that every attempt to represent the ambiguities or solve the mysteries at the center of their world is in danger of destroying it."13 Foucault calls this situation a "crisis of representation."14 Language can also be a cause for reaching a crisis of representation. W. Shaw remarks that "Literature reaches a crisis of representation whenever the density of its language leads a writer into a maze, complicating or deforming what he wants to say.”5 In other words, every element in representation, except words, could be victimized by one or more of these elements. We are not sure to what extent this victimization happens, nor can we determine whose responsibility it is, but we are at least sure about one thing, i.e. the loss of a truthfully represented reality. The most important element in representing reality is, I believe, the representation of meaning carried by words in whatever form. Noam Chomsky"5 argues that factors other than the "semantic rules" determine the representation of meaning. Chomsky poses an intriguing question: Do the "semantic rules" of natural language that are alleged to give the meanings of words belong to the language faculty strictly speaking, or should they be regarded perhaps as centrally- embedded parts of a conceptual or belief system, or do they subdivide in some way?17 26 I agree with Chomsky that the process of giving meaning to words is not limited to the language faculty per so; no language develops cutofa social vacuum. Therefore, the relationship between language and society, and language and culture is inseparable. Raymond Williams rightly asserts that "in practice, language does operate as a form of social organization."‘8 Writers, novelists, and poets, of necessity work under the umbrella of this social organization to produce their different forms of representation. Representation and Reality The issue of representation in relation to reality is an important one in the sense that the represented reality is not necessarily the same as the reality itself. In his pioneering book Orientalism, Edward Said articulates the problem of a represented Orient and not a true Orient in Orientalist writings. Although Said's work is primarily concerned with reality and representation in the writings of Orientalist, his remarks could apply, in my view, to all representations, and are worth noting here. Said focuses on the evidence as a means of proofing a given representation in an Orientalist text: "My analysis of the Orientalist text places emphasis on the evidence, which is by no means invisible, for such representations as representations, not as 'natural' depiction of f the Orient."19 Said's distinction between reality and representation is a result of his first hand experience with misrepresentations in the Orientalists' writings as cited in his work. Nonetheless, Said's remark reiterates the idea that reality is not the same as representation. Said further explains this idea: I believe it needs to be made clear about cultural discourse and exchange within a culture that what is commonly circulated by it is not "truth" but representations...ln any instance of at least written 27 language, there is no such thing as a delivered presence, but a re- presence, or a representation.20 Said here distinguishes between the written and spoken language in representing the "Orient," the real thing. In my judgment, both carry the same amount of significance with the difference that written language is easily documented and referred to. On the other hand, spoken language has the privilege of creating certain effects, like pitches, intonation, pauses, etc., on the audience. Such possibilities are more difficult to convey for the written language. Said's remarks on the inevitable difference between reality and representation are echoed by Alexander Welsh who maintains that "To make a representation usually means representing the facts on someone else's behalf - there can be a slippage in the idiom itself, from representing the facts to representing a client..."1'1 One would rightfully ask what makes representation of facts differ from the facts themselves. One possible reason for this, as Said suggests,” is exteriority of the representation. By exteriority Said means the external factors and elements involved in any process of representation. In his case Western representation of the Orient is an example of this kind of representation, i.e. external representation. Said explains the reason behind his negative view of external representation: "The exteriority cf the representation is always governed by some version of the truism that if the Orient could represent itself, it would; since it cannot, the representation does the job, for the West, and faute de mieux, for the poor Orient!” Welsh, on the other hand, takes a positive side for the external representation. He says: Representing facts for someone else makes it easier to attack or defend without causing offense; it helps direct attention away from 28 the emotions and toward the dispassionate account of things.24 Welsh here asserts the importance of taking emotions away when making judgments, i.e. being objective, which is true. The thing that is untrue, however, is the statement that the external representative is the best representative. I do not mean that this statement is to be inferred from Mr. Welsh's remark, but I want to assert the point that internal representative is, in my judgment, the best possible representative once he or she learns how to control their emotions. The internal representative has an important edge, in my judgment, over the external representative, which is his or her supposedly full and unbiased knowledge and understanding of themselves; it is very difficult for any one else to have the same knowledge and understanding. One might argue that such knowledge could be obtained from different resources, but the question is: to what extent are these resources accurate, complete and unbiased? The risk to the accuracy of representation caused by emotions in the internal representation is, in my opinion, less than the risk resulted from lack of complete and accurate information in the external representation. I do not mean, however, to underestimate the fact of the presence of knowledgeable impartial outsiders. External representation tends to become a representation of the client, (of. Welsh's previous remarks), rather than a representation of the facts. The reason for this, in my perception, is that facts once they happen cannot be repeated, nor can they happen again in the same fashion and in the same circumstances, even it exactly similar circumstances happen to appear again. These facts have simply now become history. There is no way to replay them except through representation, and this is the heart of the matter. 29 Represented facts convey not their presence but their re-presence, to use Said's words. This notion brings into consideration the relation between literature and history, and literature and social life, a relation that is marked with instability and continuous transformation in the sense that no represented aspect of social life, whether in literature or history, escapes transformation, not only by the writer but by the reader as well. Susan Wells explains how: "... social life is meditated and transformed by the writer; the work is interpreted and transformed by the reader."25 Every reader will have his or her own version of the represented reality and the result will be an endless process of transformation through representa- tion. 30 NOTES TO CHAPTER II 1See Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), pp.5-13. 2Hayden White, The Content at the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987) p. ix. 3Ibld., p. x. ‘David Kellner, Language and Historical Representation: Getting the Story Crooked (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press. 1989), p. vii. 5White, The Content of the Form, p. xi. 6lbid. 7A5 quoted in White, The Content of the Form, p. 1. The citation appears In Roland Barthes, "Introduction to Structural Analysis of Narratives," Image and Text, trans. Stephen Heath (New York, 1979), p. 79. 3White, The Content of the Form, p. 1. 9'l'. 8. Eliot. The Use of Poetry and the Use of Criticism (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1933), p. 15. 1°As quoted in Kellner, p. 5. The citation appeared In Timothy Relss, The Discourse of Modernism (Ithaca, 1982), p. 54. "T. S. Eliot, "John Dryden," TL 8, 1012 (June 9, 1921), p. 381. 1"’See T. S. Eliot, "Prose and Verse,” The Chapbook, 22 (April 1921) 3-10. 13W. David Shaw, Victorians and Mystery: Crisis of Representation (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), p.1. 14Ibid. Islbid., p. 21. 16Rules and Representations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), p.82. ‘7lbld. 18Culture and Society: 1780-1950, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), p.275. 19Said, p. 21. 31 20Ibid. 21Alexander Welsh, Strong Representations: Narrative and Circumstantial Evidence in England (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p. 9. 22Said, Orientalism, p. 21. 23|bid. 24Welsh, p. 9. 2"’Susan Wells. The Dialectics of Representation (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), p. ix. CHAPTER III PICKTHALL'S NEAR EASTERN NOVELS BEFORE 1917 1. Said the Fisherman (1903) Introduction Said the Fisherman is considered to be Pickthall's most important novel. There are some reasons in my point of view behind this. First, the novel is Pickthall's first recorded account of his experience in the Near East during his first visit in the years 1894-96. Second, the novel presents vivid and meticulous descriptions of various aspects of the Near Eastern life of the period. Another reason is that the novel is free of sentimentality, as E. M. Forster observes.1 In other words, Pickthall's fascination with the Near Eastern sun and the clear sky does not obstruct him from seeing what is there beneath the sun and the sky, i.e. the people and the life over there. Pickthall mentions the agreeable as well as the disagreeable, even at the expense of spelling sweet images; this aspect will be discussed later. in detail. Another reason for the success of Said the Fisherman is that the novel does not contain propaganda as found in Pickthall's later Near Eastern novels. In addition to all this, as Peter Clark points out, the novel is "less hastily composed than later Near Eastern novels."2 32 33 Said the Fisherman takes Marmaduke Pickthall ahead of his peers. The Athenaeum's reviewer states the following remarks about Pickthall: The author (unlike even the best of writers who deal with foreign or remote people) makes no claims, and never draws attention to his learning; and he makes no mistakes. His local colouring is nearly faultless; his modest, rare comments are distinguished for their sanity and accuracy; his humor is unfailing, keen and never boisterous.3 These characteristics of Pickthall's writing in Said the Fisherman are present throughout his Near Eastern novels. Publication History When Said the Fisherman was first published in 1903, it received some important literary recognition. The Athenaeum's reviewer described Said the Fisherman as "a triumph of the story-teller's art." The reviewer stated further that "it is worth a place upon any shelf beside Morier's Haji Babe," and that "it belongs to a little exploited school of fiction, and is one of the very best of its select school that we have come upon."‘I James Barrie sent "a letter of congratulation. H. G. Wells wrote to Pickthall, wishing he could feel as certain about his own work 'as I do of yours, that it will be alive and interesting to people fifty years from now.'"5 D. H. Lawrence wrote a "welcoming" review in Ade/phi twenty-five years after the initial publication of Said,° in which he described Pickthall as going thoroughly native, but only in imagination. The novel also received credit from other recognized writers and prominent figures of the time like Edward Browne, Stanley Lane-Poole, D. S. Margoliouth, Lord Cromer and Arnold Bennett.7 34 Despite the warm welcome and the "immediate acclaim"8 that Said the Fisherman received, the sales were scant during the first two months of its publication. But the sales started to increase considerably and continuously so that the novel's fifth edition was in the market in less than two years, and by 1927, the novel reached the fourteenth edition. Moreover, the novel had been translated into German and Italian.9 Interestingly enough, there exists no Arabic translation of Said, as far as my research can tell. Summary of Events Said the Fisherman is set in Palestine, Syria and Egypt, but for the most part takes place in Syria. The novel tells the story of the adventures of its central character, Said, and is divided into two parts: The Book of his Luck and The Book of his Fate. "We are to read into the word of Fate," D. H. Lawrence tells us, "the old meaning of the revenge of the gods."10 As the novel opens, we meet Said in the coastal city of Haifa in Palestine. Said is a poor fishermen who practices this profession just to keep a bare living. Said often goes fishing in his fellow fishermen's boats, for he does not have a boat of his own. Said's humble savings are treacherously stolen by his partner, Abdullah, who tricks Said into believing that a jinni had robbed Said, and that Said should run out of town to save his life. Said, scared lest the evil spirit could follow him, and outraged, takes his wife, Hasneh, and the valuables the couple could carry, leaving behind their poor house and a fig-tree. Said decides to head for Damascus, hoping to find a new and a prosperous life there, now a city of his dreams. On his way to Damascus, Said lies to all whom he meets in order to create an impression on others, invite help or avoid a possible danger. 35 Said's central lie is his repeated false statement, to those he meets, that he is going to Damascus to claim the inheritance of his brother. Said, the liar, abandons his exhausted wife a long way before he arrives in his dream city and heartlessly continues his trip. Said arrives in Damascus in the summer of 1860. The first chapter of Said's life in the "great city" is marked by poverty. Said's companion in Damascus is Selim, a poor good man who was originally a muleteer, but now a servant in the house of Ahmad Pasha, the governor of Damascus. Said and Selim start a small business partnership of modest success. Said wants quick cash instead of the very little profit. Said meets an old beggar who tempts Said to abduct Ferideh, a young Christian girl whose father has allegedly driven the beggar's daughter into wrong behavior. Said believes the beggar and decides to abduct the Christian girl. The year of Said's arrival in Damascus has been a year of tensions between the Christian community on one hand, and Druze and Muslims on the other. On one occasion Said and other youths are obliged to sweep the Christian quarter, a punishment which is considered both humiliating and unproportional to the youth's crime. This incident triggers violence between the two parties. Said takes the opportunity to abduct Ferideh, pretending to save her after her father has been murdered and robbed by the old beggar. Said later marries her after the riots finally calm down. Hasneh, Said's first wife, is coincidentally reunited with Said. Said starts a carpet-selling business, which proves to be very successful, and enjoys a prosperous life. Ferideh bears a son to Said who now becomes a father for the first time. Ferideh wins the trust of Said; and Said confides to her the hiding place of his wealth. Ferideh steals the money and elopes with her Frankish11 lover to Greece. Said almost loses 36 his mind in grief to the maximum. Not only does Said lose his wife, son and money; he loses all his friends and becomes an outcast. Said feels the guilt of his roguish past, and starts mending his behavior. He and Selim go to Egypt, after a twelve-year stay in Damascus, in hope of finding a new life. But again Said is overcome with lustful desires. He is preoccupied with the 'fair ones' in London, spoken about by a dragoman. Since Said does not have the necessary documents to leave the port, he smuggles himself into a steamer bound for London, abandoning Hasneh for the second time. Said's experience in London turns out to be so upsetting and unbearable, as he has no friends, money or shelter, that he falls unconscious. He is rescued by a Christian missionary and is returned to Alexandria to meet his tragic death in the riots imagining himself defending the religion of Islam. Interpretation Said is a rogue who would ignore moral principles to securea personal desire, or avoid a trouble. He is a shrewd dodger and a treacherous villain who employs lying freely to achieve his selfish goals regardless of whatever consequences telling lies might bring on him. Said is the chief practitioner of what I call 'the structure of lying' in the novel. Said justifies lying as a means of protecting his honor! "A man who bewails his misfortunes before strangers isafool and rightly despised; but he who exalts himself is sure of honour."12 Said, however, does not realize that lying will lead him into embarrassing or risky consequences that he cannot escape. An example of this happened during Said's first days in Damascus when he lies one day to Selim about his [Said's] wealthy possessions like a palace and some lands. On the next day Said 37 was crying over the theft of his money in a house of sin. As Selim is consoling Said that that loss was onlya mishap when compared to the Said's boasted wealth, Said feels like a serpent had bitten him, and has to admit that "It was a lie - the word that I spake to thee. I have nothing but that thou wottest of, which I lost..." (80). But Said, the arrogant, still would not give up the sense of false pride. He continued lying: True, I was a great one formerly. Men pressed to kiss were it only the hem of my robe when I walked abroad. But there was an end to my greatness. My enemy, who hated me, was appointed Caimmacam [local governor], and used his power as governor to my ruin. l was robbed and my robbers were openly screened from vengeance. One night certain of the Council that were my friends came privily to my house - a palace it was, by Allahl - and told me of a plot to slay me. Then I fled away by stealth... (80). The lying goes on, and Said the liar does not feel a bit shy or bashful of the lies he feels free to assert even under oath, i.e. pronouncing the Name of Allah. Said employs lying as a means of competing and beating others' lies. There are two examples to show this behavior. The first one is Said's conversation with Mustafa, the old beggar, both on Said's way to Damascus, and when the two met in Damascus. The other example is Said's conversation with Abdullah, his former friend and robber, when the two met in Beirut after the fall of Said. In both instances Said and his counterpart indulge in a conversation of lying and false bragging about each others' 'glamorous' and 'bright' past, with one exception of Said's telling some of the truth to Abdullah about his prosperous Damascene day. The main reason that underlies the lying of the three men is, in my judgment, a psychological one that can have one or more of the following explanations. The first is that boasting and showing pride are essential aspects of the human psyche, and the degree 38 of practicing this behavior by anyone depends on many factors, internal and external. Second, These three men lived in agenerally poor and illiterate society, where boasting of 'wealth,‘ or any worldly gain, is considered a relief, albeit afake one, from the hardships of poverty and the only way to express pride is, of course, through structuring fictional accounts, or creating imaginary settings. Third, when illiteracy spreads, people invent ways of passing their time; one way is by indulging in chatting and telling adventurous tales that are welcomed by people who like adventures and verbal challenges. In summary, an analysis of the structure of lying in Said the Fisherman leads to the following remarks: 1. One lie leads to another. (Cf. Said and Mustafa). 2. One lie from an addressee necessitates a bigger lie to counter it. (Cf. Said and Mustafa, and Said and Abdullah). 3. A lie leads to an end that is too late to escape. (Cf. Said and Selim as quoted above). 4. Lying is shown as a means of preserving one's 'dignity' and 'honor.‘ (Cf. Said's remark quoted above). 5. Lying appears as a way of escaping or dodging an eminent danger. (Cf. Said and the caravan travelers who brought Hasneh, Said's wife, after she was abandoned by Said on their way to Damascus. 6. Lying is depicted as a field of verbal competition. (Cf. Said and Mustafa, Said and Mohammed Effendi, and Said and Abdullah). In Said the Fisherman Pickthall shows the reader the Near East through Said's eyes. Pickthall, as any tourist who looks for the exotic, 39 picks Said as a right person for his English audience, although this person poses as a bad example for a society and a culture he subscribes to, and supposedly follows. Said is a bad Muslim whose actions and behavior often go contrary to the teachings of his religion. Therefore, Said is an ignorant hypocrite who entertains no respect to his belief, and who holds a double character. After the end of the riots, and the abduction of Ferideh, the Christian girl, and taming her to his pleasures, we read in Said's mind the following thoughts (in Pickthall's words): he had been feverishly happy throughout that time of trouble and disgrace. The true Faith was sure to triumph at the end. Meanwhile he had not neglected to pray to Allah five times a day, had eaten no pork, and had been careful to avoid handling any unclean thing. (194). Said keeps to his prayers while he is abducting an innocent person. In other words, Said avoids small sins while overlooking big and major ones. It is this schizophrenic attitude and behavior of Said which is, in my judgment, responsible to a great degree for the readers' lack of sympathy with Said. Another aspect of Said's double character is his imbalanced and unstable behavior: whenever he faces difficulty, he repents and laments his miseries to an exaggerated extent, and often ignores his religion and belief; but when he is prosperous and having a pleasant time, he prays and observe the teachings of his religion. His commitment to his religion is subject to his personal desires and changing mood. Said is arrogant; he often rejects the advice of his pious friend, and sometime honest servant and partner, Selim. Whenever Said rejects any of the advice of Selim, trouble follows. Two examples of this are Said's loss of his money in the house of sin despite Selim's advice and warning 40 against going there. The other example is Sa'id's decision, in spite of Selim's continued advice and counter effort, to buy the luxurious house of Mahmud Effendi which led to his fall when all the funds collected for this purpose were stolen by Ferideh in a flash. Said's personality, which dominates the whole novel, represents, or rather misrepresents, Islam as a"combination of formal dignity with sensuality and vulgarity,"13 a criticism which is common in Western literature.“ Consider, for example, Said's feeling after the Damascus riots: The unbelievers enjoyed a respite while the faithful said their prayers. Said fell on his face and gave praise and thanks to Allah. It pleased him to think on how few days of his life he had omitted to pray at each appointed hour. Then, shrugging his shoulders resignedly, he rose, inhaled a perfumed breath of the night, and murmured, "Allah is justl" (165). Said the Fisherman is not, however, devoid of good Muslims. There is the pious and good man Selim, Said's partner and frequent companion. There is also Sherif Abbas and the Algerian leader Abdul Cader who helped protect many Christians during the riots. But the active presence of Said the villain throughout the novel overshadows the presence of these good men. This is the nature of virtue which is often overtaken by vice. Said the Fisherman is full of both sweet and sour images. When the reader sees that the sweet is always mixed with the disagreeable, the reader will be convinced not to be absorbed by the sweet images. And this is why the reader might feel, sometimes after reading the novel, that his or her sympathy, or lack of sympathy, with the novel stops after reading the last page. 41 Historical Representation Pickthall's representation, in Said the Fisherman, of the historical riots that took place between the Christian community on one hand, and Druze and Muslims on the other in 1860 is important in evaluating his overall representation of late nineteenth century Syria. Pickthall's treatment of this historical event (Chapter XXI and after) has been marked with as much accuracy as a historical novel would allow. In other words, Pickthall narrates actual events and incidents of the riots inaway that has the advantages of both the license of fictional narrative, and the ' avoidance of boring historical details and its style of relating events.‘5 Apart from the representation of historical events is the representa- tion of people's attitudes and reactions that are associated with the events. Said's and the mob's feelings after the riots, as explained above, do not, in my judgment, speak for the whole society. The presence of good men like Abdul Cadir, who helped end the riots, does not serve a balanced and a just representation because his presence is very marginal and so is his role, while Said dominates the whole book. This kind of treatment by Pickthall adds, I believe, to the amount of misunderstanding. Conversion Markers In Said the Fisherman, there are some hints of what I could perceive as early markers of Pickthall's conversion to Islam. There is for example the sweet and enchanting call of the muezzin (or the caller to prayer) as it touched Pickthall through Said's ears at the time of Said's arrival in the outskirts of Damascus: At the foot of the hill, on the utmost fringe of the gardens, he could see a little village of flat-roofed houses. Astring of camels 42 was drawing near to it along the base of the steep. The tinkle of their bells rippled the twilight cheerily. Of asudden the noise of chanting arose - a wild, delirious song of piercing shrillness. It came from the high platform of the only minaret of the village. Somewhat mellowed by the distance, it reached Said's ears as heavenly music. The clangour of bells ceased ofa sudden. The camels had halted. Their drivers, obedient to the muezzin's call, were prostrate in prayer. (52). This passage shows Pickthall touched by the muezzin's call. This chanting call is depicted later in the novel, but inadifferent way that is appropriate to the big city of Damascus: But just then a shrill murmur from the city floated out over the darkening gardens - the chanting from a hundred minarets, the voice of the common conscience bidding all men pray. (86). In both descriptions the muezzin's call is 'chanting,' and takes place at dusk, when Pickthall perhaps finds the muezzin's call most melodious. Pickthall's feeling towards the muezzin's call is repeatedly expressed throughout many of his Near Eastern novels as we shall see later in this study. It is the muezzin whom E. M. Forster mentioned twice in his article "The Mosque?“i with the difference that the muezzin, or 'crier,‘ mentioned by Forster called to the prayer earlier from the top ofawall, as in the past, and later from a minaret, or 'a tower.‘ Another point that is worth mentioning here is that in both instances where the muezzin is represented by Pickthall, a silence followed for the performance of the prayer which Pickthall described, but without the chanting feeling that we find associated with the muezzin's call. In addition to Pickthall's reference to the muezzin and the prayer, the reader finds references to some specific and detailed matters related to the prayer (53); the Quran (60); and to seven signs that precede the 43 Day of Judgment (89-90), as reported in the Islamic tradition; the month of Ramadan (248-49); and the Day of Judgment (251) beside many other minor references. The citing of these references reflects Pickthall's acquaintance with many aspects of the Islamic culture. It is such knowledge that is, in my judgment, important to consider in tracing Pickthall's way to conversion. Conclusion As I read through Said the Fisherman I see that Marmaduke Pickthall is a writer who comes from the West to a Near Eastern land, with all his ability to observe and record. Not only does Pickthall observe, but he also passes his observations and remarks to his fellow countrymen, employing all his skills of careful observation and accurate description to produce a well-written account that is there for generations to come. Although Pickthall's concern is to depict the exotic, as any tourist would do, Pickthall's exotic sometimes hides an affection for something he finds sweet and pleasant. This is felt during the first stage of Pickthall's travel in the Near East. But it is to be noted that Pickthall here is still far from advocating what he finds sweet and enchanting. Pickthall's early encounters with the Near East are both interesting and ambivalent. We sense this attitude in Said the Fisherman where Pickthall "has not treated us fairly" as D. H. Lawrence observes.17 In Said the Fisherman Pickthall invites the reader to sympathize with a rogue who ill treats and deceives virtually all whom he meets and deals with. Pickthall's treatment of the character of Said reflects, to some degree, Pickthall's reaction to his experience in the Near East around the time of 44 writing the novel. Although, the reader is dismayed with the character of Said and with other characters of his type, and with the overall negative images that overshadow the pleasant ones, the reader is left, at the and, eager to learn more about this exotic world. 45 2. The House of Islam (1906) Introduction The House of Islam had not been a successful novel as compared to Said the Fisherman. This second Near Eastern novel "lacks the intensity and measured preparation of Said the Fisherman."“i But E. M. Forster observes that "The House of Islam is written more seriously than the other novels of Mr. Pickthall)“ It was first published in September 1906 in New York by D. Appleton and Co., and the novel has not been reprinted. The House of Islam tells the, story of two brothers, Milhem and Shems-ud-din, originally Palestinians but who now reside at Constantinople in Ottoman Turkey. Milhem is an ambitious politician who aspires for power and influence in working for the government, while Shems-ud-din is a pious person and a wealthy merchant who enjoys peaceful living. Summary of Events As the novel opens in Constantinople, we see Shems-ud-din visited by his brother. Milhem, who is appointed in charge of a Circassian community settled in Transjordan after the Crimean war Milhem visits Shems-ud-din to bid him farewell and, more importantly, to borrow enough money from him to buy a government post. Shems-ud-din decides to accompany his brother despite the latter's resentment. Both board a ship bound for Lebanon. Aboard the ship, the pretentious Milhem treats his 46 brother rudely for the sake of protecting his hypocritical dignity. Milhem believes it is degrading to talk to his humble brother in public. Both continue their trip to Esh-sham, i.e. Damascus, taking different rides. In Damascus Shems-ud-din meets Hassan Agha, the chief Circassian, a sinister person like Said Agha in Said the Fisherman. When his term of office expires, Milhem alone departs Damascus for Istanbul after Shems-ud-din decides to stay and continue his peaceful living. Shems-ud-din's most beloved daughter Alia becomes very sick beyond available treatment. Shems-ud-din first accepts this sickness as something ordained by Allah, i.e. God, but friends and relatives urge him to seek treatment for Alia. Some recommend hanging a piece of Alia's clothes on a special "blessed" tree, which the pious Shems-ud-din considers an idolatrous act (53). Others talk of a European hospital in El Cuds, i.e. Jerusalem, known for its expertise (49,56). Shems-ud-din's heart is torn between the difficulty of seeking the help of this hospital, and the belief in the power of God to save his daughter. Finally, he agrees to seek every possible way to get his daughter admitted to the private hospital in Jerusalem. Shems-ud-din has a son, Abd-ur-Rahman Bey, who has recently moved to work in Jerusalem through the help of his uncle Milhem. Abd-ur- Rahman's presence in Jerusalem encourages Shems-ud-din to go there for the medical treatment of Alia. In Jerusalem, the broken-hearted Shems-ud-din is not treated well by his son who abstains from meeting or talking to his father in public; the teaching of uncle Milhem is working for Abd-ur-Rahman. Shems-ud-din, as usual, finds excuses for his son's behavior. 47 Alia finally is admitted into the care of the European physician in his house, not into the restricted entry hospital, after repeated attempts by her father. The treating physician gives up hope in the recovery of Alia despite all his effort to save her. Shems-ud-din's deep love for his daughter makes him forget, for a moment of reverie, the Creator God. Shems-ud-din, at last, commits his daughter's life to the will of God. Shems-ud-din wakes up one day to the news of his daughter's death. Alia's death comes as a relief to her father who cannot feel any sorrow for her beyond what he has already undergone before her imminent death. Shems-ud-d‘in now turns to contemplate upon himself as he becomes aware more and more of his 'sin,‘ i.e. of putting all his trust in the physician to save the life of his daughter. Hassan Agha and his lawless band have been stealing and committing other offenses in the city. Their behavior has caused great embarrassment to Abd-ur-Rahman who is in charge of a garrison: they are supposedly the company of his father, but at the same time they could not be accused for lack of evidence. Later Shems-ud-din and the Circassian group are arrested for the riots and the killing of the physician's servant. The group stands trial in which they are all acquitted of the charges through the influence of Abd-ur-Rahman. After the trial, Shems-ud-din, with his followers, leaves Jerusalem vowing not to return. Abd-ur-Rahman also decides to leave Jerusalem and its glamorous life to join his father in peaceful living. Shems-ud-di‘n and his son are rejoined by Milhem who also chooses to withdraw to blissful living in his brother's company. 48 Interpretation The House of Islam shows the interrelating role of faith and human nature in facing emotional hardships for a Muslim family. Shems-ud-din is torn between different solutions in dealing with the serious illness of his much beloved daughter, Alia. In the first place, he puts his trust in God; "0 Allah, weld my will to Thine! O Lord spare my daughter“?!0 Shems-ud- din keeps supplicating. But Shems-ud-din's prayers are overwhelmed by repeated urgings from friends and relatives that he should seek treatment for his daughter. Some suggest hanging a piece of Alia's garment on a 'blessed' tree, which Shems-ud-din rejects utterly: "Be silent!" said Shems-ud-din sternly [to Alia's maid, Fatmeh, who suggested the tree], "Allah forbid that one of my house should commit so great an impiety!" (53). Shems-ud-din's response is based on his belief that curing is the privilege of God alone, and thus regarding the mentioned tree for such a privilege contradicts full belief in God. Shems-ud-din remains firm in this belief, and his prayer "ceased not," (76). Nonetheless, Fatmeh has fulfilled her desire by going to the tree in secret. When Shems-ud-din discovers the matter, he becomes very angry and removes the cloth from the tree. "In tearing down the idolatrous rag off the branch, he [Shams-ud- din] had accepted his daughter's death at the hand of the Lord." (76). But Shems-ud-din's love for his daughter makes him think of a miracle from God that would ransom her in the same way prophet Ibrahim's son, Ismail, was ransomed (76). This shows Shems-ud-d‘in's great love for his only daughter, and his helplessness in saving her. When some friends advise Shems-ud-din to take his daughter to a famous Frankish physician in Jerusalem, he submits while feeling in his heart the guilt of his 'sin' for moaning for remedy. His mind is now divided between hope and fear: 49 hope in a cure for dearest Alia, and fear from God for not waiting enough for His remedy. This time Shems-ud-din's love for his ailing daughter takes over him and obliges him to accept treatment from the English physician whatever may be the price. One main reason that Shams-ud-din consents to the English physician's treatment is advice from one of Shems-ud-d‘in's friends: "... The Franks have skill in medicine-more especially the tribe of them which is called the English... The power to cure is their inheritance from lsa the Prophet [Jesus], the mighty healer." (56). Although Shems-ud-din will not allow her garment to be hung on the Magic Tree, ”he accepts an aid which is in essence as idolatrous”)?1 Shems-ud-din only learns this when his daughter is about to die. But now Shems-ud-d‘in's belief in God is strong, and is represented as a controlling factor in coping with his daughter's illness. In rejecting the healing 'power' of the tree, he proves his firm belief in the power of God alone. In consenting to seek treatment for his daughter, on the hand, Shems-ud-din is not acting contrary to his belief whose teaching does not prohibit medical treatment, as a cause but not as a guarantee for recovery. As the suffering of Alia continues, Shems-ud-din's pain for her grows bigger, and so does his appeal for the doctor to save her life. When the physician judges that Alia's death is near, he calls Shems-ud-din and explains to him the nature of Alia's incurable malady, and that 'he had done what man could do to relieve the pain of it, and increase by a little the number of her days,’ and that 'there was nothing more on earth that he could do.‘ (218). Upon hearing this, Shems-ud-din, 'on a sudden wave of longing forgot even Allah Most High. From his sinful heart he cried: "Save 50 but the life of her, the life alone!..."’ (218). He repeated, while fiercely gripping the wrist of the physician, "Save but the life, 0 best of physicians, and may Allah bless thee ever!" (218). Shems-ud-din's prayer for the doctor triggered in him this sudden immediate reaction: But the name of Allah, glaring in that connection, showed him in flash the vanity, the gross impiety, of his behavior. Heart- humbled, he let go the arm of the Frank. His head dropped, tears filled his eyes. (218). From this point on, Shems-ud-din's mind becomes troubled with the 'sin' of appealing and praying to the doctor, 'in place of Allah' (223), to save Alia's life, "the life alone." Shems-ud-d‘in is taken into a night-long troubling reverie where a strong sense of guilt confronts and challenges his deep love for Alia. Shems-ud-di‘n's dream reflects an inner psychological conflict, the battleground for which is his troubled mind which now becomes subjected to the resolution of this conflict. Ironically enough, this conflict is only resolved when he is painstakingly awakened, by Alia's maid, to the news of Alia's death to which he can only express his sense of relief: "Praise be to Allah!" (225). Afriend of Shems-ud-d‘in expresses a similar attitude: "...it is in truth ablessing. For had Allah granted life to the girl, our friend deemed her rescued by the Frank, ...ascribing to him that power of life and death which is the prerogative of God alone." (229-30). It is mentioned above that the teaching of Shems-ud.din's belief does not prohibit medical treatment, as a means and a cause but not as a guarantee for a recovery that is independent of God's Will. Shems-ud-din appears to have this belief at an early stage of his daughter's illness, but as the illness proves to be incurable, Shems-ud-din's belief in God begins to recede in favor of his trust in the physician. This is the sin to which 51 Shems-ud-din awakens, becomes troubled with, and then resolved by the death of Alia. He realizes that "Man prays for evil as he prays for good, for man is unthinking [without understanding],"22 (247). Conversion Markers Although The House of Islam is not a successful novel, it stands as an important work in tracing Pickthall's transitional conversion process. The novel depicts one side of the Near East that is often overlooked as E. M. Forster explains: The East isn't palm-trees and sunsets, or friendly rogues, or the Harem, or the cynical and discontented peoples, though it contains all these things. It is a spirit also, and though that spirit may not be the finest, we must attempt to define it, and The House of Islam may help.23 The novel is filled with references to the Islamic culture, which reflects Pickthall's growing knowledge. As compared to Said the Fisherman, The House of Islam contains over thirty-five Islamic or Islamic-related references. Pickthall's treatment of the references in The House of Islam reflects more of his still developing understanding of the Islamic culture. The represented references are generally less negative than those in Said the Fisherman. Once we consider the main characters, for example, in both novels, we see that the duplicitous character of Said in Said the Fisherman, who steals, lies, and deceives and yet claims to be a practicing Muslim, is not repeated in The House of Islam. On the other hand, Shems-ud-din, the central character in The House of Islam, is an ordinary practicing Muslim but, like anyone, has normal shortcomings which he tries his best to overcome. 52 Another interesting point in The House of Islam is Pickthall's representation of some Islamic references that reflect a knowledge about Islam that is expected only from people educated in the Islamic culture, tradition and law. Some examples of this are: Pickthall's representation of the journey of Prophet Muhammad to Jerusalem (31); "the Way,“ (31); "the Fat'ha,"24 (32); "Jehennum,"35 (39); "the celestial beast, Burac,"2° (133); "the Slime,”7 (138); "the Day of Assembly,"28 (155), and "the last day,"29 (219), etc. An example of referring to the Islamic law is the criterion of distribution of inheritance between men and women, (163). There is also a reference to the muezzin whose call, as in Said the Fisherman, is like "a wild unearthly chant," (54). Pickthall's treatment of these references and many others in The House of Islam is significant. Pickthall treats the references to the Islamic culture and tradition through insightful conversations about various Islamic themes between Shems-ud-di‘n and Zeyd the son of Abbas, Shems-ud-din's companion to Jerusalem who never leaves him. Shems- ud-din, who is well learned about Islam, often starts talking and instructing while Zeyd listens in deep motivation and attention. on one occasion when Shems-ud-din was talking about the mercy of God, "the tones of his voice unclosed Zeyd's consciousness, like the sun's touch on a flower," (159). Shems-ud-din continued talking and Zeyd reacted deeply: And he [Shems-ud-din] continued speaking of the mercy of Allah in splendid terms that Zeyd caught fire at them and seemed inspired, he also crying: "Hear him!" "0 Allah!" "O Lord!" "His mouth is gold!" "Praise be to Allah!" " I faintl" "I die!" moaning and sighing gustily like one possessed. (159). 53 As I read The House of Islam and analyze the characters of Shems-ud-din and Zeyd, I sense here an element of autobiography: Marmaduke Pickthall seems to express early views and interest about the mercy of God and some other related matters through the character of Zeyd. Shaykh Shems-ud-din, I think, personifies the Syrian scholar Marmaduke Pickthall met in his trip to Syria during his first journey to the Near East. Peter Clark mentions that During his two years in Palestine and Syria he [Pickthall] was tempted to embrace Islam. He was dissuaded by the Shaykh al- 'uIama. of the Umayyad mosque in Damascus. 'Wait till you are older,’ the old man advised, 'and have seen again your native land...'30 What supports my impression that Pickthall's hidden transitional interest in Islam is present in The House of Islam through the character of Zeyd is, I think, Zeyd's continued contemplation of what Shems-ud-din has to say in his conversations shown by Pickthall to be instructing and insightful. "This solemn and beautiful book," E. M. Forster states, "has indeed the effect of a gesture. It is an avowal of faith."31 Conclusion In The House of Islam, Marmaduke Pickthall treats the issue of Muslims' reactions to difficulties and hardships. This is presented in light of belief in God and destiny. Shems-ud-din's coping with the serious illness of his daughter passes through a transitional period. His first intention is to accept her illness as something "from Allah" and to trust in His mercy. Later he consents to seek medical treatment for Alia's illness. As the treating physician gives up hope in curing Alia, Shems-ud-din's 54 appeals to the doctor to "save but the life, the life alone," make him suddenly realize that he is asking the physician to preserve life which God only is capable of doing. Shems-ud-din's departure from Jerusalem, after the death of his daughter, to live in peace represents his rejection of the pretentious life of the city exemplified by his brother Milhem, and later by his son Abd-ur- Rahman. Towards the end of the novel, Shems-ud-din is joined by his son and later by his brother to live with him a humble and peaceful life. They will dwell in the House of Islam instead of the House of Strife, and they will meditate upon the Iittleness of man, all whose activities are but as a speck on the ocean of God's mercy, and whose schemes for power and for length of days are equally vain.32 Milhem's and Abd-ur-Rahman's withdrawal from the pretentious city life reflects a triumph of the values represented by Shems-ud-din. 55 3. The Children of the Nile (1908) Introduction Marmaduke Pickthall wrote The Children of the Nile following his visit to Egypt in 1907. The novel carefully and richly depicts the social changes in the Egyptian society during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. That period witnessed major events, the landmark of which was the revolt of 'Arabi Pasha and the Free Officers, and its crushing at the hands of the British army led by Wolseley in the battle of Tel-el-Kebir in September 1882. Those events, which were dramatically staged in Cairo, Alexandria and the Nile delta, were destined to shape the future of Egypt for decades to come. The British involvement drew a political debate which "was prompted," as Peter Clark observes, "by Cromer's retirement as Consul General in Cairo in 1907 and the publication of his Egyptian memories, Modern Egypt, in 1908,"33 the same year in which The Children of the Nile was published. Clark added that the "case against Britain's involvement was made by Wilfrid Scawen Blunt in Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt published in 1907"“ The Children of the Nile is one of Marmaduke Pickthall's best novels. It is deep in thought, clear in tone, vivid in descriptions, rich in images and full of humor. The novel takes the reader back to the late nineteenth century Egyptian society with no sense of a big gap in time, as if we were really alive in that time or society without that sense of temporal or spatial alienation. We could see the people in their colorful 56 costumes, hear them talking and bargaining, hear the "chanting voice of the muezzin," smell the fragrance of the town, shield our eyes from the rays of the Near Eastern fierce sun, walk over the sand, etc. Unlike literary writers who wrote about, and traveled (or did not travel) to the Near East and observed it from the outside and wrote about it accordingly, like Forster, Doughty, Byron, Goethe, Melville, Scott, Wells, etc., Pickthall went deep into the society: he spoke their language, wore their clothes, ate from their food, and lived in their houses. No wonder then that Forster described him as "the only contemporary English novelist who understands the nearer East."35 With this understanding Pickthall invites his readers to take a closer look, a more original one, at the Near East. Summary of Events Mabruk, the protagonist of the novel, comes from a wealthy Delta village family: he is a student at the School of Medicine in Cairo; his father is a shaykh, a social position only attained by highly religious education or, as is the case with Shaykh Mustafa, Mabruk's father, by wealth. We first see Mabruk reading a French romance translated into Arabic. The influence of this European romance is captivating Mabruk throughout the novel, reading it repeatedly and dreaming of the day he would be living in a society similar to that of Sharlas and Kamila, the French romance. Mabruk's dreams are temporarily disturbed by an alarming letter he receives from his father, summoning him to their home village in the Delta. Mabruk's father has to summon him to avoid the envy of the people: very few were able to send their children to schools, especially European ones; such people are normally envied and ‘Illl',l|‘l'“-ll*lliil 57 frequently subjected to different forms of fleecing. Shaykh Mustafa is able to convince Mabruk to live in the village, thereby, terminating his medical education. Life in the village means hard working in the fields, growing different crops and taking care of the land. When Mabruk arrives at the village he assumes the village life easily, with no apparent difficulty. Moreover, MabrOk likes the company of Mohammad en-Nuri, the notorious robber, and later becomes an aid to the brigand. Mabruk's behavior marks a sharp and sudden change in his social values. It is only a short time ago when Mabrak was on his way to the village riding with some villagers who were admiringly talking about the mischievous brigand, when Mabruk ridiculed their talk and called on them to practice 'urbanity.’ Mabruk's urban values vanish in the midst of the village's social entity as he now becomes an integral part of it. It is the same social force to which those villagers belong. Not only is the brigand accepted in the society asa social reality; he is treated with respect since he 'helps' the needy. Peter Clark observes that "Brigandage flourished in the 1870s and 1880s and Pickthall observes the positive social role of the brigands"” I am not sure here if Pickthall is cultivating the "positive social role of the brigands" as anthropological relativism, but I think that at least we must not hold those Arabs at time of anarchy and ignorance to our own high standards of public morality. Mabruk is then seen as a member of a village delegation or pilgrims to the grave of some popular saint: Ahmed el-Bedawi as, in Tanta, whose mOIid, i.e. birthday, is carefully observed by the mass of uneducated village inhabitants. Mabruk is seen in total devotion, suitable only for God, to the saint: I do not mean to say that the novel regards this behavior as unsuitably idolatry, but the saint is shown as having a strong 58 hold over the villagers' lives, controlling their destiny and capable of providing them with happiness and farag, i.e. consolation, or inflicting hardships on those who do not pay him, as well as the grave's custodians, due tribute and respect. The third part of the novel treats Mabruk's role as a zealous soldier in the nationalist revolution of 'Arabi Pasha. Here we see Mabruk devotedly work for the cause of the revolution even if it means flogging the villagers and confiscating their crops and cattle to support the revolutionary army. Although the 'Arabi Pasha revolution draws a strong support from the poor people and the oppressed soldiers who see a relief from their miseries, in the revolution, and the opportunistic rich like the Circassians and many Turks, the revolution is crushed by the British army in the battle of Tel-el-Kebir. When the British army takes over, the people of Egypt are shown warmly welcoming the British soldiers and offering them service. Moreover, Mabruk, supposedly an enemy, is now translating for the English officers. He, like the rest of his people, is shown rejoicing in the sight of English manners and talk everywhere, i.e. a society similar to that of Sharlas and Kamil. Plckthall's Versus Cromer's Representation of Egypt Like Said the Fisherman, The Children of the Nile is full of accurate descriptions, colorful scenes, vivid images and true humor. The novel puts its author in a place never reached by his peers in writing fiction about foreign people, especially Near Eastern places and people. In his review of Said the Fisherman, The Athenaeum's reviewer, as quoted above, makes the following remarks about Pickthall: 59 The author (unlike even the best of writers who deal with foreign or remote people) makes no claims, and never draws attention to his learning; and he makes no mistakes. His local colouring is nearly faultless; his modest, rare comments are distinguished for their sanity and accuracy; his humor is unfailing, keen and never boisterous.“ These observations are true of Marmaduke Pickthall's The Children of the Nile and his other Near Eastern fiction. The following passage from The Children of the Nile, for example, shows a typical true Near Eastern image as seen through the eyes of Mabruk: To avoid their gaze, which troubled him, he looked out of the window, and saw the suburbs of the town slip by and the cultivated plain appear, stretching away to a line of low hills, the colour of a lion's back, the desert frontier. Sakiehs39 and clumps of palm-trees, with here and there a cake of mud-built hovels, stood forth like islands. The fields were full of life: men and women ploughing or reaping green clover; children herding grey, unwieldy buffaloes, brown sheep, or munching camels. Along the dyke moved a scarce intermitted procession of countrypeople, of camels, oxen, mules, but chiefly asses, in clouds of dust made warm by the declining sun. Shocked by the inelegance of the rustic scene, Mabruk Effendi tried to read (9). "'Camels, oxen, mules, but chiefly asses.‘ This is neither great writing nor a great landscape," E. M. Forster rightly observes, "but - Le voila! We can greet it, for it is true, and so is the psychology of Mabruk Effendi."4° The descriptions in this pasSage are true representations of Pickthall's Near East, the real and unidealized or sentimentalized one. To elucidate this point further, we should compare and contrast the previous quote with a passage in Said the Fisherman describing, through the eyes of Said, a village bordering Damascus: At the foot of the hill, on the utmost fringe of the gardens, he could see a little village of flat-topped houses. Astring of camels was drawing near to it along the steep of the steep. The twinkle of their bells rippled in the twilight cheerily. Of a sudden the noise of chanting arose - a wild, delicious song of piercing shrillness. It 60 came from the high platform of the only minaret of the village. Somewhat mellowed by the distance, it reached Said's ears as heavenly music. The clangour of bells ceased ofasudden. The camels had halted. Their drivers, obedient to the muezzin's call, were prostrate in prayer. (52). These two descriptive passages show us similar Near Eastern scenes and Pickthall's unsurpassed ability in giving true and comprehensive accounts of such scenes without sacrificing local color, tone, nor losing the sense of humor, and more significantly without removing the disagreeable which is sentimentalizing, to use E. M. Forster's term. Both passages showa sudden interruption of the ongoing scene, either by something internal to the observer, as in the first example, or external as in the second: Mabruk, who has been reading a French romance, becomes overwhelmed with the rustic scene and looks for an escape in the romance; Said, enchanted by the muezzin's call, cannot help ignoring the call. The interrupters in both quotes are contrary to each other. Opposite elements are also normal in Pickthall's unsentimentalized representation of the Near East. Consider, for example, this description of Damascus, in Said the Fisherman: Sweet, Ianguorous odours, wafted from the shop of a vendor of perfumes, a whiff of musk from the shroud of some passing woman, the fragrance of tobacco, a dewy breath of from a mule's panniers crammed with vegetables - little puffs of sweetness were alternate in Said's nostrils with the reek of dirty garments and ever-perspiring humanity, with vile stenches from dark entries, where all that is foulest of death and decay was flung to the scavenger dogs that slept, full-gorged, by dozens in every archway and along every wall. Said inhaled sweet and foul alike with a relish as part of the city's enchantment. (62). This paragraph is a clear evidence of Pickthall's realistic disillusioned representation of the Near East. Pickthall becomes a leading figure in representing the real, not the faked, East, to use E. M. Forster's words. 61 Forster shows the difference between "the real East , however quiet its tone, and the faked East, which is often sumptuous and skillful, but which exists to be the background of some European adultery.“1 "The faking," Forster explains, "began long time ago. Cleopatra was the original excuse, and the Emperor Augustus (wanting to keep the Egyptian corn- trade in his own hand) pretended that the country would corrupt his pure- hearted Romans, and forbade them to land without a permit."42 In other words, Augustus deliberately misrepresents the East for a personal gain. Moreover, he advocates a culture, with all its sociopolitical and legislative implications, that would incorporate this faked East. Such a faked culture was of course necessary in placing this created East in its "proper" place, and accordingly dealing with it in the "proper' way. The theoretical faking initiated by The Roman Emperor Augustus is thus implemented towards the newly created and shaped distorted reality. Egypt, or rather, the East per se was to exist only through the existence of the Augustan empire: no Roman could land in this dangerous 'unexisting' country "without a permit" 'recognizing' its 'existence.’ This Augustan policy underlay Europe's, and generally the West's, perception and treatment of the East for centuries to come. Forster's remarks are echoed by some orientalist thinkers like Edward Said who relates the dichotomy between Europe and Asia, or the West and the East, to an imaginative geography. He observes that A line is drawn between two continents. Europe is powerful and articulate; Asia is defeated and distant. Aeschylus represents Asia, makes her speak in the person of the aged Persian queen, Xerxes' mother. It is Europe that articulates the Orient; this articulation is the prerogative, not of a puppet master, but Of a genuine creator, whose life-giving power represents, animates, constitutes the otherwise silent and dangerous and dangerous space beyond the familiar boundaries.“ 62 This separation between Europe an Asia, or between "we" and "them," in the imaginative geography was followed by a separation in the real world, and, eventually, a preparation for Europe's colonization of Asia. The whole process was an essential part of the "faking" campaign that incorporated a one-way directed imperialist discourse and a culture Iegitimizing colonization. Egypt, the topic of Pickthall's The Children of the Nile, is an excellent case in this matter. Egypt was colonized by Britain in 1882. Lord Cromer was the British governor of the colonized Egypt for a quarter of a century. He recorded his experience and memoirs of Egypt in Modern Egypt published in two volumes in 1908, a year after Pickthall's first arrival in Egypt, and the same year, as mentioned above, of the publica- tion of The Children of the Nile. Cromer's book depicts Egypt, the society, culture and of course politics, through the imperialist mentality represented by Cromer. In his introduction, Cromer states that the purpose of his book is "to place an accurate narrative of some of the principal events which have occurred in Egypt since 1876"“ Cromer's Modern Egypt is, however, overshadowed by imperialist cultural represen- tation of Egypt in the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries. Cromer represents the British occupation of Egypt asa reform done for the sake of Egypt. Cromer's accuracy is observed only for his fellow countrymen; as for the Orientals, accuracy takes another direction: Sir Alfred Lyall once said to me: "Accuracy is abhorrent to the Oriental mind. Every Anglo-Indian official should always remember that maxim." Want of accuracy, which easily degenerates into untruthfulness, is, in fact, the main characteristic of the Oriental mind“!5 63 Cromer explains the reason for the previous remarks: The European is a close reasoner; his statements of fact are devoid of ambiguity; he is a natural logician,... his trained intelligence works like a piece of mechanism. The mind of the Oriental, on the other hand, like his picturesque streets, is eminently wanting in symmetry. His reasoning is of the most slipshod description... [the] descendants [of "ancientArabs"] are singularly deficient in the logical faculty. They are often incapable of drawing the most obvious conclusion from any simple premises of which they may admit the truth. Endeavor to illicit a plain statement of fact from an ordinary Egyptian.“6 Based on this reasoning then, Cromer not only justifies European colonization of Egypt; he implies the necessity of occupation. This above quote is a sample of the discourse of domination. Europe has to remain intelligent and naturally logical to continue the justification of her occupation of the illogical and inferior East. Richard H. Brown rightly observes that "notions of cultural difference readily become systems of judgment and coercion by which one group marks off and dominates others.“7 As for Egypt, it was more than cultural domination that took place; Balfour believed that Egypt, modern Egypt, was rather created, and Cromer was to be praised: Everything he has touched he has succeeded in....Lord Cromer's services during the past quarter of a century have raise Egypt from the lowest pitch of social and economic degradation until it now stands among Oriental nations, I believe, absolutely alone in its prosperity, financial and moral."8 "How Egypt's moral prosperity was measured, Balfour did not venture to say."49 In the previous paragraphs, l have attempted to outline the basis and context of Cromer's representation of British Egypt and to relate this to the discourse of domination. Marmaduke Pickthall's representation of 64 Egypt in The Children of the Nile, on the other hand, though accurate and unsentimentalized, as noted above, serves imperialist interests, whether Pickthall wanted it or not. Although Pickthall objected to the British occupation of India, he advocated it in Egypt. The Children of the Nile is, therefore, considered an important part in the imperialist cultural structure, especially if we agree that "narrative plays a remarkable part in the imperial quest."5° Marmaduke Pickthall depicts the "social change" in Egypt and we see the change through the eyes of Mabruk, the protagonist of the novel. The Children of the Nile opens with Mabruk reading a French romance of Sharlas and Kamil. This French romance stays at the background of the events of Pickthall's novel, and poses as a model of change Mabruk dreams of throughout the novel, against the meticulously portrayed miserable economic and administrative conditions before and during Colonel Arabi's revolt, till the end where Mabruk's dreams come true when the British forces take hold of the country. "By the Prophet," says MabrOk, "they [the British, or the lnkliz] are lords of mercy," (301). Pickthall sums up the reaction to the British occupation: "...it was known that the English were good, harmless people, who waived their right to take the province for themselves, and would not allow the Turks to punish more than the few chief movers of rebellion. Loud were the praises of their generosity. The English manners, English speech, were in the air. Young men of fashion who used to say "Banjii" in the French way, now said "Good-ah-day" at sight of one another. English civilization was the rage, and all the youth of the city flocked to the taverns of the Frankish quarter in order to study the right way of it (313-14). Social Change: Brigandry In The Children of the Nile, Pickthall depicts the social change that took place in late eighteenth century Egypt as seen through Mabruk's 65 character. Mabruk, the educated medical student who preaches urbanity to some villagers while on the way to his village, is seen aweek later after his arrival as now a"young fellah, [standing] by with others of the village to watch the bargaining urbanity, no longer his business,..."‘~i1 One week is enough for the village society to make Mabruk forget all about urbanity. In such a society, the individual almost loses control over his personality and affairs. One example is Mabruk's father who does every thing for Mabruk, i.e. takes care of his own affairs, thus overshadowing his son's personality. Another example is the easy recruitment of Mabruk by Muhammad en-Nuri, the notorious robber, while Mabruk was condemning this robber and robbery as contrary to urbanity: "It is a sin!" he exclaimed, "a disgrace to this land of Masr, the most civilized of all lands It is a duty of every man to assist the Government to catch and destroy this most hateful offender, that so our people may have rest, and advance in the paths of urbanity..." (p. 10). Later, we will see how Mabruk's ideals are overtaken by the village society he is soon to join. The social, rather than the individual, values are the ones to be accounted for. In other words, the society dictates to the individual ideals and values to be followed. Mabruk is an example in this regard. The village society is shown as a complicated one in which a person like Mabruk cannot survive without developing "a habit of blindly accepting what [is] set before him." (p. 17). Is it Mabruk who develops this habit? or is it the society which forces such behavior? or both? The latter receives my positive answer. When Mabruk ‘blackens his face with charcoal, for disguise, at his first joint robbery attempt, his personality, character and values are also blackened. Pickthall represents robbery as an act of bravery and 66 adventure, and "observes the positive social role of brigands."‘52 Throughout his Near Eastern novels, Marmaduke Pickthall did not remove the disagreeable, as Clark observes,53 but this disagreeable is in many instances exaggerated. Pickthall's representation of the brigandry as a positive social role lacks the comprehensives of approach, i.e. the consideration of some other factors rather than just considering one apparently 'positive' aspect. Many people would compromise with the brigand, praise him and like his company for many reasons. The attitude of these people does not reflect the attitude of the whole society to the brigands. There are, for example, the opportunistic poor people who aspire for something from the robber. Others are weak and, for one reason or the other, fear the power of the robbers who tend to be powerful with the spread of corruption. There are other people who wink at the robber so as to avoid his targeting them. The case of Muhammed en-Nuri, the mischievous brigand, is an evident example: "But the Nuri is an upright man and generous. So long as we keep faith in him, he will not betray us," (p. 65), as said by one of the villagers. But when he is being searched for by authorities, one villager, no longer afraid of the robber, seizes the moment to express his true feeling towards the robber: "Let the robber be given up!" "Let the omdeh seize the robber and deliver him over to the soldiers! He is, after all, a strangerl" (p. 64). Like other robbers, the Nari does not target the village he lives in, and therefore many selfish people of this village overlook his wrong doings as long as they are safe. Furthermore, they respect him, calling him Shaykh, since he helps the needy and gives presents to the late village saint. But the fact is that all that he possesses was taken from other villages, whose reactions are ignored by Pickthall in his representation of the "positive" 67 social role of the brigands. This point will be expanded below in the discussion of some inaccurate representations in The Children of the Nile. Conversion Markers The Children of the Nile is, in my point of view, a landmark in Marmaduke Pickthall's way to conversion. Unlike Said the Fisherman and The House of Islam, The Children of the Nile alone, as mentioned below, contains over sixty references to Islamic culture, not to mention other numerous references to the Arabic language and culture. The novel is a clear indication of Pickthall's broad knowledge of the Near Eastern culture in general, and of his relatively fast learning about this culture. Moreover, the references Pickthall represents in The Children of the Nile are not limited to common practices; Pickthall mentions very minor practices which are normally observed by fewer Muslims as well as major concerns for Muslims. On the former side, consider, for instance, this example: Everyone took care to pass the threshold right foot first, and say, "In the Name of Allah the Merciful, the Compassionatel" (95). This is a reference to the etiquette practiced at the time of leaving one's house, as reported in a tradition of the Prophet. On the other major side, this example shows the point: Only three days since he [the Sayyid Hafiz] had returned from Esh Sham, where he owned much property. In truth, he belonged to no one province, but to El Islamiyeh, and was at much at home in Samarcand or Mekka as here in Egypt. Viewing this world from the heights of true religion, he saw its political concerns, for the most part, as only a strife of base ambitions, of which the strivers would be ashamed of at the Last Day. (175) 68 This passage expresses a general nostalgic feeling among Muslims in the early twentieth century for the return of the Ottoman Kaliphate which was disintegrated by the Allies after World War I. Pickthall himself worked for the Kaliphate cause in his later years during his stay in Turkey and later in India. "Commitment to the world of Islam and detachment from strife for advancement or temporal gain becomes a common theme in Pickthall's later Islamic thinking."54 This theme is evident, for example, in The House of Islam: the novel ends while Shems-ud-din is enjoying a peaceful life in the country, away from the glamorous material life of the city (of Jerusalem). What makes the point even stronger is the joining of Shems- ud-din's son and brother, who used to be absorbed by the material life. Cultural References Pickthall leads his Near Eastern novels with cultural references, mostly in their original form, i.e. using Arabic words and expressions. A quick look at the table of cultural references, cited in The Children of the Nile, below shows the large number of references Pickthall employs in representing late nineteenth century Egyptian society. In The Children of the Nile alone, there are 69 references to Islamic culture; 104 Arabic words and expressions; 37 references to Arabic culture. In addition to these references, there are 50 places, in Egypt, the Arab and the Muslim Worlds, referred to. I think that citing these numerous references by Pickthall serves two purposes: firstly, this is a clear indication of Pickthall's deep understanding of the Near Eastern culture. Secondly, Pickthall is sending a message to Western readers, who are presumably the target of such a novel, that the way to learn about and understand the 69 Near Eastern culture is by knowing its people and society through dealing with them and with their words and culture at first hand. One could rightly argue that Pickthall is representing a culture to a reader belonging to a different culture, therefore, the best way to represent a culture in this setting is by employing original cultural elements or "specimens" in a form suitable for the representational context. This way of cultural representation gives the reader a live and a clear sense of what is being represented. You would not get a full sense of what a perfume, for example, smells like through the richest verbal description as much as you would by smelling it for yourself in reality. Inaccurate Representations By inaccurate representations, I mean the wrong or incomplete representations as I perceive them to be. These representations are, however, not to be confused with negative but true representations. Pickthall, as observed by E. M. Forster, does not sentimentalize, i.e. he does not remove the unarguable, about the Near East.55 What Pickthall often does, nonetheless, is exaggerate some negative cultural repre- sentations. Below are some examples of the inaccurate representations: 1. The representation of robberies by force as an act of bravery: "To assail men thus by daylight, in a public place, seemed more than human bravery." (p. 39). Pickthall's generalization about the assault here overlooks the cause or purpose of the attack. While the context suggests that it is a robbery assault, Pickthall's general statement misleads the reader into the understanding that to attack men in public is an act of bravery, even if the purpose is robbery. Even if the burglars referred to in 70 this context are treacherous enough to act thus in public, Pickthall's statement is still, in my judgment, unfair. 2. The representation of humility: The Sheykh Mustafa would have kissed the dusty boots of his patron, but the latter and his servant between them restrained him by main force. (p. 45); When a public figure like Sheykh Mustafa performs such an act of humility, even for his boss the Bey, one cannot help but resent the society Pickthall is representing, while feeling the exaggerated statement. Although Sheykh Mustafa was prevented from fulfilling his willingness to kiss the Bey's "dusty shoes," he had a chance to make up for it when visited by the Inquisitor. The exaggeration appears clearer in the portrayal of Sheykh Mustafa at the lnquisitor's visit: In the twinkling of an eye the Sheykh Mustafa was on his knees beside the stirrup, ardently dusting the lnquisitor's boot with his tongue. (67). In spite of the positive reaction, i.e. the apparent disdain of the Inquisitor to Sheykh Mustafa's behavior, what stays in the mind is the image of Shaikh Mustafa "dusting the lnquisitor's boot with his tongue." 3. The representation of veiled women who appear in the novel not as women but as "Forms of women" (p. 46); "... Their veiled forms darkened the entry," (117). The word "forms" depicts, or rather degrades, these women not as human being, but as lifeless "forms". This is an example of a cultural representation of an aspect or an image not found in Pickthall's culture, and thus he here seems to be lacking necessary tools, i.e. understanding and objective disinterestedness for creating an artistic 71 portrayal appropriate to representing the mentioned image in a supposedly work of art. 4. The representation of Muhammad en-Nuri, the robber, as a righteous man and a Muslim too! When the Nuri is being questioned by the Inquisitor, he rejects the accusations of his robberies calling the Inquisitor to ask all the present villagers about this matter: "... Ask all men present, and they will inform thee that I never wronged a man among them." At that all present sang his praises warmly, exclaiming: "He speaks the truth. This robber is a good, righteous man, O Excellency, and loves the poor. He is a Muslim, too, and given to good works. He has presented a fine new kisweh to our village Sheykh, Selim the Donkey-driver." (p. 73, italics mine). The response of the villagers reflects a cultural dichotomy represented as if it were a way of life for the villagers. By "cultural dichotomy" herel mean the contradiction between cultural principles and ideals supposedly held by a society represented as being a Muslim society, and the practice of people supposedly adhering to these principles and ideals. A representation of a society as such results in a mockery of those principles and ideals. It is normal in every society and culture to find people not representing a culture they presumably subscribe to, but it is not thinkable to find a whole people collectively behaving contrary to a culture they belong to. In regard to the case of Muhammad en-Nuri, the robber, Pickthall depicts the villagers inacultural dilemma. They know that Muhammad en-Nl‘iri is a robber, and even admit it to the Inquisitor, whether they were aware of it or not, yet they claim that he is "good, righteous man." Not only this, but he is "a Muslim too."[l]. One would wonder what sort of good, righteous and Muslim this robber is. 72 Said Bey Ramadan informs on the robber, not out of sincerity, but for a selfish purpose, i.e. to gain the lost favor of the authorities. The Bey is a member of a corrupt system which let unjust actions take place. The arrest and torture of an innocent man, like Ala'ad-din, the watchman, during the search for the robber, is an example. His case is a sign of the dichotomy of justice, i.e. the dilemma of justice. After his release, Ala'ad- din complains to Mabruk condemning the injustice committed against Ala'ad-din: "O Allah Most High! But it is not civilized to treat men thus. It has been forbidden by the law these many years." "Nay, by thy leave, 0 my dear, it is lawful to be done in private. The law only forbids it in public and by authority. The Inquisitor knew nothing of it; the soldiers of the town did it in their zeal to further business. Thou understandest, there is a consul in this affair, and when a consul demands justice, all things are lawful; his lust must be satisfied. I blame not the torturers, for a blind man could see they were at their wits' end. Yet it is hard on Ala'ad-din, since after all he is released and found quite innocent. But what would you, O my masters? The world is so." (p. 83). Mabruk articulates the hypocrisy of justice in his society very briefly and - bitterly. 5. The treatment of the children and handicapped people: "Children at their play upon the ground were kicked and flung aside like dogs or baskets. A blind man, groping his way round the yard by the walls, was hustled till he knew not where he stood." (p. 66). 6. The representation of the individuals' vulnerability to some social factors. An example is the case of Said Bey Ramadan. After his dismissal from an 'honorable job' at the Khedive's court, Said Bey Ramadan spent some time in Mabruk's village. The Bey lived in Sheykh Mustafa's house and he was able to control the villagers' lives simply because of their naiveté: l 73 As he sat there, smiling, with hands locked on his paunch, the treacherous dog had the lives of all present in his power for good or ill, since, from loving-kindness towards an ill-used man, the villagers had told him all their secrets. (p. 70). The vulnerability of the villagers to Said Bey Ramadan is not the norm, in my judgment, but it is because of his position as a former aide to the government. 7. The representation of the relationship between Christians, or "Nazarenes," to use Pickthall's word, and Muslims as that of hatred and mutual misunderstanding. This an inaccurate representation in the sense that it is either exaggerated, or does not reflect a common practice in the society. The practice of a small mob of young scoundrels does not represent the position of the whole society. Each of these inaccurate representations unfortunately corroborates an already existing prejudice, in the mind ofa European readen Use of Humor Pickthall's use of humor in The Children of the Nile is an interesting point; it often needs some familiarity with the Near Eastern culture to get full sense of and see the humor in it. Here are some examples: 1. The readiness of Said Bey, after his dismissal, to stay at the house of Sheykh Mustafa, Mabruk's father, in spite of the latter's hesitancy. Pickthall puts it this way: But even in the abyss of grief he was mindful of hospitality, and begged that ill-used man to honor his poor house a month, a year. At once, as if he had been expecting the invitation, Said Bey told his man to bring in the saddle-bags. (p. 52). 74 Every morning Said Bey Ramadan rose to depart, but always yielded to the prayer of the Sheykh Mustafa that he would adorn the village yet another day. (p. 53). The understanding of the Near Eastern culture helps see the humor in this. 2. The fall of a boy from a tree: Upon that there fell a hush so profound that the chuckle of a boy who had swarmed up the palm-trunk to a height above the roofs, addressed to some child below (for children play to children, dogs to dogs), draw all men's gaze upon the climber, who, scared by so many eyes, fell sprawling down upon the heads and straightway howled. A dozen hands seized hold of him in vain attempts to stop his noise, for Rashid was still speaking and all wished to hear what he said. (p. 65). 3. Mabruk, offering too much thanks twice, for simple matter, to Omer Efendi who commands Mabruk to save some of his for future occasion: . Mabrfik would have exhausted himself in gratitude had not the Turk, in his old sneering manner, bidden him keep some of his thanks for future occasions, (219). Again Mabruk would have exhausted thanks, but his patron bade him save some for the next occasion, (220-21). Language as a Representational Device Marmaduke Pickthall devises some techniques in representing Near Eastern cultural references in The Children of the Nile, as well as in his other Near Eastern novels. The most important technique Pickthall employs is, in my judgment, language. Marmaduke Pickthall createsa language of an irreconciled reality. He develops aunique language in expressing and representing his Near Eastern setting. He is creatinga 75 Near Eastern setting of his own: the language they speak is an Arabized English whose words are Arabic, but signified by English characters, i.e. transliterated words. In doing so Pickthall's use of the Arabized English, or rather the Arabo-English inter-language, is meant to draw the English reader to come on only to be overwhelmed with numerous strange words occupying familiar characters in such a way that the addled reader will soon look for a way out Of this labyrinth. Nonetheless, the reader finds the passages at hand interesting and too intriguing to be left. The magic of the Near East, with its fierce sun, chanting voices, colorful costumes, and weird images most likely have captured the reader's soul. To make his text easier for the English reader, Pickthall attaches a glossary of Arabic words and terms to many of his Near Eastern novel. The glossary is often short and is not enough for a reader who is not familiar with the Near Eastern culture. It is Pickthall's way of taking his readers into his world, although he tends to be unsympathetic with his readers. Pickthall seems to want them to find their way in this strange yet wonderful world, and to learn for themselves the codes of survival in this world. Some of Pickthall's Language Techniques 1W An example of Pickthall's shrewd use of language is the use of the word "omdeh" (p. 29, for example) for "mayor:" Pickthall could have used the English word, but it seems to me that Pickthall wants to represent the omdeh as different from mayor. The repetition of the word omdeh six times on one single page (p. 29), is a stylistic technique that serves the purpose of creating a semantic as well as a thematic effect: the semantic association of the word omdeh is now established; the thematic element is 76 in emphasizing the role of the omdeh in a Near Eastern setting as different from, and more influential than that of the mayor as perceived by the English reader. 9, Use of Variation Another kind of language technique is the use of variation, i.e. two different words, having the same meaning, an example is "Wallahi" (p. 15) and "By Allah" (p. 42); both wdrds have the same meaning in Arabic and English. The use of the words "Inquisitor" (p.67) and "mufettish" (p. 63); "cymbals" (p.100) and "tar" (p. 98); "El Céhireh" and "the victorious city" (both p. 230); "saccas" (p. 6) and "water-sellers" (p. 276) are other examples for this technique. I -I I-D [' 'l' Another technique Pickthall adopts is the definition of an Arabic word just next to its occurrence. An example for this is the definition of the word ghufara: "One morning, when Mabruk was sitting under the palm-tree in his father's yard, in conversation with the ghufara, or village watchmen, who had come to take their orders from the omdeh..." (p. 44, italics mine). Another example is "mahganeh, the mystic's staff." (p. 168, italics mine). d, Word Combinatjgg ' Pickthall sometimes uses words combined of both English and Arabic. An evident example is "sub-mudi‘r," (p. 279) which is combined of an Arabic word and an English prefix. 77 e, Iransliteraligg Transliteration, mentioned above, is widely used by Pickthall to create a special effect particularly in proper names and some Arabic words. Transliteration serves the advantages of pronouncing the word(s) as native-like as possible, and the preserving of an "original flavor" necessary to appreciate the context at hand. Some examples are (just to cite few): 'Al'd-din, Mabruk, en-Nari, zakir, DOseh, etc. Avariant of this technique is the transliteration of Latin proper names. An example is "Sir Wt‘llsli" [Sir Wolseley] (p. 273). Notice the use of diacritical marks, in both sets of examples, which are important in achieving as accurate pronunciation as possible of such words. f. 56 of Different Ilin s Pickthall often uses different spelling of single words; one spelling is familiar to the English reader. I think the purpose of this technique is to help the English reader match a word, spelled in a familiar way, with another spelled different in an earlier occurrence. An example of this is: "shaykh" & "sheikh;" and "Coran" & "Koran." WM Consider this quote, for example: "... This matter is secret between me and thee." (p. 145). Notice the order of the pronouns "me" and "thee." It is Pickthall's way of presenting Arabic culture with people speaking an "Arabic like" English. In other words, this is the kind of their Arabic that Pickthall wants to present to the English reader. On the other hand, their 78 English takes the following form, as spoken by Mabruk, the interpreter to the English officer: "He come now directly.." (p. 308); and "He say you honour us; you very welcome to our batrie, misters." (p. 309). Notice: a. the absence of the simple present form in both quotes; b. the use of the word "directly" which reflects Arabic style usage; c. the ignoring of the verb to be are in "you very welcome;" d. the use of the word "batrie" which I couldn't find in the American Heritage Dictionary. The word might be an Arabic pronunciation of the word "battery," but other than that, I can make no guess of what might the word mean. Conclusion Marmaduke Pickthall's The Children of the Nile stands as a landmark in Pickthall's Near Eastern fictional tradition. The novel is evidence of Pickthall's unprecedented representation of the Near East and his vast growing knowledge of Islam and its culture. The novel also shows Pickthall's support of the British occupation of Egypt on the basis that when justice prevails, then it does not matter in whose hands lies power. 79 4. The Valley of the Kings (1909) Introduction The Valley of the Kings is one of Pickthall's more interesting and successful novels. E. M. Forster described it as Pickthall's "most charming novel."5° Forster compares The Valley of the Kings to Said the Fisherman: "though Islam is indeed his spiritual home, his most charming novel is about an Oriental Christian, and his most ambitious novel is abouta Moslem of the bad type, a cruel and treacherous swaggerer."57 The Valley of the Kings is set in a Palestinian coastal town "round the time of Pickthall's early wanderings there."53 The novel is an account of guile and deception that results not from ill purpose, but mainly from lack of under- standing among people subscribing to different cultures. The Story The Valley of the Kings narrates the story of lskender, a poor Palestinian Christian, and his adventures with an Englishman in search of gold in The Valley of the Kings. The novel opens with Iskender's mother who is upset to hear some complaints about Iskender from three English missionary ladies. Iskender belongs to the Orthodox community, but receives all his education in the missionary school. Iskender's uncle, Abdullah, urges him to seek advancement in the company, as a dragoman, of an apparently rich young Englishman who has just come to spend some time in town. Iskender succeeds in winning the Englishman's attention, especially since Iskender shows a painting skill. The English- man, whose name is not revealed but continually referred to by Iskender as the prince, or the Emir, ordersa special paint-box from England for 80 Iskender. Iskender takes pride in serving the Emir, visiting him everyday while keeping the town's dragomen from coming close lest he loses the favor of 'his' Emir. Iskender's love for the English people and manners is exemplified in his free and devout service to the Emir. Iskender dreams of gold lying in nuggets in The Valley of the Kings. As Iskender becomes preoccupied with the gold, he starts believing in the actual existence of the valley of gold. The initial purpose of Iskender's dream is to please his Emir, but as it comes now to be true, why not carry out an expedition to this gold valley, Iskender thinks. Iskender convinces his Emir of the existence of the gold, and the two set out in search for the valley and the gold. Happy and anxious at their arrival in the Valley of the Kings, the company find the place a waste land. "Are you a liar?"59 asks the outraged Englishman. Iskender becomes in no man's land, weeping and begging for more time, but to no avail. No sooner are Iskender's cries heard than a group of Bedouins attack the gold pursuers and take them in custody. The Emir now understands the plot: Iskender has conspired with the Bedouin to rob him. There is indeed deception, but no conspiracy. No gold exists except in Iskender's mind. The broken hearted Emir falls sick and comes to the verge of death. He is rescued by the missionary. Iskender's repeated explanations to the Emir only worsens his (Iskender's) position. Back in the town, all things are against Iskender: he has been accused beforehand of a plot to rob or kill the Englishman. The Consul put all blame on Iskender. His mother disclaims him as a son. Iskender's life becomes threatened. In the meantime, Iskender manages to get the protection of Mitri, the Orthodox priest, which comes to be effective only when Iskender's innocence is discovered. 81 Mitri's protection of Iskender is conditioned with Iskender's conversion from Protestantism to Orthodoxy. The conversion is, however, Iskender's long time desire due to what he regards asa deteriorating treatment of him by the English missionary. Moreover, Iskender shows feelings of love for Nesibeh, Mitri's daughter, whom he new plans to marry instead of Sitt Hilda, the young missionary lady. Iskender excels in the art of icon painting, a skill most needed by the Orthodox church. He goes to Jerusalem to further develop his art. Established and respected in the community, Iskender marries Mitri's daughter, signifying the finding of both his soul and love finally at home... at home, alone. Interpretation Unlike Said the Fisherman, The Children of the Nile or The House of Islam, The Valley of the Kings presents another direction. The novel revolves around the life of Iskender, a Near Eastern Christian. Therefore, it does not reflect a considerable number of references to Arabic or Islamic cultures, as represented in the three earlier Near Eastern works. The Valley of the Kings treats a number of issues pertaining to the Near Eastern life, the most significant of which is the making of clichés and the feeling of platitude among the different cultural groups represented in the novel. The reason for such attitudes is, for the most part, the lack of tolerance for diversity and the lack of communication which, of course, lead to misunderstanding and distrust. An example is the way the English Protestant missionaries and the Orthodox community view each other as represented in The Valley of the Kings. The conflict of views and interests between the two communities is seen through 82 Iskender who is of Orthodox origins, but educated at the missionaries schools. After about eighteen years of education in the missionary school, Iskender starts feeling the indifference of the missionaries towards him, and he therefore starts hating and distrusting them. His treatment by the Orthodox community is also disappointing. When Iskender goes to Mitri, the Orthodox priest, for blessings in Iskender's way to meet the English Emir, Iskender is considered "sinful" (38), and "heretic"(39). One day Mitri stops Iskender to lecture him: Art [thou] on the way to visit me? Or dost thou fear to incur the anger of the English missionaries? By Allah, thou art wrong to fear them. Their religion is of man's devising; its aim worldly comfort, which will fail them at the Last Day; whereas ours is the faith of Christ and the Holy Apostle, the same which thy father suffered ages before the invention of the Brutestant heresy.... (58). Mitri's daughter also rebukes Iskender: "... Art thou nota Brutestant, a dog? Thy touch is defilement. How canst thou continue in that lying faith?"(118). Iskender's inner conflict grows bigger every day he thinks or comes close to either community. He is forced foraconsiderable time to remain neutral just to avoid the reproach of either side, but his policy, however, brings him a negative result of drawing the rebuke of both parties at the same time. Finding that he is no longer a welcome by both the missionaries and the Orthodox community, Iskender escapes to the company of an English traveler whom Iskender calls Emir. The relationship between Iskender and the Emir sheds light on the nature of cultural communication between a Near Eastern and an Englishman. Iskender "receives some politeness from the English tourist, and in turn gives his heart, his fortune, and all that he can command in 83 this world and the next with the exception of verbal accuracy."°° Iskender considers the English Emir as his only hope now, so he clings to the Emir's company, claiming that the English Emir is his: "The Emir is mine. I found him; and shall keep him all my own."(96). Iskender does his best to please the English Emir, even through a dream of gold buried in the gold valley. Iskender becomes so possessed with his gold dream that he starts believing in the real existence of such gold in such a valley, especially after Elias' false assertion of the matter to the English Emir. More surprisingly, the Englishman himself believes Iskender's claim without seeking any proof more than the confirmation of Elias, the lying boaster. In doing so, "the Englishman rejects the advice of the Old Residents, who duly warn him that no Oriental can be trusted."°1 When the Englishman finds no gold in the deserted valley of the kings, he turns sternly to Iskender: "Are you a liar?" (227). Iskender isa liar but he is not only to blame. The Englishman realizes and admits his mistake while confronting lskender, but when it becomes already too late: "Elias is a liar....," "You never knew the way; your father never left you any paper. It is pretty certain that he couldn't read or write. What a fool I was not to think of that before!" (230). Nevertheless, the Englishman', refusing to acknowledge his share of the blame, slaps Iskender in the face, and threatens to kill him, when the company is attacked by some BedOuins, believing that Iskender only plots with the Bedouins to abduct and rob him. The glamour of gold seems to have blinded all not to take necessary precautions and information about the place, nor to accept failure of the endeavor. This incident has severed the relations and communication between the Englishman and Iskender. The Englishman becomes sick for 84 the loss, and Iskender "distraught with grief, and worsening his position each time he tries to explain it [to the Englishman]."62 After Iskender's repeated appeals for the Englishman to forgive him, the English tourist expresses his bitter irreconcilable ambivalence towards Iskender: Oh, yes, I suppose I forgive you, and all that. Only I don't want to speak to you, or see your face. You've got to be a kind of nightmare to me. I daresay l misjudged you; I don't pretend to understand you; in some ways you behaved quite well and honestly. Only I can't endure the sight of your face, the sound of your confound voice. Get out, I tell you. (295). "These words," observes E. M. Forster, "might serve as the epitaph of much European sentiment towards the East."°3 It is the importance of understanding that needs to be asserted in this context. Both the Englishman and Iskender suffer for the lack of mutual understanding. For the English tourist it is both a language barrier in particular and a cultural barrier in general; for Iskender it isacultural barrier that separates, or rather not crossed between, the two. Iskender speaks English, albeit broken English, and for this reason we, for the most part, see the English tourist through his eyes as much as the Englishman sees the Near East through Iskender's eyes. Ironically enough, we know no name for the Englishman other than 'Emir,’ the name given to him by Iskender and the city's dragomen. This one-way communication is sufficient for the eventual and eminent crack in the two sides' relations. Therefore, it is not only the gold that drives the Englishman and Iskender apart: rather it is the fall down of their fragile structure of communication, in addition to the premature understanding that bitterly lead the two astray. 85 One of the main examples of the misunderstanding between the Englishman and Iskender is their contradicting judgment on the failure to find gold: Iskender regards it as an adventure, the Englishman judges it a flat lie, period. The Englishman's judgment is a reaction to his unfounded true belief of the existence of gold. Had he doubted the obviously fanta- sized valley of gold, he would have been less shocked and angery with Iskender. In other words, the English tourist has been victimized by his inaccurate judging of the whole matter, as much as he has been victimized by Iskender's love for fantasy and adventure, even if Iskender's purpose is to please his friend, the over beloved Englishman himself. Mitri, the priest, justifiably explains Iskender's motives for the gold adventure: In all thy conduct as related Idiscern no grievous sin, but only a folly and a youth's wild fancies. The Franks will call thee sinful and a liar; but they, I think, have never known the youth which we experience - the warmth, the wonder and the dreams of it. The lad who has been taught to read, or fed with stories, is dazzled by the vision of the world, its sovereignties, it wealth, its strange encounters. He pictures himself a ruler or a lord of riches, and invents a store of marvels for his own delight; and because he would admire himself, and cannot do so in the daily tasks and mean surroundings of his actual life... (264). This passage explains everything about the Near Eastern youth's dreams and fantasies, but unfortunately does not reach the Englishman before wandering with lskender, nor after their empty handed return. Arabian Nights does a great job, in my point of view, in creating and dramatizing fantasies that are very remote from the everyday reality; the result isa cultural shock for those who visit the East to see the reality for themselves. 86 Although the Englishman admits the honesty of Iskender as well as his (the Englishman's) misjudgment of him, the Englishman still believes that the gold valley is a lie, a serious one that goes off the limit: The Westerner is on his [Pickthall's] trial when the Oriental whom he has trusted lied to him. 'A lie is the limit,‘ he may think, and if he thinks it is, it is... Only he can go on who believes that there are different kinds of lies, and that those that are told toa friend must be pardoned...“ The English tourist does not pardon his friend's lie, so he can go no more with Iskender and all that he signifies. In reaction to his disappointing experience with the Englishman, and especially with his uncle, Iskender develops a hatred for all Europeans: "Anger and fierce hatred of the Franks overcame him whenever he called what had happened in the Mission-garden," (300). Iskender has been whipped there severely and driven away by the English tourist's uncle while Iskender is begging the nephew, i.e. Iskender's English friend, for forgiveness after the gold adventure. Iskender's dismay with his English friend turns out to be an assertion of his hatred for the English missionaries. Iskender's forsaking of the Anglican missionary, his recently developed hatred of the English people, in addition to his return to the Orthodox home community, serve as an indication of a growing passion for Arab nationalism as Peter Clark rightly observes: "It is [The Valley of the Kings] of particular historical significance in its awareness of embryonic Arab nationalism, or at least an Arab consciousness that transcended the confessional abyss."°5 Priest Mitri theorizes for Arab nationalism while criticizing the English missionaries: 87 These heretics -- and the Muscovites, our co-religionists, alas! with them, «conspire against the Sultan, who is our sole defender. With the Muslimin we have in common language, country, and the intercourse of daily life. Therefore, I say, a Muslim is less abominable before Allah than a Latin or a Bratestant. (58-59). When Father of Ice, the missionary priest, asks Iskender about not coming to the church, Iskender replies in a tone similar to that of Mitri's: "I am a son of the Arabs, and I return to my own kind. Allah knows I am nothing to be considered." (173); When the missionary asks for explanation, Iskender responds: "Your Honor and the ladies could not make me an Englishman. It is for that you cast me off." (174). Mitri supports Iskender's stance: They [the missionary] think all men should be on one pattern -- the pattern of their wondrous selves, whom they esteem perfection. They suppose that what is good for their race must be good for all others, thus ignoring the providence of Allah, Who made the people of the earth to differ in appearance, speech, and manners. (175). These words carry, in addition to nationalistic theme, acritique for the hegemonic cultures. Mitri continues employing every appropriate incident to advocate his nationalistic message. For example, after the failure of Iskender's gold journey with the his English friend, Mitri addresses Iskenden Now thy dream was to be a Frank in all save birth, to associate with thy Emir on equal terms. To that end all thy follies were invented. The wish was foolish only, but to put it into practice, that was fatal to thee--a crime in all men's eye'sl... Allah made thee a son of the Arabs. Accept the part allotted, and give up aping that which thou canst never be. (265). By this time Iskender becomes convinced to give up his English hopes and aspirations. When Iskender meets Asad, his missionary school classmate who now has been appointed clergy designate, Iskender 88 invariably and confidently tells him: "I am a son of the Arabs, and have no wish to seem to be a Frank. My religion teaches me to remove my hopes and ambitions from this world; and Allah knows I have experienced enough of its vicissitudes." (285-86). Towards the end of the novel we see Iskender find his identity at last. "With pride he [calls] himselfa Nazarene, a native Christian of the land, preferring the insolent domination of the Muslim, his blood-relative, to the arrogance of so-called Christian strangers." (332). Conversion Markers The Valley of the Kings carries a significant message of the importance of understanding of other cultures, which can be treated, in Pickthall's case, as a conversion marker. It is the understanding of the Near Eastern culture that made Marmaduke Pickthall a distinct Western novelist of the Near East, the only English novelist in his time to understand the Nearer East!‘8 In The Valley of the Kings Pickthall shows the effect of the degree of cultural understanding on three characters: the English Emir, Iskender, and preacher Ward. Iskender and his English friend suffer, as discussed above, for their mutual misunderstanding. On the contrary, the value of understanding is signified by the missionary preacher Ward who in some ways personifies Pickthall himself. He enjoys the tolerance of all. In Pickthall's words, Preacher Ward was "the humblest of all missionaries, who was sent about the country on the errands of the proud ones; amodest pious man, who spoke Arabic and scorned not to converse upon footing with the natives of the land." (274). Mitri praises him: "From much travelling, he knows the customs of our 89 people and respects them. Moreover, he is modest, while the rest are arrogant..." (170). In another occasion, Mitri also invites him to his house: "Thou art a goodman, O Khawajah, Thou alone of all thy tribe wouldst deign to enter my poor house without arrogance, and sit down with my friends and neighbours in this kindly way..." (275). These quotes all assert the importance of modesty as a prerequisite for communicating and understanding people; keeping a distance from the "people of the land" does by no means create channels of communication with, rather than reaching an understanding of, the native people. Establishing agood communication between cultures necessitates the crossing of some barriers. There are, for example, the linguistic, the social, the historical, the psychological barriers that have to be crossed for achieving a comprehensive understanding that is necessary for the continuity of a rich communication between any two cultures. Another conversion marker for Pickthall in The Valley of the Kings is his attitude towards the cultural positions represented in the novel. Forster poses an important question regarding the "epitaph" passage, quoted earlier (p.84), which expresses the English tourist's evaluation of Iskender: "Were they nearly Mr. Pickthall's own epitaph?," Forster asks, "Did he not almost abandon Iskender and all that he signifies, and return to efficiency and cocktail?”7 I can agree with Forster about Pickthall's abandonment of all that Iskender represents, but I do not think that Forster meant to include Islamic culture in all that Iskender signifies. There are many indications in Pickthall's Near Eastern literature of his transitional acceptance of the Islamic culture. This issue will be discussed later in more detail in the final chapter of this dissertation. 90 Conclusion The Valley of the Kings puts under close scrutiny the relationship between Iskender and his English friend that is severed after the unsuccessful journey for gold. Their friendship is not broken, however, because of their failure in finding the gold, but because of their inability to understand the way each other think and perceive others. Both Iskender's and the Englishman's lack of mutual communication and understanding results in more than the end of their friendship: the two bitterly part while exchanging hatred for each other's people and values. In addition to the significance of understanding that Pickthall puts forward, the novel presents nationalism as a remedy in case of the failure of understanding, like in the case of Iskender and the English tourist. The Valley of the Kings remains one of Marmaduke Pickthall's best novels. I find no better concluding phrase than Forster's: "The Valley of the Kings is written jokingly, but it is profound, and will serve as a pocket Bible as far south as lndia."¢i8 91 5. Veiled Women (1913) Introduction Veiled Women marks a turning point in Pickthall's Near Eastern fiction. It presents Pickthall's ambitious views on the harem life, an issue that has been a source of controversy for many Westerners. In Veiled Women, Pickthall is "explaining, describing and justifying harem Iife."°9 Unprecedented by Pickthall's earlier Near Eastern works, Veiled Women contains some markers of propaganda. In it Pickthall takes a major step in his transitional identification with the world of Islam. Veiled Women is meticulously written. It is full of accurate descriptions, deep insights and reasoning, along with Pickthall's Near Eastern sense of humor. Mereover, the novel is considered a careful anthropological account. The Story Veiled Women is set in the 1860s Egypt. It tells the story of Mary Smith, an English orphan, who is appointed governess in the wealthy family of Muhammad Pasha Salih. She and the Pasha's son, Yusuf, fell in love and decide to marry despite a strong objection from Yusuf's mother. The British Consul calls the English governess for a meeting, concerning her upcoming marriage where Mrs. Cameron tries her best to dissuade Mary Smith from marrying the Pasha's son, but to no avail. On the wedding day, Lady Fitnah, Yusuf's mother, brings Mary a poisonous drink, but Mary has only one sip, and falls ill, but is saved. Yusuf discovers the plot, and his mother deeply regrets her action and asks the bride for forgiveness. The couple move to a separate house. I'll! ll-ll . Ill 1' .- I. a ..xu- 1 , . U 0 Q . . . a. . p s n L . . . . ......‘.r.r_.¢..cas.... 92 Barakah, as Mary becomes to be known, gets bored of the harem life, and longs for the European people. One day she goes out for a visit to Mrs. Cameron. On her way back, Barakah paradoxically longs for harem life. When Barakah arrives, she is reproved by both her husband and father- in-Iaw for going out alone. Barakah becomes ill, and a European doctor is summoned. When she recovers Yusuf takes her on a vacation to Paris. In Paris, Yusuf and his company of men enjoy themselves while their wives are left indoors. To please his bride, Yusuf takes her for a short visit to Switzerland. Soon, the couple long for Egypt and decide to go back home. Barakah happily gives birth to a son, but she falls III. Her mother-in- law holds a zar to cure the ailing mother. The zar only increases Barakah's sickness. As the son Muhammad grows up, he becomes increasingly tough in behavior. Due to the repeated complaints of Muhammad's behavior, for which Barakah is blamed, he is taken from her for some time to be brought up by his grandmother. At school, Muhammad proves to be an intelligent boy. At the Arabi revolt, he insists on joining the revolt despite his young age of fifteen. Through the influence of his father, Muhammad is appointed in charge of training new conscripts. Muhammad treats the recruits harshly beating them everyday until some of them seize an opportunity to jump on him and kill him. The broken hearted mother decides to leave secretly for France to escape her absorbing grief. Her journey is interrupted because of the outbreak of war. Barakah becomes half mad with grief. When she finally goes back home she thinks of another way of escape through the English rulers of occupied Egypt, but only in vain. Barakah is disillusioned, and is restored to her normal life in the harem. 93 Interpretation Veiled Women revolves around the issue of the harem life in the late nineteenth century Ottoman Egypt. The intriguing harem life has been a target for many Western writers' and Orientalists' representational writings of the Near East. Very little, however, is known about the harem life because of the inaccessibility to the harem by men outside the family circle. Therefore, the majority of writings about the harem life come short, of course, of fully depicting the harem life. E. M. Forster observes that: Perhaps a woman novelist may one day tell us about what does happen in the Harem, for Mr. Pickthall and Loti leave us bewildered between them. But she must be a novelist, not a journalist or a missionary. Until she comes we must inflame ourselves at Goha Ie Simple, and wonder. And by the time she comes the Harem system may only be an historical curiosity.7o Forster perceives that the representations of the harem in Pickthall's Veiled Women and Pierre Loti's Les Désenchantées are dissatisfying: Fortster believes that "there are hints of propaganda [in Veiled Women]," and that "[a] book that recommends a Harem is bound to give an unconvincing picture.""1 Pierre Loti, on the other hand, Is a "sentimentalist who has voyaged hat in hand over the picturesque world. ...There is the homage of a French artist fora misunderstood people, there are tears, there are cypresses or coco-nuts, and the genius of each country is apotheosized in an intrigue with one of its female inhabitants."72Iagree with Forster that there are hints of propaganda in Veiled Women. Pickthall presents, in my point of view, an important contribution towards the explanation of the women of the Near East. Taking his English audience in mind, Pickthall depicts the life of the harem through the eyes of an Englishwoman who joins a wealthy turco-Egyptian family as 94 a governess for the Pasha's children, but ends as a respected and beloved wife of the Pasha's son. Mary Smith, or Barakah as she becomes to be known in the Pasha's house, leads an interesting life in the harem, a life that has been marked with ambivalence and fluctuation in homage for her natural home and her newly found spiritual home as she accepts Islam after her marriage. Her relation to both cultures enriches her life but, at the same time, burden her with the difficulty of accommodating or deciding to which one she should offer her complete devotion. As time passes, Barakah develops a feeling of love for the harem. In occasions where Barakah feels nostalgic for the English people and talks, she would leave the harem, but soon she has a feeling of going back. Two examples for this longing are Barakah's visit to Mrs. Cameron, and the feeling she has after her trip to Paris with her husband: on her way back home, after her visit to Mrs. Cameron, Barakah has a strange feeling: ...A wave of tenderness for Yusuf, for Ghandur, the slave-girls, even the old woman,-all the home surroundings,-overcame her; while her mind abhorred the frigid, callous English, who had lured her to make a mock of her. ...The harim was her natural refuge, her true home. She never wished to quit its shade again.73 Barakah cherishes a similar attitude after her return from the Paris visit: ...Barakah fell into the harim habits with enthusiasm, devouring sweet stuff at all hours, enjoying cigarettes and the narghileh. The best part of her morning was spent at the bath, where the ladies met for gossip and for healthful exercise; her after noon in seeing visitors or paying visits. (p. 154). These two incidents are shown to have hastened the process of Barakah's orientalization." The process of Barakah's orientalization does not, however, go smoothly. Barakah suffers many difficulties during her initial transitional period of adapting to the harem life. At times Barakah would 95 feel lonely and bored, or longing for her home and people; at others, she would seriously try to desert her husband and son to escape the harem life, and to go back home. She never gives up even to seek the help of the English occupying forces in Egypt. When Barakah finds no help, she would wander out aimlessly day and night. When her sufferings reaches a peak, some dear friend comes to help, and Barakah is gradually reunited with herself and the reality around her. Barakah gradually finds that her identity now resides in the harem. She has made her choice, despite the disapproval of the English people. They desert her and mock her; going back to them would be as disappointing as her visit to Mrs. Cameron. Now that Barakah is reconciled to this reality, she is content with her new life and "never [wishes] to quit its shade again." (91 ). The harem life, in particular, and the position of women, in general, has been, and still is, one of the most freguently misrepresented issues about Islam. This misrepresentation is, in my judgment, due to either mis- understanding or a mixture of the traditional practices of Muslims with the teachings of Islam, or both. Marmaduke Pickthall treats harem life while freeing himself of the limitations found in other writings about this issue. In doing so, Pickthall, however, "does not whitewash."75 He depicts the harem life with all its negative as well as positive sides. Pickthall describes the harem as an orderly system: ...In a sense, good order reigned there; but it was the order of a township rather than a private residence, including all degrees of cleanliness, of wealth and squalor. The corps of eunuchs, ten in all, were the police. This little world of women had its liberties. (42). The eunuchs tend to the safety and security of the women, and they act as channels of communication between the men and the women of the 96 household. Pickthall describes the harem, in another occasion, as Barakah perceives it: The world of women was, [Barakah] found, a great republic, with liberties extending to the meanest slave, and something of the strength which comes of solidarity. Unless in jealous fury, no woman would inform against another, bond or free; nor fail to help her in the hour of need. (116-17). Barakah is gradually disillusioned about the life of the harem. She is moved to the sense of solidarity and liberty enjoyed by the womenfolk. The women have the liberty to run their own affairs independent of men: They [the women] had their shibboleths, their customs, rites, and ceremonies, even their courts of justice, independent of the world of men. (117). One aspect of the women's independence is the right for them to own: Each lady owning slaves controlled them absolutely. Her husband never saw their faces, hardly knew them. The law against his making love among them, except by her command, was very drastic. The child of such a union would have been her slave. If he required a concubine, he had to buy, not steal one. So sacred with the Muslims was the married woman's right to property--a right which was not recognized at all in England. (117). The right to property in Islam is not limited, however, to married women. There is, however, a bad side to the harem life. Pickthall explains that "many an enlightened Muslim would have died of horror had he known the works of darkness encountered by his harim--the sacrifices to malignant beings; the veneration paid to hoary negresses for demoniacal possession; the use to which the name of God was sometimes put." (117- 18). Some hints of propaganda are like Barakah's feeling about the practice of religion as expressed in Pickthall's words: "What scene in Christian Europe could be matched with this? Religion, butamummy 97 there, here lived and moved." (118). In a letter to her friend in England, Barakah writes: Julia darling, you will think it strange, but I am sure this religion is the true one. Here every woman has a chance to marry, and the accidents of wealth and birth are not the barriers they are at home. Polygamy is not at all what people think. The Moslems are as strict as Puritans about morality; and the women here are happier than those at home. (119). Barakah tries to give some explanation on the status of the Near Eastern women for Julia, but the latter sends her a very disappointing reply. The status of the Near Eastern women is compared to that of the European women in a different way as perceived by the Prince: The harim life, or something like it, is the best for women. It only needs reform and elevation. It is a system found on the laws of God expressed in nature, whereas the European way of treating women has no sanction. The latter seems entirely meretricious when one sees how ladies there make sport of marriage and shun motherhood--how children flout and override their parents. If the understanding of our women were improved, their status raised, I think our way would be acknowledged by impartial judges. (139). I do not know on what basis the Prince judges that "the European way has no sanction." One of the issue that is related to the position of women in the Near East is polygamy. In a conversation with Mrs. Cameron, Barakah argues that polygamy "seems extremely sensible and kind to women. It takes into consideration facts which we slur over, cruelly. It gives to every girl a chance of motherhood." (28). Barakah also observes, as quoted earlier, that "Polygamy is not at all what people think." (119). To prove this in actual life, Pickthall presents a propagating example of four wives living together in harmony: 98 The four [wives] together formed a charming small society, quite independent of the husband's humours and the outside world. All their possessions they enjoyed in common, even children. (155). An old woman explains her view of this issue in her own terms: It is the nature of a man to have more wives than one, and a woman should no more resent his doing so-always provided he does not defraud her-than blame a cat for having several kittens at a birth. Ibrahim, the father of the faithful, Musa-all the prophets till the crown of them (God bless and save him) married more than one. (255-56). This attitude towards polygamy, however, changed as a result of the social change Egypt was undergoing. Later in the novel, a young girl tells her mother: "At marriage I shall make my husband promise to have me alone before I yield to him. It is become the fashion in noblest houses." (307). But the young girl adds: "Of course, if I should fail to bear a son, I should release him." (307). Nonetheless, the harem system seemed not affected by the social change. Pickthall observes that The English had been five-and-twenty years in Cairo, and mighty changes had distressed the world of men, but the harim seemed changeless in its calm seclusion...new things introduced were made to serve old customs. Yet the ladies had been sighing at the growth of innovations. (309). The harem system may have had little change, but the intellectual life of women in particular had a deep touch of change. But despite the intellectual change, there were some traditional practices, like superstition, that flourished. "Young wives who had been bred up in the Frankish culture consulted witches when the baby ailed, or senta portion of his clothing to be bloodstained at a zér." (308). The zar, which is a mystic ceremony in which blood of a slain animal is stained on the 99 body and clothes of an ill person, Pickthall notes, was the "latest novelty." (59). A zar was once held for Barakah which she miraculously survived the horror and terror associated with it, but still she fell ill and loathed the harem life." Barakah's experience in the harem life had been, as mentioned above, marked by different and even contradicting emotions. Many times she planned to get out but later she had to cancel her plans either because an internal conflict and hasitancy on her part, or because of external factors like the closing of the sea port during the Arabi Revolt: she was on her way to the port to travel to England and the rejection of her appeal to the English authority in Egypt. The conflict Barakah suffered reached its peak after the death of her son. "Without her son," Pickthall writes, "the harim life was senseless." (295). Barakah fell into a state of a complete loss of belongingness, i.e. she could not feel that she belonged anywhere. She felt that "she was nothing. With the English people, she would always long for Orientals; with Orientals, feel a yearning for the life of Europe." (305). This long deep emotional conflict was finally resolved. "She had found the keynote of harim existence-resignation; not merely passive, but exultant as an act of worship." (306). Conversion Markers . Veiled Women is a major step Pickthall takes in his transitional way to the world of Islam. The novel is full of, not only conversion markers for Pickthall but also, markers of propaganda as mentioned above. Here I will mention some other examples. Most of these examples are related to the position of women in Islam. In a conversation with Mrs. Cameron, Barakah defends the status of Near Eastern women: 100 I say, you think because we veil that we are quite degraded, the same as we do when we see your faces bare. The difference is one of custom only. Underneath our veils, in our own houses, we are just as happy and as free as you are....lt is too drolll You fancy that Mahometan women have their lives made miserable? Why, I have never known such happy women. From my rooms, I could hear them laughing, playing, singing all day long. (28). As the same conversation continues, Barakah now defends Muslims in general: ...They worship God as we do, and all they count Christ asa prophet. They are no more than the Unitarians in England... (29). Another conversion marker is the muezzin's call, which has been a recurrent reference in Pickthall's Near Eastern novels. Here it causesa different effect: ...a high, sweet note, sustained most wonderfully, filled her [Barakah's] ear. It caused a parting of the lips, a melting rapture. It broke in a cascade of melody. Then came the long sweetnote again, not held this time, but uttered often with a sobbad insistence. And then the song soared up to heights of praise, or hovered the depths of sorrow; she was lost in it. (290). The most obvious marker of Pickthall, which stands, in my point of view, as the culmination of his transitional identification with the world of Islam, is expressed during Barakah's difficult time of indecision and the ultimate resolution. Barakah personifies Pickthall in many ways, the most significant of which is her emotional breakdown before her decision to accept Islam, just like Pickthall's feeling preceding his conversion in 1917. The deep emotional conflict Barakah felt, as discussed above, was also echoed by religious indecision: And in religion, likewise, she was nothing. A Christian by conviction after years of scoffing, she was doomed to play the part of a Mahometan, to lose her soul. And she was glad to be returning to the life so lately dreaded, the vision of herself in English eyes 101 had so appalled her. Well, she was nothing, and her soul of small account. The harim was her natural home; the teaching of the wise and kindly Prophet her protection. She now beheld the vanity of all her struggles, the vulgarity of much concern about the future. God was merciful! In self-annihilation there was peace. Thus through her striving after Christianity she reached at last the living heart of El Islém. (305). Conclusion Veiled Women treats the position of women in Islam. Pickthall explains and "justifies the standing of women on liberal Islamic grounds."7 The novel stands as a landmark of Pickthall's road to the transitional cultural as well as spiritual world of Islam. For the first time, Pickthall, in this novel, directly defends or propagates Islamic notions and issues. Previously, He had been depicting or explaining the same or similar issues. This major transition is perhaps due to the growing satisfaction of Pickthall with the Islamic culture, a satisfaction that, in my judgment, is a precursor of his public acceptance of Islam in 1917, four years after the publication of Veiled Women. 102 6. The House of War (1916) Introduction The House of War lacks the complexity and the richness found in many of Pickthall's novels. It is mainly a critique of the missionary work in the Near East. Pickthall is more critical of the missionaries in The House of War than he is in The Valley of the Kings. The House of War also carries political implications: When The House of Warwas published in February 1916, Pickthall "had already been writing for several years in defense of Turkey and criticizing Christian missionary work in the Ottoman Empire."73 The novel depicts the English missionaries, while abusing foreign protection, as greatly responsible for jeopardizing the harmony and tolerance that have been existing between the native Christians and Muslims of the Ottoman Empire fora very long time. Like Veiled Women, The House of War is a propaganda novel. Summary of the Novel The House of War is set in an Ottoman Syrian town where two English sisters have been running a missionary school for thirty years. Elsie, the missionary ladies' niece, has just arrived from England to live in the country. Elsie's aunts, Sophia and Jane have been leading a secluded quiet life. Elsie blames her aunts for not doing enough to show people "the truth." Elsie is not happy with her aunts' inviting Hassan Pasha, the governor, to attend the prize day at their school. Nevertheless, Elsie is surprised to see the governor in a gentlemanly fashion, contrary to her 103 previous perception of him. Moreover, the governor invites her to visit his daughter. Elsie visits Emineh, the Pasha's daughter. Eminah is educated, referring to Gibbon's history which her father has read in French. Both girls talk of marriage, religion, and Christian-Muslim relations. Elsie settles in Deyr Amun, a Christian village. Her aunts are concerned with the safety of her living alone. Elsie's privacy is disturbed by repeated and unscheduled visits of the villagers. Elsie starts some active preaching in the village while the people laugh at her "kitchen Arabic." Antun, the village priest wants to see the school and the clinic which Elsie has promised through her servant and interpreter, Jemileh. When Elsie's preaching increases, the village priest gets angry with her and warns her to stop, but Elsie would only wait until she improves her Arabic. Finally, the school and clinic open. Elsie's brother visits her on his way back home from India. He disapproves of all missionary work. Elsie decides to preach in Aieyn, a neighboring Muslim village, despite the disapproval of Jemileh. Many attempts are made to dissuade Elsie from preaching in the Muslim village, but all fail. When she finally goes to preach in a Muslim gathering, cursing their religion and prophet, Jemileh explains that her lady has a "fit" so as to avert the villagers' anger. Elsie persists in her conversion project. When the situation becomes about to get out of hand, the governor sends a note to the British Consul who commands Elsie to stop her work immediately. Tensions have already started between the two villages. A Muslim child is allegedly killed by some Christian children. This incident triggers an attack on Deyr Amun by Aineynis. The government, including the governor himself, intervenes to stop the attack, and judges that the 104 Ainaynis are to compensate the people of Deyr AmOn village for damages, and that the body of the killed child be turned over to Ainayn. The English consul blames Elsie for these tensions, and orders her to leave. Elsie is disillusioned about the missionary work by Penn, her brother's friend, who tells her that the missionary work should rather promote tolerance. The novel concludes with Elsie agreeing to marry Penn, and having a new hope and a new vision into life. Interpretation "The House of War" is a historical term which Pickthall defines, in a prefatory note, as "the designation given formerly to all those Christians of the countries conquered by the Muslims who declined to embrace El Islam."79 Pickthall's definition is misleading. He confused Dar aI-Harb (The House of War) with the dhimmis (the protected): Historically, the Christians (and the Jews) living in a Muslim state, who chose to keep their religion were called dhimmis or protected. J. J. Saunders explains that when Muhammad had become the dominating power in Arabia: ...those who were Christians or Jews and wished to remain so were taken under Muslim protection (dhimma) and guaranteed security of their goods and property and the free exercise of their religion, on condition that they paid the jizya, a tax or tribute.” On the other hand, the term Dar aI-Harb (The House of War) had a geographical connotation: it referred to territory ruled by non-Muslims who declined to be under the protection of Muslims and thus were considered to be in a state of enmity with Muslims. J. J. Saunders observes that a distinction...was drawn between Dar aI-IsIam, the house or adobe of Islam, and Dar aI-Harb, the abode of war, of those who rejected Allah and his Prophet and were therefore deemed to be in state of enmity with those of the true faith.81 105 The theme of The House of War is the role of English Christian missionaries in jeopardizing harmony and tolerance that had been existing between native Christians and Muslims of Ottoman Syria. The novel shows this through the character and work of Elsie Wilding. When Elsie arrived from England to stay with her aunts, Sophia and Jane, she grew critical of their passive missionary work, i.e. not doing enough to show people the "truth." Sophia and Jane had been peacefully running a school for thirty years. They even invited the governor to attend the prize . day. Elsie criticized her aunts for inviting the governor who, in Elsie's view, was responsible for the prosecution of Christians. Her aunt Jane explains to her Again, my dear, I think that you exaggerate, or have been misinformed by some one...Remember, he is the governor of the land in which we have lived peacefully for thirty years. (24). Her criticism, however, was to be overcome with her surprise when she saw the governor ...a white-bearded man, immaculately clad in European fashion ...Elsie was disappointed. She had expected something picturesque and barbarous, more evidently wicked than this neat old gentleman, who, but for his fez, might easily have been mistaken for a French diplomatist. (27). Elsie is dissatisfied with her aunts' goodness. Her aide and interpreter is Jemileh. a long-term student of Elsie's aunts. Jemilah speaks English with Arabic accent. She often exaggerates and generalizes in her talks to Elsie about the neighboring Muslims: "That is another Muslim from the mountains. They too are fery wicked beeble, fery safage. If anybody sbeak to him a little sharb he kill them same as you or me would kill a dog." (14). 106 When Jemileh continued talking as such, Elsie expressed her disagree- ment: "You must not talk like that. They cannot be all bad. It is simply that they have not known the truth. We must not hate them, dear Jemileh; we must love them and do all that in us lies to turn their hearts and lead them to the truth." (14). With this understanding in mind, Elsie started her self-initiated mission of showing the people "the truth." She began preaching first in the Christian village of Deyr Amun. When her preaching was able to draw the villagers (who basically attended to listen to her "kitchen Arabic"), and threaten the village priest's position, he warned her to stop her preaching immediately. The persistent Elsie only agreed to wait until she could improve her Arabic. Elsie's residence in Deyr Amun was protested by Antun, the priest, but the village head justified her stay on the basis of material gain: "...The lady is a Brutestant, that is well known - a heretic, we all agree to that. But, by the blessing of the Heights, she is wealthy of small intelligence. She gives away her money easily..." (68). The village leader then assured the priest that Elsie would start a school and establish a clinic. When Elsie decided to move to preach in the neighboring Muslim village, Ainayn, despite the disapproval of Jemileh and others, she received a good welcome, but when the villagers became angry at her insulting their religion and prophet, Jemileh soon apologized to them saying that her lady had a "fit." Nonetheless, Elsie's visits to Ainayn continued, and she thought that the villagers liked it. When Jemileh believed that Elsie's preaching and conversion project was becoming alarming, she tried to dissuade Elsie but failed. Others, including Elsie's 107 brother and aunts , tried also, but all efforts were in vain. The English Consul, himself, tried his part: "Well, what do you hope to do? There is nothing useful to be done out here, and Heaven knows there's plenty to be done at home. Whatever possessed our people to send missionaries at all, I can't imagine -- one understands the French and German doing it for political move -- unless it was to teach us consuls patience..." (81). Elsie adamantly ignored all advice. She boldly continued her conversion mission. The Ainaynis, on the other hand, became increasingly angry while showing patience. Signs of tensions started to appear between the two villages, as some inhabitants of Deyr Amun began to annoy the passars-by from the neighboring village. One incident which angered the Muslims and helped promote hatred between them and their fellow countrymen is planned by Percy, a Syrian American businessman, and an admirer of Elsie who was willing to employ his trade expertise for her missionary work in order to win her favor: ...Percy had discovered in America, where in every industry there was demand for cheaper labour. His idea was to convert as many Muslims as he could and ship them over to America to certain firms, under contract to work for the said firms for, say, five years at a wage which would appear to them magnificent while the Americans would think it ludicrously small. The mission would soon pay its way, he reckoned. In the village this idea of selling Muslim men for slaves was welcomed as a clever satire for the Franks, who always mix up commerce with religion. (132-3). Both Elsie and Jemileh welcomed this idea, but it was, however, never carried out because Percy couldn't win Elsie's heart; his idea only generated hatred and mistrust among the two communities. 108 There was another serious incident happened that brought the two villages face to face. A Muslim child was one day allegedly killed by some Christian children at a river separating the two villages. This event was the straw that broke the camel's back; it triggered violence against the Christian village, especially since the body of the killed child had not been found then. In fact, the corpse had been mutilated and buried by Amin the murderer. The attack was stopped by the government troops led by the wali (governor) himself, but only after many Christian houses had already been burnt. Luckily, there were very few casualties. The British Consul was very angry with Elsie, whom he blamed for the eruption of this inevitable violence. The governor intervened in the matter judging, after hearing both parties' complaints, that the Muslims were to pay for their damages to their neighboring village, and that the mutilated body of the child be exhumed and returned by the soldiers to the Muslim graveyard without anyone seeing it, last this should renew tensions. To answer those who thought that the governor had shown favor or honor to the Muslims in ordering the body of the child to be conveyed by the soldiers, the governor said, "...God knows I did it only to prevent the people of ineyn from gazing on the body." (286). There was another example of the governor's care to ease the tensions: when he was caught in the cross fire and was shot in his arm, he did not let anyone know except the doctor who said that the governor "... doesn't wish it to be known that he is hurt. He thinks that it would cause fresh trouble, and he may be right..." (277). When the riot was over, the governor complained very mildly about Elsie to her friend, Fenn: "...You are a friend of the demoiselle and can inform her gently of the harm she has done all unintentionally." (282). The 109 British Consul's blame for Elsie was serious and strong in the presence of her aunt: "If you take my advice, you will wait a little while to save appearances, and than go home to England." (290). But when Elsie's aunt murmured to the Consul that he was hard on Elsie, and that Elsie did not know the hidden forces that she had to deal with, he put it very bluntly to her aunt: "...No child should ever be allowed to play near gun-powder. She must go back to England." (291). Elsie, nonetheless, stubbornly refused the Consul's order, but he insisted that she should at least leave his district. Elsie decided to move her work to another Muslim village, and to avoid her previous mistakes. Jemileh, on her part, decided by every possible means to lead her lady away from her disastrous work. Jemileh thought that the best remedy for Elsie was marriage. She therefore planned to lock both Elsie and Fenn alone for a whole night. When the meeting was finally arranged, Fenn succeeded, after a lengthy debate and argument about religion, in not only winning Elsie's marriage consent but, more importantly, in disillusion- ing her about the missionary work. Fenn challenged Elsie to find truth and welcome it wherever found: "But in order to present a sound ideal to the world, you ought,l think, to search for truth-even material truth--with diligence, and welcome it wherever found. Some people, through star-gazing, lose their sight. I think You ought to welcome every disillusion as a great step forward on the road which every one is put into this world to tread." (302). The shocked Elsie responded: "Oh, do you really think so? Now you are talking seriously. Why did you never talk to me like that before? I should be glad to think of it in that way. I thought I should be falling from the faith if I accepted certain facts. That's what they teach us. And I have been miserable..." (303). 110 Elsie's disillusionment brought her relief that she slept that night despite the excitement of both her discovery and her future married life with Fenn. Tolerance among Christians and Muslims is an important issue that The House of War advocates. The novel depicts the Muslims to be tolerant. When Elsie's preaching in the Muslim village was becoming increasingly annoying, the governor only senta mild note to the British Consul who warned Elsie: "I command you to stop teasing those poor people at Ainayn. If you disobey my order you will force me to report the matter in which case you will probably be asked to leave the country." (222). The governor himself is depicted as an example of showing tolerance. When he was shot in his arm by a Christian in the midst of the fight between Deyr Amt‘ln and Ainayn, he, as mentioned above, kept the matter unknown so as to avoid more trouble. Another example of tolerance is Pickthall's showing the Muslims of Ainayn to be tolerant of the insults on their religion during Elsie's preaching: The Muslim villagers were most long-suffering. But hearing their belief insulted regularly once a week...could not be pleasant to them. Jemileh...heard men grumbling, asking Allah what abominable crime they had committed to be afflicted in this manner week by week. (215). In response to this attitude, the village headman "suggested to [Jemileh] very gently that the lady should be taken to distress some other place, by way of change." (215). This leader of the village is shown in another instance of tolerance after a child belonging to his village was killed, and violence followed; he explained to the governor: "May it please your Excellency. The reason of our rage was not the Englishwoman's teaching-mo, by Allah! «but the murder of the child which took place yesterday. We are willing to forego both 111 the blood-money and vengeance, but the body we would have for proper burial. That is an easy and just demand. When that is done, we will be reconciled." (283). During his argument with Elsie about the Muslims and her missionary or rather conversion work, Fenn challenged her position: "I don't think that you ought to aim at making proselytes. It only makes more bitterness between the two religions. That best thing that we European have evolved in the course of centuries is the principle of religious toleration. El Islam, as a religion, is tolerant. One could do good by reminding Muslims of the fact." (251). When Elsie asked Fenn that how could he say "such thingsl," his answer was: "It is the simple truth. I think you ought to study the Mahometan religion and its history a little more seriously than you appear to have done before presuming to attack it. The best thing for a missionary to do out here is to aim not at conversion, but at inspiring toleration. And the best missionary of my acquaintance thinks and says so. The converting business leads to awful things." (251-52). The depiction of Muslims as tolerant people, or having more tolerance, could be justifiably considered as an aspect of propaganda that is found in the novel. Finally, there many elements of autobiography in The House of War. Dick Fenn is in many waysapersonification of Pickthall. Pickthall expressed his views regarding missionaries, religion, Islam and Muslims, and Turkey through Fenn. There is also another element: "One of Pickthall step-sisters, called Caroline, became briefly an Anglican nun in South Africa."82 It is interesting to note that Pickthall gave the name of his step-sister, Carulin, to the senior nun in The Valley of the Kings. 1 12 Conversion Markers Like Veiled Women, The House of War shows Marmaduke Pickthall taking a major move in his transitional journey to Islam, from depicting Islamic references or expressing conversion signs, to disseminating hints of propaganda. But unlike the propaganda found in Veiled Women which is mainly religious or regarding purely religious matters, the propaganda in The House of War is colored with political concerns. This kind of propaganda is important considering that Pickthall, as mentioned above, had been writing for several years about different issues, political and other, concerning Turkey. For example, in his argument with Elsie, the British Consul challenged Elsie who was talking negatively of the Muslims: Stop a minute! Just go around the country to the different villages, and then come back and tell me where you found most evidence of wealth and comfort--among the Muslims or among the Christians! The Christians are exempt from military service which continually decimates the Muslim population. They are cockered up and educated by the various missions, backed up by the foreign consuls. There is far more want and wretchedness among the Muslims. (82). Another example is Elsie's reaction towards the governor when he attended the prize-day: ...Elsie wanted to impress him with the fire and spirit, and also with the intellectual power of Christianity. Uneasy on. her straight-backed chair, she watched him closely. It was the first time in her life that she had met a man who, while at all points what is called a gentleman, was not a Christian. His demeanor influence of faith upon behaviour. (29). This passage also carries a message that understanding other cultures prevents making misjudgments, a recurrent theme in Pickthall's writings. The importance of understanding is emphasized in the above quoted 113 argument of Elsie and Fenn concerning the missionary work. In the same argument Elsie stated that the Muslims "are far behind us," but Fenn soon corrected her: "Behind, but not below." (250). Conclusion Pickthall's criticism of missionary work in The House of War is expressed in terms not limited to religious ones. The political side of the issue gave it more weight. English missionaries are shown to be a cause for more alienation of both Christians and Muslims. The novel represents the native Christians "not in a good light," to use Clark's expression.83 Pickthall expressed his defense of Muslims in The House of War through Dick Fenn, a non-Muslim, just like what he did in Veiled Women. Ithink that the purpose for such a choice is to give Mr. Fenn's (or rather Pickthall's) testimony more credibility. 114 NOTES TO CHAPTER III 1Forster, p. 279. 2Clark, p. 77. 3Athenaeum, No. 3953, Aug. 1, 1903, pp. 150. 4lbid., pp. 150-151. 5A5 quoted by Clark in his introduction to Said the Fisherman, London: Quartet, 1988, p. i. 6Lawrence, pp. 351-3. 7See Clark, p. 78. 8lbid. 9lbid. 1oLawrence, p. 351. 11Pickthall uses the word "Frankish" throughout his novels to refer to Europeans. I have chosen to use Pickthall's words, spellings, and terminology throughout my dissertation in an attempt to preserve Pickthall's original distinctive style. 12Pickthall, Said the Fisherman [with an introduction by Clark] (Quartet Books, London, 1988 - but first published by Methuen 8. Co. In 1903), p. 17. Subsequent references to the novel are taken from this edition, and they will be cited in the text. 13Clark, p. 81. 1“For Example, W.H.T. Galrdner, The Reproach of Islam (The Church of Scotland, Edinburgh. 1909), pp. 138-9. Pickthall's novel Is cited as evidence to support the view. (As cited by Peter Clark, op. cit., In note 37 for chapter 5). 15Clark suggests refering to Moshe Ma'oz, Ottoman Reform In Syria and Palestine 1840-1861 (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1986), pp.231-40, and Linda Schatkowski Schilcher, Families in Politics (Franz Steiner, Stutgart, 1985), pp.87-100, for a historical account of the 1860 events In Damascus. See Clark, p.130, note 24. 16Forster, pp. 292-95. ‘7lbld.. p. 352. 18Clark, p. 81. 19Forster, p. 288. ”Pickthall, The House of Islam, New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1906, p. 47. (Further references will be cited in the text). 115 21Forster, p. 289. 22This is a reference to the Quran 17:11. 23lbid. “The first chapter in the Quran. 2'5The Hellfire. 26In the Islamic tradition, prophet Muhammad rode Burac (Burag) In his Night Journey from Makkah (Mecca) to Jerusalem and in his ascension to heavens. 27Prophet Muhammad's tradition. 28Friday. 29The Day of Judgment. 3°Clark, p. 37. 31Forster, p. 290. 32lbid. 33Clark, p. 83. 34lbid. 35Forster, p. 279. 3“This is Pickthall's transliteration of Arabic pronunciation of the French romance Charles at Camille (Charles and Camilla) by Frederic Vitoux. 3"Clark, p. 84. 38Athenaeum, No. 3953, Aug. 1, 1903, pp. 150. 39"Sakieh" is an Arabic word for a traditional irrigating system. 4°Forster, p. 278. 41lbid. 42mm. 43Orientalism, 1978, p. 57. “Evelyn Baring, Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1908, p.1. “Cromer, p. 146. (Also quoted by Said in Orientalism, p. 38). 116 “lbld. 4""Cultural Representation and Ideological Domination," In Social Forces, 71 :3, March 1993, p. 660. 48Denis Judd, Balfour and the British Empire: A Study in Imperial Evolution, 1874-1932, London: MacMiIlan 6 Co., 1968, p. 286. (As quoted by Said In Orientalism, p. 35). “Said, Orientalism, p. 35. 5°Said, Culture and Imperialism, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993, p. xxil. 51Pickthall. 1909. Children of the Nile. London: John Murray. p. 14. Further references are to this edition, and they will be cited in the text. 52Clark, p. 84. 53Clark, "Introduction" to Marmaduke Pickthall's Said the Fisherman. London: Quartet Books Ltd., 1986. (Further references will be cited as: Clark, "Introduction," while references to Marmaduke Pickthall: British Muslim will be cited as Clark, p. etc.). 5‘Clark, p. 86. 55Forster, p. 279. 5“mm. 57Ibid. (Both Said the Fisherman and The Valley of the Kings are written and published long before Pickthall's public acceptance of Islam in 1917). 58Clark, p. 86. 59Pickthall, The Valley of the Kings, London: John Murray, 1909, p. 227. 6°Forster, p. 281. 61lbid. 62mm, p.282. 6albid. 64lbid. asClark, p. 89. ”Forster, p. 279. 6"Forster, p. 282. 6“Forster, p. 282-3. 117 69Clark, p. 89. 7°Forster, p. 287. 71mm, p. 285. 72lbid., p. 286. 73Pickthall, Veiled Women, New York: Duffield and Company, 1913, p. 91. (Subsequent references to the novel will be cited in the text). 74Forster, p. 285. 7"’Clark, p. 93. 76For a full account of this experience, see pp. 163-4. "Clark, p. 93. 78Clark, p. 94. 79Pickthall, The House of War, New York: Duffield and Company, 1916, p. v. (Subsequent references will be cited in the text). 80J. J. Saunders, A History of the Medieval Islam, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978 (First published In 1965), p. 33. 81Saunders, p. 26. 62Clark, p. 87. 83mm, p. 95. CHAPTER IV PICKTHALL'S NEAR EASTERN FICTION STARTING IN 1917 1. Knights of Araby (1917) Introduction Knights of Araby was published in September 1917, a year that was to mark significant events in history as well as in the life of Marmaduke Pickthall: the year witnessed the Russian Revolution and Passchendaelel, the continuation of the Great War, and, coincidentally, Pickthall's declaration of Islam, an event that changed the course of his life. The novel was subtitled 'A Story of the Yaman in the Fifth Islamic Century.’ 1917 "was hardly a propitious year in which to transport the readers of novels to eleventh-century Yemen."2 In his foreword to the novel, Pickthall explains that Knights of Araby is an attempt to quicken those dry bones of memory, and reinvest them with some comeliness of flesh and blood. Even if unsuccessful, it may have the merit of calling the attention of the English reader to the fact that Muslims, all those centuries ago, confronted the same problems which we face to-day; and made short work of some of them.3 118 119 The novel puts forth an example of those problems, possible causes and solutions in the given context. Summary Najah, an Ethiopian king of Zabid, had been defeated and killed by King Ali es-Suleyhi, king of Sanaa. As a result, Najah's sons, Said The Squinter and Jeyyash, had been driven to exile in a Red Sea island of Dahlak for some years. They were planning to seek vengeance and to recapture Zabid. It so happened that King All es-Suleyhi was leading his army in an operation outside Zabid. Said, the successor king, took the opportunity to attack Zabid while king Ali es-Suleyhi was gone. Said 's spy, Abu Dad, warned him to stop their plan because King All es-Suleyhi had heard of the plot and decided to send an army of five thousand to crush the conspiracy. Said and his seventy men, however, refused to go back and decided to evade the marching army. Said and his fighters launched a coup de main attack on es-Suleyhi's royal tent, killing him, his brother and many of their soldiers. Lady Asma, es-Suleyhi's wife, was held captive. Then Said led the defeated army to Zabid, inaugurating himself as King there. After about a year of her captivity, Lady Asma succeeded in hiding a letter in a loaf to her son, A! Mukarram4 Ahmad, imploring him to rescue her, lying to him that she was "with a child from the Squinter." AI Mukarram marched to Zabid to rescue his mother. His army won abloody victory, while Said and his family managed to flee back to Dahlak. Upon seeing his mother and learning the truth, AI Mukarram became very disappointed. and never looked at his mother. The angry victorious Al 120 Mukarram gave orders to kill every Ethiopian in Zabid in vengeance to his killed father. The deposed king Said spent years in exile. Afterwards, he began preparing to recapture Zabid as Al Mukarram's control had been declining. Said and his men were able to take over the city peacefully without bloodshed as the Suleyhid governor escaped for life. A! Mukarram Ahmad moved his government from Sanaa to Dhu Jiblah. Said The Squinter wanted to destroy Al Mukarram so he led an army to Jiblah, but on the way Said '5 army was attacked by Prince of Shair, supposedly Said's ally, and AI Mukarram. Both armies crushed Said 's , killing him and taking his wife prisoner; and the Mukarram feels rightly avenged. After Sa'id's death, his brother, Jeyyash, made every effort to save the kingdom. He entered Zabid in disguise and succeeded in taking control after a successful coup d'état. Jeyyésh ordered that no blood be shed. After settling the state affairs, Jeyyash started his pilgrimage to Makkah. On his way, he found that Mukarram was also going to the same destination. Jeyyash wrote to him that henceforth there should be no feud nor vengeance between them, as all such practices had been abolished by the prophet. Interpretations The theme of Knights of Araby goes beyond the mere tribal conflict or feud between clans driven by vengeance. The novel goes deep into discussing and explaining the roots of such problems. The novel shows that too much care for the material things is a main cause of conflict in this life. The novel is, according to the portion of Pickthall's foreword 121 quoted above, an explanation, in a historical context, of the problems that the world around 1917 was suffering, i.e. struggle over material interests of life that was, and is, characteristic of the world past and present. The only difference lies in the means involved in such struggle. The only way out, as the novel depicts, is in ignoring or suppressing selfish desires for disinterested reason and a transcendental guidance. Pickthall's source for the historical context of Knights of Araby was "a collection of chronicles of medieval Yemeni history, published in English and Arabic in 1892. The major chronicle was that of Najm aI-Din 'Umara aI-Hakami (1135-73)."5 Peter Clark mentioned° that his chronicle was analyzed by lbn Khaldun, and that both the chronicle and the analysis were edited and translated by Henry Cassels Kay."7 According to Clark, Pickthall dealt with the Arabic rather than Kay's translation. Clark supported his argument by citing an example of a passage of Pickthall's account versus Kay's translation.a This fact proves not only Pickthall's increasing command of the Arabic language and culture, (especially if we realize that Pickthall translated difficult lines of classic Arabic poetry which he quoted in Knights of Araby in a simpler and more accurate way, to use Clark's words), but also Pickthall's shift from studying and reading about pure Islamic subjects to that of historical and cultural background. This is, in my view, another aspect of Pickthall's transition. Regardless of its historical significance, Knights of Araby is a reflective novel: "it is clearly influenced by the 1914-17 war."° This period not only colored Pickthall's work, it deeply touched his character, especially concerning Turkey,10 to the extent that made him hasten, in my judgment, the process of his public declaration of Islam in November 1917, two months after the publication of Knights of Araby. "Round his declared faith," Clark 122 observes, "he picked up the pieces of his emotional and personal life that had been shattered by the war."11 Zabid, where the major events of Knights of Araby were set, is described as a center of learning: The city of Zabid in those days wasaseat of learning, to which students came from all parts of Arabia and East Africa. History, geography, astrology, literature, medicine, besides, and in conjunc- tion with, religious law, were deeply studied in its mosques and colleges by men whose names were known throughout the Muslim world. (47). Yet, such learning and education did not stop unlearned rulers from waging wars for worldly gains and even trivial causes. Knights of Araby depicts tribal wars as a sign of the lack of understanding of Islam by many Muslims. The majority of, if not all, clan leaders failed to realize that "the strife of private greed or vengeance was unjustifiable." (48). This reason was in fact what prevented Zabid from resisting the invading Suleyhids on behalf of their former Najahid rulers despite their preferring the latter. In other words, people of Zabid chose what could be described as the lesser of two evils. The people of Zabid were "indifferent to change of rulers, so only that each ruler be a Muslim, the better for lslém and for the world at large." (197). On their march to retake Zabid, Jeyyash objected to his elder brother, Said: "This is not holy warfare, O my brother. It is warfare for our private vengeance and to claim our rights..." But Said naturally rejected his learned brother's remark in strong words: "Be silent! Pursue such talks and I shall surely kill thee. The Sheykh Salamah judges that our cause is holy since we replant the banner of the true Khalifah in this land." (107). 123 Jeyyash, nonetheless, insisted on his brother "but to bear in mind the law of God." (107), and "to observe the measure of retaliation." (108). Said, however, ignored his brother's advice. When he won victory, killed Ali es- Suleyhi and held his wife captive, Jeyyésh suggested that Said should send a letter to Al Mukarram, Ali's son (explaining that the killing of his father was a result of Ali's killing theirs), send AI Mukarram's mother under proper escort and spare the men's lives. Jeyyash supported the last demand by referring to the example of the prophet urging his brother to do "as did the Prophet (may God bless and save him), and, so doing, transformed his enemy into loyal friend." (120), (Cf. p.126 below). But the stubborn Said arrogantly refused all his brother's suggestions saying: Our case is altogether different. 'When thou hast crushed the serpent's tail,‘ the proverb says, 'make haste to crush his head too while thou hast the power.‘ Moreover, we must slay them for the pleasure of our new adherents... As for the Lady Asma, she shall be my guest [I], shall honour our poor city by her residence. Thou knowest how she speaks of all our house as slaves. (120). This lady, "guest" of King Said, was detained in a room under whose window were mounted the heads of her slain husband, Ali es-Suleyhi, and his brother Abdullah, to ever remind her of the calamity and to further deepen her anguish, and furthermore to terrorize the people of Zabid. The Learned of Zabid protested with indignation: "What means this?" (128), but their protest was ignored. Said's cruelty, arrogance and selfishness were to cause his downfall in a later conflict with Al Mukarram. A learned historian of Zabid observed in a foreshadowing remark that Said's throne "rests on no sure foundation, being the work of sinful violence and not of statecraf ." (132). The large sum of money king Said spent to "pay the dowry and furnish forth the wedding of a hundred virgins, and assume the 124 cost of a great festival to celebrate the circumcision of as many boys" (128), were not to buy him people's loyalty, nor to save his throne from the outrage of the captive lady's son, Al Mukarram. After Lady Asma had spent about a year in captivity waiting in vain for a rescue by her son, A! Mukarram, she managed to smuggle a letter to him falsely stating that she was "with child by this squint-eyed slave [i.e. King Said]," (153), and urging him to "make haste, before [she is] delivered," to save her honor. AI Mukarram was driven by outrage, and led his army, without enough preparations, to Zabid where he barely achieved victory. Foolishly, Al Mukarram turned this victory into a savage massacre of all twenty thousand Ethiopians in the city just to please his mother. Her reaction to the killing was disgusting: she was "smiling as she listened to the death-shrieks which resounded far and near." (187). To make sure that his mother was happy, A! Mukarram called up to her to watch the slaughter: "Ride with us, my mother, for thou lovest bloodshed, and the massacre to-day is in thy honour." (187). The massacre was so horrible to the extent that some of Al Mukarram's leaders were paradoxi- cally shouting to the soldiers to control the killing: "Keep the limits. All who transgress the limits will themselves be slain." (188). Upon hearing this, the snobbish Mukarram carelessly objected: "What matter? If they slaughter less or more, will it affect the measure of their guilt? That is but little, since they act upon my order." He reflected for a moment before he added, stupidly denying responsibility while blaming others: "Curse the pride of women! All this coil is for my mother's honour. She is proud." (188). This "pride of women" was only an excuse Al Mukarram employed to relieve himself from taking full responsibility of the killing. On his march to Zabid, he and his aides "did not place their hope in victory, but 125 in the slaughter of such numbers of the Ethiopians as should make them rue their treatment of the Lady Asma for long years to come." (176). The role of scholars or ulama in stepping atrocities and wrong doings of both people and the rulers is a recurring theme in Knights of Araby. Al Mukarram's massacre in Zabid was only to be stopped by the Learned of the city. An aged Sheykh strongly protested to Al Mukarram, interrogating him about the unjustified killings. The interrogation passage is worth quoting: "By what right dost thou slaughter quiet people?" "By the right of vengeance." "There is no such right." "I slay the Abyssinians who betrayed and slew my father, and held my mother captive for a year." "Did that poor woman or that infant slay thy father?" The old man pointed to two bodies lying near. "In the name of Allah, Merciful, Compassionate, answer me that question truly, O Mukarram Ahmad!" "No; but it is customary to take vengeance widely." "Customary with the Arabs of the Ignorance,“ and thou art of them," said the Sheikh with fire. "In El Islam there are no tribes nor nationalities, no feuds nor taking vengeance on the innocent. Canst thou call thyself a Muslim and act thus? Thy punishment is certain, for it is denounced of God." "Be silent, void of manners as of prudence! Enrage not one who has the power to kill! Make way, I tell thee," cried an Arab chief. The old white-bearded Sheykh surveyed him with a face of pity; then once more turning towards Mukarram, questioned: "What hast thou to say?" "Nothing," replied the monarch in a hollow tone. "God has touched thy head this day with palsy. Take the warning and repent. Command this crime to cease." "I do command it. You my friends, who hear me, go through the streets and bid our men to desist at once." "Good," said the aged jurist; "but the evil done remains. The blood of all these Muslims cries for vengeance. God Himself is their Avenger." (190). 126 This passage shows Pickthall's views regarding the important role of the scholars in dealing with serious matters. First, Pickthall shows the courage of this aged scholar in questioning and holding accountable the transgressing Al Mukarram. Had it not been for the intervention of this scholar, the killing would have been continued. Second, Pickthall shows that the atrocities committed by Mukarram are contrary to the teachings of Islam, and that Mukarram was contradicting himself in calling himselfa Muslim while acting otherwise. Third, Pickthall emphasized the role of the ruler's courtiers in directing his decisions. One of Al Mukarram's courtiers attempted to silence that aged Learned in such away that would have tempted the ruler to crush the aged man himself, thus achieving two goals: destroying the voice of reason and justice, and thereby clearing the way for and justifying the whimsical actions of the tyrant. Fourth, courageously ignoring the implied threat of that mean courtier, the scholar looked him down, pitying his lack of reason or understanding, and calmly insisted on the monarch to stop the barbaric killing. Fifth, the sure success of the scholar in getting that unjust ruler to immediately order the stopping of the massacre. The recent massacre in Zabid becomes the topic of discussion in the council of the Learned of Zabid. Their discussions are focused on the issue that this massacre should not enrage the people, "the quiet folk," to commit unjustifiable acts of vengeance or racist killing. One scholar asserts that "it is the duty of us Learned to see to it that they [the rulers] do not involve the quiet people in their sinful strife," and that "...fanatical attachment to one chieftain or one spot of ground, and the hatred of another, is the cause of half the evils which afflict mankind." (197). Another Learned warns that "If such behaviour should become a 127 precedent, there is an end to human progress; and all the good that has been done in these five hundred years since the coming of the Messenger (God bless and keep him) is undone." (198). Good and evil are represented in Knights of Araby by two categories in the society: scholars and rulers respectively, as presented above. But Pickthall represents Jeyyésh as an exception to the generally wicked and transgressor rulers. When Jayyash retook control over Zabid, after the defeat and death of his brother King Said by Al Mukarram, Jayyash abided by the "Prophet's plain command: 'Destroy not their means of living, not their fruit trees, and touch not the palm.” (333). This was in contrast to Al Mukarram who "touched the palm!" (333). Moreover, and in contrast to the Mukarram's massacre, Jeyyésh carried out an act (which he could not get his brother to do during their first recapture of Zabid): "My command is that of the Prophet when he entered Mecca: Let there be no bloodshed!" (366). Upon this command, the people marched in the streets "howling praise to Allah and blessings on Jayyash, the righteous king." (366). The land of the culture! city of Zabid had been a ground of conflict between the alternate rule of the Suleyhids and Najahids, but the people, especially the Learned, of Zabid never associate their identity with these passing rulers. The peeple of Zabid "sway with whatever regime wields temporary power with a preference for Jayyash. They are among Pickthall's quiet folk."l3 "What are they in the sight of Allah?" said a great professor, when a student asked him wherefore, in his history ofacertain country, he made no mention of its king and famous warriors. "They come and go. It is of infinitely more importance to record the sayings of the poets and the men of letters, the example of the 128 pious and the growth of mosques and schools, which long endure." (48).“ These warriors act as if "the light of El Islam has never reached their conscience. They are still entrenched in pride of race as in the time of Ignorance." (305). When one traces and studies the history of those wars, one finds that "war is the selfish activity of rulers, chiefs, great ones."15 King Said kills hundreds in vengeance for the killing of his father; A! Mukarram massacres thousands to retaliate for his mother's captivity and to please her pride! One Shaykh of Zabid condemns the often mean motives for war: "...Ye know the saying of the Prophet (may God bless and save him): 'Vengeance for blood is forbidden from henceforward, and the feud of blood practised in the days of Ignorance is abolished.‘ All men know that vengeance for blood is unlawful, yet look at the country of the Arabs. The chiefs both great and small are all at feud. It is among the learned and the common people that the precepts of our faith have taken root and flourished. I say, those great ones, self-exalted , and their doings, are of small importance. Thy are lauded only by their slaves and their paid flatterers. The people as a whole endure them, while the learned hold them in contempt." (1 344).“ This passage sums up the major themes Pickthall treats in Knights of Araby. This passage expresses Pickthall's own views, especially regarding the significance of the role of the scholars, as agents of good, in keeping the balance when things go out of the way. "Eight years after Knights of Araby he drew attention to the fact that the 'ulama watched over the welfare of the people, preserved Islamic culture and 'even forced Muslim rulers, in their un-lslamic strife,"7 to refrain from involving ordinary people in their squabbles."‘° . 129 Conversion Markers One could say that we see in Knights of Araby an Islamic Pickthall. Pickthall's transition has reached a peak in Knights of Araby. The novel is the only one among Pickthall's novels to portray Muslim characters only. Moreover, the novel is full of exclusive Islamic references in such a way that reflects a person, not only well versed in the Islamic culture but one, who identifies himself with it with "no problem of adjustment to the values and patterns of lives of others. This is in contrast to all his other Near Eastern novels."19 In Knights of Araby, Pickthall has gone a step further in his transition to the Islamic character. On many occasions, he appears to be indirectly defensive of Islam through explaining and presenting Islamic themes and issues. Consider, for example, Pickthall's representation of Islam's position regarding tribal wars, vengeance and feud. Another example is the role of scholars, rather than the often capricious rulers and chieftains, in preserving and representing Islamic values in the society. Both instances are discussed above. One example of the Islamic issues that Pickthall explains in Knights of Araby, as well as (but more exclusively) in Veiled Women, is the position of women, an issue that is often misrepresented due to lack of understanding, or mixing the behavior of a number of Muslim with the teaching of Islam. Pickthall quotes the Prophet's saying: "He who protects two girls until they reach the age of puberty will be with me in Paradise, like my two fingers, close to one another." (232). Like in Veiled Women, Pickthall makes a comparison of the treatment of women in and outside Islam during the time of Ignorance: 130 Outside the polity of El Islam, women were despised and badly treated. In the hands of the slave-dealers, also, they were liable to blows and insults. Once incorporated in the Muslim world by purchase, women had rights secured to them by law, and were respected. (232). Pickthall mentions that among the rights women have in Islam is the right of education: "There was another saying of the Prophet to the effect that women should be educated." (232). The muezzin's call is another Islamic aspect or theme that Pickthall depicts in almost all his Near Eastern novels. This prayer call seems to have a significant effect on Pickthall. The muezzin's call is, as usual, pleasant and sweet: "...from a score of lofty galleries the voice of the muezzins floated like the song of birds. It comforted his soul." (193). One significant side of Islam Knights of Araby presents, in its final passage, is the story of Jayyash's pilgrimage to Makkah. The pilgrimage to Makkah is almost the only obligation of Islam which the Muslim Pickthall himself never performed. "He was planning in 1931 to do so... The plan was abandoned because of an epidemic in the Hijaz arising from the outbreak of plague in the Yemen"?!o Although Pickthall never fulfilled, but longed for, the pilgrimage, his description of Jeyyésh's first sight of Makkah is full of "tragic irony," and is expressed in "serene and intense words"21 that are hardly the words of one who never trod the pilgrim's road: Lines from the ancient Arab poets thronged his memory like voices half awake before the dawn--the dawn of El Islam, of truth and light. The day was breaking. For away across a land whose dust was hollowed by the persecuted footsteps of God's messenger, he saw the cruel, the beloved city in glow. It was the blessing, and had been the curse, of El Islamuthis city which contained no relic save its ancient memories of cruel persecution and idolatry; no beauty to seduce man's thoughts from God. And, as he pondered on the glory of the Unity, and how the folk of old obscured its light with vain 131 imagining, he praised the wisdom which had made men pilgrims to an empty house. (380-81). Conclusion Knights of Araby is an escape for Pickthall from the state of war that the world suffered during a period not only of time or history, but of Pickthall's own life. Pickthall looked around him for an exile from the dark side of that period, and found a repose, albeit imaginative, in the history of previous wars in an attempt to explain and, probably, find a possible solution for the symptoms of his age. The warriors in Zabid lost more than they gained in their selfish and stupid wars. None of them realized that the pride of victory was buta temporary one, and that such false pride was not worth shedding a single drop of innocent blood. Moreover, none of these warriors or clan leaders knew for sure that had victory or power been enjoyed by anyone forever, they themselves would not have achieved that mean worldly gain. The Arabic proverb says: "If it were to last for others (before you), it could not have possibly reached you." In Knights of Araby, Pickthall's transition identifies himself with the religion of Islam more than in any of his Near Eastern novels. Pickthall seems to be indirectly trying to let others see another side or view in this life, even for the sake of knowledge. At the end of Knights of Araby, Pickthall depicts an emotional account of an experience he never went through, i.e. the pilgrimage to Makkah. Had Pickthall himself performed the pilgrimage, perhaps his account would not have been so emotional and touching. 132 2. Oriental Encounters (1 918) Introduction Oriental Encounters is one of Pickthall's most interesting works. The novel, subtitled 'Palestine and Syria 1894-5-6,‘ is a collection of fictional records of real experiences Pickthall went through during his first visit to the Near East from 1894-96. The collection was published in 1918, twenty years after Pickthall's initial travels in Palestine and Syria. Despite the lapse of this long time, Pickthall assures the readers that his impressions are "still remaining clear," and that Oriental Encounters is but a "record of small things, no doubt; yet it seems possible that something human may be learnt from such a comic sketch-book of experience which would never be derived from more imposing works."22 Interpretations Oriental Encounters, as the title suggests, is a record of instances of two cultures, Western and Near Eastern, encountering each other as meticulously observed by Pickthall. Pickthall's impressions, however, were a product of long-term deep but cautious observations followed by a slow yet effective transition towards gradual adjustment with the other culture. There were two factors which influenced Pickthall's reaction to the Nearer East. First, the English people in the country who had been annoyingly, and repeatedly, advising Pickthall never ever to trust or deal with native inhabitants. Second, whenever Pickthall tried his way in acting freely, i.e. contrary to his fellowmen's advice, he was often blamed by them as being still young, and having not enough experience, a reality 133 that supported Pickthall's English critics, and, unfortunately, to be a cause of Pickthall's resentment of his fellow countrymen (as reflected in several tales of Oriental Encounters) as their warnings eventually proved to be generally exaggerated and mostly based on misunderstanding. Finding himself in the midst of a totally strange and uncertain culture, Pickthall separated himself from the local people during his first wanderings in the Near East, particularly Jerusalem, and "led what might be called a double life."(8). Pickthall's "double life," then, was in fact a natural expression, or reaction, to a totally different cultural experience. Edward Said, for example, echoes, though in a different way, Pickthall's cultural experience: while belonging to one side, Said "also belongs to the other side."23 Moreover, Said's experience "has enabled [him] in a sense to live on both sides, and to try to mediate between them."24 Pickthall's own experience eventually enabled him to develop a degree of deep relation- ship to and harmony between both cultures. Despite the early obstacles associated with Pickthall's cultural experience, he remained determined to cross the bridge between the two cultures, even first by finding a way to live with domestic people to learn first hand about them: ...To seek to mix on an equality with Orientals, of whatever breeding, was one of those things which were never done, nor even contemplated, by the kind of person who had always been my model. My sneaking wish to know the natives of the country intimately, like other unconventional desires I had at times experienced, might have remained a sneaking wish until this day, but for an accident which freed me for a time from English supervision. (2). It so happened that Pickthall met J.E. Hanauer, an English chaplain and an author of a collection of Near Eastern tales, who taught Pickthall some Arabic and encouraged him to fulfill his "sneaking wish." Hanauer's 134 encouragement was a key for Pickthall to a life-long commitment with the East, an experience that was destined to ultimately change Pickthall's course of life. The first step Pickthall took, after Hanauer's support, was getting acquainted with "a clever dragoman and one of the most famous jokers in all Syria." (4). Pickthall found great pleasure in the company of Suleyman, the said dragoman. This was partly because Suleyman promised Pickthall adventure, and partly because Pickthall himself found relief from a self- imposed alienation from the native people. Pickthall's reaction to this new experience was immense: ...And I was amazed at the immense relief I found in such life. In all my previous years I had not seen happy people. These were happy. Poor they might be, but they had no dream of wealth; the very thought of competition was unknown to them, and rivalry was still the matter of horse and spear. Wages and rent were troubles they had never heard of. Class distinctions, as we understand them, were not. Everybody talked to everybody. With inequality they had a true fraternity. (5). Pickthall's happiness compensated for the first setback and disappoint- ment in his professional life. (Pickthall had a modest school record, and he had failed in a competition for a post in the Consular Service)”. Suleyman helped Pickthall to "throw off the European and plunge into the native way of living." (4). Among the native people, with his two companions, Suleyman and Rashid, Pickthall "ran completely wild for months, in a manner unbecoming to an Englishman" (7). The tales compiled in Oriental Encounters, thirty-three in all, are generally unrelated both thematically and chronologically; they are mainly based on Pickthall's real experience, as mentioned above, but some of 135 the tales are furnished by Pickthall's humorous companion, Suleyman. Some of Suleyman's tales are "far-fetched, but all of which have a moral point."2° Rashid shares with Pickthall in listening to Suleyman's implausi- ble narratives, but he would view Suleyman as "a famous liar, is our man yonder; yet he speaks the truth!" (67). Pickthall expresses a different view: "I cannot to this day distinguish how much of his [Suleyman's] long harangue was jest and how much earnest. But the fellahinl'7 devoured it as pure wisdom." (53). Pickthall, however, seems to share some of the peasants' impression of Suleyman's often exaggerated tales, for a reason Pickthall himself cannot explain: "One was conscious that his tales--even the most extravagant--were true in some mysterious, intrinsic way." (172). Suleyman is portrayed not only as a didactic story teller; he thrusts himself into theory: he maintains that "to have good intention was the chief desideratum for every son of Adam on his journey through the world, no matter though his works turn out bad or unsuccessful." (172). To illustrate his 'piece of wisdom,’ Suleyman applies it to lying: 'To lie with good intention is better than to tell the truth with bad intention.‘ Rashid readily supports Suleyman the Wise with a proverb: 'To lie is the salt of a man; the shame is to him who believes [l]' (172). Suleyman extends his 'wise' views on the "intention" to include the deeds, good and bad: 'Men learn wisdom from their sins, not from their righteous deeds. And the consciousness of sin, the knowledge that they may at any moment fall into it, prevents them from the arrogance of goodness.’ (174). Rashid was originally a soldier in the Turkish army. He convinced Pickthall to buy him out of the army, for five Turkish pounds; in return he would be Pickthall's sincere servant, one who is skilled: "By Allah, I can shoe a horse and cook a fowl; Ican mend garments with athread and 136 shoot a bird upon the wing." (17). Rashid proves also to be good in borrowing things from local people for his master's convenience wherever they go. Suleyman served as Pickthall's aide in discovering the East during his early wanderings. It was through Suleyman that Pickthall saw the East, and Suleyman served the purpose well. It seems that during his first Near Eastern visit, Pickthall, knowing Suleyman's nature, gave him wide freedom in guiding and managing his adventure: 'If left alone to manage the whole journey, he [Suleyman] was the best guide in Syria, devoting all his energies to make the tour illuminating and enjoyable.‘ (185). Suleyman's knowledge of the English language and of Syria had attracted European tourists to hire him; his English 'though voluminous and comprehensive, was strange to the English ears.’ (180). He devoted himself to Pickthall during an off-peak tourism season. The Europeans are often depicted as negative outsiders. Pickthall was made fun of, because of his dress, as he entered a village. A young child shouted to him: "Hi, O my uncle, you come in two!" (45). Pickthall comments that such a remark "was the common joke at the sight of European trousers, which were rare in thosedays." (45). When Pickthall put on native dress, he was despised by fellow Englishmen. 'My ill- success,‘ recollects Pickthall, 'may be attributed to the fact that l was wearing a "kufiyehm and "acél,"2° and so appeared to them as what is called a "native." (244). One day a missionary reacted to hearing Pickthall's explanation in English of some matter with: "'What! are you English?‘ was his only answer, as he scanned me with pity and disgust.‘ (94). Pickthall's life among the natives is protested by his fellow country 137 people: "I never touch their food," the missionary stated, "'It is insanitary."--which I knew to be exactly what they say of his.’ (98). The disappointing treatment Pickthall received by Englishmen prompted him to compare them to a character that is generally disliked, especially by Pickthall, i.e. the schoolmaster: Looking round upon those eager, friendly faces, I compared them with the cold face of the missionary, who suddenly appeared to me as a great bird of pray. I hated him instinctively, for he was like a schoolmaster; and yet his words had weight, for I was young to judge, and schoolmasters, though hateful, have a knack of being in the right. (101). It is very ironic that Pickthall himself, later in his life, was appointed "Principal of Chadarghat High School for Boys"30 in the Nizamate of Haydarabad. It is perhaps for this occupation that the schoolmaster in Forster's A Passage to India is thought to be a portrayal of Pickthall.31 Pickthall's unfavorable attitude towards his European characters, in Oriental Encounter, extends to Americans, too. They are all portrayed in funny and nearly bizarre settings.” 'An American admiral, on shore in Palestine for two days, asked only one thing: to be shown the tree on which Judas the Iscariot had hanged himself, in order that he might defile it in a natural manner and so attest his faith.'(184). Pickthall's negative English characters portrayed in Oriental Encounters are generally the norm, but there are some exceptions: Suleyman "introduced [Pickthall] to the only Europeans who espoused that life [i.e. the native life] --a French Alstian family, the Baldenspergers," (6). Another example is Mr. Hanauer who published a collection of Near Eastern tales, Folklore of the Holy Land.33 When Pickthall's attempt to buy a house failed, he was very disappointed but he 138 was comforted by some Englishmen: 'Cheer up, man! We've all been through it.‘ (266). Pickthall's views on his fellow country people was not shared by native inhabitants: a Turk remarked to Pickthall that "An Englishman--any Englishman-4s good, and his word is sure. But the English Government is very bad." (71). The Turk here was referring to "the defence of Kars underthe leadership ofthree heroic Englishmen and of the betrayal of the Circassian rising under Shamyl at the time of the Crimean war." (71-2). There are some references in Oriental Encounters borrowed from Pickthall's previous works. Characters are among the borrowings: for example, the Circassian leader, Hasan Agha, of "A Mountain Garrison" is an important character in The House Of Islam; the priest and his daughter Nesibeh in "Nawédir" are main characters in The Valley of the Kings. Another example is the local governor in "The Caimmacam" who appears in The House of War. This Turkish Caimmacam, or governor, is described in similar words: in The House of War, he is ...a white-bearded man, immaculately clad in European fashion ...Elsie was disappointed. She had expected something picturesque and barbarous, more evidently wicked than this neat old gentleman, who, but for his fez, might easily have been mistaken for a French diplomatist.“ In "The Caimmacém," the governor 'might have been an Englishman but for the crimson fez upon his brow and a chaplet of red beads, with which he toyed perpetually.’ (212). Corruption is among the themes Pickthall treats in Oriental Encounters. Corruption of the judicial system in the 1890s Syria, is an 139 example. In the court, there is a "crowd of witnesses-false witnesses for hire- who thronged the entrance" (39). In other words, those who could hire as many witnesses as possible, would certainly get a favorable sentence. There are references to administrative corruption as well. Bribery controls it all. Suleyman bribed the Governor's secretary to bypass a crowd awaiting their turns to see the governor. In "Concerning Bribes," Suleyman cunningly transubstantiates and justifies bribery: Our governors, our judges, and the crowd of small officials are not highly paid, and what they do receive is paid irregularly. Then all, whether high or low, must live; and it is customary in our land to offer gifts to persons in authority, because a smile, God knows, is always better than a frown from such an one. (220-21). When Pickthall indignantly protests to Suleyman that 'the whole system is corrupt, and what is worse, unreasonable,‘ (220), and that bribery, regardless of the form in which Suleyman puts it, amounts 'to sell[ing] justice,’ (221), Suleyman is still boldly resistant: Who talks of selling justice? You are quite mistaken. If I have to go before _a judge I make a gift beforehand to his Honour, whose acceptance tells me, not that he will give a verdict in my favour--do not think itl--but merely that his mind contains no grudge against me. (221). Further, Suleyman compares and contrasts bribery, or 'gifts,' to lawyers' feesl: 'The gifts we make are usually small, whereas the fees which lawyers charge in Western countries are exorbitant.‘ (221-22). He finally issues his verdict before the amazed Pickthall: 'It is very difficult for foreigners to learn the truth. Your Honour should be thankful that you have Suleyman for an instructor...‘ (225). Pickthall later realized: '...after more than twenty years' experience of Eastern matters, lknow now that he [Suleyman] was right.’ (225). 140 In the Governor's office, Pickthall admired the boldness of poor people 'in demanding audience of the Governor.‘ (211). These people set or squatted round the walls in perfect resignation, some of them smoking, others munching nuts of various kinds, of which the shells began to hide the floor adjacent to them. Afew of the suppliants had even had the forethought to bring with them bags full of provisions, as if anticipating that their time of waiting might endure for several days. (216). There is an imbalanced proportion represented, or rather misrepresented, between crime and punishment. In "Murderers," Pickthall shows some killers being punished for their crime only by 'a year's enslavement[l]' (239); when Pickthall cried in protest for lack of appropriate punishment, the criminals maintained that justice had been served: 'And is it not enough, 0 lord of kindness? It is not as if we had killed men from malice or desire of gain. We killed in sudden rage, or in ...a faction fight.‘ (239). This example was a misrepresentation by Pickthall due to his misunderstanding. Pickthall, later, knew that he was misled (either by his own Arabic, or by Rashid's poor English in his explanation) about these murderers: . I tried to make him [Rashid] that he had quite misled me by the term he had applied to men who had been guilty of no more than manslaughter. The distinction had to be explained with much periphrasis, because the Arabic word 'Cétil' means a slayer, and is given indiscriminately to all who kill. He caught my meaning sooner than I had expected. 'Ahl' he said. 'Your Honour thought from what I said that they were "cutters of the road, (i.e., Highwayman)"3l5 or hired assassin, who kill men for gain. Those are the greater criminals, whose punishment is death. (241-42). 141 This example of misunderstanding is a natural result of the lack of successful cultural communication between Pickthall and his servant, Rashid. On the other side of crime and punishment, Rashid demands that robbery should be punished severely: 'The man who steals a bag of lentils thus deliberately is a wicked man, and when a man is wicked he deserves to die; and he expects it.' (276—77). Rashid invites Pickthall to consider 'not the dimensions or the value of the object stolen...but the crime.!' (276). Rashid, nonetheless, stopped one day on their way by an open vineyard and started picking some grapes to the amazement of Pickthall who regarded it as stealing. Rashid explained: 'He [Pickthall] does not understand our customs, that is all. By Allah! there is no man in this land so churlish or so covetous as to begrudge to thirsty wayfarers a bunch of grapes out of his vineyard or figs or apricots from trees beside the road. To go into the middle of the vineyard and pick fruit there would be wrong, but to gather from the edge is quite allowable.’ (283). In Oriental Encounters, like his other novels, Pickthall promotes the importance of cultural understanding of others through first hand experience: Rashid emphasized that "each man must see with his own eyes and not another's. People are as often as one finds them, good or bad. They change with each man's vision, yet remain the same." (76). Conversion Markers Although Oriental Encounters was published after Pickthall's public declaration of Islam, it is essentially a record of memoirs of cultural encounters during his first visit to the Near East. Therefore, this collection does not, nor is it expected to, contain considerable conversion markers as evident in Pickthall's preceding work. Yet, there are some examples to 142 be cited. Pickthall one day tells Suleyman: 'I resign myself to be the pigeon of the mosque.‘ (105). This expression suggests a frequent mosque goer, i.e. liking for the mosque. Like Pickthall's other Near Eastern works, Oriental Encounters conveys a friendly attitude towards Muslims. During his conversation with the missionary about the native Muslims, Pickthall remarked that he "thought that they [the Muslims] were decent folk, though rather backward" (119). This remark echoes a similar one expressed in The House of Wan when Elsie stated that the Muslims "are far behind us," Fenn objected: "Behind, but not below."3° Conclusion Oriental Encounters is an important work by Pickthall in the sense that it reflects a short part of his early life, spent in the Near East, that was significant enough to affect and actually change the course of his whole life. Another reason is that the book falls between two crises in Pickthall's life:37 there are hints on the first one Pickthall suffered early in his life, which was resolved by his first travel to the Near East. The other one Pickthall underwent was an emotional depression around WW1 and the fall of the Ottoman Empire, which Pickthall resolved by his public acceptance of Islam. Twenty-odd years have separated these two crises, 'the passage of which has given him [Pickthall] detachment - a detachment that allows him to display irony at the expense of himself, his ideas and his fellow-countrymen.‘38 For Pickthall, not only does anguish beget relief, it renders it inevitable. 143 3. The Early Hours (1921) Introduction The Early Hours is Pickthall's last published novel. It ranks as one of the best novels by Pickthall. The novel shows a Muslim Pickthall whose understanding and practice of his new faith have reached maturity. The novel was published four years after Pickthall's acceptance of Islam, and after he had already overcome some serious personal emotional difficulties in his life. Pickthall had also been broken-hearted over the deteriorating political situation in Turkey, especially the British role in the matter, that ultimately lead to the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. Pickthall had stayed in Turkey from March to July 1913. The Early Hours is again a reflective novel: It presents Pickthall's views on the politics of Turkey and the Ottoman Empire from an Islamic perspective, of course. The novel treats historical events that took place in Turkey early in the twentieth century, particularly around the time of the emergence of the Committee of Union and Progress and the Young Turks. The Narrative The Early Hours tells the story of Camruddin. He was a soldier in the Turkish army in Yemen, but was released after his injury. Back in his hometown in Macedonia, Camruddin rescued Basri Bay, a Turkish officer who was just shot. After initial recovery, Basri Bey implored Camruddin to deliver an extremely important message to Arif Hikmet at Saloniki. After a long travel, Camruddin reached Saloniki where he delivered the message, 144 and took the chance to visit Sadik Pasha, the former commander of the Yemen war, who promised poor Camruddin to help get him married. There are rumors of conspired revolt in the country. Camruddin did not know that he had been recruited by the conspirators of the Committee of Union and Progress in carrying that message. When he later knew, Camruddin became an enthusiast supporter of the reform movement organized by the Committee. As a messenger for the Unionists, Camruddin, risking his life, carried another secret message to Resna. At Resna. Camruddin volunteered to join some one hundred fedai (guerilla) group lead by Niazi Bay in a march throughout the mountainous region to call for support for the reform movement and for the Committee. As the group marched, the support for them increased. They succeeded in kidnapping Marshal Osman Pasha, the Commandant of Monastir, thereby neutralizing his power without bloodshed. The Revolution had succeeded. People rejoiced chanting 'Liberty,‘ 'Equality,' 'Justice,‘ and 'Constitution.’ Camruddin then left for Stamboul (Istanbul) where his bride had moved with Sadik Pasha's family. Camruddin's wedding finally was celebrated. Austria had annexed Bosnia and Hercegovina; Bulgaria declared independence of the Turkish empire; all of these incidents were contrary to the Berlin Treaty which was approved by England. The Unionists expected England to help their country, but their hopes were in vain. Camruddin was given a small job at the Ministry of War. He was later promoted to mulazim (lieutenant). Some soldiers mutinied and started killing New Turks. This counter-revolution upset Camruddin, but it was soon crushed. Nonetheless, social disturbance was almost 145 everywhere. Even Camruddin's wife, GuI-raaneh, became very angry with him and demanded divorce. But she was later reconciled to him. Italy invaded Tripoli, and fears were in the air of a plot by the Powers to destroy the Turkish Empire. Camruddin was appointed in charge of a group to fight brigands. He was afterwards sent on a mission to disarm Macedonia. Camruddin took his family to visit his mother. At his mother's house, Camruddin received a warning of an assassin searching for him. His wife helped him escape. Bulgaria declared war on Turkey amid growing criticism for the government formed by the reactionaries after the loss of the Committee's government in the elections. The new government hastily prepared for the defense against the Bulgarian invasion. Camruddin volunteered in defending the country after he had sent a letter to his family summoning them at once to Istanbul. Camruddin was injured and lost his arm. Macedonia was annexed and some five hundred thousand were reported to have been massacred, among them the family of Camruddin who at first supposed them to have moved to Istanbul. Camruddin became very much grieved to know that his family, his mother and brothers had been betrayed by their neighbor. Nazim Pasha, Minister of War, had been killed. Another revolution took place, and the Young Turks regained power. The popular Grand Vizier Mahmud Shevket was, however, assassinated. Talk of hopelessness and despair spread over Turkey, but a khbja (religious leader) delivered a condoling speech where he quoted 'The Early Hours' chapter of the Quran after which the novel is titled. The broken-hearted Camruddin found a new hope. One day Rashideh, the widow of Shukri Bey, proposed to him for marriage. The 146 wedding ceremony was soon performed; Camruddin experienced serenity in his new life. Interpretation The Early Hours, as mentioned above, is Pickthall's last published novel, and it is considered to be one of his best. The novel is preoccupied with the politics of Ottoman Turkey in the early part of the current century. 'Political and religious commitment,‘ Clark observes, 'add an intensity to this novel.'39 Like Pickthall's last novels, and generally all his religious writings, The Early Hours is written in a simpler language."0 The main theme of The Early Hours is the instability of human life. Life in Ottoman Turkey has been marked with changing social and political situations. While this theme is recurrent throughout Pickthall's Near Eastern novels, it has been represented in Pickthall's last two novels, i.e. Knights of Araby and The Early Hours, in more depth. In the case of Ottoman Turkey the reform movement brought turmoil and political unrest in the country. The success of the Committee of Union and Progress was always short-lived. The country was subjected to a series of revolutions followed by counter-revolutions. People who longed for reform and progress saw their hopes to be fulfilled by the Committee, but soon those hopes were lost. As people became more and more disillusioned about the reality of the supposed reform campaign, the more despair they felt, a general feeling that led to social and political instability. Like everybody, Camruddin, vigorously adherent to the Committee, saw all of his hopes shattered. The leaders of the reform movements were generally unqualified and inexperienced. While Camruddin did not usually discuss politics with his wife lest the discussion should bring their 147 marriage to destruction, as happened to many couples, Camruddin's wife supposed that he, like everybody else, was disillusioned. Through self- investigation, Camruddin's wife was aware of what was going on Whenever she went, in the great Hamidian houses, she heard the leaders of the Revolution mentioned as the worst of men. They know not how to govern; they were ruining the country; they were needlessly offending all the foreign embassies of which the ladies had the latest gossip from their men-folk, ex-officials and diplomatists, who went there to denounce the failings of the new regime.“1 Another theme is alternation between misery and happiness, a theme which is related to, and generally an outcome of, the main theme, i.e. the instability of human life. We see Camruddin first asapoor wounded soldier who is no longer fit for service. Then he is offered a pilgrimage to Makkah (Mecca), at the expense of wealthy man, a ritual Pickthall never fulfilled. After that he had to work on his way back home for two years to support the expenses of his trip, moving from one place to another doing different jobs. Later after he arrived home, Camruddin went to Sadik Pasha, his former military commander who sponsored his marriage. The moment Camruddin was to start a happy married life, he was recruited to be a secret messenger for the reform movement, endangering his life and almost destroying his happiness. When things began to settle for him again with his wife and two sons, he was involved in Macedonia war losing his arm and, above all, losing his whole family in the massacre. Deprived and miserably lonely, he was approached bya friend's widow offering herself for marriage. Things were better once more for him, and happiness regained at last. The background for this theme will be discussed later. 148 One minor, though important, element in The Early Hours is the use of weather for a certain function. It is devised to set the mood for the associated event. Whenever Pickthall talks of cold, windy, or rainy weather, the reader expects something difficult or unpleasant to happen. An example is the description of the weather before the outbreak of the second revolution of the Unionists. The incident was that a number of distinguished Unionists were summoned by the reactionaries to the Porte. They were made to wait outside where the place 'was windy, and the day was cold.“2 This cold weather, in addition to the humiliation those dignitaries received, triggered them to force themselves into the government house killing Nazim Pasha, the Minister of War, arresting the Cabinet members, and thus seizing power. The Early Hours contains hints of autobiography. Camruddin personifies Pickthall in many ways. Like Pickthall, Camruddin had gone through difficult times resolved only through holding to the belief in his religion. Pickthall shared Camruddin's support for the Committee of Union and Progress, but with a difference. While Camruddin gave up hope in the Committee towards the end of his life, Pickthall's 'onalty to the Committee outlived the committee?“ One example of the elements of autobiography is Camruddin's contemplation on his past, before the success of the reform Revolution. Camruddin thought: 'If I had remained with my mother and my sister and my brothers two months ago, instead of setting out, I should not, certainly, have known the rapture of sublime endeavour, nor yet the peace of mind which goes with it.'“ Camruddin, here, is actually expressing Pickthall's own recollection of the ultimate outcome of his whole trip and adventures in the Near East. 149 Conversion Markers The Early Hours shows a Marmaduke Pickthall who is different from the Pickthall of the Knights of Araby and Oriental Encounters: in the preceding two novels, Pickthall appears as an ordinary member of the Muslim community; but in his last novel, The Early Hours, Pickthall has grown to be an energetic member of the community both religiously and politically. He actively engages in advocating the welfare of Islam, as represented by Turkey, through political and intellectual reform utilizing literature as a means for expounding this message. Pickthall always treated literature as a vehicle for transporting truth. As an active servant of Islam, Pickthall undertook this approach for the last part of his life, but through a more serious writing, i.e. Islamic journalism. While there could be many reasons for Pickthall's vigorous work for Islam, the fact remains that he had done much for the welfare of Muslims of his time, especially the cause of the Caliphate. Turkey had been a transforming place for Pickthall, a place where Pickthall found his mature Islamic character. It was in, and for, Turkey that Pickthall suffered crisis and, paradoxically, achieved catharsis. In Turkey, Pickthall started his "serious" life for Islam, and it was in Turkey that Pickthall achieved full independence of missionaries and British officials he dealt with during his travel in Palestine-Syria and Egypt respectively.“ Pickthall had a special regard for Turkey. He believed that Muslims should turn to her. 'Turkey,' Pickthall observed, "is the present head of a progressive movement extending throughout Asia and North Africa. She is also the one hope of the Islamic world.'“ 150 The theme of the instability of life, and that life and happiness are but temporary, has its Islamic background. In the very beginning of The Early Hours, Camruddin is shown resting underatree, and recalling 'a saying of the Holy Prophet, how happiness of man is asa halt for rest beneath a tree beside the way"!7 Likewise, misery is also temporary. In the closing pages of the novel, all the miseries that fell upon Turkey and all its people are seen in the light ofa Quranic chapter that the novel bears as its name, i.e. sure 93, entitled "The Early Hours," which was revealed to the Prophet at time of difficulty: By the early hours and by the night when it is darkest, thy Lord has not forsaken thee nor does He hate thee. And verily the latter portion shall be better for thee than the former. And verily thy Lord shall give to thee and thou shalt know His favour.“ It is worth mentioning that in his translation of the Quran, which occurred nine years after the publication of The Early Hours, Pickthall substituted "the early hours" for "the morning hours,"“ a more accurate translation, in my judgment, but carries the same meaning of earliness. Pickthall accepted the miseries that he himself had and the whole people of Turkey, in general, as Camruddin accepted it: apre- decided destiny: 'It was written that this trial was to come upon my head.'50 Conclusion The Early Hours sums up Pickthall's philosophy of life as shaped by his perception of Islamic values: Pickthall, who has experienced difficult times in his life, has reached the realization that miseries are often followed by good and happy times through patience with the help of God. 151 Pickthall compared himself to the persecuted Prophet Muhammad: Pickthall saw that the miseries he had gone through were but early hours of his life; the later hours, like those of the Prophet, would bring hope and relief so long as one stayed patient and steadfast. 152 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV 1Clark, p. 96. 2Ibid. 3Knights of Araby, London: W. Coollns Sons and Co. Ltd., p.v. (Future citations will be noted in the text). 4This is Pickthall's spelling of "Al Mukarram" throughout Knights of Araby. 5Clark, p. 96. 6Ibid., p. 97. 7Henry Cassels Kay (editor and translator), Yaman, Its Early Mediaeval History (Riygggtons, London, 1892; reprinted Gregg, London. 1968). See Peter Clark, note 101 8See Clark, pp. 97-8. 9CIark, p. 100. 10See Pickthall, With the Turk in Wartime, and "A Heart is Broken: Pickthall and Turkey" pp. 22-35 in Peter Clark, Marmaduke Pickthall: British Muslim. 11Clark, p. 42. 15-’The term Ignorance, or thiIiya refers to the "state of ignorance; pre-Islamic paganism, pre-lslamic times." (See Hans Wehr, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, edited by J. Milton Cowan, London: Macdonald & Evans Ltd., 1961, reprinted by Librairie du Liban, 1980), p. 144. 13Clark, p. 99. 1"Also quoted by Clark, Ibid. 1~"’CIark, p. 99. 1”Also quoted by Clark, Ibid. 17Pickthall, The Cultural Side of Islam, p. 40. As quoted by Peter Clark, p. 100. 18Clark, p. 100. 19Ibid. 20Ibid. 153 21Ibid. The passage is aslo cited by Clark. 22Pickthall, Oriental Encounters, London: W. Collins Sons and Co. Ltd., 1918, p.9. (Furteher quotes will be cited In the text). 23Said, Culture and Imperialism, p.xxiii. 2“Ibid. 25See Oriental Encounters, p.1. and Clark, p.102 26Clark, p.102. 2"Farmers or villagers. 28Turban; head-dress. 2"A headband holding the kufiyeh in place. 3°Clark, p.59. ”Ibid., p. 32See Clark, p.103. 33J. E. Hanauer, Folklore of the Holy Land, London: Duckworth 1907. 34The House of War, p.27. 35Pickthall's note. 38The House of War, p.250. 37See Clark, pp.103-104. ”Clark, p.104. 39Ibid., P.107. ‘olbid. “Pickthall, The Early Hours, p.204. ”Ibid., p.253. “Clark, p.33. “The Early Hours, p.163. “Cf. Clark, p.24-25. “With the Turk in Wartime, p.170, as quoted by Clark, p.26. 154 4"The Early Hours, p.2. “Ibid., p.269. “Pickthall, The Meaning of the Glorious Koran, 10th Revised Edition, Des Plaines, Illinois: Library of Islam, 1994, but first published by AA Knopf, New York, 1930. 5°The Early Hours, p.211. CHAPTER V ANALYSIS OF TRANSITION Introduction This concluding chapter aims at discussing aspects of transition in Pickthall's works that have been presented throughout this research, and analyzing the whole process of transition that marks Pickthall's Near Eastern novels. Pickthall's transitional conversion to Islam will be the underlying element in interpreting different aspects of transition in Pickthall's Near Eastern novels. Definition Transition in Pickthall's Near Eastern works could be defined as the process that underlies different aspects of the shift that gradually occurs throughout Pickthall's writing as he journeys between two cultures, i.e. a home Western and an adopted Near Eastern. I will attempt to treat this issue of transition in a chronological order as much as possible. Among the aspects of shift considered here, are those related to thematic, tonal, and setting transition. 155 156 Aspects of Transition a. lhamalic: Thematic transition is, in my judgment, the most obvious aspect of transition found in Pickthall's Near Eastern works. Pickthall's representa- tions of the Near East range from expression of fascination in Said the Fisherman, propaganda in Veiled Women, to political concerns of Knights of Arab y and The Early Hours. Said the Fisherman treats the theme that treachery and deception are short-lived. Said's roguish behavior and mean personality led him from disaster to another. Despite the fact that he enjoyed some good times, he was soon to be punished and humiliated. He sometimes was punished with a punishment matching his crime but often harsher; as he sowed, so did he reap. When he abandoned his wife Hasneh on their way to Damascus, his second wife eloped taking his son and wealth. Another example is that when Said rejected the good advice of his honest servant, Selim, of not going to the sin house, Said lost all his money and dignity. Likewise whenever Said acted arrogantly, a disaster followed. The House of Islam, though less successful, is more serious than Said the Fisherman and other novels written by Pickthall.1 The novel presents the way belief and human nature intertwine in facing emotional hardships, and that the ultimate trust should be placed in God alone. During his desperate searches for medical treatment for his sick daughter, Shems-ud-din went through a psychological trial. The climax is reached when Shems-ud-din loses patience and hope for his daughter's recovery. 157 While he was entreating the physician to save the life of his daughter, Shems-ud-din realized that in doing so, he had lost hope and in fact ignored God's help and ability to cure the daughter. He woke up to the reality that he should immediately seek the forgiveness of God, committing himself and the illness of his daughter to the Will of God. Shems-ud-din's belief in God was the cause of his wakening and ultimate relief. Submitting thus to God, Shems-ud-din was not tormented by the death of his lovely daughter as he was by her illness. The Children of the Nile addresses the social change Egypt was undergoing during the revolution of Arabi Pasha, and the British occupation in the late nineteenth century. The social change is shown as it affects individuals like Mabruk, and the Egyptian society in general. When Mabruk, a medical student at an European school in Cairo, was summoned by his father to live with him in the country, he immediately quitted his study and moved to the country. Mabruk's rather quick and smooth transition to the country living shows the dominance of traditional values over all the European medical schooling Mabrt‘lk has been having for about a year. But Mabruk, however, still bears internal passion towards a society similar to the one he is reading about in the French romance. On the other hand, upon the British occupation of Egypt, Mabruk's society is represented to be welcoming and admiring the British troops and culture: ...it was known that the English were good, harmless people, who waived their right to take the province for themselves, and would not allow the Turks to punish more than the few chief movers of rebellion. Loud were the praises of their generosity. The English manners, English speech, were in the air. Young men of fashion who used to say "Banju" in the French way, now said "Good-ah-day" at sight of one another. English civilization was the rage, and all the 158 youth of the city flocked to the taverns of the Frankish quarter in order to study the right way of it.2 This passage sums up Pickthall's representation of colonialism in The Children of the Nile. Pickthall employs the discourse of the dominating culture to represent the occupying forces as they want to be represented, not as they should accurately be depicted. The conquerors take care to create this representation in the minds of the conquered. Cultural imperialism has been an essential part of the process of imperialism, and narrative is an important device employed by cultural imperialism}I In The Children of the Nile, Pickthall represents the Near Easterners to the Westerners as well as the latter to the former. Pickthall's double-sided representation serves the purpose of culturally setting the mood of both cultural entities for accepting each other, one as the dominant, the other the subordinate. This double-sided representation marksanew shift in Pickthall's representational narrative. But as the reader turns to The Valley of the Kings, one finds that the cultural attitude Pickthall advocates in The Children of the Nile is obstructed by the lack of trust between Europeans and Orientals. The English Prince's disappointing adventure with Iskender, the poor Palestinian Christian interpreter and guide, to the legendary Valley of the Kings suggests to the reader the improbability of establishing good communication with the East; Iskender's naiveté and his dream of gold are not the only reasons to blame. The Englishman's failure to verify the existence of gold plays a part. Moreover, without the expedient encouragement and financial support for the gold expedition by the English tourist, neither the trip nor the crisis of communication would have taken place. Pickthall, however, puts all blame on lskender, thus 159 corroborating a European common position towards Easterners, and, at the same, time shifting away from the compromising attitude of The Children of the Nile. In Veiled Women Pickthall takes another direction. Pickthall turns towards the position of women in Eastern Muslim societies. Barakah is Pickthall's model Englishwoman who discovers for herself the real position of women as regarded by Islamic values, not as mistreated by many Muslims, nor as misrepresented in the majority of Western writings. Pickthall's sympathy with the position of women in Islam and with the harem life in particular are considered by Clark4 to be an aspect of propaganda. Pickthall's representational approach in Veiled Women takes a wider range in The House of War. Pickthall moves from focusing on particular Islamic issues in Veiled Women to the treatment of the general relationship between Syrian Christians and Muslims in The House of War, a relationship that has been influenced by the missionary work. Pickthall depicts the missionary work as promoting misunderstanding which eventually leads to fanaticism, as clearly exemplified by Jemileh and Elsie. The theme of The House of War revolves around the issue that the job of the missionaries in the Near East should be limited to promoting tolerance and understanding. Pickthall makes another shift in Knights of Araby and The Early Hours, his last novel. Pickthall turns to the past to view the present: the novels are based on historic experiences that Pickthall employs in an attempt to explain and interpret some of the problems of his time, particularly W.W.l. In Knights of Araby, Pickthall evokes the history of medieval Yemen for the purpose of "calling the attention of the English 160 reader to the fact that Muslims, all those centuries ago, confronted the same problems which we face to-day; and made short work of some of them."5 On the other hand, in The Early Hours, Pickthall compares the political as well as social difficulties of the Ottoman Empire (and his own difficulties) to the 'early hours' of the life Prophet Muhammad. Pickthall regards instability, social as well as political, as a strong obstacle to human progress regardless of their cultural background. In resorting to history for explanation, Pickthall asserts the point that unless people take lessons from history, they will be condemned to repeat them. Both novels conclude in an optimistic tone: the final passage of Knights of Araby describes Jeyyash's progressive pilgrimage to Makkah, a sign of a new hopeful beginning; The Early Hours ends with Camruddin reciting the Quranic chapter "The Early Hours" which promises prophet Muhammad relief from all his difficulties. Pickthall's thematic shift has been greatly influenced by his gradual understanding of the Near Eastern cultural and political history, in the past and during his time. b. Setting: The setting of Pickthall's Near Eastern novels played an important interactional inspirational role which invoked in Pickthall different emotions. Pickthall's Near Eastern novels were set in Palestine, Syria, Egypt, Yemen and Turkey, covering atime span ranging from medieval era to early twentieth century. This spatial diversity had left particular imprints on Pickthall's novels staged at these places. Pickthall received his first impressions of the Near East in Palestine and Syria, but he was most influenced by Syrian life with all its fantasy, richness, and colorful 161 images. We see all this evident in Said the Fisherman, where the passion for, and fantasy of, Near Eastern life are represented as in no other novel by Pickthall. Said the Fisherman's Syria shows a Pickthall who is fascinated with the land, but not so with the people. Pickthall's fascination is, however, free of sentimentality: pleasant images are naturally depicted beside unfavorable ones in such a fashion that leaves the reader ina paradoxical position of trying to avoid the unavoidable. Pickthall's description of Damascus through the eyes of Said, quoted earlier, is worth reiterating: Sweet, Ianguorous odours, wafted from the shop of a vendor of perfumes, a whiff of musk from the shroud of some passing woman, the fragrance of tobacco, a dewy breath from a mule's panniers crammed with vegetables - little puffs of sweetness were alternate in Said's nostrils with the reek of dirty garments and ever- perspiring humanity, with vile stenches from dark entries, where all that is foulest of death and decay was flung to the scavenger dogs that slept, full-gorged, by dozens in every archway and along every wall. Said inhaled sweet and foul alike with a relish as part of the city's enchantment.6 It is, I think, this imposing experience that lured Pickthall into more clinging to the Near East, especially since he came to the Near East with an unexplainable nostalgic feeling towards Eastern sunny skies, palm trees and vivid colorful images. The relationship between Pickthall and Syria was that of inspiration. Syria's Pickthall felt so deeply attached to the local culture that he was about to accept Islamic values when a Syrian Shaikh dissuaded him. And it was Pickthall's Syria that sowed in his heart a seed of love and allegiance that Pickthall reaped later in his life. After his first visit to the Near East, Pickthall went back to England only to return in a short time. 162 When Pickthall returned for his second visit to the Near East, he stayed in Egypt for three months in 1908, recording his impressions and observations, along with historical account of the 18803 events, in Children of the Nile. This novel serves as an indication of a Pickthall less fascinated by, but involved in matters of, the Near East. Pickthall, who was received in Egypt by British officials, perceived the British occupation of Egypt as a reform of the administrative corruption and a remedy for the brigandry that was disturbing the country. Pickthall justified the British occupation of Egypt on the basis that when justice prevails, then it does not matter in whose hands lies power. Interestingly enough, Pickthall disapproved of the British occupation of India. Did Pickthall then mean that the "justice" of the British rule in India was less equivalent to that in Egypt? Or was it because India was different? I think that Pickthall held his view of the British occupation of India later in his life when he spent the latter part of his life in India, after he had already gone through cultural reevaluation. Apart from Pickthall's political concerns about Egypt, his love and appreciation for the Near East shines in many forms in Children of the Nile, though not as shiny as that in Said the Fisherman. We could see the people of the Nile in their colorful costumes, hear them talking and bargaining, hear the "chanting voice of the muezzin," watch busy farmers in the harvest season, smell the fragrance of the town, shield our eyes from the rays of the Near Eastern fierce sun, and walk over the sand. In Children of the Nile, as in Said the Fisherman, opposite images are superbly juxtaposed. On his way aboard the train to his hometown, Mabruk takes a break from reading a French romance to watch country people working in their fields: 163 . he looked throughout the window, and saw the suburbs of the town slip by and the cultivated plain appear, stretching away on a line of low hills, the colour of a lion's back, the desert frontier. Sakiehs7 and clumps of palm-trees, with here and there a cake of mud-built hovels, stood forth like islands. The fields were full of life: men and women ploughing or reaping green clover; children herding gray, unwieldy buffaloes, brown sheep, or munching camels. Along the dyke moved a scarce intermitted procession of country people, of camels, oxen, mules, but chiefly asses, in clouds of dust made warm by the declining sun. Shocked by the inelegance of the rustic scene, Mabrak Effendi tried to read.° Regardless of the inelegance of the rustic scene, and his European education in the medical school, Mabruk couldn't hide his instinctive love for the country and its people. Soon after he arrived, he easily engaged in their life. Pickthall observed the Egyptians' love of Egypt is that of paternal love, and hence is the title of the novel, Children of the Nile. Later, in Veiled Women, Pickthall clearly expressed this intimate relationship through Yasuf, an example of a native character Pickthall identifies himself with; but the point here is the feeling of intimacy expressed towards Egypt: "0 land of Egypt! Blessed one!" he sighed, "Most beautiful of all that see the sun! In thee are no hideous and shocking mountains, no cataracts, no chasms, no ferocious beasts or savage people such as appall the traveller in other lands. All is flat and smooth and debonair in thee; thy Nile is smooth and good to drink, not putrid and for ever kicking like the sea. May Allah bring us to thy shores in safety and never let us leave them any more, but live in honour, eating, drinking, fasting in due season, praising God, doing good deeds, and getting many children!"9 This passage carries significant bearing because Pickthall penned it after his second visit to Egypt. Knights of Araby is set in medieval Yemen. Pickthall never visited Yemen in his life, but he did so in imagination traversing beyond 164 temporal and spatial barriers. Pickthall, who declared his adoption of Islamic values in the same year of the publication of Knights of Araby, saw no point of observing temporal and spatial barriers in deriving lessons of the history of a once- upon-a time troubled region. Pickthall's trip to historical ancient Yemen was to dig for solutions for problems of his time, i.e. W.W.l. In his preface to the novel, Pickthall, as quoted above, stated that the purpose of Knights of Araby was ...an attempt to quicken those dry bones of memory, and reinvest them with some comeliness of flesh and blood. Even if unsuccess- ful, it may have the merit of calling the attention of the English reader to the fact that Muslims, all those centuries ago, confronted the same problems which we face to-day; and made short work of some of them.” This historical Yemen was a psychological abode for Pickthall, a shelter from the agonies of the time. When similar problems continued to trouble humanity in his age, Pickthall was desperate. He went to Turkey, the headquarters of the Ottoman Empire, which Pickthall could see to be endangered by disintegration. There in Turkey Pickthall had a renewed feeling that Turkey was the hope for the welfare of all Muslims. The setting of Pickthall's Near Eastern novels is, in my judgment, significantly prevalent; it has become a brilliant manifestation of Pickthall's overall appreciation, and concern as well, of the Near East in which Pickthall had found what he previously lost because of his shortcomings.11 6. lane: Tonal transition is another aspect of transition in Pickthall's Near Eastern novels. The tone of Pickthall's writing serves as an important passage to a better understanding of his ideas and attitude. It is, how- 165 ever, not easy to systematically assess Pickthall's tone as it is reflected by a single work; Pickthall's tone transitionally changes from one novel to another depending on the text and context of a given passage, or passages, and the whole circumstances surrounding the creation of those texts and contexts. Hence the importance of studying Pickthall's tone as a significant aspect of transition in his Near Eastern novels. Said The Fisherman is a good example of introducing Pickthall's tone. In Said The Fisherman, Pickthall sounds enchanted and playful at the same time. This attitude is attributed, in my judgment, to his fascination with the Near East during his first encounter. Pickthall's enchanted tone is reflected by his numerous colorful and rich depiction of the Near Eastern life in Syria, particularly Damascus, where the majority of the events take place. On the other hand, Pickthall sounds playful in inviting the readers to sympathize with Said, the mischievous rogue. DH. Lawrence criticizes Pickthall's tone here: "It is the thing one most resents in a novel: having one's sympathy forced by the novelist, towards some character we should never naturally sympathize with."12 In his early Near Eastern novels like Said The Fisherman, Pickthall gave himself a license to treat his readers unfairly, to use D.H. Lawrence's expression.“ That kind of tone is not found in Pickthall's later Near Eastern novels in which we see a more serious, less enchanted Pickthall. In The Children of the Nile, Pickthall interestingly and unexpectedly expresses an imperialist tone in favor of the British occupation of Egypt, as discussed above. Paradoxically, Pickthall depicts his own people with rather a mocking tone in later novels like The Valley of the Kings, The House of War, and Oriental Encounters. E.M. Forster remarked that"... when our compatriots do stray across the scene they seem quaint and 166 remote."“ Clark made a similar observation: "Franks, usually Englishmen and often clergyman, are seen as intruders in the land"!5 An example from each of these novels sheds light on the point. a. The English tourist, in The Valley of the Kings, is shown to be acting naively in his quest for imaginary gold: he readily believes Iskender's dream of gold, he does not take enough measures to verify even the existence of the "gold valley;" he offered to sponsor the whole adventure; moreover, after the failure of the expedition, the English tourist is mockingly depicted as making Iskender the scapegoat of this failure: "'You infernal scoundrel!" snarled the Emir through his clenched teeth. "So this is why you've brought me all this way..."'15 b. In The House of War, Pickthall goes a step further in his negative tone of representing fellow countrymen. Pickthall depicts Elsie, the young English missionary lady, as careless, bold, and adamant in her mission- ary efforts in some Christian and Muslim villages alike. Pickthall's tone in The House of War is critical of English missionary work in the Near East regardless of which community is targeted. Pickthall, as discussed earlier, expresses his favor for promoting harmony and understanding between the two communities. Pickthall's understanding of the Near East has made him grow, contrary to his position in The Children of the Nile, objecting to Western subordination of the Near East. c. In Oriental Encounters, Pickthall continues his critical tone regarding English missionaries and Westerners in general. They are often depicted as outsiders and funny, like the American admiral.17 Part of Pickthall's criticism of the European community in the Near East is a personal reaction to the way they keep from coming close to the native people to understand them better; moreover, Pickthall becomes increasingly 167 resentful of fellow Englishman's insistence on him to refrain from dealing closely and assuming the native dress and way of life. Pickthall, however, advances his relationship with the natives in an effort to know and understand them at first hand. To his surprise, and perhaps the surprise of his fellow people had they tried it, Pickthall found the Near Easterners whom he dealt with to be friendly, eager18 and indifferent to class distinction.19 Pickthall summed up his reaction to his life among the natives: "... l was amazed at the immense relief I found in such life. In all my previous years I had not seen any happy people. These were happy people."20 Pickthall's final Near Eastern novel, The Early Hours, reflectsa balanced and cheerful tone, similar but less in degree, to the tone reflected by Oriental Encounters. Peter Clark observes that "Pickthall had already embraced Islam when the book [The Early Hours] was written. The cheerfulness of the novel reflects the new serenity in Pickthall's own life."21 The only less cheerful tone expressed in some parts of the novel is Pickthall's sense of betrayal towards the British government he shares with the Turks.22 Pickthall develops a diction of his own in his representations of different aspects of life in the Near East. Consider, for example, expressions that depict the Near Eastern sun like "sun-baked mud," "fierce sun," "the great sunshine,"23 and "frenzied with the sunlight."24 Such expressions are recurrent throughout Pickthall's Near Eastern novels, and reflect Pickthall's ambivalent attitude towards the sunny skies of the Near East which Pickthall longed to see, yet this Eastern sun appears to be fierce for Pickthall who, thus far has only been accustomed 168 to London's calm sun, which appears to Said as "a mere ghost'Pi5 with "lifeless rays."26 Another aspect of Pickthall's use of a special diction to createa particular effect on his readers of the Near Eastern novels is his heavy and free use of Arabic words and expressions, along with other culture! references.27 The purpose of this technique is, I believe, to create an atmosphere capable enough of transporting Pickthall's readers, albeit in imagination, to his Near Eastern world. E. M. Forster observes that as soon as we open Pickthall's cheerful pages, "the western world vanishes without a malediction, like night at the opening of day. We sell carpet at Damascus or visit Tantah fair with no sense of strangeness; it seems our natural life."28 Pickthall's ability to show his readersa live broadcast of his enchantment with the Near East supports Forster's view that Pickthall is "part of it [the Near East]."” The Children of the Nile contains the largest number of references to the Arabic language, and Arabic and Islamic cultures among Pickthall's Near Eastern novels.30 d. Character: Pickthall's characters vary. His main characters who appear in later Near Eastern novels are generally better than those appearing in the earlier novels. In Said the Fisherman, Said posedas a bad Muslim example, deceiving and ill-treating all people he met including those closest to him like his tolerant wife Hasneh and faithful servant Selim. Said, nonetheless, was punished dearly for his faulty behavior. Unlike Said, Shems-ud-din, in The House of Islam, isafar better Muslim, a pious and humble one. Many people, including his selfish 169 ambitious brother Milhem, would consider him naive, while others like the contemplative Zeyd see him as a holy man. Mabruk of The Children of the Nile is a better Muslim, or at least less evil than Said. Mabrt‘ik started a good life ata European medical school in Cairo, but later, when his father summoned him to live in the country, Mabruk fell under the influence of a notorious robber driving him through all treacheries and bad behavior. When Mabruk joined the revolution of Arabi Pasha, he continued his ill-behavior and opportunistic treatment of people. He was only saved by the failure of the revolution. Iskender, in The Valley of the Kings, is a good simple-hearted Palestinian Christian who has been lured by his dream of gold to convince the English tourist of the existence of gold in the Valley of the Kings. Iskender fell victim to his extreme love for the English prince whom he tried to please even at the expense of himself, or telling him lies like that about the gold valley. Mary Smith (Barakah) of Veiled Women is an English convert. She, like Pickthall, stands as an example of a person who reached the understanding of Muslims and their faith through first hand experience. She tries to explain matters to her fellow Englishmen and women about Muslims, especially the position of women in Islam. Camruddin of The Early Hours represents hope for Pickthall who comes to realize that no matter what difficulty he, or his newly acquired faith faces, time will eventually better circumstances. All the difficulties Camruddin faces are followed by relief from those difficulties. Among all Pickthall's characters, Camruddin stands as the closest representation of Pickthall himself. 170 Pickthall's model characters serve, in my point of view, as a mirror of Pickthall's transitional ideas and views of Near Eastern culture, particularly the Islamic side of it. The gradual growth of the Pickthall model character, from the roguish Said to the opportunistic Mabruk to the pious Shems-ud-din along the way to the enthusiastic Barakah to Camruddin the mature grownup, is but an exact reflection of Pickthall's own transitional development of the said ideas and views. After all the long cultural way Pickthall journeyed and all the difficulties he faced, he later discovered that he, like Camruddin, is but experiencing the early hours of his life: better conditions are still awaiting. Conclusion In conclusion, Pickthall's overall transition has been in a harmonious agreement to the pace of his transitional road to Islam. During his transitional period, Pickthall never had to stop being English, even at the most difficult time of his life, to become acquainted more and more closely with the people and the culture of the Near East in particular, and the world of Islam in general. General Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Research Marmaduke Pickthall unfortunately has not had the attention he well deserves. I believe that he stands in a class by himself, and the lack of attention he has been given should by no means nullify the position of his unique style and literary career. One only wonders why such a prominent 171 figure for both the West and the East is not given the credit he clearly deserves by either of them. Pickthall's ability to narrate and represent an original and complete Near East, without sentimentality or subjective prejudice, through the vehicle of fiction is an unprecedented achievement. Pickthall's true understanding of the Near East is an advantage and actually aself— acquired privilege that none of his contemporary peers could have possibly attained. Pickthall encompassed his understanding of the Near East into a self-invented literary tradition generally independent even of the literary giants of his age like Thomas Hardy, DH. Lawrence and EM. Forster. This study has attempted to trace and analyze the transition in Pickthall's Near Eastern works as it was evidently shaped by the turning event of his life, i.e. his conversion to Islam in 1917. Pickthall's conversion went through a transitional process that was directly reflected in the writing of his Near Eastern novels. I have tried to work within the cultural framework for Pickthall's Near Eastern novels that is in my judgment a necessary prerequisite to approach Pickthall. There are a number of issues that the researcher wishes to suggest for further research on Pickthall and his works. First, the other side of his literature not represented in this study, i.e. his English novels. The study of the transition in Pickthall's English novels published before and after 1917, and the comparison and contrast between Pickthall's English and Near Eastern fictional writing, are a necessary complement to this study. Second, the study of elements of autobiography in Pickthall's fiction. Third, Pickthall's use of Near Eastern vocabulary and the influence of his Near Eastern life on his life and literary career are crucial issues for any 172 literary orientalist. Fourth, the development of Pickthall's attitude towards English and Near Eastern issues. Fifth, political issues in the works of Pickthall. Sixth, Pickthall's historical novels and aspects of history in Pickthall's novels. Seventh, the treatment of Islamic themes in Pickthall's fictional and non-fictional writings. Last but not least, is perhaps the most challenging question: what made Pickthall so unknown? Was he a victim of his political views or cultural displacement, or was it because ofa lack of mentors and disciples, as Peter Clark suggested in his introduction? Difficult questions and no sufficient scholarly answers yet. I strongly believe that until the above-mentioned issues receive full attention and research, Pickthall will still be missing his well deserved place. 173 NOTES TO CHAPTER V 1Forster, p. 288. zchildren of the Nile, pp.313-14. (Quoted earlier In Chapter III). 3See Said, Culture and Imperialism, p.xxii. 4See Clark, pp. 89-93. 5Knights of Araby, p.v. 58am the Fisherman, p.62. 7"Sakieh" is an Arabic word for a traditional irrigating system. 8Children of the Nile, p.9. 9Veiled Women, p.148. 1°Knights of Araby, London: W. Collins Sons and Co. Ltd., p. v. 11See Oriental Encounters, p.1. 12Lawrence, p. 352. 13Ibid. 1“Forster, p.280. ‘SClark, p.101. “The Valley of the Kings, p.234. 1"See Oriental Encounters, p.184 and Peter Clark, p.110; the Incident Is also quoted in the previous chapter. 18See Oriental Encounters, p.101; the passage, describing Pickthall's reaction, appears In the earlier chapter. 19See Clark, p.12. ”Oriental Encounters, p.5. ”Clark, p.104. 22For a detailed, account see Clark, pp.22-35. 23Said The Fisherman, p.289. 174 2“Ibid. 2~'>Ibid.. p.275. 2‘5Ibid., p.276. 27For a detailed listing of such references, see "References in Pickthall's The Children of the Nile" in the Appendix, as an example of the use of references in Pickthall's Near Eastern novels 28Forster, p.280. 29Ibid., p.279. 3°See the Appendix. APPENDIX REFERENCES IN PICKTHALL'S CHILDREN OF THE NILE Abbreviations: Pick: The definition, preceding, has been borrowed from Pickthall's "Glossary of Arabic and Turkish Words" for Children of the Nile. C.D.: Cairene Dialect. AHD: American Heritage Dictionary. I. References to Islamic Culture (Quotations from the Quran are from Pickthall's translation). PP Word/Reference Commentary 7. (1) sister by milk: Foster sister. "'Fosterage' or milk relations play an important part in Muslim Law, and count like blood-relationship...." Yusuf Ali, p. 214. = (2) In sha' Allah: If Allah willg God willing. 8. (3) salvation be upon Peace be upon you, the Muslim way of you: greeting. ’ = (4) salvation be upon A reference to the Quran 20:47, "And the believers: peace will be for him who followeth right guidance!" 12. (5) ablutions: The washing preceding the prayer = (6) the evening The Maghrib prayer following the sunset prayer: 175 176 15. (7) Wallahi: By Allah, an oath. Pickthall refers to it as "a common affirmative." 16. (8) I make Allah my A reference to the Quran 3:173, "Allah is wakil! sufficient for us! Most Excellent is He in Whom we trust!" (9) O Lord of the worlds: A reference to the Quran 1:2, "Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds." 21. (10) call to prayer: This call is performed by the muezzin, the prayer caller. (11) the minaret A tall slender tower on the mosque with one or more projecting balconies from which a muezzin summons the people to prayer. (from Arabic manarat, lamp) [AHD]. 32. (12) ...to bless the Prophet: A reference to the Quran 33:56, "Lo! Allah and His Angels shower blessings on the Prophet: O ye who believe! ask blessings on him and salute him with a worthy salutation." In the text, Rashid "was the peacemaker... calling on disputants to bless the Prophet,..." is a reference to a common psychological appeal to the arguing parties to bless the Prophet: the irony or wisdom behind this is that the arguing parties are reminded that since Allah and His Angels bless the prophet, so they should bless him, and thus humble themselves to each other. (13) the Fatha: The Fatha is the first sara, i.e., chapter in the Quran that is recited in every prayer. 36. (14) khatib: A village preacher and schoolmaster. (Pick). 37. (15) the Coran: The Quran. = (16) traditions of the The sayings and actions of Prophet Prophet: Muhammad. 177 41. (17) "There is neither power nor might, save in Allah the High, the Tremendous! A prayer said at times of difficulty and helplessness. 45. (18) I ask the pardon of Allah: A common prayer. 46. (19) The guest cham- ber filled rapidly with men of the village, saluted humbly at the threshold, and took the lowest place vacant a. "saluted" is a reference to the Quran 24:27, "0 ye who believe! Enter not houses other than your own without first announc- ing your presence and invoking peace upon the folk thereof." b. "the lowest place vacant" is a reference to a tradition of the Prophet # 827, Jabir bin Samurah (R.A.A.) says "when we used to come to the Holy Prophet (S.A.A.), we would sit down at the tail and of assembly. An-Nawai, 1983, tradition no. 827, p.441. (20) Forms of women: A reference to veiled women. I think that this is an unsuccessful way of representing women wearing the veil. 68. (21) Satan the Stoned: One of the rituals of Haji, or the pilgrimage to Makkah is stoning the Jamarét, obelisk- Iike structures standing for the presence of Satan, as a symbol of deception, in this life. (22) "I seek refuge in Allah from Satan the Stonedz" A reference to the Quran 16:98, "And when thou recitest the Qur'an. seek refuge in Allah from Satan the outcast." 75. (23) Gehennum: Jehennum, or Hell. Notice the Egyptian pronunciation of the word: Igl instead om. 178 80. (24) "Pray! It is for impiety this grief has come upon us..." A reference to the Quran 30:41, "Corruption doth appear on land and sea because of (the evil) which men's hands have done, that He may make them taste a part of that which they have done, in order that they may return." (25) "...Pray, O my children, for the appointed hour draws need" A reference to the Day of Reckoning (or Judgment). See the Quran 54:1 "The hour [of Judgment] drew nigh..." (26) the noonday prayer: The second prayer of the day. 82. (27) "There is no power nor might save in Allah, the High, the This is a common prayer reported in more than one of the Traditions of the Prophet. See traditions # 551, 588, and 600 in An- Tremendous!" Nawawi's Riyadh-us-Salihin Vol. 2. 84. (28) The Prince of A title given to the elected ruler of Muslims. Believers: 85. (29) circumambulation This way of circumambulation is to be seven times: practiced only in Haji, pilgrimage, or Omra, "visit," to Makkah. = (30) Mblid: See definition in Arabic References for p. 85, item # (50). 90. (31) they laughed at They fooled us. our beards: 91. (32) With heart in mouth: Pickthall borrowed this eloquent expres- sion, of extreme fear, from the Quran 33:10, "...and when eyes grew wild and the hearts reached to the threats." 179 (33)rassad: Spy, watcher. The same word Is borrowed from the Quran 72:9, (Chapter 72 is titled The Jinn), "And we used to sit on places (high) therein to listen. But he who listens now findeth a flame in wait for him;" It is very interesting to compare the use of the word rassad in the Quranic text, and in Pickthall's text: by comparing, the reader would find that Pickthall had borrowed both the word as well as the context. (34) Gann ibn Gann: A mythical king, or dynasty of kings, over the jann (genis), to whom, among other mighty works, the building of the Pyramids is popularly ascribed. (Pick.). (NB: 0.0.). Although many works ascribed to the jinn are myth, their superhuman power is real. The Quran narrates that they were among Prophet Solomon's hosts or soldiers, 27:17 "And there were gathered together unto Solomon his armies of the jinn and human- kind, and of the birds, and they were set in battle order;" and the mighty works done by them for him, 34:12-13 "...and (We gave him [Solomon]) certain of the jinns who worked before him by the permission of his Lord...They made for him what he willed: synagogues and statues, basins like wells, and boilers built unto the ground." 95. (35) Everyone took care to pass the thrash-old right foot first, and say, "In the Name of Allah the Merciful, the Compassionatel": A reference to the etiquette practiced at the time of leaving one's house, as reported in a tradition of the Prophet. 180 101. (36) zikr: (Ar. dhikr), lit., remembrance, i.e. of Allah. (NB: CD). The zikr referred to in the text is according to a Sufi order, and is thus practiced by Sufis, and not as practiced by the vast majority of Muslims. Pickthall describes this type of zikr as "a quasi- religious observance consisting in the repeated ejaculation of the name of Allah, or other sacred words, by a number of persons in concert, with bows and strange contortions of the body." 104. (37) Antichrist: =. (38) gehad: (For jehad)=a holy war-i.e., war waged against the heathen or infidels; and other- wise, with the authority of the Successor of the Prophet counseled by the Learned in Religion. The term is applied by Christians to the Crusades. (Pick). (NB: 0.0.). =. (39) Islamiyeh: The Muslim World. 106. (40) zakir: One who performs zikr. (See #33). 108. (41) named the name A reference to a prayer said at bedtime. of Allah and went to sleep: 110. (42) mihrab: The niche which marks the kibleh [the direction of Makkah] in a mosque; an oratory. (Pick). = (43) muezzin: One who summons people to prayers. 114. (44) the black-eyed A reference to the Quran 44:54, "And We maids... in paradise: shall wed them unto fair ones with wide lovely eyes." 123. (45) the underground The jinn. folk: 126. (46) our lady Hagar: The wife of Prophet Abraham. 129. (47) less lawful drinks: Alcoholic beverages. -M 2.... - ”5r 181 138. (48) naming the Holy Remembering or saying Allah, (God). Name: 149. (49) the last day: The Day of Judgment. 162. (50) "I ask pardon of A common prayer or supplication. Allah!" =. (51) the Day of Friday, the Muslims' holy day. Assembly: 175. (52) Mekka: Makkah, Muslims' holiest city. 180. (53) ...to attest the To say that there is no Deity but Allah, Unity of God: (God). 191. (54) the prayer of The dawn prayer. morning: 204. (55) Ramadan: The ninth month in the Muslim year, spent in fastiLg from dawn to sunset. 210. (56) Successor of the A title given to the Muslim Caliph. Cf. The Prophet: prince of the Believers, p.84, (27). 211. (57) God's word or a. Quran; b. Sunnah, i.e. the Traditions of sound tradition: the Prophet. See #(16) above. 214. (58) I divorce thee Divorce law in Islam gives the husband and thrice!" wife, in a single marriage life, two chances for "temporary" divorce, i.e. with the per- mission of reconciliation, before the wed- lock is severed by the execution of the third and final divorce. See the Quran 22229-30. 231. (59) "...Is it known that See the previous comment. thou didst divorce her threefold?" =. (60) "...She completed A reference to 'eddeh; see explanation in her period of the next entry. separation before remarrying." 232. (61) 'eddeh; The [waiting] period of separation imposed by Muslim law upon every widow and divorced woman. (Pick). 182 256. (62) Allah is greatest! Essentially a prayer, but sometimes used as an exclamation of surprise. 259. (63) imam: One who leads the congregational prayer. 272. (64) the lying Mahdi: Antichrist, as opposed to the true Mahdi who is yet to come close to the time of the Second Comigg of Christ. 278. (65) to attest the To witness the marriage contract. contract: = (66) the bride's The representative could be a father, a representative: brother, a son ,or a relative, or a person legally acting for one of them. = (67) they exchanged A legal verbal passage exchanged the necessary words: between the bride's representative and the bride groom as a part of the marriage contract. 299. (68) "...thanks to thy In other words, the science would not have science under Allah...": been useful without the help or will of Allah. 183 II. References to Arabic Words and Expressions PP Word/Expression Meaning/Explanation 2. (1) kohl: A preparation used in Muslim and Asian countries as a cosmetic around the eyes. [Arabic kuhI/ kohl, powder of antimony]. [AHD]. 6. (2) sacca: Water seller or carrier. = (3) Ya sidi: Ya=O (vocative); sidi=my master, i.e., O my master, but it is mostly used as a title of respect meaning 'sir,‘ as opposed to a slave master. = (4) By permission: A. E. (Arabic Expression), a polite way of starting a speech or a remark. = (5) O my master: Cf. Ya sidi above. Notice how Pickthall here uses the English equivalent for the expression. 7. (6) by thy leave: Lit. translation of the Arabic expression for 'by permission.’ 8. (7) fellahin: Sing, fellah, farmer, peasant. 9. (8) sakieh: Water wheel. 10. (9) Masr: Egypt. = (10) Ya salami: Lit., how peacefull, an exclamation of dismay especially after something calami- tous has happened: good Lord! good heavens! It is sometimes used as an excla- mation of amazement. 11. (11) omdeh: Lit. prop, support-i.e., of the state) headman of a village. (Pick); Village mayor 184 13. (12)zaghéfit (Sing. zaghrateh)=shrill fluttering sound peculiar to Eastern women performed by rapid revolution of the tongue in the mouth. The classical form of the word is Zalaghit (sing. Zalghateh). (Pick). This definition by Pickthall shows his deep understanding of the Arabic language including the etymolggy of rare words such as this one. 14. (13) shisheh: A water-pipe or hubee-bubble with a glass vessel. (Pick). In Said the Fisherman, Pickthall uses the word narghileh instead, an appropriate usage according to the Syrian setting. This again shows Pickthall's understanding of the Near Eastern culture. 16. (14) riyal: A dollar. (Pick). = (15) wakil: A steward, an pgent, a manager. (Pick). 19. (16) ginn: Jinn (sing. jinni form Arabic jinniy), a spirit capable of assuming human or animal form exercising supernatural influence over men. [AHD]. 21. (17) rif: The country, rural area. In Egypt, rif is the Lower Egypt. = (18) ghouls: PI. of ghoul, from Arabic ghul from ghala, he took suddenly. [AHD]. 24. (19) Wallhi: By Allah, a common affirmative. (20) Muslimin: Arabic plural of 'Muslim,' i.e., Muslims. 25. (21) a stone's-throw off: Lit. translation of an Arabic expression meaning at a distance (or a range) of throwing a stone, i.el nearby. 30. (22) mamur: A local governor under the provincial mudir. He has direct control over the omdehs in his district, which is called a merkez. (Pick). Merkez is Arabic for "headquarters." 185 (23) gisr: A dyke, a bank against the inundiation of the Nile, always used in Egypt for a road or foot-path.(Pick). The Arabic pronunciation of the word is ljisrl, but the Cairenes, who have no letter j, pronounce Igjsrl. 31. (24) Efendina: (Turk. word and Arabic poss. suffix)=(lit., our lordfihe Khedive. (Pick). 36. (25) Ramadan: It is the month of fasting for Muslims, but here is used as a proper name, a common name in Egypt. =. (26) Khatib: Oratorépeaker, lecturer. 38. (27) Kafr: Villagi (Pick). = (28) fellahin: (sing. fellah)=a churl, a husband man. (Pick). FeIIah also means farmer. 40. (29) nabbut: A quarter staff. (Pick). 42. (30) "Go in safetylz" Lit. translation of the Arabic expression for 'good bye.’ 44. (31) ghufara: (Sing. ghafir) =a local guardian of the peace. (Pick). Notice that Pickthall defines this word just after its occurance in the text: Pickthall defines it as "watch- man." This is a transition in technique in Pickthall's style. 45. (32) my soul: Arabic expression of affection. =. (33) my kidney: Same as the previous. This expression is borrowed from a line of Arabic poetry. 47. (34) bakhshish: Tipfiatuity. 51. (35) dervishes: A member of any of various Moslem orders of ascetics, some of which practice the achievements of collective ecstasy through whirling dances and the chanting of religious formulas. [Turkish dervis, mendicant, from Persian darvish.] AHD. N.B., Many of the dervishes' actions are practiced by uneducated Muslims. 186 (36) dbseh (the): (Lit., trampling). A ceremony long since abolished in Egypt, but still practiced in other provinces of the Moslem World; in which a number of devotees lie down close together in a row, while some reverend sheykh rides on horseback over their bodies. (Pick). N.B. ' 51. (37) Ulema: The learned, (i.e. in religion) doctors in jurisprudence, which here is bound up with theology. (Pick). (38) mudir: A provincial governor appointed by the Khedive.(Pick.). The word mudir also means manager or principal. 55. (39) Yallah: Lit., O Allah (God), but with the sense of 'Let's get moving.‘ See Said the Fisherman, ed. Peter Clark. (40) gamL‘iseh: A milch buffalo. (Pick). (NB: CD.) 57. (41) "Upon my head and my eye:" A literal translation of an Arabic expression for certainly. This is an Arabic way of expressing readiness to do something rewested by an elder or a relative. 59. (42) mudiriyeh: The province governed by a mudir. (Pick). 62. (43) Khamasin: (Sing.Khamsin)=a hot wind which blows at the end of March and in April. The plural, Khamasin, is proper to the season of such winds. (Pick). 63. (44) Mufettish: An inquisitor, an inspector (to Arab ears rather the former). (Pick). (45) El Mahruseh: The Guarded. (Pick). i.e. Cairo. (46) sherbet: Beverage, fruit juice, drink. (Turkish pronunciation of sharbah). (47)"bdeh: (Lit., a piece of felt) a tall cylindrical cap of brown felt worn by the ghufara, or village watchmen. (Pick). Skulcap of felt. -fl_ .- Au 187 73. (48) kisweh: A covering, a suit of clothes; especially the covering, generally rich of material and embroidery, which covers cenotaph in the mausoleum of a saint. (Pick). 74. (49) Shami: SJrIan. 75. (50) Gehennum: Hell. (NB: C.D., i.e. Cairene dialect). In the text, "...the breath of Gehennum" refers to the heat of the weather in midsummer. 76. (51) Mill: A species of jinni. (Pick). 85. (52) By Allah's leave: A literal translation of "after the permission of Allah," i.e. God willing. CF in sha'Allah, # 2)in Islamic References above. (53) Mblid: (Lit., birth; Mblid en-Nebi=the Prophet's Birthday, hence any celebration resembling the Mblid en-Nebi, which is accompanied by a fair and much rejoicing) a pilgrimage and fair in honour of a saint. (Pick). NB, The pilgrimage in honor of anyone or place, except to the Holy Shrines in Makkah, Madina, and Jerusalem, is repealed in the Islamic Law. 89. (54) nbrag: A kind of harrow used by the fellahi'n when threshing corn. (Pick). (NB: C.D.). 90. (55) Khawagat: (Sing. Khawagé)=a title, originally of respect, given exclusively to unbelievers. (Pick). (56) they laughed at our beards: A literal translation of an Arabic expression for "made fun of," or "deceived." 91. (57) with heart in mouth: Expression of extreme fear. See definition, It 29, p. 91, above in Islamic References. (58) rassad: Spy, watcher. See definition above in Islamic References. (59) Gann lbn Gann: Lit., geni son of a geni. See definition It 13, below in Cultural References. _ Irflfl‘vfl' 188 92. (60) and wished him joy of the evening: A translation of an Arabic greeting for :good evening." (61) In thy place: If I were you. (62) Ya ahl el 'adl: 0 race (or family) of justice! (Pick. foot- note). =. (63) Ya sahib fadll: O Lord of kindness! (Pick. footnote). 93. (64) Nuri: (Pl. Nawar)=a gipsy, a vagabond. (Pick). =. (65) Hag: A pilgrim, one who has been to Mekka or Jerusalem.(Pick.). (NB: CD) 96. (66) kam: The mound composed of the debris of gen- erations of mud buildings, on which most of the towns and villages of Egypt are raised above the level of the fields. In the case of towns like Tania and Damanhur, the mound is of great height, and has dignity in a distant view especially when, as is the case at Tanta, it is crowned by a fine mosque. (Pick) 98. (67) tar: Cymbals. (Pick). =. (68) darabukkeh: A little drum played with the fingers. (Pick). 101. (69) zikr: Lit., remembrance, i.e. of Allah. 102. (70) zakir: One who performs zikr. 106. (71) Ya Muslimin: 0 Muslims. = (72) Cédi: Judge. 124. Q3) el-Céhireh: Cairo. 141. (74) meydan: A parade-ground, an open space in a city, a square. (Pick). '2. (75) ombashi: (Turk)=(llt., chief often) a corporal. a non- commissioned officer. (Pick). 148. (76) Masri: Egyptian. 155. (77) Osmanli: Ottoman, i.e. Turk. = (78) tarbush: A scarlet headcap, a fez. (Pick). 166. (79) macamat: See definition in Arabic Culture. 189 168. (80) mahganeh: The mystic's staff, as explained in the text. A staff or stick with a crooked and. (NB: 0.0.). 174. (81) My house is thy house: A literal translation of an Arabic expression meaning "you are most welcome," or "feel at home." 184. (82) a cutter of the road: A literal translation for "highwayman." 185. (83) smell the air: A literal translation for "to have a fresh air." 206. (84) Inkliz: The English people. 213. (85) out for an airing: Cf. p. 185 above. 223. (86) mulazim: Lieutenant in the army. (Pick). 229. (87) Miriam: Mary. 230. (88) the victorious city: Literal translation of El CAhireh, i.e. Cairo. 231. (89) Abu: Father of. 235. (90) B'ismi'llah: In the Name of Allah. (91) hashish: Bhang, or Indian hemp, a powerful drug. 236. (92) hashshash: One who is addicted to hashish. 246. (93) Kafir: Infidel. (Pick). 265. (94) hakim: Physician. Archaic word. 268. (95) yuzbashi: (Turk.)=(lit., chief of a hundred) captain in the army. (Pick). 269. (96) Masriyin: Egyptians. = (97) kurbag: Whip, lash. (NB: CD). 280. (98) Tel-el-Kebir: Tell=a mound; Kebir=great, i.e. Tell-el- Kebir=the great Mound. (Pick). = (99) bimbashi: (Turk.)=(lit., chief of a thousand) a major in the army. (Pick). 283. (100) It wanted but A literal translation of Arabic for "it took two two hours of sunset: hours after sunset." 286. (101) aOd: Lute. 288. (102) Eblis: Satan. (Pick). 289. (103) caimmacam: (Lit., lieutenant) a lieutenant-colonel. 298. (104) Hind; Hindi: India; Indian 315. (105) men: AJeneral in the army. .‘ —‘7~.‘ .-—' 190 III. References to Arabic Culture PP Word/Reference ExplanationIComments 8. (1) water-carrier: A man carries water in two containers held to a log over his shoulder. There was no water supply system, nor chilled drinks! This is significant considering the heat of the Near Eastern weather. 11. (2) surrounding Walking in circles around the tomb of the Zeynab: Rev. Zeynab, a daughter of the Prophet Muhammad. This kind of revering is practiced by ignorant, i.e. uneducated Muslims. 15. (3) vender of salted A peddler seated on either side of nuts: walkways or streets throughout the Near East 33. (4) the bath: Public swimming pool; spa, waterirp place. 34. (5) guest-room: A living room, called majlis, well furnished and reserved for the use of guests in Near Eastern houses. 35. (6) place of honor: A special place dedicated to the chief uest in the guest-room. 46. (7) He flung his arm This is just a form of showing respect, or around the Omdeh's expressing friendliness to close friends. neck: =. (8) The Bay kept Same as the previous. fondling his host's hands: 53. (9) 'Antara: The Arabian Hercules. (Pick) =. (10) Abu Zeyd: A hero of Arab story. (Pick). 72. (11) el-Bedawi: An alleged saint buried in Tanta, to whom the uneducated Muslims pay tribute. 73. ( 12) Selim the Of. the preceding comment. Donkey-driver: ' LIL. 191 91. (13) Gann ibn Gann: A mythical king, or dynasty of kings, over the jénn (genis), to whom, among other mighty works, the building of the Pyramids is popularly ascribed. (Pick). (NB: CD.) 93. (14) Uncle Abu A famous jester at the court of Harun er- Nowwas: Rashid, whose name has become a byword of wary. (Pick). =. (15) Hag Goha: (Ar. He] Joha)=a famous half-mythical buffoon. Why he should bear the reverend title of [a "Haj," i.e.] a pilgrim I have not been able to find out, nor have I heard that title given to him elsewhere than in Lower EQYDI. (Pick) (NB: CD). 101. (16) Ahmediyeh: A Sufi order named after Ahmed el-Bedawi. = (17) Shinawiyeh: A Sufi order. 112. (18) Mugharabi: Lit., Moroccan; a sorcerer, a conjurer. Morocco is known for its sorcerers and conjurers, hence is the name Mugharabi, but of course the one referred to in the text may not necessarily be a Moroccan. 123. (19) the under-ground The jinn. folk: 131. (20) Kurdish refrain: A folklore singi_r_lg. 132. (21) Sheykh esh- A founder of a Sufi order. Shadili: 145. (22) Pharaoh: An emperor of ancient Egypt. = (23) reads and ink Reeds, shaped in a special way, were used and...shaping one of for writing. the reeds with a knife: 166. (24) the Sublime The headquarters of the Ottoman Gate: Caliphate. 192 = (25) macamat: Evening assemblies of men for pleasurable conversation, generally at the house of a great man or one renowned for learning or wide travels. The Macamat of El Hariri, a series of exquisitely written anecdotes concerning the wily and facetious Abu Zeyd, purporting to have been told at such gatherings, have made the term classical in Arabic literature. (Pick). 186. (26) the slaying of our A reference to the murder of Hussain, the lord Hoseyn (on him grandson of the Prophet, in what is now be peace!) Iraq. 190. (27) the mosque of A mosque named after the two grandsons the HasneLn: of the Prophet, Hassan and Hussein. = (28) the martyr See above. (#26 of this section). Hoseyn: 199. (29)by thy life: An affirmative, common in Egypt. 201. (30) rosary: String of beads used in counting certain verbal prayers and supplications. It is sometimes used as a means of spending free time, or attracting people's attention while talkLng (Cf. chaplet). 212. (31) Memluk Bays: The Memluks are the ruling dynasty of Egypt between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. 224. (32) Mejid‘iyeh: A Sufi order. 227. (33) Shemm-en- Lit., smelling the breeze; Egyptian popular Nessim: holiday on the Monday following the Greek Coptic Easter at the end of March, in April or in early May. 246. (34) Nimrfld: An emperor at the time of Prophet Abraham. F1. 193 247. (35) at the seventh Time was calculated either from the hour, as the Arabs sunset, or sunrise. Here, the seventh hour reckon, from the birth would be around 1 pm. of daylight. 254. (36) the Lofty Gate: Same as the Sublime Gate. Cf. p. 166. 284. (37) shielding their An imagery of reacting towards the fierce eyes from the sun's level rays: sun of the Near East. IV. Places Referred to 194 PP Place Comments/Location 4. (1) Casr-en-Nil: A government house in Egypt. 6. (2) Abdin: Egypt. 10. (3) Masr: i.e. Egypt. 12. (4) El Azhar: EJypt. 18. (5) Abyssinia: The former name of Ethiopia. [New Latin, from Arabic Habashah, from Habash, Abyssinians] AHD. =. (6) Fayyum: Egygpt. = (7) Damanhur: = 19. (8) Egypt: =. (9) Dumyét: Egypt. =. (10) Minieh: = =. (11) Mansureh: = =. (12) Shebin-el-Kbm: = = (13) Tanta: = 21 (14) rif: Lower Egypt. = (15) the Mountain: Egypt. 38. (16) Kafr Zeyn: = 101. (17) Shinnawiyeh: = 103. (18) Sfldén: Sudan. 143. (19) Arnaut: An Albanian (Pick). 151. (2_0) lsmailiyeh: Egypt. 163. (21) Mocattam Hill: = 166. (22) Sublime Gate: The headquarters of the Ottoman Caliphate. 167. (23) Yenbua: A seaport city on the eastern coast of the Red Sea, northwest of what is now Saudi Arabia. 173. (24) Bulac: Eat/Pt. 195 175. (25) Samarcand: Samarkand, a city and former capital of the Uzbek S.S.R.; served as the capital of Tamerlane's empire in the late 14th and early 15th centuries. AHD. = (26) Mekka: Makkah. 200. (27) Iskenderiyeh: Alexandria. =. (28) El Cuds: Jerusalem. 204. (29) Rés-et-Tin: Egypt. 213. (30) Ras-eI-Wadi: = 217. (31) Ramleh: Palestine. 221. (32) Tunis: Tunisia =. (33) Cairwan: A city in Tunisia. 222. L34) Stambulz Istanbul. Formerly Costantinople. =. (35) Bosphorus: 223. (36) Fort Adda: Egypt. 233. (37) Bab-en-Nasr: = 235. (38) Gizeh: = 265. (39) Kefr ed-Dowar: = 268. (40) lake of Abu Kir: = 279. (41) Suez Canal: = = (42) Isthmus: = 280 (43) Casasin: = =. (44) Zacézic: = = (45) Tel-eI-Kebir: = 282. (46) Benha: Egyg 285. (47) Assiut: = 289. (48) the Valley of = Seven Wells: 296. (49) village of Abu = Hammad: 298. (50) Hind: India. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Robert M. 1983. The Land and Literature of England: A Historical Account. New York and London: W. W. Norton and Company. Ahmad, Feroz. 1969. The Young Turks. Oxford: Clarendon Press. al-Hakami, 'Umarah. 1892. Yaman: Its Early Mediaeval History. trans. ed., Henry Cassels Kay. London: Edward Arnold. aI-Hakami, 'Umarah. 1957.Tarikh AI-Yaman. 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