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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

THE ROLE OF SUPPORT NETWORKS IN THE LIVES OF
A GROUP OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN SINGLE MOTHERS

presented by
NORMAN ANTHONY PEART

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

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THE ROLE OF SUPPORT NETWORKS IN THE
LIVES OF A GROUP OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN SINGLE MOTHERS

BY
Norman Anthony Peart

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology

1993

ABSTRACT

THE ROLE OF SUPPORT NETWORKS IN THE
LIVES OF A GROUP OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN SINGLE MOTHERS

BY
Norman Anthony Peart

This exploratory study seeks to identify and examine the
ways Black single mothers gain support. Special focus is
placed on three sources of support--kin, church, and the
father of the children. The data for this small-scale
qualitative study is collected through in-depth,
semistructured interviews. Interviews consists of open and
closed questions. The study reveals that the research
families are still receiving support from their community.
The three traditional sources of support are found to be
operative for this study. The study also identifies the
effect certain demographic variables have on the reception
of support by these single mothers. The study found that the
factors which attributed to women receiving the greater
amount of support included: younger age of the single
mother; younger children; a greater number of children;
close proximity of the single mother's mother; closer
proximity of the single mother's family; younger age of the

children's father; and either having church membership

and/or being active in a church. The findings of the study
are similar to Carol Stack's findings from 20 years ago as
to the significance of support networks to African-American

women .

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter I Problem Statement 8 Survey of Literature....1

Chapter II Methodology.................................47
Chapter III The Accentuation of Independence .......... ..74
Chapter IV Support Networks Analysis...................91

Chapter V The Effect of Life Course on..... .......... .153
Support Networks

Chapter VI Summary and Conclusion......................165
EndnoteSOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00...O...OO00......0000.00.00.000183

List of References......................................186

Chapter I

Problem Statement & Survey of Literature

Research has shown that the social support network of
urban Blacks is an important facet of their survival. This
network is a very important part of this group's ability to
overcome the socioeconomic struggles they confront (Ladner,
1971; Stack, 1974; Shimkin, Shimkin, and Frate, 1978; Ladner
and Gourdine, 1984; Willie, 1985). One subgroup for which
this network holds special significance is the Black urban
single mother (Stack, 1974; Belle, 1982; Kotlowitz, 1991).
For this group the social support network's various
components have worked to supply the diverse needs of this
population. These components include extended families,
churches, friends, and African-American males of various
relationships to the single mother.

Extended families comprise the core of many Black
social and support networks (Taylor and Chatters, 1988;
Taylor, 1990; Hays and Mindel, 1973). In comparison to
Whites, Blacks have a greater interaction with, and a
greater evaluation of kin cohesion (Hays and Mindel, 1973).
Nonkin ties may be less reliable and durable than kin bonds,

since kin networks are more obligatory in nature (Ellison,

2
1990). Black churches are only second to families as an
important social institution (Taylor and Chatters, 1988).
The church is a very important source of social support
since it uniquely endures over most of a person's life
(Taylor and Chatters, 1988). Although African-American males
have been a much maligned source of support for single
mothers (Stack, 1974; Kotlowitz, 1991), some researchers
have argued that Black males have been an important source
of support for their children and the mothers of these
children (Danzinger et a1., 1990).

Yet, some scholars argue that the migration of middle
class Blacks from the inner-city has injured these important
support networks. This migration has injured these networks
by destroying community solidarity, and weakening friendship
and kin ties. Although noting the past role of the Black
support system, Martin and Martin (1985) do not believe that
this system is functioning as it once did. They argue that
the system is not functioning as it once did because of the
erosion of the Black community's social underpinning. They
point to four factors as the reason for this erosion: first,
the growth of the "bourgeoisie ideology," which stresses'
individualism to the detriment of the communal perspective;
second, the "street ideology," whose emphasis on
manipulation and exploitation has undermined the helping
tradition; third, "urbanization"; and fourth, the growth of

government funded programs. Martin and Martin summarize this

present situation in noting,

But today, although the extended family is still a

powerful mechanism for the survival of black people in

both rural and urban areas, its major elements have
grown weak. Its elements of mutual aid and social-class
cooperation are plagued by the bourgeoisie and street
ideologies and a reliance by blacks on governmental aid

(1985:95).

Another author who has echoed the view that the Black
community and its support system have been undermined by
contemporary social changes is William Julius Wilson
(Wilson, 1978; 1987). Wilson argues that civil rights
reforms and a change in the opportunities for Blacks have
caused many upper class Blacks to leave the inner-city area.
This has resulted in an isolation of lower class Blacks from
employment networks (resulting in the establishment and
perpetuation of a weak labor force attachment), mainstream
behavioral modifications, different class and racial
contacts, and mainstream social institutions and their
values (Wilson, 1987:60-61; McLanahan and Garfinkel,
1989:96). Wilson also notes that contemporary urban Blacks
differ both from their counterparts of earlier years, and
from poor Whites because they are becoming increasingly
concentrated in dilapidated territorial enclaves. These
enclaves epitomize acute social and economic marginalization
(Wilson, 1978:9; 1987:8).

In contrast, many scholars argue that there are various

active support networks that are still operating within

urban Black communities (Wellman, 1979; Wellman and

4
Leighton, 1979; Oliver, 1988; Garcia, 1989).

The reception of support has also been related to the
age of the individual. As individuals get older they receive
less support (Taylor, 1986; House et al., 1988). Based on
this present condition in the African-American community it
seems that many young Black single mothers who need support
may not receive this support from the traditional sources of
support in the African-American community--—extended family,
friends, church, and spouse, or boyfriend.

From this cursory overview I can see that there are two
major foci I will examine in respect to this subject. The
first, is a determination as to whether these networks
presently exist. The second, is to determine the ability of
younger single mothers to receive support through
established support networks.

Still, there are various issues that have direct
bearing upon this study. To appropriately analyze these
relevant areas I will examine the pertinent literature by
using four overviews. The first will be an overview of
research on minority families; the second, an overview of
research on female headed households; the third, an overview
of research on support networks; the fourth, an overview of
research on the present condition of the "urban underclass."

An Overview of Research on Minority Families:

There are three theoretical perspectives under which

this work can be categorized. The first theoretical

5

underpinning, which is the basis for a large amount of the
contemporary research on the Black family, is an ethnicity-
based theory that uses the assimilation/modernization
framework. This analytical paradigm espoused the view that
the families of minority groups hinder the access of
minorities to political power, social status, and economic
rewards (Stone, 1985; Banton, 1983; Omi and Winant, 1986).
As minorities are impacted by the modernization of American
society, through urbanization and industrialization, these
families would take on American values, attitudes, and
behavior while discarding their own cultural peculiarities.
The result of this process is that these families would
become modernized and assimilate into the dominant society
(Baca Zinn and Eitzen, 1990; Baca Zinn, 1990b). This theory,
which was originally used to describe the process by which
European immigrants integrated into modern American culture,
came to characterize minority families (Omi and Winant,
1986:16; Baca Zinn and Eitzen, 1990:65; Abercrombie et al.,
1988) .

The classic study of the noted African-American scholar
E. Franklin Frazier, r m' ' Un'
(1939), epitomized and popularized this theory (Baca Zinn
and Eitzen, 1990; Farley and Allen, 1987; Adams, 1978). The
position of Frazier was based on the teachings of the social
scientists of the University of Chicago, and especially by

the work of his mentor Robert Ezra Park (Hughes, 1974:6;

6
Staples, 1971:120; Banton, 1983:80). Park believed in
studying the various kinds of economic, political, and
social arrangements that develop when races and nations
meet. He was especially interested in the arrangements that
develop when one nation or race has great power over the
other (Hughes, 1974). This perspective became the basis for
Park's theory, "the race relations cycle." This theory
espoused the belief that a universal process existed through
which minorities assimilate into society (Baca Zinn and
Eitzen, 1990; Dodson, 1988). The theory stated that this
cycle was initiated when dominant and minority groups came
into contact. This process would then continue until the
minority group assimilated into the majority group's
patterns and processes (Baca Zinn and Eitzen, 1990; Omi and
Winant, 1986).

Frazier revealed this perspective in his 1939 work as
he used the "natural history" approach to trace the
evolution of Black families. He used this approach to show
that there was a series of disruptive social changes in the
Black community that dissolved the cultural bases for family
relationship, structure, and marital stability among Blacks.
The culmination of this evolutional process was the
dysfunctional nature of the Black family. These disruptive
social changes included enslavement, emancipation, migration
from the rural South to the industrial and urban centers of

the North (1948:361-362; Allen, 1978:119; Staples,

7

1971:121). Frazier argued that there are four primary
variations of family patterns that resulted from these
changes. The first, was that Black families took on a
matriarchal character that placed Black males in a marginal
role and limited their significance in the family structure.
This variation was considered to be the principal pattern of
the Black family because of slavery. The second variation,
was the instability of marital life. This resulted from the
fact that the institution of marriage had no legal basis in
slavery. Therefore, the practice of having multiple sexual
partners became the norm. The third variation, was a total
dissolution, by the process of urbanization, of the
stability of family life enjoyed by Black peasants in an
agrarian society. The fourth variation, which primarily
characterized only two small classes within the Black
community-~the "brown middle class" and the "black
proletariat," was the two—parent family pattern (Frazier,
1948; Staples, 1976). Frazier believed that since the end of
slavery the disorganization of the race, as expressed in the
predominance of the first three family type variations,
worked to hinder Blacks from achieving success in mainstream
society. He states,

When one views in retrospect the waste of human life,

the immorality, delinquency, desertions, and broken

homes which have been involved in the development of

Negro family life in the United States, they appear to

have been the inevitable consequences of the attempt of

a preliterate people, stripped of their cultural

heritage, to adjust themselves to givilizatign....
However, when one undertakes to envisage the probable

8

course of development of the Negro family in the

future, it appears that the travail of giviligatign is

not yet ended (1948:367).

Frazier believed that as assimilation occurred in the
future, Blacks would adopt modern family patterns and family
disorganization would disappear (1948:367-368; Baca Zinn and
Eitzen, 1990:70; Hays and Mindel, 1973:51). From the great
emphasis Frazier places on this process one could deduce
that the very success of Blacks in America was based on
their adoption of white culture. Unfortunately, that was
just how his statements were accepted (Staples, 1971:121).

The next major development in the construction of this
theoretical perspective was the resurrection of Frazier's
position in the mid-1940's to the mid-1960’s by such social
scientists as Gunnar Myrdal (1944), Kenneth B. Clark (1965),
and Lee Rainwater (1966). The most widely contested
expansion upon Frazier's perspective, though, came from
Daniel P. Moynihan and his influential work The Negro
Family; The Case for Natignal Agtign (1965). Operating
within the assimilation/modernization framework of Frazier,
Moynihan categorized the family structure of lower class
status Blacks as dysfunctional and a hindrance to the
progress of these Black Americans. This conclusion was based
on the high rate of out-of-wedlock births, female headed
households, matriarchy, and Black male emasculation. These
factors were presented as pathological features of the lower

class Black family patterns (or structure), and were

9
highlighted as the reason for the present problems of the
race, including "poverty and deprivation." Moynihan's use of
this framework is evident in his comparative statement,

But there is one truly great discontinuity in family

structure in the United States at the present time:

that between the white world in general and that of the

Negro American. The white family has achieved a high

degree of stability and is maintaining that stability

(1965:5).

Although Moynihan had set out to statistically prove
Frazier’s theory, he instead succeeded in pushing his own
theory into public prominence. Whereas Frazier wrote that
the Black family was disorganized as a result of various
disruptive social changes, Moynihan wrote that the
deterioration of the Negro family was the reason for the
deterioration of the Black community’s infrastructure
(Moynihan, 1965:5).

There are various criticisms that can be lodged against
this ethnicity-based theory in respect to its use in the
study of minority families. The first is that this approach
is rooted in a structural-functionalist perspective of the
principles of family organization (Allen, 1978). Structural-
functionalism views the nuclear family as a universal human
institution because of its supposed numerous and important
functions within society (Thorne, 1982; Abercrombie et al.,
1988). The mainstream family pattern is, therefore, held up
as the standard to which all other family forms are to

conform (Frazier, 1948:359-360; Moynihan, 1965:5). Hays and

Mindel note,

10

From this perspective, the two-parent family, typically

with father as breadwinner and head, which is often

used interchangeably with the term ’white, middle-class
family,’ is seen as the 'normal' or 'healthy’ type, and
the standard by which other families are evaluated. The
assumption, apparently, is that if a particular family
structure does not approximate the dominant American
model then that form is somehow pathological. This

outlook, in part, derives from the view that a

particular type of family structure best serves the

needs of an industrial society (1973:51).1

But, this perspective is teleological, or circular, in
that the very society that sets the goal is also the
establisher of systems of racial stratification that hinders
these minority families from sufficiently obtaining this
goal (Thornton Dill, 1988). It is, therefore, impossible for
many Black families to achieve the mainstream family pattern
that this perspective advocates (Allen, 1978).

Secondly, the ethnicity-based perspective does not
adequately address the issue of racial stratification and
how this factor affects minority families (Baca Zinn, 1990).
The assimilation/modernization framework has not been proven
to be correct in its view that a minority group’s
assimilation into the dominant culture leads to the equal
distribution of socioeconomic and political resources (Baca
Zinn, 1990). An explanation for this failure is that Park,
who laid the foundation for this framework, based his
beliefs on European, white immigrants who lay outside the
experience of those identified as racial minorities: Afro-

Americans, Latin Americans, Native Americans and Asian

Americans. As Omi and Winant further note,

11

The continuity of experience embodied in the

application of the terms of ethnicity theory to both

groups - to European immigrants and racial minorities -
was not established; indeed it tended to rest on what

we have labeled the immigrant analogy (1986:16).

This can also be seen in the fact that Frazier and
Moynihan's belief that as Blacks assimilated and adopted a
modern family form they would advance socioeconomically has
not been proven to be true (Coner-Edwards and Spurlock,
1988; Updegrave, 1989).

The third criticism is that this perspective's
categorization of the mainstream's family pattern and its
processes as normative demands that any deviation from this
pattern be given a negative value judgment (Dodson, 1988).
This has resulted in the categorization of minority families
as either deviant, dysfunctional, deficient, or unstable
(Farley and Allen, 1987; Baca Zinn, 1990b). This
categorization has primarily been used to describe the
American Black family (Baca Zinn and Eitzen, 1990; Adams,
1978), but it has also been used to describe other minority
families as well. A negative model of the family has also
been used to characterize Chicano families (Baca Zinn and
Eitzen, 1990). Miguel Montiel calls this the social science
"myth of the Mexican—American family." The three
characteristics of the Mexican-American family that caused
this approach were fatalism, patriarchy, and familism

(1978:71; Becerra, 1988). The results of this

characterization have had some major effects on the race as

12
"Cultural differences were thus treated as cultural
deficiencies and were considered the reason Chicanos are
disproportionately found in subordinate positions in
society" (Baca Zinn and Eitzen, 1990:72). Another minority
family that has also been categorized by this negative model
is the Native American family (John, 1988).

The categorization of minority family patterns as
culturally deviant has been refuted by many scholars who
have argued that alternative family patterns are responses
to, but not responsible for the social location of
minorities. These differences in family patterns have come
to be viewed as survival strategies in light of conditions
of racial inequality and poverty (Baca Zinn 1990b;
Billingsley 1968; Gutman 1976; Ladner 1971; Stack 1974).

The final criticism is that the studies, and therefore
the findings, of Frazier, Moynihan and others of this
perspective focus on the poor Black family. The adaptations
that these lower—class families implement for survival are
then compared to middle-class White families that leads to
these poorer families being characterized as dysfunctional
and damaging. This approach reveals an intentional
researcher bias since these poor families cannot be expected
to resemble the White middle-class family. The results from
such a study are, therefore, more appropriate for making a
case that blames the victim for his/her situation instead of

addressing the discriminatory nature of the social structure

13
(Staples, 1971; 1985).

The second theoretical perspective in the study of
minority families is the social system theory. A system is
defined as two or more social actors (institutions, things,
organisms) engaged in a moderately stable interaction,
within a delineated environment, which exists to fulfill a
certain goal or function (Billingsley, 1968:4; Abercrombie
et al., 1984). The prototypic analysis of Black family life
within the social system framework was accomplished by
Andrew Billingsley in his work Eleek Femiliee ig Whige
Ameriee (1968). In this work he sums up his theoretical
basis by stating,

Theoretically, we urge that the Negro family might

appropriately be viewed as a social system inextricably

bound up with and heavily influenced by the major
institutions of the larger society. At the same time we
argue that Negro families would function much more
productively if the Negro experience were more
adequately reflected in the dominant values and

programs of the larger society (3).

Billingsley’s work clearly challenged the thesis that
the Black family was deviant and pathological. He argued
that the principal subsystems of the larger society that
directly influenced Black family life must be noted for
their impact on these families. These forces of the broader
social network he identified as the values, the political,
the economic, the educational, the health, and the
communication subsystems. These subsystems affect both the

variety and dynamic quality of family structures, and

determine the extent to which families are able to function

14
in meeting the needs of their various members (Billingsley,
1968:4,32).

On this basis Billingsley argued that the structures
and processes of Black families directly result from
adaptive reactions to the severe socioeconomic hardships
that threaten their existence (1968:145; Allen, 1978:119).
The ability of this perspective to highlight the
"instrumental realm issues" that affect the Black family is
probably its greatest strength. These issues include such
concerns as the effect that institutional racism has on the
quality of life of African-Americans (Coner-Edwards,
1988:39; Jenkins, 1988:116). This perspective is important
in respect to this issue because it mandates that the
researcher not only focus on the Black family, but also on
the institutional structures that have worked to marginalize
these families (Staples, 1971).

Other scholars who used and expanded upon this theory
were quite numerous. Scanzoni (1971), along with
Billingsley, argued that those who categorized the Black
family as deviant and pathological did not take into
consideration the effect that different contexts and values
had on the structure and processes of Black families. Stack
(1974) identified the adaptive nature of many lower class
Black families by noting the important role that friend and
kin networks played in the survival strategy of Black

families. This point was also noted in the works of Hays and

15
Mindel (1973), Hill (1971), and Aschenbrenner (1978).

The social system view was very popular during the
early 1960's and the mid-1970’s since it was the primary
perspective to hold when attacking the position of Frazier-
Moynihan. The view's prominence has diminished since the
position of Frazier-Moynihan decreased in popularity in the
1980's (Adams, 1978; Farley and Allen, 1987). Through the
years there have been other important works that attacked
the "deviant" characterization of the Black family. These
works attempted to show that either the information that was
used was inaccurate, or that a different view of the Black
family should be taken. The authors include: Gutman (1976)
who revealed that even during slavery Blacks often found
ways of organizing stable and supportive family contexts for
themselves and their children; and Wilson (1978, 1987), who
argued that the present growth of Black female-headed
households is caused by the inability of many Black males to
obtain stable employment, and the resultant decrease in the
pool of marriageable Black males.

There are various criticisms that can be lodged against
the social system approach to studying minority families.
The first is that it is rooted in a structural-functionalist
perspective of the principles of family organization.
Consequently, the approach suffers the same deficiencies as
the assimilation/modernization ethnicity-based theory. The

second is that the theory’s emphasis on the ability of Black

16
families to adapt to the tremendous pressures of the social
structure can be overestimated (Allen, 1978). This can have
detrimental consequences, especially when research findings
espousing this viewpoint are taken as the basis for social
policy.

The third theoretical underpinning of studies of
minority families is the view that their patterns and
processes are culturally unique and valid (Staples, 1971;
Allen, 1978; Adams, 1978; Farley and Allen, 1987). This
categorization represents the view of scholars that the
family form of a minority group is inherently different from
the mainstream family pattern. The primary reason for this
difference is the uniqueness of the minority group's
culture.

One of the primary developers of this perspective is
Robert Staples. Staples argues that to accurately examine
Black family patterns and processes, a researcher must not
only analyze the socioeconomic factors that impact it, but
must also analyze the distinctive family life style of the
Black subculture. In analyzing this subculture’s life style,
a researcher must examine its unique values, norms,
sanctions, etc. (1971:126). Staples argued that when
socioeconomic status is controlled, the distinctiveness of
the Black family is still very evident on the basis of its
cultural uniqueness. Therefore, this family form should be

viewed as valid and not deviant.

l7

Staples leveled much of the blame for the
categorization of the African-American family as
dysfunctional and deviant on the "equilibrium models" of the
discipline of sociology. He describes this flaw stating,

What this means is that the traditional approach to the

study of black family life has been to define the

consequence of their family behavior on the basis of
standards of the white community, and not only the
white community in general, but white, middle-class
people in particular. Rather than using a more
objective approach and accepting the fact that black
families are different and one must understand the way
in which they live and try to understand their values
and standards--other values and standards--white values
and standards have been imposed on the study of black
family life. The result has been that the black family
continues to be defined as a pathological unit whose
unique way of functioning sustains the conditions of

its oppression (1971:133).

Staples also cites the discipline's tendency to focus
on the most deprived segment of the Black population and to
then make sweeping generalizations about the race's
pathological nature (1985:8, 113-114).

Other major forces in the development of this
perspective were two developments that occurred within the
Black community. The first was a concern about the origins
of Blacks in America, and a desire of the community to learn
about its African identity. The second, was the community’s
concern with its contemporary ethnic identity (1985:176). To
give validity to this position studies were undertaken to
show the link between the family pattern of Africans and

American Blacks. This group of Black scholars has been

categorized as a part of the "Africanist" school (McAdoo

18
1988:9). Such scholars, as historian Benjamin Quarles
(1964), and sociologist Robert Staples (1971, 1976) and
Niara Sudarska (1980), wrote to highlight the similarities
of the extended family structure in both African and
American Black family patterns (Adams 1978; and McAdoo
1988).

The perspective that the patterns and processes of
minority families are both unique and valid differs from the
social system perspective in a very important way. The first
is that this view sees the Black family as unique because of
its cultural history alone. The adaptation that this family
makes has only enhanced this uniqueness, not created it. The
social system perspective places a greater emphasis on the
adaptations that have occurred because of the interaction
that takes place within the overall social system. Secondly,
those who hold this view take issue with the degree to which
the social system theory ties the minority family into the
values of the broader social system. The minority family
must be judged by its own standards and not by the standards
of White mainstream society. Any one researcher who attempts
to study the Black family must approach the task with full
objectivity (Staples, 1971; Billingsley, 1968).

Other scholars who would hold to this viewpoint that
minority family patterns are both culturally unique and
valid are: Reynolds Farley and Walter Allen (1987); Charles

Willie (1981); Niara Sudarska (1980); Bert Adams (1978);

19
Harry Kitano (1988); Juan Gonzales (1985); and Robert John
(1988).

There are a few criticisms that can be raised against
this perspective. The first is that although the position
allows the researcher to appreciate the values of the family
being studied, it can cause the researcher to overlook
"factual deficiencies" in a minority family because it
serves a functional purpose (Allen, 1978:126; McAdoo,
1988:9). The second is the danger that many researchers will
not be able to use this framework since they must be able to
eliminate normative, and often bias, sociological
assumptions while retaining their analytic skills (Allen,
1978; Staples, 1971).

An Overview of Research on Female Headed Households:

An area that also has much literature relevant to this
study is the female headed family. This body of literature
has noted the rapid increase in households headed by
nonmarried women in American society. In general, women now
head 60% of single person households in the United States.
They head 28% of America’s 91 million households, which is
nearly twice the 15% share of households headed by men.
Female-headed families with children under 18 years of age
account for just 25% of all female-headed households.
Another 12% of all female-headed households include adult
children, and 5% include relatives other than children.

These three types of families make up 42% of all female-

20
headed households. Women who live alone account for 52% of
female-headed households, and the other 6% live with an
unrelated person or a roommate (Crispell, 1989). The primary
reasons for the growth of this household structure vary by
race in respect to Whites and Blacks. For Whites the major
cause of growth has been the increase in women's employment
opportunities. For blacks it has been a decrease in male
employment (McLanahan et al., 1987).

More specifically for this study, the last three
decades have seen mother—only families become increasingly
common. Since 1960, when only about 7% of the families in
America were female-headed households, the prevalence of
these households has increased to the point that in 1985
over 21% of the families in America were female-headed
households (McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989; McLanahan and
Booth, 1989). At the end of that decade it was noted that
86% of single-parent families were headed by women, and that
single-parent families accounted for 27% of all households
with children under the age of 18 years old (Crispell, 1989;
Jayakody, 1993). Largely, single-parent families are headed
by women under age 45 as 77% of these householders are 25 to
44 years old (Crispell, 1989). The needs of these two groups
of women vary by age. For younger single mothers the primary
needs are child care, affordable housing, and shopping
convenience. For the older mothers, who don’t always have

someone living at home with them, their primary needs

21
include health care, companionship, and assistance with
household chores (Crispell, 1989).

A significant variable in determining the types of
households headed by women, and the growth and economic
condition of female-headed families is race. In respect to
types of households, the effect of race is very evident. For
example, whereas two-thirds of the African-American and
Hispanic households headed by women are families, only 36%
of such families are headed by White females (Crispell,
1989). It also needs to be noted that the growth of mother-
only families has been most prevalent among African-
Americans. In the period between 1970 and 1988, the
proportion of one-parent families increased from 8.9 to
18.1% among Whites and 33.0 to 55.6% among African-
Americans. In light of this stark comparison, Black children
are significantly more likely to live with their mothers
only than are White and Hispanic children. Whereas only 19%
of white children and 30% of Hispanic children reside in
households headed by their mothers, the proportion among
black children is an astonishing 54% (Jayakody, 1993). This
large increase in the numbers of mother-only families,
especially among African-Americans, strongly supports the
view that over half of all children born since 1975 will
spend some time in such a family before reaching age 18
(Bumpass, 1984). Although 45% of all White children will

have this experience, this percentage is not comparable to

22
the 85% of all Black children who will have this experience
(McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989). Still, it should be noted
that although the actual numerical increase of female-headed
households is greater among Blacks, the rate of increase is
greater among Whites. This statistic clearly reveals the
relevance of this trend to both Blacks and Whites. As
McLanahan and Garfinkel conclude "Clearly, the mother-only
family will have a profound effect on the next generation of
Americans" (1989:93). Unfortunately, the high rate of women,
and families headed by women in poverty sound an alarm of
concern in respect to this trend.

The role gender has to play in the plight of single
mothers is, unfortunately, very evident. In 1987 both the
earnings and welfare figures reveal that single mothers are
weakly attached to the labor force, and that 56% of these
women will be dependent on welfare for ten years or more
(McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989). It is estimated that the
income of single mothers and their children is only 67% of
their predivorce income one year after divorce. This is in
stark contrast to the income of divorced men who receive 90%
of their predivorce income (McLanahan and Booth, 1989;
Jaynes and Williams, 1989). The three determinants of these
low incomes in mother-only families are: the inability to
gain inexpensive child care that limits employment for the
mother to earn much money; the nonresidential father’s lack

of child support; and the small benefits the state provides

23
(McLanahan and Booth, 1989; Jaynes and Williams, 1989). In
respect to their economic condition, though, the Black
female parent faces her own set of unique difficulties.
While the median income in 1987 for families headed by White
females was $17,000, the median income for Black females who
headed families was only $9,700 (Crispell, 1989). In 1989,
47% percent of families headed by Black females were below
the poverty level. Close to three quarters (73%) of all poor
Black families were headed by Black females. This is in
stark contrast to 25% of families headed by white females,
and 12% of Black families headed by a married couple
(Jayakody et al., 1993). In comparison to young White
female-headed households, young Black female-headed
households enter poverty at a higher rate and have longer
average spells in poverty (Kniesner et al., 1986). Because
of the dire economic situation of mother-only families, they
are considered to be a growing aspect of the urban
underclass. There is also evidence that there are long—term
economic and social mobility consequences for children from
these families (Wilson, 1978; McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989;
McLanahan et al., 1987; Jayakody et al., 1993).

The absence of fathers has been hypothesized to be a
key causal factor in the low economic attainments of female-
headed households (McLanahan, 1985). A major reason for this
viewpoint is the social science's use of the normative

nuclear family pattern as a standard by which all other

24
family structures are evaluated. This perspective thereby
mandates that other forms of family structure be rejected.
The peculiar role of Black women in the Black family did not
allow these scholars to view this adaptation as a sign of
resiliency, but as a sign of weakness (Staples, 1971).
Although some of these scholars noted the adaptive nature of
this family structure, the Black female-headed family has
nonetheless been traditionally viewed in sociology as the
cause of much of the problems facing African-Americans
today. The large representation of Black women among the
poor is viewed as a result of this destructive cultural
trend. One of the primary figures, if not the primary
figure, in identifying African-American female-headed
households with the dire economic conditions of the Black
race was Daniel Patrick Moynihan. In his influential work
The Negrg Femily; The C§§§ for Netioge; Agtigg (1965),
Moynihan expressed the ideology that racialized Black
female-headed families as the causal feature of poverty
among African-Americans. Using W. E. Burghardt Du Bois'
(1969) and E. Franklin Frazier's (1948) discussion of the
Black matriarch, Moynihan highlighted the dominant nature of
Black women as a major reason for the growth of this family
structure. The dominant nature of the Black woman was also
credited by Moynihan as causing the present problems of the
race, including "poverty and deprivation" (Hill Collins,

1990). By its prominence in inspiring contemporary theory

25
and research this family structure was clearly viewed as the
reason for the race’s situation in the eyes of policy makers
and social science scholars (Staples, 1971).

In the decades following Moynihan's work, the concept
of the "underclass" became the contemporary tool for
analyzing, categorizing, and dealing with poverty in America
(Marks, 1991). Still, the emphasis continued to be placed on
female-headed households as the major characteristic of,
even reason for, this new and indigent population (Auletta,
1982; Lemann, 1986; McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989; Marks,
1991; Baca Zinn, 1989). Charles Murray (1984) went as far as
suggesting that the solution to the growth of female-headed
households might be to more drastically cut federal
assistance and support systems (Murray, 1986).

A primary theorist of the Black underclass ,and the
role of female-headed households within this population is
William J. Wilson (1978). Wilson argued that the growth of
this family structure was a clear indication of the
inability of Black males to gain employment. He
substantiated his position by citing the relationship
between unemployment and marital instability (1987). Wilson
asserted that this family structure was the result of, and
not the reason for the dire economic conditions of urban
Blacks. Although emphasizing the structural explanation for
poverty's growth among Blacks, Wilson encouraged the

perception that the growth of female-headed households was a

26
clear sign that lower-class Blacks needed to be in contact
with middle-class Blacks. This contact was considered a
means by which lower-class Blacks could improve their family
patterns and economic conditions (1987).

One way of thinking about female headed households is
captured in the concept of "the feminization of poverty." A
succinct definition of this term is that it designates a
growing trend in the disproportionate representation of
women and female-headed households among the poor (Pierce,
1987; Hartmann, 1989; McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989). The
factors that are commonly identified as determinants of low
income in female headed households are: the pay
differentiation between men and women; the existence of only
one wage earner in the family; and the lack of child support
by the nonresidential father (Pearce and McAdoo, 1981;
Nelson, 1984; McLanahan and Booth, 1989; Garfinkel and
McLanahan, 1985).

The public policies that have been proposed to address
the needs of this family type have varied. Various welfare
programs were implemented to meet the needs of these
families, but concerns were raised that these programs were
undermining the labor force attachment of poor single
mothers (Danzinger et al., 1982; McLanahan et al., 1987;
McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989). More recent policies have
emphasized strengthening the ties of these women to the work

force and loosening their dependence on government

27
assistance. This has resulted in reduced levels of benefits
and work requirement legislation for single mothers
(McLanahan et al., 1987; McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989).

In reference to policies designed to correct the
socioeconomic situation of women and female-headed
households, an important work is the critical essay of Diana
Pearce (1987). This work highlights the fact that public
policies are most effective when tuned to meet the specific
character of the group (e.g., the aged poor) whose needs are
being addressed. The policies that are being applied to
address the economic conditions of female-headed households
were designed to implicitly and explicitly meet the needs of
males and not the needs of females. This is evident in the
fact that these policies assume that a job will solve the
poverty problem for every person in poverty. She identifies
two factors that distinguish women/mothers’ poverty from
that of men and the elderly. The first, is that poor
women/mothers bear the economic burden of their children
alone. Census Bureau data states that less than half of
absent parents, mostly fathers, pay child support, and less
than half of those pay the full amount. The second are the
lower wages women receive in the labor market in comparison
to men. Pearce concludes her work by suggesting various
policies that can better meet the needs of these families.
With such present policy approaches, though, it is no wonder

that many feminists have preferred the phrase "the

28
pauperization of women" to the "feminization of poverty"
(Hartmann, 1989:159; McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989).

An Overview of Research on Support Networks:

There are five aspects of social support that need to
be considered in this literature review. The first is a
general discussion of social support networks; the second is
the impact social support networks have on female headed
households; the third is the role of social support networks
in minority families; and the fourth is the role of social
support networks in Black families.

The first area is a general discussion of social
support networks. The use of the term support network has
come to refer to the existence of an organized number of
individuals who are united in a social relationship. This
social relationship obligates them to provide and to receive
assistance from one another (Stack, 1974; House et al.,
1988; Taylor and Chatters, 1988). The use of the term
support denotes reassuring qualities in social relationships
that provide health promoting or stress buffering needs. The
channels by which these beneficial needs are provided are
instrumental aid, emotional caring or concern, and
information relevant to self-evaluation (House, 1983; House
et al., 1988).

There are three forms of support that have been
identified. The first form of support is emotional support.

"Emotional Support" is the provision of information and/or

29

companionship that bolsters an individual's self-evaluation
in the midst of stressful situations. Examples of such
support are: visiting, companionship, comfort, personal
advice, counsel. This form of support seems to be the most
important type of support and involves the provision of
empathy, caring, love, and trust. When individuals think of
others being supportive of them they are usually referring
to emotional support (House, 1983; McLanahan et al., 1981;
Taylor, 1986). The second form of support has been
identified as material support. "Material Support" is
defined as instrumental behavior that directly helps an
individual in need. Examples of such support are the
provision of: food, money, transportation, personal loans,
bill payments, child care, the running of errands, and
assistance with small purchases (House, 1983; Taylor, 1986).
The third type of support is cognitive support. "Cognitive
Support" is the transmission of information that provides an
individual with knowledge that can then be used to help
him/her cope with personal and situational problems (House,
1983; Taylor, 1986). This differs from material support in
that only information is communicated that the individual
then uses to help him/herself.

Although most researchers have depicted social support
as having a uniformly positive effect on an individual’s
‘well-being, a growing number of researchers suggest that

this may not be true (Belle, 1982; Thompson and Peebles-

30
Wilkins, 1992). Stack (1974) noted the negative pressures a
woman's social support network placed upon her when she
married. Thompson and Peebles—Wilkins (1992) found that
support networks have both stress-reducing and stress-
producing qualities. Strauss (1980) found that family
violence is more common among couples who have many
neighbors living in close proximity to them, in comparison
to those couples who were geographically isolated from
relatives. A low incidence of abusive and violent behavior
in African-American families have been related to network
embeddedness (Hill, 1986; Uzzell and Peebles-Wilkins, 1989).
Researchers have also shown that weak associations within an
individual’s social network is very important in providing
material and informational assets (Granovetter, 1973;
Zippay, 1990-1991).

A second area contributing important literature for
this study is the role that support and support networks
have in improving the situation of single mothers. It has
been noted that there are various sources of stress for
single mothers. Poverty and economic instability are the two
major sources of stress in female headed households. Various
studies have shown that social support has been a major
factor in allowing individuals to deal with stress. Studies
have shown that a Black adult's satisfaction with his/her
support network benefits their psychological and emotional

well—being. Many of these individuals were found to have

31
their self—esteem and personal respect intensified (Hughes
and Demo, 1989). Satisfaction with social support from
family and friends was also found to reduce distress in the
midst of employment and unemployment pressures (Brown and
Gary, 1988; Angel and Tienda, 1982). The role of social
support has been shown to be a very important survival
strategy for poor single mothers who are living in urban
areas (Stack, 1974; Kotlowitz, 1991; McLanahan and Booth,
1989) .

The third area contributing relevant literature is
social support networks in minority families. Research has
shown that Mexican Americans have a high amount of
interaction with their social networks. It has been shown
that Mexican Americans are surrounded by large amounts of
their family and kin, and that they frequently participate
in large kin networks (Vega, 1990; Mindel, 1980). The
Mexican American support network has also been categorized
as supplying more emotional support than material support
(Mindel, 1980; Wagner and Schaffer, 1980; Baca Zinn,
1982/83). In comparison to Anglos and African-Americans,
Mexican Americans have the highest extent of extended
familism (Mindel, 1980; Wagner and Schaffer, 1980). African-
Americans have been found to have the next greatest
evaluation and utilization of the extended kin system.
Although African—Americans have been identified as having

smaller families than Mexican Americans and Anglos, their

32
kin network has still been noted to be a very important
source of material support (Hays and Mindel, 1973; Mindel,
1980). Anglos, on the other hand, have been found to
evaluate and to depend on kin the least for aid and other
kinship support (Hays and Mindel, 1973; Mindel, 1980).

The fourth area of literature that has bearing on this
study is the importance of informal social support networks
as a source of assistance to Black urban families. This body
of literature has noted that important sources of support
are friends, church members, and extended family. Various
ethnographic studies have contributed much information on
the functioning of informal social support networks among
African-Americans (Stack, 1974; Shimkin et al., 1978;
Kotlowitz, 1991). The patterns of this informal assistance
are based on long term reciprocal bonds of exchange that
have developed over the life of the network’s members.
Church members have also been shown to be a very important
source of social support for African-Americans (DuBois,
1907; Frazier, 1974:41; Taylor and Chatters, 1988; Taylor et
al., 1990). The important role of the extended family in
providing support has been highlighted in studies of various
minorities (Angel and Tienda, 1972; Hofferth, 1984).
African-Americans have been shown to use their kin in a more
instrumental way, what can be described as a reciprocal aid-
and-support system, than Mexican Americans and Anglos

(Mindel, 1980). These sources of support should, therefore,

33
be viewed as intricate components of an adaptive network
that has been developed for the benefit of inner—city Blacks
(Stack, 1974). They are very important to urban Blacks
because they have allowed this marginalized group to survive
the adversity of urban poverty. These support sources have
accomplished this by being the means through which
financial, service, and emotional support is obtained
(Oliver, 1988; Hays and Mindel, 1973; Taylor, 1986).

The fifth area of the social support literature that
has bearing on this study is its identification of seven
factors that determine the receipt of social support by
mother-only families. The first is the race of the single
mother. Racial comparisons reveal that the Black extended
family plays a greater role in the lives of mother-only
families than their White counterparts (Taylor, 1986; Taylor
et al., 1990; Hays and Mindel, 1973). The importance of
extended family support has been noted in the Black
community where Black adults have heightened self—esteem and
personal efficacy when they have supportive family and
friendship relations (Taylor et al., 1990). Hofferth (1984)
argues that since Black mother-only families receive less
monetary support from their kin networks they do not benefit
from these networks as much as White mother-only families.
Although Hofferth is correct that the monetary support Black
female-headed households receive from their kin-networks is

very limited, research by Stack (1974), Taylor (1986),

34
Jayakody et al. (1990) and others have highlighted the fact
that these networks must not be judged solely on their
monetary assistance. These studies revealed that these kin
networks are still very valuable to Black female—headed
households through the variety of ways by which they provide
support. Studies have also shown that in comparison to White
grandparents, the role of Black grandparents in the lives of
single mothers is far more active (Cherlin and Furstenberg,
1986; Taylor et al., 1990). The active role of African-
American grandparents might be attributable to either
cultural norms or economic adaptations (Taylor et al.,
1990). The second factor that is important in determining
the receipt of support by single mothers is the age of their
children. This issue is significant in light of many studies
that reveal the relationship children's age has on the
receipt of social support. It has been noted that a woman is
at her greatest risk for demoralization, depression,
frustration, and dysphoria when she is providing support to
a child while receiving only inconsistent support in return
(Belle, 1982). It has also been shown that when a low income
mother suffers from depression she is unable to provide the
emotional support the child needs (Belle, 1982). Another
factor relating to the age of a child is in relation to the
provision of support by the father of the child. It has been
shown that the younger the age of a child, the greater

involvement that child receives from others, including the

35

child's father (Taylor, 1986; Danzinger et al., 1990;
Sullivan, 1989; Anderson, 1987). Finally, it has been shown
in general that as individuals grow older they receive less
support (Taylor, 1986).

The third factor is the number of children. This issue
is significant in light of various studies that show a
relationship between the number of children and the quality
of social support received. Various studies have found a
relationship between the number of children and the quantity
of social support received. Hofferth (1984) shows that the
amount of children is clearly related to the amount of
support obtained. Extended family is much more likely to
play an important role in the socialization of children
depending on the number of children within a family (Hays
and Mindel, 1973). The number of children has also been
shown to be related to the strength of kin ties for several
reasons. First, children are often the foci of kin
relationships, and are the recipients of gifts. Secondly,
the support of children is often the reason for exchange of
items between kin. Finally, the number of children often
decides a family’s living standards and is, therefore, a
determinant of a family's socioeconomic condition. The
lowering of the family’s socioeconomic condition further
necessitates the need for further support (Hofferth,
1984:793).

The fourth factor is the proximity of family members.

36
The important role of extended families has been evident in
many studies examining their benefits to single mothers. It
has been shown that the assistance extended families give to
adolescent mothers has a positive effect on their parenting
skills, the development of their offspring, their
educational accomplishments, and their economic achievement
(Taylor et al., 1990). The importance of this support has
also been noted in the Black community where Black adults
have heightened self-esteem and personal efficacy when they
have supportive family and friendship relations (Taylor et
al., 1990). An important influence on kin networks is the
availability and proximity of kin, since a desire to
maintain relationships is futile without the availability of
kin (Hofferth, 1984). Findings show that familial
relationships, proximity of relatives, and family contact
all play an intrinsic role in the informal social support
networks of Blacks. These factors were also shown to be
related to the probability of receiving support (Blauner and
Wellman, 1973; Taylor, 1986; Taylor, 1990). It has also been
noted that family contact is a more important factor in
receiving support than satisfaction with one's family
(Taylor, 1986; 1990). An important influence on kin network
is the availability and proximity of kin, since a desire to
maintain relationships is futile without the availability of
kin (Hofferth, 1984). It should also be noted that of the

family variables examined by Taylor (1986) proximity of

37
immediate family is of lesser importance than other factors
(especially proximity of relatives) in predicting the
reception of support.

The fifth factor is the role the age of the father of
the child(ren) has on the quantity and quality of support
that is received. There is much interest in the involvement
males have in teen pregnancy in general, and specifically in
relation to teen pregnancy in the Black community (Harrison,
1981; Conner, 1988). A particular emphasis has been the
difference between older and younger males. Various studies
have focussed on this comparison. Younger males were shown
to have more involvement with their children than older
males (Danzinger et al., 1990; Taylor, 1990). Younger males
were concerned about the future of their children and the
mother who bore them. On the other hand they were shown to
have unrealistic views about parenthood (Harrison, 1981).
Children are viewed by young males as being greater personal
and social assets than they are by young females. These
young males believe that having children will furnish them
with more approval from others (Thompson, 1980).

The sixth factor is the effect religious affiliation
has on the quantity of support that is received by single
mothers. Church membership has been found to be an important
source of support for Blacks (Taylor et al., 1990:999;
Frazier, 1974). Its importance has been heavily based on the

fact that it provides the bond through which individual acts

38
of support are extended. Individuals with high scores in
reference to the religious involvement variables (church
membership, frequent attendance, and a high degree of
subjective religiosity) are more likely to receive support
from church members in comparison to those who don't have as
high scores. These variables are important indicators for
social involvement and integration within the church (Taylor
and Chatters, 1988). Studies have also noted that gender,
age, and marital statuses are significantly related to
receiving support. Men are more likely to receive support
than women; younger individuals are more likely to receive
support than their older counterparts; and married
individuals are more likely to receive support than divorced
individuals (Taylor and Chatters, 1988). Although church
membership is an important position in the provision of
support for Blacks, religiosity has not been found to be
related to the sexual activity of Black females (Chilman,
1983). In light of these issues it is important that the
role that church membership plays in the receipt of social
support be considered. The seventh factor is the age of the
single mother. There are two reasons why the age of the
single mother should be noted as explaining variations in
support. The first explanation is based on the perspective
that changes within the Black community have negatively
effected the kin networks within these communities. Because

of the severity of urban poverty and the increased

39

segregation by social class within the Black community, the
informal support networks of African-Americans have
degenerated (Martin and Martin, 1985; Wilson, 1987; Hogan et
al., 1990). As a result, younger single mothers are less
likely to have strong relationships with extended kin
networks, which were significant support sources for older
single mothers (Stack, 1974). The second explanation
afforded us by using age is based on the belief that
intergenerational teenage motherhood has negatively affected
younger mothers’ reception of support. The perspective is
that the mothers of these young single mothers are young
themselves, which raises the likelihood that they have young
children to care for. For this reason, it has been
conjectured that these mothers do not take on traditional
surrogate mother roles, which has been common in the Black
community (Frazier, 1948; Tinsley and Parke, 1984). Such
traditional responsibilities as providing child care have
not been fulfilled because these young grandmothers devote
most of their time to the raising of their own children
(Frazier, 1948; Ladner and Gourdine, 1984; Tinsley and
Parke, 1984; Burton, 1990). As a result of this
intergenerational phenomenon, a primary aspect of the kin
support networks, grandmothers (Stack, 1974), may not be
functioning for young mother-only families.

From this review of the literature I have identified a

group of important issues that will be noted in the study.

40
First, a determination of the effect the younger ages of
single mothers have on their ability to establish and gain
support. I will especially note the ability of these younger
mothers to gain support from the social networks from which
their parents gained support. This is very significant
considering that many of these younger women are second
generation single mothers. Studies have not examined the
effect age has on the ability of single mothers to recruit
support from the three important support sources examined in
this study. With the present socioeconomic conditions that
confront families, and the friend networks assisting these
families, it is possible that these sources of assistance
cannot provide the support they once did. The second issue
is the role that the migration of middle class Blacks has
had on the ability of social support sources to be able to
provide support to these urban single mothers.

An Overview of Research on the Urban Underclass:

The subject of this section of the dissertation is one
of the most hotly debated concepts in the study of poverty
today---the underclass. The term "underclass" was coined by
Gunnar Myrdal in his 1962 book ghelleege_ee_effleegee2tx:
designate an economically marginalized group of people
within society (Auletta, 1982; Gans, 1990). Myrdal’s
definition of the concept was also revealed in his usage of

the term in his 1970 book The Chellenge of Werld Peverty. In

this work Myrdal places the term underclass in juxtaposition

41
to the term middle class in order to differentiate between
these two groups in Latin America. This underclass he
locates in the rural and urban slums of Latin America, and
characterizes them as having very little education, and very
little power or interest in the political process
(1970:460). As Gans (1990) stresses, Myrdal's aim in using
the term underclass was to reform the economic system and
not to blame those who suffered within that system.

The term is now a catchall that refers to poor African-
Americans in the United States' inner cities. The fact that
the category had undergone significant growth after 1960,
and was considered to be comprised of criminals and
freeloaders brought it into national prominence (Nathan,
1987:57-58). The extent to which the nation was focussed on
this category is best expressed in this statement:

One of the most hotly debated aspects of poverty in the
19808, however, was neither the recessions nor Reagan's
policies. Rather, it was the mounting, indeed sometimes
near-hysterical, alarm over the specter of what many
contemporaries termed as an 'underclass.’ More than
worries over the statistical increase in the numbers of
poor people, this concern brought poverty back to the
front pages, where it had not been since the 19608. To
many Americans, the underclass-—an unflattering
euphemism for the most deprived black masses in the
ghetto--threatened to undermine all that was good and
promising in national life. As one frightened liberal
exclaimed in 1985, 'An American version of
lumpenproletariat (the so-called underclass), without
work and without hope, existing at the margins of
society, could bring down the great cities, sap
resources and strength from the entire society and,
lacking the usual means to survive, prey upon those who
possess them (Patterson, 1981:215; Caute, 1967:79-81).

The primary depiction of this category was that it

42
consisted of "hopeless people" (in that they did not desire
to better their socioeconomic conditions) who were
predominantly Black (Rollison, 1991). This characterization
is evident in many of the early articles on the underclass
(Marks, 1991:447).

The lamentable result of this new definition of the
term underclass is that behavioral patterns, and not
economic definitions came to define those who comprised this
group (Wilson, 1990). Gans notes this in stating that,

The researchers tend to assume that the behavior

patterns they report are caused by norm violations on

the part of area residents and not by the conditions
under which they are living, or the behavioral choices
open to them as a result of these conditions

(1990:272) .

Because the concept has "taken on so many connotations
of undeservedness and blameworthiness that it has become
hopelessly polluted in meaning," Gans (1990) called for the
use of this concept to cease and "the issues involved
studied via other concepts." Despite noting the benefits of
reclaiming the concept, Wilson (1990), a primary figure in
this debate, chose to relinquish the use of the term in his
American Sociological Association address. In this address
Wilson substituted the term "ghetto poor" for the term
"underclass."

Although noting that the use of the term “urban
underclass" has been a hotly debated issue (Gans, 1989;

Gans, 1990; Wilson, 1990), I have chosen to use the term in

my dissertation. I have decided to use the term because it

43
is still a legitimate and well recognized term denoting an
economically marginalized and disadvantaged category within
society (Wilson, 1990:12). This is the sense in which I am
using the concept.

Another issue in respect to the urban underclass is the
effect that the migration of middle class Blacks out of the
inner-city has had on the urban underclass. The two most
dominant theoretical perspectives as to the condition of the
underclass have been the culture of poverty and the
structural perspective. The culture of poverty perspective
implies that the values and attitudes of the urban
underclass have been internalized thereby controlling
behavior (Moynihan, 1965; Auletta, 1982; Lemann, 1986;
Murray, 1984;). The structural perspective emphasizes
fundamental weaknesses within the capitalist economy
(Myrdal, 1934; Axinn and Stern, 1988). A third perspective,
that is primarily structural, although noting some cultural
effects, is that of William Julius Wilson (1987). Wilson
argues that structural causes (e.g., rise of the service
sector, male job displacement, and the Civil Rights
Movement) has resulted in a bifurcation of the Black urban
community as the Black middle class moved from the inner
city leaving poorer Blacks behind. This event, he suggests,
has resulted in "social isolation." In other words, the
separation of the two groups has worked to undermine the

presence of role models among the urban poor who would

44
reinforce mainstream societal values. This bifurcation has
also resulted in the loss of job networks, which perpetuates
the cycle of poverty for the underclass.

Although many scholars agree with Wilson's position
that a socioeconomic schism has occurred within the Black
community to the underclass’ detriment (Brimmer, 1970;
Coleman, 1971; Glasgow, 1979; Willie, 1981), some scholars
disagree with his view that the urban Black community is
decimated. These scholars would argue that there are various
active support networks that are still Operating within
urban Black communities (Granovetter, 1973; Wellman, 1979;
Wellman and Leighton, 1979; Oliver, 1988; Garcia, 1989).
Wellman (1979) argues that kin and neighborhood networks
still exist in urban, industrialized societies because of
their efficacy in providing support and sociability. Garcia
highlights that there are still "strong family units
(including those headed by single women), community
networking and support systems, dedicated and inspiring
teachers and clergy" that enable women in urban ghettos to
escape poverty (1989:36-37). Oliver denounces those who
depict the urban Black community as "disorganized" or
"pathological." Instead, his research findings lead him to
contend that this community is "an elaborate organization of
personal networks that tie people together within and
outside the community in bonds of support and sociality"

(Oliver, 1988:640).

45

From this survey of the literature I note that this
project will, therefore, seek to answer two critical
questions. First: How and in what ways Black single mothers
gain support from family, church, and the other parent(s) of
their children? Social support can be provided in various
forms, but this research will be primarily concerned with
material aid (financial and child care) and emotional aid
(advice and companionship). This aspect of the study will be
in the research tradition of those studies that have
examined the supportive functions of informal support
networks for African-Americans (Aschenbrenner, 1973; Taylor
and Chatters, 1988; Danzinger and Nichols-Casebolt, 1990;
Taylor and Chatters, 1991). The research tradition also
includes those studies that have considered the supportive
functions of these sources of support for single parent
families (Stack, 1974; Hofferth, 1984; McLanahan and
Garfinkel, 1989; McLanahan and Booth, 1989; Hogan, 1990).
Second: What is the difference in the significance of these
sources of support in respect to younger single mothers
versus older single mothers? I believe that there is a
younger group of Black single mothers within the urban
underclass who do not receive as much support from these
three social support sources as their older counterparts.
The research will, therefore, identify this new dimension of
these Black single mothers within the urban underclass. This

aspect of the paper seeks to examine the theory of William

46
Julius Wilson that the severity of urban poverty and the
increased segregation by social class within the Black
community has led to the decimation of the informal support
networks within African-American communities (Wilson, 1987;
Martin and Martin, 1985; Hogan et al., 1990).

The answers to these questions are important for four
reasons. First, to show that the support that is received
from these various sources is part of a Black single
mother’s network of relations. These networks are
established and sustained by these mothers for assistance in
surviving the harshness of the urban experience. Second, to
inform urban researchers in identifying needs that are
unique to each of these groups of single mothers. Third, to
assist in the development of effective policies for meeting
the needs of this segment of the Black urban underclass.
Finally, to lend further insight to the present condition of

the contemporary Black family and of the urban underclass.

Chapter II

Methodology

The purpose of this chapter is to present the data
collection method and analytical strategy utilized in
answering the two critical research questions of this study.
These critical questions are: First, How and in what ways do
Black single mothers gain support from family, church, and
the fathers of their children? Second: What is the
difference in the significance of these sources of support
in respect to younger single mothers versus older single
mothers?

To expedite the examination of these two foci I have
identified three supplementary sets of research inquiries.
These inquiries magnify the existence of support networks in
the lives of these women, and the effect age has on the
support they obtain. I list the specific research questions
here, and I shall elaborate upon them in the ensuing pages.
The first research inquiry is: What effect does age have on
the ability of single mothers to recruit support from the
three important sources of social support examined in this
study? The second research inquiry is: What effect does the

age of the children, the number of children, the proximity

47

48
of the single mother’s mother, the proximity of family
members, the age of the father of the children, and church
membership have on the quality of social support received by
Black urban single mothers? The third research inquiry is:
What effect does age have on the type of social support that
is received by single mothers? Each of these research
inquiries will be elaborated.

The first research inquiry concerns the existence of a
social support network. This will be accomplished by noting
the effect age has on the ability of single mothers to
recruit support. Special attention will be placed on noting
their ability to recruit support from the three important
sources of social support examined in this study. The
research question that will be considered is: What effect
does age have on the ability of single mothers to recruit
support from the three important sources of social support
examined in this study?

The second research inquiry is in reference to the
quality of social support received. This will be
accomplished by focussing on the effect various demographic
variables (the age of children, the number of children, the
proximity of the mother of the single mother, the proximity
of family members, the age of the parent of the childIren],
and church membership) has on the quality of social support
received by Black urban single mothers.

There are six issues (labeled issues 2A to 2F) this

49
study will address: The first is the effect the age of
children has effect the quality of support received. Issue
2B is the effect the number of children that a single mother
has on the quality of social support received. Issue 2C
examines the effect the proximity of family members has on
the quality of support received. Issue 2D examines the
effect that the age of the single mother's mother has on the
receipt of social support. Issue 2E will examine the role
the age of the father of the child(ren) has on the quality
of support that is received. Issue 2F examines the effect
religious affiliation has on the quality of support that is
received by single mothers.

Therefore, the research question that will be
considered is: What effect does the age of the children, the
number of children, the age of the single mother, the age of
the single mother's mother, the proximity of family members,
the age of the father of the children, and church membership
have on the quality of social support received by Black
urban single mothers?

The third research inquiry concerns the type of social
support received. I will accomplish this endeavor by using
several individual issues that specifically examine the type
of assistance that is provided by the support networks of
these Black urban single mothers. The general overarching
issue of this endeavor is how age affects the reception of

social support by single mothers. The basis of this

SO
examination is the consideration of whether older single
mothers are more likely to receive support from the three
traditional sources of support in comparison to younger
single mothers. On this foundation these issues propose that
older Black urban single mothers receive more material,
emotional, and cognitive support than younger single
mothers. This is in opposition to many studies that show
that as the age of individuals increase, the amount of
social support received inversely decreases (Danzinger et
al., 1990; Sullivan, 1989; Taylor 1986; House et al., 1988;
Burton, 1990 3).

For this reason, the research question that will be
considered is: What effect does age have on the type of
social support that is received by single mothers?

The Method:

To accomplish the goals of my study, I selected the
interview as the methodological procedure for the collection
of data. I chose the interview because it allows face-to-
face conversational exchange (Glaser and Strauss, 1967;
Denzin, 1970; Schatzman and Strauss, 1973; Spradley, 1979;
Jorgensen, 1989), explains and contextualizes what the
researcher sees and experiences (Fetterman, 1989), and
encourages relatively good response rates (Schatzman and
Strauss, 1973). There are various types of interview formats
and the specific format that I implemented in this study is

the focused interview, or the nonscheduled standardized

51
interview (Denzin, 1970). The focused interview mandates
that certain types of information be obtained from each
respondent while giving the interviewer the freedom to
adjust the phrasing and order of questions to fit the
characteristics of each respondent (Denzin, 1978).

There are five critical strengths this method lends to
this study. The first strength is that this method
facilitates the presentation of my findings in a way that
reflects a proper understanding of the women who comprise
this social phenomenon. Because the perspective of the
respondent is paramount I will be able to use the very words
and accounts of these women in the presentation of my
research findings. The second strength is that this method
gives the interviewer the flexibility to adjust questions
and their order to meet the unique personality and
circumstance of each respondent being interviewed. The third
strength is that although this method lends flexibility to
the interviewer, it also mandates that the same set of
questions or problems be addressed (Sieber, 1973).
Therefore, comparative data is obtained for all questions
and from every respondent (Denzin, 1970; 1978). The fourth
strength of this method is that it allows for the inclusion
of open and closed questions within the same interview.
Although this study primarily consists of open questions,
which gives the respondent freedom to express his/her self,

there are a few closed questions. The closed questions

52
obtain data on a few important aspects of the study, such as
the age of the respondent and her children, and are asked at
the most appropriate time in the conversation (Warwick and
Lininger, 1975; Schuman and Presser, 1981; Sheatsley, 1983;
Converse and Presser, 1986). The final strength of the field
research method is that it is best suited for discovery
studies (Denzin, 1978). Because this method enables the
researcher to determine the ways in which subjects talk
about objects and events, it allows the researcher to get an
insider's view of their reality (Singleton et al., 1988:297;
Charmaz, 1983; Agar, 1983). Realizing my limited knowledge
of the lives of single mothers and their support networks,
this attribute of the field research method allowed me to
gain these women's perspective on their social reality.

This method does have weaknesses. The first weakness is
that the focused interview restricts the quantification of
data. But since I am doing a case study my primary focus is
on a qualitative analysis of this social phenomena. The
second weakness is that the focused interview is not the
best suited interview format for hypothesis testing. Because
this study is an exploratory study designed to provide
hypotheses for further testing using quantitative
approaches, I do not believe that this weakness is as
significant.

In conclusion, I believe that the advantages of this

method outweigh its weaknesses.

53

The Design:

The design of this research is to facilitate the
exploration of the socially relevant subject of the social
support network of Black single mothers. My sample size is
20 women (10 older single mothers, and 10 younger single
mothers). Originally, I planned to select my sample from a
list of single mothers a Lansing program had compiled. This
program is the Single Parent Family Institute, which
provides services to single mothers of all ages.‘
Unfortunately, upon obtaining this list I realized that none
of the women who had gone through the Institute's program
were eligible for this study. For this reason I have only
used the name of the Institute to gain legitimacy and access
in a few cases. To obtain women to be interviewed I have had
to use the referrals of former participants of the Institute
and other single mothers. I limited the amount of referrals
that any one person could give to two so that the sample
would reflect a variety of backgrounds.

Therefore, this study uses a purposive or judgmental
sample, in that I have chosen to subjectively select
individuals who fit the study’s criteria (Nachmias and
Nachmias, 1976; Miller, 1991; Kerlinger, 1986). The sampling
technique is the snowball sampling technique,

The basic idea of snowball sampling is to obtain

sufficient information from a known instance of the

phenomenon to be able to identify and locate subsequent
instances for observation. As the name suggests,

phenomena for observation tend to grow like a snowball
through this procedure (Jorgensen, 1989:50).

54

There are three criteria I used for the selection of my
sample. The first is age. The standard for this criterion is
given in the Operationalizations section of the paper. The
second criterion is length of time in the program. I used
only select women for the sample who may have been in the
Single Parent Family Institute's program six months or less,
since these women would not have yet attended any personal
growth and coping classes. The third criterion is race. All
the women I selected for the sample are African-American.

By using the snowball sampling technique I obtained a
total of 26 names and telephone numbers of single mothers
who might be willing to participate in my study. I called 22
women in seeking to obtain 20 interviews. The two women who
were called but not interviewed, were not selected to be
interviewed for two separate reasons. One woman was not
interviewed because I was unable to get in touch with her.
She never returned any of my calls. The other woman was not
interviewed because she did not meet my race criteria. That
particular single mother is White.

The interviews were performed between January 11
through February 13, 1993. The average length of the
interviews were 1 1/2 hours. Most of the interviews (75%:
n=20) occurred before 5 p.m. in the homes of the women,
while a smaller number (25%) were performed after 5 p.m. at
either the homes of the women or at another location. Most

of the interviews occurred during the weekdays (85%: n=20).

55

while a few interviews (15%) took place on a Saturday.

The Analysis:

The data that is used in the research related to the
similarities between a single mother’s family and her
own mother’s family situation; the age of the single
mothers; the areas of need, as identified by the single
mother; the frequency and quality of the contact the single
mother has with her family, church, and the other parent(s)
of her child(ren); the composition of the single mother’s
support network.

Analytical Strategy. My analysis of the study’s
narrative data is accomplished by using a five-step
approach. The first step is to review the field notes I
completed for each interview the evening of the day on which
the interview occurred (Charmaz, 1983). This allowed for the
inclusion of any observations made during the interview and
the clarification of any unclear notes. My experience with
this procedure validated Schatzman and Strauss’ (1973)
observation that even brief notes and drawings easily
stimulates an interviewer’s recall a few hours after the
interview. I found, as they noted, that even,

A single word, even one merely descriptive of the dress
of a person, or a particular word uttered by someone

usually is enough to ’trip off’ a string of images that
afgggdggpbstantial reconstruction of the observed scene

After reviewing my field notes I would then take the next

few days to transfer these notes to my computer. The placing

56
of my notes on the computer allowed me to expand, revise,
and arrange my notes with great ease (Fetterman, 1989).

The second step is a preliminary analysis of the raw
data by coding and organizing the data according to its
relationship to the various aspects of the study. My working
strategy is to organize and code my field notes daily as I
transfer the raw data to the computer. Before I began
interviewing, preliminary content categories, revealing
classes of information, and corresponding coding symbols
were selected and defined. My selection of these preliminary
content categories and coding symbols was based on the
general information I believed I would garner from the
interviews (Emerson, 1988; Singleton et al., 1988). I
selected the remaining content categories and coding symbols
as I proceeded in the analysis process (Emerson, 1988;
Schatzman and Strauss, 1973; Singleton et al., 1988). The
primary focus of the content analysis is to note the extent
to which these mothers receive support from various sources;
the types of support rendered; and the way in which these
sources, and the support they render, are perceived.
Nineteen coding symbols are used in the content analysis.
Examples of these symbols include: D$- denoting demographic
information on the income of the single mother; ON-
identifying observational notes recorded during the
interview; and CS— denoting support that the single mother

receives from a religious group.

57

The third step is the differentiation and grouping of
the interviews according to the ages of the interviewees.
The grouping of the interviews into two age groups, younger
and older, further facilitated inter- and intra-group
content analysis of the interviews (Singleton et al., 1988).
In the fourth step I relate and compare content categories
within and between the two categories of single mothers. In
comparing these content categories my main intent is to note
similarities and differences between the women (Singleton et
al., 1988. For example, although I noted that both younger
and older mothers lived apart from the fathers of their
children, I also noted that the younger women cited more
instances in which they received support from the fathers of
their children. I would not have readily noted this
dissimilarity if I was only seeking to identify similarities
between the two groups of mothers.

In the fifth step I again examine the interviews to
note the number of instances certain concepts, feelings,
perspectives, events, and expressions occur. As Fetterman
(1989) encouraged, I am seeking to identify patterns of
thought and behavior with various participants and in
various situations. These patterns are then used to either
confirm or disprove the preliminary inferences I made while
performing the previous steps in the analytical process.

Analytical Definitions. The term "single mothers"

refers to female head of households with at least one child

58

in the home. "Support" denotes reassuring qualities in
social relationships that provide health promoting or stress
buffering needs through instrumental aid, emotional caring
or concern, and information relevant to self-evaluation
(House, 1983; House at al., 1988). I defined support as the
provision of any of these services for the meeting of the
needs of a Black urban single parent family. "Support
network" refers to the existence of an organized number of
individuals who are united in a social relationship. This
relationship obligates them to provide and to receive
assistance from one another (Stack, 1974; House et al.,
1988; Taylor and Chatters, 1988). Hofferth notes that most
of the research in this area has focussed on "frequency and
functionality" (1984:792). "Family" refers to "...the
smallest, organized, durable network of kin and non-kin who
interact daily, providing domestic needs of children and
assuring their survival. The family network is diffused over
several kin-based households, and fluctuations in household
composition do not significantly affect cooperative familial
arrangements" (Stack, 1974). I use this definition to
compare her findings from 18 years ago with contemporary
findings under the same circumstances. "Kin" is used to
designate a network of related individuals who may not
reside together (Hofferth, 1984).

I define the term "church" as any Christian or non-

Christian religious group from which services are received.

59

The study uses three important predictors of receiving
support from church members. These three are: church
membership; church attendance; and subjective religiosity.
The first two indicators are also social indicators of
social involvement and integration within the church (Taylor
and Chatters, 1988).5

Analytical Operationalizations. Often, the
operationalization of the research variables is
straightforward in that information regarding these
variables is obtained by requesting information from those
being interviewedu6'This is the case in respect to such
variables as the ages of these single mothers, the existence
of a support network, the age of the other parents of the
children, the quality of social support received, the amount
of emotional, material, and cognitive support received.

The other research variables of the study are
operationalized by eight diverse measures. First, I define
"younger" single mothers in this research as those who are
25 years old and younger. The "older" single mothers in this
research are those who are 26 years old and older.7
Secondly, the age of the other parent of child(ren) is
categorized as "younger" if he is in the age range of 25
years or younger. The other parent of the child(ren) is
categorized as "older" if he is in the age range of 26 years
or older. Third, the "younger" age of children is chosen as

four or less years, and the "older" age of children is

60
chosen as five or more based on the usual ages of those
children who care for themselves before or after school
‘without any'supervision.a Therefore, these children may need
less child care and other provisions since the child is
viewed as responsible. Fourth, the age of the single
mother’s mother is categorized as "younger" if she is
between 30-45 years of age. A single parent’s mother is
categorized as "older" if she is 45 years of age or older
(Burton, 1990; Ladner and Gourdine, 1984).

Fifth, I believe that those single mothers who have
three or more children, "a lot of children," are more likely
to receive more social support than those mothers who have
only two or less children, "a few children." Sixth, in
reference to proximity of family I define family members as
being "in close proximity" if they live in the Lansing area.
They are categorized as not being in close proximity if they
are not living within the city limits of Lansing.

Seventh, this study uses three measures of paternal
involvement and, therefore, the provision of support. First,
the mother’s assessment of the quality of the father-child
relationship. This is a rating of his expression of nurture.
Second, the mother’s evaluation of the activities or chores
in which the father participates (e.g., dressing and playing
with the child). The frequency of interaction a father has
with his children has been viewed as an indication of a

positive father-child relationship. For non-residential

61
fathers the important issue may be whether fathers have ever
performed these tasks. Third, the mother’s report of the
extent to which she had a discussion about a father’s child
with that father. This variable focusses on the paternal
behavior of sharing in decision making about the child
(Danzinger and Casebolt, 1990).

Finally, the study uses three measures to determine the
amount of support received from churches or religious
institutions. They are: church membership, church attendance
and participation, and subjective religiosity (Taylor and
Chatters, 1988).

Before discussing the problems that I encountered while
doing this research, I would like to note some of the issues
that were anticipated to have an effect on my performing the
research. If these issues affected the research process, I
was unable to discern their influence.

The Issues:

I decided to perform all interviews myself because of
my belief that the strengths of this approach far outweigh
its weaknesses. There are two strengths to this approach.
The first is that this approach allowed me to perform this
study within the confines of the limited resources at my
disposal. This approach removed the cost of hiring research
assistants. Secondly, my performance of all the interviews
improved me, as investigator, as an "instrument" in the

study (McCracken, 1988:18). This approach allowed me to

n;

if
Le
ha
9a

Si'

62
become more familiar with the respondents, and to place me
in a better position, therefore, for analyzing the data
(Miles, 1979; Guba and Lincoln, 1981; McCracken, 1988).

My decision to perform all interviews presented two
potential weaknesses that I need to address since they
represent possible limitations to this study (Sudman, 1976).
The first of these potential weaknesses is that of gender.
The very fact that I, a male researcher, am performing a
study of female subjects does raise the issue of whether
interviewer bias affects my findings’ validity. These
validity concerns arise from the various research findings
that indicate that gender influences both research and
everyday interactions. It has been shown that the
characteristics of the interviewer can contribute a spurious
amount of variance to a set of research findings (Webb et
al., 1981; Cannell, Miller, and Oksenberg, 1981; Campbell
and Stanley, 1963). It has also been shown that these
characteristics can affect the interaction between the
interviewer and the interviewee. Clearly the time and
quality of interaction between individuals vary when those
individuals differ in gender (Sudman and Bradburn, 1974;
Larwood, Zalkind, and Legault, 1975; Webb et al., 1981). It
has also been shown that both men and women view women as
easier to interact with, especially in the role of support
givers. Studies have shown that women in stress turn to

other women rather than to their husbands, for emotional

63
support and understanding (Belle, 1982). Also, both men and
women view women as better support givers because of the
social training they receive on how to provide support
(Belle, 1982; House et al., 1988). The interaction during
transactions in banks was also shown to be impacted by the
gender of the customer and that of the teller. Transactions
were generally found to be longer when the teller, the
position of greatest control, was male and the customer was
female (Larwood et al., 1975).

Another effect of gender that could be problematic has
been noted in the various writings of feminist scholars.
Feminist literature is replete with criticisms of the past
failures of male researchers to abdicate their positions as
experts or "authoritative voices" when studying the
experience of women (Hooks, 1989:45; Sherif, 1987; Gilligan,
1987; Collins, 1990). This resistance on the part of men was
correctly identified as being based on a "rupture in
experience" between men and women (Smith, 1987). The reason
for this rupture was that the experiences of women were not
deemed to be a separate source of knowledge from that of
men. Therefore, not deemed worthy of consideration in the
construction of social reality (Smith, 1987; Harding, 1987).
The result of this perspective in sociology has literally
been "the male study of male society" (Millman and Kanter,
1987). Although the works of mainstream feminists have

caused the experiences of women to be considered worthy of

64
study, the lives of women of color, and working class-women
were not equally esteemed (Baca Zinn et al., 1986). Clearly
the inclusion of the experiences of these women is necessary
and valuable if sociology’s conception of social reality is
to be accurate (Cannon et al., 1987; Collins, 1991).

In light of this legitimate criticism I clearly
recognize my limitations as a male researcher in this
particular study. I, therefore, have no delusions that this
study is a "definitive work" (Hooks, 1989:45). I do believe,
though, that the findings of this study can be important and
valid. I believe this to be the case for two reasons. The
first is that the three years I worked at the Single Parent
Family Institute helped to alleviate some of the suspicions
respondents might have in respect to my research. The second
is evidence that my position as an outsider, in respect to
gender and class, did not have to cause the answers of
respondents to be dishonest or to invalidate this important
study (Stack, 1974; Kotlowitz, 1991; Riessman, 1991).

To reiterate, I realize that I am unable do anything
about the gender issue, but having worked to understand its
effect I believe that I was better prepared to do this
study. Because of this perspective I was aware of gender’s
role and was better equipped to overcome the gender
differences and to relax my female respondents. I primarily
tried to relax my respondents by attempting to ask questions

in such a way that built trust, facilitated recall,

65
motivated participation, and revealed a logical progression
of thought (Warwick and Lininger, 1975).

The second potential weakness is the challenge of doing
research in minority and oppressed communities. With the
rise of Black consciousness in the 1960’s the African-
American community began to question the uneven nature of
interaction between predominantly White social science
researchers and its community members (Ladner, 1971; Ellis
and Orleans, 1971; Blauner and Wellman, 1973; Wilson, 1974).
Blauner and Wellman highlight the exploitative and
dominating nature of this asymmetrical interaction that
caused this attention in stating,

Exploitation exists whenever there is a markedly

unequal exchange between two parties, and when this

inequality is supported by a discrepancy in social
power. In social research, subjects give up some time,
and some energy and some trust, but in the typical case
get almost nothing from the transaction. As social
scientists, we get grants which pay our salaries; the
research thesis legitimates our professional status,
then publications advance us along in income and rank,
further widening the material and status gaps between
the subjects and ourselves. Thus many of us know ghetto
residents who have said, partly boasting, partly
complaining, that they have put a dozen people through
graduate school, so studied have some Black communities

been (1973:316).

Another reason African-Americans began to disdain the
probing of these researchers was the negative evaluations
these studies had of the African-American community in the
conclusions of their studies (Jones, 1973). A "neo-

colonialist bias" was identified as the reason for these

researchers’ inability to comprehend or appreciate the rich

66
nuances of the Black experience and its resultant life
styles (Ladner, 1971; Blauner and Wellman, 1973; Moore,
1973).

In reaction to this treatment by social scientists
African-American and other minority communities responded by
developing various empowering strategies. Robert K. Merton
summarizes this view by stating,

When a once largely powerless collectivity acquires a

socially validated sense of growing power, its members

experience an intensified need for self-affirmation.

Under such conditions, collective self-glorification,

found in some measure among all groups, becomes a

predictable and intensified counterresponse to long

standing belittlement from without (1972:18-19).

One such strategy was to become "active critics" and to
confront social researchers rather than being "passive
objects" (Blauner and Wellman, 1973). Another strategy was
to give false information to the enquiry of "outsider"9
social science researchers (Baca Zinn, 1979; Staples, 1976).

Although noting that the response of minority
interviewees are different for minority interviewers than
for White interviewers (Schuman and Converse, 1971; Myers,
1977), there are three important problems confronting
"insider" interviewers. The first is that the hostility many
minority communities have toward outsider university
scholars will also be aimed at insider researchers who
similarly come in the name of the university (Blauner and

Wellman, 1973; Staples, 1976). The second is that the

minority researcher will have a greater propensity to be

67
subjective in his/her research. This will lead to bias in
data gathering and interpretation (Baca Zinn, 1979).10 The
third problem is that the minority researcher operates
within the tension of fulfilling the expectations placed
upon he/she as a fellow minority, and protecting the long-
term goals of the research project. Baca Zinn identified
this tension by noting how she was challenged to prove her
identification with the Chicano community she was studying
by taking action that could possibly have jeopardized her
research project (1979:216). I can identify with this
tension for although I am performing research in a like-race
(community, I realize that I am fundamentally an outsider.
This is the case because I am an academic, and not a
resident of that community.

Despite the methodological challenges of being a
researcher of like-race to those I am studying, and this
position’s threat to validity, I believe that my racial
identity gave this research project three significant
strengths. The first is that my racial identity allows me to
identify with the social reality of many of my respondents.
This identification then guides me in the asking of
questions and in the gathering of data (Ellis and Orleans,
1971; Blauner and Wellman, 1973; Baca Zinn, 1979). Secondly,
my being an African-American researcher removes a large
amount of the suspicions and distrust of those individuals

being interviewed. Baca Zinn identifies the distinct

68
methodological advantage of an insider doing field research
when she states,

People in minority communities have developed so many

self—protective behaviors for dealing with outsiders

that it is quite reasonable to question whether many
real behaviors and meanings are accessible to outsiders
of another color. The issue here, again, is not only
that minority people would consciously mislead white
researchers (though they may well do so), but also that
those researchers often lack insight into the nuances

of behavior (1979:212).

The third strength, which is related to the above
quotation, is the use of the field research methodology in
this study. Montero highlights field research in the study
of minorities because it "sensitizes the investigator to the
parameters and nature of the community and its members"
(1977:7). Along with my position as an insider, this
methodological approach enables a better examination and
comprehension of the social reality of minorities (Johnson,
1975:200).

Having completed my interviews, my experience has
confirmed my decision to perform all interviews myself. I
have especially found this to be the case since this
approach allowed me to become more familiar with the
respondents. It also allowed me to immediately follow up on
issues and pertinent questions that I did not consider ahead
of time. One such instance was the opportunity I had to
inquire as to the role male friends played in the support

networks of the younger women. This research inquiry began

to be made after a few of these women mentioned that they

69
had more male friends than female friends. Performing the
interviews myself also placed me in a better position,
therefore, for analyzing the data.

Problems Encountered:

There are three problems that I did not foresee going
into the research study that I should note. The first
problem is that those women who had greater earnings
rejected in some cases, and even disdained in other cases,
the financial gift I offered participants in the study. The
first time this occurred was with the sixteenth woman, Pam,
I interviewed. Upon offering Pam ten dollars for her
participation she immediately got an expression of shock and
said that I should not offer any of the women money for
participating. She acted as if this gesture of appreciation
was an insult to her and said that, although this action was
acceptable in academia, it would not be viewed favorably in
the African-American community. When I mentioned that other
mothers had accepted my monetary gift, she expressed
disbelief and continued to advise me to not continue this
practice. This reaction also was expressed by the head of a
service agency who strongly urged me not to give money to
those women who participated in the study. This person felt
that the women I would be interviewing were very resourceful
and did not need my money to make it. She also felt that the
amount that was going to be given was not as significant as

it was in years past and would most likely be looked down

'70
upon by the women. She more earnestly pressed this viewpoint
upon me when she learned that this money would be coming
from my own income.

Despite these strong protestations, I did not find the
money that I offered to be offensive to the women I
interviewed. There were only two women whom I overtly
offered the money to who refused to take it. One woman was
the individual I mentioned above, and the other was an older
lady, Isa, who felt that it was not necessary for me to give
it to her. Isa refused the money and advised me to spend it
on my family. For two other women whose earnings were a
little higher than the rest of the mothers, I was able to
give them money by offering to pay for their meal after the
interview. I was able to accomplish this because these
particular interviews occurred at a restaurant.

The second problem that was encountered was a
difficulty in getting some of the younger women to keep
their appointments. These women would miss their
appointments without calling to tell me that they would not
be able to make the appointment. One individual who missed
an appointment never called me, even though I called her
three times and left my number. I later called and she
answered the phone, which enabled me to set the appointment
that she finally kept. To get around this difficulty, I
began the practice of calling the day before, and a few

hours before the interview to remind the women of our

71
appointment.

The third problem encountered was my entering a
situation that could have placed me in danger. This
situation was my entering a house where drug abuse may have
taken place. In this particular home I noticed that there
was an individual who never awoke or moved from the couch.
He or she was laying on the couch during the whole time the
interview took place. This situation especially could have
become dangerous when I gave the person I interviewed in the
home $10. The home did seem to buzz after this presentation
and one individual did follow me out to the porch attempting
to engage me in casual conversation, but that was all. I did
not realize that this situation may have been dangerous
until after the interview. If I had realized this earlier, I
would have asked the individual for her address and then
mailed her the money.

The Sample:

The average age of the younger mothers interviewed is
20. The average age of these women at the birth of their
first child is 18. Eighteen is also the age at which most of
these women had their first child, as seven of the women
were eighteen when their child was born. The other ages at
which the first child was born varied from ages 17 to 21.
The average number of children born to the younger group of
mothers is 1.3. The average age of the older mothers

interviewed is 45. The average age of these women at the

72
birth of their first child is 22. The age range for the
birth of the first child in this group extended from ages 16
to 30. The average number of children born to the older
group of mothers is 2.5.

None of the younger mothers were married at the time of
their first child’s birth, nor have any of them ever been
married. Only one of these mothers is presently living with
her boyfriend and father of her child, but she still
cOnsiders herself a "single mother." Of the older women, 50
percent (n=10) of the older women were married at the time
of their first child’s birth. Presently, 70 percent (n=20)
of the women have never been married, 25 percent are
divorced, and 5 percent are separated. None of the women are
widowed, and I believe that only one is presently living
with her boyfriend, who is not the father of either of her
children.

The total number of fathers of children for the younger
group of mothers is 11, and the total number of fathers for
the older group of women is 18. The average age of the
children’s fathers for the younger group is 21. The average
age of the men when this child was born was 20. Twenty is
also the age at which most of the men had their first child
with a woman from this group. Four of these fathers had a
child born to them at this age. The age range for the birth
of the mothers’ first child to the men in this group

extended from ages 17 to 23. The average age of the older

73
fathers was 25. The age range for the birth of the mothers’
first child to the men in this group extended from ages 16
to 38.

The average age of the younger single mother’s mother
at the time her daughter gave birth to her first child is
40. For the older single mother’s mother that age is 47.

The median yearly income of the younger mothers is
$6,636.00 per year. The lowest income is $4,632 per year and
the highest is $11,400 per year. The median yearly income
for the older mothers while they were raising their
children, to the best of their recollection, was $12,570.00
per year. The lowest was $1,332 per year and the highest was

$60,000 per year.

Chapter III

The Accentuation of Independence

An important issue in social psychology (House, 1977)
has been the extent to which an individual has personal
autonomy, or independence (Phares, 1976; Rychlak, 1979).
There are two perspectives. The first is the perspective
that all human behavior is shaped by the social structure
and their interactions within that structure (Bem, 1967;
Skinner, 1971). Because of this radical behaviorist
position, this perspective has been characterized as
treating the autonomy of the individual as a myth (Phares,
1976; Rychlak, 1979). The second perspective, although
equally noting the role that the social structure has in
shaping human behavior, strongly emphasizes the importance
of the individual’s self-concept in determining his/her
actions (Rosenberg, 1979; Kohn, 1977). Because of this
second perspective’s focus on both the social structure and
an individual’s autonomy, I will use this perspective to
examine the theme of independence that recurred throughout
the interviews. The independence motif is expressed in the
desire of many of these women to feel that they are

autonomous and in control. This theme is primarily expressed

74

75
by some of the women when they manifest their feeling that
they did not receive support from anyone. The nature of, and
reasons for this claim differed for the two groups of
mothers interviewed. Therefore, I will examine each of these
groups to exhibit their perspectives on this issue.

For the younger group of women, the repeated emphasis
on independence revealed their shared awareness that they
should be viewed as having moved to the next culturally
defined phase in the generational structure of their family
(Hagestad, 1985; Burton, 1990). The fact that they now had
their own child is perceived by them as proof that a
transition to adulthood has occurred (Ladner, 1971; Burton,
1990). Their emphasis on autonomy is now the result of an
overall battle to gain respect from their parents, who
believe that they are not responsible enough to take care of
their children. Although most of the women accentuated their
independence, 50 percent of the young women interviewed
(n=10) indicated that their parents treated them as if they
are too young to care for their children. Yet, this
perspective stood in stark contrast to the fact that the
information given in these interviews revealed that
typically these women had received support from their
parents. In some cases the parents are continuing to provide
support although the women did not recognize these sources

as such, nor fully appreciate their significance.

76
Struggling for Independence from.Mother: Liz,
Gayla, and Flo. To reveal the struggle for independence that
takes place between these young women and their parents, I
will now examine three cases in which this struggle is most
evident. The three women I will focus on are Liz, Gayla, and
F10.

Liz is a 20 year old who has a one year old daughter.
Liz repeatedly made it clear to me that she is a very good
mother, and that she is more than capable of raising her
daughter correctly. The reason for these statements became
clear to me when she noted that she and her mother have
occasional disagreements over the care of Liz’s daughter
Kat. In this context I noted that Liz vehemently stated that
the reason for these disagreements is that Kat is "my
child." Liz further went on to say "She [Liz’s mother] tell
me what to do but it’s my child." From this statement Liz
clearly feels that she does do a good job caring for her
daughter. Yet, simultaneously Liz reveals her doubt about
her mother’s evaluation of her ability, and her transition
to adulthood (Burton, 1990).

As an example of the degree to which the conflict grew
between Liz and her mother she related to me this story. Liz
said that on one occasion when Liz’s mother had taken Kat to
Detroit she called and accused Liz of not taking good enough
care of Kat. Liz’s mother went on to accuse Liz of allowing

Kat to be abused.11 The mother’s accusation was based on the

77
bad skin condition of the baby’s bottom. When confronted
with the accusation Liz noted that this was not the case and
that the baby just had a bad diaper rash. Liz’s mother did
not believe Liz and eventually took Kat to the doctor. The
doctor examined the baby’s bottom and concluded that this
was in fact a bad case of diaper rash. When Liz later called
and learned the result of the examination from her mother,
she responded by emphasizing her adequacy as a mother to her
mother. Liz’s mother responded by getting angry and hanging
up the phone on Liz.

It has to be noted that although Liz firmly emphasized
her ability to raise her child, she also stated throughout
the interview that she always depends on her mother. Liz
said that she will only leave her child with her mother
because she does not trust Kat with any other person. Liz
also noted in the interview that her mother often takes Kat
with her when she goes to Detroit. That was exactly where
Kat was during my interview with Liz. Still, this
relationship between mother and daughter reveals the
struggle of the daughter to highlight her independence in
the midst of her dependence on her mother. Unfortunately,
the mother identifies this ambiguity in the relationship as
a lack of responsibility.

The second case is that of Gayla. Gayla is a 21 year
old who has 2 year old and 1 year old daughters. Gayla said

that she did not have a good relationship with her mother,

78
although Gayla and her daughters live with her mother. The
original reason for this conflict is that Gayla’s mother
favors Gayla’s older daughter over her younger daughter
because she likes one father over the other. The reason for
the continuation of the conflict is that Gayla’s mother took
Gayla to court, while she was dating the second daughter’s
father, to gain custody of her oldest grandchild. Gayla’s
mother took this action arguing that Gayla was an unfit
mother because she was with the second daughter’s father.
Because Gayla missed the court date, her mother received
custody of the child. The mother now views Gayla’s oldest
daughter as her own daughter.

In light of the conflict between Gayla and her mother,
Gayla noted in the interview that she paid rent and had to
provide food for herself and for her 2nd daughter. She felt
that she is on her own and that she is not really receiving
anything from her mother. Even then she felt that she is a
good mother and that she took care of her second daughter
very well. She also noted that all her support relationships
are reciprocal, stressing the fact that she viewed herself
as responsible and independent.

Despite this argument, Gayla did not note the
assistance that she is receiving from her mother. Gayla
stated in the interview that she had lost her apartment when
the girlfriend she was sharing the apartment with ran out of

money. At this point she then moved into her mother’s house.

79
Yet, Gayla did not view her mother’s assistance positively
but negatively. She also did not note the fact that although
she paid rent she did not have to pay for any of the
utilities or furnishings she used. Gayla also did not
identify the child care assistance given to her by her
mother in that she does not have to care for her older
child. From her statements it was evident that she fully
trusted her mother’s care of that daughter. Again it is to
be noted that a mother’s perception of her daughter as
irresponsible has resulted in the daughter’s highlighting
her independence. This emphasis is made by the daughter even
though she has some dependence on her mother.

The third case is that of Flo. Flo is 19 years old and
her daughter is 10 months old. She has just moved back to
Lansing from Ohio where she lived with her mother. Flo had
gone to college on a track scholarship but later dropped out
of school when she became pregnant. Her return to Lansing
primarily is an attempt to reconcile with her boyfriend.
Unlike the other women who emphasized their independence in
the face of their mothers doubting their maturity, Flo’s
accentuation of her independence stood in opposition to the
views of her father. Flo’s father and mother are not
together, and he lives in Indianapolis. F10 and her father
are not on speaking terms and communicate very little
because he disapproved of her having the baby. He is upset

that he was informed about the pregnancy late, and that he

80
was told about the birth of the child late as well. Flo also
is upset because her father wanted her to have an abortion
when he first heard of the pregnancy, but she decided
against that. There has been further disagreement in that
her father now wants her to marry the father of the child
although he does not approve of the child’s father.

Flo gets no support from her father because he is
"still mad." They were close before all this and F10 now
misses him. Flo’s father has never seen the baby, and this
has been especially painful to her because this is his only
grandchild. Still, Flo is strong in her resolve that she
must now go her own way and that the decisions she made are
correct. As for her father Flo stated "He needs to accept
the fact that I have a baby. I don’t ever call and ask for
money so he should change."

Again I note that the treatment of a young mother’s
parent has caused her to highlight her independence despite
her need of emotional support from that parent. Being
recognized as having made her transition to adulthood in the
eyes of her father, is clearly more important to Flo than
her need to receive emotional support from him.

The theme of independence amongst some of the younger
women is their response to the questions raised by their
parents about their level of maturity and their ability to
care for their children. Highlighting their responsibility

is the answer of each of these mothers to the skepticism

81
expressed by their parents. For the other young women who
strongly emphasized their independence in the interviews,
this action is based on a larger issue of which the older
women are more aware.

The accentuation of independence by the older women is
in response to the societal belief that African-American
mothers cannot, and to some extent should not, raise
children by themselves. Within the older group of women the
emphasis on independence is very evident as they highlighted
their dependence on "self" to a greater degree. The word was
used by 80 percent (n=10) of the older women as an
expression of their ability to provide for themselves. In
contrast, the word was only used by 30 percent (n=10) of the
younger women to express the same perspective.

The emphasis on independence by the older women
primarily seemed to result from their internalizing the
social norms that oppose their raising their children by
themselves (Wells and Stryker, 1988). This point was noted
by 60 percent (n=10) of the older women in one form or the
other. In comparison, none of the younger women mentioned
this as an issue.

Depending on Self: Pam, Isa, and Red. There are
three particular interviews in which these older women
accentuate their independence as a response to a notion of
womanhood that is contradictory to their own experience. The

three women interviewed are Pam, Isa, and Red.

82

The first example of this response is given by Pam who
is a 44 year old divorcee with a 17 year old son. Pam, by
her facial expressions and interactions with me, seemed very
guarded and suspicious of my questions. Her response
interested me, since the interview format and the questions
I asked her did not differ from the approach used for the
fifteen mothers’ interviewed before her. In none of those
interviews did I encounter a similar response.

Pam from the outset presented a strong image of herself
as self sufficient. She expressed this early in the
interview when she responded to my inquiry about where she
received financial support by answering "myself or the
Credit Union." She emphasized that it is her responsibility
to provide her financial needs. She also stated that she had
not depended on any members of her support network to
provide child care, but had instead used contractual child
care providers. After struggling to assure her that my
research intent was to learn about her sources of support,
she finally shared her reservation about participating in a
study of single mothers. I believe that Pam’s statements
most forcefully and succinctly summed up the viewpoint of
the older women. These women who felt the pressure of the
larger society around them, which stood in disagreement to
their raising their children by themselves.

Pam began by stating "I don’t call myself a single

parent. I see myself as a mom who is single. People, when

83
they hear of a single parent family, think of a female with
a child. They have a problem with a female raising a child
and not a male raising a child." She believes that single
parent families are no more dysfunctional than a two-parent
family. Concerning my focus on the support networks of
single mothers she went on to note "I have the same kinds of
needs I had when I was married. I have the same kinds of
support as when I was married." In comparison to when she
was a married person, Pam believes that she does better
parenting now that she is the only parent. Pam believes that
she has become a better parent because she cannot depend on
the other parent. She believes that she is now more
focussed, stronger, and a better survivor.

Clearly Pam realizes that the perception in society is
that single mothers are dependent and in need of much
assistance to raise their children. She also recognizes that
there is a negative perception as to the nature of such a
family, and she firmly disagrees with this perception. Pam
so strongly disagrees with this standpoint that she
describes herself as "fighting" to show others that single
mothers can raise their children successfully.

The second single mother who reflects such an
understanding is Isa. Isa is a 69 year old divorced woman
who has three children ages 47, 45, and 34. Isa and her
husband divorced early and of that experience she states

"Sometimes we don’t want it to happen. You marry with the

84
thought of staying together for life." Still, she believes
that the actions of her husband forced her to choose
divorce. She related that after the birth of each of her
children, her husband abandoned her. The periods of
abandonment were sometimes as long as a year before she
eventually went to him, or he came back to her. Isa finally
came to the conclusion that she didn’t need her husband to
raise her children. Since he still seemed very immature, and
because she was of childbearing age she felt that if he were
going to be absent every time they had a baby, she would
eventually have "a dozen kids" because of this pattern.

Her awareness of society’s evaluation of single mothers
raising their children is expressed in these two accounts
she shared. The first, is her experience at a school board
meeting. She stated that at this school board meeting many
individuals began to separately denigrate the ability of
single mothers to raise their children successfully. The
result they said would be failure and that these mothers
would lose their kids. After hotly enduring this kind of
presentation for a period of time Isa finally decided that
she had to stand and make her viewpoint known. She then
stood up and vehemently disagreed noting that single mothers
could, and have successfully raised their children. She then
highlighted for me the fact that she would not allow her
kids to say "if I graduate," for they were to speak and act

as if it was already a reality. Isa later noted that all her

85
children did graduate.12

The second incident occurred when a female welfare
worker came over to see her and to evaluate her for
receiving welfare. When she saw the way Isa’s oldest
daughter was dressed when she came home from school, the
welfare worker commented that Isa’s daughter was nicely
dressed. The worker went on to comment, though, that her own
daughter never went to school looking that good. The worker
was also astounded at the quality of the television set that
Isa had in her home. Upon notifying Isa that she would
recommend that Isa be denied for public assistance, the
worker remarked while leaving that Isa’s quality of living
was such that she wouldn’t even give Isa a lump of coal. Isa
said "I don’t want your coal for you’ve given me so much
more. The incentive to achieve." This pushed her to work and
to make sure that her children achieved their goals.

These accounts clearly reveal the common beliefs that
single mothers cannot be successful in raising their
children, as the school board incident revealed, or in
providing an adequate lifestyle and living environment for
their children, as the welfare worker’s views revealed. As
with Pam, Isa’s comments manifests the awareness these women
have of society’s images and beliefs about Black single
mothers. This awareness is also the motivation for these
women to push both themselves and their children to do the

best that they can do.

86

The third and final single mother who reflects a
knowledge of society’s perception about the ability of
single mothers to raise their children is Red. Red is a 43
year old divorced woman who has three children. The divorce
occurred because her husband left her for another woman.
Before the divorce Red and her husband had built the home
she presently lives in and she was employed with the Lansing
school district. She related how tough the struggle was
trying to make it on her own, and during this communication
she expressed her awareness of the pressures she placed upon
herself to succeed. She revealed that she placed this
pressure on herself because of society’s perception of
single mothers raising children.

The first such revelation is evident in the way in
which she viewed her house. Red more than once mentioned
that she views her house as a bank, and that she views
herself as living in her bank. She and her husband designed
and physically built the house in 1977. Although Red leaned
on her fasting training to fast for 10 days while giving the
food she would have eaten to her children, she continued to
view her house as a treasure she would not part with. Her
priorities were: house, utilities, and then food. "My house
became my support." With this order of priorities she noted
that "I was not going to be moved." Red’s evaluation of her
house as her bank parallels the perspective revealed by

those who have a very pessimistic outlook on the future.

87
Liebow notes that such individuals view themselves as having
an uncertain future and therefore need their financial
security to be very simplistic. Simplistic, in that they can
constantly be aware of its security and that they can have
convenient access to it (1967:65-66). Red seemed to have
that perspective although she had not been a single mother
for a long time. Her outlook is most likely based on the
perspective that a single mother might not succeed in her
endeavor to provide for herself and her children. Therefore,
her most treasured possession is that which guarantees her
protection from the elements and, even more important, would
provide her with a large sum of money when it is needed.
This is evident in Red’s placing her house as her priority
even above its utilities and the food for her family.

The second statement of Red’s that clearly reveals her
understanding of the perception society has of single
mothers raising children, is her reference to the way in
which men respond to single mothers. Red, as if speaking
from her own experience, stated "I believe that when you’re
a single mother men are more likely to do things for you
than they would for married women. Some actions are out of
sympathy and some are out of care and concern." This
statement is important because it reveals that society has a
collective image of the conditions and circumstances single
mothers are experiencing. From the use of the terms

"sympathy," "care," and "concern" I conclude that this

88
societal image of single mothers is that they are in
trouble, if not failing, in their endeavors to provide for
themselves and their children.

Red’s outlook, which she revealed in her statements,
shows us the awareness these women have of the difficulties
they expect to face as they raise their children. This
expectation influences the way in which these women view
their present lives and their future. Yet, Red’s statements
alSo reveal the way in which others view these women and, by
that, influence their responses to them.

A Variation in Research Findings: Contrasting
Burton’s Findings with the Findings of this Study. Linda
Burton (1990) found that many of the young women in her
study are expected to have their children when they are
young so that their mothers would then be able to raise
their granddaughters. This pressure is placed on these young
women because grandmothers are the ones who traditionally
raise their grandchildren in the Gospel Hill community
(1990:132). Although the women in my study expressed some of
the same tendencies as those in the Gospel Hill area, in
that some grandmothers tried to raise their grandchildren by
formally removing their daughters from that responsibility,
there is a marked difference. This difference is that the
grandmothers in the Lansing study are not taking the babies
as an opportunity to raise the children for their own

benefit. Their action, on the other hand, is a way of

89
providing the children "mature" care that they do not
believe that their young daughters can provide. The
motivation is primarily a concern for their grandchildren’s
well-being and their actions, therefore, does not stem from
a desire to finally experience the raising of a child. This
is expressed by the mother of a 19 year old, Kim, who stated
that her 41 year old mother wanted the baby in the house by
5-5:30 p.m. because of the "night air." Kim related that her
mOther had taken over the care of her grandson, and that she
would sometimes hinder him from going places with Kim. This
is based on the grandmother’s view that either the time or
the place where Kim is going is not advantageous to the
health of her grandchild.

One of the reasons for this difference in outlook and
expectations is directly a result of a difference between
communities and their customs. Burton noted that the
traditions and expectations of the Gospel Hill community are
based on three factors: the great desire of grandmothers to
raise their children; the expectation of early morbidity
within the community; and the shortage of marriageable Black
men in the community. These three factors have led to the
development of "an intergenerational system of support with
specific role responsibilities for female family members" in
this community (1990:133). In contrast, none of these
factors seem to exist in the Lansing community and,

therefore, the outlook of these older women is very

dissimilar (Oliver,

1990).

90

Chapter IV

Support Networks Analysis

One of the most important issues I will examine in this
study is the existence and composition of the support
networks of urban African-American single mothers. This
conSideration is important for two reasons: first, because
it reveals the present condition of the Black family and
community; second, because it reveals the assistance
available to these mothers so that they might survive the
harshness of the urban experience. To obtain a better image
of the state and nature of these networks, I will utilize
three different research concerns to help me focus on these
networks. The first research concern is to determine whether
each of these women has a support network. The second
concern is to learn the patterns in the formation and
perpetuation of these networks. The third concern is to
examine the effect certain demographic factors have on the
reception of support by these mothers.

The first research concern I will use to examine these
networks is existence, or a determination of whether these
women have social support networks. From my analysis of the

interviews I have noted that each of the single mothers in

91

92
this study has some sort of support network upon which they
rely. I would have concluded that these women did not have a
support network if they expressed in their interviews that
they did not receive, nor had any possibility of receiving,
material, emotional, or cognitive support from any
individual or group with whom they had an ongoing social
relationship. My use of the term support is to denote the
reassuring qualities in social relationships that provide
health promoting or stress buffering needs. The types of
interaction within these relationships that provide these
needs are: instrumental aid, emotional caring or concern,
and information used for self-evaluation (House, 1983; House
et al., 1988). Although many of the women argue that they
are making it on their own, their interviews reveal that
they have various individuals or groups from which they
receive, or could receive, assistance. The propensity of
some of the women to accentuate their independence is
discussed in the preceding chapter.

The second research concern I will use to examine these
networks is to focus on the patterns in the formation and
perpetuation of these networks. Because of the largeness of
this section I will divide it into nine segments to more
efficiently examine these networks.

The Single Mother’s Mother:

The first segment will focus on the role of the single

mother’s mother in these networks. Mothers are a very

93
important part of the support networks of these single
mothers, whether a younger mother or an older mother. All of
the younger mothers expressed in their interviews that they
received some sort of support from their mothers. A
recurring theme expressed by these younger mothers is that
they are satisfied with the support they received from their
mothers (90%: n=10). The young mothers had a shared
perception of their mothers as the primary source of various
kinds of support for them, the most significant of these
being child care. The importance of mothers in these
networks is summed up by one single mother, Liz, who stated
that her mother is her primary child care provider. Liz
considered her mother to be her primary child care provider
because Liz viewed her as the most trusted person she can
look to for child care.

Another shared characteristic of these mothers that
made them very valuable to the networks of their daughters
is their commitment to their daughters. This characteristic
is best personified in the account of one mother’s actions
toward her daughter. Bobbie, the daughter of the mother now
under consideration, shared with me the difficult situation
she faced, and the important role her mother played in
helping her meet her needs. Bobbie, at age 17, faced the
predicament of not only being pregnant six months, but of
also having to raise her child without the assistance of the

baby’s father, her boyfriend. He was recently incarcerated

94
for selling drugs. She would later learn that her boyfriend
would not get out until 1994. To make matters even worse,
she learned that her child was mentally disabled.

In the midst of these challenges, along with trying to
graduate from the twelfth grade, Bobbie’s mother stepped in
to help Bobbie cope and achieve her goals. When Bobbie had
the baby, her 35 year old mother took a leave of absence
from her job to provide full time child care and support for
BObbie. Bobbie’s mother worked in the housekeeping division
of Sparrow Hospital. Her leave of absence eventually lasted
twelve months. This action by Bobbie’s mother was
undertaken despite her having three other children in the
home. This step allowed Bobbie to better focus on her school
work as well as allowing her to gain employment. Bobbie's
mother also allowed Bobbie to live with her while only
paying a third of the rent and helping with the provision of
food for the household. Although Bobbie has since moved into
her own apartment, she is confident that she will make it
because her mother continues to provide transportation and
money to her. Her mother has even invited Bobbie to come
home and live with her if she needs to.

This example of a mother giving of herself to assist
her daughter is repeated, although not as strikingly, in
many of the younger mother interviews. There was only one
exception to these younger single mothers praising the

support they had received from their mothers. One single

am
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Si .

Dar

95

mother, Gayla, said that she is not pleased at all with the
support she receives from her mother. Still, Gayla did
express in her interview ways in which her mother helps her.

In respect to the older mothers, I noted that most of
them repeatedly mentioned in their interviews that they
receive some sort of support from their mothers (70%: n=10).
Most of these mothers expressed the recurring evaluation
that they are satisfied with the support they receive. For
these women the areas of support varied. Jay, a 40 year old
mother of a 2 year old, said that she was able to provide
for herself after her divorce twenty-three years ago because
of the assistance her mother gave her. Her mother’s
assistance is just as important to Jay today. Jay
highlighted this reality in saying that "the first person
called is my mom when she’s [her 2 year old daughter] sick."
Isa, who is presently 69 years old, in reflecting back on
the role that her mother played in supporting her after her
divorce said "I couldn’t have raised those kids without
mom." She described her 4’11" mother who lived through the
depression as "a typical Black mom---care giver, lover, who
knew when something was wrong." She later went on to say
that her mother helped her with everything as she came over
and cooked, cleaned, and provided child care support for
her. Astonishingly, Isa went on to state that her mother
simultaneously helped her sister who was also a single

parent. Other single mothers who had never been married said

that
ski.

I83

I
m

96
that they could not have raised their children without the
skills they had been taught, and the support they had
received from their mothers.

In comparing the two groups of single mothers in
respect to the assistance they received from their mothers,
I note a clear similarity. The acknowledgement by all the
younger mothers of the important roles their mothers played
in their support networks, parallels the evaluations of the
older mothers. The older mothers did have a weaker pattern
of attributing significant roles to their mothers. Yet, this
might be attributable to some of these mothers’ becoming
single parents at a later age. Therefore, their mothers may
have been deceased or too old to provide support. Only two
single mothers indicated that they were not pleased with the
support they received from their mothers. Still their
interviews revealed ways in which they received support. In
both groups the sacrifices made by their mothers are clearly
highlighted, and appreciation expressed. This expression is
just as impassioned from the 18 year old who says that she
appreciates her mother coming home from a long day of work
to spend some time with her. As it is from the 69 year old
who said "I could never say enough. I wish I could be in
some capacity to my children as my mom was to me."
Considering the important support provider role these
mothers have to their daughters, I must conclude that

African-American mothers have been, and continue to be

(I)

III

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97

important members of their single parent daughters’ support
networks. This is the case despite the age of either the
single mothers or their mothers.

It has been suggested that since many of these mothers
(or grandmothers in the generational chart) are young single
parents themselves, they do not now take on the traditional
grandmother roles as child care providers. These roles are
not being filled because these grandmothers are devoting
mest of their time to the raising of their own children
(Ladner and Gourdine, 1984; Tinsley and Parke, 1984; Burton,
1990). This however, is not the finding of this study. Of
those young single mothers whose mothers are 41 years old or
younger at the time of their first child’s birth, all of
them expressed various ways in which their mothers supported
them. The view, therefore, that younger single mothers today
are not being supported by their mothers, who are young with
dependent children at home, has not been proven to be the
case in this study. Conversely, the actions undertaken by
the mothers of both groups of women clearly revealed the
importance of their labors for their daughters. The various
types of support offered by the mothers of these single
mothers should be viewed, therefore, as one of the strongest
girders of support within the support structure of these
single mothers.

This analysis coincides with the assessments of other

scholars who have recognized the centrality of mothers and

98
othermothers, "women who assist bloodmothers by sharing
mothering responsibilities," in the African-American
community (Hill Collins, 1990:119; Frazier, 1948; Stack,
1974; Taylor et al., 1990; Brooks—Gunn and Furstenberg,
1986; Stevens, 1984; M. Wilson, 1986).13 Networks comprising
of grandmothers, sisters, aunts, cousins, or friends have
been noted to provide reciprocal support to both children
and bloodmothers who need assistance (Hill Collins, 1990).

The Immediate and Extended Family:

The second segment will focus on the role the single
mothers’ immediate and extended family plays in providing
support for her. Family support, combining the support given
by nuclear and extended family members, is the second most
identified source of support (90%: n=20) in the interviews
of these women. Those identified as providing support are
grandmothers, grandfathers, aunts, uncles, sisters,
brothers, and cousins.

In examining the support providers for these two groups
of women, it is evident that although both have similar
providers, there are also noticeable differences. More
specifically, the patterns of identification and
appreciation in the interviews revealed that siblings are a
greater source of support to older mothers than they are for
younger mothers. This circumstance is probably caused by the
age of the siblings of the older mothers being greater than

for the younger mothers. Consequently, the older mothers

is
are
old

51E

the
COmp
appr.

grang

99

have greater opportunities to receive meaningful assistance
from their siblings. For younger mothers I noted that there
is a shared reasoning that grandmothers, uncles, and aunts
are more significant providers of support than they are for
older mothers. This latter comparison needs more attention
since this discrepancy, although also age related, is not as
easily explained as the former comparison. Let us examine
this comparison by focussing on the support provided by
aunts, uncles, and grandmothers to these groups of mothers.

The first is the role that the aunts of these mothers
played in providing support to these mothers. Whereas the
interviews of the younger women noted aunts as significant
members of their support networks, none of the older mothers
even mentioned an aunt as a support provider. Secondly, a
similar case is noted in relation to the role of uncles in
the social support networks of these women. In the
interviews of the younger women I recognized a recurring
pattern of these mothers identifying their uncles as members
of their support networks. I did not find a similar pattern
in the interviews of the older mothers, as only one uncle
was identified as a social support provider. Finally, the
grandmothers’ role is also noted to be more significant to
the social support networks of the younger mothers in
comparison to those of the older ones. There was shared
appreciation by the younger mothers for the roles their

grandmothers held in their support networks. On the other

fa

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th

Bej

Mi<

100
hand, only one older mother even mentioned her grandmother
as a support provider. Even this older mother, a 42 year old
named Val, noted that her grandmother only lent her money,
which she then had to pay back. Because of the stipulation
placed on this assistance, Val did not categorize her
grandmother’s actions as meaningful support. Although Val
mentioned that her grandmother is "poor," Val still seemed
to expect more from her.

The statements by Val may help to explain the reason
aunts, uncles, and grandparents are so rarely mentioned by
these older women as support providers. In her interview Val
not only identified her grandmother as poor but also her
whole family who, like her grandmother, gave her loans
rather than gifts. It could be the case then, that the
aunts, uncles, and grandmothers of the older mothers are of
the depression, or post depression, generation. This may
have resulted in their being poorer, and more focussed on
the needs of themselves and their immediate families.

There are three mothers whose evaluation of their
family’s support to them stood in variance to the evaluation
of the other mothers. These three mothers expressed that
they are either not satisfied or not totally satisfied with
the support they receive from their family. The first
mother, Val, has already been noted. The second mother is
Bell, a 36 year old from the small rural town of Baldwin,

Michigan. Bell is another mother, like Val, who expressed

p...

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far

101
that her family was poor. Bell said that she had 24 people
living in the home with her when she was growing up. Her
mother had 12 kids with Bell’s father, and one child with
another man. Her father had 26 kids, including the 12 with
Bell’s mother. Bell’s mother later married a man with 10
kids and 5 of them came to live with her. With the family
being this size, she said that she hated to cook for her
family. When she had to cook, Bell said that she would have
to cook three chickens in a very big pot. Besides the
indigence of her family, she later moved to Lansing. Her
move did not allow her to gain any assistance from her
family because of the distance between them. With time the
family migrated to various parts of the United States. She
now recalls that her family was "there for me," but she
would not call it support. Bell now has an attitude of
"forget them," and said "Find hard not to have relatives
.around, but ain’t been around so long."

The third mother who stated that she did not gain any
£3ignificant support from her family is Cece. Cece is a 39
‘3rear old mother of six children ages 18 through 10 years
(:lld. She has had various challenges that have included

JbLaNing an $8,000 light bill, and being homeless for four
‘t1n<:nths before making it to an economic crisis center.
Presently Cece has had her five children taken away from her

and placed into a foster home. When I asked Cece about her

:tE?£Etnnily and the support she receives from them, she stated

 

102
that she has old aunts and uncles in Lansing who are too old
to help. Cece went on to describe them as old and senile.
Cece related that she could not turn to her cousins in the
area because they are crackheads and into using drugs.
Cece’s sister, her only sibling, also lives in Lansing and
even works for Michigan State University. But Cece believes
that her sister thinks that she is better than Cece. The
sister has three children and lives in a very spacious home
in East Lansing. The home has four bedrooms, but she would
not let Cece and her children live with her while they were
homeless. This is the decision her sister made, though she
(only had two children living at home during Cece’s time of
:need. Still, Cece’s sister did not change her mind even
(after Cece had volunteered to sleep in one of her spacious
Ihallways, or anywhere else where there might be room. Her
sister just sternly responded that she "Needed the hallways
23nd floorways clear in case of fire." Cece angrily said that
Iler sister has plants that are living better than she and
her children. The two sisters haven’t talked in a long time
Eilad they don’t know where each other presently lives.
Although extended families have been reported to
‘<==<>mprise the core of many Black social and support networks
('IITaylor and Chatters, 1988; Taylor, 1990; Hays and Mindel,
3— 9 73) , this study has shown that it does not hold the
JE:"=:>asition of being the primary support source for these

3' ingle mothers. Some of the women even revealed that they

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103
received no support from their families. Still, other than
these three mothers who reported this, the shared perception
of both the younger and older mothers is that the support
they receive from their families is beneficial. This
perspective would agree with previous studies showing the
importance of the nuclear and extended family in providing
support to the African-American single mother (Stack, 1974;
Taylor et al., 1990). This study would also agree with other
studies that have shown that satisfaction with social
support from one’s family has the effect of reducing
distress in the midst of employment and unemployment
pressures (Brown and Gary, 1988; Angel and Tienda, 1982).
Despite the various reasons forwarded for the view that
extended families are no longer as important to the survival
networks of African-Americans (Martin and Martin, 1985:95;
Wilson, 1978, 1987; McLanahan and Garfinkel, 1989:96), this
study noted none of these reasons as factors in those cases
Vihere families did not play a major role in the support
Iletworks of these mothers. The factor that is most
reignificant is unresolved interpersonal conflicts between
lifamily members. Conversely, the immediate and extended
family support networks continue to be an important source
of support for the single mother.
The Single Mother’s Father:
The third segment is the role of the single mother’s

E ather in her support network. Of the seventeen women

104
interviewed whose fathers were alive at the time they became
single mothers, only six fathers were noted as providing
support to them. For the younger mothers the most
significant support provided by the fathers is emotional
support. While none of these fathers are identified as a
primary provider of emotional support to their daughters,
their ability to support their child in this way is highly
esteemed. One young mother, Von, illustrated this in noting
that although her father is divorced from her mother and
presently living in Saginaw, he has proven his importance as
a friend by traveling to be with her to encourage her.
Therefore, Von placed her father as a very important member
of her support network. These women repeatedly mentioned
that their fathers also provide money and transportation
‘when needed. One father was uniquely identified as providing
child care every weekend for his daughter.

Unfortunately, these men are the exception since the
shared evaluation of these young mothers is that their
fathers provide no support to them (70%: n=10) . For this
group there is very little communication or contact between
'tllne daughters and their fathers. One daughter, Gayla,

IThientioned that she had no idea where her father presently is

lElzince she had not seen him for the past three years. She has
‘==lruly'heard that he is doing drugs. Another mother, Liz, only
a‘;"ecently saw her father whom she had not seen since she was

‘El: 3rears old. Still, she realized that he had come back into

105
her life only because her brother had been getting into
trouble with the law. She knew that her father’s primary
focus was to keep her brother from getting into further
trouble with the law. Liz’s father did invite her to come
and live with him, but she declined his offer since she has
never received any support from him before. For those
fathers in this group who communicated with their daughters
regularly, there seemingly was no deepness in the
relationship that fostered intimacy or emotional support.
This is expressed by such mothers as Dee who said that she
and her father are on good terms. He will occasionally send
her money and "Thinking of you" cards, and they will spend
time over the phone gossiping about family members. Yet, she
receives no emotional support from him, nor does she
appraise the support he lends as essential. Similarly, Deb
noted in her interview that although she received items for
lher baby from her father, she is not satisfied with his
support. Deb viewed her father as the only person she knew
Vvho did not give her support. She said "Give me money! The
support he gives he could keep it."

For the older mothers the most repeatedly mentioned
1::ype of support provided by their fathers is material
Support, in that their fathers provided housing and finances

1::co them. Emotional and cognitive support are the other types
Q15 assistance provided to these women by their fathers. Jay

1i;.55: the primary example of this kind of support as her father

100‘
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Haw
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the
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106
provided housing for her after her divorce. She said that he
then "went and found a place to get a job and took me to the
interview. He told me to be ready. I got the job." He also
found her an apartment and co-signed a loan for her. Over
time he also provided child care, encouragement, and helped
to protect her from her ex-husband. But, like the fathers’
of the younger mothers, most of the fathers of these older
women did not provide support for their daughters. One older
mother, Cece, said that her father was forbidden by her
mother’s family from coming to the home where she and her
mother lived. As a result, Cece never knew her father nor
did she ever see a picture of him. She does believe that she
saw him when she was 20 years old and with her grandfather.
Having never seen her, Cece’s father believed that she was a
prostitute on her grandfather’s arm. Learning who she was he
then asked Cece for a hug, but she responded by asking for
the money he should have sent her when she was growing up.
(Cece related that he eventually walked away when she would
Ilot give him the hug he requested. Another mother Val said
t:hat her father was not a support giver, and stated that he
Ciidn’t do things like that. She could only recall three
‘tzimes when he provided support to her. The first was a
tiaonetary gift to her one Christmas. The second was when he
bought her some Bible books. The third was his paying for
ilfileer'hospital bill after the birth of her first child. Val

e"Ltaated that she was not satisfied with the support she

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107
received from him because she believed that he could have
provided financial assistance to her.

The role of the single mother’s father in her support
network is a subject that has not been addressed in studies
that have focussed on the support networks of single
mothers. From this study it does seem that in most cases the
father of the single mother is not a significant provider of
support to these women. In those situations where a father
is an active member of a single mother’s support network,
his assistance is very important. This is evident in the
lives of such women as Jay, who is highlighted above. Even
in the situation where the father is deceased, one mother,
Nan, noted that the remembrance of her father’s work ethic
and dedication to family became one of her greatest sources
of encouragement. For many fathers whose support is deemed
inconsequential, most often the support they offer is
.focussed toward their grandchildren and not the children’s
tnother. Consequently, their actions are not highly esteemed

lay the single mothers.

The Children’s Father:

The fourth segment is the role of the children’s father

JjLJa the network of the single mother. The overall picture of
1:1]ne role of these men is not very positive. Only nine of the
1t2rvventy-eight fathers (32%) are identified by the single
t"Putathers as support providers. The shared negative evaluation

‘:=’£tf’ these fathers is revealed when the amount of fathers who

108
provide support that is deemed satisfactory by the single
mothers is considered. Only two of the nine fathers
identified as providing support are recognized as providing
support that the mothers are satisfied with. A better
picture of the mothers’ expectations, by which this support
is evaluated, and the provisions provided by these fathers
are gained when the two groups of mothers are examined
individually.

In examining the younger mothers I note a recurring
pattern of identifying fathers as providers of support, in
one form or another, to these mothers. The various types of
support noted by these mothers are: purchasing items for the
baby (disposable diapers, clothes, shoes, etc.); providing
the mothers with money; providing transportation; providing
information; providing child care; providing emotional
support; and providing medical coverage for the child. Of
these, the two types of support provision that are evenly
noted the most are buying items for the baby and providing
money to the mother. Although the number of fathers
;providing support is greater than the aggregate, the
19ercentage of those younger fathers whose support is deemed

seatisfactory by the single mothers is lower than the

aggregate. Only one of the younger fathers identified as
providing support, had his support deemed very satisfactory
1t?)" a younger mother. The other fathers who are identified as

providing support, had their support evaluated as either not

full

her.
thrc
t0 1

had

109
fully satisfactory, or as being in need of improvement.

To gain a greater understanding of the support that is
received by these younger mothers, I will examine two
fathers and the mothers they support. The support provided
by each of these fathers appears at two extremes of the
support provision spectrum. The first single mother is
Tasha. Tasha is a 20 year old with a 2 year old daughter who
presently shares an apartment with her 56 year old mother.
The father of her child is 21 years old and presently lives
in Atlanta, Georgia. Tasha says that he has never given her
any support and has not really shown any maturity in his
responsibility as the father of her child. She gave two
examples as proofs for her depiction of him in this way. The
first is the fact that although his daughter resides with
her, she doesn’t know if he has come to Lansing except
through friends. At the time of our interview she had spoken
to him two months before our meeting. Tasha related that he
had said then that he would take the baby and her out to
shop for items for both of them. He came by at 3 p.m. that
day, but she was not in. He later came back at 11 p.m., to
‘which Tasha responded "What store is open at that time?" For
sauch actions Tasha doesn’t trust him and considers him

Irnreliable. The second example further indicates why she
citistrusts him. Tasha mentioned that he has promised to sit
With her mother and discuss issues relating to her

<jléiaughter’s pregnancy, and his resultant responsibilities.

110
Unfortunately, he has never fulfilled his promise. He comes
by with his friends, but rushes away because he has to be
somewhere. Needless to say, Tasha is unsatisfied with the
support he has provided.

The second young single mother is Deb. Deb is a 17 year
old twelfth grader who has a 3 month old son. She presently
lives with her mother. Her boyfriend, who is the father of
her child, is 20 years old and plays a very important role
in her support network. Deb said that the baby’s father
"Helps more than I do." She went on to illustrate this in
noting some care activities that he is involved in. She said
that the baby’s father gets the baby in the morning and
takes the baby over to his mother. His mother provides child
care for Deb. When Deb’s boyfriend picks up the baby in the
morning he then takes Deb to school. This routine occurs
five days a week. Her boyfriend also helps Deb with money,
and she said that he gives her a significant amount. She has
been working for Meijers for two months, but the baby’s
father has told her to keep her checks. He said that he will
give her money for herself and the baby. She also said that
Jae helps her emotionally. Deb is the only young mother to

asay that she is fully satisfied with the support her baby’s
father provides.

There are some issues that are raised in examining the

interviews with these younger women that needs to be

-}14i—syhlighted. The first is the limited awareness many of

111

these younger women had about the personal lives of the
fathers of their children. Many of the women are ignorant of
basic information that would be expected to have been
learned in a relationship spanning a period of years. For
example, Deb, who was just highlighted, has been dating her
boyfriend for two years, yet she does not know what he does
for a living. She only knows that he does "something with
records," and that he works in the Treasury Building located
in downtown Lansing. Another mother, Gayla, although saying
that she had dated the father of her first child for a long
time, mentioned that she is no longer in touch with him
because she lost his telephone number. She knew that he
stayed in Detroit, but did not know exactly where he lived.
Gayla also mentioned that she had never met any members of
his family. The relationship these women have with the men
in their lives parallels the definition of friendship
forwarded by Elliot Liebow after his observation of the
relationships fostered by some African-American males in
Washington, D.C..

Friendship thus appears as a relationship between two

people who, in an important sense, stand unrevealed to

one another. Lacking depth in both past and present,

friendship is easily uprooted by the tug of economic or

psychological self-interest or by external forces

acting against it (1967:207).

The nature of some of these male/female relationships

-2?€!veal a great degree of superficiality betraying the fact

tZEN-at many of these couples did not spend time learning about

‘E=£51<:h other. A deepening of conversation and interpersonal

ch
re

ch

112
knowledge is not attained, and for these relationships there
are very little, if any, continued interactions between the
mother and the father of the children.

The second issue, which I believe is related to the
first issue, is the lack of emotional support these women
received, or are receiving from the fathers of their
children. This issue also highlights the shallowness of the
relationship these younger women have with the men whose
children they have borne. This situation is exemplified in
the responses from such young single mothers as Nikki. Nikki
is a 23 year old with three sons’ ages 5, 3, and 11 months.
Although Nikki lives in the same house with the father of
her three boys, she emphasized to me that they are "single
parents." She went on to explain that although he helps with
taking care of the kids, and provides child care and money,
she receives no emotional support from him. When I asked
Nikki if she is satisfied with the support she receives from
her boyfriend she responded "No!," and went on to say that
the emotional area of their relationship has to improve.
.Another example is Von who sees her boyfriend, the father of
lher child, four times a week. Still, she believes that there
:is improvement needed in relation to the emotional aspect of

‘tfiheir relationship. She noted that sometimes he’s not very
chice and says that it is because he is so tired from working
his two part-time jobs. Although Von appreciates the money

he provides she still argues that he could do a little more

113
by talking more. She views the communication aspect of their
relationship as weakening their overall relationship.

This also is the case with some of the men these women
are presently dating, but had no children by them at the
time of the interview. Kim, a 19 year old, related in her
interview that although she really appreciated her 21 year
old boyfriend and the support she receives from him, which
she noted is much more than the support that she receives
from the baby’s father, she is not totally satisfied with
the relationship. Kim hinted at the reason for this lack of
satisfaction when she said that she can unburden herself on
her boyfriend, but noted that she doesn’t talk to him a lot
like that. She then pointed out that her boyfriend talks to
her in this way quite often. The emphasis is that although
her boyfriend can accept her emotional unburdening, he or
she for some reason does not allow this to happen more
often. He on the other hand does this often, for which she
is not as pleased.

In both of these issues I note that the nature of some
of these male/female relationships reveal a great degree of
superficiality. Consequently, a deepening of conversation
eand interpersonal knowledge is not attained. The result of
t:his deficiency in the relationship is a marginalization of

tihe father in respect to the mother’s support network. This
marginalization is manifest in the area of emotional

support, or in a total break in the relationship.

cor.
We:

of

114
In examining the older mothers I note that there is no
pattern of fathers supporting their children. Only a few
fathers provide support to these mothers in one form or
another. The various types of support that are noted by
these mothers are: providing child care; purchasing items
for the child (clothes); providing medical coverage for the
child; emotional support; and child support. Of these
various types of support the type of assistance that is most
noted is the provision of money. Of those fathers providing
money, most mothers repeatedly mentioned that their
financial support is based on the fact that they are
mandated to do so. Only a few of these fathers were
identified as providing financial support voluntarily. In
comparison to the younger fathers, very few older fathers
were identified as support providers. The shared evaluation
of a great majority of the mothers is that the older fathers
do not provide the kind of support these older mothers deem
satisfactory. Only one of the older mothers regarded the
support she receives from the father of her children as
satisfactory. One other older mother stated that she is
satisfied with the support she receives from her ex-husband.
IBut her statement is sarcastic in that her reason for saying
tzhis is that her ex-husband gave her "space."
To gain a greater understanding of the support received
by these older mothers I will examine two fathers whose

support appears at opposite extremes of the support

115
provision spectrum. The first single mother is May. May is a
38 year old mother of two boys ages 8 and 6. Her ex-husband,
who lives in Lansing, is 37 years old and May said that he
has provided sporadic support from time to time. The support
he sometimes provides is financial, but it has not been
dependable so she doesn’t count on this support. Because of
the undependable nature of his support May does not include
him as part of her support network.

Another mother reveals a situation in which she has a
mixed support circumstance, as one of the two fathers of her
children provides support. The father of Jay’s first two
children for a while provided child support, but he later
found a way to remove himself from this responsibility by
manipulating the system. Jay related that while her husband
was in California he would pay child support, because the
child support papers had been filed for California. One day
he called Jay from California and during the conversation
she mentioned to him that she had stopped receiving child
support. To Jay’s astonishment her husband exclaimed "It
worked!" Jay later learned that her husband had led the
<2hild support system to believe that he was now living in
Ddichigan when he was still living in California. Because of

tLhis, Jay never received any more child support from that
.£><>int on. The father of Jay’s third child is very different
-151?cmlthe father of her two older daughters. This father pays

<=1114i1d support, covers his daughter under his Blue Cross/Blue

116
Shield medical plan, purchases clothes for his daughter, and
"whatever she needs he goes and buys. A lot of times ahead
of time." He also provides Jay with money (if she needs
it), transportation, and emotional support. He is also the
first person in her support network to whom she would turn
for housing if she needed it. Jay’s experience, in that she
has one father who provides support and another who does
not, is the norm for those older mothers who have more than
one father of their children.

When a comparison is made between younger and older
mothers, a few interesting distinctions are noted. The first
is that the younger mothers receive more support from the
fathers of their children than do the older mothers. This
can be seen concerning the provision of various items for
their children. Whereas only one older father provided items
for the care of his child, four younger fathers are noted as
providing items for the care of their children. The
interviews revealed that the younger fathers are more
actively involved in the lives and care of their children.
Secondly, the younger mothers also said that they are more
satisfied with the support they received from the fathers of
‘their children. It must be noted that the money provided to
tzhese mothers by the younger fathers are not viewed by these

lTuothers as mandated by the courts. The mothers communicated
t:<> me that the money given to them is a totally voluntary

1532i.ft by the fathers to them. This stood in stark contrast to

117
the older mothers who had most of the money that is given to
them by the fathers mandated by the courts. The young
fathers are also noted by the younger mothers as providing
money to them for their personal use. The money that is
given, is not provided so that they can care for their
children. This is an important point because the older
mothers do not deem a father’s support as support if he has
to be commanded to give it by the courts. This evaluation is
based on the perspective that a father’s financial support
is not really "support" if the father either gives money
inconsistently, or if he must be told by the court to
provide that financial assistance. This point is noted by
four older mothers who did not categorize the financial
support given by the fathers as support. This categorization
was made because the financial support given by the fathers
matched one of the two above-mentioned categories. One older
mother who fought 16 years to obtain child support from a
father, mentioned that she finally ended her battle because
she did not consider him a father to her child at that
point.

Although African-American males have been a much
maligned source of support for single mothers (Stack, 1974;
Kotlowitz, 1991), some researchers have argued that Black
males have been an important source of support for their
children and the mothers of these children (Allen, 1981;

Danzinger et al., 1990). In this study I have noted that

118

some fathers do play an important role in the support
networks of the single mothers. Unfortunately, this is
primarily the case for younger single mothers than for the
older single mothers.

The Family of the Children’s Father:

The fifth segment is the role of the father’s family.
From an examination of the interviews of these women it
becomes evident that the father’s family does not play a
major role in the single mother's support network. Few of
the mothers identified the family of the father as a source
of support. Although the father’s family has not been a
major source of support for most of the women, it has been
the source of significant support for those women who
receive such assistance. Most of the women who received
support from the family of the children’s father mentioned
that they were satisfied with the assistance they received.
For those women receiving support from the family of the
father, the type of assistance most often mentioned is
material. This kind of assistance included the provision of
money, child support, and transportation. The second kind of
assistance that is most often mentioned by these mothers is
emotional support, primarily consisting of encouragement.

In examining the younger single mothers, I find that
the numbers are almost evenly divided between those
receiving support from the father’s family, and those who do

not receive support. Of those women who received support,

119

there is a strong pattern of these mothers evaluating the
assistance they receive as satisfactory. The type of support
that is primarily received by these younger women is
material support which is most commonly expressed through
the purchasing of various items for the baby. This point
needs to be highlighted because it appears quite often in
the interviews with those single mothers who receive such
support from this group. The items that are purchased by the
father’s family members (such as toys, clothes, and food)
and given to the young mothers are focussed on meeting the
needs of the child. Gayla summed this up in stating that the
baby’s paternal grandmother viewed Gayla’s daughter as her
own. None of the younger mothers mentioned that the father’s
family bought something for them personally. Still, though,
the mothers are very satisfied with the support that is
provided. Flo expressed this in stating that she "Doesn’t
expect much from them. The baby gets more from them than I
expected." Those who provided items for the child included
aunts, mothers, and cousins in the father’s family. These
individuals are also providers of transportation as well.

The father’s family members are also important
providers of emotional support in some cases. Nikki said
that her boyfriend’s father is the primary provider of
encouragement to her. May and Deb both expressed that they
are able to gain important encouragement from relatives of

the father’s family. Each woman gained a deeper

120
understanding of the father, as well as having a source upon
which they could unburden themselves.

In focussing on the older mothers I note that only a
few of these mothers said that they received support from
the father’s family. Of those women who received support,
most of these repeatedly said that they are satisfied with
the support they received. The type of support that is
primarily received by these older women is material support.
This support is most commonly expressed by the purchasing of
various items for the mother’s children. Like the younger
women, the material support that is received is primarily
focussed on providing for the needs of the children. One
mother who stood in stark contrast to this norm is Cece. The
mother of one father is so committed to providing for Cece
and her children, even those who are not her grandchildren,
that she called Cece her daughter. Her commitment to Cece is
so great that this mother even went as far as planning to
leave Cece her home when she died. Unfortunately, the
children of the women protested to such an extent that the
mother reversed her decision.

In most cases, though, the father’s family did not
provide any support for the mothers. Pat, a 46 year old with
two children ages 26 and 14, said that she never received
any support from either of the fathers’ families. In other
cases the families of the fathers are very antagonistic

toward the single mothers. One mother, Isa, related that her

121

former mother-in-law was a major antagonist against her. Isa
illustrated the tension within this relationship by noting
how she once went to her mother-in-law and complained about
the way her son was treating her. After her description of
his abuse Isa stated that her mother-in-law said "He’s
feeding you isn't he." To this statement Isa angrily
responded that she was eating before him. Another single
mother, Bell, said that the relationship was very bad
between herself and the third father’s family. Bell said
that they "hated my guts," and shared that things got so bad
that the father’s mother told Bell that if she came back
over to the mother’s house "I would be pushing up a hump."

In comparing the two groups of mothers examined in this
study, I find that the younger mothers receive more support
from the families of their childrens’ fathers, and that they
are more satisfied with the support they receive from these
families. In both cases the interviews reveal that the
material support that is given by the fathers’ families is
primarily focussed on providing for the needs of the
children. Sometimes the mothers did have close relationships
with members of the fathers’ families, but this is not the
norm. It is noted that usually where the childrens’ fathers
refused to acknowledge their children, or failed to stay in
touch with them, the families of these fathers also had very
little interaction with these children. This observation

paralleled the results that were noted by Carol Stack in her

122
study of the Flats (1974:50).

The Single Mother’s Friends:

The sixth segment will focus on the role of friends in
the single mother’s support network. Support provided by
friends is the most identified source of support (100%:
n=20) in the interviews of these women. Those who are
identified as friends are of different genders, ages, and
relationships to the mothers. The type of support most often
identified as provided by friends to these mothers is
emotional support. The second most common type of support
provided is material support. Only a few of the women
related that they receive support from their friends that
could be categorized as cognitive support. Although all of
the mothers stated various ways in which they received
support from their friends, two of the women, one younger
and one older, noted that they are not satisfied with the
support that they receive from their friends.

To gain a better understanding of the role of friends
in the support networks of these two groups of women, I will
examine these women separately. From the outset it must be
noted that these younger mothers did not have large circles
of friends. A characteristic that is repeatedly mentioned by
these younger single mothers is that they have "very few
friends." This is probably the result of their being young
mothers since it is also noted by a few of the women that

they had friends who did not have children.

123

In examining the interviews of the younger mothers,
material and emotional support are repeatedly mentioned by
the women as the most common type of support provided to
them. Half the women repeatedly indicated that they received
support that could be categorized as cognitive support. The
most mentioned material support that is provided for this
group of women is money. Many women said that if they needed
money they could ask a friend and that friend would lend it
to them. The friends of these women are also an important
provider of transportation and of child care. One mother
noted that her friends did not provide any money to her, but
they do provide transportation and child care for her. In
order to provide child care for this mother, her friends
would even come over to her home to get her son to take care
of him. Emotional support from friends is also revealed in
the interviews as an important aspect of the support network
of these women. The role of these women’s friends is most
commonly depicted as giving the mothers an opportunity to
talk and to interact with someone. This is expressed by the
women in their use of the term "gossip," and the phrase "to
just talk to" in describing their interactions with their
friends. Deb exemplifies this in that she interacts every
day with her friends at school and then "hangs out" with
them on the weekends. Although she noted that she does
discuss "deep things" with them, she admits that most of

them can’t fully understand all that she is going through.

124
She feels that they cannot understand because they do not
have children. Nikki stated that friends are not an intimate
part of her support network, because she believes that her
answers to personal issues are better than the answers she
would receive from them. She does not go to them at all for
counsel or advice. Tasha also made similar statements
concerning her friends, but based her views on the fact that
her friends did not have children. Therefore, she felt that
they could not relate to her. Although many mothers
described their friends in this way, many of the women also
related that they had one friend who is considered their
close confidant. Bobbie exemplifies this in that she has one
special friend to whom she turns to "unburden" herself. Not
even with her sister, with whom Bobbie shares her apartment,
does she bare some of the secrets she divulges to her
special friend. Another important aspect of the relationship
between these mothers and their friends is the provision of
encouragement. Liz and Gayla classified their friends as the
most important source of encouragement in their support
network.

A phenomenon that is noted in the interviews of these
younger mothers is the role of male friends in their support
networks. Most of the women noted the shared pattern of
having males be a part of their support network. Three of
these women revealed a shared reasoning in their decisions

when they said that they intentionally had more male friends

125

than female friends. Gayla said that the reason she had more
male than female friends is that females gossip too much.
Dee said that she has more male friends because she believes
that too many girl friends give you trouble. "They get in
your business. They can be jealous, they want what you have.
For example, your boyfriend." Although Dee views her female
friends this way, she does not, on the other hand, give her
male friends a significant role in her support group.

In examining the role played by friends in the support
networks of older mothers I find that the most common type
of support that is mentioned by these women is emotional
support. Material support is the next most frequently
mentioned type of support, with only two mothers mentioning
that they received cognitive types of support. Many of the
women said that they had friends with whom they had
relationships extending over many years. Encouragement is
the primary type of emotional support given by friends to
these older mothers. Most of the mothers noted friends as a
major source of encouragement for them. May, who categorized
her friends as the most important members of her support
network, expressed the importance of her friends to her
emotionally in stating "It is okay to say to them that I had
a bad day and to burden them with the details." Jay is
another older mother who noted that her friends are her
primary source of support. So important is this source of

support that she designated the sharing she does with her

126
friends as "safe dumping." This designation would also
exemplify the emotional sharing that takes place within many
of the friendships of these older women.

It should be noted that the emotional support provided
by the friends of these older women is most commonly
described by them as occurring within a social context. The
older women’s descriptions depicted relationships that are
interactive. By this I mean that unlike the younger mothers,
the older mothers more often noted activities they undertook
with their friends in describing the emotional support they
received from their friends. On the other hand, only one
younger mother mentioned an activity that she and her
friends participated in. This activity she described as
their "hang[-ing] out." This characteristic is evident in
Jay’s interview as she described the various activities she
and her friends participate in. Jay noted that she and her
friends discuss the Bible, cook, sew, exercise, and diet
together. Jay and her friends have participated in these
activities together, despite the fact that some of her
friends reside in Ohio. Pam similar defined the emotional
support she received from her friends as consisting of both
social activities and encouragement. Pat related that she
and her closest friend usually sit and interact over a
bottle of liquor. At these times they might also be joined
by other acquaintances and friends. Red, in describing the

important part her friends played in helping her cope with

127
the stress of raising her children after her divorce, shared
one way in which she and a friend encouraged each other. Red
related that she and a younger friend, who was also a single
mother, would annually get together for a meal. Her younger
friend would supply food stamps and W.I.C (Women, Infant,
and Children Program) food, and Red would provide the house
and the car.

The next major type of support that is received by
these mothers is material support. This category of support
included the giving of money, transportation, and child
care. The final, and least noted, type of support that is
received by these mothers is cognitive support. The
information provided by the friends of these older mothers
primarily focussed on which service providers would do a
good job at the best cost. Both May and Red noted the
importance of friends as an information resource for the
obtaining of needed items, or reasonable estimates on
necessary repairs.

In comparing the role of friends in the support
networks of younger and older mothers it is apparent that
the roles are quite similar, with a few notable exceptions.
The first is that the older mothers had a larger network of
friends. Secondly, the description given by the older
mothers of the emotional support provided by their friends
differs from that given by the younger women. The difference

is that the older women’s descriptions depict relationships

128
that are interactive. By this I mean that unlike the younger
mothers, the older mothers more often noted activities they
undertook with their friends to describe the emotional
support they received from their friends. On the other hand,
only one younger mother mentioned an activity that she and
her friends participated in together. Thirdly, the older
mothers noted more often that they receive cognitive
support. The type of support that is provided by the friends
of these older mothers is primarily the communication of
information about the most economic service providers. For
the younger mothers the cognitive support primarily focussed
on their accessing and operating within the system. For both
groups of mothers, though, friends played a very significant
role in their support networks.

The finding of this study strongly agrees with the
finding of previous ethnographic studies showing that
friends, as an informal support source, play a very
important role in the support networks of African-Americans
(Stack, 1974; Shimkin et al., 1978; Kotlowitz, 1991). The
study has also shown that for the younger women many of
these friendships are being cultivated for future use. For
the older women, the study reveals that the patterns of this
informal assistance are based on long term reciprocal bonds
of exchange that have developed over the lives of these
mothers. This study has also confirmed previous studies

showing that satisfaction with social support from friends

129
has the effect of reducing distress in the midst of various
family and economic pressures (Brown and Gary, 1988; Angel
and Tienda, 1982).

The Church:

The seventh segment is the role of the church in the
support network of the single mother. The findings exhibited
a supportive role of the church in most of the support
networks of the mothers. The interviews revealed that 60%
(n=20) of the mothers are church members, and that most of
these mothers considered themselves active in their
churches. The interviews also showed that a little over half
the mothers, not all of those being church members, received
some support from a church. Of those women who received
support from a church, most of these mothers said that they
are satisfied with the support they received. The most
important type of support that is received by these women is
emotional support, with material support being a close
second. Most of the women identified the pastor and/or the
associate pastor as the most significant provider of support
in the church.

Let us examine the role of the church in the support
networks of the two groups of mothers. In examining the
church’s role in the support networks of younger mothers I
note that although there are only a few of these women who
are members of a church, most of the younger mothers

received support from a church. Of those women who received

130
support, most of these women are satisfied with the support
they received. For these women, emotional and material
support are equally the most noted types of support that is
provided by the church.

The emotional, material, and cognitive supports that
are provided by the church are primarily offered by the
pastor. In respect to emotional support their personal
influence is very evident. Tasha noted that her pastor
provided emotional support daily. She stated that one reason
for this is that her pastor is her mother, with whom she
shares her apartment. The down side of this arrangement is
that her mother’s wearing these two hats in the home causes
many conflicts within their relationship. As Tasha said
"She’s trying to steer me in the right way, but I rebel at
times." Another young mother who has a great relationship
with her pastor is Kim. Kim said that her pastor is only
second to her mother as a primary provider of encouragement
to her. Kim said that she is very satisfied with the support
she received from her pastor. She went on to explain that
some of the characteristics that made her pastor so
important to her is his humility and his evident concern for
her. Kim believes that her pastor’s humility is because he
does not have a holier than thou attitude, which she
attributes to his past. Kim noted that her pastor used to be
the drummer for the Ohio Players and can, therefore,

understand the pressures on a young person. Kim believed

-' .xn_ur:sw ‘

131
that her pastor’s concern for her could be seen in the fact
that "He comes over almost every day to see him [her son]."
Pastors are also the primary providers of material support
from the church to these young mothers. Von noted that her
pastor and his wife have been very helpful as they have
provided financial and item gifts to her. The assistant
pastor also invited her over for dinner a few times. Kim
noted that her pastor will provide money to her for the baby
if she needs it. In respect to cognitive support, Gayla said
that although she has not attended her church recently she
can still receive information from her pastor as to the best
ways to access the welfare system and obtain assistance.

The younger women also noted the fact that they
receive various forms of assistance from other members of
the congregation as well. Von noted that various members of
her church invite her over for meals, while other members
provide transportation and money when she is in need. Nikki
said that she receives food and support through a community
outreach program of a church with which she has no
affiliation.

Some of the younger women expressed some strong
feelings and views as to why the church did not meet their
needs. They also suggested ways in which churches could
change to improve that situation. Dee noted that although
she had received financial support from a church for six

months, she believed that churches had to change. Dee

 

132
explained that people in a church push you and tell you that
you are a sinner and on your way to hell without providing
any real emotional support. She felt that churches had to
change this attitude. Although her mother and daughter are
members of a church in Lansing, Liz noted that a church
would have to be bigger for her to attend. The reason for
this perspective is that such a church would be more likely
to have more members her age. A few of the other mothers
noted that all churches should be willing to help young
mothers, though those mothers may not be members of that
church. This outlook is highlighted by the expectation of
these mothers that although they receive no support from a
church, they believe that they can go and get support from a
church if they need to.

In examining the interviews of the older mothers I
found that most of the women are members of a church. I also
learned that only half the women receive support from a
church, with most of these women expressing a shared
evaluation that they are satisfied with the support they
receive. The most common type of support received is
emotional support, closely followed by material support. The
least mentioned type of support is cognitive support.

Like the younger mothers, the older mothers received
most of their support from the pastors of these churches, in
contrast to receiving support from its members. For example,

Jay noted that the pastor and associate pastor of her church

133

visited her after a major operation to encourage her. They
have also been very instrumental in providing information to
her by which she could then receive financial assistance
from the church. Bell said that during a very difficult time
in her life she received significant counsel and
encouragement from her pastors. Cece said that the pastor of
a church that she had attended a few times paid her electric
bill when she could not afford the bill. Val said that she
talks to her church members, but she and they are "not that
close." For this reason Val does not discuss her problems
with her fellow church members. On the other hand, Val does
go to the pastor, and would go to him first if she needed
any help. Val knows that this would be the case because she
has gone to her pastor in the past to obtain his counsel and
she said that it helped her immensely.

Not all women, though, are pleased with their pastors.
Nan lamented the relationship that presently exists between
herself and her present pastor. She felt that the pastor’s
personality hindered her from receiving any emotional
assistance from him since "I can’t see myself going to him
for advice and counsel." Although Nan has gone to this
church for 15 to 20 years, she does not believe that she
will have as good a relationship with this pastor as she has
had with the former pastors.

Although the pastors are a major source of assistance

for these older mothers, church members are also a very

134
important source of support. Most of the support that is
provided by church members is financial. Cece listed two
women in a church she occasionally attended for a while as
primary financial providers. Jay noted that the members of
her church invited her over after services to share a meal
with them. She also mentioned that these members called her
during the week just to see how she was doing.

There are three criticisms of the church, in respect to
its provision of support, which the older women forwarded in
their interviews. The first criticism is that the women did
not feel secure in sharing their needs in the church
context. This sentiment was even expressed by some women
about the churches they had been members of for more than
five years. Consequently, many of the women did not view
their churches as viable sources of support. One older
mother, May, exemplified this scenario as she noted in her
interview that she had never received any support, of any
kind from her church. When I asked why she believed this to
be the case, she replied that she did not make her needs
known. May said "I am not really looking for anything. As
long as I’m doing okay--not evicted, paying my bills...I
figure someone else can use the assistance." I asked her if
she would go to her church if she really had a need. May
responded by stating that she would still not go to them.
Her reason is that the church is "Too impersonal. I would go

to my friends first." Another mother, Cece, said that her

 

135
reason for not being close to the members of a church she
attended was because she felt that the members were
unconcerned. Cece said that the church members were nosey
people who didn’t help her to get to church, but wanted to
get in to her business when she got there. She resolutely
said that she would not share her needs with such people.
Pat, a single mother who has attended a church for many
years, said that she goes to church because she was "Brought
up that way." Yet, she admits that the reason she does not
receive support from the church is that she stays to
herself. The pastor knows who she is, but they do not really
talk.

A second criticism is the way in which the church
treats single mothers. The women noted that the churches
needed to have a consistent perspective of, and approach to
supporting single mothers in their midst. Jay, who had a
child when she was in her forties, shared that being in
church with a child out of wedlock caused her greater stress
than the experience of gaining much weight, which was
personally traumatic for her. Jay was most disturbed by the
conflicting responses she received from her fellow members.
Whereas some members realized the strain on her and tried to
comfort her, others responded negatively to her because of
what she had done. One of the most difficult situations she
had to deal with was the comment of an older single mother

in the church who told her "Girl, if I had a baby I would be

136

up on that table having an abortion." This was especially
disheartening to Jay, not just because the perspective was
diametrically opposed to her views and the views of the
church, but because this perspective was espoused by a
church sister. Jay said that the most support she received
came from those church members who although not approving of
her having a baby outside marriage, were still supportive of
her decision not to have an abortion. Bell, who also had her
children out of wedlock, when asked if she was satisfied .
with the support she received from her church said that she
wasn’t. Bell explained that she "Just never fitted in." Bell
said that she had fit into the church she attended before
she became a single mother, but felt that after having a
child she was not able to fit into the independent
lifestyles of the other younger members. Bell emphasized the
point that the issue was not that the church looked down on
her, for as she stated "Sin is sin and they talked about it
but not her." The concern Bell had was not at all about the
way in which she was viewed by her church. The problem,
though, was similar to the point noted by Jay. The problem
is that the church does not reach out to meet the emotional
needs of a single mother. Bell noted in her interview that
she received spiritual support from the church like anyone
else, but she did not feel that her needs were understood.

A third, and final, criticism is raised by one older

mother who believed that the church did not have a

137
comprehensive program in place to prevent teenage
pregnancies. Bobbie, who had her daughters out of wedlock
and at a young age, said that although the church had a
positive impact on her self confidence and her desire to
succeed in her later years, she was not satisfied with the
support she received from her church. Bobbie explained "I
don’t think the church does too much for single mothers. No

programs for teenage girls to prevent teenage pregnancy. It

..-‘ .Jnim ell-N
'd

.3

has no program because no one came to talk to me about the
difficulty of raising kids alone."

In comparing younger and older mothers in relation to
the role of the church in their support networks I see some
interesting distinctions. The first distinction is the way
in which the church is viewed by these two groups of
mothers. The differing perspectives become evident when
church membership and church assistance is compared for
these two groups. The younger women’s perspective of the
church is revealed in the fact that while only a few of
these mothers are members of a church, over half these
younger mothers received some type of support from a church.
The difference in percentages between members and, for lack
of a better term, consumers denote an interesting
perspective of the church. These numbers highlight the fact
that the church is not a primary institution in the lives of
these younger women, as evidenced by their low participation

in, and commitment to a church. Yet, the high percentage of

138

those receiving assistance from a church reveals that the
church is still viewed as a major source of support for
these mothers when needs arise. On the other hand, I note
that although the older women are more committed to being
involved in a church (80% are church members), their
inclination to go to a church to have their needs met is
very similar to that of the younger mothers (only 50%

received some type of support from a church).

 

This difference reveals that whereas most younger
mothers have no predilection to be committed to a church,
they do realize its ability to assist them when they are in
need and, therefore, make use of its assistance. The older
mothers on the other hand, have a predilection to be
committed to a church, yet they are noticeably less inclined
to go to a church to receive assistance. This situation
denotes the reality that the church’s position as a provider
of spiritual guidance may not be as significant to a younger
generation of African-American mothers as it once was to an
older generation of African-American mothers. Still, the
role of the church in the support network of both groups of
these mothers is very evident.

In respect to the findings of other studies, this study
shows significant agreement with two significant
conclusions. The first is the important role pastors, and
especially church members have as support providers. Various

studies have shown that pastors and church members have been

139
a very important source of social support for African-
Americans (DuBois, 1907; Frazier, 1974:41; Taylor and
Chatters, 1988; Taylor et al., 1990), and this study has
revealed that pastors and church members continue to be an
important part of the support networks of many of these
African-American mothers. The second is the important,
though not as prominent, role Black churches have as support
providers in the African-American community. It has been
noted that Black churches are only second to families as an
important social institution (Taylor and Chatters, 1988).
The Black church as an institution has always been viewed as
a very important source of social support because it is one
of the only institutions that endures over a major portion
of a person’s life (Taylor and Chatters, 1988). This study
has shown that the role of the church is not as strong
among younger African—American single mothers as it is among
older African-American single mothers in this community.
Note that only 45% of all the women (n=20) considered
themselves active in a church. Although most of the women
received some form of support from a church, many of these
women did not look to the church for a consistent and
continual influence in their support networks. Still, many
of these women noted that in the time of need the Black
church is still looked to as a source of assistance within
this African-American community. Although Lincoln and Mamiya

note that the significance of the Black church is declining

140
in some realms of the African-American community, these
scholars emphasize that its overall importance in these
communities is still very strong.

At the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth
century the black churches are still healthy and
vibrant institutions. While there has been some
chipping away at the edges, particularly among
unchurched underclass black youth and some college
educated, middle-class young adults, black churches
still remain the central institutional sector in most
black communities. Based on the indices of church
membership, church attendance, and charitable giving in
1987, different studies have pointed out the following:
about 78 percent of the black population claimed church
membership and attended once in the last six months;
blacks (44 percent) tend to have slightly higher rates
of weekly church attendance than white Protestants (40
percent); and they have the highest rates of being
superchurched (attending church more than on Sundays)
among all Americans (37 versus 31 percent).
Furthermore, if time and money are an indication of
loyalty, black churches received a far higher
percentage of the charitable dollar and more volunteer
time than that given to any other organization by black
people (1990:382).

The Single Mother’s Children:

The eighth segment is the role of the single mother’s
children in her support network. This support source is only
noted in the support networks of older single mothers since
their children are of an age to provide support to their
mothers. Of the older mothers interviewed, exactly half
these mothers mentioned their child as a source of support.
The type of support that is provided by these children is
primarily emotional support, with two providing financial
support.

The two children who provided material support

contributed various items. Val noted that although her

141
daughter did not earn much money, the money she does
contribute is combined with Val’s wages to maintain the
household. Jay noted that her daughters provide child care,
transportation, little "I love you gifts," cook, and clean
for her.

The emotional support that is provided took the form of
being a listener upon which the mother could unburden
herself. Cece expressed the need of a single mother to have
someone to share her burdens upon when she said that she
really appreciated the Single Parent Family Institute
because "At least someone here listens to me." Clearly, the
importance of the institute to Cece is that it provides a
source upon which she could unburden herself. This burden
caused Cece to lament in our interview "It got to the point
where I was asking them [her children] advice." Nan said
that she now views her two older sons as "friends" and
considers them a part of her supportive network. Although
her eldest son lives in Texas, Nan and he call and
communicate often. Nan said that she likes talking with
them, interacting with them, and that she thoroughly enjoys
them. The topics of their discussions encompass everything
from complaining to each other about their bosses, to
discussions about their love interests. Jay identified her
daughters as the primary members of her support network with
whom she could "just talk." Jay said that she realized that

both daughters began to give her the advice she once gave

 

142

them. They also give her emotional support when she and her
boyfriend fall out, "Don’t argue with him, don’t get upset,
he’ll be back." Still, the greatest way in which they have
provided emotional support to Jay is the way they accepted
her having a baby so much older in life. She expressed her
joy in relating that her older daughters "pick with her
[their younger sister] by saying ’she was my mom first’."

Those older mothers who had younger children noted that
there are negative consequences to their children being used
as confidants for them to emotionally unburden themselves.
The first negative consequence is that the children are not
emotionally prepared to deal with the pressures placed upon
them by what is revealed. Cece noted this when she related
that although she wanted her children removed from the
foster care system as soon as possible, she realized that
they needed an emotional break from her. She then lamented
that "It got to the point where I was asking them advice."
The second consequence that is noted by the mothers is that
the older male children began to act as their protectors.
May identified this repercussion in her oldest son who began
to act as a parent toward his brother although the two boys
are only two years apart. She also mentioned that she would
have to remind her eldest son of his age and his position
within the household. Cece noted that because of her sharing
with her eldest son the pressures she was facing, she

noticed that he began to get into fights at school and in

143
the neighborhood that centered on what the other child said
about his mother.

African-American Males:

The ninth segment focuses on African-American males who
are not blood relatives, but who have a role in the single
mother’s support network. From the interviews I find that
40% (n=20) of the women noted such males as providers of

support to them. The primary type of support that is

g . ’Js‘ Ms“ M
A - .

provided by these males is material, with emotional support
running a close second, and cognitive support being least
provided.

In respect to the younger women, only three of the
mothers mentioned such a male as a support provider. One
mother, Kim, said that her boyfriend, who is not the father
of her child, is a primary provider of support to her. Kim
noted that he is the third primary provider of money to her,
and that he is also someone she could call on to take care
of her son if she needed assistance. The other two males who
are mentioned are both the boyfriends of the single mothers’
mothers. Liz, who received more support from her mother’s
boyfriend than did the other single mother, said that she
really valued the support that she received from this
individual. Liz said that her mother’s boyfriend buys things
for her baby, gives gifts to Liz and her daughter at
holidays, and is an individual from whom she can obtain

money when and if she needs it. Liz also said that her

144
mother’s boyfriend is someone to whom she can talk to. She
noted that the conversations are not usually intimate, but
they do provide her with the opportunity to express her
thoughts and obtain ideas.

The interviews with the older women revealed that
exactly half these women mentioned an African-American male
who is not a blood relative, but who is an individual who
provided support to them. Two of these men are romantic
interests of the mothers, but are not the fathers of their
children. One is landlord, one is a stepfather, and the last
one is just a male friend. The two most significant
providers of support, though, are the significant others and
the landlord. The two mothers who highlighted their romantic
interests revealed the extent to which these men impacted
their lives. One mother, Val, said that her boyfriend, who
she has known for ten years and is sixteen years older than
her, is the most influential individual in her life and in
the life of her children. Val noted that he has helped
increase her self esteem and caused her to take pride in
herself. She said that everything is new and different since
she met him. Val noted that she "Kind of grew up with him
and became a different person. He helped me see how I spend
too much money. He taught me about saving." She presently
attributes most of her financial and spiritual growth to his
interaction with her. Her boyfriend has also played an

important role in the lives of her children. He gives her

 

145
children advice on school, boys, clothes, and talks to them
as a father. She noted that he has also helped them
financially, and provides emotional support to them since
they feel that they can speak freely with him. The other
mother who identified her romantic interest as an important
support provider is Cece. Cece noted that her "lover"
provides information, encouragement, money, transportation,
and housing to her. This individual did not have much
influence on the lives of Cece’s children since they are all
in foster homes. She did note, though, that he is playing a
major role in helping her cope with the stress of not having
them with her.

Another African-American male who held an important
support role for an elder mother is a landlord. Pat
highlighted the fact that her landlord is a primary support
giver in her network. He will give her money when and if she
needs it. Pat said that she needs this kind of support many
times but she usually does not request it. The relationship
with her landlord is such that he is the only one to whom
she will turn to for this kind of assistance. Pat also noted
that although she keeps many things to herself, she does
feel comfortable enough with her landlord to sit and talk to
him during one of those occasions when they drink together.

In summarizing the significance of these men to the
support networks of the single mothers in this study, I must

conclude that their significance is very limited. The

146
primary reason for this is that there are very few African-
American males who play a part in providing support to these
single mothers. The reasons for this circumstance are
uncertain, but one mother provided an open criticism and
explanation for why this situation is the way it is in her
predicament. The statement was offered to me although I did
not solicit it. One of the last statements Red made as I was
departing after our interview was that the only group from
which she has received no support has been Black males. She
said that they are intimidated by her house and her personal
achievement. By the percentages of the older mothers who
said that they received support from Black males it is
obvious that many of these mothers would also agree with
Red’s statement that this is one of the only groups from
which support was not received.

Those men who are noted as providing support are very
much appreciated by the women, and the support they provide
is positively highlighted. Still, not many of these men are
identified.

The third research concern is to examine the effect
certain demographic variables have on the reception of
support by these mothers. This will be accomplished by
focussing on the effect of seven demographic variables (the
single mother’s age, the age of children, the number of
children, the proximity of the mother, the proximity of the

family members of the single mother, the proximity of the

147
parent of the child[ren], and church membership) have on the
reception of social support by these Black urban single
mothers.

The Single Mother’s Age:

The first variable is age. The study has revealed that
younger single mothers receive just as much, if not more,
support as older mothers. These findings would not dispute
the findings of previous studies that have shown that as
individuals get older they receive less support (Taylor,
1986; House et al., 1988). This study has revealed that a
subsection of the African-American community of Lansing has
provided support for many young Black single mothers who
stand in need of such support. The avenues of this support
have been the traditional sources of support in the African-
American community---extended family, friends, church, and
boyfriend.

The Children’s Age:

The second variable is the relationship the age of the
single mothers’ children has on their receipt of social
support. The findings of this study have shown that single
mothers with younger children receive more support from
various support providers than those mothers who have older
children. This finding is important considering the fact
that it has been noted that a woman is at her greatest risk
for demoralization, depression, frustration, and dysphoria

when she is providing support to a child while receiving

148
only inconsistent support in return (Belle, 1982). It has
also been shown that when a low income mother suffers from
depression she is unable to then provide the emotional
support the child needs (Belle, 1982).

The Number of Children:

The third variable is the effect the number of children
has on the single mother’s reception of support. The
findings of this study have shown that single mothers with a
higher number of children receive more support from various
support providers than those mothers who have a smaller
number of children. This issue is significant in light of
various studies that show a relationship between the number
of children and the quantity and quality of social support
received. Hofferth (1984) shows that the amount of children
is clearly related to the amount of support obtained.
Extended family has been shown to be much more likely to
play an important role in the socialization of children
(Hays and Mindel, 1973). The number of children has also
been shown to be related to the strength of kin ties for
several reasons. First, children are often the foci of kin
relationships, and are the recipients of gifts. Secondly,
the support of children is often the reason for exchange of
items between kin. Finally, the number of children often
determines a family’s living standards and is, therefore, a
determinant of a family’s socioeconomic condition. The

lowering of the family’s socioeconomic condition further

149
necessitates the need for further support (Hofferth,
1984:793).

The Proximity of the Single Mother’s Mother:

The fourth variable is the effect the proximity of the
single mother’s mother has on the single mother’s reception
of support. The findings of this study have shown that the
nearness of a single mother’s mother results in a greater

amount of support received. Studies have shown that women in

'7- . ." a: - .mmuts'
1

stress turn to other women than to their husbands, for
emotional support and understanding (Belle, 1982). It has
also been shown that both men and women view women as better
support givers. The social training women receive on how to
provide support has been credited for this characteristic
(Belle, 1982; House et al., 1988). Considering, the
important role of women as support givers, special attention
will be paid to the role the mother of these younger single
mothers plays in the provision of social support to their
daughters. This is of special significance since many of
these grandmothers are young single mothers themselves and
do not now take on the traditional grandmother roles as
child care providers. The grandmother role of child care
provider has been discarded so that these women can devote
most of their time to the raising of their own children
(Frazier, 1948; Ladner and Gourdine, 1984; Tinsley and
Parke, 1984; Burton, 1990). For this reason special

attention will be paid to the response of younger single

150
mothers as to the support they receive from their mothers.

The Proximity of Family Members:

The fifth variable is the effect the proximity of the
single mother’s family members has on the single mother’s
reception of support. The findings of this study have shown
that single mothers who had their family members living near
them received more support from their family members than
those single mothers who did not have their family members
living in close proximity. This finding is important since
the role of extended families has been evident in many
studies examining their benefits to single mothers. It has
been shown that the assistance extended families give to
adolescent mothers positively affects their parenting
skills, the development of their offspring, their
educational accomplishments, and their economic achievement
(Taylor et al., 1990). The importance of this support has
also been noted in the Black community where Black adults
have been noted to have heightened self-esteem and personal
efficacy when they have supportive family and friendship
relations (Taylor et al., 1990). An important influence on
kin network is the availability and proximity of kin, since
a desire to maintain relationships is futile without the
availability of kin (Hofferth, 1984; Parish et al., 1991).
Findings show that familial relationships, proximity of
relatives, and family contact all play an intrinsic role in

the informal social support networks of Blacks. These

151
factors have also been shown to be related to the
probability of receiving support (Blauner and Wellman, 1973;
Taylor, 1986; Taylor, 1990). It has also been noted that
family contact is a more important factor in receiving
support than satisfaction with one’s family (Taylor, 1986;
1990). It should also be noted that of the family variables
examined by Taylor (1986) proximity of immediate family is
of lesser importance than other factors (especially
proximity of relatives) in predicting the reception of
support.

The Age of the Childrens’ Fathers:

The sixth variable is the effect the ages of the
children’s fathers have on their involvement in the lives of
their children. The findings of this study have shown that
those single mothers with younger fathers of their children
receive more father/child interaction from these fathers
than those single mothers with older fathers of their
children. This issue is important because there is much
interest in the involvement males have in teen pregnancy in
general, and specifically in relation to teen pregnancy in
the Black community (Harrison, 1981; Conner, 1988). One
emphasis has been the difference between older and younger
males. Various studies have focussed on this comparison.
Younger males are shown to have more involvement with their
children than older males (Elster and Hendricks, 1986;

Sullivan, 1989; Anderson, 1987; Danzinger et al., 1990;

152
Taylor, 1990). Younger males are concerned about the future
of their children and the mother who bore them. On the other
hand they are shown to have unrealistic views about
parenthood (Harrison, 1981). Children are viewed by young
males as greater personal and social assets than they are by
young females. These young males believed that having
children will furnish them with more approval from others
(Thompson, 1980). The findings of this study in Lansing

would agree with the more active involvement of younger

 

males in the lives of their children.

The Effect of Religious Affiliation:

The seventh variable is the effect the single mother’s
religious affiliation has on her reception of support from
that religious organization. The findings of this study have
shown that single mothers who are members and active in a
church received more support from the church than those
mothers who are neither members nor active. This issue is
important because church membership has been found an
important source of support for Blacks (Taylor et al.,
1990:999; Frazier, 1974). The church’s importance has been
heavily based on the fact that it provides the bond through
which individual acts of support are extended. Therefore,
individuals with a high amount of social involvement and
integration within the church are more likely to receive
support from church members in comparison to those who don’t

have as high scores (Taylor and Chatters, 1988).

Chapter V

The Effect of Life Course on Support Networks

This chapter is concerned with the effect a single
mother’s position in the life span has upon the composition

and the personal evaluation she has of her support network.

 

The central proposition of the chapter is that age, and
other factors related to age, cause variations in the social
support networks of African-American single mothers and
their evaluations of those networks. The consideration of
the differences in the composition of the support networks
among people of different ages has been noted as a research
priority for exploration (Kahn and Anotucci, 1980b).

Procedural Explanations:

The life course perspective14 will be used to examine
the composition and personal evaluation a single mother has
of her support network. The life course perspective has been
chosen for this task because it allows me to focus on the
ways in which various events and changes over a single
mother’s lifetime affects her "convoys."15 The significance
of examining the social support networks of these mothers
from the life course perspective reveals how the earlier

experiences of these mothers lay the foundation for their

153

154
ability to make it over time (Jackson et al., 1990; Kahn and
Antonucci, 1980a, 1980b). For a more focussed examination of
the convoys of single mothers over the broad expanse of the
life course, I will need to identify and use an important
concept that allows us to more accurately focus on this
subject. Kahn and Antonucci note the importance of this type
of approach in stating,
To advocate a life-course perspective, however, is by
no means sufficient; the notion is too general to guide
research. The life course must be disaggregated in
order to be researchable. We propose role as one of the
key concepts for understanding stress throughout life.
An individual’s life at any given time can be defined
to a considerable extent in terms of the roles that he
or she holds and enacts, and the sequential pattern of
these roles over the years in large part defines the
life course. The nature of those roles and the changes
in them and in their compatibility define the
expectations and demands that an individual encounters;
they are the major sources of external stress in the
life of the person (1980b:384).
Therefore, for my examination of the convoys of these single
mothers I will accentuate the concept of role, and
specifically the parental role, as my analytical guide in
this endeavor. The role of parent is chosen because it is an
age-linked role, in that it changes in respect to content
and style with age, although remaining nominally unchanged
(Kahn and Antonucci, 1980a).
Definitions:
There are five stages of parenting that I can identify,
which will be used for this life course examination. These

stages are constructed considering the capabilities of the

children developmentally, and the response demands they

155
place on parents.16 These five stages are: the total care
parenting stage; the transitional care parenting stage; the
adaptation parenting stage; the preparation parenting stage;
and the autonomy parenting stage.

The first stage is total care parenting. This stage
would include children from birth to about 4 years of age.
This stage would demand the full attention of the parent as
the child is totally unable to provide for its own needs.
The children in this wide developmental age range display
parental challenges that include: total dependency on the
parent to have all needs met; waking up at various times
throughout the night, the lack of mobility, pulling self up
on various items throughout the house, and walking freely to
his/her own destination.

The second is the transitional parenting stage. This
stage would include children from ages 5 through 9 years
old. This stage would mandate that the parent prepare the
child for a proper transition into the school system and the
demands that accompany this passage. The parental challenges
that would demand such attention include: the development of
a common language and speech, control of walking and running
abilities, the desire not to sit for extended periods of
time, and the ability to respond to control through reason.

The third stage is the adaptation parenting stage. This
stage would include children from ages 10-14 years old. This

stage would mandate that the parent prepare the child for a

156
proper passage into the physiological changes that accompany
passage into adolescence. The child, as well as the parent
would now begin to adapt to the changes taking place in
their relationship. The parental challenges that would
demand such attention include: physical changes, a desire to
test the rules and to obtain more independence from parental
supervision.

The fourth stage is the preparation parenting stage.
This stage would include children from ages 17-22 years old.
This stage mandates that the parent prepare their children
for the stage of moving outside their parent’s home and out
on their own. This period also demands that the parent
prepare herself for lessening her authority in the life of
that child. The parental challenges that would demand such
attention include: college and career decisions, marriage,
child birth, moving out of parent’s home.

The fifth stage is the autonomy parenting stage. This
stage would include children from ages 23 and older. This
stage would mandate that the parent restrain themselves from
being overbearing and controlling in the lives of their
children to give them autonomy over their lives. The primary
parental challenge at this stage is to allow children to
live their own lives without the type of input the parent
once offered them. Although the single mother retains her
position as parent, the responsibilities of that position

are greatly limited.

157

I will define role as: a behavioral concept, in that
its defining components are a social position; a set of
activities that are expected because of that person’s
occupation of that position; and interaction that is
mandated because of the existence of counterroles with which
an individual in a particular role must interact with (Kahn
and Antonucci, 1980b; Stryker and Statham, 1985).

Variations in the Convoys of Social Support:

Having established this procedural foundation, I will
now focus on how convoys of social support vary in respect
to composition and evaluation, for these mothers at
different stages in their lives as parents. Again, the
categories that will be used in this examination are: the
total care parenting stage; the transitional care parenting
stage; the adaptation parenting stage; the preparation
parenting stage; and the autonomy parenting stage. Note that
some single mothers had more than one child, some varying
greatly in ages, which placed some of these mothers in more
than one of these stages.

The first stage is total care parenting. Ten mothers
had children whose ages called for this type of parenting.
All these mothers are younger mothers except one mother,
Jay, who had a 2 year old while in her forties. The support
networks of these mothers all reveal a heavy dependence on
family and mother. The primary type of support that is

provided by these mothers is child care. For 30% (n=10) of

158
these single mothers their own mothers are the primary child
care providers. One of these mothers has even gone as far as
legally taking on a surrogate mother role (Burton, 1990).
Even Jay, the oldest woman in this category, repeatedly said
that her mother is a vital part of her support network. Jay
said that her mother is as vital to her support network now
as she was twenty years ago when Jay’s other children were
the age of her present child. The importance of the family
during this stage can also be seen in the fact that 60%
(n=10) of the mothers still live at home where they can more
readily receive kin support (Parish et al., 1991).

The mothers who are not living at home also express a
great amount of dependency on their mothers and their
nuclear and extended family members. One of these mothers,
Bobbie, has a mentally disabled child that heightened her
dependency on her mother and family members. Because of the
tremendous responsibilities that are added to her parental
load because of this condition, Bobbie depends heavily on
her mother and family to provide child care. Her mother went
as far as staying off her job to take care of Bobbie’s
daughter so that Bobbie could go back to school. Bobbie’s
mother also allowed her to come home to stay with her during
this time so that she could provide full time child care
assistance. Since Bobbie’s departure from the home her older
and younger sisters continue to provide child care and other

assistance to her. Hogan et al. (1990) noted a similar

 

159
phenomenon and benefit of an adult family member being in
the household with a single mother who has to care for an
impaired family member. The phenomenon they identified,
though, focussed on the participation of extended family
members and not nuclear family members.

Another aspect of the support convoy of mothers at this
parenting stage is that the fathers, and especially the
younger fathers, of the children are actively involved in
providing for both the mother and child. This involvement is
primarily noted for younger fathers, with one exception. The
one exception is again Jay who received much assistance from
the father of her 2 year old daughter.

The second is the transitional parenting stage. One
mother had children who mandated this type of parenting
approach. This mother, May, has two sons who place her in
this parenting stage. Her support network reveals a high
amount of dependency on her friends to provide emotional and
informational support to her. The composition of the social
network at this stage differs in comparison to the first
stage that revealed a large degree of dependency on family
members. She is very close to her older sisters, but because
of distance she usually communicates with them by telephone.
The nature of the support that she receives from these
family members is emotional, as she said that they give her

counsel and the opportunity to unburden herself. Because her

mother is in her sixties, May finds that their communication

 

 

160
is primarily to determine how each other is doing. Because
May is one of the younger members of her family her oldest
sister has now taken the role of mother to her and provides
counsel to her.17 Though her family is important to her
support network, the primary aspect of her support network
is her friends. May’s friends hold this position because
they are the ones she turns to for counsel and information
dealing with her children)

The third stage is the adaptation parenting stage.
There are three mothers whose children mandated this type of
parenting approach. The support networks of these women are
varied as it comprises two mothers who had very few members
in their support networks. One of these mothers, Pat, said
that she has very few dependable individuals in her support
network. The only dependable member of her support network
is her landlord, who is also her drinking partner. The other
mother, Cece, also had very few dependable members of her
support network other than her lover. The third mother
differed from the other two mothers because she had a strong
relationship with her mother who provided support to her
daughter. Still, Nikki had no other member of her support
network upon which she could depend for support. The
interesting trait that characterized these women is that
none of them noted anyone from which they received
informational support.

The fourth stage is the preparation parenting stage.

161
There are six parents whose children’s ages called for this
type of parenting approach. Most of these mothers (67%: n=6)
do not have a child living at home. Most of the children are
living with a significant other, attending school, or living
on their own. The aspect of the support network of these
mothers that became prominent is the role of the church and
self. Of these mothers, 67% (n=6) mentioned that the church
is a significant source of support for them.

The fifth stage is the autonomy parenting stage. There
are five mothers whose children’s ages called for this type
of parenting approach. At this stage there is a variation as
to the composition of these women’s support convoy. For 40%
(n=5) of the women the church became the center of their
support convoy. For the other 60% of these women friends
became the center of their support convoy. One very
interesting aspect of this stage is that the child now
becomes a major part of the mother’s support convoy. Of the
mothers at this stage 80% (n=5) of them noted that their
child had now become a primary source of emotional support
for them. Not all these children can provide material
support to their mother. In some cases, though, the children
are able and did provide financial assistance to their
mother. The children who moved into their mothers’ support
convoy at this stage are described by their mothers as close

friends.

162

Observations:

There are various observations that I can make in
examining and contrasting the support networks of these
women over the life course. There are three primary
observations that need to be noted here. First, the women
who are later along in their family stage, which created a
contrast between the older and the younger mothers, can
include their children as a part of their support convoy.
Clearly, the benefits of emotional and material support to
both children and parents increases as there is an increase
in age.18 This phenomenon within the older mothers’ support
convoy enhances the strength of that convoy since it has
been shown that older African-American adults with adult
children have a greater likelihood of receiving support from
extended family members (Taylor, 1985, 1990). They are also
found to have a larger helper network (Chatters et a1,

1985) .

Secondly, the older women have a greater history of
having provided tangible resources to other individuals.
They can, therefore, receive the results of this assistance
at a future time from that particular individual. The
evidence of this in the current study is that most of the
older women had more extensive support networks comprising a
more diverse group of individuals. The perspective that the
older women with a longer socioeconomic history receive more

reciprocal assistance, is complimentary to the life course

163
perspective. The life course perspective emphasizes that if
I am to understand the current support exchanges, I must
view the current exchanges in the context of past exchanges
(Jackson et al., 1990). The fact that many of the older
women are at a higher socioeconomic status for a longer
period of time also favors their ability to obtain more
substantial support at their present position on the life
course in comparison to the younger women. The lower
sdcioeconomic position of most of the younger women places
them in a position where their ability to provide for others
is quite limited. This results in their inability to receive
reciprocal assistance in the future,

For example, a lifetime of limited economic resources

does not provide the same capability of building a

tangible ’support reserve,’ that is, a history of

having provided tangible resources to others so that
they might provide the same or similar resources to you

in some future time of need.... (Jackson et al., 1990;

Antonucci, 1985).

Therefore, younger women of lower socioeconomic status,
education, and income are more likely to have an exclusively
family based support convoy and to have multiple relations
with fewer people (Jackson et al., 1990). This is the case
in this study. Still, Stack (1974) has shown that even those
mothers of limited resources can develop their support
convoy through an exchange system. This system entails the
exchange of services and goods, to the extent that the

incomes of these women can allow. This phenomenon has also

been noted in this current study.

164

Thirdly, younger fathers have been shown to be more
involved in the lives of their children. The involvement of
these fathers with their children includes physical
interactions with them, and a concern for shouldering
financial responsibilities (Elster and Hendricks, 1986).
Many of the fathers in this study have been noted by the
mothers to provide emotional and financial support to them
as well. Their support for the mother and child caused them
to be considered by the mothers as an important part of
their support convoy.

Finally, an examination of the convoys of mothers with
dependent children revealed that these younger mothers
relied heavily upon the support they received from their
mothers. Although many of the mothers of these single
mothers’ are younger and had children in the home, they
still provided various types of support to their daughters.
An important type of support they furnished was primary
child care provision. In one case this child care provision

took the form of a surrogate mother role.

Chapter VI

Summary and Conclusions

This chapter has a threefold purpose: first, to review
some of the principal findings of the study; second, to
discuss the implications of these findings to other relevant
studies and issues; third, to propose ways in which
pertinent policies can be informed by these findings. The
limitations of the study, as well as directions for future
research on this topic will also be addressed.

Findings and Implications:

I will overview the findings of this study by using the
study’s four principal subject areas as an organizing
scheme. I will therefore discuss my findings by focussing on
these four areas in this order: the relevance of the study
to Black female headed households; minority families; the
urban underclass; and support networks. The first subject
area is the study of Black female headed households. In
respect to Black female headed households, this study
identified many factors that have previously been identified
as playing a major role in deciding the ability of single
mothers to provide for both themselves and their children.

The three primary factors in limiting the ability of these

165

166
single mothers to provide for their families are: the
inability to gain inexpensive child care, which limits
employment options; the nonresidential father’s lack of
child support; and the small benefits the state provides
(McLanahan and Booth, 1989; Jaynes and Williams, 1989). The
study noted that often a mother’s support network could
intervene in such a way to limit the effects of these
factors. Still, these support networks are not, in most
cases, able to totally negate the impact of these factors
upon the single mother. Still, the study revealed that the
social support networks of these mothers, which they all
said that they possessed, plays a highly significant role in
their lives. The mothers credited these support networks
with enabling them to cope with, and to confront the
socioeconomic struggles confronting them.

The second subject area for which my research findings
have relevance is minority families. The study’s findings
support the view that the patterns and processes of minority
families are culturally unique and valid (Staples, 1971;
Allen, 1978; Adams, 1978; Farley and Allen, 1987). The
findings of this study reveal that these women forge the
structures of their social support networks by including
both kin and nonkin support providers. The study noted the
fact that various individuals such as stepfathers, friends,
and even present boyfriends are a part of the mother’s

support network. This finding parallels those of other

167

scholars who have noted the role substitute kinships play in
the support networks of African-American communities. In
these communities substitute kinships are used to develop
support networks that will provide the functions that an
individual’s family cannot furnish for whatever reason
(Stack, 1974; Duneier, 1992).

This finding emphasizes the importance of a

researcher’s use of two critical perspectives when examining

~
Ah I
I.

“A!

the family forms of minority groups. The first perspective
is that the family form of a minority group is different
from that of the mainstream family pattern. The primary
reason for this differentiation is that minority families
have been socially constructed in different ways. The social
conditions that have impacted minority families have
produced variations in their experiences and their
structures (Staples, 1971; Allen, 1978; Adams, 1978; Farley
and Allen, 1987). The second perspective is that there are
reasons for the differences in family patterns between
minority and mainstream families. Therefore, special
attention must be focussed on identifying the reasons for
these variations, and the benefits these families obtain
from them. If this second perspective is not used, it will
be very hard for the researcher to fully appreciate the
uniqueness of the minority group’s family pattern
(Billingsley, 1968; Scanzoni, 1971; Stack, 1974;

.Aschenbrenner, 1978; Mindel, 1980; Kotlowitz, 1991; Duneier,

168
1992).

Third, my research findings had relevance to the study
of the urban underclass. Many scholars have agreed with
Wilson that there has been a socioeconomic schism within the
Black community to the detriment of the underclass, and to
the decimation of the urban Black community (Brimmer, 1970;
Coleman, 1971; Glasgow, 1979; Willie, 1981). Still, the
findings of this study do not agree with this viewpoint. The
findings of the study revealed that the sample families are
still receiving support from the Black urban community in
which they reside. The interviews with these women revealed
that the support they receive come from many traditional
sources of support formerly noted to exist within the Black
community. Even the poorest of the single mothers could
identify various kin and/or nonkin members of their support
network. These findings agree with the many scholars who
argue that there are various active support networks that
are still operating within urban Black communities
(Granovetter, 1973; Wellman, 1979; Wellman and Leighton,
1979; Oliver, 1988; Garcia, 1989). Wellman (1979) argues
that kin and neighborhood networks still exist in urban,
industrialized societies because of their efficacy in
providing support and sociability. Garcia notes that there
are still "strong family units (including those headed by
single women), community networking and support systems,

dedicated and inspiring teachers and clergy" that enable

169
women in urban ghettos to escape poverty (1989:36-37).
Oliver denounces those who depict the urban Black community
as "disorganized" or "pathological." Instead, his research
findings lead him to contend that this community is "an
elaborate organization of personal networks that tie people
together within and outside the community in bonds of
support and sociality" (Garcia, 1989:640). Duneier adds his
voice to the debate by arguing that the working poor
continues to have moral standards upon which their actions
are based. He highlights the fact that these African-
Americans have not become void of their moral standards
because middle class and working class Blacks have departed
from their communities (Duneier, 1992:131).

The fourth subject area for which this study had
relevance is the support network of African-American single
mothers. The study primarily sought to determine the
existence and composition of these networks. The other three
research inquiries for the study are: ascertaining the
ability of younger single mothers to receive support through
established support networks; discovering the demographic
variables that affect the reception of support; and
determining the changes in the composition of the support
convoys over the life course.

The results of this endeavor are basically threefold.
First, I found that every one of the single mothers in this

study has a support network upon which they rely. Although

170
many of the women argued that they are making it on their
own, their interviews revealed otherwise. Many interviews
revealed that they had various individuals or groups from
which they received, or could receive, assistance. The women
run:ed that this assistance is important to them either
emotionally, materially, and/or cognitively. These networks
varied as to their extensiveness and composition. In respect
to their extensiveness, the support networks of some mothers
extended only as far as including a small number of intimate
associates. Conversely, other support networks encompassed
large numbers of individuals. In respect to composition,
again there is great diversity. Some support networks are
composed of individuals of diverse relations to the single
mother, while others are composed of individuals with only
one type of relationship to the mother. For example, one
mother's support network consists of friends alone. The
members of these networks who play a part in the networks of
these women are: the single mother’s mother; immediate and
extended family members; the single mother’s father; the
children’s father; the family of the children’s father; the
single mother's friends; the church; the single mother’s
children; and various African-American males of various
relations to the mothers, but who are not blood relatives.
The three most noted providers of support by the mothers
are, in this order: friends, family members, and the single

mother's mother.

171

Secondly, the study revealed that the support networks
of younger single mothers made use of established sources of
support. The support networks of these younger single
mothers when compared to those of older single mothers
showed no sign of having suffered because of the differences
in ages between the two groups. In some cases, most notably
the support received from the children’s fathers and the
families of these fathers, the younger mothers showed that
they received more support from their network than did the
older mothers. Despite differences in the appreciation of
the support received from members of their networks, both
groups of mothers received support from the same sources of
support.

The fact that both groups of mothers have identical
support providers who are important to their support
networks is significant. The determination that an African-
American community is presently fostering support networks
for young single mothers, as it formerly did for older ones,
supports the view that contemporary social changes have not
eroded the African-American community’s support systems. The
study’s findings, therefore, agree with the standpoint of
those who argue that these support networks are still
Operating in the Black community (Granovetter, 1973;
Wellman, 1979; Wellman and Leighton, 1979; Oliver, 1988;
Garcia, 1989). On the other hand, these findings stand in

opposition to those who say that these support networks are

172
not functioning today within these communities (Martin and
Martin, 1985; Wilson, 1978, 1987).

Thirdly, the findings of the study highlighted the
effects of assorted demographic variables on the reception
of support by these single mothers. The study found that the
factors that attributed to women receiving the greater
amount of support included: younger age of the single
mother; younger children; a greater number of children;
close proximity of the single mother's mother; closer
proximity of the single mother’s family; younger age of the
children’s father; and either having church membership
and/or being active in a church. These findings all agreed
with previous studies on the effect these variables have on
the receipt of support.

Fourthly, a life course examination of the support
convoys of the younger mothers revealed that they depended
heavily upon the support that they received from their
mothers. Although many of these grandmothers are younger and
had children in the home, they still provided various types
of support to their daughters. One of the primary types of
support that is provided is primary child care provision. In
some cases these grandmothers even took on the posture of
surrogate mothers when they doubted the care their daughters
would give to their grandchild. This finding deviates from
those who argue that because these grandmothers are young

single mothers themselves, they do not take on the

173

traditional grandmother roles as child care providers. This
perspective is based on the viewpoint that these
grandmothers devote most of their time to the raising of
their own children (Ladner and Gourdine, 1984; Tinsley and
Parke, 1984; Burton, 1985, 1990). The current study did not
find that the younger grandmothers are unwilling to take on I,
the role of a primary child care provider, or surrogate

mother for their young daughters. Usually these grandmothers 1

 

mOve to take surrogate mother roles, in respect to their
grandchildren, because of their belief that their daughters
are unable to adequately fulfill the role of primary child
care provider.

The differences in study findings is based on the
differences in the community contexts in which these studies
are based. As Burton noted "When the findings from this
study are reviewed, it is important not to divorce the data
from the context, thereby attributing the life course
patterns of black families in Gospel Hill to black families
in general or to poor black families specifically"
(1990:136).

Finally, my findings were similar to Carol Stack’s
findings from 20 years ago as to the significance of support
networks to African-American women. I believe that the
contribution of my work to this subject area is that it
shows that these networks are still operative in the

African-American community. This is the case despite the

174
tremendous social changes these communities have undergone
over the last several decades.

Policy Ramifications:

There are three policy suggestions that need to be
highlighted from the findings of this study. First, the fact
that churches are viewed by most of these women as a source
of support must encourage service providers, even government
programs, to continue to enlist their assistance. This
strategy should seek to set up on-site assistance centers in
churches, and to provide information by which churches can
network with other service providers.

The implementation of such a strategy will also require
that churches be more open to working with and through
general assistance programs. Taylor and Chatters note the
implications of this openness by churches in stating,

As opportunities within wider society, and access to

larger social support agencies increase, a challenge

facing the Black church will be to function in a more
specialized role . This specialization would include
complimenting other sources of informal and formal aid

,and functioning as service advocates for their

members (Taylor and Chatters, 1988; Haber, 1984;

Lincoln, 1974).

Second, the study revealed that some mothers needed
trustworthy child care providers so that they can obtain
employment. Especially those mothers who do not have family
members close enough to them to provide child care, or who
are not on good terms with family members. Garfinkel and

McLanahan (1989) also noted the need for child care

provision for those single mothers who are Aid to Families

 

175
with Dependent Children (AFDC) recipients, to enable them to
enter the labor force. For the mothers in the study who are
AFDC recipients and do not have family members near them,
the establishment of a child care allowance program would be
very helpful. The provision of benefits to allow single
mothers to contract child care providers whom they trust,
would result in these mothers seeking employment. Such a
policy would benefit the child support and general
assistance systems, while also increasing the self esteem of
these mothers.

Third, the ability of so many fathers to disappear from
the detection of the child support agency argues for the
improvement of this system’s effectiveness. Funding,
employment, and jurisdiction enhancements must be made in
the child support system to forcibly encourage fathers to
fulfill their financial responsibilities (McLanahan and
Booth, 1989; Garfinkel and McLanahan, 1985).” One
suggestion that I believe would accomplish this goal is the
adoption of a wage withholding system.20 Such a system would
make all parents who live apart from their children liable
for a child support deduction from their gross income. The
percentage of the noncustodial parent’s wages that would be
deducted would be based on the amount of children being
supported. In those cases where the noncustodial parent pays
less than the minimum amount established by the program, the

difference would come from the general revenues now devoted

176
to the AFDC program. The adoption of such a system would
result in a more certain and efficient way of collecting
child support.

Fourth, the fact that younger fathers are more
positively involved in the lives of the mothers and their
children than older fathers (Elster and Hendricks, 1986;
Danzinger and Nichols-Casebolt, 1990; Taylor et al., 1990)
highlights an important policy proposal. In the past it has
been the practice of policy makers to primarily focus on the
young mother of the children (Vinovskis, 1986). Yet, there
are some important steps that should be taken to assist
young fathers in assuming responsible father roles. The
principal intent of this proposal is to give these younger
fathers input, at this point in their lives when this input
will have its greatest long term effects, on how to provide
the best assistance to these mothers and the couple’s
children. Based on the findings of this study a training
program should be established to train these young fathers
in parenting skills, emotional support skills, and
vocational and educational training.

Parenting skills are included in this program so that
the addition of these skills might further encourage these
fathers to assume a responsible role in the lives of their
children. Many of these younger fathers will need assistance
in realizing the commitment and sacrifice it will take to

fulfill the father role in the lives of their children

177
(Elster and Hendricks, 1986; Danzinger and Nichols-Casebolt,
1990). Emotional support skills are included because many of
the women, although expressing pleasure in the fact that the
fathers of their children provided material support,
complained that these fathers did not meet their emotional
needs. For many mothers, both young and old, this is a
primary complaint, as well as a suggestion for improvement.
The inability of these fathers to empathize with these
mdthers, whether this is based on an uncertainty of the
relationship’s future or not, can be a determinant of the
quality of the father and mother’s relationship (Elster and
Hendricks, 1986).

Educational training coupled to a job training
component will also be a part of this program since most of
these younger fathers will need the educational and
vocational training. This preparation will provide them with
viable options to either low paying jobs, which limits their
ability to provide for their family, or unemployment (Elster
and Hendricks, 1986). There must also be an enhancing of the
employment opportunities of these younger fathers to enable
and encourage their fulfillment of their parental
obligations (Wilson, 1987; Danzinger and Nichols-Casebolt,
1990). The finding that fathers are more likely to be
involved in the lives of their children if they have been
employed in the last year further highlights the importance

of this emphasis (Danzinger and Nichols-Casebolt, 1990;

178
Taylor et al., 1990).

Limitations and Future Research Directions:

Before examining the limitations and future research
directions of such a study, let us first examine the way in
which potential problems played out in the study. The first
potential problem is the fact that all interviews are
performed by the same interviewer, who is also of the same
race as the interviewees. The potential difficulty that I
noted at the beginning of this study is that I might not be
objective since I am an "insider" interviewer. I do not
believe that this danger was realized in either data
gathering or interpretation as I labored to follow the
methodological standards I established for the study, and
the accepted standards of scientific research (Baca Zinn,
1979). The fact that I performed all the interviews myself
is also beneficial to the study in that I improved as an
investigator and as an "instrument" in the study (McCracken,
1988:18). This approach allowed me to become more familiar
with the respondents, and to place me in a better position,
therefore, for analyzing the data (Miles, 1979; Guba and
Lincoln, 1981; McCracken, 1988).

The second potential problem is the possibility that
the hostility many minority communities have towards
outsider university scholars might be aimed at me since I
came to perform research in the name of the university

(Blauner and Wellman, 1973; Staples, 1976). Although all of

 

179
the women are very supportive of my pursuing a degree at the
university, there was one interviewee who vented upon me her
disdain of the way in which university scholars have
examined and negatively depicted African-American single
mothers. Her frustrations limited her ability to fully
participate in this research, but there was no personal
attack on me because of her viewpoint. She is the only
interviewee for which my affiliation with the university had
a negative connotation.

The third potential problem, which is very closely
related to the second potential problem, is the possibility
that I as a minority researcher would have to operate within
the tension of fulfilling the expectations placed upon me as
a fellow minority, and protecting the long-term goals of the
research project. The time during the study when I faced
this tension was when the interviewee described above
detailed depictions of single mothers that she did not
believe was an accurate representation of most single
mothers. The tension that I faced then, was to avoid noting
interviewees in the study who fit this depiction in order to
fulfill the expectations she placed on me to not continue
this common representation of Black single mothers.

Let us now focus on the limitations of the study. The
major limitation of the current study is that it is an
exploratory investigation involving a nonrandom sample. For

this reason the findings of this study should not be

180
divorced from the context of the community in which it is
performed. This study is not representative of the support
networks of all African—American single mothers, or of the
support networks that exists in every African-American
community. Because each African-American community is
different, each community creates variations in some
elements of social organization while creating similarities
in others (Oliver, 1988).

A third, and final, limitation is that the study is
performed by a male researcher without a way of measuring
the effect of gender on the findings. Despite the fact that
the women are all very candid in the interview sessions, I
realize that it would have been informative to have had a
female researcher work with me in order to examine the
effect of gender on the findings. Still, I must emphasize
the fact that this is a case study for a larger and more
exhaustive study on this subject in the future. I do
believe, though, that the findings of this study are

important and valid.

ENDNOTES

1. For a further examination of this structure see Thornton
Dill (1988).

2.James Patterson (1981) disagrees with this date for
Myrdal’s use of the term and states that the term was used
by Myrdal and others in the 19403 (215).

3. Although noting that younger single mothers have a
greater pool of potential care givers, she argues that these
mothers have fewer economic resources and contacts with
those that have such resources (128).

4. The Single Parent Family Institute is a non-profit,
privately funded organization, which was created to help
single parent families move from conditions of dependency to
self-sufficiency. It seeks to accomplish this goal through a
two year program (which includes personal development,
educational, social services, and employment service
provisions) to single mothers. This list is a record of
single mothers, including their addresses and telephone
numbers, who have at one time or the other contacted this
program.

I received permission from the program to perform this
research based, somewhat on the fact that I had worked with
the Institute for the last three years as a graduate
assistant in the program’s research and evaluation
component. I believe that this program can benefit from my
research as it will allow the program to better meet the
needs of its clients.

5. This type of question is designated as "subjective" or
"perceived" support. This is an appropriate question because
social support is likely to be effective only to the extent
it is paramount to the measurement of social support (House
1983).

6. Koblinsky and Todd (1989), and Cain and Hofferth (1989)
describe such children as "latchkey" children and place
their ages between that of 5 and 13. Although Cole and
Rodman (1987), and Long and Long (1884) respectively choose
6 and 7 as the younger age, they do agree with the older age
of 13. I have selected 5 as the younger age to have the

181

182
study encompass as many of these children as possible.

7. These age groupings were constructed to create two groups
of single mothers to be analyzed. The age grouping
construction is based on the age groupings Burton identified
in her 1990 study.

8. For an overview of the "insiders" and "outsiders"
controversy see Merton (1972); Wilson (1974), and Baca Zinn
(1979) .

9. Baca Zinn (1979) believes that this problem, although
important, can be alleviated by the minority researchers
following the accepted standards of scientific research
(213).

10. The nature of this abuse, whether physical or sexual,
was not specified.

11. It should be noted that there is a differentiation
between the life span and the life course perspectives.
Wells and Stryker (1987) note that "The differences are
matters of degree rather than of kind, of relative emphasis
on individual versus social frames in characterizing the
shapes of people’s lives" (198). The life span perspective
could be characterized as more of a personal structure which
an individual constructs of experiences. This brief overview
reveals the fact that the life span perspective originated
in the discipline of developmental psychology. The life
course perspective could be categorized as primarily a
social timetable of life events through which individuals
progress through in life. This brief sketch reveals that the
life course perspective finds its origin in the discipline
of sociology and its concern with the social structure of
aging and age stratification (Wells and Stryker, 1987;
Aldous, 1990).

12. Isa’s actions are a clear example of what Hill Collins
(1990) describes as a "mothering of the mind". She states
that "Mothering is an empowering experience for many
African-American women.... This special relationship that
Black mothers have with their children can also foster a
creativity, a mothering of the mind and soul, for all
involved" (137).

13. It is important to emphasize, as Hill Collins (1990)
notes, that Black motherhood as an institution should not be
wrongly conceived as monolithic. She explains that,
The institution of Black motherhood consists of a
series of constantly renegotiated relationships that
African-American women experience with one another,
with Black children, with the larger African-American

183

community, and with self.... Moreover, just as Black
women’s work and family experiences varied during the
transition from slavery to the post-World War II
political economy, how Black women define, value and
shape Black motherhood as an institution shows
comparable diversity (118).

14. When examining support networks from the perspective of
the life course they are designated convoys (Kahn and
Antonucci, 1980b). Because I will be using the life course
research paradigm in this chapter I will from this point in
the chapter refer to support networks as convoys for the
rest of this chapter. Kahn and Antonucci (1980a) define
convoy, or personal network, as "the structure within which
social support is given and received" (255).

15. Some of the material used in this construction are White
(1975); Santrock and Yussen (1984); and Schiamberg (1985).

16. The phenomena of the oldest sister taking on the role,
and being viewed as mother by her siblings was noted by two
mothers, May and Dee. The other mother, Dee, stated that her
oldest sister is treated with much respect by she and her
sisters who watch what they say around her. Dee states that
the reason for this view of her sister is based on the fact
that her oldest sister took care of Dee and her siblings
when they were growing up.

17. Although the observations in this section will note the
ages of these mothers, I must highlight the fact that the
critical issue in this chapter is still family stage. Age
continues to be prominent in this chapter because of its
position as the primary variable in distinguishing between
the two groups of mothers.

18. The need for fathers to financially assist the mothers
of their children is paramount in light of the economic
condition of female headed households. Pearce (1987) notes
that women-maintained families account for about half of all
poor families, and that almost half of all indigent
individuals are women (37). Hartmann (1989) highlights the
fact that women and children made up the majority of the
poverty population, and that the disproportionate
representation of women among the poor was increasing.
Clearly there is a growing trend in the disproportionate
representation of women and female-headed households among
the poor.

19. The wage withholding proposal is outlined by Garfinkel
and McLanahan (1986) who present it as a key aspect of their
"new Child Support Assurance System." Their Child Support
Assurance System would work to both increase the income of

184

female headed families as well as working to reduce their
dependence on government programs.

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