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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

BREAKING POINTS AND THE ROLE OF THE PRINT VISUAL

IN PUBLIC SERVICE COM‘MNICATION CAMPAIGNS
presented by

VERONICA GONZALEZ

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. MASS MEDIA,
degree in

 

 

 

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BREAKlN
PU

BREAKING POINTS AND THE ROLE OF THE PRINT VISUAL IN
PUBLIC SERVICE COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS

BY

Verénica Gonzalez

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Mass Media Ph.D. Program

1 994

BREAKINC
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ABSTRACT

BREAKING POINTS AND THE ROLE OF THE PRINT VISUAL
IN PUBLIC SERVICE COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS

BY

Verdnica Gonzalez

The study explores the nature and use of the print visual in public
communication campaigns. The work is based on interviews with persons
responsible for the planning and execution of those campaigns and
documentation found largely in the files of public agencies and the library of
Michigan State University. Official posters, booklets and brochures, the visual
focal points of the study, are also among the sources cited in this work. The
study describes, interprets and analyzes the printed visual within the context of
campaigns of the Michigan Travel Bureau, the Native American Institute of
Michigan State University, the Office of Minority Equity of the State Department
of Education and the Michigan Office of Substance Abuse Services. The
research provides insights into the complexity of the print visual, demonstrating
that the strength of a message is based not upon the number of visual elements,
but the coherence of its parts, including composition and color, and its
appropriateness to a given target audience. in so doing, the work reveals that
the visuals reflect either a harmony of effort or a series of inconsistencies within

the production process. The work notes, especially, the presence of gaps, or

mmwmmmd“

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vista? message. T
waism and ad
gnpaigns, in (18'
j ge the roles as
are an educator
isles.ihe stec
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abhembci

breaking points, in the development of the visuals. The study defines and
describes those points and analyzes their relationship to the creation of the
visual message. The study draws upon the literature of mass communication,
journalism and advertising, particularly as they relate to public service
campaigns, in describing the campaign process and in determining ways to
judge the roles and effectiveness of the visual components. The literature of art
and art education provide insights into the nature and aims of a variety of
visuals. The study proceeds within an analytical framework in delineating the
visual from concept to construction. The work offers judgments regarding the
effectiveness of the print visual in the four campaigns and renders conclusions

as to the role of breaking points in those outcomes.

Copyright By

VERONICA GONZALEZ GONZALEZ

1994

Dedicated
to
Peter and Julie Dawson

chai
Jam.
My 4

Ufldl

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express gratitude to Dr. Howard Bossen,
chairman of my dissertation committee and Mary Bresnahan,
James Victoria and Joseph Straubhaar, the other members of
my committee, who guided me with patience and

understanding of my intellectual pursuit.

vi

CHAPTER 1: ll

Purpose of 1h
Thesis
Problem
Historical Ov
Contempora

Analysis of [

CHAPTER 2: 1

Review oi it
Review of R.
Review of E

ReVleW and
lnette
Efiec

ReVlew of t

Theoretical

Data

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Purpose of the Research
Thesis

Problem

Historical Overview
Contemporary Overview

Analysis of Definitions

CHAPTER 2: THE LITERATURE

Review of the Practical Aspects of Visual Communication
Review of Research on PCC Visual Messages and Art
Review of Evaluation Research

Review and Examples of the Effectiveness of PCC's
Ineffective Campaigns
Effective Campaigns

Review of Research on Communication Campaign Trends

Theoretical Background

CHAPTER 3: THE METHODS

Data

Procedure

vii

(”Mm-#00.)

A

20

21
23
29

31
34
37

41
43

51

58
59

CHAPTER 4: TI
POSTER CAMF

Introduction
Rationale
Goals
Concept
Campaign PI
The Breaking

Soundness c
ngef
Desir
Chan
Vpua

Conclusions

AMERICAN n

Introduction
Rationale
Goals

Concept

Campaign

 

The Break

  

soundneS:
Tan

 

CHAPTER 4: THE OFFICE OF MINORITY EQUITY “ACE”
POSTER CAMPAIGN

Introduction 63
Rationale 64
Goals 65
Concept 65
Campaign Planning and Considerations 67
The Breaking Points 70
Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design 72
Target Audience Identification 72
Desired Outcomes 72
Channel Selection 73
Visual Construction 73
Conclusions 75

CHAPTER 5: A PROMOTIONAL POSTER OF THE NATIVE
AMERICAN INSTITUTE

Introduction 86
Rationale 87
Goals 88
Concept 90
Campaign Planning and Considerations 92
The Breaking Points 95
Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design 97
Target Audience lentification 97
Desired Outcomes 98
Channel Selection 98
Visual Construction 99

viii

CHAPTER 6: T

Introduction
Rationale
Goals
Concept
Campaign F
The Breakin

SOUROT‘IQSS l
Tags
TheF
Cam;
Dear
Chan
Ouah
Asa
Vpue

OF MICHIGAN

lntroductior
Rationale
Goals

Concept

 

The Break

SoundneS?
Tar
Des

 

CHAPTER 6: THE ZERO ONE THREE CAMPAIGN

Introduction 108
Rationale 109
Goals 111
Concept 112
Campaign Planning and Considerations 112
The Breaking Points 115
Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design 116
Target Audience Identification 117
The Prevention of Drinking and Driving 117
Campaign Strategies 119
Desired Outcomes 120
Channel Selection 121
Qualitative Factors 123
As a Health Communication Effort 124
Visual Construction 125

CHAPTER 7: THE MICHIGAN TRAVEL BUREAU: “SECRETS
OF MICHIGAN” CAMPAIGN

Introduction 141
Rationale 145
Goals 147
Concept 147
Campaign Planning and Considerations 148
The Breaking Points 153
Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design 154

Target Audience Identification
Desired Outcomes

C
V
Conclusions

CHAPTER 8
BIBLIOGRAI

APPENDIX

Channel Selection
Visual Construction

Conclusions

CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

APPENDIX

155
156

157

166

177

206

Figure 1: Proce
Figure 2: Proce
Figure 3: Proce
Figure 4: Proce
Figure Sz'Welc
Filure 6: 'Achie
Figure 7: “Achir
Filure 8: Page
Figure 9: “Brad
Figure 10: “Great
Flgure 11: Can:
Film 12: Cove
Figure 13: The
Fllure 14; poq.
Fllure 15; p03,
Figure 16: P05
”lure 17; not

Fllure 18:

 

 

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12:
13:
14:
15:
16:
17:

18:

OQNQMDQN

LIST OF FIGURES

: Process Framework, Step 1

Process Framework, Step 2

: Process Framework, Step 3

: Process Framework, Step 4

: ‘Welcome to College Day in Michigan,” First OME Poster

: “Achieve a College Education,” Current OME Poster (front)
: “Achieve a College Education,” Current OME Poster (back)
: Page from ACE Recruitment Booklet

: “Grab College Prep,” Future Poster for OME Campaign

: “Grab College Prep,” Future poster for OME Campaign

: Cartoon Figures for Future OME Campaign

Cover of the NAI Recruitment Booklet
The NAI Recruitment Poster

Poster Sketch by Lyle James

Poster Sketch by Lyle James

Poster Sketch by Lyle James

Poster Sketch by Lyle James

Logo of the “Enjoy Michigan Safely” Coalition

xi

53
54
55
56
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
102
103
104
105
106
1 07

128

Figure 19:
Figure 20:
figure 21:
Figure 22:
Figure 23:
Figure 24:
Figure 25:
Figure 26:
Figure 27:
Figure 28:
Ifigure 29;
F“'Qllle 30;
Figure 31;
Figure 32:
Figme 33:
F'QUre 34:
Figure 35:

Figure 36:

Th

Tl:

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rr

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TI

Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure

Figure

19:
20:
21:
22:
23:
24:
25:
26:
27:
28:
29:
30:
31:
32:
33:
34:
35:
36:

The “Zero One Three” Campaign Core Poster

The “Zero One Three” Campaign, Safe Boating Poster
The “Zero One Three” Summer Campaign, Plastic Bag
The “Zero One Three” Summer Campaign Poster

The “Zero One Three” Fall Campaign Poster

The “Zero One Three” Boating & Fall Campaign Brochures
The “Zero One Three” Hunt & Core Campaign Brochures
The “Zero One Three” Hunt Campaign Poster

The “Zero One Three” Hunt Campaign Bill Board

The “Zero One Three” Holiday Campaign Poster

The “Zero One Three” Holiday Campaign Card

The “Zero One Three” Campaign, Miscellaneous Items
The “Yes Michigan” Campaign Fall Travel Guide

The “Yes Michigan” Campaign, Travel Planner

The “Secrets of Michigan” Campaign, Guide

The “Secrets of Michigan” Campaign Items in Guide

129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
160
161
162

163

The “Secrets of Michigan” Campaign, Drawings and Maps 164

The “Secrets of Michigan” Campaign, Newspaper Ad Page 165

xii

Public servi
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sanction the beha‘
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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Public service campaigns have traditionally included a combination of
the written word and accompanying visuals. Indeed, in attempting to change or
sanction the behavior of a target audience, campaign directors have employed
a variety of methods to attract attention and convey an intended message. The
visual components have covered a wide range of approaches from black-and-
white or color photographs to reproductions of art work or from single pictures
flashed upon a television screen to commercial productions involving
professional actors and elaborate studio sets.

Despite the commitment of time and money in producing visual
components for public service messages, that effort has often been undertaken
with far less planning, and subsequent evaluation, than the elements involving
the written word. Indeed, evidence suggests that there is little research to verify
audience response to visual composition. Against that background, it has been
suggested that graphic artists and planners supplement their intuition and art
training with “more critical study of viewer likes and dislikes among design
structures in order to make their products more effective visual communications”
(Covert, 1987, p. 135-6).

In the course of writing a public service message, whether a lengthy text
or a sentence to complement a picture, after all, there is little doubt that the
expenditure of creative energy and concern is considerable. That is, the words
are carefully wn‘tten, edited and rewritten with regard to content and style.

Creative writers and campaign directors may, in fact, differ over the placement

otasrngle comi
proted flush let:

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ordeal analyse,
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1971).

This dis:

of a single comma or whether paragraphs should be indented or should be
printed flush left.

On the visual side, though the product appears to face a measure of
critical analysis, the evaluation, as previously stated, is far less severe. The
visual is, in effect, said to hit or miss the target audience with little regard for the
subtleties that account for the strength or weakness of a given visual message.
Visual messages are, in fact, much more complex, and their effective
construction much more demanding than campaign directors and academicians
have historically understood.

Part of the reason for that misunderstanding is that while mass
communication studies have borrowed from a range of theoretical bases, the art
world, and its related fields, have not been prominent among them. Typically,
mass communication texts acknowledge the importance of “concepts as the
foundations of knowledge and the starting point for a theory of human
communications” (DeFleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1989, p. 234). Nor is it uncommon
for such texts to cite Greek philosophers—Plato and his Theory of Forms, for
example—in their discussion of those foundations (DeFleur & Ball-Rokeach,
1989)

Far from attempting to detract from those foundations, this dissertation
attempts to enhance them by encouraging the use of “visual thinking” as well.
The visual message in public service communication campaigns, after all,
provides images of objects, qualities and events, and, in so doing, provides “the
visual perception that lays the groundwork of concept formation” (Arnheim,
1971).

This dissertation suggests that the success or failure of communication

campaigns is due, in part, to the attention given to all phases of the planning

and creative pr

may forms.

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and creative process and, in particular, to the role of the printed visual in its

many forms.

Purpose of the Research

The purpose of my dissertation is to define and evaluate each of the
steps in a public service campaign process. Each step consists of several
elements which, when taken as a whole, account for the complexity of such
campaigns. The elements at each of the steps can include people, their
assigned tasks and the assumptions under which they function. This work
concentrates specifically upon a part I define as a gap or interval that appears
when those people and assignments converge. I call this a “breaking point”
because it breaks the process of planning and designing effective visual public

communication campaign messages.

Thesis

My thesis is that in the process of creating pubic service campaigns there
exists “breaking points” whose presence signals key intervals in the process of
developing visuals to reach the target audiences of those campaigns. I further
argue that an awareness of those “breaking points” can serve both as a tool in
the production of effective visuals. or in retrospect, as a way to evaluate how a
visual did, or did not, reach its intended audience. Proving the existence of
those points, by definition, reveals an added complexity in the campaign
process, providing a perspective that has been absent from previous research

and literature on visual elements in public service campaign topics.

The effect
attention of man
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about the effecti-
dear is how ort
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service Campaig
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Problem

The effectiveness of public service campaign messages has attracted the
attention of many scholars including Greenberg, Gantz, Kurth, Hansen and
Geller. In addition, many social commentators, communication practitioners and
advertisers, as well as members of the general public, have shown concern
about the effectiveness of public service campaigns (Atkin, 1981). What is not
clear is how or to what degree public service messages have influenced the
targeted audiences, those so-called “audiences at risk” for whom enormous
amounts of money are spent in the name of changing destructive behaviors
through campaign messages. What is clear is that the the final messages may
use visual or audio/visual constructions.

Persuasion, motivation and information are most often cited as aims or
outcomes for public service campaign messages. The literature on public
service campaigns points out that few have been purposely designed with a
basis of scientific theories or other scientific methods. Rather, “common
knowledge,” it seems, is the most popular foundation on which such campaigns
have been built and directed. Without knowing the roots of persuasion theories
or of proven communication methods, strategists aim to motivate, inform and/or
persuade a target audience.

Lack of understanding of the meanings of visual elements, a study
suggests, can lead to misuse of the symbols of everyday life of the target group
or to inclusion of strategies and appeals far from the preferences, tastes and
experiences of the target group (Rogers & Storey, 1987, pp. 837-8). Although
that same study fails to mention elements of visual communication in the

analysis of public communication campaigns, it does suggest that the closer to

the tastes of t
be. ln his artlc
{1381) providi
apprGaChes b
are the use 0‘
transiated int:
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study of the p
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the tastes of the audience the appeals are, the more effective a message can
be. In his article “Mass Media Information Campaign Effectiveness,” Atkin
(1981) provides some insights and poses questions as to which stylistic
approaches best reach the audiences. Among the styles to consider, he said,
are the use of comic books or television soap operas. These criteria can then be
translated into visual constructions.

Part of the problem is that the literature shows little has been done in the
study of the production of messages. In the literature, analysts talk about what
messages should say, but offer little information about how visual construction
can enhance the message. While an examination of readings cited in the
literature review would confirm that assertion, it may be pointed out, in brief, that
that review includes citations from W, a journal devoted
almost exclusively to public service campaigns, and Joumalismfiuanarlx. a
journalism and mass communication review. During the two years of its
existence, Winn has devoted none of its articles on the visual
message in health campaigns. MW, meanwhile, though
offering an occasional article on a facet of the visual, has, during the same
period, printed no information on visual construction. Nor can we find much on
the methods used to identity the target audiences. In the literature on public
service campaigns, the discussion is mainly about what audiences need to
know or what they need to change, but little information is sought as to how they
feel about an issue or about a message. Palmer (1981) offers the only
suggestion in regard to research strategies for audience identification and its
relation to message creation. However, there is no suggestion that this
audience analysis is used to formulate a plan for visual elements in the

message.

To the
formulate the
commonly, ll"
issue. The Pil
campaign, 10
negotfate the
the creative p
interpretation.
the campaign

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To the contrary, campaign practitioners rely on a creative person to
formulate the concept and form the message presentation (Atkin, 1991 ).
Commonly, the creative person then constructs his/her interpretation of the
issue. The primary role of the practitioner is to provide the theme of the
campaign, to outline what the messages should include and, finally, to
negotiate the approach with the creative person. However, the practitioner sees
the creative person as the specialist and mostly accepts his/her own
interpretation. Typically, the creation and production of the visual elements of
the campaign are turned over to the art specialist.

The delegation of responsibility for visual design to the creative artist is
common in public service campaigns in the United States, even in campaigns
that use widely varied planning methods. Public service campaigns have been
guided by at least two identifiable procedures. One may be described as a
formal procedure in which communication practitioners have been in charge
and have followed a theoretical framework with a systematic, well-defined
methodology. The Zero One Three anti-alcohol-drinking campaign of the state
of Michigan is an example of this procedure. A second approach employs an
informal procedure in which an individual or staff member becomes the
campaign designer and acts intuitively. The Michigan Office of Minority Equity of
the Department of Education (OME) campaign effort, the “Achieve a College
Education” (ACE) campaign, in its earliest days, at least, reflected that
philosophy. An analysis of the common threads in these methods could
contribute insights to show how, or if, visual considerations are weighed during
campaign design, and if the different paths taken makes a difference in the way

practitioners decide upon their final visual products.

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ln presenting and defending my thesis, I first reviewed the literature.
Such an exercise revealed those aspects of public communication campaigns
that have most frequently reflected the concern and focus of communication
practitioners and other social scientists. At the same time, this background
examination reveals the awareness and importance given to visual elements in
the planning and execution of public information messages.

The literature has discussed theoretical issues that may be applied to
public communication campaigns including the potential impact of the mass
media and the matter of perceived appropriateness of a given message. It
seems, however, that the literature suffers from a gap in the matters of when,
where and how visual elements might be considered in the designing of a
public communication campaign. Articles cited in the literature review under the
sub-head “Visual Communication in Practice,” for example, present a rather

comprehensive look at the process in its various phases. Yet those offerings,

which include entries in the JoumaLoLAdvenisinofleseamh. the JournaLoI
HeaIILEducation and the immaflsmfluanenx. fall short of making those

considerations.

In a second part of this study, Chapters 4 to 7, l analyzed four public
communication campaigns. The analysis served to verify the framework and,
mostly, to test if the “breaking points” within that process hold through the
analysis of the four campaigns. This, in turn, contributed to accounting for the
existence of those breaking points and to making communication practitioners
aware of the complexity of the visual messages, the end product of the
campaigns. Through such awareness and with that tool—that is, the process
framework, I suggest—the effectiveness of public communication messages can

be improved. In the final portion of this dissertation, I present my conclusions.

The hist
surprisingly, re
refinement of t
(Pasiey, 1989)
noting the evoi
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sgnificam to p:
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The popL

Historical Overview

The history of public communication campaigns in the United States, not
surprisingly, reflects the growing complexity of the nation’s institutions and the
refinement of the communication skills needed to influence those institutions
(Paisley, 1989). One may trace that development over 200 years by briefly
noting the evolution of campaigns from those of individual reformers to
campaigns by associations or the federal government. In doing so, it is
significant to point out an often overlooked aspect of that history: the role of
visual communication. This term is not usually associated with the early
campaigns and is generally understated even in the multi-media world of today.

It hardly seems unusual that in a country with a limited governmental
authority both in colonial and national systems, the campaigns of the eighteenth
century would be conducted by strong-willed individuals rather than by
governments. These were advocates who preached their messages—whether
for early abolitionist causes or temperance efforts—from the pulpits or the
printing press. Such campaigns were traditionally accompanied by tracts that
bore rather arduous titles, such as “Inquiry into the Effect of Spin‘tuous Liquors
on the Human Body Mind” (Paisley, 1989).

The popularity of many of those reform publications, such as Thomas
Paine’s “Common Sense” with its 100,000-copy sales, indicates that the printed
word, as well as the spoken, was considered an important part of any strategy
geared to making political or social change. Although the words in many of
those campaigns are now required reading in history classes, it is naive to
believe that the early pamphleteers disregarded how a pleasing visual

presentation might encourage the eventual adoption of their messages. Indeed,

the need to “par
techniques to e
writers and prin‘
large typefaces
sheet (Gonzale
and the use of '
maicng borders
available tools '

As the n
0n numeric stre
associations (F
individual, prov
abolition and 16
are examples c
Century and re!
Women's Chris
then, mass cor
lobbying, had t
affecting Chang

Another
attempt by rate
leaders they so
as battles for vi
newspaper. SUI
themsm\res hac

lh

the need to “package” a message to attract attention and to apply visual
techniques to emphasize important points were as important to those early
writers and printers as they are to computer graphics experts today. The use of
large type faces, screaming “ABOLITION” at the top of a pamphlet or single
sheet (Gonzalez Llaca, 1981), the application of exclamation points in bold type
and the use of “graphics” in the form of lines across the top of pages or in
making borders attest to an awareness of the visual influences even though the
available tools were, by today’s standards, primitive.

As the nation grew, communication campaigns, because of a need to rely
on numeric strength and to ensure continuity of effort, came to be directed by
associations (Paisley, 1989). That method, as opposed to reliance on a single
individual, proved to be essential in achieving reform over a long time. The
abolition and temperance movements and the campaign for women's suffrage
are examples of reform efforts that continued through much of the nineteenth
century and relied on associations (the American Anti-Slavery Society and the
Women’s Christian Temperance Union, for example) to further their causes. By
then, mass communication, along with grass-roots organizing and legislative
lobbying, had become significant weapons in public campaigns geared toward
affecting change (Paisley, 1989).

Another tactic, confrontation, has been described by historians as an
attempt by reformers to “steal headlines” from government officials or business
leaders they sought to challenge. It is not far-fetched to describe such clashes
as battles for visual impact, since they were bids to capture the largest type in a
newspaper. Such headlines would, in turn, draw attention, just as reformers
themselves had won attention by facing their adversaries in a public forum. By

then, newspaper graphics featured the cartoon, a device used liberally by all

pants on the PO“
slat-'85 in chains '
potray the cruelt

By the ear
magazines as W6
problems, shifted
Hokeach, 1989).
hpmhderahyuk
public that condit
children were so<
be found. Further
than processes. '
enabled reform b
not in the passing
extent, DhOtOgra;
that cried out for .
s“massed the inv
Upton Sinclair, Id

BY the sec
glefties to influe

 

W” the federa

.As fed'era
lnfc’miEltic
With 'brea
Slower pp
r0198 Wen

 

10

points on the political spectrum. To the abolitionists, for example, drawings of
slaves in chains or beneath the whips of their masters were attempts to visually
portray the cruelty of slavery in ways that words alone could not convey.

By the early twentieth century, the expansion of newspapers and
magazines as well as the population growth and associated increase in social
problems, shifted the initiative for reform to the mass media (DeFleur & Ball-
Rokeach, 1989). Solutions for social problems, in fact, were no longer enough
to provide rallying causes for organized activity. Writers first had to convince the
public that conditions such as impure food and the employment of young
children were social evils. Then they had to document where those evils were to
be found. Further, twentieth century reforms began to focus on outcomes rather
than processes. That is, reformers realized that laws and judicial decisions
enabled reform but did not ensure it (Paisley, 1989,). The proof of success was
not in the passing of a law but in a visible improvement of people’s lives. To that
extent, photography was quickly becoming a major force in showing conditions
that cried out for change. Use of photographs supplemented and sometimes
surpassed the investigative and literary efforts of muckrakers Lincoln Steffens,
Upton Sinclair, lda Tarbell and Samuel Hopkins Adams (Barck & Blake, 1965).

By the second decade of the twentieth century, the power of words and
graphics to influence social change had become apparent not only to reformers
but to the government, a frequent target of social reformers. The result,
inevitably, was creation of communication, or public information, programs
within the federal government.

As federal agencies developed their own public
information arms, their ability to scoop the media

with ‘breakthroughs’ discouraged the essential but
slower process of investigative reporting. Communication
roles were reversed, on occasion, when government

If for
the mass rr
reform. The
example, drr
charter. The
of Lyndon Jo
previously be,
government, c
major stakehoi
ticvernment he
”9077 which to I

That the
in pUbliC cam pa
Security Admini
poverty in Ways
1980). Blightly c
Want You") were
Wartime (Barnic

A danger,
such efions is it

11

experts exaggerated the extent of progress in their
areas of responsibility. Reporters without privileged
access to the evidence then had to evaluate the
government’s claims in order to cover the story either
as presented or with input from other sources
(Paisley, 1989, p. 19).

It followed, then, that government, just as individuals, associations and
the mass media had done, would eventually become stakeholders in social
reform. The passage of the Pure Food and Drug Act and the Child Labor Act, for
example, drew the federal government into roles removed from its original
charter. The New Deal of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Great Society programs
of Lyndon Johnson further involved the government in issues that had
previously been championed by associations and the mass media. The federal
government, due to its size alone, overshadowed communications efforts of the
major stakeholders of earlier eras. By the mid-twentieth century, too, the
government had nearly 200 years of public communication campaign history
upon which to draw.

That the federal government realized the value of visual communication
in public campaigns has since become apparent in many ways. The Farm
Security Administration photographers of the 1930s, for example, pictured
poverty in ways rarely portrayed, before or since, in the mass media (Freund,
1980). Brightly coloredrecruiting posters with brief messages in big letters (“I
Want You”) were attempts to appeal to patriotism and a sense of duty during
wartime (Barnicoat, 1976).

A danger, in the reformers’ view, in relying on the government's role in
such efforts is its unpredictability. Elections bring changes in personnel and

approaches. Adversarial issues, such as the campaign for civil rights, also tend

cengEd its 10C

has taken a '0'

Althougi
communication
term used for C
pubic service r
States have fre
radio spots, set
volunteers, cail
families, conser
forests or regist

campaigns, whi

Purposivi
behavior.-
generally
individua.
given tim
activities
by interpe
A review
empatgn is or f
communications

naturaj ConteXt

etarnination.

 

12

to batter the government into a protective shell that stymies action. Still, as the
year 2000 approaches, the history of public communications campaigns has
changed its focus. That is, the government, once seen as a campaign target,

has taken a role as an agent of change.

Contemporary Overview

Although capable of being defined in many ways, a “public
communication campaign” is, according to the literature, the latest umbrella
term used for campaigns involving health information and disease prevention,
public service messages and community programs. Most people in the United
States have frequently viewed television public service announcements, heard
radio spots, seen posters, read magazine ads. conversed with community
volunteers, called hot lines or received pamphlets on topics such as planning
families, conserving energy, reducing alcohol or cigarette consumption, saving
forests or registering to vote. These are examples of public communication
campaigns, which are, according to Atkin (1990):

Purposive attempts to inform, persuade or motivate
behavioral change in a relatively large audience,
generally for non-commercial benefits to the
individuals and/or society at large, typically within a
given time and by means of organized communication
activities involving the media and often complemented
by interpersonal support (p. 7).

A review of other definitions as to what a public communication
campaign is or how it is envisioned, will complete the map of this
communications phenomenon. The definitions, however, are taken out of their
natural context, to serve the purpose of illustration rather than of comprehensive

examination.

I:
commur
groups If
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”Jargon.
more US 9'
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{crest ‘peopf
and to instafl
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engineering 3‘
communicatiot
responsibie at?
these two strati
problem, its cor
fails as it emphé
positive 3896015
ideas, the educz
campaigns.
Modern D

from the intentior

 

13

In his study, Paisley (1989) mentioned two trends in defining public
communication campaigns, definitions in terms intended to influence other
groups through strategies of social control and through the process by which a
campaign is designed and planned. An example of an intention defined
campaign is that of the US. Forest Service which used the three E’s strategy,
education, engineering and enforcement, to protect the forest from excessive
public use. Public communication campaigns concerned with vandalism and
pollution were part of the education strategy. Foresters, in trying to make the
forest “people proof,” directed engineers to design campsites that are fire-safe
and to install fixtures such as steel fences and signs. Public persistence in
misusing the forests would then lead to enforcement, meaning that foresters can
limit access, require permits and prosecute vandals. Dissatisfaction with the
engineering and enforcement strategies became evident in the 19805. Public
communication campaigns were not succeeding in creating a positive and
responsible attitude by US. citizens toward their forests. According to Paisley,
these two strategies failed because: “engineering makes a faulty analysis of the
problem, its constraints and incentives for change. The enforcement strategy
fails as it emphasizes the negative aspects of noncompliance rather than the
positive aspects of adaptive behaviors” (Paisley, 1989, pp. 3-5). In this order of
ideas, the education strategy prevailed and has been pursued in modern
campaigns.

Modern public communication campaigns have also shifted attention,
from the intention to the process definitions. While “intention” signifies outcome
above all else, “process” gives credence to the complexity of each step toward
that outcome, recognizing the choices from among several strategies that may

be employed in reaching the desired goal.

of tits 5
and ma.
def.- 5:120!
Sc
2335623330
50031 fact;
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home or the Ohio

 

14

Briefly, process definitions are the definitions that will serve the essence
of this study by providing clues as to when the message is being constructed
and indicating moments in which we may seek visual considerations. Such
definitions are many and varied.

Schramm (1964), for example, would base an entire campaign on an
understanding of the life, beliefs and attitudes of the target audilence and the
social factors that help determine how they live. To help make those
determinations, he called for face-to—face communication between field workers
and the target audience. To reach the intended audience, he would use a
combination of communication channels, employed in such a way and at such a
time to allow the information to reach its maximum effectiveness.

A communication campaign, in the view of Rogers and Storey (1987), is
a preplanned set of communication activities designed to reach and motivate
people using a particular type of messasge. To be effective, campaigns should
be conducted for a short period, usually from a week to three months, and
should contain specific attitudinal and behavioral objectives. The approach, he
said, should almost always be multimedia in nature.

To Atkin (1981 ), information campaigns usually involve a series of
promotional messages in the public interest disseminated through mass media
channels to target audiences. Flay and Cook (1981) add that media-based
campaigns are increasingly being designed to prevent behaviors that are seen
as socially undesirable or harmful. They include campaigns using various
media, face-to-face interventions in schools and programs that occur in the

home or the offices of professionals.

A public
intention to Mt
McQuail (1983,
number of medi
with a chosen p
advertising, funr

McGuire
convincing tridtv
aten‘ng their life
and other comrr
them to reduce ,

hea‘thful lifestyle

ways. The definl
than in the Spec;

Em dlV‘ér'sirv of t

are used.

we 1809 E

Channels- Due tc

setmminimalcc

as a mOde' The:

 

15

A public information campaign to Paisley (1989) seems to represent an
intention to influence someone else’s behavior, using communicated appeals.
McQuail (1983, p. 180), though, calls a campaign the situation in which a
number of media are used to achieve a persuasive or informational purpose
with a chosen population, the most common examples being found in politics,
advertising, fund raising and public information for health and safety.

McGuire (1984) said a health communication campaign involves
convincing individuals to exercise personal responsibility for their health by
altering their lifestyles in more healthful directions (through use of) mass media
and other communication channels to inform people about dangers, motivate
them to reduce risks or train them in skills that enable them to adopt more

healthful lifestyles.

Analysis of Definitions

Campaigns have been defined by practitioners and theorists in many
ways. The definitions above show more of a diversity in the general purposes
than in the specific objectives: duration, intended effects, the units of analysis
and diversity of benefits of a campaign and the channels of communication that
are used.

We face a diversity of process definitions that generally focus either on
the approaches used and/or on the sequence of activities involved and the
channels. Due to this variety, Rogers and Storey (1987) suggest that there is a
set of minimal common elements within a process definition which can be used

as a model. These elements demonstrate that:

a. A cam
from the COmmL
can be extreme
sooetal-level st:
the campaign it
although the ob
aggregate term.

b. A can
to distinguish a
communication
others. Most ca
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extent by Cam;
make an organ
Usually desigm
Campaign or b)
can USUEL'IY be
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WDUlatiOn of a

c. A can

me span for c

16

a. A campaign is purposive: Specific outcomes are intended to result
from the communication efforts of a campaign. The specific effects of campaigns
can be extremely varied, ranging from individual-level cognitive effects to
societal-level structural changes. Effects can benefit either sender or receiver of
the campaign messages. Ultimately, campaigns seek to influence individuals,
although the objectives of a campaign may be, and often are, stated in
aggregate terms.

b. A campaign is aimed at a large audience: the word “large” is used
to distinguish a campaign from small-scale, interpersonal persuasive
communication by one individual or a few seeking to influence only a few
others. Most campaign strategies, however, have a direct foundation in theories
of interpersonal persuasion. The campaign audience is determined to a certain
extent by campaign goals, which usually include influencing enough people to
make an organized expenditure of worthwhile resources. Campaigns are
usually designed and implemented by organizations created specifically for the
campaign or by an existing institution. The expense and effort of a campaign
can usually be justified only by a target population of some size. Nevertheless,
target populations can range from a few hundred citizens to the entire
population of a nation.

c. A campaign has a more or less specifically defined time limit: The
time span for campaigns is demarcated by the period between the initiation of
the campaign intervention and the conclusion of evaluation efforts to assess the
impacts of the campaign, in other words, by the span of activities in the field.
Some campaigns have ongoing objectives. Messages can be changed
periodically which will then serve to initiate a new campaign. The beginning or

the end of a campaign can become blurred if extensive formative research and

panning preC

audience are
ampatgr‘s la
sevelaJ mom?
mwfimasé
1981)-

d. A (33'
activities: US
which CUr l e m C
desired goals. ‘
his particularly
result of the 99'
campaign orgar
content. it also i
coordinating the
Even campaigns
aim to increase
design and distn‘
While the logistii
example, with at

environmental g'

17

planning precede the intervention, or if long term effects on part of the target
audience are sought (Rogers & Storey, 1987). Nevertheless, most information
campaigns last for a specified period, often ranging from only a few weeks to
several months. If planned for a longer period, the process may well, in effect,
consist of a series of related but distinct campaigns (Maccoby & Solomon,
1981 ).

d. A campaign Involves an organized set of communication
activities: Usually these are temporarily established to reach an audience for
which current channels and institutions are thought to be insufficient for meeting
desired goals. Organized activity may be seen in all phases of a campaign, but
it is particularly evident in message production and distribution. This is a natural
result of the generally linear nature of most campaigns. In most cases, the
campaign organization determines the form messages will take, if not their
content. It also assumes major responsibility for selecting and creating or
coordinating the channels through which the message will be disseminated.
Even campaigns that take the “emancipatory” approach, that is, campaigns that
aim to increase grass roots participation, still involve organizing message
design and distribution, albeit from the bottom up rather than from the top down.
While the logistics of campaign planning are quite different when working, for
example, with an advertising agency versus a non-professional community
environmental group, the success of the campaign will depend in great
measure upon the effective coordination of the communication activities.
Although such a statement of a campaign has the limitations of suggesting a
linear process within an effects orientation, this approach is commonly used by

practitioners (Janis, 1977).

Obje
natura'ty le:
Decentes a
lite-mute or
process ma
mention the

Com
designing p
Application .
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Comr
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plai‘titIOners
methods bOr
Sometimes,
have been n

18

Objectives, time and the number of individuals involved in a campaign
naturally lead us to the question of just where and when the message idea
becomes a concrete object, whether a poster, brochure, video or radio spot. The
literature on process definitions does not overtly mention at what point in the
process matters related to the visual construction come into play, nor does it
mention the elements alone, like photos.

Communicatlon scholars have undertaken the task of planning and
designing public communication campaigns on the basis of research.
Application of theories of persuasion to the creation of public communication
campaigns has been, for example, one of the results of this group's examination
of the creation of successful public communication campaigns. Models of
marketing, of sense-making, and of assessment and evaluation—including
formative and summative evaluation research—are other examples of the use
of research in this type of communication.

Communication practitioners, peOple responsible for the planning and
design of public communication campaigns, are key in the process. These
practitioners are dedicated to assuring success of the campaigns by using
methods borrowed from the social sciences, psychology and mass media.
Sometimes, however, they face obstacles to fulfilling this mission and, at times,
have been negligent. Public communication campaigns may also be planned
and organized by a member of the group initiating the campaign. This person
becomes director or coordinator. In either case, the practitioners devise the
campaign concept, then a creative person creates visual constructions that
reflect the campaign concept. This creative person or group can be an artist,
graphic designer, illustrator, video producer, celebrity in the field or a

photographer. In some cases, the whole campaign concept is contracted to an

advertising
for content
constructor
perspective
for the parti
such eieme

message

19

advertising agency or public relations firm that does part or all of the planning
for content and visual aspects of the message. These visual materials or visual
constructions are produced using the elements of color, shape, light,
perspective, field and texture. Decisions about which elements are best suited
for the particular concept should be based on knowledge of the meaning of
such elements and of symbols that represent most appropriately not only the

message but also the target audience’s lifestyles, preferences and tastes.

The lit
why those ca
have been of
historical con
components
campaign prc
eiement migt
whole. Some
Outcomes the
those Viewe r5

Indeec
the aUdlence
‘Correlates o
BellenQQr' 19
Viewpoint, co
SUCCESS Of a '
belting audit;
Mutatmn re;

Concei
terms 0f Comi
mahod °’ Drc

CHAPTER 2

THE LITERATURE

The literature of public service campaigns has traditionally focused upon
why those campaigns have succeeded or failed. Certain articles, for example,
have been of a general nature, taking a broad view of a campaign and the
historical context in which it appeared. Others have studied individual
components of a campaign with a view toward explaining a point in the
campaign process or a single result in the hope that a focused look at a given
element might provide an explanation for the nature and tendencies of the
whole. Some recent literature has, in fact, gone beyond the process and
outcomes themselves to more closely consider the target audience and how
those viewers, readers or listeners may be reached most effectively.

Indeed, that consideration points out the complexity of the process and
the audience and the care that must be taken to adequately appreciate both.
“Correlates of Successful Advertising Campaigns” (Korgaonkar, Moschis, &
Bellenger, 1984, p. 48), for example, looks at the matter from an advertising
viewpoint, concluding that “understanding the target market” is essential to the
success of a campaign. One might, in fact, borrow from the literature of art,
beyond audience demographics, to recognize the way in which a given
population reacts to visual stimuli (Newton, 1989, p. 6) .

Conceptually, information campaigns can be differentiated from similar
forms of communication and from commercial advertising because of their
method or process. According to Atkin (1985a), public communication

campaigns, unlike other campaigns, are planned to benefit the individual

20

receivers
the $9005
dassroon
informal n
But
acimcwiec
made in or
Sucr
knowfedge

and articies

Review
Adi/er
Publications
and evaluate

acaclemic Wr
tees. p. 23)

St'ajegy. an a
While 39M“
i”herniated a,
The article “V
r. 59)

mints (

togaher' mUS

21

receivers or society as a whole rather than to serve the private, self-interest of
the sponsoring source. Unlike educational media (e.g., televised instruction in
classrooms or homes), the attention and learning process is voluntary and
informal rather than being enforced by external constraints.

But this concept of public communication campaigns fails to
acknowledge a moment in which decisions about visual elements should be
made in order to provide faithful interpretations of the campaign plan.

Such “moments,” though, may be discerned through a general
knowledge of campaign practices, as learned through observation, interviews

and articles, and by piecing together information provided in journals.

Review of the Practical Aspects of Visual Communication
Advertising practitioners, for example, provide such insights in

publications such as the W in which they relate
and evaluate their own experiences in articles sometimes co-authored by
academic writers. “The Role and Evolution of the Agency Planner” (Stewart,
1986, p. 23) makes reference to the “team process” of planning advertising
strategy, an approach that allows for the study of several “moments” within a
public service campaign. Data alone, Stewart said, are of little value unless
interpreted and applied with wisdom by each person on the campaign team.
The article “Visual Connectedness and Persuasion” (Young & Robinson, 1992,
p. 59) points out that pictures, to be effective, must be linked to each other and,
together, must be “connected” with all other campaign elements if a message is
to reach a target audience. The notion of “team process” and “connectedness”

is given additional weight in “Correlates of Successful Advertising Campaigns”

(Korgaonkaf
dear unders
how misinter
the success
Thoug
communicat
Aesthetics 0
pianners in I
who design
‘Heaith Con
iiiliiier, 1992
impact of pr
Commercial
glowing liter
the m
Acvertising'
re"lClVed fro
Campaign 9'
”W VlSibie
With
mere aptly C
in D’OVidinQ

to find m0re

22

(Korgaonkar et. al., 1984, p. 49). That article, in brief, stresses the importance of
clear understanding of process and mission between client and agency and
how misinterpretation of lack of communication can have “a negative effect on
the success of the campaign.”

Though not fully related to the thesis at hand, several articles on visual
communication are worthy of mention. “Maker and Viewer Disagreement In
Aesthetics of Visual Composition” (Covert, 1987) has value to campaign
planners in that it demonstrates that visual compositions which please those
who design them may not please the audiences for which they are intended.
“Health Communication Through Workplace Smoking Discouragement Posters”
(Miller, 1992) is significant in that it puts forth the challenge of maximizing the
impact of printed media by utilizing principles of social marketing and
commercial advertisement. Noteworthy, too, is that the article represents a
growing literature on public communication in health publications, in this case
the W. The article “Visibility Achieved by Outdoor
Advertising” (Young & Robinson, 1992), while promoting a subject seemingly
removed from the realm of advertising strategy sessions, is a reminder that a
campaign process, to be effective, must present a message in ways that are
most visible to the most members of a target audience.

With regard to target audiences, several recent articles have attempted to
more aptly define those groups, often by revealing misguided media portrayals.
In providing more accurate definitions, the articles may lead campaign directors
to find more effective ways to reach those audiences. “Parents’ Perceptions of
the Appropriateness of AIDS Education Topics for Their Eighth Grade School
Children” (Acosta, 1992) stated that more parents support sex-related AIDS

educa‘.
cos-id E
Reiatic
the lots:
Airhiher
assumpi
fashion,
These D.
prism, on
“Reaching
Public inf:
Chewning
mamma
On
meanings
the Study 0
Weiteratr
Even briefly

We" in it.

Revie

Aitho

23

education topics than they did sex education a few years ago, a finding that
could assist in the development of a public health campaign. “An Analysis of the
Relationship Between News Coverage of Health Topics and Public Opinion of
the Most Important Health Problems in the United States” (Sofalvi &
Airhihenbuwa, 1992) may advise campaign planners which mistaken
assumptions to avoid in charting health education campaigns. In a similar
fashion, “Cancer, Heart Disease, and AIDS: What Do The Media Tell Us About
These Diseases?” (Clarke, 1992) describes specific diseases through a media
prism, one that, in the author's view, presents a distorted view of reality.
“Reaching Hard-to-Reach Populations: Interactive Computer Programs as
Public Information Campaigns for Adolescents” (Hawkins, Gustafson,
Chewning, Bosworth, & Day, 1987) offers a “visual” way of delivering messages
to a target audience through use of the newest technology.

On its own, of course, the term “visual” lends itself to a variety of
meanings and interpretations, many of which may be deemed inapplicable to
the study of a given public service message. At the same time, a thorough
consideration of those messages hardly seems possible without consulting.
even briefly, the literature of art, particularly as it pertains to the evaluation of the

“visual” in its many forms.

Review of Research on PCC Visual Messages and Art
Although visual messages, most logically, would seem to be restricted to
photographs, posters or drawings, it is important to note that any message to be
conveyed through sight, by definition, possesses a visual component. The

article “News as Art” (Bamhurst, 1991, p. 1) points out that the placement of

heWspaper E
inc Silt-999St
sense, the u:
packaging °t
calm oi the h
even 0n pagt
Since
mm it is n:
M an cannt
defermirte tht
element in a
that must tea
technical act
question inev
artist in tiredL
instructive in l
with the detinl
or if artworks
recuced to “cl
literature wont
'soui' of the a'
might have pa
Which the artis

time, the quen
behalf“ or “St

24

newspaper stories (messages) is done to attract the attention of the readers, as
if to suggest which of those reports are the most important. In an aesthetic
sense, the use of lines and white space represent differing approaches to the
packaging of stories, the literature going so far as to make reference to “the
calm of the horizontal, the vitality of the vertical and the energy of the diagonal,”
even on pages with few, if any, pictures.

Since the art of the visual may be found even in an arrangement of
words, it is not surprising that the literature of art education stresses the point
that art cannot be Ieamed, or evaluated, in a vacuum. The ability of a student to
determine the “value” and message of art, whether a painting masterpiece or an
element in a public service campaign, is part of a critical approach to the visual
that must feature a broad-based art curriculum that is something more than a
“technical agenda” (Anderson, 1990, p. 139). Given that approach, a further
question inevitably arises, one that is significant in measuring the role of an
artist in producing and promoting a public message. That question, though
instructive in examining the communication process, probably has more to do
with the definition of the work itself whether, in fact, there is separateness in art
or if artworks might be so intertwined with a social context that they might simply
reduced to “objects of sociology or psychology” (Brown, 1989, p. 213). Other
literature wonders whether the artist may “erase his subjective self” so that the
“soul” of the artist might be brought to the work (Taylor, 1989, p. 54). That notion
might have particular significance in evaluating public service messages in
which the artist shares cultural characteristics with the target audience. At that
time, the query might be raised concerning the artist’s tendency to display his or

her “self” or “soul” in an attempt to effectively communicate with that audience.

With 1
first describe
bass of art I
isnot there"
(Barrett, 192
and interpre
agree: color

Beyo
purpose crit
aDproach to
students, to
vemalandt
g’ade chiidr
an while the
Stimuli as b,
ttttS regard,
notes that ti
does not a“ t
exciuged tic

haseUDOI'iy

finding is th;
have ptObIe

Ahott
tAttderSon, ‘.

25

With regard to evaluating a single visual, the literature suggests that one
first describe what one sees. This seemingly obvious approach is, in fact, a
basis of art criticism, offering, as it does, a view of “both what is there and what
is not there” from within the artwork itself and from “external, contextual sources”
(Barrett, 1991, p. 91). In this way, one is able to form a foundation of discussion
and interpretation based upon the elements upon which all viewers might
agree: color, size, arrangement of elements, for example.

Beyond that potential consensus, attempts to provide a single, all-
purpose critical approach to visual art remain elusive, indeed. A recent
approach to studying the “aesthetic response” of middle school and high school
students, for example, used the semantic differential as it tried to capture both
verbal and nonverbal measures (Newton, 1989). That study revealed that fifth
grade children tended to be more “open” and “interested” in selected works of
art while their older, eighth grade and high school, counterparts viewed art
stimuli as being more “complex and unfamiliar.” Another article worth citing in
this regard, “Aesthetic Pluralism and Multicultural Art Education” (Hart, 1991),
notes that the art of many immigrant and native children in the United States
does not “fit standard Western aesthetic criteria for high art” and is often
excluded from art education classes, depriving those young people of a natural
base upon which to build an appreciation of art in its many forms. An additional
funding is that North American adults, rather than children, are more likely to
have problems with accepting a pluralist aesthetic (Hart, 1991, p. 155).

Another method calls for interpreting works of art as “social metaphors”
(Anderson, 1989). This literature, as if to assist in the evaluation of the visual in

public service campaigns, begins with the assertion that all art is

“communist
visual meta
information
package. Ir
surface of t
of art. to wl
Furtl
highly soo'r
techniques
been djsw
{1991, p. 1
WGCEdureg
the princip'
.mmDarat;
(KOrQSCI‘k’
the VaJUab;
leaders the
ccmmUi‘nioe
medium to
Whil
anaIYSls m£

, \

Ex l ~
Drains hC

“though P

26

“communication of some sort.“ More than merely carrying a message, in fact, the
visual metaphor enlarges upon that message by compressing and intensifying
information, something akin to the idea of presenting a large present in a small
package. In receiving the message, then, the viewer is asked to look below the
surface of the artistic forms and obvious thematic content to the heart of the work
of art, to what that “visual” is really saying.

Further literature reflects a variety of attempts to construct even more
highly sophisticated measurement tools, as if to apply specific, quantitative
techniques to terms—“art" and “aesthetics,” for example—that have traditionally
been discussed and defined by philosophers. An article by Robert Lee Russell
(1991, p. 103) urges students to inquire about art philosophically, but through
procedures derived from “ordinary-language philosophy” and geared toward
the principles of concept analysis. Another recent study stresses the function of
“comparative art contexts and verbal cues” as frameworks for understanding art.
(Koroscik, Short, & Stavropoulos, 1992). “Art Metatalk” (Born, 1990) points out
the valuable lesson that defining a work of art is difficult to do and instructs
readers that each art has its own medium, that each is fitted for its own kind of
communication. Once again, then, one is reminded of the importance of the
medium to properly conveying an intended message.

While it may, in fact, be impossible to have one comprehensive tool of
analysis that will fit for all persons upon all art media, Parsons (1987), in 11mm
WW presents a developmental sequence which, in his view,
explains how individuals grow in their comprehension and sophistication of art.

Although Parsons focuses primarily upon an approach to paintings, a familiarity

with his th
individual
In t
Expressiv'
intuitive dl
response
judgments
of the wor
who can c
the agree:
An
E23 by He
afipmpnat
campaign:
“Vertislng
the same
Am
“image; a
me Very L
done to if:
UOCtored, I
entirely in C
Miran} H
Siren in the

FESDOHSibiE

27

with his thesis can assist those who wish to determine the artistic maturity of an
individual or group, perhaps a campaign target audience.

In brief, Parsons calls his five stages Favoritism, Beauty and Realism,
Expressiveness, Style and Form, and Autonomy. The continuum begins with an
intuitive delight in paints, an attraction to color and a “freewheeling associative
response to subject matter.” It concludes in the final stage when one makes
judgments on his or her own authority and not on that embodied in the tradition
of the work. At that point, Parsons said, viewers of art are independent judges
who can question the ideals and categories of a community without relying on
the agreement of others to validate them.

An additional noteworthy contribution to the literature is the book Ma;
Arts by Hall and Whannel (1964). Consideration of the work seems especially
appropriate to the study of the visual in public service communication
campaigns since one might question whether posters or photographs in
advertising campaigns may be considered art and, as such, might be judged in
the same way that one would evaluate works appearing in a gallery.

Among the many areas of discussion, the authors consider the issue of
“image,” a word often tossed about in the planning of advertising campaigns.
The very use of the word implies, the authors suggest, that “something can be
done to it: the image can always be more or less successfully synthesized,
doctored, repaired, refurbished, and improved, quite apart from (though not
entirely independent of) the spontaneous original of which the image is a public
portrait.” Hall and Whannel, too, often refer to the “graphics revolution” which,
even in the pro-computer graphics age in which the book was written, was

responsible for a growing variety of choices in the planning of visual

campaigns. T
require 3 WE

Here, 5
psychological
pnme exampl
the sum of its
revolution wa
advertising c:
ago said that
display and h

Signiflt
the real point
CODY reinforc.
words, and n,
Whannel, 19E

The V;
literature av a
EWences. In
Challenge, b C
campaign unr
approaches 6
the final Cam]
the final ViSua
lack of diSCus

maritime 0f 3.

28

campaigns. They imply that judging the effectiveness of those messages might
require a heightened saphistication of critical analysis.

Here, subliminal advertising, with its apparent affinity to tap “hidden
psychological feelings” through “dream colors” and blurred photographs, was a
prime example of an approach in which the total visual was equal to more than
the sum of its parts. To the authors, after all, the most significant feature of the
revolution was a shift in emphasis from language to image. Just as present-day
advertising campaign planners have learned to do, the authors three decades
ago said that modern techniques require consideration of the total “impact” of a
display and how the component elements work upon the consumer.

Significantly, they stressed that “the image or picture is, most frequently,
the real point of sale, carrying the burden of the ‘message.’ The language of
copy reinforces the appeal of the photograph, extends the mood of the picture in
words, and rivets the name of the brand or product in the mind” (Hall &
Whannel, 1964, p. 24).

The variety of relevant sources, again, demonstrates the breadth of the
literature available in the study of public communication campaigns and their
audiences. In so doing, those sources offer the researcher a rich and diverse
challenge, both in the selection and application of material relevant to each
campaign under investigation. The literature offers a number of theories,
approaches and communication strategies that contribute to the construction of
the final campaign message. The way in which all components help or hinder in
the final visual production is yet to be resolved, owing, in large measure, to a
lack of discussion, in the literature, about that specific concern. That the

literature of several fields at least touches upon the several components is

testimony
sources. V
Show how

judged.

85;:
of the com
nature of t!
many parts
was the er
Service 03;
that the pm
and that, fc
UPfielStanc
formative 6
results are
piOCeSS, Flt
WiCiEs,preaC
b(ilster the
then, Views
Charamerisr
audienCe a:
Offers direq

Ariotl

29

testimony to their importance. This study, in borrowing from that variety of
sources, will define components within the visual construction process and
show how those parts, both individually and in total, may be recognized and

judged.

Review of Evaluation Research

Significantly, methods of evaluating public service campaigns take note
of the complexity of the process itself and, instead of merely measuring the
nature of the results, offer ways to weigh the effectiveness of a campaign’s
many parts. A most important development in the quest for an evaluation mode
was the emergence of formative evaluation research in the design of public
service campaigns (Atkin & Freimuth, 1989). That approach points out, in part,
that the product of a public service campaign is derived from many decisions
and that, for that product to be effective or to be judged, one must fully
understand the nature and intricacies of those many parts. At the core of
formative evaluation research is the understanding that shortcomings in the
results are often due, in large measure, to weaknesses in the early stages of the
process, notably with poor conceptualization. To that end, the method stresses
widespread use of preproduction research and message protesting as ways to
bolster the effectiveness of public communication campaigns. The approach,
then, views a campaign as a dynamic process and considers not simply the
characteristics of the target audience, for example, but the behaviors of that
audience as well. Further, in seeking the most promising campaign concepts it
offers direction in eliminating the weaker ones.

Another approach receiving increasing attention in the literature

of public communication campaigns is that of summative evaluation (Flay 8:

The

prev

30

Cook, 1989). That method, in brief, is employed through a series of questions
posed by the evaluator, queries that, again, are to be put forth at several stages
in the process. Those questions concern audience, implementation,
effectiveness, impacts, cost and causal nature of the campaign. The models
have been applied, in particular, in the context of prevention campaigns with a
mass media component. In that regard, the proponents of the summative
approach present their models as having many pieces, offering suggestions as
to when evaluators might be advised to undertake relatively inexpensive, small-
scale experiments and when a single “giant” study might be more appropriate.
The summative method has been executed largely, though not exclusively, in
prevention campaigns.

A third approach that has recently appeared in the literature may, at first
glance, seem rather narrow in focus. That method is a systems-based
evaluation planning model that was adopted for use in health communication
campaigns in developing countries (Rice & Foote, 1989). That model speaks in
detail to specific considerations to be undertaken with regard to that developing
country. (The Rice and Foote study mentions, in particular, programs in
Honduras and Gambia.) At the same time, the evaluation model may, in whole
or in part, be adapted to serve a wider range of needs. Among the possible
universal applications is an awareness of a prior state. According to
proponents, the model reveals that, before intervention takes place, there exists
that prior state, perhaps a combination of people, family, community,
environment and economy. That state is seen as a baseline for evaluation and
includes the constraints that affects how the population interacts with the

intervention.

The litl
sources, beg
areas in adve
specific mess
provides a pi

by the interpl

Revie

In recl
increasing at
teach audier
Empaigns u
interest dsz£
Some of the:
others as ine
deserted as
pamClDElrtts i

EXaCtl
ine"fetttive CE
(theme, as v
iterarme iOr
ineflefiinne
panicu'ally tr
message ale

31

The literature of public service campaigns, then, borrows from a variety of
sources, beginning, perhaps, with communication but extending to specialty
areas in advertising and visual studies or in journals related to the content of
specific messages, such as public health. Taken together, that literature
provides a picture of processes and their outcomes and how each was affected

by the interplay of societal attitudes and historical events.

Review and Examples of the Effectiveness of PCC’s

In recent years, the mass media have been used to present an
increasing array of public communication campaign messages designed to
teach audiences more appropriate patterns of behavior. Public communication
campaigns usually involve a series of promotional messages in the public
interest disseminated through the mass media channels to target audiences.
Some of these campaigns have been classified as effective campaigns and
others as ineffective. In this study we will be looking at four campaign cases, two
classified as effective and two as ineffective from the perspective of the
participants in the process of planning and designing such campaigns.

Exactly what are the attributes and characteristics of an effective or
ineffective campaign is not quite clear. It seems that the criteria used to do so is
diverse, as will be shown below. For the purpose of this study, I looked in the
literature for those criteria that specifically spoke to the effectiveness or
ineffectiveness of a message due to the strength of the visual productions,
particularly the posters. It may be obvious that, in any case, a single poster or
message alone can be considered to be responsible for one or the other.

However, it could be that the inclusion or omission of a visual element or

erements m
Wang elem
thus becom
Publi
vehicles of
program is
with its rang
articles, are
examp‘es. '
topics, amo
tobacco or
public affair
Hist:
information
residents a}
War II. in tr
gain or afte
during the 1
persuasion
regarding it
perSDeCtive
among 500i
are Chen his
detenswene

InflUerices o

32

elements may well help in such classification. It could also be that by using the
wrong element, like type size or color, the message can lose basic readability,
thus becoming ineffective.

Public communication campaigns have several characteristics and
vehicles of delivery. The broadcast spot announcement or the television
program is one means of presenting the campaign message. The print media,
with its range of publications possibilities from advertisements to pamphlets to
articles, are another. Radio programs, billboards and films are still other
examples. The subjects of campaigns cover a broad spectrum, too. Health
tapics, among the most popular, might stress nutrition, the dangers of drugs and
tobacco or the importance of family planning. Other campaigns may focus upon
public affairs, consumer advice or problem-solving skills.

Historically, social scientists have examined the effects of numerous
information campaigns, beginning with the classic campaign to teach Cincinnati
residents about the United Nations after it was created at the end of the World
War II. In that study a heavy flow of messages produced almost no knowledge
gain or affective change. Combined with other scientific studies of media impact
during the 19405, such as the apparent minimal influence of political
persuasion in presidential campaigns, 3 pessimistic outlook developed
regarding the likely effectiveness of information campaigns. A “null effects”
perspective became dominant in the 19505 in academic circles, especially
among sociologists and psychologists who contended that audience members
are often highly resistant to mediated messages because of apathy, attitudinal
defensiveness, and cognitive ineptness; further, it was felt that interpersonal

influences outweigh and overcome mass media inputs (Atkin, 1981). Articles

such as 'Sor
hidence' re
The p
campaigns c
and oversim
under such I
view, that sk
audiences at
reactionary r
drama-tic imp
pepular amo
critics of the
A mor
persDeCtive l
communicatr
mimmation C
thekeyissue
Ofeflects’ an
The conclusi:
long-herd pra
media pelSug

Resea

fleas. pets:
the i0ii0wing

33

such as “Some Reasons Why Information Campaigns Fail“ and “The Obstinate
Audience“ reflect this pessimism.

The pessimistic outlook stands in contrast to the perspective that media
campaigns can be successfully used to achieve important effects. A primitive
and oversimplified version of this approach was widely held prior to the 1940s
under such labels as “hypodermic effects” or “bullet theory.” This strong effect
view, that skilled media strategists can profoundly sway impressionable mass
audiences at will, was so overstated that it contributed to development of
reactionary null effects theorizing when research evidence didn’t demonstrate
dramatic impact of specific campaigns (Atkin, 1981). “This viewpoint is still
popular among observers outside the scientific community, especially social
critics of the mass media” (p. 269).

A more restrained and sophisticated version of the strong effects
perspective has been revived within the past decade by some mass
communication researchers. The contemporary theory holds that mass media
information campaigns can be moderately successful under certain conditions;
the key issues involve defining criteria for success, distinguishing various types
of effects, and identifying the maximizing conditions for impact (Atkin, 1981).
The conclusion that media campaigns can have important effects parallels the
long-held pragmatic perspective of practitioners working in an applied field of
media persuasion, such as advertising and political communication.

Researchers supporting either the “weak effects” or the “moderate
effects” perspective can point to research evidence supporting their position. In
the following sections, studies showing both degrees of impact will be reviewed

and assessed. Such an examination of the literature is instructive in providing

realistic expel
and in illumin.

Most c
since this top
The following
wmpaigns w
effectiveness
locus of acar

directors (Atl

lneffectivr

11mg;
0“ quantity r
designing a;
mDaign dg.
lives of the F
material (Sta
approaches
anehtivenesl
olrne Wain;
attract atte n1

Seat
1976idevis£
aii°m0bire t
(PS/X's) Wen

s‘fStem for s

34

realistic expectations of the strengths and weaknesses of mediated campaigns,
and in illuminating some of the factors that either restrict or facilitate effects.

Most of the examples are drawn from research on health campaigns,
since this topic area has generated the preponderance of scholarly analysis.
The following examples are instances of assessment of public communication
campaigns where the media have proven ineffective. Assessment of the
effectiveness or ineffectiveness of some public service campaigns has been the
focus of academic studies, communications practitioners and campaign

directors (Atkin, 1985b).

Ineffective Campaigns

W. The basic problem appears to be a reliance
on quantity rather than on quality of messages and less stress given to
designing appeals relevant to needs and interests of the ordinary citizen. The
campaign did not emphasize how the United Nations related to the personal
lives of the people living in Cincinnati, who saw little reason to learn the
material (Star & Hughes, 1950). Furthermore, the use of dull stylistic
approaches and unimaginative slogans simply did not engage widespread
attentiveness among uninterested segments of the audience. The conclusions
of the evaluation suggest that heavy message flow alone is not sufficient to
attract attention or stimulate learning in the mass communication setting.

Winn. In the 19703, scholars (Geller, 1989; Robertson,
1976) devised an elaborate investigation to test the effectiveness of an
automobile seat belt campaign. A series of public service announcements
(PSA’s) were repeatedly presented on one channel of a split-cable television

system for several months, while an equivalent set of homes did not have

access to tl
exposed to
in the contr
behavioral
methods s;
L:
planning Ct
several me
The resear
explicit rec:
specificity r
disappointi
°” the Pub:
Viewed; the
piebiem wi
programs c
Uhpopurar l
imitative n
invea the E
With Varying
iel'lded to g
i99,seekn
his, Self-e

beams? Dro

35

access to the messages. Observation of daily belt use indicated that drivers
exposed to the experimental channel did not differ significantly from the drivers
in the control condition. The ineffectiveness was assessed by the lack of
behavioral consequence in spite of further efforts to include other intrusive
methods such as automobile buzzers, lights and interlock systems.
W. Unwanted births were the focus of a family
planning communication effort. The promotional messages were placed in
several media in experimental cities, but no decline was found in the birth rate.
The researchers reported that the message featured vague slogans rather than
explicit recommendations regarding contraceptive methods. This lack of
specificity may have diluted the potential strength of the message (Udry, 1972).
W. Another major campaign that yielded
disappointing results was the health-orientated Feeling Good television series
on the public TV network. The degree of impact was limited, since few people
viewed; the average Nielsen report rating was only 1.4 points. The primary
problem with the initial execution of the series was the use of hour-long
programs containing a broad assortment of health tepics, carried on the
unpopular public channels. Although the producers relied on state-of-the art
formative research to develop an entertaining format, few viewers wanted to
invest the effort to seek out and watch lengthy programs containing information
with varying relevance to their needs. It is noteworthy that those who did view
tended to gain knowledge, change attitudes and alter simple behavior patterns
(e.g., seeking information-seeking about heart check-ups, eating more fresh
fruits, self-examining breasts, encouraging a friend to take a Pap test, having
children immunized, and learning about alcoholism, cholesterol, and preschool

hearing problems). Thus the failure of this campaign can be primarily attributed

i0 30‘

he t

media

We c
mieatl
aWier
Gillette

abdien

36

to low viewership. Lack of exposure precluded any further impact for the bulk of
the target audience. An alternative approach minimizing the exposure effort,
while maximizing the informational as well as entertainment benefits (e.g.,
briefer messages focusing on discrete health subjects) might have proved more
effective (Atkin, 1981).

mas. Anti-drug campaigns aimed at youth have consistently yielded
minimal impact (Atkin, 1981). Drug abuse radio PSA’s have been ineffective
with teenagers. Researchers discovered that many older teenagers
counterargued against claims made in television PSA’s. One study reported that
anti-marijuana messages had little influence on high school students due to
well-developed attitudes toward the substance. Atkin further describes another
investigation examined a public service campaign on TV and radio designed to
combat abuse of psychoactive drugs by adult females. In towns receiving the
messages, respondents reported little attitudinal or behavioral change.
Similarly, Atkin comments, researchers found no increase in behavioral change
among adult women who viewed a set of PSA’s designed to heighten the
importance of this drug abuse issue.

While the array of drug campaign evidence indicated the limits of mass
media influence for a highly-involving topic, it should be noted that formal
educational programs have also met with resistance. Furthermore, many anti-
drug campaigns have been criticized for relying on preachy hard-sell or overly
threatening message appeals inappropriate for the sophisticated target
audience. The campaigns studied, as Atkin suggests, tended to be of short
duration, and most of the PSA’s appeared in marginal time slots when

audiences were small. Finally, these studies have not focused on cognitive

.,,,.
factor
sects
perlo.
com;
inter;
signil

and t

37

responses; indeed, other research shows that adolescents rely on the mass

media for initial awareness and knowledge about drugs.

Effective Campaigns

W. The Stanford heart disease field experiment campaign
sought to modify cigarette smoking, cholesterol intake, and blood pressure
factors that increase the risk of heart disease. The strategists used TV and radio
spots, broadcast programs, and newspaper columns and ads over a two-year
period in experimental locales. The town receiving the media campaign was
compared to a control town and to a third town with both media and
interpersonal support services. Among high-risk target persons, there were
significant reductions in saturated fat intake, cigarette use, plasma cholesterol
and blood pressure, along with major knowledge increases. At the end of the
campaign, Atkin (1981) explains, the media-only town showed almost as much
change as the media-interpersonal town. The positive results from the heart
disease campaign can be attributed to the pervasiveness of message
dissemination combined with carefully prepared appeals presented in an
engaging manner. “Indeed, the intensiveness and expense of the campaign
were so great that caution must be exercised in extrapolating the findings to
more typical modestly-mounted campaigns” (p. 269).

Sinainajhoiflfluas. Greenberg and Gantz (1989) assessed the
impact of the multifaceted “V.D. Blues” TV program that sought to inform
sexually active persons about venereal diseases. Surveys showed that the
program attracted a wide audience and increased their perceived seriousness
of the problem. Self-perceived and objective knowledge levels of viewers were

also higher, particularly knowing the modes of V.D. transmission and the best

deli

hcadc

me.r
wmel
seen
source
page

imas

Nacn
mhon
hem»
mehhu
Emma
own a:

feast

Viewer:
ihCrEaE
‘dhc
when

38

cure. In addition, thousands of persons visited V.D. clinics in the days following
broadcast of the program. Obviously, the success of this program is partially due
to personal vulnerability felt by certain segments of the public. Almost any type
of information, no matter how presented, would have been seized upon by
some of these persons. The intensity of an explicit need for information is
certainly a key factor predicting receptivity to a campaign, resulting in greater
effectiveness. Beyond this, the qualitative elements of the package of messages
were well-conceived and produced. The program used a highly entertaining
style to present straight facts in understandable language from credible
sources. Even though it was a one-shot presentation, the network

program was extensively publicized and follow-up segments were provided on
local stations.

Wan}, As Mendelsohn (1985) reported: the
National Driver Test program attracted 30 million viewers, generated over a
million letters to the TV network, and stimulated thousands to enroll in driver
improvement courses. This widespread response is largely attributed to the
technique of portraying difficult driving situations and posing questions about
alternative coping methods. This allows over-confident drivers to measure their
own ability and discover if they are capable of handling each situation. The
effectiveness, according to Mendelsohn, is attributable to the quiz show format.

Nmmnmmzananjalasj, Knowledge among high school students
viewers concerning constitutional rights and obligations was considerably
increased Atkin explains. The quiz show format apparently attracted interest
and facilitated learning about this dry subject. The initial key to success in each
of these two cases centers on the engrossing nature of the program

presentation, which served to attract the attention of an indifferent public.

39

In addition, Atkin goes on, effective campaigns have been reported using
public service promotional materials to teach audiences about mental
retardation, smoking, drinking, and littering. The successful Sesame Street TV
series can also be considered as an information campaign that teaches
cognitive skills to a voluntary audience of children. In all of these cases, the
combination of engaging style, carefully-targeted appeals and high frequency
dissemination helped produce substantial impact, especially at the cognitive
level among receptive segments of the public.

In reviewing the above evaluations of some of the public communication
campaign (Atkin & Freimuth, 1989), some solutions have been suggested as to
how to improve such messages or as to what made them successful.

- Effect expected: effects can be arrayed along a hierarchy ranging
from simple awareness and knowledge, to values, to actions and habitual
patterns of behavior, each with varying degrees of maintenance over time. In
general. the mass media have much greater potential for producing shorter-
term and cognitive effects than longer-range and behavioral effects. Depending
on the level and duration being considered, either limited effects or more
substantial effects conclusions can be drawn.

- The substantive t0pic of the effects within each level must be
considered; certain subjects are difficult to teach while others maybe readily
communicated, and certain well-established behaviors are difficult to change
while others require only a minor effort. Indeed, people are also resistant to
some kind of change so that laws or monetary incentives are often ineffective.
On the other hand, individuals may have existing or elicitable needs or values

that predispose them to be quite receptive to incoming messages on certain

i ‘ .T
subjects

specific to;

between it
argues for
driving by
havior tr
interpret s:
and, there
interpreter
politicians
Mmmm
multi-millic
Comment ,

interpretat

dommunic
ineiieCtive
and Wider
insufirlCienr
i”Correct S
Stylisij QU
are likely it

(Elinor be

40

subjects. Thus interpretations of the effectiveness of the media depend on the
specific topics under consideration.

. The definition of “success“ apparently varies in the magnitude
between the two camps evaluating information campaigns. Mendelsohn (1973)
argues for the adoption of realistic, non-grandiose criteria, such as cutting drunk
driving by a small proportion rather than trying to eradicate all poor driving
behavior from the highways. Those holding the null effects perspective tend to
interpret small changes (e.g., less than 10 percent of the variance) as trivial,
and, therefore, conclude that the media are impotent. More liberal
interpretations regard such outcomes as socially significant. Advertisers and
politicians are usually quite satisfied if their media messages can shift several
percent of the public in the intended direction, and back up this conviction with
multi-million dollar investments. Thus, much of the divergence in opinion
comment Atkin and Freimuth (1989), regarding media impact is due to differing
interpretation of the same degree of change in the audience.

- The quantitative and qualitative attributes of campaign
communications vary considerably from one campaign to another. Many of the
ineffective campaigns have been poorly conceived, inadequately protested,
and underfunded is the judgment of Atkin and Freimuth. This results in
insufficient frequency of presentation, undesirable channels and time slots,
incorrect source presenters, inappropriate message appeals and unattractive
stylistic quality. When such campaigns are selected for evaluation, null effects
are likely to be obtained. On the other hand, the authors argue, campaigns that
use the most advantageous strategies, will produce much more positive results.

- Low budgeting does not necessarily mean that the campaign

cannot be successful, if the resources are used adequately. Appropriateness

EDI

41

can also be related to the social influences at the time of the release of the
campaign and the need for the information.

From the above, one can confirm that the criteria are varied,
unpredictable and even arbitrary. Evaluation research, formative, summative or
systemic can contribute to the field and are now more commonly used.
However, there are no instances in which the visual constructions are explicitly
mentioned as a factor for the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of the campaigns.
To understand the applications of those criteria, it is important to consider their

application within the context of changing historical eras.

Review of Research on Communication Campaign Trends
After the extensive propaganda of World War I had faded, for example,

the early belief in the power of the media faded as well (Atkin, 1985b; Rogers 8.
Storey, 1987). Communication researchers became generally pessimistic about
the probable success of public communication campaigns, and their pessimism
is reflected in literature that recalls and analyzes those days. Among articles
speaking to that t0pic, two are most noteworthy: “Some Reasons Why
Information Campaigns Fail” (Hyman & Sheatsley, 1947) and “The Obstinate
Audience” (Bauer, 1964). The belief in the minimal effects of the media rested
not only on evidence of several famous unsuccessful campaigns, such as the
Cincinnati campaign to win support for the United Nations (Star & Hughes,
1950), but also on the concept that media influenced individuals primarily by a
“two-step-flow" through opinion leaders (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1948),
and that an audience consisted of a homogeneous mass of “know nothings”

who selectively exposed themselves to, perceived and retained media content

T",

in;

SE

42

that conformed to their previous knowledge and attitudes (Hyman & Sheatsley,
1947)

Eventually, though, communication researchers changed their
perceptions, as indicated by the article “Some Reasons Why Information
Campaigns Can Succeed” (Mendelsohn, 1973). The changing view was
caused by successes of some campaigns in the 19603 and the 1970s.
Furthermore, over the years theoretical developments and evaluations of
effective campaigns have shown that the chances of success have increased
when research is used to assess needs, identify relevant audiences, identify
program failures and continuously evaluate messages and effects. Systematic
planning, devel0ping message strategies and consideration of external social
factors, it was determined, can also help in this task. These eras of attitudes
toward public information campaigns were called by Rogers (1987) the
“minimal effects,” the “hope of success” and the “moderate effects” eras.

Documentation of these trends prove that at times some things work
better than others. Researchers in the 19903 use the experience of the past to
produce a complementary mix of the most appropriate mediated and
interpersonal channels for a particular campaign, (Atkin, 1990). However, it
seems more attention is given to the channel than to the audience and to the
construction of the message. If this is true, it could indicate that campaign
strategists still hold the belief that proper selection of a medium is more
valuable than designing the proper message for a particular audience.

Anti-consumption messages—anti-smoking and anti-drinking—have
traditionally been linked to public information campaigns. Indeed, to large
segments of the general public, such messages are synonymous with those

campaigns. Public information messages are defined as having public concern

CCr
the
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43

as a motivation with no interest except to persuade, motivate or inform the
public or specific groups of the public to follow ideas that could improve their
welfare. It is argued that there is no simple separation of theory, design and
application in modern communication campaigns. Different theoretical
approaches and perspectives include models of persuasion, rejection of linear
models of communication, social marketing approaches, community
orientations, formative evaluations, systems perspectives toward planning
evaluations and summative evaluations designs. All these perspectives,
according to Atkin (1990), suggest different ways to design, conduct and
analyze campaign efforts. In this part of the paper, I will, therefore, review some
of the most commonly used paradigmatic foundations of public communication

campaign design and planning.

Theoretical Background

Among the persuasion theory holders, McGuire (1989) has suggested a
comprehensive overview of concepts, processes and theoretical mechanisms
that provide a sound foundation for understanding communication campaigns.
He describes how basic directive and dynamic theories from social psychology
can be applied in designing effective campaigns to influence audiences. He
outlines an input—output matrix of communication and persuasion variables.
What McGuire offers is a checklist of stops which are suggestions for campaign
designers to follow. The input (independent) variables are the source, message,
channel, receiver and destination. For the output (dependent) variables, he
suggests the message should produce 12 response steps for mediating
persuasion, such as exposure to the communication, attending to it, becoming

interested or linking, comprehending it and reaching post-behavioral

COP;

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44

consolidation. Following this list has proved useful. However, it is difficult to
think of such a message that can be designed to accomplish all 12 steps in that
order. It is not that the actual message does not follow the steps, but the
receivers do not necessarily decode the message and change behaviors in
such an orderly manner.

Persuasion does not automatically, nor immediately, accompany the
sending of a message. Persuasion may, in a more practical sense, rely on long-
term recall. The individual may become aware of a specific suggestion, but that
does not mean he/she is willing or able to change. The Fishbein and Ajzen
(1975) model has served to test and measure the changes in beliefs, attitudes,
intentions and behaviors an individual undertakes after being exposed to a
persuasive message. The indicators of this measurement are based upon the
direction or level of intensity of the desired change or even resistance to
change. Another model used for this purpose is that of McGuire (1978) who
proposed a matrix for discerning the process of persuasion. In his model, he
gives several independent communication variables, which he calls “input,” to
be tested against the “output,” or dependent variables, which, in fact, are 12
response steps mediating the persuasion process. Most studies using this
model have also employed techniques of an experimental or quasi-
experimental nature. To consider the results of the studies based upon the
above models, one would have to consider not only the persuasive elements in
the message but the adequacy of the visual elements used to articulate it. The
message, whether it is a visual or audio construction, should have all the
qualities required by this model and then, together with the medium, be
powerful enough to cause the desired outcome. McGuire, however, makes no

mention of how that could be accomplished using visual elements. Neither is

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45

there mention of who should design the visual components nor the importance
of using visual elements congruently with his model.

In a different study, Dervin (1989) has challenged some of the most
fundamental concepts in communication campaign design and research. She
argues that an information-as-construction model is more appropriate in
communication situations than an information-as-description model. The former
model assumes that information is created by human observers, is inherently a
product of human self-interest, and can never be separated from the observers
who created it. Switching from conceptualizing information as a description of
reality also changes the concept of communication from an act of transmission
to a process of dialogue. This shift might emphasize the way the receivers or
audiences are treated. It also includes the nature of society. She has also
suggested that this approach is best suited for community based campaigns.
Most mass communicators, however, find it too complex and not practical.
Dervin describes her own approach to this changed conceptualization of the
audience as the sense-making approach. It combines ethnographic, qualitative,
quantitative and systematic procedures.

This perspective has been put in practice in campaigns for a library
desiring more Hispanic patrons, a blood center desiring repeat donors and a
cancer clinic wanting to more effectively serve anxious patients. Devising a
coherent assessing tool under the principles of ethnography and other
qualitative methods involves working with varied and diverse variables, making
this approach rich and potentially dynamic. This approach represents an
interesting alternative method that might help to better analyze the audiences

and to better construct the visual messages needed. Dervin (1989), however,

does

or ir

the

COP

46

does not talk about the visual constructions and the way in which the audience
or individuals make sense of them.

Dervin’s approach stresses that a message will reach a target group if
the message makes sense to that audience. She emphasizes person-to-person
contact, as opposed to extensive use of a mass medium, in community
campaigns to achieve the value and meaning of a message. Close contact, in
her view, means an availability of sources to answer questions and in other
ways clarify that message. The approach, though, does not fully take into
account the impact of well-constructed visuals in reaching an audience—and
“making sense”—in strong and immediate ways.

A much different perspective on communication campaigns, drawn from
the field of marketing, was introduced by the academic-turned-market-
researcher Douglas Solomon (1981). He demonstrates how the philosophy,
concepts and techniques of commercial marketing can be adapted to public
sector programs through the “social marketing” approach. Solomon
emphasizes several key ideas for improving traditional public communication
campaigns. These include responsibly meeting the needs and wants of the
audience and broadly considering product, price, place and positioning
elements as well as promotion, precise segmentation of submarkets and careful
assessment of the competition. He has offered numerous illustrations of the way
that social campaigners can achieve greater effectiveness by applying the
principles used so successfully in the private sector.

The treatment of public issues such as the individual’s health, education
or values, as if they were commodities, has caused serious discussions in the
field. The use of the “four P’s”—price, product, place and positioning—as the

basis of the campaigns turns values of public information into commodities. ln

47

that sense, those campaigns take on the characteristics of efforts to sell soap or
other consumer goods. The selling of vital habits for a better life as if they were
commodities has certainly caused misconceptions in the public. The mixed
value systems communicate contradicting messages and make it difficult for the
target audiences to understand the messages. Individual goal achievements do
not seem to be reached through direct-sell approaches. The misconceptions
presented about the issue itself and about the public’s values is reflected in the
visual constmctions as well as in the non-visual elements. Visual elements in
campaigns promoting well being are structured no differently than are visual
elements in campaigns selling products. The lack of differentiation might well
contribute to a lack of effectiveness in public information campaigns.
Researchers and policy makers have not paid sufficient attention to the
particular challenges and needs of community communications campaigns with
respect to appropriate theories and to the need for useful, informed guidelines.
Alcalay and Taplin (1989) have pointed out that because the idea of
“community“ involves a context, a process of interaction and a problem,
campaign designers need to understand power distributions and need to use
available media effectively. They argue that part of the process should consider
how best to place messages in various media, both from a commercial
advertising perspective and from a public relations and public affairs
perspective. Deriving from a social psychological point of view, with
contributions from sociology, the concept of community is integrated and
explained in different ways by the “agenda setting” model, the “cultivation-
effects” theory and the “knowledge-gap” mass media theory, all used in
constructing public communication messages. Community-based campaign

projects use more print media to build community leadership and awareness.

 

 

ED
385
TH

Wt

48

These include local newspapers, brochures, pamphlets and other forms.
Throughout the literature, there is no mention of the elements needed for
acceptance by a given community. No consideration is given to such things as
identifying symbols or tailoring type sizes for children or adults.

One of the reasons mass media campaigns for health and other public
service goals have achieved only limited success, argue Atkin and Freimuth
(1989), is the lack of sophisticated formative evaluation research in the
development of campaign strategies. Atkin and Freimuth have discussed the
role of pro-production research and message pretest in identifying target
audiences and target behavioral outcomes, specification of critical intermediate
response variables, ascertaining channel exposure patterns, determining
receptivity to potential message components and testing preliminary versions of
messages. They have suggested a stage-by-stage key audiences evaluation.

No doubt evaluation and testing are important before releasing
messages. However, such activity has failed in some of the campaigns like the
Honduras campaign on dehydration and the “Say No to Drugs” (Figure 37)
campaign in Michigan. In the latter, the design resulted from an eclectic
approach. The posters, for example, used a group of young actors who recently
were caught dealing drugs as role models, a situation that was exactly contrary
to the goals of the campaign. Most of the testing was made with small groups
that are non-representative of the target audience. Also testing usually employs
limited methods for retrieving information about symbols used in the visual
materials. Formative research, in spite of its limitations in actual practice, is the
only approach that considers the assessment of the visual materials

themselves.

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49

The visual or audio-visual materials are assessed in a focus group
situation. The criteria for assessment are still vague and based on qualifiers
such as “pretty“, “cool”, and “like it.“ There needs to be more focus on the
appropriateness of the visual elements so they may be powerful messages
instead of just “pretty“ pictures.

The history of public communication campaign studies and theoretical
approaches give this paper a background and explanation of the
communications phenomenon, public communication campaigns. This
examination serves a further purpose of developing criteria for analysis of data
from campaign sources as to its limitations, misconceptions and lack of
acknowledgment of visual elements which are represented in the campaign
materials. Visual communication can provide a whole set of insights which can
contribute to making public communication campaign messages more effective.

From this background examination, I also note that historically, public
communication campaigns have been affected by the public’s perception of the
importance of an issue, by the credibility of the public in the sources presenting
an issue and by the stakeholders of an issue. Not surprisingly, before a
campaign is aired, stakeholders try to guarantee some level of awareness of the
issue using press releases or other media. There are also the cases in which
the issue is already a latent one and then the conditions of the campaign may
be favored. The literature also shows that the presenting source and
endorsement is carefully selected (even in the cases of non-effective results
campaigns) in order to create positive reception of the message. From the field
of communications and theoretical approaches, we are faced with a common
use of assumptions based on theories of persuasion and a focus on multi-

media mediated messages.

50

Planning for modern campaigns seeks more and more a systematic
well-defined process which requires stating objectives deciding on a message,
the contexts and the audiences. The process consists of specifying goals,
clarifying the stakeholders' roles, adapting approaches and strategies to
audience differences, sequencing and coordinating campaign activities,
monitoring and assessing the campaign's possible failure points, improving it
on the basis of field trials and transferring the success of one campaign in one
setting to other campaigns in other settings.

Insofar as public issues and interest in them have multiplied and conflict
on the part of stakeholders has also multiplied, careful attention to the process
has become a key factor to a successful campaign. However, this has not
ensured success in itself. Success of a campaign also depends on the
perception of the public that the campaign issue is important and that the
importance is reflected in the public’s agenda. It also depends upon the
perception of the public that the group supporting or opposing an issue has
entitlement to advocate a view. But mostly it depends on how all of these
elements are articulated in a visual manner, a visual construction.

Public communication campaigns are also designed to educate the
public. Education should be understood to mean that the campaign will inform,
persuade or change behavior of the target group on a given issue. The teaching
is more likely to be accepted if the source presenting the issue is viewed as
credible and as having the right to do so. If the issue is not very specialized, role

models or just peers are used as credible sources.

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CHAPTER 3

THE METHODS

In this study, I used, as the basis of analysis, the process analytical
framework of planning and designing a public communication campaign that I
developed in a previous work (Gonzalez, 1992). To define that process
framework, I determined what constitutes a public communication campaign
and, more specifically, the role of visual communication in such a campaign.
This was best achieved through a study of the history of public communication
campaigns in the United States, campaign trends, theory-based campaign
approaches and a variety of campaign definitions. The four steps of the
analytical process framework as identified and explained are:

1. The public communication campaign (PCC) message in
relationship to the messengers or stakeholders. A concerned group or
stakeholders decides that an issue needs to be presented and disseminated
and commits a given part of their budget to it.

2. The PCC visual message in relationship to the approach or
procedure followed in planning and designing the campaign. The group
decides who will take charge of the organization of the campaign, a staff
member, a specialist or both. The director will then decide to follow his or her
intuition and that of his or her colleagues, an Informal approach, or to
undertaken the design of a campaign in a systematic manner, a formal

approach.

51

follow:

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attempt,

52

3. The PCC visual message in relationship to the method(s)
followed in identifying and characterizing the target audiences. One or more
directors set up objectives, define a target audience, and define the time frame.

4. The PCC visual message in relationship to the concept and
qualitative factors of the message itself. The director and group develop and
clarify objectives and develop the concept of the campaign by making strategic
decisions pertinent to the source, message, channel and receivers. Budget
considerations will affect the selection of channels and quantity.

In using this analytical framework (Figures 1 through 4) as a tool of
analysis, I limited the interview questions and reading materials to those
relevant to the essence of each step and to those that clarified possible
meanings to be derived from the visual elements. The following figures, then,
describe the process framework. They lead the reader from the broad statement
of each step to the specific notions for discussion. (Ramesh 8. Meischke, 1989).

The present study investigates the process of campaign planning and
design through analysis of the specific visual materials. With this study, I am
suggesting that apparent problems in the visual materials, the end product of
public communication campaign design and planning, are a reflection of
problems in the process itself, more specifically of decision-making at key
intervals—which I have called “breaking points”—in the public communication
campaign. I use the term “breaking points” because, to my understanding, they
break the process of planning and designing effective visual public
communication campaign messages. It is through this systematic illustration of
the process, the questions, answers and scheme for discussion that l have

attempted to find key intervals or “breaking points.”

. Go.

i “Flll

53

 

PROCESS FRAMEWORK

 

 

SPECIFIC CAMPAIGN CAMPAIGN Nonous TO BE CONSIDERA‘HONS FOR A
SCHEME FOR DISCUSSION IDEN11FIED DEEPER UNDERSTANDING
Step 1

The Messengers

. Stakeholder(s) - Identification of the . Volunteer groups,
group(s)/messenger(s) philanthropic
associations, the media,
the government. other.

Who?
- Goals & Outcomes - Role(s) in society . The group or groups
. Concern(s) perceive an issue to be
. Motivation(s) important enough to
- Expectations promote awarness or
- Goals-outcomes rela- change. Why? What is
tionship at stake?
~ Who is to change
whom?
- Flnanclal . Expenditures . The commitment is
Commltment - Limitations shown by the funds
- Constraints allocated to promote the
- Emphasis (image or issue. How much and
issue) under what conditions
. Budget time-period can it be spent?

 

 

 

‘ ' Pessiitb'le plaé’e'ror' a
“Breaking Point” '
~_'(POSslble problems reflected In the vlsuals: Stakeholders seeklng to partlclpate In a glven:

' effort but have different motives and therefore seek different outcomes and messages, ’
' ' face different IimitatIOns on expenditures, hold disslmllar goals.)

 

 

l |

 

Figure 1: Step one of the process of planning and designing a campaign

 

54

 

PROCESS FRAMEWORK

 

SPECIFIC CAMPAIGN
SCHEME FOR DISCUSSION

CAMPAIGN NOTIONS TO BE
IDENTIFIED

CONSIDERATIONS FOR A
DEEPER UNDERSTANDING

 

Step 2

The Approach
- Formal
or

. Informal

 

. Identification of the
campaign coordinator
or director of the cam-
paign effort

. Personnel involved in
the process, role and
profession.

0 Identification of the
approach in order to

accomplish the task.

- Strategies needed to
procede

~ Distribution of budget

 

. The concerned group
will then decide on the
person(s) to coordinate
or direct the campaign
efions.

. A communications
practitioner, a member
of the concerned group
or organization, a
Special agency or a
combination of the
above. Who?

- The coordinator(s) will
begin the project. How?

 

The results of what happens at this step are reflected In the visuals only after the next
I Step has been taken Therefore, no breaking point Is suggested » .

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2: Step two of the process of planning and designing a campaign

 

 

r Sridhcl
Seller: roe

 

Step 3

The

ilargel t

55

 

PROCESS FRAMEWORK

 

SPECIFIC CAMPAIGN
SCHEME FOR DISCUSSION

CAMPAIGN NOTIONS To BE
IDENTIFIED

CONSIDERARONS FOR A
DEEPER UNDERSTANDING

 

Step 3

The Method

. Target audience(s)

- Target group(s)
characterization

' Numbers and
outreach
possibilities

- The issue at stake

- Depth
- Breadth

. Identification of the
method(s) to gather
information about the
target group(s).

. Tools used in learning
about the target

group(s).
- Demographics
. Psychographics

- Others

- Population census

- Location

. Identification of
methods and tools to
know about the issue.

 

 

- Method or methods
chosen by the coordina-
tor to identify the target
group(s). Which?

. Tools which are
congruent with the
method(s) and are
reliable. Which?

Coordinator(s) use a set of
characteristics of the
target group(s) to develop
the plan and strategies of
the camapign. Which will,
and will not be used?

. Campaign coordinator(s)
use target group(s) consider-
ing their number, places
where they spent most of
their time and media habits.
How many are there?
where are they?

- Coordinator(s) learn

about the issue. How
much?

 

, , Possnble place for a

' “Breakmg Pomt”

be overlooked

Target group(s)(TG) and Issue may be mismterpreted For example, everyday life styles of' TG may

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 3: Step three of the process of planning and designing a campaign

 

.l
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_/.

rm
.i SUI!

Figu

56

 

PROCESS FRAMEWORK

 

SPECIFIC CAMPAIGN
SCHEME FOR DISCUSSION

CAMPAIGN NOTIONS TO BE
iDENTIFlED

CONSIDERAIIONS FOR A
DEEPER UNDERSTANDING

 

Step 4

The Message

- Background factors

- Qualitative factors

. Source

- Channel

0 Identification of the theories
and/or beliefs by which the

message will be
constmcted.

° Strategies chosen to
constmct the message.

. Identification of:

- Appeals and
Incenfives

- Theme and style

- Attractiveness,
relevance, clarity
and uniformity

- Entitlement
. Credibility

. Multi-media
- Uni-media
- Frequency
. Amount

 

 

- Coordinator may or may not
have a theory in mind but
surely has a belief. Yes or
No and which one?

- Persuasion, information,
awareness.

- The understanding of the
coorditanor(s) as to how can
the campaign aims may be
best obtained. Which? 8: of
what kind?

- Criteria selected to develop
the concept and content of
the camapign message.
Which? How?

- Selection of source
presenting the issue and/or
delivering the message.
Who or what?

- Belief as to the way in which
information is transmitted
and disseminated. Which
way?

- Knowledge of the TG
preferences. Which ones?

 

Possnble place for a
“Breaking POint’.’ '

(The closest to the target group(s) (TG) that the concept and content 15 shaped In this step, the more
sense it will make to the TG and vice versa. The breaking pOint at this step is deeper if the creative
person Or agency misinterprets the decisions made at this step.)

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 4: Step four of the process of planning and designing a campaign

 

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57

The scope, then, is limited to the verification of the process framework
which served as an analytical framework, through the verification of whether the
“breaking points” within that process hold through the analysis of four different
public communication campaigns. This method, therefore, determines the
complexity of the visual messages, revealing how public communication
campaigns arrive at the visual articulation of content, form and style. In addition,
the data is viewed and evaluated in a schematic manner through the categories
and sub-categories presented in Figures 1 through 4 labeled “Process
Framework.” These figures serve to guide the reader through the framework
while, at the same time, setting the boundaries of interpretation by restricting the
analysis to that framework and its individual parts.

I am further suggesting that the delegation of responsibility for visual
design to the creative artist seems to be common in public service campaigns in
the United States, even in campaigns that use widely varied planning methods.
Public service campaigns have been guided by at least two identifiable
procedures. One may be described as a formal procedure in which
communication practitioners have been in charge and have followed a
theoretical framework with a systematic, well-defined methodology. The Zero
One Three anti-alcohol-drinking campaign of the state of Michigan is an
example of this procedure. A second approach employs an informal procedure
in which an individual or staff member becomes the campaign designer and
acts intuitively. The ACE campaign of the Michigan Office of Minority Equity of
the Department of Education (OME) reflects that philosophy. An analysis of the
common threads in these procedures could contribute insights that may Show

how or if visual considerations are weighed during campaign design, and if the

Ci

58

different paths taken, whether formal or informal, make a difference in the

decisions of practitioners.

The Data

The data consist of four campaigns. The first is the Zero One Three anti-
alcohol drinking campaign of the Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition and the
Michigan Office of Substance Abuse Services. The second is the ACE
campaign of the Office of Minority Equity of the Department of Education to
motivate minority high school students to achieve a college education. The third
campaign considered is the Educational Opportunities for American Indians
campaign of the Native American Institute of Michigan State University. Finally, I
studied the “Yes Michigan” campaign conducted through the Michigan
Department of Commerce. These campaigns were chosen under the following
criteria: They represent three common topics of public communication
campaigns in the United States, health, issues of the minority ethnic
populations, and tourism. The four campaigns used posters as a medium for
message dissemination. They all fall within the trends and definition of modern
public communication campaigns in the United States. The Zero One Three and
the “Yes Michigan” campaign were planned and designed under what I have
called formal process, the first an unsuccessful campaign and the other, a
successful campaign. The othertwo campaigns, The OME and the NAI
campaign, fall into those campaigns which relied on intuition to arrive at their
message. one successfully, the other unsuccessfully.

These campaigns, therefore, have characteristics essential to accomplish

the aims of the use of the process analytical framework, that is, to verify whether

ex

ea

de

de

re:

lhl

59

the suggested “breaking points” hold within this range of examples. More
specifically, they categorize the campaigns on the basis of their following a
formal or an informal process or their being successful or unsuccessful. If the
suggested “breaking points” hold in all cases, we might be able to suggest that
there is a paradigm in the procedures, formal or informal, taken in campaign
planning and design.

I carried out this analysis by using primary data consisting of relevant
office documents of each campaign, describing the nature and direction of the
campaigns and the visual materials used to disseminate the messages. The
office documents—the Ross Roy Strategic Plan for the Chicago Program, for
example—and the visuals were provided by the director or chief planner of
each campaign. I sought additional information by conducting interviews with
decision-makers in the design and planning process. I evaluated the primary
data according to the process analytical framework suggested. I looked at the
consistencies and inconsistencies between the initial campaign aims and the

resulting conveyance of these aims into the visual materials.

Procedure
Implicit in the work of this Study are the observations and reflections on
the common elements of PCC visual messages, the qualities of form, shape and
color. These observations also note the scenarios used as well as the explicit
message(s) delivered. These observations and reflections were based on the
use of the items in the column called “specific campaign scheme for discussion”

in the analytical framework presented in Figures 1 through 4.

mane
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60

After the observations and reflections were made of the visual materials,
the four steps suggested in the analytical framework were followed
systematically. I asked, at each of the steps, a set of questions leading to
manageable PCC notions for discussion ( see Appendix). These questions are
derived from the nature of each of the steps themselves. The questionnaire was
used as a guide for interviews and for eliciting relevant information from the
different sources primary and, when necessary, secondary.

This procedure enabled me to learn in more detail the manner in which
the decisions were made in the planning and designing the campaign and in
the production of the visual materials used to release the campaign message. In
SO doing, I involved the explicit elements in the visual message with the data
gathered from all of the other sources. In intenrveaving the information from all
sources I was able to identify most important campaign notions as expressed in
the framework under the column called “campaign notions to be identified." A
more in-depth analysis was then made by following the last column in the
framework, “considerations for a deeper understanding,” which appears in
Chapters 4 through 7 in the section called Soundness of the Overall Campaign
Design.

The specific campaign “scheme for discussion” elements, found in the
framework, served as the basis for analyzing the occurrence of the “breaking
points” and the consistencies and inconsistencies with the original aims of the
campaign. It also served as the beginning of a possible procedure of
evaluation. As I used this scheme for analysis purposes. the particular elements
of it also served the purpose of guiding the conclusions and facilitating the

discussion of the analysis of the comparison of the different visual messages.

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61

The questionnaire (see Appendix) and the descriptions of the steps of
planning and designing a campaign as described above, served as a guide
throughout the analysis and the writing. The results of the analysis of the data
reflect a systematic manner of proceeding based on the analytical framework
and the strategy of looking at consistencies and inconsistencies. This leads to
uncovering some of the problems that PCC visual messages possess through
lack of consideration of visual elements—color, form, shape, scenarios and
figures—throughout the whole process of planning and designing a PCC, not
only at one moment. It also uncovered issues of complexity. The construction of
a visual message is not the addition of elements, but the idea as a whole. If the
visual elements are considered at all four steps of the process of planning and
designing a PCC message, it is usually the case that the result be a complex,
but single effective message, rather than parts of a disjointed message put
together on a piece of paper. Following the four steps in the process analytical
framework helped demonstrate how that complexity is constructed.

The analysis of the data is offered in the following four Chapters in a
narrative form. Since the study relies heavily on primary sources, the analysis
consists largely of interpreting the information provided by those sources. Office
documents, visual materials and interviews, for example, are used to give a
descriptive view of the process in play during a public communication
campaign. Further, and more significantly, the information is weighed to
determine if it does, indeed, form a coherent process, one that may be properly
chronicled and analyzed on the basis of potential creative gaps or “breaking

points.” The process under study, then, may be measured to determine whether

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62

it is in congruence with the many elements presented in the “process
framework” figures and reflected in the visual components.

A discussion of the findings follows a narrative manner with reference to
photographic copies of original visual materials. The analysis chapters include
the following common sections: introduction, rationale, goals, concept, purpose,
activities, incentives, the “breaking points” Illustration and an overview of the
soundness of the overall campaign design. A final chapter on conclusions

follows the analysis chapters.

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CHAPTER 4

THE OFFICE OF MINORITY EQUITY
“ACE” POSTER CAMPAIGN

Introduction

The Office of Minority Equity (OME) of the Michigan Department of
Education has, Since the mid-19805, attempted to increase the enrollment of
minority students in Michigan higher education, specifically at the state’s 15
public universities. Beginning in 1986, the OME launched a Martin Luther King-
Cesar Chavez-Rosa Parks (KCP) initiative to intensify that effort. A cornerstone
of the KCP program is a College Day program in which middle school and high
school students visit campuses throughout Michigan. Part of that project, not
surprisingly, includes a media campaign. In this case, “media” may be defined
as a packet of materials handed to each student attending College Day and
featuring a large poster. While more than two-thirds of the posters are
distributed on campus, the remainder are passed out by volunteers within
several Michigan communities.

While this analysis focuses upon the creation of the OME'S 1990
poster—picturing young people and race cars under the headline “Achieve a
College Education”—it is significant to note that the poster was the second to be
featured in the College Day packets. The first depicted a globe and carried the
words “Welcome to College Day in Michigan” (Figure 5). When all copies had

63

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post
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64

been handed out, OME officials decided that, instead of reprinting the old
poster, they would create another one. The present poster—featuring young
people and race cars—was the result (Figures 6 and 7). (The OME has since

begun developing new campaign materials [Figures 9 through 11].)

Rationale

The rationale for the King-Chavez-Park initiative is that by exposing
minority youth to university campuses and their faculty and students, minority
students will be motivated toward higher education. Indeed, Ana Cardona
(1991), coordinator for the OME poster project, said that the poster coincides
with the overall assumption of the initiative, that young people need to be
motivated to attend college.

The Department of Education, through the Office of Minority Equity, then,
saw itself as acting in behalf of a wide range of Michigan citizens—educators,
parents, employers, the Students themselves—who constitute a “concerned
group,” that is, persons who want more minority youth to attend college. While
all members of that group may be said to have something at stake, the major
stakeholders is, in fact, the Michigan Department of Education. AS an executive
agency, the Department represents “education," at the state level, to the citizens
of Michigan. If the Department can be considered to be “concerned” about the
problem, the concern must be deemed as “institutional” rather than personal.
For, unlike a campaign conducted by a coalition of non-drinkers opposed to
drinking, for example, an OME campaign may or may not be directed by

persons who face the problem being addressed. And that nearness to, or

65

distance from, the target audience is likely to be reflected in the finished
work—in this case, a poster to encourage minority students to attend college.
The budget to create and print the poster was not a concern, Cardona
said, but, as College Day drew near, OME officials felt pressed for time. It must
be stressed, too, that what the OME called a media “campaign” was not a
campaign in the truest sense of the word. That is, as Ana Cardona pointed out,
the project was intended solely to provide a poster as part of the much broader

College Day effort.

Goaks

The 1991 Annual Report of the King-Chavez-Parks Initiative, published
by the Office of Minority Equity, states that: “The King-Chavez—Parks College
Day Program functions to increase the number of students preparing for and
entering college.” An OME (1989a) fact sheet reported that minority enrollment
share of first-time Michigan college freshman in 1990 was 12 percent, up from
8.9 percent in 1980 but still below their share of 16.5 percent of the state's
population.

Although a specific enrollment goal has not been stated, the implication
is that minority enrollment Should, at least, equal the percentage of minority
residents in Michigan. And the poster, in the view of the OME, can assist in

motivating young people to reach that goal.

Concept
As mentioned earlier, the OME, upon distribution of its College Day

“Welcome” posters, decided to create a new poster, rather than simply reprint

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66

the old ones. According to Ana Cardona (1991), coordinator of communications
for the Office of Minority Equity and director of the ACE campaign, the OME was
seeking to develop a poster that would motivate students to go to college, rather
than merely welcome them to College Day activities. Although the specific
approach had yet to be achieved, Cardona said OME officials determined that
the new poster would, in effect, reflect the theme of another ongoing agency
project known as “ACE” or “Achieve a College Education.”

The ACE program (1990C) is described by its literature as being “a
community-wide effort supporting Michigan’s Black, Hispanic and Native
American students to achieve a college education.” A goal was to recruit
community volunteers to inform middle and high school students about the
many aspects of going to college, including the need for taking college
preparation courses in high school and advice on costs and scholarship
opportunities. Among suggested volunteer activities was recruiting students to
attend College Day events.

The concept for the “Achieve a College Education” poster obviously
draws upon the idea of working hard over a long time to reach a goal. In racing,
the achievement is crossing a finish line and winning a race. For young people,
the poster suggests, the achievement is completing college courses and
winning a diploma. Knowing how the “race car" concept evolved from the ACE
campaign is vital to the understanding of the OME campaign process. That
information is best presented in the following segment—Campaign planning

and considerations—of this paper.

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67

Campaign Planning and Considerations

As previously stated, the OME campaign under study was, essentially, a
project to produce a single poster following an “Achieve a College Education”
theme and intended for distribution to College Day participants. Although Office
of Minority Equity directors decided to hire a creative person from outside state
government to develop the poster, they soon learned that such a move was not
possible. That is, since the state employed two graphic artists, the OME was
required to seek their services, rather than using state funds to hire someone
else. Against that background, Ana Cardona was appointed from within the
agency to coordinate the poster campaign. (Cardona [1991] said in an interview
that the idea of hiring a consultant through bidding had not been “particularly
attractive” to her. In the past, she said, few agencies had proved capable of
reaching minority audiences. Instead, most seemed able only to produce
“corporate images” that were far removed from the experiences of minorities.)

Before consulting a graphic artist, Cardona had determined that a race
car theme would be an appropriate way to motivate high school students while
drawing upon the concept of the ACE program. “I've heard young people talking
a lot about cars,” she said. “I felt that pictures of cars would be a good way to
grab their attention.” Cardona took a curious, roundabout route in developing
the poster theme, one that pointed out the intuitive, hence informal, approach to
the process.

The ACE program materials, while not mentioning racing, had several
elements that reminded Cardona of cars. The reference to an “ACE Team,” she
said in an interview, was reminiscent of the name given an automobile racing

team (Figure 8). Further, a headline in an ACE booklet advised students about

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68

“getting on the right track” when planning high school courses. In a graphic
sense, the jagged dark lines that appeared throughout the booklet seemed to
Cardona to resemble the checkerboard finish line at a race track. While
Cardona was developing the race car idea by studying ACE literature, her
notion was reinforced, she said, through informal discussions with OME co-
workers. Indeed, she said, in the same interview, that her campaign
assumptions evolved, in part, from what she “heard people say at the office.”

Before stating those assumptions, it is Significant to point out that the
OME should have had abundant insight into the patterns and attitudes of its
target audience—minority middle and high school students. The agency was, in
fact, created by the Legislature for the sole purpose of informing, encouraging
and serving minority young people through college age (OME,1991b). With
knowledge gleaned from previous contacts with the target audience, and
considering that several staff members are themselves minorities, OME
planners might have felt that further research on minority young people was
unnecessary. The lack of added research, and the widening gap between
agency and audience at each process breaking point, may be cited as reasons
why the final product, the poster, would seem to have only limited effectiveness
in reaching the target group.

The poster campaign, Cardona (1991) said, proceeded with two
assumptions: (1) that young people want to see immediate gratification (2) that
“kids talk a lot about cars.” Further, she said, cars are “something young people
are able to obtain quickly,“ whatever their economic backgrounds.

Poster production, Cardona went on, was not limited by budget
considerations. The project had been allotted $7,000, from the general OME
budget, for the printing of 30,000 posters, and the state was providing the

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69

services of a graphic artist. Significantly, Ana Cardona was responsible for the
concept of the campaign with the artist responsible merely for its execution. The
choice of artists was Simple, since one had previous commitments and would
have been unable to carry out the assignment for several months. Cardona, a
Hispanic, then instructed the remaining artist, an anglo male, to carry out a
“racing car“ theme, supplying him with photos of cars she had taken as a guide
for his work.

The result, Cardona said, was not acceptable to her. “His poster
portrayed racing as a male sport,” she said. “He depicted only white males. The
idea didn’t represent women and diversity.” Given the time limit, the artist used
computer clip art, another practice Cardona found objectionable. When told to
remake the poster, the artist refused, leaving the OME without a poster and with
little time remaining to have the posters ready by College Day. At that point,
Cardona contacted the Casa de Unidad Cultural Arts Center in Detroit which
offered to produce the poster on a volunteer basis. The poster artist was George
Pedraza, Cardona’s brother. Unlike the previous effort, she made clear this time
that: “I want to see a representation of diversity.” The poster, she added, would
be suitable for placing in an envelope for mailing. The work would need to be
“graphically attractive” so that young people would want to place it on a wall of
their room. Though not a responsibility of the graphic artist, Cardona pointed
out, too, that the back of the poster would contain information on getting into

college, just as the ACE Team booklet had done.

70

The Breaking Points

The campaign theme is far removed from the realities, or aspirations, of a
the target audience—minority middle and high school students. In this case, an
intuitive process is the best explanation of how a racing theme was derived from
a general notion that young people like cars and a vague resemblance .
between previous OME materials (used in the ACE campaign) and the world of
automobiles. At the same time, the unusual visual result can be said to be
rooted, in part, in the process breaking points.

The first critical moment or breaking point occurred when the
stakeholders, the Department of Education, decided to produce a poster for a
target audience without knowing what aims the effort might reasonably
accomplish. Further, the department seemed unaware of the obstacles facing
such a campaign. The education bureaucracy was, in a sense, working against
itself in that not all high schools in Michigan have the means to prepare large
numbers of minority students for college entrance. Part of the overall problem,
Cardona pointed out, is that many schools do not offer sufficient numbers of
college preparation courses to potentially college-bound students. Cardona
also blamed many middle and high school teachers for not properly advising
students toward higher education. Although that does not mean an effective
poster campaign is impossible, it does signify that an early evaluation of the
system and the target audience would be in order. Such study, for example,
might segment the audience to produce posters toward groups who are best
able to take early steps to college success.

The second breaking point came when Cardona, aware of the

project aims, followed no method, with the exception of intuition, to better

71

identity the target audience. The working assumptions of the Office of Minority
Equity showed typical minority stereotyping—that is, that they (minorities) are all
alike. Research would have revealed that minorities in Michigan reflect a wide
range of interests and outlooks and a rather wide range of incomes. Such
investigation might have convinced the OME to include a broader range of
poster characteristics or even aim at an audience segment most likely to take
advantage of a college opportunity—based on income, for example. (Certain
“car“ themes might have been accepted by middle-income minorities, though,
ironically, that group would be less likely to need encouragement to go to
college than low-income students.) Once the assumptions were integrated into
the campaign (at the breaking point), however, they were destined to become
part of the visual result.

The third breaking point traditionally comes when the designer, or
creative person, becomes involved in the process. The goal is to adequately
relay the aims and themes of the campaign to the artist so he or she can portray
them with visual effectiveness. In the case of the OME poster, the artist was not
so much an interpreter as an executor. That is, he was told to adapt a racing
theme and to add diversity. At this breaking point, then, the role of the artist was
not to come up with his own theme, but to carry out one already determined.
The fact that one of the models is of uncertain ethnicity either speaks to the
inability of the artist to accurately portray the person as Hispanic—which She
is—or in the uncertainty with which directions were conveyed from director to

artist at the breaking point.

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(I!

72

Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design

Target Audience Identification

The objective of the poster was to reach minority middle and high school
Students with the aim of motivating them to attend college. In this case, the
target audience was easily identifiable since it was Clearly defined as certain
persons (minority students) in a certain place (middle and high schools) and

even at a certain time (College Day).

Desired Outcomes

The purpose of the Office of Minority Equity is to assist minority students
in gaining success in higher education. The goal may be achieved in part, the
OME believes, by enlisting students in College Day activities. Since the poster
was designed by the Office of Minority Equity, incorporates an overall agency
theme (The ACE Team) and is distributed at a major OME event, its success is
largely tied to the success of the department itself.

Since the poster campaign did not include a component to measure
effectiveness even in a most basic form—asking students whether they put the
posters on their walls, for example—its role in helping the agency reach a
desired outcome is virtually left for campaign directors to evaluate. The
distribution system assures that the material will reach the target audience. The
effectiveness of the message, however, must remain unclear.

In a bureaucracy as large as the Department of Education, success, or
lack of it, is measured through numbers. The published reports of the OME, for
example, compare minority enrollments in colleges in 1980 versus 1990 and

also list the numbers of students attending College Day events. The quality of

73

work of the Office of Minority Equity, including its poster campaign, is tied to
those figures, even if other factors—such as changing economic conditions or
improvements in the curricula of high schools—play a more significant role in
attaining them. Regarding evaluation, Cardona (1991) simply said that there

has been “no negative reaction“ to the poster

Channel Selection

Selecting a Channel was not a consideration for planners of the Office of
Minority Equity poster campaign. That is, one poster had been distributed and,
to the OME, the only decision was whether to order reprints or produce a new
one. The poster had seemed an appropriate channel since its distribution to the
target audience was virtually assured through attendance at one event. The
planners, as Cardona made clear in the interview, believed the channel to be
effective, even without evidence to support that claim or without considering

whether another might be even more effective.

Visual Construction

With regard to attractiveness, the OME poster seems capable of attracting
attention. The cheering young people, the race cars and the size alone are
bound to require a closer look. If attractiveness refers to the engaging quality of
the message, though, the judgment is less clear. The poster attempts to portray
a sense of excitement, of victory, of achievement using a sporting event—a
common source of such elements—as the setting. The problem is whether an
analogy between a graduation and the end of a sporting event is appropriate to

the target audience.

74

More Specifically, the choice of an auto race seems a spurious one, even
if, by itself, a sense of excitement is conveyed. The problem with the poster, after
all, is its credibility, not only in attempting to tie in auto racing with education but
in attempting to attract minority students through that approach. Quite simply,
the auto racing theme, selected by Ana Cardona in the most intuitive of ways,
appears, through an overview of the most common U.S. sports, to be as far
removed from the experience of minorities as virtually any other sporting theme
might be. With the exception of hockey, no other major sport is as nearly
exclusively white and male as car racing, more Specifically, as the poster
depicts, Indianapolis-style racing. In the 76-year history of the Indianapolis 500,
by far the most prestigious and most publicized U.S. race, only two women, one
black and a small scattering of Latin American drivers have taken part.
Participation in such races, in fact, is limited to drivers who can finance, or can
convince others to finance, cars that cost more than $1 million to build. It is
questionable, then, that minority students could identify with the subject at hand.
(Nor is it surprising that the original graphic artist, when assigned to produce a
race car poster, depicted only white males.)

Given that the “car“ theme was, in fact, considered suitable by the
campaign director, one might reasonably question—given the near-exclusion of
women and minorities in professional auto racing—whether a more general
approach would be better suited to reaching the target audience. It could be
concluded, after all, that while youth do, in general, have an interest in cars, that
interest is more closely related to driving a passenger, rather than an
Indianapolis-type vehicle. The history of minority participation in racing and the
high cost of professional cars, at least, argues for a broader campaign

message. Cardona, for her part, offered no argument or data even as strong as

75

that for making the choice she did. The second assumption, that the young seek
instant gratification, might also have some merit, but it is, again, a rather broad,
perhaps unfair, characteristic to place upon the large segment of youth
comprising the poster target audience.

The depiction of the students themselves causes confusion. While the
young man with a flag in his hand clearly is black, the identity of the young
woman is less certain. Cardona said that a few OME staffers were confused,
too, not knowing whether she Is supposed to be Hispanic, Native American or
even white. The model for the drawing was Cardona’s niece, a Hispanic.

The Slogan for the ACE program (“Achieve a College Education“)
appears prominently in the poster. The remaining text attempts to carry out the
car theme by saying “You are in the driver's seat.” The reference to “Your eyes
are on the prize“ seems a tired cliche of the title of an award-winning
documentary on the civil rights movement. The term “high performance formula”
is another car or car racing term whose use seems stretched in this instance.
That is, it is unclear whether “high performance” refers to the academic showing
of the students or, to correctly use a car analogy, whether it points to college as

a “high performance” fuel that will power students to future success.

Conclusions
The study shows the existence of critical intervals, or breaking points, in
the process employed in public service communication campaigns. The study
points out that those points are as much a part of the process as any other
element, from the moment the campaign is conceived to the completion of the
project message. Since the breaking points Simply exist and cannot be avoided,

they cannot be judged as “good“ or “bad.“ Rather, merely knowing that they

76

exist and what their existence may mean to the effectiveness of a visual
campaign message can, in itself, be of vital importance to a communications
practitioner in carrying out his or her role in the campaign process. Planning a
campaign without knowledge of breaking points is akin to taking a journey
without consulting a map, then wondering why the trip took or long or, worse,
why the desired destination was never achieved.

The previous discussions and examples Show, above all, that the
breaking points influence the process in the most significant of ways—in
helping determine the extent to which the messages reach and influence the
target audiences. The study points out, as well, that breaking points appear in
both forms of campaign processes, the formal and the informal. In each case, no
attempt is made—indeed, perhaps one is not possible—to measure the impact
of the breaking points In a quantitative way. At the same time, it is enough to
say, and to have proved, that such critical intervals can have some effect upon
whether the target group is, in fact, to be reached in an effective manner through
visual communication.

The OME campaign relied heavily upon one person, a simplified
approach that led to an oversimplified, not to mention stereotypical, result.
There, preconceived notions as to the make-up of the target audience and how
that audience could best be reached, led to a series of haphazard decisions
which were reflected in the visual nature of the campaign poster.

In addition, the study illustrates that the development of visual material is
a complex matter, certainly one that transcends the ability just to guide a
drawing pencil or create computer graphics. That is, all persons involved In the
campaign process must be aware of each part of that process, including the

critical intervals where misunderstandings or shortcomings in communication

77

are most likely to occur. To do otherwise is to risk producing a finished product,
whether large-scale campaign or single poster, that reflects a lack of
appreciation for the intricate nature of the process that created it.

Further, the study suggests that breaking points, though they cannot be
circumvented, need not be considered in a negative way. Rather, they may
serve as points where campaign managers can evaluate what they have
accomplished and in what direction the campaign might best proceed. Attentive
managers will judge whether the audience has been, and will continue to be,
well served, rather than going forth in ways that serve to compound a problem. It
is in recognizing the potential for problems, after all, that steps may be most
easily taken to avoid them. The key to negotiating the critical intervals is,
somewhat ironically, the key ingredient in the success of the overall
campaign—communication. In this case, the reference is to communication
among all members of the process, rather than with persons in the target
audience. Each person in the campaign, then, can best serve by realizing that
he or she is a significant part of a dynamic flow of events, rather than believing
to be acting alone.

In a general sense, the critical intervals remind campaign planners of the
importance of knowing the target audience and keeping that audience in mind
at every step of the process, pointing out that to do otherwise is to jeopardize
the purposes for which a campaign is formed and the goals it seeks to achieve.

More specifically, this study reaches several conclusions which add to
the literature and should be considered in future public service communication
campaigns. It has been demonstrated, for example, that if critical intervals in the

process of designing and planning a campaign are not handled properly, the

It

78

process does seem to “break“ or lose focus, and that these “breaking points” are
reflected in the visual construction of the messages.

The literature shows that there has been little or no mention of the visual
elements in public service campaigns. This study shows the importance of
adding a step in the process of designing and planning a campaign where
visual considerations are discussed exclusively.

While the field of communication borrows heavily from several
disciplines, psychology, marketing and sociology among them, in the planning
and execution of visual campaigns, the literature indicates that the field of
graphic communication is not among them. The research, however, shows that
that field is vital to the analysis and understanding of visual elements and
should be included by communicators in charting and carrying out the
campaign process.

A review of the literature established that most research used to identify
the target audiences has been based on marketing and or quantitative
approaches. Certain qualitative methods, such as ethnography or observation,
meanwhile, have received little attention in the field of communication. A more
comprehensive view of target audiences and the issues that affect them would
employ such methods. Such attention is, in fact, particularly vital if minority
target audiences, Hispanics among them, are to join the ranks of American
communities and interest groups which, throughout US. history, have benefited

from the successful execution of public service communication campaigns.

FIGURES

79

 

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80

 

 

 

Figure 6: “Achieve a College Education,“ Current OME Poster (front)

81

 

 

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Figure 8: Page from ACE Recruitment Booklet

83

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 9: “Grab College Prep," Future Poster for OME Camapign

84

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 10: “Check College Prep,” Future Poster for OME Campaign

85

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 11: Cartoon Figures for Future OME Campaign

CHAPTER 5

A PROMOTIONAL POSTER OF THE
NATIVE AMERICAN INSTITUTE

Introduction

The Native American Institute (NAI) was established in 1981 at Michigan
State University as a component of the school's Center for Urban Affairs.
Although located on the MSU campus, and dedicated, in part, to recruitment
and service for Michigan State, the mission of the NAI is to serve American
Indians throughout the state with training and technical assistance and by
enhancing public knowledge of Michigan Indian customs, history and art.

Institute Director George Cornell said in an October 1992 interview, in
fact, that the NAI’S most recent efforts have focused upon providing assistance,
upon request, to Michigan tribes. As an example, Cornell pointed out his role as
adviser, to the Grand Rapids Indian Council in its sponsorship of the Michigan
Indian Press, a publishing house specializing in books on Indian history and
customs. ‘

At the same time, as NAI director, and as a member of the MSU English
Department faculty, Cornell said he recognizes an ongoing need for the Institute
to promote educational opportunities for the state’s Indian population. During
the first several years of the NAl’s existence, he said, the university had done
virtually nothing to promote the Institute, and the admissions office had made no
Special effort to encourage Indian high school students to attend Michigan

State. Against that background, Cornell said he decided that the Institute should

86

87

undertake, on its own, the task of recruiting Indian young people to MSU while
promoting all programs of the NAI.

A key element in that mission was the creation of a brochure that would
provide information on educational opportunities for Indian people. Central to
that effort was a multi-colored drawing that would serve both as a poster to
attract attention to the Institute and its aims and as a cover for a booklet to be
called “Michigan State University, Educational Opportunities for American
Indians.“

The project resulted in a poster of a young Indian man and woman,
dressed half in traditional Indian clothing and half in green (MSU) graduation
gowns, against a background of teepee and trees with a likeness of the
Michigan Capitol in the center. This analysis considers the development of that
poster, through the views of Cornell and the artist, and evaluates the extent to

which it reflects the needs, aspirations and culture of its target audience.

Rationale

The rationale for the Native American Institute booklet and poster was
that Indian young people, to be encouraged to attend college, must be
motivated and that an information campaign, with a colorful poster as a
centerpiece, would assist many potential students in taking the first step. A
working assumption was that education has long been considered important to
all Americans, regardless of background. “People have agreed for a century
and a half that education is a way to make it,” Comell said.

The Native American Institute set forth to emphasize a role that it had
established years before: to be a major stakeholder in the promotion of college

education for the Indian people of Michigan. Indeed, the NAl’s existence

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depends to a large degree upon how Indian communities, and university
administrators, perceive the Institute to be carrying out that role. Almost by
definition, the NAI concern was “institutional,” rather than personal, toward the
primary “concerned groups” of parents, potential students and the several state
Indian communities in general. At the same time, it is worth noting that Cornell
and Institute specialists Jerry Church and Arnold Parish are themselves Native
Americans. (Cornell and Parish are Chippewa, Church a Narraganset.) Since
NAI staff members Share a common heritage with the target audience, and are
employed by the university they desire Michigan Indians to attend, the analysis
will consider, too, whether this nearness to the target audience was evident in
the poster and Its message.

Although Cornell said the Institute sought a “high-quality” poster, the total
cost of producing the work, he said, was “maybe $500.“ The relatively low cost
was due, in part, to the fact that the poster was printed at (Michigan State)
University Printing. “This was far less expensive than going to a design firm or
professional consultant,” he said, “and I don't believe we could have done any

better at any price.”

Goals

A goal of the Native American Institute, and of its literature, is to inform
Indian students about Michigan State University and, in so doing, to encourage
them to enroll. The inside of the NAI booklet is as understated, with regard to
recruiting those students as the cover. That is, there are no campaign Slogans,
no special testimonials to the quality of Michigan State and no graphics. The
opening paragraph reflects the tone and approach of the entire booklet, stating:
“The Native American Institute (NAI) at Michigan State University extends a

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warm invitation to Native American high school and transfer students to visit the
MSU campus before making a choice of the four-year institution they wish to
attend while pursuing their educational goals.“

Such an approach is consistent with an overall goal of the NAI to work
closely with the tribal communities of Michigan. With a strong network already in
place, NAI literature can assume that education is, indeed, important to the
Native Americans of Michigan and that many in those communities are already
familiar with Cornell and the Institute. A goal of the NAI literature, then, is to
enhance the Native American network and its educational aims rather than to
appear to be wresting a leadership role from others within the Indian

communities. AS Cornell (1992) said:

The Indian people who know Michigan State and the Native
American Institute like us. Our best salesperson is someone
who has attended MSU, maybe even for a couple years, and
has had a good experience. The word travels quickly when that
person returns home. Our booklets and posters are another way
to make our message stronger, to add to good feelings that are
probably already there.

A reason for the success of that network is its “workable“ size. The Native
American population of Michigan may be difficult for a non-Indian to penetrate
but its total, according to the most recent census figures, is only about 44,000, or
just slightly higher than the enrollment at Michigan State University.

Although the authors of an Institute for Educational Leadership, Center
for Demographic Policy report (Hodgkinson, Outtz, & Obarakpor, 1990) stated
that “numbers are still not acceptable in terms of access,” they added that “it

does appear that a higher percentage of Native American youth are making the

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transition from high school to college than in the past.“ Using the 1980 census
as a baseline, the Center found that of American Indian students who graduated
from high school that year, 64 percent had been enrolled in some form of high
education in 1986. That percentage compares with 91 percent for Asians, 71
percent for white and 67 percent for African Americans (Hodgkinson et al.,
1990).

Cornell said that the Native American Institute literature, like the NAI
itself, aims to make all Michigan Indians aware of opportunities in higher
education, especially at Michigan State University. Then, without specific
targets, he wants to see the number of Indian students at MSU rise “as much as

possible“ each year.

Concept

A goal of the Native American Institute is to attract attention to Michigan
State and the programs It can offer in assisting the Indians of Michigan.
Significantly, Cornell believed that a first step toward that goal, particulariy as it
related to encouraging Indians to enroll at the university, was through a visual
approach. “As a starting point, we thought MSU needed something visual,“
Cornell said, “perhaps a poster to promote the Institute, to tell people there are
programs here. We needed an eye-catcher.” The booklets and posters, about
5,000 of each, would be distributed through the NAI'S information “network,“
through high schools, non-profit organizations and, in general, through contacts
among the state's seven federally-recognized tribes, including tribal
governments. (Several of the posters and booklets were presented in

combination. That is, one approach had several booklets enclosed in a pocket

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attached to a Single poster.) In addition, the materials would be available for
MSU admissions office College Day programs or other promotional activities of
that department.

The poster, Cornell said, was an attempt by the Native American Institute
to take a “more active role” in promoting its services. As such, he believed that
the poster would attract attention to the ongoing work of the NAI rather than
announce a new approach. The public service campaign, then, would not
become a campaign unto itself. For that reason, despite the colorful cover
poster, the booklet is essentially a straightforward compilation, over 16 pages
and without graphics, of scholarship opportunities and admission requirements
for the target audience—Michigan Indians. The center of the booklet features a
pull-out card addressed to the MSU admissions office on which a person may
request additional information on enrollment, tuition or housing or obtain
university catalogs of courses and programs. Far from offering a catchy slogan,
the cover simply promotes the booklet as “Educational Opportunities for
American Indians” and “A project of the Native American Institute, Michigan
State University.”

The concept, Cornell reiterated, was to reinforce a widely held notion,
that education would lead to success, by Inviting the target audience to take part
in programs of the Native American Institute, particulariy the NAl’s recruitment
efforts. The task before the Institute staff, Cornell said, was how to gain the
attention of the target audience in a visual way. “We wanted to make a
statement,” Cornell said, “about the work we were doing and the people we

were trying to reach.“

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Campaign Planning and Considerations

In a sense, the Native American Institute approach toward creating a
poster for the recruitment of Indian students to Michigan State University might
be said to have been intuitive and informal. That is, Cornell did not ask the
advice of a design or consulting firm in seeking, and carrying out, ideas that
would help the organization reach its goal. Still, the selection of an artist was
hardly haphazard, reflecting, as it did, an understanding of the cultural
backgrounds of the stakeholders, concerned groups and the artist. Furthermore,
the choice was based upon the artist’s reputation and upon Cornell’s friendship
with that artist, Lyle James. An Ottawa Indian born in Kalkaska and living in the
Lansing area, James had earned a statewide reputation for his paintings and
drawings celebrating Indian culture.

“I didn’t think it would be difficult,“ Cornell (1992) said. “I decided I'd call
Lyle, talk a while and get the work done.” He said he met with James to tell him
what the Institute was hoping to achieve. Cornell said he mentioned the
importance of using Indian symbols and images of Indian life, but, because of
James’ personal and professional background, he felt no need to offer specific
directions. “There were no contracts, no written agreements,” Cornell said. “Lyle
told me: ‘I know what you want.’ Then he set out to do five or six sketches
(Figures 14 through 17). I’ve worked with artists before. You can talk about
conceptions, but you can’t tell them what to do. You either like what they do or
you don't.“

James (1992) recalls having felt comfortable with Cornell’s instructions.
“George just told me we needed an ink and color drawing for a poster to get

across the idea of Indians and graduation,“ he said. “We both talked about

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symbols that would represent Indian culture.“ As Indians themselves, Cornell
and James both recognized the importance of using those relevant symbols to
attract, and hold, the target audience. “I worked at blending in many ideas,“
James said. “I’d say doing five different sketches took about a week, maybe a
little less.” Producing the final drawing, James said, caused him to stay up “till I
couldn’t see no more.“

Up to that point, the poster project had been the work of two people.
Cornell had determined the need for the poster, had hired an artist and had
shared his concept with that artist. When James handed over five preliminary
sketches, though, Cornell widened the participation, relying on what he called
“art by committee.” That is, he brought together the two NAI specialists, a
graduate assistant and two staff secretaries and, displaying the sketches,
asked: “What do you like here.” Each sketch portrayed scenes of Indian life of
long ago with teepees, canoes, streams and trees and with recurring symbols
including flowers, eagles and drums. Cornell said he and the NAI staff selected
the Sketch they did because the drawing “kind of fit“ what the Institute was trying
to achieve.

In Cornell’s view, the sketch offered an appropriate combination of visual
symbols that spoke across generations of Indian life. Most striking, perhaps,
were the two Indians in the foreground with their mix of traditional Indian and
graduation attire. “This gives an idea that there’s a past and there’s a future and
a present,“ Cornell said. “Nothing is the old way and nothing is new.“ The
committee, he added, also liked the use of both a male and a female figure and

the concept of “living in two worids.“

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To an outside observer even generally familiar with Indian culture, the
use of feathers, flowers and dnJms was a proper way to attract a general Indian
target audience. To those much closer to that culture, though, it is clear that the
poster has a much sharper focus than that. Rather, it is intended to reach those
for whom the NAI programs are primarily intended, the “woodland” or “Great
Lakes“ Indians of Michigan. The floral patterns, the glass trading beads, the
quills and the drum, standing upright on a stand in the foreground, are all
symbolic of woodland Indian life, Cornell said. “T he drum, in particular, points
out the culture,“ he said. “It was at the center of life, the heartbeat of a people,
the life giver. That was important.”

The use of a Single feather or two in the “roach” of the headband, James
said. also signifies Great Lakes tribes. “The very large Indian headdress has
come to stand for many types of Indians,“ he said, “but it was a war bonnet that
only belonged to the Sioux.” The red streak in the background “stands for
Indians,” James added. The figures themselves, James said, were meant to
typify all young Indian men and women and were not drawn on the basis of
particular models. The dome in the center is that of the Michigan Capitol, the
center of Michigan government and only a few miles from Michigan State
University. The eagle is somewhat of a James trademark, appearing in several
of his drawings and paintings. He said he, as well as other Indians, has
traditionally viewed the eagle as a Sign of strength and independence.

The poster, Cornell said, proved popular with Indians and non-Indians
alike. “We had many complements and feedback,” he said. “It was so popular, it
didn’t stay up very long. People just took it and framed it. We went into a second

printing very quickly.”

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The Breaking Points

The theme of the Native American Institute poster is consistent with the
background of the target audience—Michigan Indian high school students. That
is, the visual is, in one sense, simply a depiction of the way life used to be for
Great Lakes Indians, the main focus of NAI recruiting efforts. The “half gowns”
worn by the young man and woman suggest to the target audience that
achieving an education is consistent with the goals of earlier Great Lakes
Indians, who placed high value on the strength of individuals and the
community. At the same time, the poster is dominated by tribal symbols,
implying that, in achieving a college education, one need not sacrifice his or her
cultural heritage. The broad application of Native American symbols might be
expected, too, in a poster promoting an organization that is, after all, known as
“The Native American Institute.”

The process of moving from concept to poster should be labeled intuitive,
since Cornell, as he pointed out, did not seek the assistance of an outside firm.
Yet, this was an intuitive decision based upon Cornell's own appreciation of the
target audience and of the artist’s reputation and understanding of that
audience. To that degree, the NAI director was acting Upon something more
than a general notion when he made a unilateral decision as to concept and
artist for the poster and booklet cover.

The first and second breaking points occurred when George
Cornell decided that the Native American Institute would produce and promote
NAI programs—particularly college recmitment of Michigan Indians—in a visual
way, primarily through a poster. A potential for danger, at this point, was that

Cornell did so unilaterally. That is, he failed to consult NAI staff members as to

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whether the poster might accomplish its aims and, further, did not seek to
measure whether the visual might reach the intended target audience. Cornell
successfully negotiated both points with conservative aims for the program and
the poster itself. The NAI, that is, was not in the business of creating a new
program, complete with slogans, or in placing Indians, visually, in an
environment with which many members of the target audience might be
unfamiliar. A poster showing a large classroom at Michigan State University
filled with Indian students, for example, might have presented a strained
message, since the majority of young Native Americans do not attend college.
Instead, Cornell drew upon his own program that had been attempting to recruit
students to Michigan State for nearly 10 years. In Cornell’s view, a goal of the
poster was to simply draw attention to the NAI services. He made no claims
regarding numbers of people who must be reached, believing that an “eye-
catching" visual would enhance the image and work of the Institute.

Regarding the audience, Cornell had reason to believe he knew the
target audience. That notion was due, in part, to his having worked with Indians
throughout the state on many projects for several years and the fact that Cornell
is a member of a Michigan tribe and is, therefore, aware of Indian customs and
culture. Notably, Cornell knew that “Native American” is a broad term, that not
all Indians are alike and that, to be successful, an appeal must be to a specific
target audience, members of what he and James called the “woodland“ or
“Great Lakes“ tribes.

The third breaking point appeared when the NAI sought to employ
an artist who would turn concept into reality. That the Native American Institute

would hire a respected Indian artist to develop its poster is an indication that this

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crucial breaking point could be overcome. Equally important, Cornell and
James met to discuss the aim and content of the program. In so doing, Cornell,
as he indicated, provided direction to the artist without telling him specifically
what to do. One useful direction was Cornell's suggestion that James produce
several sketches. In that way, the idea Could be refined with the advice of
Cornell and fellow members of the NAI staff. Cornell’s decision to draw upon
others to contribute their opinions regarding program goals, poster design and
Indian culture showed that he intended to make the poster an NAI project, not
merely his own. The finished product clearly reflects the work of a Native
American Institute which, through its poster, is seeking to reach a young Indian
audience. The fact that Lyle James Signed his name in the corner of the poster,
Cornell said, in itself attracted the attention of Indians and of those familiar with
Indian art, given the reputation the artist has achieved in Michigan. Considering
the working relationship between Cornell and the artist, an arrangement that
helped negotiate a critical breaking point, James could be described as one
who both interpreted and executed the concept set forth by the Native American

Institute of Michigan State University.

Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design

Target Audience Identification

The aim of the poster was to reach Michigan Indian high school students
and encourage them to attend college, particularly Michigan State University.
The audience was easily identifiable since it consisted of a specific population,

young Indians of Michigan.

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Desired Outcomes

The purpose of the Native American Institute is to assist the Indian
population of Michigan in a variety of ways. In offering a poster and booklet
cover geared to the recruitment of Indian students for college, the NAI director
believes that that effort can only enhance the lnstitute’s ongoing programs. The
fact that the poster proved popular as a work of art, requiring a second printing,
coupled with an effective distribution system through tribal networks indicates
that the visual effort had the desired effect of attracting the attention of
thousands of Michigan residents.

Since the project contained no instrument of measurement—the
distribution card in the center of the booklet was a standard card placed in many
MSU recruiting booklets—there is no way of knowing exactly how many
reached those Indian people of an age most likely to consider attending
college. To Cornell, the reaction to the poster was evidence that he had reached
the goal of “attracting attention” to the Institute and its recruiting programs,

something he believed the MSU admissions office had long ignored.

Channel Selection

The channel selection fit the purposes of the Native American Institute in
its effort to recruit Indian students for higher education. That is, George Cornell
believed that the NAI must produce something “visual” to draw attention to the
work it had been performing for nearly a decade. The selection of a drawing to
serve as a poster and as a booklet cover was due, in part, to Cornell’s familiarity
with a local artist and the quality of his work. Further, creation of another type of

visual—a video, for example—might have required more money than the

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Institute was willing to spend. A poster, too, could be drawn without creating a
separate campaign. That is, the programs to be promoted were already in place
as well as a distribution system—the tribal network—that would deliver the

message to the intended target audience.

Visual Construction

By any measurement, the Native American Institute poster may be
considered a work of art. Produced by a well-regarded Michigan Indian artist,
the drawing with its floral border would attract the casual viewer through its
color, portrayal of Indian life and the curious dress—half-grown, half tribal
clothing—of the man and woman.

In a deeper sense, the visual nature of the poster must receive high
marks not only for its attractiveness, but for its potential meaning to the target
audience. The drum with its flowers, feathers and stand attracts the viewer
because of its prominence and it represents a drum that Indians might have
used. To young Indians of Michigan, though, that drum is even more significant
in that it was the type used specifically by their ancestors, the Great Lakes
tribes, as opposed to the tribes of the American West. The same could be said
of the distinctive floral arrangement on the clothing and of the glass beads and
feathers prominent in the poster.

What might seem out of place is the quality of the paper bearing the NAI
visual message. In constrast to the natural, woodland feel of the poster itself, the
paper is slick, the kind that more likely carry an advertisement for a car, an
expensive restaurant or other products aimed toward upscale consumers. The

poster, Cornell said, was printed on stock available to the NAI through

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University Printing. “We were aware that the paper was slick,“ Cornell said, “but
it’s the best we could do. With the strong images and colors, we didn’t think the
type of paper would matter that much anyway.“

Another element that strikes the viewer, and which may seem out of
place, is the presence of the Capitol in the center. (James said it was the most
difficult part for him to draw.) At the same time, the dome does represent the
center of Michigan government, a symbol with which all Michiganians are
familiar. A drawing of a Michigan State University symbol, Beaumont Tower, for
example, would be sending a message that MSU is the only school Indian
students should consider. Although Cornell prefers that students attend
Michigan State—indeed, his livelihood, to some degree, depends upon
that—he wanted the poster to convey, too, the general message that any formal
education is important to Indian people. Artistically, the Capitol blends well with
the graduation gowns, suggesting that students can be successful in Lansing
while retaining cultural ties to their Indian heritage.

The “two worlds“ concept, effective in a visual sense, offers a strong
message to Michigan Indians. In pointing out that the Indians can live or thrive
in those worlds, it does so without stressing standard symbols of success—a big
car, condominium or sailboat—that conflict with, or are alien to, the cultural
foundation the poster is attempting to enforce. The poster, then, attempts to
move students into the future in a gentle way, showing the goal—education—as
a concept, depicted by a gown and diploma, rather than as a specific prize.
Significantly, too, most of the poster is devoted to symbols of Indian life,
showing that a transition may be made into a new phase of life or a new world

without forsaking another.

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The poster is strong, too, in that the “visual“ is allowed to speak for itself.
Although Michigan State University and the NAI are printed on the cover of the
booklet, the poster contains no Slogans or catch phrases to steal attention from
the drawing’s color and composition. The viewers, then, are expected to make
their own judgment as to what the poster might mean to them. The willingness
of the NAI and Lyle James to allow that to happen, without embellishment, is
testimony to the lnstitute's confidence in the strength of a visual to strongly carry
out its message.

Significant, too, is that the “two worlds” approach is consistent with the
final paragraph of the Center for Demographic Policy section on Native

American education, which says:

Looking at the information as a whole, it would

seem that the decade of the 1990s might be one

in which American Indian youth could both make
Significant progress in traveling both roads—one
toward “mainstream” academic achievement and
access to the job structures that follow from it; the
other being improved access to their own rich cultural
tradition, languages, values and learning”
(Hodgkinson et. al., 1990, p. 5).

FIGURES

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Figure 12: Cover of the NAI Recruitment Booklet

103

 

 

L - _ _‘ ‘- __ I 1 I
EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES
FOR AMERICAN INDIANS ;. . . . .
Anoucrormurm
mm mm:
1 mm "Al! mm

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 13: The NAI Recruitment Poster

104

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 14: Poster Sketch by Lyle James

105

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 15: Poster Sketch by Lyle James

106

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 16: Poster Sketch by Lyle James

107

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure17: Poster Sketch by Lyle James

CHAPTER 6

THE ZERO ONE THREE CAMPAIGN

Introduction

For decades, listeners, viewers and readers throughout Michigan have
been exposed to public information campaigns that warn against the hazards of
drinking and driving. Most Michiganians are probably aware of campaigns
conducted during the Christmas and New Year season, a time of celebration
often accompanied by the heavy use of alcohol. Beginning in 1988, though, the
Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition, representing about four dozen wide-ranging
organizations within the state, decided to extend the campaign through the
entire year. The impetus for the change came not from Michigan, but from the
national level, more specifically from Surgeon General Dr. C. Everett Koop
(1989, pp. 1-29). Through a series of well-publicized news conferences and
interviews, Dr. Koop spoke out against the threat of alcohol to health and public
safety. Most significant, perhaps, was his emphasis on drunken driving,
particularly among the young, and a series of recommendations that included
stronger law enforcement, a ban on college and other youth-oriented alcohol
promotions and more reliance on prevention, education and treatment.

Michigan organizations responded with a year-long campaign with a
new theme, “Enjoy Michigan Safely.“ And at the core of that campaign was a
message created specifically for the expanded effort: “Zero One Three.” The

word “Zero” signified that it is acceptable NOT to drink alcohol at a party. “One”

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indicated that a drink per hour sets the pace for moderate drinking. “T hree”
pointed out that three drinks is the maximum for moderation (Enjoy Michigan
Safely Coalition, 1990a, p. 2).

Rationale

The rationale for this campaign message, which served as the
message in parallel campaigns, was that knowing that a problem
exists—awareness—and knowledge of that problem are forenmners to
changing behavior, a theory put forward by William J. McGuire in his article
“Theoretical Foundations of Campaigns” (Rice & Atkin, 1989, p. 14). That is,
media campaigns must first address issues and educate the public at large.
Efforts should be made to address several target populations, adults as well as
youth, and in a variety of settings.

The campaign was to be conducted on the assumption that messages
must be reinforced throughout the year, preferably over a two- to three-year
period. It was expected that the message would be strengthened through a
united effort by state and local agencies who would, in effect, be voicing the
same concern. “Zero One Three,” it was felt, would increase public awareness
of alcohol problems in Michigan and provide support for sound prevention
policies and programs. The Enjoy Michigan Coalition (1990b) believed that the
new awareness would result in changes in thinking and attitudes and,
eventually, in cultural norms and behaviors.

The concerned group, the campaign stakeholders, then, were members
of the Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition. In general, the Coalition could be said to
represent a variety of organizations with an enduring interest in health and

safety including advocacy/non-profit groups (Mothers Against Drunk Driving, for

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example), substance abuse/health agencies (Women’s Services Network),
media/business W, government (state representatives) and
universities. The pledge from the nation's highest-ranking medical official
encouraged Michigan groups committed to fighting alcohol to take a strong
public position on the issue. Indeed, Koop’s statement was a call to action, a
call that led to the planning and financing a new campaign. The apparent goal,
for each organization, was to bring about the reduction of drinking, at least to
the extent that drinking helped cause or fostered a series of social and
economic problems. At stake, too, was the reputation of those groups, like the
Traffic Safety Association (1989), which had long spoken out against the
dangers of alcohol abuse and, from the highest level of government, were being
challenged to do more. For the business members of the coalition, the
campaign allowed the opportunity to maintain or improve a public image by
supporting an issue that few customers—or, in the case of the Em,
readers—could oppose (Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition, 1990c). Likewise,
those in the government sector had their own image at stake, too, that and the
possibility that the added focus to the issue might enhance their efforts, through
the Legislature or through administrative offices, to do something about problem
drinking. For the university members, the campaign allowed the institutions to
be viewed as aligning themselves with an issue directly affecting Michigan
youth, the colleges’ greatest consumers. Further, success in discouraging
alcohol abuse among the young would only serve to help universities, places
that faced their own challenges of coping with excessive drinking by students
(Nichols, 1989, p. 1A).

To accommodate these stakeholders, Dr. Charles Atkin (1989b), mass

media specialist at Michigan State University, and Karen Kassner (1990),

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coordinator of the Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition, in interviews, said they had
wanted to change the traditional approach to public information campaigns that
stressed fear appeals—ones that warned “Don’t do this” or “Don’t do that.” They
sought a more positive message, one that did not demand abstinence but
suggested how to avoid becoming a heavy drinker and to steer clear of life
risks. They apparemly agreed with (Babor et. al. 1987), who expressed that: “In
a pluralistic society, moderation is often defined by social norms rather than
health risk. Moderate drinking is considered in the context of the public health

notion of risk.”

Goals
The coalition developed goals based on research obtained through
Michigan State University. This research identified the following:

Adults clearly overestimate the boundaries of

moderate drinking, perceiving the limits as substantially

higher. On the average, respondents feel that atypical

male could consume at least six (6) drinks at an evening

party before reaching an excessive level or four (4) drinks

at a two-hour cocktail party; they believe that a female

is drinking excessively after five (5) or more drinks

three (3) drinks at a two-hour cocktail party. Ninety-three

percent (93 %) surveyed felt that drinking moderately

(as defined above) was acceptable. (C. Atkin, 1990, private files.)

From this research, the Coalition decided on the following goals for the
anti-alcohol/driving campaign:

- To provide guidelines for low-risk consumption.

- To reduce health and safety risks associated with drinking and

driving.

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. To identify and reduce other health and safety risks associated
with drinking alcohol.
. To target specific populations in specific settings.

. To provide a consistent message to all target groups.

Concept

The Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition (1990b) drew up what it called
“simple guidelines” to help audiences make “low risk” choices regarding
alcohol. The purpose of the message, Kassner said during the interview, was to
support those who choose not to drink alcohol. In addition, the message was to
strongly recommend that members of “high risk” categories—drivers, persons
under 21, pregnant women and the chemically dependent—abstain from
drinking. The Coalition also issued simple suggestions for persons who choose
to drink, encouraging them to limit their consumption to no more than one drink
per hour with a maximum of three drinks a day. The guidelines were suggested
by the Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition based upon conclusions drawn from a
review of health and research papers. “We made surveys on campus and sent a
written survey into the area,” Atkin (1989b) said. “We also reviewed the state
regulations for drinking and driving and studied the police chart of levels of

alcohol that a person can take.”

Campaign Planning and Considerations
Activities in the early stages of the campaign indicated the adoption of a
formal approach to the process. That is, the Coalition hired Dr. C.K. Atkin, a

mass media specialist, to direct the campaign, and he, in turn, employed a

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researcher and writer to help with the effort. The use of surveys and review of
previous research reflect a formal approach. The hiring of an outside consultant
showed that the Coalition to Enjoy Michigan Safely felt the project important
enough to warrant the expenditure of a significant amount of money. (All
participants refused to divulge budget amounts.)

At the same time, while freely allocating funds to Atkin and his
associates, budget considerations were a factor in charting at least one
strategy. Such constraints led the Zero One Three campaign to diversify from
one overall campaign to a series of smaller ones. Due to budget allocations, the
campaign planners decided to develop seasonal sub-campaigns which will last
up to 10 years. It was their belief that, by then, the guidelines will have had a
high penetration level and, because of that, the drinking-driving problems in
Michigan will have eased greatly (Kassner, 1990).

For Kassner (1990), the sub-campaigns meant creating posters and
brochures. “It is the pictures the audience would love,” she said, “because of all
the colors.“ The theme of each campaign was presented in a poster and, in
some cases, in related pamphlets.

The Coalition then decided upon the following sub-campaign themes:

Summer (Figures 20 through 22)

Targeted to: Those involved, in any way, in sports
boating

Distributed by: The Department of Natural Resources,
the US. Coast Guard and Auxiliary, the Michigan Sheriffs
Association, the Michigan Secretary of State, the AAA of

114

Michigan, Operation Care, the Michigan State Police,
several substance abuse coordinating agencies
WW

Targeted to: College students

Distributed by: Michigan colleges and universities,

student affairs offices

Fall (Figures 23 through 27)

W

Assorted pamphlets on the topic

Targeted to: The college community, including students,
professors, those attending weekend sporting events and
participants in tailgate parties

Distributed by: Michigan colleges and universities,

student affairs offices

i-Iollday season (Figures 28 and 29)

Winter

:Hamlemflualhmflofldalc

Assorted pamphlets and a holiday card

Targeted to: Hosts, moviegoers, employers and
employees, the general public

Distributed by: Michigan State Police, AAA of Michigan,
the Michigan Secretary of State, the AMC theaters and the

general public (Figure 30, Miscellaneous)

Targeted to: Snowmobile users on farms and in ski areas

Distributed by: Same as in boating summer campaign

115

The Breaking Points

At this time, it is significant to mention the “breaking points” in the
campaign process, the critical intervals that largely decide the success or failure
of the enterprise, more specifically the effectiveness of the visual materials.

The first critical moment or breaking point can be said to have
occurred when a concerned group sets about to pursue the aim of changing
another group’s behavior without learning more about that population, their
needs and possibilities and/or desires to change. The name of the Zero One
Three campaign itself indicates that a breaking point arose when the Coalition
to Enjoy Michigan Safely chose to target three groups: non-drinkers, certain
persons who, in the campaign’s view, should not drink and those who choose to
drink moderately. Although the Coalition gathered information before targeting
those audiences, the information did not go into depth with the target audience,
being limited, instead, to drinking patterns, including perceived patterns on what
constituted “moderate” drinking. No research was performed to determine group
behavior, particularly the likelihood for change. If a target p0pulation cannot
change, campaign aims, virtually by definition, will fail to be effective.

The second breaking point takes place when campaign practitioners,
having identified their audiences, view those groups in demographic,
sociographic or psychographic terms, having gathered research to support a
target group profile. Having done so, the practitioners may have omitted
considering the lifestyles of the target audiences, the symbolic environment in
which they reside and the possibility that they will react to certain visual
elements and suggestions and not to others. It becomes clear that the Zero One

Three campaign did not gather information through methods of ethnography,

116

observation or other ways that would have added depth to the characteristics of
the target audiences. That is, while campaign workers elicited information
through focus groups and mail surveys, as well as through US. Census data,
their inquiries were limited to the drinking habits of students. in a project with a
heavy reliance upon visuals, researchers would have been well advised to
determine which visual elements would best reach those students. As this study
aims to demonstrate, such shortcomings are ultimately reflected in the visuals
themselves.

The third breaking point is when the campaign plan and design is
presented to the creative person to interpret and present in a given visual form.
A lack of appreciation of the differences between social values and marketing
values when creating the visual construction may be a factor in the
ineffectiveness of certain messages. The success or failure of the Zero One

Three campaign must be evaluated in light of this “breaking point” as well.

Soundness of the Overall Campaign Design
The soundness of the overall design will be analyzed according to four
main communication components: target audience identification, desired
outcomes, channel selection and recommendation specification. These
components will be discussed in regard to their “appropriateness” for the print
strategy within the larger objective of the campaign (anti-drinking and driving)
as well as their appropriateness, and effectiveness, to the more specific

strategies and products.

117

Target Audience Identification

The objective of the campaign was to reach moderate drinkers and the
general public. More particularly, though, the effort targeted three groups: Non-
drinkers (who were offered support), drivers under 21, pregnant women and the
chemically dependent (who were discouraged from drinking at all) and persons

who choose to drink (who were provided with guidelines to limit their drinking).

The Prevention of Drinking and Driving

Although more than 60 percent of college students in Michigan under 21
define moderate drinking as having nine drinks at a four-hour party (survey by
Atkin & Gonzalez, 1989), this group cannot be directly addressed by a public
campaign because drinking under 21 is illegal. If addressed within a college
environment, the problem would need to be met through a planned program to
change the habits of that age group.

A further complication in addressing this group is that neither
policymakers nor health organizations agree that nine drinks can be considered
“moderate.” in addition, the under-21 group, along with others in college, are
difficult to reach because they are consistently bombarded by pro-consumption
messages. School activities, for example, are often sponsored by alcohol
dealers, college newspapers are frequently used as vehicles for alcohol
advertising inserts, and partying during college years is always associated with
drinking.

Research has failed to prove that there is a relationship between
advertising and alcohol consumption (Atkin & Block, 1980, pp. 8-12). Students

say they are not affected by the ads, but do read them because they are

118

entertaining. The mass media theorists who believe in a link between
advertising and alcohol think that the tie is strongest when “new“ consumers are
the target (Bandy & President, 1984). That is, it is thought that those who
already drink can be convinced, through advertising, to change their alcohol
preferences, not their drinking habits. The campaign, however, considers the
“new” group only in terms of abstinence, placing them in the Zero category. The
project, then, reaches only the “best behaved” and offers positive reinforcement
of their behavior. Even if successful in encouraging non-drinkers to remain that
way, then, the campaign is touching only a minority of the young.

Although targeting more than a single group is understandable, the
segmentation-demographics of the effort in the Zero One Three campaign is
vague, making it difficult to determine for whom the ads are intended. One
problem in this regard, studies show, is that people questioned in reference to
alcohol and advertising do not respond positively to self-categorization. An
exception is a drinker identifiable by age.

Another such category is that of pregnant women. In that case, however,
while the campaign informs them not to drink, it does not specifically point out
why, that drinking may damage the fetus. In any case, I would suggest that the
campaign give added focus to targeting and instructing the populations most “at
risk.”

It appears, then, that young groups should be addressed when relating
alcohol consumption with driving. Further, such a campaign would be likely to
have strong support from several segments of society, particularly in college

communities and by police departments.

119

Campaign Strategies

Since the focus of the Zero One Three campaign is to reach the five
mentioned groups in a positive way and with guidelines—support for non-
drinkers, for example—the question might be asked as to how the audience has
been targeted and by what means. To begin, the goals themselves appear
vague, making targeting difficult. It seems, in fact, that the campaign tried to
speak to too many people, that it found what it considered a good idea—the
Zero One Three theme—and proceeded to expand the message into a far-too-
large umbrella. The concept itself, moreover, became a complicated guideline
to follow. It takes pondering, after all, to determine just what each number
means and to whom it might apply. From the theoretical point of view, a
persuasion justification ended up becoming a moral lesson, breaking the basic
idea of the campaign. The reference to drinkers under 21, too, is in conflict with
state law.

The parameters are perceived by the target audience as too rigid and
unrealistic, specifically with the absence of the majority group. The use of a
common theme in all sub-campaigns is a good strategy to provide unity and
encourage memorization of Zero One Three. The theme, however, competes
with the Coalition logo, which is constantly present and is, in fact, needed due to
its role as the source presenter. Most posters, it appears, are directed to the
general public, rather than to a particular group, a strategy that stresses a
tendency to aim for several targets while lessening the possibility of hitting any
(Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition, 1988). The brochures and pamphlets,
however, are more specific. Boating, snowmobiling and hunting posters
address a group on the basis of activity. Despite the potential effectiveness of

that approach, it should be questioned whether, among drinkers, people who

120

seriously engage in sports are likely to consumer less alcohol than those who
do not.

Most of the objects portrayed do symbolize socializing occasions of one
sort or another, just as the advertising content analysis studies in the Review
section reported. It was the idea of the campaign designers, Atkin (1989b) said,
“to put some glamour into the idea that it is OK, that is is socially acceptable not
to drink and that soft drinks are OK, too.“ Portrayals of serving soft drinks at
parties as a countermessage were not to be found, however, with one
exception—a holiday season poster suggesting a cup of hot chocolate rather

than alcohol.

Desired Outcomes
The desired outcomes of the campaign were:
-To inform the public and specific target groups about how
they could be at risk if drinking and driving and how that risk
might be reduced.
-To persuade non-drinkers that their behavior is socially
acceptable.
-To suggest minimums and maximums amounts of alcohol
for the moderate drinker (Enjoy Michigan Safely Coalition, 1988).
Regarding the outputs, at least one sub-objective was to educate people
without endorsing drinking and without raising the “fear” of hangovers. The
point, though, is that the further the message appears to depart from reality, the
greater the difficulty in challenging drinkers. Pseudo attractive messages run
the risk of being empty messages, ones the target group might not read.
Kassner (1990) spoke of “all the colors.” Atkin (1989b) said “the students like

121

them,“ though, even if that is true, it remains unclear why they liked them. In
general, the criteria of “colors” and “like” are too vague to make decisions about
the effectiveness of major messages in campaigns regarding the issue of

drinking.

Channel Selection

Zero One Three was a multi-media campaign. The channels featured
posters, pamphlets, brochures, cards and other minor “goodies” including key
chains. The campaign also relied on news releases. At the same time, the
poster was clearly the most important medium, because at times it was the only
medium and the one upon which all sub-campaigns relied. At the beginning of
the campaign, press releases were important since it was then that Surgeon
General Koop gave a news conference to announce his opposition to alcohol
advertising that appeals to youth or portrays dangerous activities. Considering
other approaches, the distribution of key chains proved practical, serving, as it
did, the purpose of repetition.

The channels, it appears, were selected on the basis of the targets”
channel usage patterns. Persons on college campus are likely to attend major
sporting events and walk to and into a stadium. Posters are ideal for walkers,
offering a chance to stop, read and recall the message, even though, in a
hurried society, many persons may pass on by. Because the Zero One Three
posters were distributed to public organizations, it is likely they would have
been posted in offices, on billboards and in other common places. The general
public receives exposure to such postings, even at a distance. The poster
strategy would apply to hunters, boaters and snowmobilers, too, each likely to

use facilities common to the sport. All other items seem to have a practical use

122

in those circumstances, too. For example, the State Department of Natural
Resources, it might be suggested, could include campaign material inside the
same envelope in which hunters receive their licenses. it should be pointed out,
too, that though such a strategy may seem sound, it does not necessarily
guarantee an impact upon campaign aims.

Brochures and pamphlets may be effective means of communication,
giving the target groups an opportunity to read at leisure with time to
comprehend the information. With regard to Zero One Three, the main theme is,
at first glance, complex enough to merit reinforcement through other means. On
balance, I believe the campaign channel selection adequately fit the audience
usage patterns, although questions arise with reference to timing, placement
and weather considerations.

The holiday card served as a mass medium to reach the target general
public during the Christmas holidays. it is a relatively easy strategy to
implement, but, at the same time, might prove wasteful, since people discard
much of what they define as “junk” mail. Although the channels seem to have
been appropriate, the Coalition (1990a) reported that most materials had “not
reached a good level of penetration and more evaluation needs to be made on
the problem.” A well-devised campaign would have developed a high
penetration strategy during the planning stages, certainly prior to the printing of
the materials. In response, campaign officials have decided to distribute the
leftover posters, brochures and pamphlets next year.

Regarding the hunters’ sub-campaign, the effort made use of a large
billboard ad placed beside highways. Despite its size, the advertisement, given
its complexity, would have been difficult for drivers to grasp quickly, so the

campaign did not include the image of the main theme (Figure 27).

123

Qualitative Factors

Although the campaign materials appear attractive and stylish, qualitative
differences make some appear more so than others. These differences may
best be studied with attention to attractiveness, credibility, relevance, clarity,
incentives and uniformity.

In regard to attractiveness, which refers to the engaging quality of the
message, the holiday season card seems the most successful because it
conveys a warm atmosphere, indicative of the season. The safe boating
materials, on the other hand, lose impact because of the use of a poor quality
photo. All others have a degree of attractiveness even though considered to
generally reflect a conservative image.

In terms of credibility, the source presenter, the Coalition, seems to make
the message content credible. No notable figures or personalities are involved
in the presentation, merely the logo. The lack of a figure (an identifiable person)
is due to the Coalition's inability to come up with what it considered an
appropriate ethnic likeness. Should the person represented, for example, be
white, black, brown, yellow or red? Since the campaign directors were unable
to solve this problem, and feared that the use of any particular likeness might
cause others to reject the message, no figure was used (Kassner, 1990).

The poster messages fail the clarity test because they are complex to
understand. Those messages, in fact, reflect a visual contradiction. That is, they
appear simple at first sight, but, overall, the reader must spend considerable
time to comprehend all the implied meanings therein. The main theme image is
responsible for a large part of the problem. The incentives in all images are
positive, but they contain a base conditioning fear appeal. The point is, the deep

meaning of the message in the main theme, Zero One Three, is that if one does

124

not follow the guidelines he or she is risking life, legal punishment or social
rejection.

Finally, uniformity refers, in general, to the uniformity across all messages
in the campaign. In the campaign, and the sub-campaigns, uniformity is derived
from the fact that all posters were made through the same techniques— color
photos in an artificial environment and with pronounced copy images in a
contrasting color. All treat the copy and color in an arbitrary way. That is, they
did not focus attention upon the readability of copy. They all carry the Zero One
Three theme. The Coalition achieved a basically stable style through reliance

on a single advertising agency throughout the campaign.

As a Health Communication Effort

The Zero One Three campaign, like similar campaigns, sought to alter
the overt behavior of the target audience through persuasion and information. It
is my view that as long as such change continues to be the expected outcome,
health campaigns will fall short, having to settle, instead, for merely increasing
some awareness of the problem. Awareness is, itself, a worthwhile goal, one
worthy of expending energy and resources to achieve. But information does not
necessarily bring about prevention or change. Many other elements must be in
place for that to happen. Drinking and driving, in fact, are more nearly a social
problem than a health problem. Campaigns like Zero One Three seem to
simplify the complexity of the issues, or simply miss parts of them. This tendency
was illustrated on Zero One Three posters in which the so-called inappropriate
acts—getting drunk before age 21, for example—have been proscribed and
substituted for guidelines and support. The value of the messages are

diminished by their poor readability. The campaign messages deal with the

125

target behaviors according to importance—actions contributing significantly to
ultimate campaign goals; susceptibility—behaviors most likely to be influenced
by campaign stimuli; and acceptability—behavioral alternatives preferred by

policy makers and which are likely to be accepted by the target audience.

Visual Construction

The Zero One Three posters are all eye-catching. That is, they display, in
color, familiar objects that are likely to evoke warm feelings from viewers,
regardless of the intended message.

The “Enjoy the Hunt” poster, for example, features a dog and a fireplace,
elements which could gain the attention of hunters and non-hunters alike. Their
use, though, might also lead to a potential criticism of the poster. That is, the
presence of a fireplace, gun, dog, cap, fire stokers and thermostat creates a
“busy” background, especially when set against the relatively spacious
foreground of the brown carpet. Unless each object is necessary to the success
of the message, and unless the objects are arranged in the best possible
proportion, the visual risks trying to say too much and, in so doing, confusing the
viewer.

The holiday poster features a sled, toy soldier, ribbon, tree bough candle,
cookies and mug, symbolic of a warm and “cozy“ season. The presence of eye
glasses in the foreground might be questioned, since they do not seem to add
to the spirit inherent in viewing the other objects. The picture, too, has a glare
that, while shedding light on the objects, might appear distracting. The candle
glare, for example, might seem artistic to some viewers, a bit unusual to others.
The heavy lighting in the foreground—on the glasses, cookies and mug—and

off the sled farther back seems to have come from the photographer’s flash,

126

rather than the natural light of the candle or lights in the room. It seems to have
whitened the picture more than would be necessary.

The summer and weekend posters, too, offer a look at familiar
objects—from a beach ball to a football—that are likely to evoke a feeling for the
seasons portrayed. Because of the need to place the Zero One Three logo
prominently in the picture, the objects are shown only in part, with the words
filling a significant portion of the upper right area of the poster. When a logo
takes up that much space, it would seem especially important that it is one with
which all viewers might be familiar. Whether Zero One Three has that familiarity
is an appropriate question to consider.

The Zero One Three explanations on each poster are intended to let
viewers know the meaning of the campaign slogan. Even considering that the
reproductions in this study are much smaller than the posters themselves, those
explanations, given the small type size, would seem difficult to read. The
designers apparently faced the question of how best to place the Zero One
Three text. Placement on an uncluttered foreground—on a rug or on a
table—makes the text easier to read but requires that more objects be placed in
a smaller space elsewhere. Placement on top of the objects—a football or
baseball glove—might give better balance to the poster but can make the text
more difficult to read.

The general poster may catch attention through its prominent display of
Zero One Three. The presence of several added words, again, gives a busy
quality to the poster, even though the argument might be made that the slogan

is being explained in as few words as possible. A most unusual poster quality is

127

the figure accompanying the word “T hree.” Intended to portray drinking glasses
alone, the figure is really an optical illusion, the red space between the glasses

turning to figures of “aces,“ then back to spaces again.

FIGURES

128

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 18: Logo of the “Enjoy Michigan Safely" Coalition

129

 

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130

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 20: The “Zero One Three” Campaign, Safe Boating Poster

131

 

 

 

 

 

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132

 

 

 

 

 

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Figure 23: The “Zero One Three" Fall Campaign Poster

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135

 

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Figure 28: The “Zero One Three" Holiday Campaign Poster

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Figure 29: The “Zero One Three" Holiday Campaign Card (front and back)

140

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 30: The “Zero One Three” Campaign Miscellaneous Items

CHAPTER 7

THE MICHIGAN TRAVEL BUREAU:
“SECRETS OF MICHIGAN” CAMPAIGN

Introduction

During the early 19805, Michigan was, by most measures, a state in
despair. Economic troubles within the automobile industry had produced a loss
in jobs, and, with it a leveling in population. Indeed, by the end of the decade
Michigan’s unemployment rate was still among the nation’s highest and, based
on the 1990 Census, the state would lose three seats in Congress.

At the same time, as Michigan’s jobless rate hit bottom and prospects for
future economic growth looked bleak, state officials looked for ways to turn
matters around. To do so, they took a hint from the Michigan motto—“If you seek
a pleasant peninsula, look about you”—and sought to profit from the state’s
most obvious resource, its natural beauty. Far from merely appreciating
esthetics, Governor William Milliken, among others, was aware of the size and
potential of the tourism business, an industry that had traditionally ranked third
in size in Michigan behind the automotive business and agriculture.

An investment in tourism, the thinking went, would require minimal
capital spending from the state—the major attractions were already there—and
would reap dividends by encouraging Michiganians and residents of other
places to spend their vacation dollars on the state’s many attractions. A parallel
message in a campaign selling the state’s natural virtues would be an appeal to

a sense of pride, an approach that might encourage Michiganians to re-think

141

142

notions to move elsewhere. In addition, that pride might bring forth a rise in spirit
which might, in turn, promote heightened productivity or, at least, a resolve to
meet the state’s economic woes.

The means for heralding the new possibilities for tourism, and for the
state itself, would be the “Yes Michigan” campaign, a wide—ranging promotional
effort which was unveiled in December, 1981, by Governor Milliken and the
state Commerce Department Director Norton Berman. The $10.2 million
campaign, the governor said, would “increase tourism, economic and
agricultural development” (Weller, 1982). In a more intangible way, he added,
“Yes Michigan“ was to be a state “booster effort” patterned after New York state’s
“I Love New York” campaign. The general concept had been put forth by Porter,
Novelli Associates of Washington, 0.0., an advertising firm hired by the state for
that purpose (1982). While Milliken and Berman (“Berman Supports,“ 1983)
were criticized for employing an out-of-state company to promote the state,
especially in tough economic times, they said outsiders might appreciate
Michigan in ways that state residents could not. Further, the governor said that a
Michigan company would be hired to refine the “Yes Michigan” concept and
execute the campaign in its many media phases.

The work of Ross Roy Advertising, the agency successful in landing the
tourism account, is the focus of this study. More specifically, this analysis will
consider the “Secrets of Michigan” campaign launched in 1990. Before that is
possible, however, it is necessary to further trace the broad approach of the
“Yes Michigan” campaign as it developed and redefined itself during the last
decade.

The “Yes Michigan” campaign was launched on Jan. 19, 1982, with a

television commercial appearing in Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and

143

Wisconsin promoting the state’s scenic beauty and its potential for economic
development (Weller, 1982). That opening event was quickly followed by full-
page ads in Michigan newspapers and Midwest editions of the W
Journal. In brief, those advertisements were general in nature, offering pictures
of lakes, rivers, beaches and woods and suggesting to the reader that Michigan
was a good place to visit, live and work. Significantly, the ads carried the “Yes
Michigan“ slogan. In time, that phrase would be seen on posters promoting a
variety of Michigan products, from automobiles in Detroit to bread produced in a
tiny Mennonite bakery in Middleton. Ironically, too, the term would become
closely associated with Governor James Blanchard administration’s which took
office a year after Milliken announced creation of the campaign.

The visual significance of those early efforts is that they painted the
state’s beauty in broad strokes, usually stressing scenery over people and
carrying little more than the “Yes Michigan" theme (Figures 31 and 32). The
goal, according to Ross Roy (1990) officials and documents, was to present a
strong overall image of the state followed, over the years, by specific
approaches. An early news account of the campaign, in fact, said those general
images made “no mention of the state’s current troubles—high unemployment
and high taxes.” (“Senator says No,“ 1983). As the years, and the campaign,
progressed, the project took a sharper focus. One such approach was the
“Secrets of Michigan,“ a campaign that promoted good times in small places
geared to a Chicago audience and known within Ross Roy as the “Chicago
Program“ (Ross Roy, 1990), (Figure 33).

Steve Swanson (1991), in an interview, said specifics were needed to
provide more incentives for Chicagoans to visit Michigan. The potential visitors,

he said, required something more than a notion that the state possessed natural

144

beauty. They would welcome a guide so that they could plan their own
vacations, perhaps several short trips a year, as agency research had
suggested. The visual, in his view, would remain a significant component in the
Ross Roy strategy, conveying a “feeling“ for the state that would differ greatly
from the ambience of the big city that Chicagoans were seeking to leave.
Jennifer O’Shaughnessy, a planner for Ross Roy, was responsible for refining
the details of the “Secrets“ campaign. It was her idea, Swanson (1991) said, to
strongly integrate the “Secrets” visuals and text, as if to put the traveler in a
close relationship with the food, lodging and other attractions available on the
Michigan roads (Figures 34 and 35). Swanson, O’Shaughnessy and others at
Ross Roy believed that the inclusion of maps in the “Secrets” booklet, and
accompanying drawings to suggest what might be available farther on, would
encourage visitors to “stretch” their trip—that is, to visit an extra place or two that
they may have otherwise missed. An added purpose of “Secrets,” Swanson
said, was to list attractions and suggest, via the maps, drawings and text, trips to
areas that repeat visitors may have missed even after several journeys, perhaps
even long-ago excursions with parents or grandparents.

During initial planning sessions, voices of opposition were raised within
Ross Roy as to the value of creating a “Secrets“ ad and booklet. According to
Swanson (1991), a few staff members believed that, despite research to the
contrary, Chicagoans, as urban dwellers, would prefer “high-impact” sports and
activities—skiing and boating—as opposed to the “laid-back" lifestyle to be
portrayed in “Secrets of Michigan.” Large, colorful posters and magazines with
pictures of people water skiing or piloting sailboats, the thinking went, would be
more effective than the relatively simple graphics planned for the “Secrets“

booklet. Another concern of certain Ross Roy creative people, Swanson said,

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was that the “Secrets” approach might be too abstract for potential travelers
and, therefore, would not be understood.

When the program was unveiled, however, it consisted of a series of
newspaper, radio and television ads within the Chicago market and distribution
of a booklet entitled “Secrets of Michigan” with the subtitle “A guide for Chicago
travelers.” The 32-page booklet, in black and white and with pen-and-ink
drawings, took readers on guided tours throughout western Michigan, the area
nearest Chicago, introducing them especially to small towns and back roads the

casual traveler might otherwise miss.

Rationale

The rationale for the Chicago Program was based on factors both broad
and specific. In a general sense, cultural trends indicated that, in the 19903,
persons living in big cities would increasingly seek to vacation in rural areas.
Publisher Tom E. Benson (1990) could have been speaking for the Michigan
Travel Bureau’s Chicago campaign when he told CenStates tourism
conference participants in 1990 about a survey of his WW
readers. That survey, he said, showed travel to be the topic of greatest interest
among those readers. More than that, the readers said they preferred articles on
“best kept secrets“ of travel destinations above all others.

Ross Roy, in a presentation to the Michigan Travel Bureau, also pointed
to “Future Trends“ that might encourage tourism planners in Michigan to more
strongly consider the Chicago market. They were: (1) “People head for out-of-
the-way places rather than traditional vacation destinations where specific
attractions are the focus of the trip. Disneyland, for example.“

(2) “Encouragement to travelers to see rural areas” (O'Shaughnessy 1991).

146

More specifically, the Michigan Travel Commission, in a 1991 report, after
the Chicago Program had been launched, pointed out why a “new, more
targeted approach“ was needed “if Michigan is to improve its market share in
Chicago“ (MSU, Travel, Tourism and Recreation Center, 1991). Among those
conclusions was the notion that while Chicagoans viewed Michigan as a
destination for mini-vacations, such as long weekends, Michigan's marketing
had tended to focus on longer trips. The research also revealed that
Chicagoans wanted more specific information about Michigan, and that, in
general, they relied on newspaper advertising for their travel information. The
Travel Commission also concluded that once Chicagoans visit Michigan, they
are likely to become repeat visitors and “Michigan loyalists.“

With regard to the Chicago Program, then, the Michigan Travel Bureau, a
department within the Department of Commerce, viewed itself as acting on
behalf of a variety of Michigan citizens with a variety of interests. On one level,
all citizens of Michigan were members of the “concerned group.” That is, money
spent in Michigan would benefit the state’s overall economy. In applying a more
intense focus, however, one could see that the communities nearest to Lake
Michigan were likely to benefit most of all. In a political sense, the Michigan
Travel Bureau was a major stakeholder, too, assigned, as it was, to promoting
one of the state’s major industries.

Finally, of course, the outcome of any high-profile segment of the “Yes
Michigan” effort was likely to reflect on Michigan’s governor. His political
fortunes, particularly in difficult times, are tied, in part, to his ability to promote
and otherwise encourage economic development in the state. To that extent, the

governor might be considered the biggest single stakeholder of all.

147

Goaks

The goal of the Chicago Program, almost by definition, was to convince
increasing numbers of Chicagoans to take vacations in Michigan. Although
neither Governor Milliken nor successors James Blanchard and John Engler set
specific goals, it is clear that each hoped, and believed, that Michigan Travel
Bureau promotions would assist in boosting the state’s tourism revenue.
Milliken (Weller, 1982) said he believed a $1 investment in promotion would
result in a $6 return in income. (He based those numbers on results of the “I
Love New York” campaign.) The Travel Bureau, 1990) said merely that it sought
to improve the Michigan tourism industry’s “market share in Chicago“ (p. 12).
When the Chicago Program was launched, it is apparent that the Michigan
Travel Bureau was looking for ways to make new inroads into what had become
a stagnant tourism market. The travel figures from 1989 and 1990, in fact, had
looked virtually the same with Michigan jobs supported by travel holding steady
at 341 ,000 and state tax revenues generated by travel in Michigan staying at
$763 million (Michigan Travel Bureau, 19990, p. 7). Meanwhile, the state’s
Chicago market share in 1990 was 8 percent, third behind Wisconsin and

Florida.

Concept
The “Secrets of Michigan“ ads (Figure 36) and booklet, as part of the
Chicago Program, was a new approach in a campaign (“Yes Michigan“) that
had lasted for nearly a decade. The state Travel Bureau had placed ads in
Chicago media for many years and even supported a Michigan travel office in

the heart of the city. The new element was the view that Michigan held several

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“secret“ places, quiet and charming places that greatly differed from the noise
and congestion Chicagoans consider part of their daily lives. Further, the
campaign was to offer a booklet with guided tours, as if each visitor was being
escorted on a special journey available only to special people.

The booklet itself is intended to reflect a relative simplicity of life in
Michigan. It does so with a basic, black-and-white approach featuring maps,
travel suggestions and drawings suggesting by-gone eras (a farmer and his
horses), nature (bears in the woods) and lures for modern travelers (a walk
along a Lake Michigan pier). As a way of offering a special welcome, the book
begins with a greeting from Governor John Engler who refers to the potential
visitor from Chicago as “Dear Neighbor.“ Stressing the “secrets“ theme, the
governor tells the reader that: “Chicago is our kind of town, and we’re working
hard to make Michigan your kind of getaway place. But that’s just between us.

So come on over for as visit and unlock Michigan’s secret vacation treasures.”

Campaign Planning and Considerations

The Chicago Program of the Michigan Travel Bureau is an example of
formal campaign planning. Created almost a decade into the “Yes Michigan”
campaign, the creation of specific campaigns, like the Chicago program, is an
example of long-range planning. It is significant to point out that the formality in
approach is due, in large measure, to state bureaucracy and state law. The
Michigan Travel Bureau, after all, is merely a unit within the state Commerce
Department. Further, Bureau policy and direction is determined by the Travel
Commission whose members are appointed by the governor.

Regarding this study, it must be mentioned that, given the size and scope

of the project, the selection of Ross Roy to carry out the “Yes Michigan” project in

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its many forms was based upon competitive bidding among many advertising
firms. The complexity of the system, then, provides a series of checks which,
however effective, at least gives many people a stake in a given program and,
in so doing, suggests an ongoing accountability of the ad agency assigned to
carry it out.

The Ross Roy project, then, required careful planning with periodic
reporting to superiors, the Travel Bureau and the Michigan Travel Commission.
That planning involved research, both qualitative and quantitative, intended to
develop state tourism, under a “Yes Michigan” banner, to its fullest potential.
The potential of the Chicago market became evident through two market studies
from the Michigan Travel Bureau (1990). The first established focus groups
which explored the perceptions held by Chicagoans about Michigan as a travel
destination, particularly in comparison to Michigan’s principal competitor in that
market, Wisconsin. The second, based upon results of the focus groups, was a
telephone survey that explored, in greater depth, the attitudes, perceptions and
behavior of Chicago travelers.

Against that background, Ross Roy produced a “strategic overview“ of the
Chicago Program goals and methods. The major goal, agency documents
reveal, was to convince Chicagoans to take a trip. To assist in that pursuit, the
Travel Bureau was to provide “specific information” about Michigan and
establish and staff a Chicago Program 800 number that would provide answers
to virtually any Michigan travel question. The “Chicago Target Program Action
Plan” (Michigan Travel Bureau, 1990) included a $1.35 million budget with
$900,000 allotted to media, $350,000 to production and $100,000 to

publication. The media buys featured ads in Chicago newspapers—the

150

Wbeing the most prominent—as well as television and radio
stations.

The person at the Travel Bureau assigned to oversee the visual elements
of the project was Don Wycoff (1992), a graphic designer for the Bureau. He
said he discussed his ideas for “Secrets” graphics with Ross Roy creative
staffers and worked with the agency in carrying out the plan. “The word ‘secrets'
was a great one for the project,“ he said, “but, by itself, no one would know
exactly what we meant. To me, the graphics had to be ‘whisperish.’ The booklet
had to have a certain feel, almost as if you’d wad it up and stick it in your pocket
or maybe jot down notes in it. However defined, it was supposed to be the
opposite of ‘slick’.” To achieve a “secrets” or “intimate” eflect, the drawings,
Wycoff said, should appear to be on parchment. To achieve that “feel,“ he
suggested that line drawings and text be imposed upon a photograph of hand-
made paper. “The background paper even appears to have a few ‘chunks’ and
‘cracks’ in it,” Wycoff said. “T hat grabs attention, both in the booklet itself and
when the booklet appeared in a newspaper ad.“

To produce the drawings, Ross Roy hired Dave Van Voorhis, a free-lance
commercial artist living in Rochester, whose portfolio was on file at the agency.
Ross Roy executives, Van Voorhis (1992) said, particularly liked a series of
greeting cards he had developed years before based upon rural scenes in his
native Branch County in southern Michigan. “I’d done drawings of Amish
pe0ple,“ he said, “and I’d included horses and buggies, barns, weather vanes
and anything else that showed their way of life.” Ross Roy staffers, he said,
explained the “Secrets“ concept and provided slides and snapshots of Michigan

scenes, most of Greenfield Village. “After the first meeting,“ Van Voorhis said, “I

151

started to draw, pretty quickly, and took them over. They said they might “pick
and choose’ a bit, but, as best I can remember, used every drawing I did.“

The place of the “Secrets of Michigan“ ad in the multi-faceted approach
might best be defined as being a vital element in the program’s objective to
“support Michigan’s uniqueness and competitive difference.” The implication,
again, is that the state offers “secret,” uncrowded places, especially attractive to
the city dweller.

The newspaper advertisement, which promoted the “Secrets of
Michigan” booklet, indeed, reveals a facet of Michigan that makes the state
seem far removed from the urban life of Chicago. The ad’s graphics of a
waterfall, a bicycle at Greenfield Village, a fish hook with fly, a dinner train and a
farmer on a horse-drawn wagon presents a contrast to the daily surroundings of
the target audience. (The booklet contains a section on Detroit—Greenfield
Village is just west of the city—but the advertisement does not mention the town
by name.)

Greenfield Village, a re-created 19th Century village, fits perfectly in a
promotion for a simpler, quieter time and place, even though the attraction itself
is 275 miles from Chicago. The words of the ad complement the images by
deftly weaving mention of Chicago museums into the text. “Just for starters, why
not take the kids to one of the most interesting places in the Midwest—Henry
Ford’s re-creation of a 19th Century village, and a vast museum packed with
Americana,” the advertisement says. “Now, sure, Science and Industry is great,
and so is The Field. But only here can your kids poke through Thomas Edison’s
lab. Or the Wright Brothers’ bicycle shop. Or assemble wooden cars on a

miniature assembly line.”

152

The booklet itself conveys the spirit of simplicity with its drawings and its
emphasis on self-guided tours, presumably to be made by car at a leisurely
pace. The booklet is segmented into tours for “adults without children“ and
“family" travel. The former tour, the booklet says, places “a little more emphasis
on B&Bs, gourmet dining, and shopping.” The latter pays “more attention to
restaurants with kids’ menus and to hotels and motels geared to families.“

Further, if the differences between the pace of life in Chicago and
Michigan are not clear enough, the “Secrets of Michigan” booklet removes all
doubt in its opening paragraphs when it says:

Straight across Lake Michigan—so close you can
almost see them—are beaches, dunes, harbors,
orchards, vineyards, marinas, bed and breakfast
inns, small towns, golf courses, ski trails, fishing
chargers and sophisticated country restaurants.
And what a difference 50 miles of lake can make.
It substitutes quiet country for pounding city,
driving freeways, and sprawling suburbs. (p. 5)

The ad and booklet, then, in their concept and presentation, support the
research assumptions that Chicago is a strong market for Michigan tourism, one
that can be strengthened by pointing out ways in which the state differs both
from that city, or other urban areas, and from Wisconsin, another chief
destination for Chicago travelers. The package, too, reflects an overall strategy
of seeking specific markets and promoting specific Michigan themes, following

years of a more general approach to the state’s tourist attractions.

153

The Breaking Points

The campaign was well-researched and well-planned. The Chicago
Program was, in fact, the product of a research effort that might have taken other
marketing avenues had the data pointed in those directions. The project carried
out its general purpose of selling Michigan tourism while, at the same time,
promoting the more specific notion of promoting the state to Chicagoans. The
campaign, as well, reflected the intention of Governor Milliken (Weller, 1982)
who had called for a “booster effort” on Michigan’s behalf.

The only significant breaking point in the Chicago Program occurred
when the “Yes Michigan” concept was presented to competitive bidders. By
then, the idea for a large-scale promotional effort had been unveiled, virtually
requiring the winning agency, Ross Roy, to work within certain, if broad,
guidelines. The nature of the bureaucracy, and the political sensitivities therein,
dictated that Ross Roy work closely with the Travel Bureau and Travel
Commission. Indeed, though the ad agency may have taken a lead role in how
the concept was to be executed, it did so with the sanction of that bureau and
commission. The strong research component, too, offered the possibility of a
give-and-take between Ross Roy and the state agencies, allowing each with the
numerical and qualitative ammunition needed to support ways in which the
concept might be carried out.

The strength of the contact between the Travel Bureau and Ross Roy was
displayed in the direction offered by Don Wycof (1992) in suggesting an overall
“look” and “feel”—a “parchment” approach, for example—and the advertising
agency’s inclination to hire a commercial artist well-suited to the desired

medium and concept. Ross Roy, in turn, made that concept clear to Dave Van

154

Voorhis (1992) by supplying slides and photographs that, in the agency’s view,
reflected the “Secrets“ idea.

That the “Yes Michigan“ campaign and the Chicago Program would
include strong visual elements is hardly surprising. Indeed, tourism is, to a large
degree, a visual experience, especially in a state with the outdoor attractions of
Michigan. The bold, colorful posters in the campaign’s early days were
appropriate for gaining attention. The latter strategy, including the visual
simplicity of the “Secrets of Michigan” ad and booklet, was well-tailored to a

more narrowly-defined target audience.

Soundness of the overall campaign design

Target Audience Identification

The goal of the “Secrets of Michigan” campaign was to reach
Chicagoans and encourage them to visit Michigan. The target audience,
residents of the Chicago area, was easily identifiable since its members were

defined as living in the same geographical location.

Desired Outcomes

The purpose of the Michigan Travel Bureau is to promote the state’s
tourism industry. Any project, whether a long-term program or a single poster,
that can boost that industry must be considered successful.

The value of the “Secrets of Michigan” might be judged, in part, upon the
volume of calls to the 800 number, for additional information and a copy of the
“Secrets of Michigan” booklet, printed in the newspaper ad. On the other hand,

inquiries do not necessarily guarantee that the callers will travel to Michigan.

155

Daniel M. Spotts (1992), of the Michigan State University Travel, Tourism, and
Recreation Center, said it is difficult to isolate a single factor in a broad-based
travel strategy and claim that it did, or did not, assist in bringing tourists to
Michigan. In any given year, he said, many reasons may be cited for a
successful, or unsuccessful, tourist season .

The 1991 Michigan Travel Activity report (Bishop & Spotts, 1991), of
which Spotts was co-editor, revealed, for example, that the year had not been a
strong one for Michigan Tourism. “Overall, it seems to have been an
unimpressive year,“ (p. 5) the report stated. “While highway traffic counts
increased 1.5% statewide, this was the lowest increase in this indicator in the
last seven years. An economic recession, the Persian Gulf war, and shaky
consumer confidence associated with these events probably contributed to the
unimpressive results this year.”

Qualitative measurement techniques in recent years may be questioned,
too, Spotts (1992) said, since Ross Roy, creator of “Yes Michigan” ads, was also
assigned to evaluate the effectiveness of those ads. Not surprisingly, he said,

“Yes Michigan“ ads have traditionally received a positive judgment.

Channel Selection

The choice of channels to advertise the “Secrets of Michigan” followed
earlier patterns established by the “Yes Michigan” campaign. Since budget
consideration was not a major problem, Ross Roy was free to select from a
variety of major media outlets in the Chicago area.

Its selection of the Sunday travel pages of the Wwas
understandable, representing, as it did, placement in a major newspaper and

geared toward an audience already inclined toward travel. That ad, on its own,

156

had a visual impact in that it portrayed Michigan as a slow-paced, quiet,
uncrowded place. Coupled with the booklet, the strategy provided readers with
two strong images of Michigan, each reinforcing the other’s concept of the state
as a place with many travel “secrets.“

The most important item in the Chicago Program package was, in fact,
the “Secrets of Michigan“ booklet. A poster might attract attention simply by
offering an eye-catching scene of a beach or a forest. At the same time, it would
offer little else. As a channel for information, Steve Swanson (1991) said, the
guide served “the important function of being useful.“ If the “secret” attractions of
Michigan were unique, he said, the visuals would help convince Chicagoans of
that notion, and the booklet would assist the travelers in reaching their

destinations.

Visual Construction

The “Secrets of Michigan“ ad and booklet were destined to attract
attention both in their own right and in contrast to other strategies in travel
advertising. Even a brief look would reveal that “Secrets“ was somehow
different from the glossy, slick appearance of most travel posters and
magazines. That difference was due, in large measure, to the “parchment”
approach devised by Don Wycoff. That appearance proved the perfect
background for the drawings which, in the simplicity of their lines and subjects,
enhanced the feeling of intimacy that the promotion sought to achieve.
The combination of words, drawings and papers, then, sent the clear message
that Michigan was a place “distant“ from Chicago in pace and style, yet close to

Chicagoans in miles and affordability.

157

The drawings of clocks—showing the travel time between a specific
Michigan region and Chicago—on the upper corner of several pages is both an
eye-catcher and a way to inform readers that the state is near enough for a
weekend or mini-vacation journey, or even a day trip. The maps accompanying
the texts are informative without being “busy.“ That is, they guide the reader on
several possible outings without cluttering the drawings with an overabundance
of names of cities and towns. The booklet was informative and visually attractive
because it contained several small maps, instead of a single large one, again in

keeping with the concept of simplicity and smallness.

Conclusions

The “Secrets of Michigan“ ad and booklet succeeded, Don Wycoff (1992)
said, in prompting Chicagoans to learn more about Michigan. The “property
people“—those owning hotels, campgrounds, bed and breakfasts and other
tourist attractions—phoned the Travel Bureau to comment favorably about the
campaign, Wycoff said. At the same time, Michigan bureaus in Chicago and
Lansing fielded numerous requests for booklets and fielded tourism questions
through the 800 number listed in the ad. “The numbers definitely went up,“
Wycoff said. “That is, people called, peeple commented. In general, this
campaign created a lot of interest. I was very pleased with the visuals we put
together.“ Even though, as Wycoff added, it is difficult to measure, in dollar
terms, how those visuals aided the Michigan Travel Bureau effort, certain
conclusions can be drawn.

In a visual sense, the drawings and background the—“parchment“
effect—drew attention because they differed from previous visual approaches of

the Travel Bureau and from the “slick“ look of many other travel ads, booklets

158

and brochures. The “double-edged” strategy of the Chicago Program was
effective, too, with the visuals in the newspaper ad setting the tone for the
drawings and text which followed in the “Secrets“ booklet.

Regarding the breaking points, the Chicago Program visuals pointed out
that research, planning and communication among interested parties is vital in
the smooth development of a visual from concept to finished product. To begin,
Travel Bureau officials studied research data that defined a target audience and
its potential interest in a commodity—Michigan tourism.

As previously mentioned, a built-in group of stakeholders within state
government and the tourism industry helped assure a series of checks and
balances to provide creative artists with a clear understanding of the campaign
concept. While not all campaigns may possess the funding for research and
graphics enjoyed by the “Yes Michigan” campaign and Ross Roy, campaign
officials followed basic guidelines that would benefit any organization in
negotiating the breaking points inherent in creation of visual elements in a
public service effort.

The sponsoring agency, the Michigan Travel Bureau, for example, had
access to a person with knowledge of graphic designing who might advise or
help direct the ad agency in executing a visual concept. In this case, that
person, Don Wycoff, was a member of the bureau staff. The ad agency, too, was
careful to select an artist, from among many in the state, who could best fit a
specific challenge. Dave Van Voorhis, was selected on the basis of his portfolio,
especially for his previous work in drawing scenes of the Amish community.
Though Ross Roy believed Van Voorhis to be the right person for the visual
task, the artist received clear instructions from agency officials in the form of

slides and photographs of Greenfield Village. While the visuals in the ad and

159

booklet, then, were produced by an individual artist, with the assistance of a
graphic designer, the effectiveness of the “Secrets of Michigan“ campaign was
really due to a process that, by its nature, took note of potential breaks and,
through the ability of the participants to act effectively, contained the means to

bridge them properly.

FIGURES

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CHAPTER 8

CONCLUSIONS

The study shows the existence of critical intervals, or breaking points, in
the process employed in public service communication campaigns. The study
points out that those points are as much a part of the process as any other
element, from the moment the campaign is conceived to the completion of the
project message. Further, since the breaking points simply exist and cannot be
avoided, they cannot be judged as “good“ or “bad.” Rather, merely knowing that
they exist and what their existence may mean to the effectiveness of a visual
campaign message can, in itself, be of vital importance to a communications
practitioner in carrying out his or her role in a campaign.

The discussions and examples in the previous chapters show, above all,
that the breaking points influence the process in the most significant of ways—in
helping determine the extent to which the messages reach and influence the
target audiences. The study points out, as well, that breaking points appear in
both forms of campaign processes, the formal and the informal. The
investigation does, in fact, reveal the paradigm that a campaign, by definition,
will be conducted through the employment of one of the two—formal or
informal—strategies. In each case presented in the study, no attempt is
made—indeed, perhaps one is not possible—to measure the impact of the
breaking points in a quantitative way. At the same time, it is enough to have
demonstrated that such critical intervals can help determine whether the target

group will be reached in an effective manner through visual communication.

166

167

In addition, the study illustrates that the development of visual material is
a complex matter, certainly one that transcends the ability just to guide a
drawing pencil or create computer graphics. That is, all persons involved in the
campaign process must be aware of each part of that process, including the
critical intervals where misunderstandings or shortcomings in communication
are most likely to occur. To do otherwise is to risk producing a finished product,
whether large-scale campaign or single poster, that reflects a lack of
appreciation for the intricate nature of the process that created it.

Further, the study suggests that breaking points, though they cannot be
circumvented, need not be negative. Rather, they may serve as points where
campaign managers can evaluate what they have so far accomplished and in
what direction the campaign might best proceed. These breaking points are:

1 . The public communication campaign (PCC) message in relationship
to the messengers or stakeholders. A concerned group or stakeholders decides
that an issue needs to be presented and disseminated and commits a given
part of their budget to it.

2. The PCC visual message in relationship to the approach or procedure
followed in planning and designing the campaign. The group decides who will
take charge of the organization of the campaign, a staff member, a specialist or
both. The director will then decide to follow his or her intuition and that of his or
her colleagues, an informal approach, or to undertaken the design of a
campaign in a systematic manner, a formal approach.

3. The PCC visual message in relationship to the method(s) followed in
identifying and characterizing the target audiences. One or more directors set

up objectives, define a target audience, and define the time frame.

168

4. The PCC visual message in relationship to the concept and qualitative
factors of the message itself. The director and group develop and clarify
objectives and develop the concept of the campaign by making strategic
decisions pertinent to the source, message, channel and receivers. Budget
considerations will affect the selection of channels and quantity.

It has been demonstrated, for example, that if critical intervals in the
process of designing and planning a campaign are not handled properly, the
process does seem to ”break” or lose focus, and that these “breaking points“ are
reflected in the visual construction of the messages.

It can be noted too, that there have been several attempts by researchers
to find out why public communication campaigns do not always succeed, that is,
where the process “breaks.“ However few investigators have suggested ways to
prevent such failures, to forego ineffective messages. Summative evaluation
research, though, is one attempt to do that. As suggested by Atkin and F reimuth
(1989), if the constmction of a message is evaluated at different times, the
likelihood of its being successful increases. At the same time, problems arise in
performing that method, too. First, the fact that the approach stresses
widespread use of preproduction research and message evaluation makes its
inclusion in a campaign costly. Second, the time span of a campaign is usually
short, meaning that the evaluation process may seldom reach completion.The
evaluation of public communication, in fact, seems a practice infrequently
employed by the coordinators or stakeholders of campaigns. Such efforts not
only take time and money, commodities often in short supply, but, given turnover
rates in government or ad agencies, planners often embark on a campaign with
little knowledge, or interest, in what has gone before them. Third, the method of

evaluation is a vital point in its success or failure. Those methods seeking the

169

participation of the target audiences, like focus groups exposed to the visual
components of the campaign, are most likely to serve the success of the
enterprise. The literature shows, however, that the most potentially effective
means are not always employed in a campaign.

With regard to other aspects of timeliness, this study suggests that
formative evaluation on specific campaign symbols and visual elements be
conducted before the printing process is undertaken. Once those elements
have been produced and the campaign is ready for launching, an evaluation is
likely to serve only an “all or nothing“ purpose, that the project proceeds as is or
the planners virtually begin again.

Regarding the process itself, it is tempting to conclude that the framework
suggested in this study flows in a rational, dynamic manner both in the planning
of the campaign and in the production of the visual element. As suggested by
Janis (1977), decision-making processes based on a behavioral approach
show linear models for that decision making, based upon a rational, well-
defined flow of events from beginning to end. Although the framework present in
this study appears to offer a rational and linear conception, the analysis of the
campaigns shows the existence of irrationality, a component which, for better or
worse, is reflected in the visual materials of all the campaigns.

The tempting suggestion that the process of planning and designing a
campaign is linear also can be found in the work of McGuire (1989) who
describes how basic directive and dynamic theories from social psychology can
be applied in designing effective campaigns. His input-output matrix of
independent and dependent variables by which a message can be constructed
and finally becomes effective fails, too, however. That is, it has difficulty

accounting for the irrationality occurring in the process and in the symbols used

170

to represent the lives and experiences of the target audiences. A simple
input—output operation, then, is likely to miss the essence of the desired
message.

These theories of persuasion, when applied by communication
specialists, have also tended to reduce the process of change in the target
audience in the same linear manner. While expectations of the impact of the
message upon the target group is usually high, and change is anticipated
immediately after the message is received, reality is not always so predictable,
that is, change of behaviors, values or beliefs do not occur in real life in a neat,
well-defined way.

Further, the campaigns being analyzed, whether successful or not, seem
to have been planned and designed based upon persuasive methods and on
theories of persuasion. However, the entire project may, indeed, be in jeopardy
if those in charge fail to successfully carry the program across each critical
point, or breaking point, throughout the campaign process.

One would expect that an output of a given matrix for designing and
planning a public communication campaign would include the elements that
will make that message the output product of the campaign. However,
considerations of the visual components in the theories mentioned above are
rarely present.

Information theories on their own attempt to spell out the elements of a
message, at least in a verbal manner. However, those approaches seldom
consider that information without specific visual suggestions, as in stressing
prevention, is likely to be ignored by the targeted groups. Moreover, if the

information relies on visual information and the visuals are not specific or do not

171

clarify the issue at stake, the visual construction may, in fact, work against the
stakeholders because it can be disregarded faster than text.

It is important to note, too, that public service campaigns are often based
upon the conception that information alone will trigger prevention. In fact, the
evidence shows, as Wallack (1989) asserted, that it usually does not.

Other theories, like that of social marketing, have offered suggestions in
the pursuit of planning and designing more effective campaigns. Social
marketing suggests that public issue values, such as health and education, can
be treated as commodities and, therefore, sold under the four marketing
principles of price, product, place and positioning. If the process within this
suggestion is not linear, it fails, as well, to consider how the targeted group
perceives and distinguishes the commodity with regard to an issue affecting
their lives. The process in designing and planning a campaign following a
marketing approach is also likely to “break“ at the point of constructing the
visual message. Visual elements in campaigns promoting well being are
structured no different from those selling products. The target audience’s
understanding of a social issue issue may well lead to confusion rather that
clarification when presented as a product rather than as a social value.

It is in the work of Dervin (1989) that the targeted group is put in the
forefront of planning and designing a campaign. That work stresses not only
members of the targeted group but the perception of what makes sense to them
about a particular issue and how, then, a message can be considered effective.
Dervin’s work suggests that to be effective, the final product most likely would
be a visual construction. Although this theoretical suggestion adds positively to
the framework I am suggesting in this study, it leaves the visual considerations

to the campaign planner, in which case the effectiveness of the “third breaking

172

point,“ and the campaign result, is at risk. It is certainly an approach that
includes and combines methods which, together, shed light on the process of
campaign planning. Ethnography, for example, is an element I would favor
throughout the process. Focus groups, observation and ethnography are
desirable ways to understand and devise strategies to reach a target audience.
The “Yes Michigan“ campaign used focus groups as a method to devise and
develop the Chicago Program. The Native American Institute, meanwhile,
produced an effective visual with a tiny fraction of the “Yes Michigan“ budget by
demonstrating an understanding of Great Lakes Indian culture, employing, as it
did, the talents of Michigan Indians at every step of the visual production.

To be successful, then, both the manner in which the visual element is
produced and, of course, the nature of the visual itself should be a synthesis of
all ideas and concerns of the stakeholders and program coordinators. The
Native American Institute poster was careful to blend the culture of the American
Indian with the culture of the world at large, as represented by a Michigan State
University graduation gown and the State Capitol. Every element presented in
the visual should have a purpose. The abuse of visual elements in a single
message may serve as a distraction to viewers who, in turn, may overlook the
essence of the message. The point may be raised, for example, as to whether
the shadowy face of the hunter in the Zero One Three poster might have caused
viewers to wonder just what that representation was supposed to mean.

Regarding other conclusions, this study reaches several which add to the
literature and should be considered in future public service communication
campaigns.

The literature in the background examination, for example, shows that

there has been little or no mention of the visual elements in public service

173

campaigns. This study shows the importance of adding a step in the process of
designing and planning a campaign where visual considerations are discussed
exclusively.

While the field of communications borrows heavily from several
disciplines—psychology, marketing and sociology, for example—in the
planning and execution of visual campaigns, the literature indicates that the
field of graphic communication is not among them. The research, however,
shows that field is vital to the analysis and understanding of visual elements
and should be included by communicators in charting and carrying out the
campaign process.

Although this study stresses the visual instead of the political, it shows,
too, that it is impossible to separate the two. By definition, public service
campaigns promote a message, one funded by stakeholders who seek to
promote the values and beliefs of public agencies and their political
benefactors. Further, while the study has shown that quality is not necessarily
related to money spent, the fact remains that politically popular national and
state causes, be they anti-alcohol or pro-tourism, are likely to receive strong
funding. Those campaigns also have the potential for employing enhanced
research and visual production components, as opposed to those promoting
causes that are seen as being not so significant, like the recruitment of
American Indian students to Michigan State University.

Reflections on this study must acknowledge, too, the role of “political
correctness“ in the visual production process. Although nationally most
discussion has focused upon verbal political correctness, the notion, ultimately,
reaches the visual world and, therefore, sometimes limits the elements from

which creative persons might choose. Avoidance of human figures, for example,

174

was deemed desirable in the second campaign of the OME to prevent failure
through stereotypes. Proper use of figures may, in fact, have led to a more
effective campaign message. As previously mentioned, planners of the Zero
One Three campaign could not agree upon which race should be represented
in its poster showing a hunter. As a result, the ad showed a shadowy figure
whose lack of facial features might have raised more attention than the
message itself. If verbal political correctness continues, so, too, will the issue of
visual political correctness.

Although this study considers the process, and the breaking points
therein, from concept to completion of the visual elements, one should note that
the strength of a message depends, too, upon its proper dissemination. The life
of visual materials depends upon the timeliness with which they are to be
distributed and, as well, to their placement. Place and position, for practical
purposes, are as vital as the presence of the visual construction itself.

Regarding future research, the study suggests that more work is needed
on how public service campaign planners may better understand and reach a
target audience. This study implies that ethnographic research may be a way to
better evaluate the aesthetic preferences of an audience and determine which
visual symbols may be most effective in constmcting an effective message.
Additional inquiry could render insights into the merits of this approach.

This study also shows that the beliefs and values of the stakeholders are
revealed in the campaign’s visual message. Further research may determine
how to identify those beliefs and values, measure their strength, recognize their
potential for conflict among stakeholders and discern how they are reflected in

the visual constructions.

175

Since this work shows that a message is the result of a complex process,
future research might more deeply consider ways to counter the problems that
arise from dealing with a visual in isolation. That difficulty may be apparent, for
example, when campaign officials believe they have produced a strong visual,
then find the message ineffective with its audience.

Because public service campaigns are, by definition, planned and
executed by bureaucracies, further research might reveal more about the
relationship between a bureaucracy and individual choice in the construction of
visuals. That research might show to what extent a given agency may allow or
inhibit personal creativity in the development of a visual message.

This study is an example of how decision-making is an imperfect
process, possessing several gaps and progressing along lines that may or may
not be rational. Since this work focuses solely upon public service campaigns,
other researchers in other disciplines may investigate the extent to which
breaking points may be defined and acknowledged in decision-making in their
fields of study.

Finally, this study suggests that public service communication messages
are viewed by planners and artists as product messages, their creation similar
to that of an advertisement for a physical commodity. Additional research is
necessary to clarify how a public service campaign differs from traditional
advertising campaigns and how that insight may be utilized in understanding
and reaching a target audience.

While the study emphasized gaps, it showed, too, that those breaking
points are merely part of a human process and, as such, may be viewed as

places to strengthen a message, not merely to weaken it. In brief, this work

176

showed that a printed visual reflects the knowledge and energy of those who
created it, an understanding that, above all else, will ultimately determine

whether a message is to succeed or fail.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

PROCESS FRAMEWORK
QUESTIONNAIRE

STEP ONE

Who is the concerned group?

What motivates the group to spend money on such a campaign?
What is at stake?

How was the idea brought about and why?

Who is concerned about whom and why?

What is the size and allocation of the budget?

What does the budget say about the significance of the issue?

STEP TWO

Do conditions dictate a formal or informal approach?

To what extent is the decision based upon budget conditions?

STEP THREE

What methods are to be used to gather information about the target audiences?
What are the characteristics of the target audiences?

Who is to gather the information?

177

178

Is the issue as important to the target audiences as it is to the stakeholders?
Is the audience likely to perceive the issue as important?
Are the stakeholders, in the view of the target audiences, the proper advocates

for the given issue?

STEP FOUR

Source

How are these sources portrayed visually?

How are the qualities that led to selection of the source—credibility, experience,
competence dynamism, attractiveness—translated visually?

What visual elements—photos, illustrations, colors, contrast—will prove most

effective?

Message and Style

Are the properties and format of the message and the combination of the two
the responsibility of the agency’s creative person?

Is the creative person responsible for translating style into visual elements and

a corresponding visual concept?

Content Appeals

How does the campaign director instruct the creative person as to what the
visuals should include?

What is the responsibility of the creative person regarding visuals?

Is it the job of the creative person or the agency to take the initiative to construct

the visual message?

179

Channel

Is the choice of medium based on previous research or is it determined in a
more intuitive manner?

If there are budget limitations to select the best medium possible, how is the

decision made as to which other medium might be nearly as effective?

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