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I

This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

7” THE SCULPTURAL PROGRAM OF THE VERSO
OF THE WEST FACADE 0F REIMS CATHEDRAL

presented by

Angela Marie Proudfit

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Master of Art
degree 1n

History of Art

 

 

Department of Art

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Major professoU

November 16, 1994
I)ate

 

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To AVOID FINES Mum on or bdoro duo duo.

DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

THE SCULPTURAL PROGRAM OF THE VERSO
OF THE WEST FACADE OF REIMS CATHEDRAL

BY

Angela Marie Proudfit

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ART

Department of Art

1994

ABSTRACT

THE SCULPTURAL PROGRAM OF THE VERSO
OF THE WEST FACADE OF REIMS CATHEDRAL

BY

Angela Marie Proudfit

The sculptural program of the verso of the west facade
of Reims Cathedral has yet to be satisfactorily explained.
Though some study has been done as to its style and content,
little has been accomplished in regards to its intent or
existence. However, there are documentable influences that
give insight into this program. The work of Abbot Suger and
contemporary theologies had a great impact on the verso.
Much of these ideas were carried via the minor arts,
specifically that of the Meuse River Valley. Additionally,
specific instances of civil unrest created an environment in
which changes were made to the west end of Reims which
ultimately took on political connotations. The result was
this sculptural program at France's coronation cathedral that
serves as a theological vehicle for political statements
about the alliance between the monarchy and the Remois

community.

Copyright by
ANGELA MARIE PROUDFIT
1994

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to acknowledge the members of my thesis
committee, Prof. Eldon Van Liere, Prof. Carol Fisher, and
Chairperson Prof. Susan Madigan. It was Prof. Madigan who
initially inspired me to pursue medieval art and it was in
one of her classes that subject of the verso at Reims first
came to my attention. I also wish to acknowledge the efforts
of Patricia Thompson, Head of the Art Library, without whom
this manuscript would not be possible. Many thanks go to
Prof. Janice Simpson, Curator Visual Resources Library, who
encouraged and supported me endlessly. Finally, I must
acknowledge my friends and my family, especially my fiancé
Scott, who constantly reminded me that I am capable of

anything.

iv

Table of Contents

List of Figures

Chapter One
Introduction

Chapter Two
Description of the Verso

Chapter Three
Typological Foundations

Chapter Four
Location of the Verso

Chapter Five
The West Facade:
The Relationship of
the Verso to the Exterior

Chapter Six
The Message of the Verso

Chapter Seven
Conclusion

Appendix

Bibliography

vi

10

22

39

48

57

65
67

7O

Figure

Figure

Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

10

11

12

l3

14

15

l6

17

18

List of Figures

Plan 2

Baptism of Clovis, Calixtus Portal, 4
North Transept

Labyrinth 8
North Portal 11
South Portal 12
Central Portal 13
Annunciation to Joachim and Anna, 16

Central Portal

Massacre of the Innocents, 16
Central Portal

John the Baptist with the Agnus Dei, 18
Central Portal

Baptism of Christ, Central Portal 18
Apostle, Prophet and King David, 19

Central Portal

Communion of the Soldier, Central Portal 19

Martyrdom of John the Baptist, Lintel 20
and St. Nicasius, Trumeau, Central Portal

Bronze Doors, Hildesheim 24
Fall of Man and Crucifixion, 25

Bronze Doors, Hildesheim

St. Augustine Medallion, Stained Glass 27
Window, St. Denis

Top Section, Portable Altar, Stavelot 30

Nicholas of Verdun, Klosterneuburg Altar 31

vi

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure

Figure
Figure

Figure

Figure

19

2O

21

22

23

24

25

26
27

28

29

Klosterneuburg Altar, Reconstruction

Nicholas of Verdun, Three Kings Shrine,
Cologne

Calixtus Portal, North Transept

Interior West End with figure of
St. Michael, St. Philibert, Tournus

St. Michael with shield of France, from
Third Abbey Church of Cluny

Last Judgement, Central Tympanum,
St. Lazare, Autun

Last Judgement, Central Tympanum,
St. Foy, Conques

West Facade
Porch

Birth of St. Remi, Calixtus Portal,
North Transept

Diagram of Verso

vii

33
35

36

42

44

46

46

49
50
61

69

Chapter One

Introduction

Notre Dame de Reims Cathédrale (1210—1290) is innovative
and experimental architecturally and sculpturally. The
successor of the Chartrain style of Gothic, it is not
surprising that Reims combines new elements or that it
modifies old ones, resulting in entirely new phenomena.1 In
order to examine such phenomena successfully some of Reims's
history must be reviewed.

The first of the two canonized individuals honored at
Reims, St. Nicasius, whose cranium is the chief relic, was
tenth in its list of bishops there and founded the
Carolingian cathedral in 816. When the Vandals overtook the
city, Nicasius stood at the door of his cathedral in defense
of those who sought refuge inside and on the threshold he was
decapitated. with him died his sister, a deacon and a
lector.2 Due to his sense of Christian responsibility toward
his congregation and the callous nature of his demise, St.
Nicasius became a martyr and an important symbol in the
history of Reims.

In 481, Bishop Remigius baptized Clovis I, King of the

Franks, an act for which Remi was sainted. The pagan king

 

1Whitney S. Stoddard, 'The Cathedral of Reims," chap. in An;_gnd
Arshitegtnre_in_Mediexal_Etance (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), 197.

2David Hugh Farmer. The_Qxferd_Dictienar¥_Q£_Saints (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1978), 315.

   
          

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Figure 1

was converted after a military victory and the recovery of
his infant son from a daunting illness, both of which he
attributed to the power of the God to which his queen,
Clothilda, prayed. The baptism of Clovis was followed by
that of his family and followers said to number over three
thousand.3

This baptism of royalty at Reims is pivotal to the See's
original claim to the coronation ceremony in the Romanesque
era when there was constant struggle to establish the rites
of coronation for France. A sculptural relief at Reims in
the Calixtus portal of the north transept depicting Clovis's
baptism goes so far as to include a crown in the scene, as if
to indicate that the coronation occurred at the hand of St.
Remi after the baptism (Figure 2). Such thought was
eventually accepted, but as Hinkle indicates, it is based on
speculation and propaganda which was primarily put forth by
Reims's own Archbishop Hincmar in his ninth century Life_ofi
$t+_3emi,which attempted to solidify Reims as a royal
monument.4 The Life of St. Remi was written in direct
response to Hincmar's being spurned at the coronation of
Charles the Bald as King of Lorraine which instead was

performed by Archbishop Ansegise of Sens in 876.5

 

31bid., 341.

4William Hinkle, Ih2_EQILQl_Qi_EQinLfi_Qf_B§1m§_gfifihfifilflli__flL§LM§¥
W (New York: College Art Association of America,
1965), 23-26.

5C0rnelius Adrianus Bouman..Sa2ring_and_Crowningi__Ihe_Dexelenment
E 1 . . 1 E l . . E . 3 l i . E

 

Figure 2 Baptism of Clovis, Calixtus Portal, North Transept

After the death of Charles the Bald in 877 and the
publication of the Life Qf St. Rem', Hincmar regained the
coronation rite for Reims when he crowned Louis the
Stammerer, Charles's son and successor, as the King of the
Western Franks.6 But the double coronation of the Stammerer's
sons was presided over by the Archbishop of Sens and for the
next century the competing churches evenly continued their

volley of authority over this ceremony.7

 

e v th Ce t r (Groningen: J.B. Wolters, 1957),
109. Pope John VIII had indicated in 869 that the primacy was to be
Hincmar's to carry out at Reims.

6Hinkle, Ihe_£eztal_9£_5ainti. 27.

7Percy Ernest Schramm. Der_K§nig_x9n_£zankrsich (Weimar: H.
Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1960), 114—116.

Sens's role in the coronation rituals ended almost
entirely with its association with the opponents of the
Capetain dynasty, under which all royalty officially became
so at Reims.8 In addition, action taken by Pope Urban II in a
papal bull of 1089, which granted Reims "full rights and
privileges, as regarded not only to the coronations but also
all festival occasions in which the king wore the crown,"
seemed to solidify the Remois claim beyond question.9 But the
rivalry between the churches not only continued but gained
another competitor after the marriage of Philip Augustus to
Elizabeth, the daughter of the count of Hainault. It was at
Elizabeth's coronation that her husband insisted upon
repeating his own ceremony.“’ NOt only did the archbishop of
Sens preside, but the ceremony took place at a third site.
the abbey church of St. Denis.ll

St. Denis's basis for its claim to the rites of
coronation relied on several pieces of evidence. The first
of these was a forged document produced by the abbey which
stated that in the ninth century Charlemagne had placed his
crown on the altar at the monastery, thereby giving his

empire to Saint Denis who returned it to him in an act of

 

8Théodore Godefroy, Le cérémonial franggis (Paris: S. Cramoisy et
G. Cramoisy, 1649), 117.

9Hink1e, Eng Egztgl of Saints, 27.

10Philip Augustus had been intially crowned at Reims in 1179 by
his archbishop uncle, Guillaume.

llGodefroy. Le_§érém9nial_francgi§. 138.

bestowal similar to that of the feudal relationship between
lord and vassal.l2

Added to this was the action of early Capetain royalty
who bequeathed items of regalia to the monastery. Philip I
was the first to leave an actual crown, but he was quickly
followed by Louis VI who did so witnessed by the papal legate
and subsequently declared that, in accordance with law and
custom, the regalia of the king at his death were to become
property of the abbey church of St. Denis.13 Based on these
claims, St. Denis, already the royal burial place, declared
itself the keeper of the crown of France and thus the only
legitimate site for the coronation ceremony.l4

With the contention for the sacre blossoming as an
integral part of Remois history, the few precise dates that
are indisputable regarding the Gothic structure at Reims
provide some clarification through which to examine pertinent
issues. On May 6, 1210 the Carolingian cathedral burned due
to carelessness, according to chronicler Albéric des Trois-
Fontaines.15 Building of the new cathedral was subsequently

undertaken and in 1213 the primary relic, the cranium of St.

 

12Schramm, De; Kogig von Fragkreich, 132.

13Ibid., 132.

14Schramm, Ko ' vo a krei , 132-138. Most significant
examples given to outline the competition for general purposes. For
more specific information see also Hinkle, Ins Egrtal of Saints, chapter

6.

15Robert Branner, I'Historical Aspects of the Reconstruction of
Reims Cathedral 1210-1240,” Speculum 36 (1961): 23.

Nicasius, was translated to a new shrine;16 The first half of
the construction of the new cathedral was sporadic due
primarily to financial and political difficulties:
specifically, in 1221 there were papal indulgences requesting
monies for twenty-one days and in 1222 this was extended to a
full year.17 The quests became so aggressive on suffragan
dioceses that neighboring Laon sued Reims in the papal court
in 1223 and a satisfactory decision was not reached until
1265.18 The continuing financial pressures necessitated the
chapter's use of their interest in the local cloth industry.
This was rather counterproductive as the burghers of Reims
revolted almost constantly from 1233 to 1236, bringing the
construction of the cathedral to a dead stop.19 The final
evidence that aids in the chronological history of Reims is
its famous labyrinth which recorded the order of the five
architects who worked on the construction of the Gothic
cathedral during the following campaigns: Jean d'Orbais,
1210 to 1220; Jean de Loup, 1220-1236; Maitre Gaucher, 1236

to 1254, and Bernard de Soissons, 1254 to 1289 (Figure 3).20

 

16Ibid., 29.

17Barbara Abou-El-Haj, I'The Urban Setting for Late Medieval Church
Building: Reims and Its Cathedral Between 1210 and 1240,‘ Art_flistgxx
11 (March 1988): 21.

18Ibid.
19Ibid., 22-24 and Branner, I'Historical Aspects," 32.
Significantly enough, a change in the design of the cathedral has been

noted precisely at this level which will be discussed more later.

20The dates given are estimates since no two scholars agree on a
time frame given to any one of the campaigns. These dates span the

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longest possible period of time that any given architect could have
supervised a campaign.

Through all of the documentation, very little is said
about the verso of the west facade. In an area which is
traditionally blank or at best decorated with blind tracery
in foliate patterns, the verso at Reims introduced a full and
complex sculptural program. Its appearance is surely not one
of chance. The complex environment from which it emerged
most certainly shaped its existence ideologically,
politically, and artistically. This program meant something
and it evolved from somewhere. It cannot be a chance
decoration, for its complexity, scale and placement deny such
a possibility. In order to understand the verso's presence
and uniqueness, a search for influences and meaning is

necessary.

Chapter Two

Description of the Verso

The newly sculptural space of the verso of the west
facade of Reims Cathedral is firstly divided into three
sections by the architectural partitioning of the narthex by
the nave walls. The resultant sub—programs stand physically
separated.

The north and south portals are flanked on each side by
two columns of niche figures which terminate at the apex of
their Gothic pointed arches much in the manner of exterior
archivolt sculpture (Figures 4 and 5). The central program,
however, does not echo its architectural portal as its
flanking three columns of figures continue upwards in a
strictly perpendicular fashion culminating in a full band
across the portal at the base of the glazed triforium (Figure
6). A spatial description of the verso would not be complete
without mention of the other glazing innovations present in
the tympana of each portal.

Each figure of the verso is carved from an individual
masonry block, the full-sized niche figures, which constitute
the majority of the program, being four feet, six inches
tall. All of the niche figures were carved prior to
placement as they literally provide the structural building

blocks of the portals.“- Therefore, it can be stated that the

 

21Willibald Sauerlénder. Q2this_ssulntnrs_in_£ranssr_llAfl;lZZQ
trans. by Janet Sondheimer (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1972), 479.
Several figures of the south portal were damaged in 1914 due to the war.

10

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Figure 6 Central Portal

14

program was not decoration subsequent to the cathedral's
construction but rather an integral part of the conception of
the west end prior to its erection.

In order to analyze the sculptural program of the verso
it is necessary to understand its contents. Previously, the
verso, in its entirety, had been dismissed as a compilation
of prophets or, in rare instances, a selected scene would be
removed from its context for discussion. A hypothesis has
also been put forth that the verso is a depiction of the
Virgin's lineage in the form of the Tree of Jesse:22 Though
not completely erroneous, these explanations and treatments
are far too simplistic for a program with over 122 figures.
Closer examination of the verso reveals basic iconography and
understanding of its ingredients.23

Each side portal is primarily composed of individual,
standing figures which do not present a narrative. These
male prophets, as they are generally called, fill the first
four registers above the drapery-filled blocks which occupy
the bottom—most band on each of the three portals. The upper
figures of the side portals, which become somewhat chaotic as
they follow the form of the pointed arch to its apex, do work

together to comprise narrative scenery.

 

22Marcel Jay, Le Symbelisme des Nombres e 1e getnégrale Qe Beims
(Reims: Communications a l'Académie Nationale, 1960), 72.

23An identification of each individual figure and scene can be
found in Appendix A.

15

On the south portal the role of John the Baptist in
writing the book of Revelation is portrayed via scenes of his
experience on the island of Patmos, events of the Apocalypse
itself, and various angels enacting Apocalyptic elements.

The lintel of the south portal depicts the martyrdom of St.
Stephen and the original glazed tympana is lost.

The condition and imagery of the north portal lintel and
tympana imitate that of the south. On the left, the upper
portion of the north portal contains Old Testament scenes
precursory to the life of Christ such as the sacrifice of
Isaac and Moses and the brazen serpent. The scenes on the
right are events from the life of Christ such as the raising
of Jairus's daughter and the calling of St. Matthew. These
two sets, the prefigurations and the events from the life of
Christ, are kept separate by angels which occupy the apex.
These angels provide the necessary break from one time period
to the next while simultaneously providing heavenly
verification of the relationship between the two.

In contrast, the central portal contains only narrative
scenes which can be read from bottom to top and left to right
on each side of the doorway. Old Testament prefigurations
for the life of Christ, which can also be interpreted as
Marian genealogy, compose the southern side of the central
portal. Images include King David, the Annunciation to
Joachim and Anna (Figure 7), the Massacre of the Innocents

(Figure 8), and Gideon and the Fleece.

l6

 

Figure 8 Massacre of the Innocents, Central Portal

17

John the Baptist is depicted on the right, specifically
his role in Christ's life and his premonition of Christ's
death in scenes of the Agnus Dei (Figure 9), the baptism of
Christ (Figure 10), and John's wavering faith while
imprisoned are shown among others. In summary, the central
portal illustrates the relationshipretween the Virgin Mary,
Jesus Christ and John the Baptist.

There are, however, two scenes on the central doorway
which are problematic. Each occupies the first register on
either side. On the left there is a figure in long robe and
cloak without shoes who is generally believed to be an
apostle. He is followed by a prophet and King David (Figure
11). This mysterious trio has received much discussion but
no conclusive answer has been brought forth as they do not
fit neatly into the schema of that side. On the right the
difficult scene contains a priest giving communion to two
soldiers (Figure 12). This scene doesn't obviously relate to
its surrounding group in the same manner as the former. It
is necessary to consider at this time that the bottom most
registers on the left and right of the central portal, which
have proved to be so troublesome, could very easily,
considering their location, have been reserved for those
scenes which would speak most directly to their medieval

audience.24

 

24This will be expounded upon more directly as will the iconology
and the meaning of the entirety of the verso in Chapters Five and Six.

18

 

Central Portal

John the Baptist with the Agnus Dei,

Figure 9

 

Central Panel

Figure 10 Baptism of Christ,

 

Figure 11 Apostle, Prophet and King David, Central Panel

 

 

 

Figure 12 Communion of the Soldier, Central Panel

20

The lintel of the central portal is dedicated to the
martyrdom of St. John the Baptist, the scenes of which are
capped with a raised trumeau figure of St. Nicasius holding
his head in his hands (Figure 13). The glazed tympanum, like
that of the side portals, is modern with the original being a
casualty of war. The glazed triforium, directly above the
niche figures correctly depicts the baptism of Clovis I by
St. Remi. The grand rose window, though a modern
restoration, accurately illustrates the Dormition and

Assumption of the Virgin.25

 

Figure 13 Martyrdom of St. John the Baptist, Lintel and
St. Nicasius, Trumeau, Central Portal

 

25Donna Sadler—Davis, 'The Sculptural Program of the Verso of the
West Facade of Reims Cathedral" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1984),
244. The grand rose contains twentieth century stained glass installed
by artist Peter Simon in 1908.

21

The relationship of the component scenes of the verso,
as well as that of the lintels and of the glazing program on
the interior of the west end, is complex. It is further
compounded by the correlation of these interior elements to
the exterior sculpture. Consequently, it is fair to surmise
that there are various levels of meaning to pursue and
explore, but it is first necessary to examine the key sources
which have led to this unique and monumental arrangement of

sculpture.

Chapter Three

Typological Foundations

Typology and typological organization is based on
groupings of types. Placing Biblical scenes into an
arrangement based on their typological content has resulted
in various parallels between the Old and New Testaments.

This eventually became the accepted mode for compositions of
the prefiguration of Christ, which was well established by
the time of sculptural program of the verso at Reims.

This correspondence between the Old and New Testaments
started in the formative years of Christianity. Benedict
Biscop, the Abbot of Wearmouth in England, returned from Rome
in 684 to his abbey with typological pictures to decorate his
monastery. The images expressed "methodically the
correspondence of the two Testaments. For example, there is
Isaac carrying the wood of sacrifice opposite the Lord
carrying his cross."26 But by the Carolingian era typology
was not as prevalent. Remaining artifacts from the tenth

centuries have yielded no typological works.27

 

26Emil Male. WWW trans.
by Martheil Mathews (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 161.
See also Helmut Buschhausen, 'The Klosterneuburg Altar of Nicholas of
Verdun: Art, Theology, and Politics,” Qeernel_efi_the_flarbuzg_end
Qeurtagld_1netitutee 37 (1974): 32 which refers to sixth century
Rusticus Helpidus who wrote inscriptions for an unsurviving cycle of
typological frescoes.

27Male, Religious Art, 160. With the possible exception of a
miniature from the sacramentary of Drogo, brother of Louis the Pious and
the Bishop of Metz. The intended relationship between Abraham carrying
the ram substituted for Isaac and Melchisedek preparing bread and wine
on an altar is speculative and shows a correspondence between two Old

22

23

It is in the Ottonian period that typological
associations are firmly established. This is done.
incidentally, at the threshold of a nave vessel. It is in
1035 at the Cathedral of Hildesheim that the bronze doors
which Bishop Bernward had commissioned for the Abbey Church
of St. Michael in 1015 appear with a program of eight Old
Testament scenes on the left and eight New Testament scenes
on the right, which are intensely paired and compliment each
other precisely (Figure 14).?28 For example, in the third pair
from the top, the temptation of Adam and Eve with the fruit
of the Tree of Knowledge is opposite the crucifixion of
Christ upon the Tree of the Cross, creating a connection
between the fall of man and his redemption (Figure 15). By
1140, typological systems are a firm contender for
compositions in Christian art.

In the late Romanesque period the comparison of the Old
and New Testaments in teaching and conversation continued as
an illustrative tool. There was also a proliferation of
written material, such as Walafred Strabo's guesse_grdinazia
which outlined “Christ's presence on every page of the Old
Testament,“ that made the theories of Christian typology

available to literate individuals.29

 

on an altar is speculative and shows a correspondence between two Old
Testament scenes. Thus this work is not the best example of Old to New
Testament typology.

ZBViCtor Heinrich Blbern. D2m_nnd_ngs§hatz_in_flildesheim
(Hildesheim: Aufnahmen H. Wehmeyer, 1979), 43.

29M51e. Belinigu§_Art. 160.

24

em

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Bronze Doors, Hildesheim

Figure 14

25

 

Figure 15 Fall of Man and Crucifixion, Bronze Doors,
Hildesheim

26

Artistically it is at the Abbey Church of St. Denis that
the system of typological concordances is reasserted
primarily through the work of Abbot Suger. The correlation
of the two Testaments became the principal theme of the
interior decoration at St. Denis via the resurrection of St.
Augustine's text the City Qf Ced. St. Augustine is directly
cited in Suger's surviving glazing program. In one
particular scene Christ is depicted with one hand crowning
the New Law and with the other lifting the veil covering the
face of the Old (Figure 16). The inscription reads: Quod
MOyses velat Christi doctrina revelat (What veiled, the
doctrines of Christ unveiled).3O This concept is a direct
visualization of St. Augustine's famous statement in the City
ef_Ced: "The Old Testament is not other than the New covered
by a veil, and the New is not other than the Old unveiled."31
By utilizing St. Augustine, Suger not only gave typology a
theological source and philosophy, but he also ultimately
added prestige to the abbey as a House of God and, in that
vein, forged a further connection to the City of God, the New
Jerusalem.

The verso at Reims employs this typological arrangement.

The central portal, which illustrates Old Testament

 

3OAbbot Suger of St. Denis, AbbQt_Sugsr_9n_ths_Abbe¥_§hursh_9f_Stl
Denie_and_1te_Axt_Iteeeutiee, ed. Erwin Panofsky, (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1940), 74-75 and Male, Religieue_Att, 160.

31John H. S. Burleigh, The City Qf 99d: A Study 9f 5;,
Augustine;§_£hileeephy (London: Nisbet and Company, Ltd., 1949), 104.

27

1W 1

I

x‘ it "
" 1“ .

 

Figure 16 St. Augustine Medallion, Stained Glass Window,
St. Denis

prefigurations on the right and the events of John the
Baptist on the left, is filled with typological connections.
There are obvious, loose connections such as the Annunciation
to Joachim and Anna and to Zachariah and Elizabeth which both
point to the Annunciation to the Virgin. In the same manner
the prophecy of Habbakuk is similar to the scene of the
Baptist with the Agnus Dei in that they both refer directly
to predictions about the fate of Christ. The same
relationship applies to the Annunciation to Joachim and Anna
and the scene directly across the doorway from it. This
shows the Baptist, flanked by two prophets, in a pointing
position of premonition in front of an axed tree, which is

symbolic of the cross and again of Christ's fate.

28

with the concept of a typological concordance
established at Reims the questions remain: How did typology
travel to Reims and what was the catalyst for the verso's
unique appearance? A return to St. Denis will reveal the
beginning of the progression.

At St. Denis, typology directed the course of all
things. This "muvre théologique-—a sermon in stone" is what
Suger must have envisioned for the architectural project of
the rebuilding of his church.32 .As illustrated previously,
the theory behind typology was carried into the windows and.
most significantly, also to the minor arts. It is in the
Great Cross of St. Denis, now lost, that concordances were
directly made in a juxtaposition of sixty-eight scenes from
the life of Christ with Old Testament prefigurations.33 These
sixty-eight scenes

of the Old Testament and the mysteries of the New

Testament must have encompassed the full drama of the

Redemption enacted through the Nativity, the Passion,

the Resurrection, and the Ascension. These four

mysteries were symbolized by the four evangelists
seated at the foot of the base of the great cross and
would have fittingly been distributed on the four-
sided pillar.34

The thorough documentation of Abbot Suger explains the

content and the appearance. The artist, Godefroid de Clair, and

 

32Georges Duby, Ihe Europe of Cathedrals 1140-1280 (Geneva:
Skira, 1966), 14.

33Ibid., 19.

34F. Verdier, "What do we know of the Great Cross of Suger in
Saint-Denis?,' Ceete 9 (1970): 14.

29

the pattern of composition, which had been made of a square
plaque and four lobes, were Mosan;3S The fact that Suger
employed artisans, especially goldsmiths, from the Meuse River
Valley is known.36 'The combination of Suger's typological
system with that of Mosan artists, the majority of which
traveled to their work, resulted in a vehicle for the rapid
dissemination of the concordance system in the visual arts.

The entire arrangement of the lost cross of St. Denis is
suggestive of the panels of the enameled portable altar from
Stavelot (Figure 17).37 It is said that Suger's program was as
strictly typological as that carried out in the Klosterneuburg
Altar of Nicholas of Verdun (Figure 18).38 It is more likely
that Suger's typological program influenced the works of Mosan
artists than it is that the works were simply similar or
convenient counterparts.

The Klosterneuburg Altar is so often used as an example of
what the cross of St. Denis might have looked like that Nicholas

of Verdun merits closer examination.39

 

35Ibid., 14.

36Abbot Suger, Abbey Chuteh of St, Qenie, 58. Suger refers to his
artisans as aurifabros Lotharingos (Lorraine). In the time of Suger,
much of the Meuse River Valley area was encompassed in a section of a
duchy called Lower-Lorraine, a division of ancient Lotharingia. Male,

IkflAflMmELALL.150-

37Verdier, “Great Cross of Suger,‘ 14. Verdier also cites a
connection to stained glass panels at the cathedral of Chalons-sur-
Marne, specifically its ambulatory windows of the Infancy of Christ and
the Tree of Jesse.

3m1bni, 14.

39Male, Religieue_Att, 169 and Verdier, llGreat Cross of Suger,“
14.

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Figure 18 Nicholas of Verdun, Klosterneuburg Altar

32

This is what Suger's cross. when it was encased in

enamels, must have looked like. One could say that

the artist was inspired by the cross for the Grapes of

the Promised Land and the Tau Sign Inscribed on the

House Fronts take us back again to St. Denis. The

work is dated 1181. Had Nicholas of Verdun been

taught by Godefroid de Clair? Was he one of the last

Lorraine disciples who worked for Suger?4O

The dissemination of concordances was also a tool with
which to combat heresy through the images of the typological
system which focused on the truth of Redemption.41 In this
manner the system furthered the cause of the Church beyond
scholastic queries. Therefore, it is not surprising that the
Prior of Klosterneuburg was as intimately involved with the
planning and execution of the altar as Abbot Suger was at St.
Denis or that subtle theological issues lay at the root of its
commission:42 The portable altar, which was originally an ambo
until a fire in 1330 caused its rearrangement, directly reflects
the liturgy which would have been spoken from it in its 51
typological scenes, complete with Latin inscriptions in four
large panels and that are executed in a classicizing style
(Figure 19).43

Beyond Nicholas of Verdun's knowledge of typology and

speculation of his presence at St. Denis, the classicizing style

 

40Male. Religigu§_Art. 169.

41Duby. W. 21.

42Helmut Buschhausen, “The Klosterneuburg Altar of Nicholas of
Verdun: Art. Theology. and Politics.“ l9urnal_9f_the_marburg_and
Ceurtauld_ln§titutes 37 (1974): 31.

43Ibid., 9 and Helmut Buschhausen, Det_yetdunet_Altet (Vienna:
Tusch, 1980), 9.

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Figure 19 Klosterneuburg Altar, Reconstruction

34

is another way to track his influence in the Champagne region.
It appeared in Gothic sculpture around 1200 “persist[ing] in
Saxony, cradle of the Ottonian line, and more vigorously in the
cities of the Rhine and Meuse regions, and in Lotharingia, [and]
most Carolingian provinces in Europe.”“ Nicholas of Verdun's
work was considered very important in the development of this
style, by some as important as Reims which served as a classical
center.45 In fact, the specific influence of Nicholas of Verdun
can be seen at Reims Cathedral. The style of Nicholas' Shrine
of the Virgin at Tournai and the Three Kings Shrine at Cologne
(Figure 20) have been directly related to the jamb figures of
the Calixtus Portal of the north transept (Figure 21) and to
Paul of the Last Judgement at Reims.46 In addition, his style
has been connected to the sculpture at Chartres and Laon.47
Though there is dissent as to Nicholas' influence on the
classicizing style in the Champagne region it is not as
convincing as the original arguments in favor of it by the same

scholars.48 'The more cautious approach merely takes a step back

 

44Duby. Europe_9f_£athedrals. 20.

45Peter Cornelius Claussen, 'Antike und gotische Skulptur in

Frankreich um 1200,‘I Halltefefiiehetz_lehzbueh 35 (1973): 85-86.

46Hans Reinhardt, 'Nicholaus von Verdun und die Kunst in Reims,"
Kanez_Demblett 26/27 (1967): 125-130. There is also evidence of early
Mosan influence on the Madonna and Child from the north transept, right
portal of Reims Cathedral by comparison with the Madonna of Heribertus
Shrine.

47William D. Wixom, l'The Greatness of the So—Called Minor Arts,"

chap- in Ihe_Xear_l2Qfli__A_Baskaround_Surxex (New York: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1970), 97.

48Peter Cornelius Claussen, 'Zum Stil des Plastik am
Dreikénigenschrein: Rezeptionen und Reflexionen,“ Kélner_Domblatt 42

35

 

Figure 20 Nicholas of Verdun, Three Kings Shrine, Cologne

 

(1977): 40 and Willibald Sauerlander, "Sculpture on Early Gothic
Churches: The State of the Research and Open Questions, " fiesta 9
(1970) : 46.

36

 

Figure 21 Calixtus Portal, North Transept

37

to say that it is more than likely that the Champagne region and
Nicholas of Verdun were influenced by the same elements than it
is that the artist had influence over the region or vice
versa.49

The presence of Nicholas of Verdun is established by the
affinities regardless of the specific direction of the
relationship. It was this classicizing style of the Mosan
goldsmith which created a significant interaction between the
minor arts and monumental sculpture.“’ This, paired with the
possibility that he may have been commissioned to execute a
shrine for Reims Cathedral, successfully outlines the
association between Nicholas of Verdun and Reims Cathedral.51

It is significant that the verso at Reims appears more like
a monumental reliquary than it does anything else. The
composition of the verso is not only unlike that of the
exterior, it is an anomaly. The treatment of the wall is unlike
anything that had adorned architecture before. The search for
architectural influences exhausted, a more intimate influence is
likely. Many reliquaries employ niched figures but the
compositions are often simplistic. However, the goldsmith or

minor arts connection is maintained by an investigation of the

 

49Claussen, "Dreikénigenschrein," 42 and Sauerlander, “Early
Gothic Churches,‘I 47.

50Eleanor S. Greenhill, 'French Monumental Sculpture,“ chap. in

W (New York: The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, 1970), 35.

51Hans Reinhardt, Le_Cethedtele_de_Eeime (Paris: Presses

Universitaires de France, 1963), 146-147.

38

compositional similarities between the verso and the
Klosterneuburg Altar of Nicholas of Verdun.

Both works employ niched figures in a grid-like pattern
which ultimately reveal a typological composition. Though their
content differs that is not surprising, for the source of
typologies is generally determined by the liturgy engaged in the
presence of the object.‘52 Or to be more clear, in the absence
of a portable object, the allegorical scenes are decided by the
purpose of the space in which they exist. Therefore, regardless
of their differences, the Klosterneuburg Altar of Nicholas of
Verdun and the verso of the west facade at Reims stem from the
same tradition of typological concordances which inspired Bishop
Bernward at Hildesheim and was further promoted by Abbot Suger

at St. Denis.

 

52Helmut Buschhausen, “The Theological Sources of the

Klosterneuburg Altarpiece, ' chap. in Ihe_Xeaz_lzflflt__A_Sympeeium (New
York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1970), 122.

Chapter Four

Location of the Verso

The placement of the sculptural program of the verso on the
interior west wall of the facade at Reims is curious. The
addition of a large and complex architectural sculpture program
to the interior would seem to merit a more impressive location,
particularly one nearer to the sacred east end of the church.

An examination of two primary uses of the west end in medieval.
Christian churches is required to grasp the significance of the
sculptural program on this interior space.

The narthex of medieval churches often served as the
setting for the viewings which would occur prior to funerals.S3
Although it was common to have this custom take place in the
home of the deceased, visitation frequently occurred in the
narthex of the deceased's church. Either way, this ritual
always followed the preparation of the corpse and preceded the
funeral proper much in the same manner that is followed today.

The entire funeral process is significant as the importance
of burial versus cremation is a hallmark of Christianity. The
concept of redemption and, subsequently, resurrection of the

body resulted in a full funerary process.54

 

53NeE_Qatholis_§nsxslopedia. 1967 ed.. s.v. "Funeral.“

S4Cyrille Vogel, Medievel Litgggy; Ag Inttegectiog t9 the SQEECGS
(Washington, D.C.: Pastoral Press, 1986), 80. The first funeral

litrugy recorded to accompany the process is outlined in Ordo XLIX
written in 800.

39

40

Upon death, the corpse was prepared in a manner that
generally involved the expected washing and dressing. The body
was then ready for viewing. After this, the funeral proper
began with a procession to the church.55 This step is
eliminated if viewing took place in the narthex. The funeral
service occurred at the high altar during which the coffin was
often sprinkled with holy water in remembrance of the sacrament
of baptism.S6 The Eucharist was an instrumental part of the
funerary process as it was an expression of the belief that
communion still existed between the living and the dead.57 'Ehis
reflects again the desire to maintain the body for resurrection.
The service culminated in a procession to the cemetery where the
grave was blessed and Psalms sung to emphasize the glory of

death as a positive gateway to a better life.58

 

55Neu_§atholis_flnsxslopedia. s.v. "Funeral" cites Canon Law of

1215 that required funeral ceremonies for the faithful to take place in
the church.

56J. G. Davies. ed.. A_NeE_Distionarx_of_Litura¥_and_florshin
(London: SCM Press, Ltd., 1986), 127. In addition, Michael Ragon, The
5 E E !l. E fi! 1 E E E 1.! ! I . i
ntheniem trans. Alan Sheridan (Charlottesville: University of Virginia
Press, 1983), 71 indicates that this tradition stemmed out of an
existing pre-Christian Roman tradition of lustral water in funerary
vases that were placed in the tomb with the deceased. According Ragon's
theory this practice was altered in the Middle Ages when the lustral
water became refered to as holy water and urns replaced the vases but
remained as a symbolic continuation.

57Davies. Liturnx_and_florahin. 117.

58Ibid., 117. Another note relative to this funerary issue is

that of sarcophogi art. Specifically, in the late Romanesque and early
Gothic period, it was common for the width ends (and occasionally all
sides) to be decorated in a manner that divided the panel into niched
figures of cloaked mourners. This niched figure arrangement is similar
to what occurs on the verso but on a smaller scale and of more generic
content. An example of this can be found at the Walters Art Gallery in
Baltimore, Maryland. A more animated example of this mode of decoration

41

The funerary aspect of the west end does not cease with the
burial process. Many medieval churches reserved the west end,
particularly the gallery space above the narthex, for a
secondary altar or chapel area. If used in this manner, the
space was dedicated to St. Michael the archangel. Such spaces
remain today at the Romanesque churches of St. Philibert at
Tournus (Figure 22) and at Le Madeleine at Vézelay.

The cult of St. Michael began its artistic legacy at a
grotto high atop Monte S. Angelo (Gargano) in Italy which housed
an image of St. Michael standing on a dragon.59 'Ehis sacred
place was created by the Bishop of Sipontum on the orders of St.
Michael who appeared to him on the mountain and became a popular
pilgrimage site. The cult grew with several chapel/sanctuaries
perched on high and majestic places.

In France, the Cluniac order sponsored the cult and
perpetuated its growth.60 The most renowned French site is Mont
St. Michel which was the project of Aubert, bishop of Avranches.
who was also under the instruction of the archangel.61

This desire for height was the catalyst for the placement
of altars to St. Michael at the west end, specifically in or

near the towers. However, the popularity of the archangel as a

 

is the sarcophogi of Louis, son of St. Louis, c.1260. A replica of the
latter is in the Musée des Monuments francais, Paris.

59Méle. Religious_Art. 257.
60Ibid., 261.

61Ibid., 260.

42

 

Figure 22 Interior West End with figure of St. Michael,
St. Philibert, Tournus

43

cult figure is explained in his deeds and subsequent iconology,
both of which contain a funerary connection.

Most often St. Michael is portrayed as a patron saint of
Christianity. His vanquishing of the dragon is symbolic of his
removal of Satan from Heaven, at which point Hell was created.62
It was his intercession which saved many souls from Hell. His
cult following primarily grew from the dual nature of St.
Michael as protector/intercessor.

St. Michael as protector generally stands over a dragon
often with a spear to its mouth, occasionally with shield in
hand. As such, he has occupied much artistic space including
manuscripts, capitals, and tympana. This role as patron saint
of the faith has been manipulated to the role of patron saint of
France as illustrated in a panel from the Third Abbey Church of
Cluny (Figure 23).63

The concept of St. Michael as intercessor is often
portrayed in scenes of the Last Judgement. It is in this manner
that St. Michael continues his participation in the west end of
church architecture as the Last Judgement which usually occupies
a tympana, if not the central tympana, of the west facade in
medieval churches as a key part of exterior iconography.

St. Michael's role in the Last Judgement is to weigh the

souls, thereby determining the damned and the elect, with a

 

62Revelation 12:7—9.

63Mina Martens, André Vanrie, and Michel de Waha, Seint_Miehel_et
fia_5ymhgligue (Brussels: Editions d'Art Lucien De Meyer, 1979), 128.

44

p . r

at .
Ila-It... 3.3. : I“

 

from

Michael with shield of France,

Third Abbey Church of Cluny

St.

Figure 23

45

mischievous Satan in close proximity.64 'Phe most animated of
these scenes is at St. Lazare at Autun which shows a demon
attempting to increase the weight of sin by tossing a toad into
the cup (Figure 24). At St. Foy, Conques, Satan actually
applies a finger to the scale in an attempt to throw off the
archangel who removed him from Heaven and gain another for his
numbers (Figure 25).

In this protector/intercessor role, St. Michael becomes a
significant part of the process leading to eternal life. As
such, he is at the threshold between earthly existence and
heavenly paradise. It is sensible to connect death, the closest
physical state to the eternal, with St. Michael who, via the
process of weighing souls, is determinant to Heaven.

Merely by location, the sculptural program of the verso
associates itself, however loosely, with funerary elements and
the related aspects of the aerial cult of St. Michael.
Therefore, the potential funerary affiliation of the verso is
significant, especially as it is related to the continual battle
between Reims and St. Denis, the royal burial place for France.
for the rites to the coronation ceremony as outlined in Chapter
One.

The connection between the rites of royal burial and those
of coronation is, to be put simply, the actual time period
between the two events that is basically a ceremonial

interregnum. This interval of royal vacancy was greatly

 

64Male. Religious_Art. 413.

46

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. .7} .

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Lazare, Autun

St.

I

Last Judgement, Central Tympanum

Figure 24

 

 

Conques

Foy,

, Central Tympanum, St.

Last Judgement

Figure 25

47

lessened by the funeral process itself which maintained the
deceased's monarchial position from death through interment. In
this vein, it is significant that medieval political theory
advocated mourning, not for the individual but for the Crown.65
Thus, the royal Dignity was considered a separate entity from
the person of the king.

Therefore, the focus on the Office rather than the
individual reveals that the funerary process of royalty,
especially that of a king, was one that paid homage to the Crown
and subsequently brought the issue of coronation back to the
fore. It is logical that both events could be viewed as parts
of a larger process. It is on this, in addition to the already
significant claim to the Crown, that St. Denis would argue for
the rites of coronation as a logical conclusion to burial.
Therefore, it is not surprising that Reims would also attempt to
connect the two in some manner in order to check the argument
from the abbey church and simultaneously sustain its current

position as the coronation site for France.

 

65Ralph E. Giesey, The Royal Funeral Ceremonv in Renaissance
France (Geneva: Librarie E. Droz, 1960), 190. This concept of the role
of King as seperate from the individual is maintained until the
sixteenth century when absolutism dictated that the two were to be
recognized as a single entity and that the person was to be venerated as
the Office which he held.

Chapter Five
The West Facade:

The Relationship of the Verso to the Exterior

By nature of its development, the west facade of a Gothic
cathedral is usually the most rich area of sculpture on the
structure. The interior, though a marvel of architectural feats
and stained glass, is generally devoid of such adornment save
tracery patterns and capital decoration. Therefore, the verso
at Reims may be an extension of the exterior and subsequently
its iconography. Thus, the verso must be examined as it is
related to the west facade (Figures 26 and 27).

The planning of the west facade included the glazed
triforium, tympana, and the grand rose window.66 These glass
elements are significant in that they are transitional. That
is, they carry the viewer through the threshold with constancy
since conceptually and naturally they are the same on both
sides. Though these glazed features are meant to be read from
the interior, they solidly connect the scenes of the exterior
with those of the interior. This connection pulls together the

exterior and the interior through its transitional nature,

 

66Branner, ”Historical Aspects,“ 32; Reinhardt, he Cathédtele ge
Beime, 119-120; and J. P. Ravaux, “Les Campagnes de Construction de la
Cathédrale de Reims au XIIIe siecle,‘I Bulletin_uonumental 137 (1979):
51—52. All of these authors believe that the glazed tympana came about
due to the modifications in 1222. Richard Hamann—MacLean, "Le Revers de
la facade de la Cathédrale de Reims,“ Melengee_gtfiieteite_fiemeiee 158
(1979): 81. Hamann-MacLean believes that the glazed tympana were
original to the design of the cathedral.

48

49

 

West Facade

Figure 26

50

 

Porch

Figure 27

51

thereby creating a work that should be examined as a whole as
well as separate parts.

The iconography of the exterior begins at the roof line
with the gallery of Old and New Testament kings. The grand rose
window (below, center), as stated previously, correctly depicts
the Dormition and Assumption of the Virgin original to that
space. A series of prophets and apostles flank the grand rose
and extend completely around the cathedral at each buttress.
Directly below the grand rose level is the glazed triforium
which depicts the Baptism of King Clovis by St. Remigius. The
tripartite entrance at Reims is in many ways the staple portal
arrangement of the Gothic. However, attached at the corners of
the north and south portals are gabled tabernacles which echo
the architectural forms of the towers, the gallery of kings, and
so on. These corner additions provide a smooth visual
transition to the length of the structure as well as an area to
fill with supporting images to those of the side portals.
Again, the iconography of the side portals is incomplete due to
the loss of the scenes original to their glazed tympana.

The jamb figures of the southern portal include Pope
Calixtus on the left and John the Baptist on the right, among
other saints. The Virtues and Vices are depicted on the left
door post while secular scenes of the seasons fill the right.
The archivolts depict the Apocalypse which is crowned with the
Last Judgement in the gable. This southern portal can be
interpreted as being dedicated to the predictions of John the

Baptist as laid out in the book of Revelation.

52

The central portal is dedicated to Our Lady, the Virgin
Mary. The jamb on the left shows the Presentation in the Temple
and the right the Annunciation and the Visitation. The door
posts carry the calendar with angels. A crowned Madonna
occupies the trumeau in her role as Queen of Heaven. The
archivolts continue the Marian theme beginning with her lineage,
specifically the Annunciation to Joachim and Anna. The kings
and cardinals with musical instruments are likely to be her
ancestors celebrating her coronation which is in the central
gable above. These figures could also represent the Elders of
the Apocalypse, a theory which could be supported by the imagery
of the flanking portals and the further scenes of the central
archivolts which include Christ with the Globe of the World, a
common Last Judgement symbol, Christ in a Mandorla, and John the
Baptist with the Agnus Dei. The kings with instruments could
also be successful assuming both roles in duality. This concept
of the end of the earthly world is furthered by a few
instructional scenes, including that of Shadrach, Meshach, and
Abednego in the Furnace, which promote redemption through
prayer. The current tympanum in the central portal depicts the
Tree of Jesse and is in keeping with the theme though the
original content is not certain.5'7

The north portal is dedicated to the life of Christ. Its
jamb figures are saints, including John the Evangelist on the

right and Dionysius is on the left.68 The door posts contain

 

67Sadler-Davis, 'The Sculptural Program of the Verso,“ 243.

53

enthroned male figures on the left and angels on the right. The
lintel depicts the Conversion of Saul and the Baptism of Paul.
The archivolts follow various scenes from the life of Christ
beginning with the Temptation, Entry into Jerusalem, and the
Mount of Olives on the left. A climax is reached at the gable
with the Crucifixion. Scenes of Christ in Limbo, an image of
Hell, the Resurrection, and the Supper at Emmaus are depicted in
a downward manner on the archivolts of the right side concluding
with Christ and His Disciples.

In review, the exterior of the west facade depicts the
significant events in the life of the Virgin, Christ, and John
the Baptist: the Crucifixion of Christ, the Dormition and the
Assumption of the Virgin, the Last Judgement, and the Coronation
of the Virgin. Through these events the relationship of the
most holy of the mortals is manifest. Christ as Savior, John
the Baptist as Precursor, and the Virgin Mary as Vessel is the
relationship through which the salvation of the people was made
possible.

At first glance the verso is a mirror of the exterior. The
south portal is primarily Apocalyptic, as is that of the verso.
The central portal is dedicated to the Virgin as is the bulk of
its interior counterpart. Finally, the northern portal is
summarily the life of Christ as is its compliment. In addition,

the portal lintels on the north and south depict the same

 

68Stoddard, BEI.§DQ.AI§hiL§&LQI§. 101. Dionysius was the founder
of the Holy Light theory that sparked the increase in stained glass in
cathedral architecture beginning at St. Denis. He was never canonized.

54

subject, the Conversion of Saul, as does that of the interior
with the Martyrdom of St. Stephen. Thus the concept of the
verso being a continuation of the west facade as an experiment
in ornamentation is valid.

This sudden continuation into the interior space with an
exterior program must have been provoked. It did not merely
appear. The catalyst, in many ways, was the same as that of the
typological concordance systems. For the philosophy of St.
Augustine not only compares the Old Testament to the New it also
divides existence into three levels: ante legum (before the law
was revealed to Moses), sub lege (after the law was revealed).
and sub gratia (episodes of Christ‘s life and the New Kingdom of
Grace).69 In addition, Strabo's C1eeee_Qtdihetie also worked on
a premise of threes, specifically that man is composed of the
three parts of body, soul, and spirit. Strabo also alleged that
every Biblical verse had three meanings: the literal, the
moral, and the mystical.'70 Another significant literary source
for triad divisions is the English literary typologist Pictor in
carmine, also active around 1200, who drew parallels not only
between the Old and New Testaments but also post-Apocalyptic
scenes.’71 Through this wealth of written theory and its use of

triads, the division of scripture physically and intellectually

 

69Janet Gabarino, 'Nicholas of Verdun's 'Classicism' and its
Impact on the Sculptures of Reims Cathedral“ (Master's thesis,
University of Michigan, 1978), 7.

70Duby, W. 18.

71Gerhart B. Ladner, I'The Life of the Mind in the Christian West

around the Year 1200,' chap. in Ihe_Xeet_lZQQt__A_$ympeeium (New York:
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1970), 9.

55

took hold in the early Gothic. Though the level and intent
varies, the concept of comparing differing passages for deeper
meaning was prominent. Therefore, the surge in the
representation of various levels or meanings in the arts in this
manner directly applies to the architectural sculpture at Reims.
Specifically, the concept of the Trinity, which previously had
been set forth in the tripartite facade, returned to the fore in
a new light with the theologians of the period.72

The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 discussed the symbolism
behind the concept of the Trinity extensively. The subsequent
interest in the concept of the Incarnation, God taking human
form through Christ, resulted in the theory that Jesus is the
true door to salvationf73 The search for figurations of the
Word made flesh was furthered by the continuance of the Crusades
in this period. Specifically, accounts of returning crusaders
which focused on experiences related to that of Christ, the
focus of religion shifted from the mysterious God the Father to
that of the corporal Son.’74 To ignore the effect of stories
about touching Christ's tomb or eyewitness accounts of places
where Christ had been such as Judaea and Lake Tiberias would be
to ignore a significant influence. In addition, it is known
that "as early as 1100, advocates of church reform had sought to

replace the cult of the patriachs [sic] of the Old Dispensation

 

72Duby, W. 18.

73Ladner, "The Life of the Mind," 9 and Duby, Eutepe_ef
Caflufiknls.18.

74DubY. Europe_of_9athedrals. 139.

56

with that of the apostles, and drew spiritual nourishment from
the Acts and the Gospels."75

This predilection towards the New Testament is especially
understandable when the proximity of plague, disease, and death
in the thirteenth century is taken into account. It is logical
that the population would identify more with the branch of the
Trinity which had lived a human existence and suffered in it.
Christ's victory over death and the implicit "promise of
redemption" caused death and suffering to lose its sting in
comparison to the Crucifixion and the Resurrection.’76 The fact
that all people were equal in facing death, regardless of their
rank in earthly life, according to the Christian standards of
redemption, added a sense of blind justice to an otherwise
inequitable existence.

With Christ established as the door, the carrying of
adornment into the interior not only creates a new architectural
unit, in that the west facade now has an interior as well as an
exterior, but it also symbolically carries one over the
threshold much in the same manner as the glazed tympana. The
actual entrance into a house of worship has always marked a
division of the sacred and the secular. With the inclusion of
adornment on the verso the human factor of the Trinity acts as a
bridge without removing the integrity of the cathedral as a

vessel.

 

75Ibid., 139.

76Ibid., 160-161.

Chapter Six
The Message of the Verso

Assembled as a triumphal escort celebrating the new

age inaugurated by the Incarnation, these figures of

the Old Dispensation brought forth the royal lineage

of Christ, Son of David—-his prefigurations--and also

his ancestors in the flesh, those through whom he

participated in the created world, the world of men.

And, finally, these figures serve yet another purpose

as symbols and reminders of the glory of kinghood.T7
These words were written about the porch at St. Denis but they
could just as well apply to the verso of Reims. This parallel
of Christ to kings is a particularly appropriate result of the
growing belief in Incarnation. The visualization of Christ as a
king and ruler of the world was a much more effective method of
heralding the cause of Christianity among contemporaries than
was the imagery of the Saviour as an infant. Due to the
physical nature of the Incarnation, the Virgin began to develop
a stronger role in the iconography as well. As Christ became
the crowned king she became his mother/bride as she assumed the
role of woman/church. As the cult of the Virgin grew, the
Church Fathers rationalized the high place that she had won for
herself among the people by giving prominence to the physical
role she had played as the Mother of God in the Incarnation.78
The Virgin was shown, not in her sorrow and loss as the mother

of Christ, but rather in glory at her highest moments. The

image of the Virgin became more rampant and appeared in the most

 

77Ibid., 18—19.

78Ibid., 140.

57

58

conspicuous places because she signified the New Dispensation
through the fulfillment of the Old. As a mortal she became the
link between the human soul and its Creator. In this way she
also expressed the idea of a united Church. Therefore, the
recognition of Mary in the coronation ceremony alluded to the
solidity of the Church.79

The subsequent evolution of Marian iconography was
paralleled by royal and religious successes. In 1145 the Royal
Portal of Chartres, which still had as its focus the Romanesque
Last Judgement, dedicated a tympanum to Nativity scenes.80 'rhe
growth of the symbolism of the Virgin in this part of France was
facilitated by a Marian tradition from the Carolingian era which
had been promoted by Frankish kings.‘31 Marian iconography was
further propagandized by Peter the Venerable who stated the she
also represented “the throne of Solomon, seat of Divinity."82
The use of concordances relating to Old Testament prefigurations
of her purity, such as the Burning Bush and Gideon and the
Fleece, were utilized in celebrations of the Virgin at Laon
Cathedral.83

The most popular and direct scenes by far in this wealth of

Marian imagery are her most victorious moments, that of the

 

79Male. Religious_Art. 93.

8°DubY. Eurone_9f_9athedrals. 141.
811bid., 141 and Male, Religieh§_Att, 93.
82Duby, W. 141.

83Ibid., 141.

59

Coronation and Assumption. Yet around 1220 at Notre Dame in
Paris this scene is still relegated to the side of the
cathedral. At Reims, thirty years later, images of Mary abound.
In fact the original plan of Jean d'Orbais, which provided for a
porch with a central portal dedicated to the patron saints of
the cathedral, was modified and the patron saints were moved to
the north so that the Virgin would reign in their place.84

These design changes may have stemmed out of direct
competition with the cathedral at Amiens. Archbishop Henri de
Braisne wanted the enormous porch at Reims, which was planned by
Jean de Loup, to be even more grandiose than that of his
neighboring suffragan.85 Though most of the statues had been
carved under the supervision of de Loup, the archbishop required
Maitre Gaucher to manipulate them before their installation
between 1244 and 1252 in order to conform to the rising trend of
the Virgin in theological thought.86

She seems to figure into all other places as well being
present in the north portal with the patron saints and in the
south portal where she seems to intensify the meaning of the
Apocalypse. Monumental representations of the Annunciation,
Visitation, Presentation in the Temple and King David are clear

indicators of her lineage. Some would even allege that the

 

84Henri Deneux, 'Des modifications apportées a la cathédrale de
Reims au cours de su construction du XIIIe au XVe siecle,‘ Bulletin

Monumental 106 (1948): 129.
85Duby. Eurone_gf_gathedrals. 124.

86Ibid., 124

6O

inclusion of the Queen of Sheba and Solomon points to her
mystical union with Christ as Bride and Queen.87 Again, the
summit of all this imagery is the Coronation, a symbol of
triumph of Christianity in the secular world that would never
have occurred without the Incarnation. Mary is also victorious
as the new Eve who has rectified the role of women and
rehabilitated those who have sinned.88 In this vein, the
importance of Mary is continually recapitulated.

The repeated statement of the authority of the church is
another essential feature in the iconology at Reims. A constant
atmosphere of pomp and circumstance surrounds every aspect of
Reims including scenes that aren't in the least bit ceremonial,
such as the birth of St. Remi on the Calixtus Portal of the
north transept (Figure 28).89 iReims's role as a royal monument
is continually reiterated in its imagery. This is an
unequivocal response to the competition with St. Denis for the
coronation rites as well as its acquisition of the role of royal
burial site which came as a direct blow to the village of Reims
as that title was taken from the Abbey Church of St. Remi.90
Even though the coronation rite was Victoriously conferred in

1223 and again in 1226 on Reims while the east end was still

 

87Ibid., 141.

88Male..Beligious_Art. 431.

89Barbara Abou-El-Haj, 'The Urban Setting for Late Medieval Church
Building: Reims and Its Cathedral Between 1210 and 1240," Amt_flletety
11 (March 1988): 29.

90Georges Boussinesq and Gustave Laurent, filetelte_de_3elme
(Reims: Matot-Braine, 1933), 228.

61

 

Figure 28 Birth of St. Remi, Calixtus Portal, North Transept

under construction, the diminution of importance at St. Remi and
the recent scramble with St. Denis were still vivid memories.91
Therefore, it is not surprising that Reims reasserts its royal
ties at every opportunity in order to solidify the status of
royal monument.

This emphasis on the royal role of Reims as coronation site
requires that the verso be examined with this in mind. Some

have said that the verso was intended as a lesson book for

 

91Abou-El—Haj, 'Late Medieval Church Building,‘ 23.

62

neophyte kings, that it "further elucidatels] the Christian
message of the facade."92 That may be so, but it is not all.
There is a deeply political message involved. This is
especially true when the two most odd scenes are examined, those
on the lowest registers of the central portal. These images of
King David with an apostle and prophet and the Eucharist scene
between the clergy and soldier are the ones that cannot be
simply explained in relationship to the rest of the
concordances. The fact that they are given such a prominent
position emphasizes this fact. It is true that they are on the
bottom-—not in an architecturally superior or climaxing
position, but they are the first images to be seen for they are
the closest to eye level. They are meant to be seen and
understood with some immediacy.

The scene on the left of King David with the apostle and
prophet, possible counselors, is an excellent example for a
novice ruler. The history of David as an exceptional king is
well recorded and the positive connection between the ruler of
France and the lineage of Christ has been clearly illustrated as
good political move. It is even referred to in a prayer from
the coronation ceremony:

May He who raised up David and delivered him from

Goliath and who filled Solomon with wisdom, protect

the King of France, raise him up like David and make
him wise like Solomon.93

 

92Sadler-Davis, 'The Sculptural Program of the Verso, " 270.

93Sauerlénder. G9this.£sulnture_in_£ranse. 481.

63

The other scene is a little more difficult. Many scholars
identify this as the Melchisedek and Abraham eucharistic scene
from the Old Testament.‘94 That would be a convenient label and
it may be accurate, but its specific identity doesn't
necessarily make a difference in the meaning of the scene. It
is a clear depiction of the sacrament of the Eucharist occurring
between a cleric and a warrior, with a warrior in observation.
This is a direct assertion to the King of France about the
political necessities of his alliance with the community and the
see of Reims.

The history of the royal and episcopal relationship is
significantly turbulent. The civil disturbances of 1233 to
1236, during the construction of the cathedral, were quelled
only by the cooperation of King Louis IX and the Archbishop of
Reims, Henri de Braisne, who, consequently was from a branch of
the royal family.95 In the center of all these images, is the
decapitated St. Nicasius presiding more like a ghost than a
trumeau sculpture in front of the martyrdom of John the Baptist.
The relationship between Christ and the Baptist, the latter who
baptizes/anoints the former, prefigures the relationship between
the king and the archbishop; here, it establishes a divine
precedent for the coronation ceremony and links the king as well

as his anointer to divine history. The physical representation

 

94Sadler-Davis, "The Sculptural Program of the Verso,II 291.
Sauerlander. Q9this_§sulnture_in_firange. 480 agrees that this

identification is dubious.

95Gabarino, ”Nicholas of Verdun's 'Classicism'," 43.

64

of St. Nicasius's death is powerful reminder of the devastation
fraught on a community without royal protection and favor. The
inference is that if the cathedral at Reims and its community,
which bestowed the vestiges of office, isn't cared for, then
neither is the Church by manner of neglect which could
ultimately result in ecclesiastical disfavor for the King.
Regardless of the subtle communication, this message was
very intentional. These two odd scenes and the demise of St.
Nicasius were purposefully worked into a standard typological
system to reflect the role of the cathedral as the coronation
site. Therefore the King David trio and its Eucharistic
counterpart work into the fabric of the verso which becomes a
vehicle for the illustration of the implications, political,

social and religious, of the crown.

Chapter Seven

Conclusion

Many of the movements and theological theories mentioned
above apply to other areas of France if not to all of
Christendom. Why then did the extra effort which materialized
in the verso of the west facade at Reims occur there and why did
it remain unique to Reims, never to be repeated in Gothic
architecture? The answer is as political as the verso itself.

After the beginning of the Capetain line of kings with the
election of Hugh Capet in 987, a series of changes took place in
France which had a direct effect on Reims.‘96 Paris became the
residence of the French Court and, subsequently, Reims gradually
lost much of its prosperity and its political position. The
move of the official royal tomb, from the Abbey Church of St.
Remi to that of St. Denis whose rise in the Gothic is well
known, was another major loss to the town. In addition, Reims
was in continual battle over the coronation rites, its life—line
so to speak, first with Sens and then with St. Denis.97
Everything that was significant to the community moved away and
Reims became the proverbial ghost town; complete with a
misaligned social system headed by an abuse of power by the
archbishops who were given unlimited authority by the absence of

any other authoritative body. The success of this system

 

96Boussinesq and Laurent. Histoire_de_8eims. 227.

97Ibid., 228.

65

66

survived until the uprisings of 1233 to 1236, in which the
building of the cathedral played a role, and royal intervention
was sought. It is not a coincidence that the final campaigns of
construction occur after the resolution of these civil
disturbances and that in those final stages many changes were
made as mentioned earlier. The most basic alterations were
based on the growth of the cult of the Virgin and the more
subtle ones on political prowess. It is plausible that the
archbishop recognized the opportunity afforded him in those
modifications to the west end as one in which he could assert
his authority and boldly reclaim Reims as the undeniable
coronation site for the Kings of France. Through the models
laid before him of typological concordances such as the Great
Cross of St. Denis and the Klosterneuburg Altar, the plan for
the verso emerged in a seemingly innocent theological tool.
However, the verso went further in that it was permanent,

monumental, and ultimately political in intent.

APPENDIX

Appendix

Both Peter Kurmann, he Feeede de le Cathedrele de Reime
(Paris: Editions Payot Lausanne, 1987): 280-286 and
Willibald Sauerlander, hi 1 r 'n Fr n 114 — 27
trans. by Janet Sondheimer (London: Thames and Hudson ltd.,
1972): 479—480 give identification similar to what is done
here. Unless otherwise noted, Sauerlander is the specific
source. The follwing correspond with the Diagram of the
Verso (Figure 27).

Souflhixutal

1-4, a—d Prophets

A, B, L, M Winds of the Apocalypse represented by open—
mouthed heads

C, N, O, Q John the Baptist writing the book of
Revelation

D, E, H, G Angels of the Apocalypse represented with
scrolls, books, and trumpets

P Angel with a star or sun

F Angel with crown

R, I Male figures facing winged rider on a dragon—
headed horse

S, J Woman with child on a crescent moon facing a
seven—headed dragon

T, K God with the Cup of Wrath

W

1a, b, c Apostle, Prophet and King David

2a, b, c Annunciation of Joachim and Anna

3a, b, c Joachim and Anna meeting at the Golden Gate

4a, b, c Prophecy of Habakkuk

5a, b, c Herod ordering the Massacre of the Innocents

6a, b, c Massacre of the Innocents

7a, b, c Flight into Egypt

67

7d, e
7f, g

P
1d, e, f
2d, e, f
3d, e, f
4d, e, f
5d, e, f
6d, e, f
7h, 1, j,
k, l, m,
NQLLh_EQ£L§1
1—4, 1-d
A, L
B, M
C, N
D
O
E
G
F
Q. H.
S, J.
T, K

68

Moses and the Burning Bush
Gideon and the Golden Fleece

i
Communion of the Soldier
John the Baptist Preaching
The Baptist before Herod and Herdias
The Baptist with the Agnus Dei
Annunciation to Zachariah and Elizabeth
Baptism of Christ

The Baptist in Prison (his waivering faith)

Prophets

Sacrifice of Isaac

Impatient Israelites

Moses and the Brazen Serpent
Marking of the sign of Tau
Widow of Zarephath

Elijah

Christ

Angel

Christ and the Samaritan Woman
Raising of Jairus's Daughter

Calling of St. Matthew

69

omow> mo Emummeo em onsmem

Illllllllll . Illllllllllll nlllllllllls
_auso; :uuoz ~uuho: ~auu=ou “auto; zusom

  
   
 

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