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WW1

UNDERSTANDING THE MEANING OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN
CULTURE: AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION
OF THE FRAMING OF MENTAL PROGRAMS
By

Dedra M. Campbell

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Communication

1996

ABSTRACT
UNDERSTANDING THE MEANING OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN
CULTURE: AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION
or THE FRAMING OF MENTAL PROGRAMS
By

Dedra M. Campbell

The primary goal of this study was to examine the impact that race has on African-
American culture. Although scholarly research, popular works, and media forums
frequently discuss the concept “Afiican-American culture,” little empirical research had
been conducted which globally assessed the core cultural elements shared by members of
this racial group and if these factors transcend other important cultural influences such as
education, socioeconomic issues, and contact and interaction with other racial and ethnic
groups. In short, the goal of this research was to truly understand the impact race, among
African-Americans, has on the development, sustainment and experience of culture.

To successfully examine these issues, this research took a three step approach. The
first step provided an overview of the meaning of culture. The second reviewed and
bridged prior research examining Afi'ican-American culture, creating a model of the
African-American cultural fi'ames based on these theories and conceptualizations.

Cultural frames were defined as the unique elements, circumstances, and salient issues
which separate one national, social, racial, religious, or ethnic group fi'om another. This,
in effect, influences the collective thinking of the group leading to the manifestations that
we identify as cultural values, norms, and behaviors. These cultural frames were: 1) a

shared history of slavery and oppression and the continuing significance of race; 2) the

impact of segregation and separate social institutions; 3) a unique communication system;
and 4) a shared AfIican ethnic heritage. The third step of this research empirically
assessed these frames by comparing and contrasting the reactions to them across groups
of African-Americans that differ in terms of their income, age, and whether they live in
predominately black, white or mixed environment.

The results of this study provide support for a shared African-American culture.
There were significant differences in terms of attitudes and perceptions regarding Afi'ican-
American culture across income, age, and density groups. However, the similarities and
small, albeit significant differences, do suggest that a “core” cultural frame may exist
among African-Americans. Data examining significant differences between African-
American and white Americans provided further support for this assertion. However,
although a core African-American culture may exists, interracial encounters are not
synonymous with intercultural interactions and must be addressed in intraracial and

interracial communication theory and research.

This dissertation is dedicated to Thomas E. Archipley. Your fiiendship and unconditional

support mean the world to me.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I’m extremely grateful to Yankelovich Partners Inc. for allowing me to utilize the
wealth of data from the African-American MONITOR. This enabled me to explore ideas
and concepts I otherwise wouldn’t have had the resources or opportunity to tap into. I
want to give a special thanks to Doug Haley for taking such an interest in my work and
providing me with insight into the design of this dissertation.

Completing a dissertation geographically detached from the university was quite
difficult for me and I couldn’t have done it without the patience and guidance of my
committee members. My recurring nightmare of my committee members forgetting that I
existed caused me some apprehensive moments. But none of you did. Thank you Dr.
William Donohue for helping me to see the big picture and rejuvenating my energy and
excitement in my research when I hit mental blocks. I feel fortunate to have had such a
charismatic advisor. Dr. Steven McCornack, I wouldn’t be writing this acknowledgment
if I hadn’t been one of your students six years ago, present at the famous “graduate
school” speech. You presented an opportunity and a challenge that started it all. Dr.
Frank Boster, I appreciate your humor as much as your ability to keep me grounded and
focused. Thanks for reminding me of the ultimate goal (to finish) when I seemed to have

forgotten. You have a fascinating way with words. And Dr. Jacob Climo, it was

V

particularly enjoyable and important for me to receive your perspective on my research
which in many ways challenged my comfortable “school” of thought. I’ve enjoyed our
discussions over coffee.

Having people I could depend on to keep me balanced and drag me away from my
work when I began hallucinating was critical to my mental health. This is only one of the
many reasons why I value my dear friends, Sharon Lowery and Monica Sams.

And finally, I must thank my family (my mother, Bernell Hiler, my sisters, Melanie
and Brenna Campbell, my fathers, James Campbell and Bill Hiler, and my Aunt Minnie)
for all the torture you have lovely taken from me throughout this process. Believe me, I

know I can be a pain, but you never stopped telling me how much you loved me.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ x

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... xi

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... l

Rationale for profiling demographic groups. ................................................................. 10

Income ................................................................................................................... 10

Age ........................................................................................................................ ll

African-American density neighborhoods ............................................................... 12

Correlation’s among the variables ................................................................................ l4

Organizational overview .............................................................................................. 16

Presentation of hypotheses ........................................................................................... 18

CHAPTERS ONE

An overview of the theoretical conceptualizations of culture .............................................. l9

Conceptual Definitions ................................................................................................. l9

Collective mental programming .................................................................................... 20

Cultural manifestations ................................................................................................. 25

Values .............................................................................................................. 26

Nouns .............................................................................................................. 27

Behavior ........................................................................................................... 28

The process of transmitting culture through communication ........................ 30

Language as a marker for cultural afiliation .......................................... 31

Understanding how culture is manifested ...................................................................... 32

Summary ..................................................................................................................... 34
CHAPTER TWO ,

The core flames of African-American culture ..................................................................... 3 5

Approaches to examining African-American culture ..................................................... 36

A shared history of slavery, racism, discrimination and oppression ................................ 37

The impact of segregation and separate social institutions ............................................ 44

The Black Church ............................................................................................. 45

Education ......................................................................................................... 47

Family .............................................................................................................. 51

A unique, pluralistic communication system: Black Talk .............................................. 54

A shared African ethnic heritage ................................................................................... 62

Summary ..................................................................................................................... 67

Limitations of this approach ......................................................................................... 69

vii

CHAPTER THREE

Method .............................................................................................................................. 71
Sample ......................................................................................................................... 71
Sampling procedures .................................................................................................... 73
Sampling balancing procedure ...................................................................................... 74

Design weight .................................................................................................. 74
Final Sample ..................................................................................................... 75
Administering the African-American Yankelovich MONITOR ..................................... 75
Specific items used to measure African-American culture ............................................. 78

CHAPTER FOUR

Results ............................................................................................................................... 89
Specific analyses used to test hypotheses ...................................................................... 89
Demographic characteristics of groups ......................................................................... 89

Income ........................................................ ' ..................................................... 89
Age .................................................................................................................. 90
Density ................................................................................. . ............................ 9 l
Hypotheses 1 to 9: Results of analyses ........................................................................ 95
Hypothesis 1 .................................................................................................... 95
Summary: Hypothesis 1 ........................................................................... 103
The impact of segregation and separate social institutions ............................... 105
Hypothesis 2: Religion ............................................................................. 105
The role that religion plays in the lives of Afiican-Americans ............... 106
Religious activities done at least occasionally ...................................... 108
Association with whites in church/religious fimctions .......................... 110
Summary: Hypothesis 2 .......................................................... 113

Hypothesis 3: Education .......................................................................... 115
Hypothesis 4: Educational barriers ........................................................... 117
Summary: Hypothesis 4 ..................................................................... 122
Hypothesis 5: Family ............................................................................... 123
Summary: Hypothesis 5 ..................................................................... 126
Additional analyses .......................................................................... 126
Hypothesis 6: Belief in whether black English exists ................................. 130
Summary: Hypothesis 6 ..................................................................... 133
Hypothesis 7: Attitudes toward black English .......................................... 134
Hypothesis 8: Use of black English .......................................................... 139
Hypothesis 9: Attitudes toward African-American heritage ...................... 141
Summary of hypothesis 9 .................................................................... 146

viii

CHAPTER FIVE

Discussion ...................................................................................................................... 148
Differences across demographic groups .......................................................... 151
Income groups .......................................................................................... 151
Age groups ............................................................................................... 160
Density groups ......................................................................................... 165
Similarities across demographic groups ........................................................... 170

The implications of these findings on intraracial and interracial
communication research and theory ................................................................ 177
Limitations of this research ............................................................................. 180
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 182

ix

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 - Correlation’s between variables ...................................................................... 15
Table 2 - Demographic characteristics of groups ........................................................... 92
Table 3 - Demographic characteristics of groups (cont) ................................................. 93
Table 4 - Demographic characteristics of groups (cont) ................................................. 94
Table 5 - Perception of discrimination and racism targeting African-Americans ........... 101
Table 6 - Responses to specific items in factor H1 ....................................................... 102
Table 7 - Role of religion ............................................................................................ 111
Table 8 - Role of religion (cont) ................................................................................. 112
Table 9 - Perceptions of education .............................................................................. 116
Table 10 - Perceptions of educational barriers ............................................................. 119
Table 11 - Responses to specific items in factor H4 ..................................................... 120

Table 12 - Interactions with white Americans in

school/educational functions .................................................................................. 121
Table 13 - Attitudes toward family .............................................................................. 125
Table 14 - Activities/leisure-time with non Afi'ican-Americans .................................... 129
Table 15 - Belief in the existence of black English ....................................................... 132
Table 16 - Attitudes toward black English ................................................................... 137
Table 17 - Responses to specific items in factor H7 ..................................................... 138
Table 18 - Attitudes toward black English ................................................................... 140
Table 19 - Attitudes regarding African-American ethnic heritage ................................. 144
Table 20 - Responses to specific items in factor H9 ...................................................... 145

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 - Income groups .................................................................................................. 7
Figure 2 - Age groups ...................................................................................................... 8
Figure 3 - Density groups ................................................................................................. 9
Figure 4 - Three levels of uniqueness in human mental programming .............................. 22
Figure 5 - Overview of culture ....................................................................................... 24
Figure 6 - Conceptual overview of cultrue manifestations ............................................... 3 3
Figure 7 - African-American cultural frames ................................................................... 68

INTRODUCTION

Blackness as a sign is never enough. What does that black subject do,
how does it act, how does it think politically. . . being black isn’t really

good enough for me. I want to know what your cultural politics are.

bell hooks (1992)

Racial, ethnic, and cultural differences among people play a major role in the
events of our times, in countries around the world, and have played a major role in the
long history of the human race (Sowell, 1994). In the context of the United States, race in
particular is a volatile issue buried within and throughout the fabrics of this society. What
ever the biological reality, race as a social concept is a powerful force uniting and dividing
people (Sowell, 1994; Terkal, 1992; Davis, 1993).

Ironically, although race as a social construct is extremely powerful, even
considered to be an “American obsession” to some scholars, it is an elusive concept to
define (Terkal, 1992; Webster, 1992). For example, defining what it means to be black, or
as some prefer, African-American, differs depending on the perspective an individual
adheres to. Ifone submits to the biological “one-drop rule,” then all it takes is any known
black ancestor to be considered African-American (Davis, 1994). For others, one must
not only be oficially classified as black to be truly black, but identify and have a “black”
orientation as well (Mabry, 1995; Steele, 1991). For example, some black individuals may
be rejected by other Afiican-Americans for not being black enough. They are instead
perceived as adopting the values, behaviors, communication style, and lifestyle that may be

considered to be reflective of mainstream, white US society (Mabry, 1994; Smitherrnan,

1994; Sutherland, 1989). In other words, consistent with hooks’ quote, looking black and
passing all classification requirements is not always good enough - one must also identify
and project the social, political, and cultural aspects stereotypical of representing an
African-American cultural identity (hooks, 1992).

Thus, the meaning of being an African-American has the potential to be
paradoxical based on the biological, ethnic, and cultural aspects involved. On one hand, it
only takes one ancestor who is black to be classified as African-American in this society.
Yet, in other cases, the same Afiican-American can be suspect of his or her authenticity
regarding their loyalties toward the black community if he or she does not adhere to the
appropriate political and social views regarding African-Americans. These comparisons
are examples of the often contradictory views regarding race, particularly when discussing
African-Americans. In large part, this is a result of the interlocking associations between
the biological, ethnic and cultural dimensions that are made when examining and focusing
on issues regarding Afiican-Americans (Asante and Mattson, 1992; Meyers, 1987;
Kochman, 1981). These aspects, more times than not, are considered by scholars to be
key aspects of “African-American cultural identity (Smitherrnan, 1994; Dent, 1992;
Collins, 1991; Essed, 1991; Barnes-Harden, 1984; DeVos, 1975).”

Not surprisingly, this thinking can be infuriating and insulting for some African-
Americans and in many cases, be a personal and social dilemma for blacks who do not fit
into this imposed “mold.” Being black, and understanding the implications it has in a

society like the US is a lesson learned early on for most Afiican-Americans. Yet, there

are people who are disappointed if an individuals’ personal views, background, and
lifestyle do not fit stereotypical images of African-Americans.

Marcus Mabry (1995) writes about his experience of being caught between a white
privileged world and a black world and not fitting into either. In his book, W
W (1995), Mabry tells his story of life from a poor all-black enclave in
suburban Trenton, New Jersey to finding himself at the age of fourteen suddenly thrust
into a white, affluent world after being awarded an academic scholarship to
Lawrencenville. Lawrencenville is recognized as one of the nation’s most prestigious prep
schools. As he excelled academically, he grew painfully aware of the racial ignorance that
shapes the lives of even the most well meaning people. However, attempting to obtain
acceptance into the black campus community as a freshman at Stanford proved to be just
as painful, if not more so. Because Mabry had spent the early formative years of his life in
a predominately white environment, taking on interests perceived to be “upper-class
white” he found that he did not fit in with other African-Americans, his family included.
The following is an excerpt fi'om his book.

~ One of the first to arrive at the party, I stood next to the punch

bowl and waited for other people to drift in. . .Over the next two hours I

struck up a few conversations but none seemed to last very long. The guys

were all talking jive and slapping backs like they had known each other all

their lives. I thought back to my first visits home fiom Lawrencenville and

my days of code shifting, when a speaker literally changes dialect to match

the language of his listener. I considered trying to throw a little Black

English around and shaking hands like a brother. I thought I had ’

transcended this need to be something I wasn’t. . .I resented them [the

other black students; many of them were the sons and daughters of

doctors and lawyers] for their money, but more importantly, for their claim

that only they knew “blackness.”

Only after college did I learn that most of “them” were role-playing

too that first day of BROC (Black Recruiting and Orientation Committee).
The difl‘erence was that these people from all over the country, with

divergent interests and beliefs, kept play-acting until they created a new

cohesive community; while I was content to live in the white one. I wish I

had know then that if I had kept going through the motions, I would have

belonged too. Mabry ( 1995, p 172-1 74).

Mabry’s experience is an example of the double-edged sword some African-
Americans encounter when they do not fit into what is considered to be representative of
the “African-American culture or experience (Steele, 1991).” Afiican-Americans who do
not fit into this picture tend to be clumped into miscellaneous categories in which they are
considered to be alternative or mainstreamed into the dominant society or out-casts in
general. Rarely are they referred to as a part of or another dimension of a larger, diverse
African-American culture. If their social and political views, lifestyles, communication
styles and language, and so forth, do not fit into the prototypical Afi'ican-American
culture, the inference which can be made is that these individuals are “less” black socially,
culturally, and politically.

This seems to be an unreasonable assessment when you take an individual such as
Mabry (1995 ) with his unique experience and expect him to be like another African-
American with a difi’erent life experience simply because they are both black. The author
of this paper asserts that this narrow thinking is encouraged and reinforced by the constant
focus on the similarities of Afiican-Americans, those real and imaged, by scholarly
research, popular work, media forums, and lay people of all races.

These issues raise the question of what African-American culture is, and what it

means to be “inside” or “outside” this experience even if you are unquestionably an

A frican-American. The complexity of synthesizing the various components of African-

American culture is a reflection of the scattered and diverse scholarly research in this field
of study. In spite of this, Afiican-American culture is often spoken from the lips of
laypeople and scholars alike as if there were no doubts that not only does an African-
American culture exist, but the factors that make this a unique culture are understood and
agreed upon by all (Webster, 1992; Meyers, 1987; Barnes-Harden, 1984; Feagin, 1987;
Sutherland, 1987).

Moreover, there is very little empirical research examining the propositions of
what factors influence, sustain, and create African-American culture and how and if these
factors transcend other important cultural elements such as education, occupation,
socioeconomic status, and contact and interaction with other racial and ethnic groups. In
short, the factors which have been discussed in previous research as being “core” Afiican—
American elements which are proposed to be the foundation of this culture have not been
examined and/or challenged systematically. Thus, it is dificult to grasp how pervasive and
influential these factors are in how they impact the lives of African-Americans with diverse
backgrounds and experiences.

It is not the position of this author that there is no African-American culture. The
opposition concerns the blind acceptance of a homogeneous culture, the lack of attention
given to the diversity in cultural experiences and orientations within this racial group, and
the lack of empirical research that supports this assertion. This research proposes that as a
variable, race alone is not a determinant of culture. To truly understand cultural
similarities that may exist, researchers need to explore the influence of other factors which

interact with race (e.g., income level, interaction and involvement in mainstream society).

Thus, this research is on a quest of understanding the. meaning of an “African-
American culture” and the impact these proposed cultural frames have on Afiican-
Americans with diverse social, economic, political and personal experiences. Cultural
frames are defined as the unique elements, circumstances and salient issues which separate
one national, social, racial, religious, or ethnic group from another.

The goal of this research is to do what no prior study examining African-American
culture has done. The first step is to explore prior literature examining this subject and
develop a conceptual model of the core cultural frames proposed to represent African-
American culture based on this review. The African-American key cultural frames
identified by this comprehensive review are: l) A shared history of slavery and
oppression, as well as the continuing significance of race, racism and discrimination, 2) the
impact of segregation and separate social institutions, 3) a unique communication system,
4) and a shared Afiican ethnic heritage.

The second step is to explore the impact race has on perceptions of these cultural
elements by accessing the impact of three variables. The three variables examined in this
research are: income, age, and residence in particular Afiican-American density areas.
African-American density is defined as whether individuals reside in an US Bureau of the
Census identified area which is high density black (at least 82% African-American),
moderate density black (81% to 37% Afiican-American) or low density black (less than

37% African-American). Figure 1-3 profiles the groups to be examined in this research.

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Rationale for profiling African-Americans by income, age, and residence in low,
moderate or high density black areas

This research has chosen to examine household income, age and residence in a
high, moderate, or low density black area (Census tracks) because of the opportunities
(or lack thereof) and experiences these particular variables potentially influence. While
there are other characteristics which may afi‘ect an individuals cultural experience, the
author of this dissertation feels that these three variables are particularly compelling.
Income

For members of this society, which includes a plethora of races, ethnic groups,
nationalities, religions and so forth, the “haves and have nots” are often measured by their
financial worth. Simply put, an individual’s financial comfort and security affords difi‘erent
experiences and opportunities than those who are struggling to barely get by and are
located in what Derrick Bell describes as the “bottom of the well” (Bell, 1992). Mabry
(1995) is an example of an individual who has lived in the world of economic poverty, and
at times, despair, causing many problems and complications in family and community
relations. Mabry also lived in a world with the children of the top one-half of one percent
of the economic social structure, the rich and the super-rich (Mabry, 1995; Zweigenhaft
and Domhofi‘, 1991).

Zweigenhaft and Domhofi‘ (199 1) explored situations similar to Mabry’s in their
book which documents the dramatic transitions faced by graduates of “A Boner Chance
(ABC).” In its’ hey-day between 1964 to 197 5, the ABC program saw more than one

hundred schools participating in bringing black students fiom economically improvised

ll

backgrounds to some of America’s most exclusive prep schools and universities. Many of
the participants of this program achieved positions of great power and prestige in
medicine, law, literature, academia, and business (Zweigenhaft & Domhoff, 1991). Mabry
and the participants of ABC are extreme examples of the relationship between race and
economic class in this society, but their stories do pose important questions of how
African-Americans of varying income levels perceive society, their level of participation in
mainstream society and how society perceives and accepts them. For this research,
income is viewed as a critical variable to examine in terms of how African-Americans
perceive issues asserted by various scholars as reflecting parts of African-American
culture.
Age
Age is another demographic characteristic that may have an important impact on

the cultural experiences of an individual. In a world that is constantly changing and bears
little resemblance to that of a mere half-decade ago, much less a generation ago,
examining Afiican-Americans in age cohorts is an important factor in understanding
whether an African-American culture exists by looking at the pervasiveness in values,
attitudes, and behaviors across different generational age groups.

For Afiican-Americans, age is of particular interest because of the change of
overt discrimination and racism that has taken place in recent decades. Having lived in 3
Jim Crow society prior to the Brown v. Board of Education, which removed the
protective cover of laws that lent respectability to racist exclusion, may give individuals a

different mental perspective than individuals who were active participants in the various

12

phases of the Civil Rights Movement. Furthermore, a generation who never personally
experienced boycotts, marches and voter registration campaigns, but instead, dealt more
with subtle, covert forms of racism and discrimination, may have a different perspective as
well.
African-American density neighborhoods

Residence in a high, moderate, or low density area is rarely examined in research
focusing on African-Americans. Whether or not one resides in a predominately black or
white community will influence the social system in which interaction and learning occur.
Considering that culture is learned and reinforced through social interaction and
communication, it is a likely that the impact of living in a racially homogeneous or racially
heterogeneous environment will influence collective thinking and behavioral
manifestations. Individuals living in low density areas may also have less spontaneous
contact with other African-Americans and feel that they identify and share more in
common with non-Afiican-Americans than other Afiican—Americans. Moreover, residence
in a low density black area may potentiality indicate higher participation in mainstream
society as well as more interaction with non-Afi'ican-Americans in a variety of situations
such as in the workplace, educational arenas as well as social situations. On the other
hand, African-Americans living in high density areas may potentially feel more comfortable
and grounded among other blacks, thus, feeling there is a stronger cultural connection.

In summary, income, age, and residence in a low, moderate, or high density black
neighborhood are proposed for the purposes of this dissertation to be important

demographic characteristics to examine. If there i_§ a shared Afiican-American culture,

l3

perceptions of the frames which reflect this culture should cross these demographic
boundaries. If there is no true shared Afiican-American culture, significant differences

should be reflected in perceptions regarding the frames which reflect this culture.

l4

Correlation’s. among the variables

Originally, the author of this dissertation wanted to combine the variables into a
“profiled group,” e.g., merging low density as a category with high income to create one
group. However, examination of the correlation between each of these variables are not
large enough to suggest that combined variables such as high income/low density would
reflect a large enough segment of the African-American population to be generalizable to
the Afiican-American population outside of this sample. Therefore, income, age, and
density will be explored individually. An empirical examination of the beliefs, attitudes
and perceptions of the cultural fiames identified in this research will be conducted across
the various demographic groups of African-Americans to see if they diverge or converge
on their perceptions of Afiican-American cultural frames. Table 1 presents the

correlation’s between income, age and African-American density (see table 1).

15

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Based on the results of this research, a better understanding will be obtained
regarding the impact that race has on African-American cultural frames which in effect,
determine whether a group is truly a culture or simply a group of people who share some
physical attributes. Thus, the ultimate goal of this research is to not only provide a global
empirical test of the meaning of African-Americans culture, but to also understand the true
impact race alone has on determining an individual’s cultural orientation. By
incorporating other important factors that have an impact on our values, attitudes, norms,
behaviors and our communication and social networks such as income level, age, and
whether or not an individual is immersed in a black environment physically, a greater
understanding of the impact that the social concept of race has on the lives of African-
Americans with diverse backgrounds and day-to-day experiences will be achieved. This
research will also begin to answer such questions and/or confirm previous propositions
regarding the core frames that make up Afiican-American culture and the extent to which
these frames transcend other cultural boundaries such as socioeconomic status, lifestage,
and enculturation into mainstream American society.

Organizational Overview

To successfully accomplish this goal, this research will take a three step approach.
The first step is to provide an overview of the meaning of culture. The second is to
review and bridge prior research examining African-American culture, creating a
conceptual model of the African-American cultural fi'ames based on these theories. The

third step of this research is to empirically assess these frames by comparing and

l7

contrasting reactions and perceptions of them across Afiican-Americans of different
income levels, age groups, and residence in different levels of black density areas.

This dissertation is divided into five chapters. The first chapter will review the
theoretical conceptualizations of culture by the scholars in this field which will provide the
theoretical parameters necessary for understanding the impact that the identified Afi'ican-
American cultural frames have on their values, norms, behavior and communication. The
second chapter will review relevant research focusing on Afiican-Americans and their
experiences and present a conceptual model of Afiican-American culture based on the
cultural frames identified by scholars in this field. Research hypotheses will also be
presented in this chapter. Chapter three will do an empirical assessment of these cultural
frames by contrasting and comparing these responses across the different groups of
African-Americans (See figure 1-3). Chapter four will present the results of these analyses
and chapter five will discuss the findings and the implications of these results to AfIican-
American cultural research, making suggestions on directions for fiIture research in this

area of study.

18

Presentation of Hypotheses

The overall goal of this research is to obtain an overall perspective on the African-
American perceptual frames that are hypothesized to influence the culture of this racial
group. Thus, the macro question of the study is “do Afiican-Americans in difi’erent
demographic groups share similar values, attitudes, beliefs and perceptions of the
perceptual fi'ames which in effect drive the existence of a shared culture?” To examine
this big question, the author of this dissertation has chosen to pose the hypotheses as one
of not real difference and the alternative. In other words, the null hypothesis and the
alternative hypothesis of difference when measuring the various perceptual frames will be
posed (H. = null hypothesis of no difi’erence; H. = alternative hypothesis of difference).

The null hypothesis (Ho) refers to the idea that the data in question are due only to
chance. A significant difi‘erence is, therefore, one for which we have excluded chance as
the explanation, or one for which we have rejected the null hypothesis (Sprinthall, 1990).
The opposite of the null hypothesis is the alternative hypothesis (I-I.) which states that the
data in question is difi‘erent. Therefore, the samples used represent different populations
(Sprinthall, 1990).

The primary purpose of this research is to determine if an African-American
culture exists across demographic groups or is race simply a physical characteristic that
does not determine culture. Thus, unlike some research endeavors, to accept the null
hypothesis is to accept that the data suggest that an Afiican-American culture exists. To
reject the null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis would suggest that there is
no umbrella of an Afiican-Arnerican culture and that being black does not determine that
individuals perceptual frames which drive culture, but instead, other factors may play a

role (e.g., income, age).

Chapter One

AN OVERVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF
CULTURE

Culture has been conceptualized in varying ways by scholars in cultural and
intercultural communication studies (Collier & Thomas, 1988). Many definitions provide
lists of shared background characteristics, such as histories, institutions, core values,
beliefs, and attitudes or world views, heritage and traditions, technologies, as well as
shared behavioral characteristics, such as verbal and nonverbal message styles (Harley,
1995; Asante & Mattson, 1992; Hecht et a1., 1993; Dodd, 1987; Samovar, Porter, &
Janin, 1981; Sarbaugh, 1979). Other scholars have defined culture in relation to
negotiation processes (Wilson, Cai, Campbell, Donohue, & Drake, 1995; Cai, 1994;
Francis, 1991; Graham, 1985a, 1985b), communication effectiveness (Gallois, Franklyn-
Stokes, Giles, and Coupland, 1988; Kim & Gudykunst, Stewart, and Ting-Toomey,
1985), and values and worldviews (Nadler, Nadler, & Broome, 1985). Culture can refer
to ethnicity, gender, profession, or any other symbol system that is salient to an individual
or group. In short, culture can be conceived as everything that is human-made or as
involving shared meaning (Gudykunst, 1987).

Conceptual Definitions

The objective of this chapter is to present a theoretical framework of culture
deriving from prior research. While there are numerous ways of defining culture, the
definition used in this dissertation is that “culture is generally a dynamic collage of shared
values, norms, and behaviors within a group driven by a collective mental programming of

the mind.”

19

20

This research also adheres to the perspective that culture and communication are
not truly separable (Hecht, Collier, Ribeau, 1993; Collier & Thomas, 1988).
Communication is meaningful because of the culture that frames it and culture must be
expressed to exist. This is due to the social nature of mental programming which is
learned and shared by cultural groups. W refers to the social system of
stable and predictable patterns of behavior in which a “collective” way of thinking and
viewing the world is inferred. Cultural frames are in essence the unique elements,
circumstances and salient issues that separate one cultural group from another. In other
words, cultural frames are the special elements that lead to a particular collective mental
program which drives and motivates the cultural manifestations of a group. This chapter
will explore these concepts fiIrther and the role each plays in the development and
sustainment of cultures prior to the discussion on Afiican-American culture specifically,
which will be dealt with in Chapter three. This chapter is divided up into two sections.
The first section examines Hofstede’s (1984) collective mental programming theory. The
second section focuses on the cultural manifestations which are driven by a social group’s
collective mental programming.
Collective mental programming

According to Hofstede’s (1984) theory of culture, a key aspect of culture is a
collective programming of the mind, i.e., a social groups’ mental programming. Mental
programming essentially refers to the stable and predictable patterns of behaviors of a

group in which we infer from it the presence of stable mental programs. Hofstede (1984)

21

states that every individual’s mental programming is partly unique and partly shared with
others. Therefore, mental programs are broadly distinguished at three levels of
uniqueness: the universal, the collective, and the individual (Hofstede, 1984). The
universal level is the least unique but most basic of mental programming which is shared
by all, or almost all, mankind. This is the biological “operating system” of the human
body, but it includes a range of expressive behaviors which are found in higher animals.

The collective level of mental programming is shared with some butnot with other
peOple; it is common to people belonging to a certain group or category, but difi‘erent
among people belonging to other groups or categories. This level of mental programs is
where human culture is located. It includes the language in which we express ourselves,
how we interpret and judge the behavior of others - in short, our overall outlook in the
world around us.

The individual level of human programming is the truly unique part - no two
people are programmed exactly alike, even if they are identical twins raised together. This
is the level of individual personality, and it provides for a wide range of alternative
behaviors within the same collective culture. Figure 4 presents a model of Hofstede’s

three levels of mental programs.

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It is at the collective level where cultures exist, therefore, being of primary interest
to this research. At this level of mental programming, Hofstede (1984) asserts that most
or all of our mental programming is learned, which is shown by the fact that we share it
with people who went though the same learning process but who do not have the same
genes. The transfer of collective mental programs is a social phenomenon that should be
explained socially. Societies, organizations, and groups have ways of conserving and
passing on mental programs from generation to generation with an obstinacy that many
people tend to underestimate. Thus, at the cultural level of mental programs, specific
group frames which are unique, salient and significant to a group play an important role in
developing collective mental programs that lead to the cultural manifestations. The next
section of this chapter will look at the manner in which culture manifests itself. These
manifestations are often the primary way in which researchers can infer collective mental
programs (Hofstede, 1984). Figure 5 depicts the relationship between cultural frames,

mental programs and cultural manifestations.

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Cultural manifestations

The previous section discussed the notion of how mental models are formed by
specific group frames. This level of conceptualization is not “visible” however. We infer
a groups’ collective mental programming based on their beliefs and perceptions of core
cultural frames as well as their behavioral manifestations. Traditionally, values, norms,
and behaviors have been identified as the core elements of a cultural/ethnic group. These
values, norms, and behaviors within a cultural organization all act together to develop,
reinforce and sustain another important element of culture - shared knowledge and a
common sense of origin. This perception of “commonality,” whether it be a common
belief system, shared behaviors, or common origins or a common sense of survival, has
been recognized as being a great motivator in uniting individuals into self-defining cultural
or ethnic groups (DeVos, 1975). It is this shared knowledge and common sense of origin
that allows individuals to know how to communicate with others and how to interpret
others’ behavior within a cultural social organization (Hecht, Collier, & Ribeau, 1993).

Thus, a key factor in uniting a cultural group into self-defining groups is a sense of
common origins, common beliefs and values, and a common sense of survival derived
from perceptions of shared values, norms, and behaviors (DeVos, 197 S; Shibutani &
Kowan, 1967). Perceptions of common ancestry, both real and mythical, have been

important to both the group’s self definition and an outsiders definition (Feagin, 1989).

26

The following categories or sections in this dissertation are not meant to be distinct
and mutually exclusive. Rather, these categories are meant to identify the key elements of
culture that are highlighted by researchers and scholars in this field of study. The
following sections will review these key concepts which describe how a cultural system is
manifested.

Values

Rockeach (1972) describes values in relation to modes of conduct and end-states
. of existence. To say that a person has a value is to say that he/she has an enduring belief
that a specific mode of conduct is personally and socially preferable to alternative modes
of conduct (Rockeach, 1972).

Porter (1973) asserts that a value is one of the most significant factors that
. influences culture. He defines a value as “an enduring conception that a given end state of
existence is preferable or not preferable to certain end states.” They provide order and
direction to our thoughts and actions. Within a cultural group, value systems are
maintained through sets of positive and negative sanctions. Thus, the affirmation of basic
values implies various moral and ethical standards for a given culture (Porter, 1973).

An individual’s value system significantly afl‘ects that person's perception of a
particular situation. The more an individual fundamentally accepts a basic system of
values, the more he or she is likely to view his or her own interpretation of an act as the
morally correct one and the other person as falling short of grace (Cushman & King, 1985;

Nadler, Nadler, Broome, 1985).

27

In an intercultural negotiation context, for example, certain values may influence
what interactantsibring to the conflict, the process of negotiation, and eventual modes of
conflict resolution. Values that influence how one manages conflict might relate to one's
worldview, activity orientation, perception of self, sense of time, and perception of social
relations.

In essence, values are what Ting-Toomey (1985) refers to as “cultural demands.”
Cultural demands are the set of cultural ideologies or implicit standards that a collective
group of individuals more or less ascribe to. They pose the “oughtness” of how things
should be done. Our values provide our structural belief systems or ideologies, that
prevent or discourage group members from thinking in a particular direction (Ting-
Toomey, 1985). Values provide the structure for our norms and behaviors, which will be
discussed in the next section. .

In summary, a value is an enduring belief that guide people in determining
appropriate modes of conduct and actions with ourselves and others. Our values are
developed and taught to individuals by their social group and maintained through positive
and negative sanctions that vary fi'om culture to culture.

Norms

What values are to beliefs, norms are to behavior. Norms can be defined as rules
of conduct, blueprints for behavior, and cultural expectations (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992).
There are three attributes of norms that have been isolated in the literature: 1) a collective

evaluation of behaVior in terms of what ought to be; 2) a collective expectation as to what

behavior will be; and 3) particular reactions to behavior including attempts to apply

28

sanctions or otherwise induce a particular kind of behavior (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992)
Put another way, norms can be defined as socially shared guidelines for expected and
accepted behaviors, violation of which leads to some form of sanction from one's culture
group.

Thus, norms are the rules and codes that govern the behavioral appropriateness of
a given gesture, or words and phrases in a given socio-cultural context (Ting-Toomey,
1985)

Behavior

Culture consists of the integrated pattern of human behavior that includes thought,
speech and artifacts and depends on human being’s capacity for learning and transmitting
knowledge to succeeding generations. The behavioral aspect of culture refers to the
phenomenal reality, i.e., the culturally specific patterns of behavior. Participation in this
phenomenal reality provides one's life with a sense of direction, a sense of what is
appropriate and inappropriate behavior (Cushman & King, 1985).

Gudykunst (1982) asserts that the behavioral aspect of culture serves at least three
functions: legitirnization, motivation, and integration. Legitimization provides its members
with socially legitimate patterns of interpretation and behavior for dealing with culturally
relevant problems. Motivation provides its members with a hierarchical motivational
structure that links their identity to culturally relevant roles and values. Integration
provides its members with a symbolically integrated framework that regulates social
interaction and goal attainment through the creation of cultural meanings (Cushman &

King, 1985).

29

As discussed previously in this paper, values provide the cultural belief system
which drive our norms or blueprints for behavior. It is through actual behavior that our
cultural demands and constraints discussed in the previous two sections are manifested.
These manifestations also take the form of how culture is transmitted to group members
through communication and how language is used. The next section will explore this in

more detail.

30

The process of trggsmitting culture through communication

Borden (1991) states that the cultural dimension of communication is the
nonconscious ideologies we carry with us that may suggest what our normal
communicative behavior would be. Some scholars view culture and communication as
two interrelated concepts that cannot be understood without understanding the other (e.g.,
Gudykunst & Kim, 1992; Hall, 1959). Hecht et al. (1992) express this thinking by stating
that communication and culture are not truly separable. Communication is meaningful
because of the culture that fi’ames it. Moreover, culture must be expressed to exist (Hecht
et al., 1992). Therefore, communication exists in a cultural context and all culture is
communicated (Hall, 1959).

Gudykunst and Kim’s (1992) research reflects this thinking. They state that the
development of human culture is made possible through communication and talk, and that
it is through communication that culture is transmitted from one generation to another.
Goodwin (1990) states that talk is a resource utilized by participants to build both their
ongoing social organization and the phenomenal world they inhabit as the situated product
of interactive practices. Interaction occupies a central place in the organization of human
social behavior. From an ethnological perspective, “all social life in animals depends on
the coordination of interactions between them (Goodwin, 1990). Thus, interaction is
central to the organization of culture as well as social interaction. In order to coordinate
their behavior with that of their co-participants, human beings must display to each other
what they are doing and how they expect others to participate in the activity of the

moment (Goodwin, 1990).

31

Language as a marker for cultural affiliation

Other than serving the means for transmitting the values, norms, and behaviors of a
culture, communication also serves the role of providing the actual qualities of language
and speech style as a signal for cultural affiliation.

Therefore, key aspects to the communicative dimension of culture is language and
speech styles. These variables have been identified as being a critical means of sustaining
the vitality and boundaries of a cultural group (Smitherman, 1994; Goodwin; Gallois et al.,
1988). Cultural behaviors of communication refer to linguistic qualities such as language,
dialect, vocabulary, speech style or paralinguistic behavior such as tone of voice or speech
rate. Gallois et al., (1988) state that members of subordinate ethnic groups are more likely
to retain their linguistic style if they see language as an important dimension of their group
and are less likely to want to learn the language/dialect/accent of the dominant group

(Gallois et al., 1988).

32

Understanding how culture is manifested

These aspects discussed in this chapter as being manifestations of culture are not
meant to be distinct and/or exhaustive categories. It is obvious that it is diflicult to talk
about mental programs without discussing cultural manifestations or vice versa. There are
also more specific and definitive manners of describing the meaning of culture. However,
as noted previously in this paper, the purpose of this chapter is to provide a general
overview of culture.

It is also important to note that none of the concepts discussed in this chapter
define culture by itself - it is the dynamics of our group frames, mental programs, and
cultural manifestations that together create culture.

Although culture is a dynamic phenomenon, with interactions back and forth
between these variables, Figure 6 presents the basic structure this author is proposing we

would see if we took a conceptual “snap-shop” of the manifestations of culture.

33

 

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Summary

Culture is a complex construct. The primary goal of this chapter was to provide a
framework, based on prior research, by presenting the key factors which describe the
meaning of culture. The next task of this dissertation involves a specific population, i.e.,
Afiican-Americans and the cultural frames identified by researchers in this field as causing
Afiican-Americans to share a collective mental program which in turn, drive cultural
manifestation (i.e., similar values, norms, symbols and meaning, communication and
language, and a shared knowledge and common sense of origin). These issues will be

explored further in the next chapter.

Chapter Two
THE CORE FRAMES OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN CULTURE

The majority of research examining the meaning of an Afiican-American culture
propose that historically, politically, economically and socially, Afiican-Americans occupy
a unique position within US society that has been positioned as a different society or
reality altogether when compared to nonblack people (Hecht et al., 1993; Feagin, 1991).
The existence of what has been referred to as “two separate societies” - one black, and
one white assumes that these two societies have also developed as separate cultures with
distinct mental programs and cultural manifestations (Hecht et al., 1993).

However, while attention to the diversity of white Americans ofien focus on the
impact and influence of socio-economic issues, education, geographical location, ethnic
heritage, religion, and so forth, on an individual’s cultural experience, African-Americans
are often considered to be homogenous in their collective mental program regardless of
these other factors. This is driven by the underlying assumption that being black in this
society determines ethnic and cultural experience (Hecht et al., 1993; 1989; Boton &
Smitherrnan, 1991; Fine & J ames-Meyers, 1989; Oliver, 1989; James-Meyers, 1987;
Semmes & Makalani, 1985; Barnes-Harden, 1984).

The first purpose of this chapter is to examine the propositions by scholars in this
field of the significant role that race plays in determining a collective mental program and
how this is played out in the values, norms, and behavior of this group. The second
purpose is to challenge these propositions in the form of hypotheses and research

questions by proposing how the core frames may difi‘er across the various demographic

35

36

groups of Afiican-Americans examined in this research. This will ultimately give
researchers and scholars a better understanding of the impact, if any, that Afiican-
American cultural fi'ames have on the diverse lives and experiences of black people.
Approaches To Examining African-American Culture

Although the body of research in this area is very diverse, expansive, and
somewhat fragmented, prior scholarship regarding Afiican-American culture generally
employ one of the following perspectives or approaches. The first view focuses on the
historical context in which African-Americans were taken from their homeland and tribal
afliliations and thrust into a life of slavery and dehumanization in which an oppressed and
displaced society emerged and continues to exists today (Harley, 1995; West, 1993;
Asante & Mattson, 1992; Hecht et al., 1993; Feagin, 1986). A similar, but different view
focuses less on the historical origins of Afiican-Americans and more on contemporary
forms of discrimination, racism, and prejudice that permeate the fundamental systems of
our society and continue to Oppress Afiican-Americans and other nonwhites with unequal
opportunities (Terkel, 1992; Essed, 1991; Feagin, 1991; van Dijk, 1987; Feagin, 1986;
Crosby, Bromley, Saxe, 1980; Eckberg, 1980).

A third approach focuses more on the Afiican cultural elements that have been
retained for almost four centuries of living in America (Barnes-Harden, 1984). These
“African survivals” are proposed to continue within the behavior and worldviews of
blacks, giving them a unique cultural center (Dent, 1992; Watts, 1992; Webster, 1992;

Thompson, 1990; London & Giles, 1987; Sutherland, 1989; Meyers, 1987).

37

Irrespective of the approach taken by a particular scholar (s) or school of thought, the
following reoccurring themes tend to dominate this research:
0 A shared history of slavery and oppression as well as the continuing significance of
race, racism and discrimination targeting African-Americans
o The impact of segregation and separate social institutions
0 A unique communication system
0 A shared African ethnic heritage
Decades of research, both conceptual and theoretical have presented these issues
as being key determinants of a unique Afiican-American culture. The goal of this chapter
is to explore each of these cultural frames in detail as well as to explore the importance of
their impact on Afiican-Americans.
A Shared History of Slavery, Racism, Discrimination and Oppression
Scholars have long focused on the devastating efi‘ects a legacy of slavery,
combined with the continuing impact of institutional racism and discrimination, has had on
the psyches of black people (Husenmoller Nightingale, 1993; Asante & Mattson, 1992;
Webster, 1992; Terkal, 1992). The black experience is generally presented as one of
exceptional racial victimization. Most race-relations texts claim that, although most
nonwhites are historical victims of racially motivated discrimination, the ancestors of
Afiican-Americans were particularly subjected to an extreme form of exploitation -
slavery. This forced migration is said to be a unique feature of the black experience

(Webster, 1992).

38

Hecht et al.’s (1993) research is consistent with this perspective. These authors
discuss how African-Americans share a unique culture due to an experience of slavery and
segregation, the migration north, and the civil rights and black power movements.
Politically and socially, Afiican-Americans share a past of voter disenfranchisement and
separation fi'om formal channels of power, with an economic life that is at best
disadvantaged compared to white Americans with comparable skills and training. The
profound efi‘ects of this history of oppression and slavery on African-Americans has
helped to create, in some cases, a value system plagued by resentment, nihilism and
despair (West, 1993; Lemon, 1991; Comer, 1980; Bagrnen, 1969).

In other ways, the fight and struggle against racism has assisted in creating a
culture and perception of a shared heritage that is born out of exceptional strength and
resilience. In recent history, African-Americans are bound together by two major social
movements that have changed the political, economic, and social status of blacks in many
ways. The defeat of the Jim Crow laws and the struggle to end segregation was viewed
by Afiican-Americans as an opportunity to join a prosperous and robust post-World War
II mainstream economy fi'orn which Blacks had by and large been excluded (Price, 1995).
This was followed by the Civil Rights Movement to finish the work of the first movement.
The success of the Civil Rights Movement was won with boycotts, marches, and voter
ICSiStration campaigns that rendered the remaining traditional practices of segregation and
overt acts of racism socially unacceptable to maintain. This unquestionably placed those
with solid education’s, ample family support, personal drive and a healthy dose of luck on

5‘" uPward escalator economically and socially (Robinson & Tidwell, 1995).

39

Many look to the successes of select African-Americans as proof that racism and
discrimination targeting blacks is a thing of the past - a part of history but not a current
reality by any stretch of the imagination (Robinson & Tidwell, 1995; F eagin, 1991;
Blaumer,1989; Wilson, 1978). But others disagree with the notion that racism and
discrimination is nonexistent. This latter camp purports that racism is still abroad in the
land of opportunity. Though subtler, and somewhat less pervasive now, it is still a well
documented and undeniable reality in employment, housing, lending practices, and the like
(Price, 1995; Robinson & Tidwell, 1995). Although there are increased opportunities for
Afiican-Americans as well as other minorities, there are two very distinct groups left in the
wake of these two movements. The first group is referred to by Price (1995) as the
“Equal Opportunity Generation,” the offspring of families who emerged from the Great
Depression and World War II sufliciently developed and economically strong to take
advantage of the unprecedented opportunities available after 1964.

It is the other, much larger group of Afiican-Americans, whose situation is dismal
and on a cycle of poverty, characterized by despair and nihilism. These individuals,
referred to by Price (1995) as “Those who were left behind,” were essentially unaffected
by the movements. Slavery and the era of Jim Crow undemrined their family structures.
Many were then brutally exploited as sharecroppers or fled to conditions that were little
better in urban centers. In this weakened state, these families were essentially unprotected
from the economic ravages of the Great Depression. Their children were in no position to
take advantage of the new opportunities, and the conditions of their lives have been

steadily deteriorating since the 1960s

4O

Millions of Afiican-Americans in these circumstances, as well as other ethnic
groups, remain stuck on the down escalator, headed nowhere or worse. These individuals
remain walled off in inner-city and rural enclaves, ill-equipped and excluded far outside the
American mainstream, yet they are reminded daily by various media channels of just how
irrelevant they are economically, socially and politically. Surrounded by other black
people in similar circumstances, their perception and personal realities will differ from
more fortunate individuals in terms of how they view racism and discrimination. Howard
(1995) asserts that it is racism, discrimination, and apathy in the United States that have
allowed conditions to breed where whole communities feel abandoned.

However, “Those who were left behind” are not the only Afiican-Americans
continuing to experience discriminatory practices. F eagin (1991) asserts that regardless of
one’s social class or status, that being an Afiican-American in this society means that you
will still be faced with discrimination and viewed as a “second-class citizen.” Pearce
(1980) investigated discriminating practices in the real estate field targeted toward
Afiican—Americans. She sent black and white couples (matched in income) into the field
to see if differential treatment by real estate brokers would occur. She found very little
discrimination regarding quality of financial advice and personal courtesy. However,
Pearce found discrimination in terms of the houses shown and the amount of time spent
with the couples. Black couples were less likely to be shown a house on the first visit and

were steered to different, less desirable housing compared to white couples (Pearce,

1980).

41

In another study, F eagin ( 1991) purports that although much of the literature on
contemporary US racial relations tends to view black middle-class life as substantially free
of traditional discrimination, race continues to have a significant impact on the lives of
blacks. Feagin (1991) asserts that regardless of one’s social class or status, that being an
Afiican-American in this society means that you will still be faced with discrimination and
looked upon as a “second-class citizen.” Feagin examines middle-class Afiican-Americans
because while non-blacks may acknowledge that lower class Afiican-Americans continue
to experience discrimination, partially due to the impact of having less education and
economic opportunities, middle-class blacks are “proof” to the dwindling significance of
race.

Feagin (1991) draws on accounts of discrimination given by 37 middle-class
blacks. Based on these accounts, the majority of his interviewees experienced racial
discrimination from majority members ranging from blatant verbal insults fi'om strangers to
not getting proper service in restaurants. These participants maintain that racial
discrimination exists in this society, but whites cannot believe it because they do not
experience it first hand nor do they understand the ongoing impact that racism has on the
psychological health of blacks, as well as other minorities in this society.

Feagin goes on to highlight two significant aspects of the discrimination faced by
all black Americans regardless of their social and economic status: (1) the cumulative
character of an MM; experience with discrimination, and (2) the group’s
accumulated historical experiences as perceived by the individual. Moreover, F eagin

(1991) argues that the cumulative impact of racial discrimination accounts for the special

42

way that blacks have of looking at and evaluating interracial incidents. One of F eagin’s
interviewees discusses the notion of a “second eye” that she feels blacks possess. She
states that the impact of racial discrimination “causes you (blacks) to look at things from
two different perspectives. You have to decide whether things that are done or slights
made are because you are black or simply because the person is just rude, unconcerned
and/or uncaring (Feagin, 1991, p. 115).”

Feagin states that the language of the “second eye” suggests that blacks look at
white-black interaction through a lens colored by personal and group experiences with
cross-institutional and cross-generational discrimination. What many whites see as black
“paranoia” is simply a realistic sensitivity to white-black interactions created and
reinforced by the two types of cumulative discrimination (Feagin, 1991).

The most important impact that discrimination and racism play on the psyches of
Afiican-Americans is the extra burden placed on blacks that white Americans do not have
to experience. This burden influences the entire worldview of Afiican-Americans.
Moreover, the accumulation of racist experiences add wear and tear to the mental being of
an individual. One of Feagin’s interviewees states that by being black, one must be
constantly prepared to assess accurately a potentially discriminating incident and decide on
the appropriate response. Another woman interviewed by F eagin discussed how her
ascribed characteristic of “blackness” takes precedence over her achieved middle-class
characteristics and that the grouped thinking of racism obscures anything about her that is

individual and unique.

43

In summary, prior scholarly discussions of the historical impact and the continuing
force and impact of discrimination and racism is one of the key cultural frames shared by
African-Americans. It is one of the common forces binds African-Americans together and
assists in shaping the beliefs, norms, and behaviors of this group.

However, it would seem unlikely that all African-Americans would experience and
have similar perceptions of discrimination and racism targeting African-Americans.
Income, age, and residence in certain African-American density areas may influence this as
well. To explore this issue further, the first two hypotheses are proposed.

H10: If there L1 a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in how they perceive racism, discrimination, and negative stereotypes
targeting African-Americans.

[11,: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans in
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in how they perceive 'racism, discrimination, and negative stereotypes

targeting African-Americans.

44

The impact of segregation and separate social institutions

Prior research has also identified the impact of segregation and separate social
institutions on the development and sustainment of Afiican—American culture. It is argued
that understanding the cultural reality of Afiican-Americans can only be accomplished by
recognizing the complexities of life in a segregated America and the social elements that
fimdamentally shape their existence (Hecht et al., 1993; Dent, 1992). In this discussion,
unless specified otherwise, segregation refers to separation motivated by personal choice,
economics, or geography and not legalized, forced segregation experienced prior to the
1954 Brown vs. The Board of Education ruling. This form of segregation is also fireled by
the inability of African-Americans to comfortably blend into the melting pot of mainstream
America due to distinct physical attributes.

Hecht et al. (1993) state that the conditions in the United States have not been
conducive to positive interethnic relationships or experiences. Moreover, the growth of
the African-American underclass which occupies the bottom position in every segment of
our society is an indicator of social and economic disenfranchisement that has encouraged
a system, of separate societies, one black and one white (Pinkney, 1986). Thus, African-
American social institutions have traditionally acted as a haven for African-Americans.

The institutions of the black church, educational institutions, and the family have especially
been critical in constituting and sustaining a unique African-American culture (Hecht et
al., 1993). The next section will explore the institution of religion and its’ impact on

African-Americans.

45

The Black Church - Religion

The traditional black church refers to the Protestant denominational sects, dating
back to enslavement, that fused African styles of worship and beliefs with white American
tenets of Christianity (Smitherman, 1994). The Afiican-American church is considered to
be a purveyor of the cultural and spiritual cornerstone of the community. It is viewed as a
structural and organizational element for the social life among Afiican-Americans (Frazier,
1963). The church is also key in establishing the moral fabric of the community and often
serves as a network for a plethora of opportunities including training programs and
business ventures (Richardson, 1994).

Other cultural elements deriving fi'om the church are the spirituals, which is a
precursor to Gospel music, also serving as the heart and soul of rhythm & blues and rock
& roll. Moreover, the Afiican-American style of preaching has created numerous orators
such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Jesse Jackson, and the Rev. Dianne Beverly just to
name a few. The church is not only viewed as a spiritual cornerstone of the community,
but as a significant aspect of the African-American social reality in general (Smitherman,
1994; Hecht et al., 1993; Baraka, 1963).

An important element of Afiican-American culture is the dialogue or interactive
form of communication characteristic of Afiican-American sermons. It is not “A”
lecturing to “B.” It is “A” and “B” having an interactive experience even if “A” is one
person and “B” is an entire audience. The idea is that constant exchange is necessary for

real communication to take place. It has been ritualized in the traditional black church,

46

particularly in the back and forth exchange between the preacher and the congregation
during the sermon (Smithennan, 1995; Hecht et al., 1993).

Moreover, the black church has been noted as a significant force in nurturing the
surviving Afiican language and cultural traditions of Afiican-Americans over the centuries
and serving as a rich reservoir of the Afiican-American oral tradition. Smithennan (1994)
states that:

In the spirit-getting, tongue-speaking, vision-receiving, Amen-saying, sing-

song preaching, holy-dancing Traditional Black Church, the Oral Tradition

is Live!

Another important aspect of the church is that it has not been pressured to take on
Eurocentric culture and speech. As one of few independent African-American institutions,
the black church does not have to answer to white America (Smitherrnan, 1994). This
makes the church a truly special haven for Afiican—Americans who are of minority status
in many other aspects of American society.

The religious, spiritual dimension of the church is, of course, also central to the
Afiican-American experience. Although the church did adopt EuroAmerican Christianity,
it was Afiicanized. The black church maintained the Afiican concept of unity between
sacred and secular worlds. That is, all of life is viewed as holy. An example of this is the
many Afiican-American popular singers who came out of the church and comfortably shift
back and forth between the church and the world outside the realm of religion (i.e.,
Whitney Houston, Boy-to-Men, Aretha Franklin) .

Prior research also suggests that African-Americans and white Americans tend to

have different perceptions of religion and levels of participation in church based activities.

47

Data from the 1992 and 1995 Yankelovich MONITOR show that not only does religion
play a more important role in the lives of African-Americans compared to whites, but that
African-Americans participate in more church based activities. This finding suggests that
overall, religion is more important as an institution to African-Americans than white
Americans. However, the question remains to be answered if it plays the same role and/or
has the same implications to African-Americans in different socioeconomic positions, age
groups and levels of integration and socialization into mainstream American society. The
following hypotheses, H20 and H2, are proposed.

E120: If there i; a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of the role of religion and the

church in their lives.

[12,: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
various income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of the role of religion and the

church in their lives.

Education

As with all Americans, education is the historic gateway for improving the social
and economic status of African-Americans. In short, it is often the only vehicle for a

better way of life for blacks (McBay, 1995). As a result of legal racial segregation, black

48

colleges and universities were formed starting in 1837 with Cheyney University and
expanding to over a hundred by 1936 (Harley, 1995; Asante & Mattson, 1992). There has
always been a strong relationship between historically black colleges and universities and
the African-American community. The status of the black population greatly influenced
the development of black colleges just as black colleges has had and continues to have a
great impact on the progress made by this population in improving their status in the
United States (Price, 1995; Richardson, 1994). Private charities, churches, and
freedman’s societies are examples of other alternative educational institutions during the
era when Afiican—Americans were not allowed to attend school with white Americans
(Asante & Mattson, 1992; Haley, 1995; Hecht et al., 1993). Although integration of
predominantly European American schools and institutions occurred on a large scale in the
late fifties and early sixties, many black lawyers, dentists, and teachers in the United States
today continue to receive their degrees from black institutions of higher learning (Harley,
1995; Hecht et a1, 1993). Furthermore, because schools are traditionally located where
Afiican-Americans enact cultural rituals that sustain and reinforce ethnic identity (such a s
nonverbal and verbal communication forms discussed later in this dissertation) college
bound African-Americans often feel more comfortable in an environment where they are

not “the only one.”

Elementary and secondary education for the majority of African-Americans is a
public enterprise, primarily due to socioeconomic circumstances. Although school
desegregation has been mandated with the 1954 Brown v. The Board of Education ruling
and the Civil Rights act of 1965, geographic isolation has played a critical role in the

continuing separation of racial groups in many public institutions (Harley, 1995; Hecht et

49

al. 1993; Kochman, 1982). Unfortunately, after some forty years afier the Brown v. The
Board of Education, the majority of African-American children remain in schools that are
separate and decidedly unequal (McBay, 1995; Richardson, 1994). Nevertheless, these
educational institutions provide fertile ground for the creation and maintenance of cultural
behaviors that remain group specific.

In short, the road to middle-class status in this society has often been through hard
work and academic achievements. Educational achievement among Afiican-Americans
continues to lag behind that of all other racial and ethnic groups, despite numerous
examples of individual accomplishments under segregated circumstances. Inadequate
preparation in unequal schools and continued racial prejudice have trapped more than a
third of African-Americans in a cycle of poverty and a quality of life comparable to that of
many Third World countries (Howard, 1995).

Historically, low educational achievement among Afiican-Americans has resulted
not only from poverty and prejudice, but also fi'om structured expectations in our schools
that Afiican—American children will fail. As a consequence of this self-fulfilling prophecy,
millions of African-American youth are left behind and are unprepared for the future
(McBay, 1995; Steele & Aronson, 1995).

Once again, this research will examine two issues relevant to African-American
and education. The first issue will examine if there are differences among income groups,
age groups, and black density areas in terms of the role that education plays in the lives of
African-Americans. The second issue will examine perceptions of educational barriers
encountered by Afiican-Americans. The following hypotheses, H30, H3, H40, H4. are

posed.

50

113.: If there is a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of education.

83.: If there is 32; a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of education.

H40: If there i; a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in their perceptions regarding educational barriers experienced by
African-American.

[14,: If there is £91 a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in their perceptions regarding educational barriers experienced by

African-American.

Sl

Ea_r_m_'_ly

Along with education and the institution of the church, family has also been
identified by researchers as a key conduit of Afiican-American identity and cultural codes
(Stevenson, 1995; Jaynes & Williams, 1989). Hecht et al. (1993) state that this is the first
social institution were the young begin to define and negotiate their worlds. This is where
language acquisition and the identification of significant group symbols are developed. In
Afiican-American families, these group symbols manifest themselves in the use of what
has been referred to as “Black English,” music, and world views.

Unfortunately, most family structures discussed regarding Afiican-American
families tend to be negative. Economic conditions and single parent homes, primarily
female-headed homes, have been purported as having a significant impact on the value
structure and social and economic prospects for the next generation (Jaynes & Williams,
1989). Although a comprehensive theory of Afiican-American families has yet to be
developed, two issues stand out in the work conducted on Black families (1) Enslaved
Africans utilized their cultural backgrounds and experiences in creating family life in
American which include respect for elders and mothers, and the practice of extended
family ties; and (2) Economic, geographic, and public policy changes affected the
development of family traditions (Stevenson, Jr., 1995; West, 1993; Husenmolder
Nightingale, 1993).

While there have been significant changes in most American families in the past 30
years, higher divorce rates, lower marriage rates and teen pregnancy have lead to a larger

amount of Afiican-Americans living in poverty. For example, during the 19805, 30% of

52

all Afiican-Americans lived below the poverty line ($11,000 per year for a family of 4),
27% earned less than $4,000 a year, and 2% earned an income of over $25,000 a year
(Pinkney, 1986). Although previous research surveys have shown that white and black
families are similar in size, with African-Americans having slightly larger household (an
average of 3 versus 2.9 for whites) (Yankelovich MONITOR. 1992; Yankelovich African-
American MONITOR, 1992), it is with the composition of the household where critical
differences are observed. Twenty-eight percent of Afiican-American families are single
parent homes (one parent, multiple children) compared to only 5% of white families (white
families are more likely to compose of two parents, one child). Furthermore, household
income for Afiican-Americans in these studies are $26,400 versus $46,900 for whites
(1992 Yankelovich MONITOR; 1992 Yankelovich Afiican-American MONITOR).

In previous years such as the 503, 603 and early 70s, when young parents were
getting started or when good paying jobs were scarce, many extended black families lived
together and were better able to make ends meet and to absorb wage losses (Swinton,
1993). But, with many extended families now living further apart from one another, many
family units can no longer pool their earnings or share living expenses. Many black
children who used to be supported by or cared for by the efforts of two parents,
grandparents, aunts and uncles now ofien have only one parent at home and have
grandparents who are themselves living on the margin. Thus, the economic situation is
posited as one of the most powerful influences on the family structure (J aynes & Williams,

1989).

53

Because previous research examining black families tend to focus on those with
lower incomes, often on the edge of survival, there are issues that are relevant to these
circumstances that would not be for families, black or otherwise, who are not financially
distressed. Previous research also suggests that when individuals do not perceive
themselves to be successful outside of the family structure, they must rely on their family
and/or peer groups more for their sense of identity and self esteem (Gallois, F ranklyn-
Stokes, Giles, and Couplan (1988). The perceptions of family as it relates to an
individuals’ self identity may vary depending on how they perceive their status in the
world. This perception could be influenced by an individual or the family’s financial
position, lifestage, and experiences and interaction outside their racial group. This issue
will be explored further in the following hypotheses.

[150: If there is a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in their degree of satisfaction experienced from their family versus
outside activities.

[15,: If there js_no_t a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in their degree of satisfaction experienced from their family versus

outside activities.

54

A unique, pluralistic communication system: Black English

As discussed previously in this document, communication serves many key
functions in maintaining and co-creating culture. Culture, as adhered to in this research, is
fundamentally a social phenomena. Conversation is therefore a key aspect of culture. For
African-Americans, “Black English,” is a unique way of communicating characteristic of
Afiican-Americans. This form of interaction has been identified as a means of displaying
solidarity and maintaining cultural and ethnic identity (Srnitherrnan, 1994; Hecht et al.,
1993; Gallois et al., 1988). Black English is perceived negatively or positively depending
on what perspective one has of communication or the particular social situation in which

the communication occurs.

55

Black English: Negative perspective

Scholars who take a negative view have examined and identified Black English
from the standpoint of a deviant or deficient form of mainstream or standard American
English (Smitherman, 1977; Smitherman-Donaldson, 1988). Others have identified it as
developing fiom Afiican forms of speech (Hecht et al., 1993; Smitherman, 1977 ; Labov,
1982). When considering that Black English language patterns were originally developed
in the context of no language teachers, little encouragement to learn more than a little
English, and segregation, Afiican language patterns and meanings survived to create a
unique cultural form that exists today.

Although legitimized in some circles, it does not minimize the fact that social,
economic, and political upward mobility in the dominant, mainstream society requires that
racial/ethnic cultures be “fluent” in mainstream English (Seymour & Seymour, 1979).
Although traditionally, Black English vernacular is a reference point to which African-
Americans hold a positive regard, as well as a language that is held in high ethnic esteem,
signaling in-group solidarity, the stigma attached by dominant culture to nonstandard
speech forms does cause a double bind for Black English users (Garner &, Rubin, 1986;
Jenkins, 1982).

Afiican-Americans may react to this stigma by code switching (selective use of
Black English and mainstream English depending on the situation (Hecht et al., 1993;
Giles et‘al., 1977; Doss & Gross, 1992; Botan & Smitherman, 1991). Seymour and
Seymour (1979) identify three types of code switchers, each varying in its facility with

Black English and mainstream English. The first group of code switchers consists of

S6

African-Americans who are less formally educated and have difficulty (or no interest) in
using mainstream English. When mainstream English is situationally sanctioned, this
group can be stigmatized or penalized, choosing instead to remain silent. The second
group is formally educated, fluent in mainstream English but has difficulty expressing
themselves in Black English, and therefore experiencing problems or embarrassment when
Black English is preferred such as in the example of Mabry (1995) cited in the
introduction. The final group is educated and able to use both language systems. This
third group is considered a prototype of pluralistic language use (Hecht et al., 1993).

Code-switching, and the three different types associated with it, can have greater
implications than simply changing one’s language and communication styles. It can signal
a change in one’s cultural orientations. In the case of Afiican-Americans with pluralistic
language abilities, the conscious and intentional process in choosing which communication
system to use in a given situation may be aligned with appropriate situational attitudes,
beliefs, norms, and so forth. In other words, this individual may have dual cultural
orientations, recognizing that there is a time and place for each speech and language
styles. Neither is necessarily judged as good or bad in isolation, but rather as situationally
appropriate. In the case of the other two code switchers, there may be overall cultural
orientations that one form of communication is “wrong” and the other one “better.”
Bl ' : i 'v ive

Other studies conducted by scholars examining the communication style of

Afiican-Americans assert that Black English is a creative and cultural manifestation.

57

This communication system is proposed to be a unique language (along with other
linguistic markers) which has been fondly referred to as Black English or Black Talk
(Smitherman, 1994; Hecht et al., 1993). According to Smitherman (1994), Black English
or Talk crosses sex, age, region, religion, and social class boundaries. This transcendence
which occurs with Black Talk is due to the conunon source of this language form: the
Afiican-American experience and the oral tradition embedded in that experience.

The dictionary of Black Talk (Smitherman, 1994) exemplifies the importance of
this communication system. This language goes beyond mere words - it is a cultural map
that charts word meanings along the highways and byways of African-American life and
history. In order to understand idioms like “Handkerchief Head,” “Are you right,” and
“BooJee,” anunderstanding of how and why this nation within a nation developed its
own unique way of using the English language is needed (Smitherman, 1994). (N ote—
“Handkerchief Head” is an Uncle Tom-type person who defers to European Americans
and their authority; may also act against the interests of Black people. “Are you right?”
(1) is a traditional black church phrase, raising a question about one’s spiritual status, that
is, “Are you saved?” “Are you right with God?” (2) By extension, used outside of the
church to refer to a person’s moral status, such as, “Are you honest and principled?” “Do
you have good intentions?” “BooJee” is an elitist, uppity-acting African-American,
generally with a higher educational and income level than the average Black, who
identifies with European American culture and distances him/herself from other African-

Americans (derived from bourgeois/ bourgeoisis (Smitherman, 1994).”

58

As far as some historians, linguists, and other scholars are concerned, during the
first half of this century it was widely believed that enslavement had wiped out all traces of
Afiican languages and cultures, and that Black “differences” resulted from imperfect and
inadequate imitations of European American language and culture. Today many scholars
agree that the African heritage was not totally wiped out, and that both Afiican-American
language and Afiican-American culture have roots in Afiican patterns. Over time, and
after prolonged contact with white Americans, Afiican-Americans adopted some
Eurocentric patterns, and their Afiican patterns of language and culture were modified -
but they were not erased. Afiican—American language and culture, then, reflects a dual
heritage; one of being Afiican and another American (DuBois, 1903).

The uniqueness of black English is evident in three areas: (1) Patterns of grammar
and pronunciation, many of which reflect the patterns that operated in West African
languages. (2) Verbal rituals fi'om the oral tradition and the continued importance of the
word, as in Afiican cultures. (3) Lexicon, or vocabulary, usually developed by giving
special meanings to regular English words, a practice that goes back to enslavement and
the need for a system of communication that only those in the enslaved community could
understand (Jenkins, 1982; Smitherman, 1977; Dillard, 1977; Botan & Smitherman,

1991).

Proof of the important role that Black English plays in the lives of Afiican-
Americans is seen when words, phrases, or idioms cross over to mainstream America.
The absorption of Afiican-American English into “Eurocentric culture” masks its true
origin and reason for being. Black English is not simply a way of adding a“ little style” to

ones’ conversation or being knowledgeable in the latest hip-hop vernacular. It is a

59

language born from a culture of struggle, a way of talking that has taken surviving African
language elements as the basis for self expression in an alien tongue. Through various
processes such as “semantic inversion” (i.e., taking words and turning them into their
opposites), Afiican-Americans stake their claim to the English language, and at the same
time, reflect distinct black values that are at odds with Eurocentric standards (Smithennan,
1994; Hecht et al., 1993). Therefore, when words, expressions, or phrases cross over into
US mainstream society, they become suspect and are no longer used in the black
community. A new term must be generated to take its place. On the other hand,
language, expressions, words, and so forth that do not cross over, regardless of how old
they are, continue to be used.

Smitherman (1994) argues that this way of communicating, Black Talk, is the
commonality that goes across demographic boundaries. Regardless of ones job or social
position, most Afiican-Americans experience some degree of participation in the
community. In other words, black women get their hair done in black beauty shops, black
men and women worship in black churches, black college students join black fiaternities
and sororities, and African-Americans attend black social events.

Prior qualitative research has stressed the crucial role that communication plays in
interaction among Afiican-Americans. This form of communication is proposed to be
shared with other African-Americans symbolizing solidarity and shared cultural and ethnic
identity. However, there is no empirical research which examines the impact that income,
age and residence in low, moderated, or high black density areas may have on 1) whether
or not individuals feel black English exists and 2) whether they have negative or positive

perceptions of it. The following hypotheses are posed:

6O

86.: If there i; a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant

differences in their beliefs of whether there is such a thing as “black English.”

86.: If there is go; a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences

in their beliefs of whether there is such a thing as “black English.”

870: If there '5 a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in whether they perceive black English as a form of communication that

is positive and appropriate or a negative, inappropriate way of communicating.

87.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences
in whether they perceive black English as a form of communication that is positive

and appropriate or a negative, inappropriate way of communicating.

88.: If there ’g a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant

differences in their personal use of black English.

61

88.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of' all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences

in their personal use of black English

62

A shared African ethnic heritage

Another cultural frame explored by scholars in discussions of Afiican-American
culture is the shared Afiican ethnic heritage. Put another way, African-Americans share a
common historical bond, that being racial and ethnic origin.

Asante and Mattson (1992) state that Afiican-American culture is Afiican at its
most elemental and fundamental level; fiom the construction of sentences to the choosing
of music. The legacy and heritage of thousands of years of human response to the Afiican
environment fused with almost 400 years of the Afiican-American existence in North
America has served to create a unique cultural experience (Asante and Mattson, 1992).

These researchers are among others who hold the perspective that African-
Americans are not absolutely detached from the long history and cultural tradition of the
continent of Afiica itself. The enslaved ancestors of present day African-Americans
brought with them all of the complex rituals, symbols, and ideas of Afiica that are alive in
many ways in contemporary Black American culture today (Asante & Mattson, 1992).

In a 1989 opinion poll conducted by Geneva Smitherman regarding the name
change from “Black” too “Afiican-American,” some Afiican-Americans felt that we have
been in the United States to long to have any Afiican in us - we are more American than
African. These individuals are doubtful that African-Americans could possibly have
retained any elements of Afiican survivals after being forcibly separated from their
homeland and subjected to slavery (Barnes-Harden, 1984). Many in this survey, however,
felt that there is a connection between us and Afiica, its origin and cultural identity being

that primary bond (Smitherman, 1994).

63

Barnes-Harden (1984) contends that no matter how Oppressed the African slave
was or how much his or her cultural heritage suppressed, Afiican-Americans have
managed to retain some parts of the original African way in his or her safekeeping
(Barnes-Harden, 1984). She refers to these African retentions as “Afiicanisms” or African
continuities or survivals. The Afiicanisms can be recognized easily as they appear in either
obvious or readily comparable forms in black life. She notes that a number of Afiicanisms
are disguised and work undetected by even blacks themselves.

Alene Barnes-Harden, a professor at Kent State University, gives the example of
her African-American student who had Afiican neighbors. He initially noted that the
foods of his Afiican neighbors appeared strange and unappealing. As he became more
familiar with these people, he realized that the ingredients of their dishes were basically
foods he also eats himself. Professor Barnes-Harden asserted to her student that when the
taste of that soul food dinner delicacy of collard greens and cornbread is enhanced by
sopping it up 03‘ the dinner plate with his hands, that is no disregard for etiquette, it is the
African way - thus, a cultural concept that is a positive act as opposed to the negative
ones that separates rather than unites black people (Barnes-Harden, 1984).

Other Afiicanisms which can be traced in the lives of black people throughout

North American, Central America, and South America include:

64

Adommeat

o comrowing of hair; elaborate braiding of hair

0 wrapping the hair with string and beads

o wearing of jewelry: ankle bracelets; piercing of the nose; piercing of the ear to hold
several earrings; wearing of jewelry by men

0 dress - the wearing of loud, harmonious colors

Musi_c

o syncopation-playing between the beat

0 improvisation-creating without a written score

0 emotional or hot performance practice-highly emotional and exciting

o polymeter-several contrasting rhythmic systems occurring simultaneously

0 unity of song and dance (Afiican music combines song and dance)

0 leader-chorus vocal practice-responsorial style of singing

0 call and response

My;

0 individual performance

0 physical involvement in dance-use of total body and pelvic movements

0 particular black American dance forms

Art forms

- basket weaving

0 wood carving

65
Sm
- religious motivation
- conjuring (working with the supernatural)
0 recipes for warding ofi‘ evil spirits
WM
a continuum of spirit and matter
0 dynamic unity of all things
Fanl’ly
0 practice of extended family ties
o respect for elders
o respect for mothers
Commu '
o cooperative economic and labor endeavor
o mutual-aid societies
0 secret societies
0 military techniques
AME.
0 industrial habits (in the use of mortar and pestle)
0 working rhythmically
0 specific planting methods
0 practice of herbology

o closeness to nature

.11»

her

33P

in

H9,

into

dill}

66

These Afiicanisms can be used to unify not only African-Americans but blacks in
the entire Diaspora whether they are in northern American cities or southern rural areas;
the Georgia Sea Islands or Surinam; Barbados; Haiti, Trinidad, or Jamaica; Cuba, Puerto
Rica, or Brazil; Grenada or Guyana. Black people are still connected to the various
geographical parts of mother Africa (Barnes-Harden, 1984; 1987).

It can be hypothesized that Afiican-Americans who interact and socialize with
other African-Americans are more likely to feel connected to their ethnic heritage.
Moreover, those with less income are more likely to embrace positive aspects of their
lives, such as ethnic identity, instead of focusing on mainstream definitions of success and
achievement. Afi'ican-Americans who interact more with non-African-Americans and who
have achieved at least a moderate level of financial success will be less likely to rely and
feel the need to commit to ethnic heritage.

A counter-argument regarding this thinking is that as Afiican-Americans become
more isolated from other blacks, they are more likely to be committed to their ethnic
heritage and actively seek out elements of their racial and ethnic heritage because this is an
aspect of themselves that is not expressed daily due to less involvement with other
Afiican-Americans than individuals in who are interacting regularly with other Afiican-
Americans. The following hypotheses are posited.

899: If there jg a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant

differences in their commitment and interest in their African-American heritage.

67

89,: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences
in their commitment and interest in their African-American heritage.
Summary

The cultural frames identified in this chapter as having a significant impact on
African-American’s collective mental program, which in efl‘ect drives the manifestations of
culture, are not by any means the only issues relevant to the discussion of Afiican-
American culture. They are, however, critical factors that have been discussed in various
works and forums as influencing an African-American perspective on the world. These
issues highlight the impact that race has had on the cultural experience of blacks. In other
worlds, the underlying assumption of presenting race as a determinant of culture is that
Afiican-Americans are never simply “American.” They are black first and foremost.

Figure 7 presents the conceptual model of Afiican-American culture.

 

 

 

68

 

 

 

 

 

 

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69

This approach to examining African-American culture stresses that the cultural
frames discussed in this chapter transcend boundaries that would otherwise separate
groups of people such as socio-economic factors, lifestage, status, and so forth. In other
words, race in this society is such a powerful social reality that it truly determines an
Afiican-American’s cultural experience. For example, an Afiican-American may be very
well educated, successful, affluent and well respected in their career and community.
However, as long as he or she is blaclg he or she will be bound or connected to a similar
cultural experience similar to the person who has very little education and is working a
minimum wage job with no hope for a better future. Thus, the underlying assumption of
this research is that race is a primary determinant of culture regardless of other factors
involved. The limitations to this assumption and others will be discussed in the next
section.

Limitations of this Approach

The primary limitation of this research concerns the global focus on the similarities
of the “Afiican-American experience.” It fails to truly challenge this model of African-
American culture by exploring how other important individual experiences may impact
how these cultural elements impact Afiican-Americans in a variety of circumstances,
environments, and lifestyles.

Collier & Thomas ( 1988) view this as an a priori concern. By defining an
individual’s cultural identity based on race alone ignores the complex identities and mental
programs that individuals have. These authors maintain that a priori predictions from

racial memberships are an over simplification because one’s racial identity may have a

7O

difi‘erent meaning or significance to one group member. Moreover, race is not always

. salient in all situations or interactions (Collier & Thomas, 1988; Lian, 1982). Cultural
mental programs are not birth rights, they are instead formed through naming or locating
the self in socially recognizable categories where particular collective thoughts and
behaviors are taught and sanctioned. Thus, researchers can not assume that race is a
primary determinant of culture for all African-Americans.

This shortcoming is related to a second limitation. The majority of research that
has examined African-American culture consists of qualitative work. No quantitative
research has measured these global aspects of African-American culture across different
groups of African-Americans. For example, with the differing degrees of interaction with
non-black populations, one would expect that unless race alone predicts culture (i.e.,
values, norms, etc.,) that interaction within nonblack populations would influence a
different type of enculturation process that would impact the influence of Afiican-
American cultural frames on individuals.

The next chapter will analyze the research hypotheses presented in this paper to
assist in assessing the role that race plays in determining collective mental programs and
culture by examining these frames across demographically distinct groups of Afi'ican-

Americans.

Chapter Three
METHOD
Introduction

The following chapter will discuss the sample used for this research, the
methodology and the specific measurements used to examine the hypotheses and research
questions.

Sample

The sample for this study is extracted from the 1995 Yankelovich Afiican-
American data base. The Yankelovich Afiican-American MONITOR sample is collected
through the entire contiguous United States. The data contained in this second wave
study (the first study was conducted in 1992) of African-American values, attitudes,
norms, and behaviors, are based upon personal interviews conducted among a nationally
representative sample of 1,009 Afiican-Americans 16 years of age or older. Interviews
were conducted from June 1995 to September 1995. Each interview was approximately
90 minutes and all interviewers were African-American.

Eighty-eight percent of the interviews were conducted in the respondents’ homes.
Twelve percent were conducted at central facilities after telephone recruitment of the
respondent. Central facility interviews were encouraged only if the location of the
respondent’s home was deemed too dangerous, or if the respondent preferred to have the
interview conducted away fiom home. One hundred and twenty-six such interviews took

place.

71

72

The basic data used in implementing this sample were African-American final
population statistics for states and Metropolitan Statistical Areas as compiled in the 1990
Census of the United States and updated by Yankelovich Partners to reflect the Afiican-
American population as of December 31, 1994.

A multistage random sample approach was used in selecting individual
respondents.

0 Based on data from the United States Bureau of the Census, the country was divided
into three strata of Afiican-American neighborhoods (or census tracts). The final data
represent equal proportions from each of the three strata— -

o One-third representing high density Afiican-American Census tracts (at least

82% Afiican-American)
- One-third representing moderate density areas (between 81% and 37%
Afiican-American)

o One-third representing the low density Afiican-American Census tracts (less

than 37% Afiican-American).

For purposes of emciency, we eliminated fiom consideration those Census tracts
with a minuscule percentage of African-Americans (less than 1%). These tracts represent
10% of all African-Americans. Therefore, we have developed a sample that represents

approximately 90% of all Afiican-Americans.

73

Sampling Procedures

The total population of the United States was stratified by the 9 Census

Divisions:

Division 1: New England
Division 2: Middle Atlantic
Division 3: East North Central
Division 4: West North Central
Division 5: South Atlantic
Division 6: East South Central
Division 7: West South Central
Division 8: Mountain

Division 9: Pacific

A random start point (with street name and household/apartment address) was selected for

each of the sampling units. Interviewing proceeded sequentially from the initial start point

until six interviews (3 men and 3 women) were completed in that tract.

Interviewing hours were from 4pm to 9pm on weekdays and all day (9am to
9pm) on weekends and holidays in order to ensure a representative sample of
household members (those who work as well as those at home during the day).
Interviewers were required to make three attempts per household (initial
contact plus two callbacks) before taking that address off the potential contact

sheet.

74

Once a household qualified then one of the household members 16 years of age or
older within the household was randomly selected for the interview. At least three
attempts were made to interview the designated respondent if he/she did not happen to be
at home at the time of the household selection. Respondents were paid $20 for completed
interviews.

Sampling Balancing Procedure
Desi Wei t

A number of weighting procedures were applied to the raw sample data in order to

adjust for certain built-in-sampling efficiencies. First, a design weight was applied to

,9 9’

readjust for sampling efficiencies of “high, moderate” and “low” density Census tracts.
On average, all high density tracts were oversampled by a rate of 2, and were given a
design weight to bring them back into the correct proportion of one-third of the
neighborhoods. Moderate density cluster were sampled at the correct proportion, while

low density neighborhoods were sampled at half the normal rate. To bring the clusters

back into proper balance, the following design weights were applied:

Dansity Design Weight
High 1
Moderate 2

Low 4

75

Final Sample Balance

The total sample of 1,009 African-Americans was run through a separate sample
balancing program to ensure the Afiican-American MONITOR results were reflective of a
national profile of Afiican-Aniericans based on the most recent US Census information.
Seven variables were used in the national sample balancing input:

0 Sex

0 Age within sex

0 Marital status

0 Education

0 Household ownership

0 Region

Administering the African-American Yankelovich MONITOR
The developmental work prior to the first Afiican-American Yankelovich MONITOR
survey revealed that four problems needed to be taken into account in administering the
questionnaire to the sample respondents:
l. avoiding any chance of respondent reticence in answering questions that might
be construed as sensitive
2. the logistic dificulties involved in any instrument where a large number of

visual exhibits are used

76

maintaining respondent attention at peak level while still conducting a
conversation in which many of the answers were in the form of statement
numbers and/or letters (as opposed to verbal answers)

avoiding biases due to item order (with attitudinal and sensitive items in

particular)

Several mechanisms were used to overcome these potential pitfalls:

1.

To avoid respondent reticence: The respondent physically held the visual
exhibits on which all scale items and multiple-choice items were shown. These
were all identifiable by numbers or letters. (The visual exhibits were 8 1/2” x
11’ ’ in size and spiral-bound together for convenience in handling and to insure
that the order of the exhibits would be maintained. The interviewer’s
questionnaire (for sensitive questions) did not physically show the content of
the items, only its numerical or alphabetical symbol. The interviewer,
therefore, could not by word, gesture or facial expression indicate
comprehension of an answer.

Overcoming the logistical dificulties: Periodically, throughout the interview,
nonsensitive items were listed in their entirety on the interviewer’s question
form. Thus, from time to time, the interviewer could check an actual answer
given.

Maintaining respondent interest: The subject matter itself was probably the
most helpfiil element in maintaining respondent interest. However, there was

some concern about possible deflection of this interest because of the

77

mechanisms being used to offset respondent reticence (namely, having the
respondent answer questions with numbers and letters). Accordingly, several
times throughout the interview, self-administering sets of questions were
introduced, where the interviewer handed several pages of the questionnaire to
the respondent for him or her to fill in. This device served as a change-of-pace
element; it also permitted the most sensitive items in the Afiican-American
Yankelovich MONITOR questionnaire to be answered by the respondent

without interchange of any type with the interviewer.

To avoid biases due to item order, two rotations of the questionnaire were
administered. For attitudinal items (e. g., discrimination that afi’ects you most),
items were rotated to insure that item selection was not due to the order in which
the item choice appeared. For non-attitudinal/non sensitive, behavioral items
(e.g., magazines you currently subscribe to), no rotations were conducted.

Respondents either subscribed or they did not.

78

Spegifjc measurag uaad to test resaarch hypotheses

A shared history of slavery, racism, discrimination and oppression
Hypotheses lo & l.

81.): If there i_s a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
all income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in how they perceive racism, discrimination, and negative stereotypes
targeting African-Americans.

81.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans
in different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in how they perceive racism, discrimination, and negative stereotypes
targeting African-Americans.

A factor of four items was created to measure the extent to which African-
Americans perceive that negative stereotyping and racism targeting blacks still exists. The
items for this factor are measured by a four point scale:

0 Strongly Agree

0 Agree

0 Disagree

- Strongly Disagree

79

Factor 81: alpha = .70

1. White people don’t understand who black people are

2. African-Americans are judged by their race first, and as individuals second
3. Discrimination is still a part of most African-Americans’ day-to-day lives

4. When I interact with white people, they only see a black person, not me

Another issue will also be measured to examine how perceptions of racism and
discrimination are passed on to future generations by exploring what respondents believe
Afiican-Americans should be telling their children about this society.

Item 81: Statements Afiican-American parents should be telling their children (Multiple
choices allowed):

0 Anyone can be successfiil in this country if they are willing to work hard

0 You will have to work harder than White people to get the same amount of

credit

0 You should never use being black as an excuse for your problems

0 American institutions are biased in favor of White people

0 Most white people can not be tnisted

80

The impact of segregation and separate social institutions
Religion: Hypotheses lo & 2.

820: If there jg a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
all income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of the role of religion and the
church in their lives.

82.: If there is _r_r_9_t a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
various income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of the role of religion and the
church in their lives.

The purpose of hypotheses 20 & 2, is to answer the question of whether or not
there is a difl‘erence in religious commitment and activity based on income, age and density
level of the Afiican-Americans in the respondents’ neighborhood. There are three items
measuring this issue.

Item 82A
People have difi‘erent feelings about the role of religion in their lives. How important
would you say religion is in your life? Would you say it is:

0 Very important

0 Fairly important

0 (or) Not very important

81

Item 82B

Of the activities listed on your card, which do you do at least occasionally?

Listen to religious programs on the radio

Attend a house of worship

Watch religious programs on TV

Read religious publications (such as magazines or books)

Give donations to religious organizations

Participate in social activities sponsored by religious organizations
Do volunteer work for a religious organization

Read a holy Book (such as the Bible, Koran, Torah)

Pray

Item 82C

People tell us that they attend church for many difi‘erent reasons. Looking at your

card, please tell me which of the following roles your church plays in your life.

Source of spirituality

Source of social contact and activity

Source of community involvement/volunteer work in the community
Source of political/civic information

Source of education for children

Source of musical outlet/entertainment

82

Education: Hypotheses 3o & 3.

830: If there jg a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
all income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of education.

83.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in how they perceive the importance of education.

Previous research suggests that white Americans and Afi'ican-Americans view the
purpose of education differently (Yankelovich MONITOR 1994, 1995). African-
Americans are more likely to see education as a way of getting ahead (a means to an end)
whereas white Americans are more likely to view it as a goal in and of itself, i.e., obtaining
education because the act of learning itself is reward enough.

Item 83
Which o_n_e of the statements listed on your card comes closest to your own feeling about

education?

Education is important to me as a means of getting ahead in the world.

0 Education is important to me as a means of becoming a more cultured, well-
rounded person.

0 Education is important to me for its own sake.

0 Education is not important to me.

83

Educational barriers: Hypotheses 4o & 4,

84.: If there i; a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in their perceptions regarding educational barriers experienced by
African-American.

84.: If there is £91 a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in their perceptions regarding educational barriers experienced by
African-American.

Hypotheses 4o & 4. is measured by a three item factor which focuses on perceptions of
barriers in education that African-Americans experience.

Factor- 84: alpha = .58

1. Afiican-American’s can’t get the education they need to succeed

2. Education is unattainable for most Afiican-Americans

3. African-American kids are less exposed to computers and technologies at an early age,

therefore they will have a difficult time competing in the workforce

84

Family: Hypotheses 5o & 5.

85.): If there is a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in their degree of satisfaction experienced from their family versus
outside activities.

85.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of
different income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant
differences in their degree of satisfaction experienced from their family versus

outside activities.

Hypotheses So & 5. examine the importance of family life. The following question
explores this issue.
Item 85
Which one statement describes your feeling toward your family?
0 All or almost all of my satisfaction comes from my home and family
0 Most of my satisfaction comes fi'om home and family
0 I get about as much satisfaction fiom my home and family as fiom away-from-
home activities
0 Most of my satisfaction comes from away-from-home activities

0 All or almost all of my satisfaction comes fi'om away-fi'om-home activities

85

Communication (black English): Hypotheses 60, 6., 7o, 7., 80 8:8.

The following hypotheses examine the attitudes regarding communication that the
different demographic groups possess.
Does black English exists?
860: If there i_s a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant
differences in their beliefs of whether there is such a thing as “black English.”
86.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all
income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences
in their beliefs of whether there is such a thing as “black English.”
The following question measures these hypotheses.
Item 86A
Some people think that Afiican-Americans speak to each other in a special way that can
be called “Black English.” Which m statement comes closer to describing your attitude
toward Black English?

0 I believe there is such a thing as “Black English”

OR

o I don’t believe there is such a thing as “Black English”

86

Is black English a positive or negative form of communication?

87.): If there i_s a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all

income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant

differences in whether they perceive black English as a form of communication that

is positive and appropriate or a negative, inappropriate way of communicating.

87.: If there is M a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all

income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences

in whether they perceive black English as a form of communication that is positive

and appropriate or a negative, inappropriate way of communicating.

Factor -87: alpha = .40

The following is a five item factor measuring attitudes toward black English. "‘

l.

2.

I am most comfortable when I communicate in Black English (R)

People who speak Black English will not succeed in this society

Black English is inappropriate in most situations

It is acceptable for marketers to use black English when marketing to Afiican-
Americans (R)

I feel that advertisers are stereotyping African-Americans when they use black

English

87

Do you speak black English?

Item 88B

Do you yourself ever speak Black English?
0 Yes ‘

0N0

88

Ethnic identity: Hypotheses 9o & 9.

890: If there is_ a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all

income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have no significant

differences in their commitment and interest in their African-American heritage.

89.: If there ispgt a common African-American culture, African-Americans of all

income groups, age groups, and black density areas will have significant differences

in their commitment and interest in their African-American heritage.

Hypotheses 9o & 9. taps into respondents interest in their Afiican-American ethnic

identity. This factor consists of six items.

Factor 89: alpha = .74

1.

2.

5.

6.

I like activities that celebrate my Afiican-American heritage

Advertising featuring Afiican-Americans is more likely to grab my attention

. I prefer my children choose Afiican-Americans as role models

I seek out products which reflect my African-American culture
I believe we should pass on religion/traditions to children

There should be more advertisements and commercials catering to Afiican-

Americans

Sp:

“it

into

hOUE

lOWe

Chapter Four
RESULTS
Specific analyses used to test hypotheses

When the data output are percentages fi'om an item (e. g., 50% of the respondents
in the high income group stated that religion is very important to them), a t-test statistic is
employed to test if the two independently selected samples represent a single population.
Because there are three groups within each of the demographic groups examined in this
research (i.e., high, moderate, low income groups; 16 to 29 years of age, 30 to 49 years of
age, and 50 and older; low, moderate, high black density neighborhood groups) a total of
three t-tests per item are conducted within a demographic groups (e.g., within age groups,
t-tests between group 1 and 2, group 1 and 3, and group 2 and 3 are conducted).

When the data output are means from a factor, one-way analysis of variance is
employed. In cases were the analysis cannot measure the direct relationship between the
variables, contrast analyses are used to directly examine these relationships.

Demographic characteristics of groups
This section of the analyses focuses on the demographic distribution of the groups
within income, age, and black density neighborhoods.
Income

Respondents in the high income group ($30,000 and over) are more likely to be in

households with larger family incomes and have larger individual incomes than those in the

lower income group (under $15,000) and the moderate income group ($15,000 -

89

90

$29,999). Individuals in the $30,000 or more group are also more likely to be
residents of low black density neighborhoods and have a higher level of education. There
are more women than men in the under $15,000 group as there are separated, divorced,
and widowed respondents.

Those in households of $30,000 or more annually are also more likely to be
married, husband and/or wife with children, and employed fiill-time (see table 2 through
table 4 for the details of the demographic distribution of the three income groups
examined in this research).

Age

Respondents in the 16 to 29 age group are in households with the largest income
(mean - $31,718) compared to those who are 30 to 49 years of age (mean - $29,716).
However, the younger group is more likely than not to be a child of the household with
parents, residents of low black density neighborhoods, with full-time jobs or be single and
students compared to those 30 to 49. Those in the 30 to 49 age group are more likely to
be married, the husband or wife in a dual earning family and employed fiill-time.
Individuals in the 50 and older group are more likely to be residents of moderate density
neighborhoods, with less education, married or sepuated/divorced/or widowed, and
retired. The children of the respondents 50 and older (the majority are parents) are adults
and not living with them (see table 2 through Table 4 for details of the demographic

distribution of the three age groups examined in this research).

De

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91

Density

Respondents living in low black density neighborhoods have higher household
incomes and educational levels, are younger, more likely to be married, full-time
employees, and tend to be in household types with husband/wife and children than those
living in moderate and high black density neighborhoods.

There is less distinction between individuals residing in moderate and low black
density neighborhoods. However, respondents living in moderate density neighborhoods
tend to be a little older than those living in high black density areas, be in households with
slightly higher income levels, and are married with less education (See table 2 through
Table 4 for details of the demographic distribution of the three density groups examined in
this research). The next sections report the results of the hypotheses tests. These
hypotheses examine if there are significant difi‘erences between income groups, age
groups, and density groups on items measuring African-American cultural fi'ames. A t-test
score between group one and group two is presented as tug), between group one and
group three as to,” and between group two and group three as tag), For example, among
age groups, 16 to 29 is group 1, 30 to 49 is group two, and 50 and older is group 3.

Thus, a t-test comparison between 30 to 49 and 50 and older would be presented as tm,

A t-test was conducted between each of the three income groups, age groups, and density

groups.

92

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95

Hypotheses l to 9: Results of Analyses
Perceptions of racism and discrimination targeting African-Americans
Hypothesis 1:

Hypothesis 1 examines if there are differences across income, age, and density
groups in how they perceive racism, discrimination and negative stereotypes targeting
African-Americans.

For the first measure of this hypothesis, the results of a discriminate analysis
suggests that there are not difl‘erences in factor H1 in perceptions of discrimination and
racism targeting African-Americans across the income, age, and density groups examined
in this research.

Across income groups, there is no significant difl‘erence in perception of
discrimination and racism targeting African-Americans. Respondents at all income levels
feel that discrimination and racism targeting Afi'ican-Americans continues to be a concern
(eta2 = .0016, df= 1, 328, P > .05).

Examination of the means, however, show a nonlinear relationship between
perception of discrimination and income groups (see table 5). Contrast analyses were
conducted to pull out the linear correlation and measure the nonlinear relationship directly.

Contrast values were applied to the means of the three income groups.

Income: Under $15,000 $15,000 to $29,999 $3 0,000 or over
mean: 3.0 2.9 2.9
contrast: +2 -1 -l

N = 330 (weighted)

96

The contrast analyses showed that these means are significantly different (F = 2.2,
df = 328, p < .05). Individuals in the lower income group are significantly more likely to
feel that African-Americans are the targets of racism, discrimination, and negative
stereotyping.

Across age groups, there is not a significant differences between age and
perception of discrimination and racism targeting African-Americans (eta2 = .0075, df = l,
328 , p > .05). Examination of these means, however, show a curvilinear relationship
between perception of discrimination and age groups that the discriminate analysis may
not be able to read (See Table 5). Contrast analyses were conducted to take out the linear
component and measure the nonlinear relationship directly. Thus, contrast values were

applied to the means of the three age groups.

Age: 16-29 30-49 50+
mean: 2.9 3 .0 2. 9
contrast: -1 +2 -1

N = 329 (weighted)
The contrast analyses showed that these means are significantly different (F =22, dt‘
= 328, p < .05) and that individuals in the 30 to 49 age group are significantly more likely
to feel that African-Americans are discriminated against compared to individuals under 30

and those 50 and older.

97

Density
Across density groups, the difi‘erences between density and perceptions of
discrimination and racism targeting African-Americans is not significant (eta2 = .0052, df =
l, 328, p >05).

Examination of these means, however, show a curvilinear relationship between
perception of discrimination and age groups that the discriminate analysis may not be able
to read (See Table 5). Contrast analyses were conducted to take out the linear component
and measure the nonlinear relationship directly. Thus, contrast values were applied to the

means of the three density groups.

Density: Low Moderate High
mean: 2.9 3 .0 3 .0
contrast: -2 +1 +1

N = 336 (weighted)

The contrast analyses showed that these means are significantly different (F = 2.19,
df = 336, p < .05) and that individuals in low black density areas are significantly less
likely than individuals residing in moderate and high density areas to feel that
discrimination and racism is a serious concern among African-Americans.

The second part of this hypotheses examines what African-Americans feel they
should be telling African-American children to prepare them for society what parents tell
their children will reflect their views regarding discrimination and racism targeting African-

Americans. There are five statements measuring this issue.

98

1. Anyone can be successful in this country if they are willing to work hard

2. You will have to work harder than white people to get the same amount of

credit

3. You should never use being black as an excuse for your problems

4. American institutions are biased in favor of White pe0ple

5. Most white people can not be trusted

No significant differences were observed in statement 1 across income, age, or
density groups. Overall, approximately eight in ten African-Americans agree that parent
should be telling their children that “anyone can be successful in this country if they are
willing to work har

For statement two, over four in ten respondents agree that parents should tell their
children that “you will have to work harder that white people to get the same amount of
credit.” There were no significant differences across income and density groups for
statement two.

However, there are age differences. Younger African-Americans (16-24)
compared to older respondents are significantly less likely to agree that parents should be
telling their children that “you will have to work harder than white people to get the same
amount ofcredit”(t(.,2) = 3.24 , df= 1, 365; p < .01 tm, = 4.05, df= 1, 283, p < .01; tm,
=l.25, df= 1, 332, p > .05 ).

For statgmggt three, nearly seven in ten African-Americans feel parents ishould be
telling their children that “you should never use being black as an excuse for your

”

problems. There are significant differences between income and age groups in terms of

99

agreement that Afiican-American parents should be telling their children that “You should
never use being black as an excuse for your problems.” There are, however, no significant
differences between density groups.

Regarding income groups, the high income group is more likely than the two lower
income groups to agree that African-American children should be told by their parents that
“you should never use being black as an excuse for your problems” (tug) = .02, df = 1,343,
p > .05; t(1,3)=2.80, df= 1, 342, 2.80, p < .01; tm) =2.40, df= 1,299, p < .03) (see table
5).

There are also age differences regarding statement three. Group three (50 and
older) is less likely than group one (16 to 29) and significantly less likely than group two
(30 to 49) to agree that black children should be told that they should never use being
black as an excuse for their problems (tug) = 1.76, df= 1, 365, p > .05; tm, =1.49, df = l,
283, p > .05; um = 3.23, df= l, 332, p < .01).

Regarding statement four , over 3 in 10 African-Americans agree that “American
institutions are biased in favor of white people. There is a significant difference between
income groups for getement four. While only 27% of the respondents in the under
$15,000 and 28% of the respondents in the $15,000 to $29,999 income groups agree that
African-American parents should be telling their children that American institutions are
biased in favor of white people,” 39% of the individuals in the $30,000 and over income
group agree that parents should be telling their children this sort of information (tug) = .30

,df= 1, 343, p > .05; t(1,3,=3.34, df= 1, 342, p < .01; tm) = 2.86, df= 1, 299, p < .01).

100

No significant differences were found between age and density groups with statement four
(see table 5 for details of hypotheses H1)..

No significant differences were found in response to statement five, “most white
people can not be trusted,” across income, age, and density groups. Approximately two in
ten Afiican-Americans agree that black parents should be telling their children this

information.

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103

Summary: Hypothesis 1

Significant difl‘erences in perceptions of discrimination and racism where found
among income, age, and density groups, albeit not large. Among income groups,
individuals in the low income group (under $15,000) are more likely to feel Afiican-
Americans are continuing to be targets of discrimination, racism, and negative stereotypes.
Individuals in the highest income group ($30,000 and more) are significantly more likely
than the lower income groups to feel that African-American parents should be telling their
black children that they should never use being black as an excuse for their problems.
Interestingly, the higher income group is also significantly more likely than the other
income group to agree that parents should also tell their children that “American
institutions are biased in favor of white people.” No other difi‘erences across the three
income groups were reflected in the data for hypothesis one.

Individuals in the middle-aged group, 30 to 49 years of age, are significantly more
likely to perceive that racism and discrimination continues to target Afi'ican-Americans than
individuals in the young age group (16 to 29 years of age) and the older age group
(respondents 50 and older). The middle-aged group (30 to 49 years of age) are more likely
than the other age groups to feel that black parents should tell their children that they
should “never use being black as an excuse for your problems.” Younger individuals (16 to
29) are significantly less likely than their older counterparts (30 and older) to agree that
parents should tell their Afiican-American children that “you were have to work harder
than white people to get the same amount of credit.” No other differences across the three

age groups were reflected in the data for hypothesis one.

104

Although this difference is small, respondents living in low density black areas are
significantly less likely to feel that there is discrimination and racism targeting African-
Americans compared to respondents living in moderate and high black density
neighborhoods. No other differences across the three density groups were reflected in the

data for hypotheses one.

105

The impact of segregation and separate social institutions
Hypothesis 2: Religion
The second hypothesis examines differences in the impact religion and the church

have in the lives of African-Americans different income, age, and density groups.

Importance of religion

The first part of this hypothesis looks at the overall importance that religion has in the lives
of Afiican-Americans. The analyses suggests that there are no differences across income and
density groups in terms of the importance of religion. Approximately seven in ten African-
Americans in all income and density groups state that religion is very important to them. There
are age difl‘erences, however, in terms of the importance of religion. Religion is more
important to Afiican-Americans 50 and older (79%) and those 30-49 (75%) (tug) = 4.06, df =
1, 365, p < .01;t(1,3)= 4.61 , df= 1, 283, p < .01; 02,3) =1.18 , df= l, 332, p > .05 )compared
to only 61% of those 16 to 29 who state that religion is “very important.” There is no
significant difl‘erences between the two older groups in perceptions of the important role that
religion plays in their lives. Both these groups difi‘er significantly from the young group (16 to

29).

106

The role that religion plays in the lives of Afiican-Americans,

The second part of hypothesis 2 looks at the variety of roles that religion plays in

the lives of African-Americans across income, age, and density groups. The following are

the choices regarding the role of religion that that respondents had to choose from

(multiple choices allowed):

Listen to religious programs on the radio

Attend a house of worship

Watch religious programs on TV

Read religious publications (such as magazines or books)

Give donations to religious organizations

Participate in social activities sponsored by religious organizations
Do volunteer work for a religious organization

Read a holy Book (such as the Bible, Koran, Torah)

Pray

The results of the analyses show that overall “source of spirituality” is the most

important role that church plays in the lives of African-Americans, with “source of social

contact and activity” and “source of education for children” coming in at a far second (see

table 7).

There are difl‘erences across income and age groups for several of these choices.

For the three income groups, there are difl‘erences regarding religion as a “source of

spirituality” Individuals in the high income group ($3 0,000 and over) are more likely to see

religion as a “source of spirituality” (87%) compared to individuals in the under $15,000

107

income group and the $15,000 to $29,999 age group (79% and 76% respectively) (tug) =
.92 , df= l, 343, p >.05 ; 01,352.74, df= l, 342, p <.01;t(z3)=3.48,df= 1,299, p <
.01). Respondents in the high income group are also more likely to see religion as a
“source of community involvement/volunteer work in the community” (45% compared to
the low income group (35%) and the moderate income group (37%) (tug) = .54, df = 1,
343, p > .05; t(1.3)=2.66 , df= 1, 342, p < .01; ta,” = 2.00 ,df= 1,299, p < .05).

Higher income groups are also more likely to see church as a source of
political/civic information (23%) compared to low (14%) and moderate income group
(18%) (tm) = 1.43 ,df= 1,343; p > .05;t(1,3,=3.05, df= 1, 342, p < .01; 02,351.52, df=
1, 299, p > .05). F ifty-six percent of respondents in the middle aged group, 30-49, feel that
religion is a “source of education” for children compared to 48% of those 19-29 and 40%
ofthose 50 and older “(1,2) =.65 , df= l, 365, p > .05; t(1.3)=2.7 , df= l, 283, p < 01,013,
=2.27 , df= 1, 332, p <03).

Age differences regarding attitudes toward religion were also found in the data.
African-American respondents 50 and over are more likely to view religion as a “source of
spirituality” (86%) compared to the two younger groups (77% of those 16-29, and 79% of
those 30 to 49 feel this way) (tug) = 2.15 , df= l, 365; p < .04; 01,351.19, df= 1,283, p >
.05; tm, =4.01, df= l, 332, p < .01).

No significant difi‘erences were found across density groups in perceptions of the
role of religion in the lives of the respondents of this study (see table 7 for details of

hypotheses two).

108

Religious activities done at least occasionally

The third aspect of hypotheses 2 examines the religious activities that Afiican-
Americans of different income, age, and density groups participate in, at least occasionally.
For all Afi'ican-Americans in this sample, praying, attending a house of worship, and
reading a holy book are the top three religious activities done at least occasionally. The
data, however, indicates significant differences across income, age, and density groups.

Individuals in the high income group are more likely to “attend a house of
worship” (69%) compared to the low (60%) and moderate (60%) income groups (tug) =
“', df= l, 343; p > .05;t(1,3)= 2.44, df= l, 342, p < .01 ;t(z3) =2.31, df= 1,299, p <
.03).

Individuals in the high income group are also more likely to “give donations to
religious organizations” (62% compared to low (48%) and moderate (52%) income groups

(t(1.2)=1.04, df= 1,343, p > .05; tn,” = 3.66, df= 1,342, p < .01; ta,” = 2.48, df= 1,
299,

p < .01) and “read religious publications” (52% compared to low (40%) and moderate
(38%), income groups) “(13):.53, df= 1, 343, p > .05; V1.3): 3.14, df= l, 342, p < .01;
tm) =3.46, df= l, 299 , p <.01).

The data also showed significant age difi‘erences regarding participation in
religious activities as well. Older individuals (50 and older) are more likely to “attend a
house of worship” (69%) compared to younger African—Americans, 16 to 29 (62%) (tug)
=82, df= l, 365, p >.05;t(1,3)=1.74,df= 1,342, p > .05; ta,” = 2.59, df= 1, 332, p <

.01).

109

Respondents 50 and over are also more likely to “give donations to religious
organizations” (61%) compared to their younger counterparts (47% of those 16-29 and
53% of those 30-49 give donations to religious organizations) (tug) =1.61, df = 1, 365, p >
.05;

tm, =3.33, df= 1, 283, p < .01; 112.3): 2.02, df= 1, 332, p <04).

Younger Afiican-Americans are less likely to participate in certain religious
activities compared to their older counterparts over 29. Individual 30 and older are more
likely to watch religious programs on TV than those under 30. Only 34% of respondents
16-29 state that they “watch religious programs on TV” versus 52% of those 30 and older
(tm, =4.87, df= 1, 365, p < .01; {(1.3) =4.32, df= 1, 283, p < .01; tm) = ",df=1, 332).

Moreover, 33% of the younger age cohort under 30 read religious publications
compared to 49% of those 30 to 49 and 47% of those 50 and older. (tug) =4.35, df = 1,
365,p < .01; k131=3-4 0, df= 1, 283, p < .01; R13)=.50, df= 1, 332, p > .05).

Differences in participation of particular religious activities across density groups
were also observed. Individuals residing in low density Afiican-American neighborhoods
are more likely to “pray” (80%) compared to individuals living in moderate and high black
density areas (72% and 73% respectively) (tug) =2.40, df= 1, 327, p < .02; tum = 2.15, df
= 1, 337, p < .03; ta,” = .29, df= 1, 337, .p < .05). Moreover, low black density residents
are also more likely to state that they “attend a house of worship” (70%) compared to
individuals living in moderate and high black density areas (59% and 60% respectively)
(t(1,2)=2.95,df=1, 327, p < .01; tm) = 2.73, df= 1, 337, p <.01;t(2,3,=.27,df= 1,337, p

> .01).

110

Association with whites in church/religious functions

Previously in this dissertation, the black church as an institution was hypothesized
as being one that has historically been racially segregated. Therefore, an additional
analysis was conducted across income, age, and density groups to examine how much
interracial interaction occurs in the religious/church domain. Respondents were asked if
they regularly associated with white people at church/religious functions. Overall, only
three out of ten Afiican-Americans state that they regularly associated with white people
at these types of functions. Age differences were the only group distinctions observed.
Individuals SO and older are more likely to regularly associate with white people at
church/religious functions (39%) than individuals 16 to 29 (24%) and those 30 to 49
(31%) (1(1.2)=2.09, df= 1, 365, p < .04; t(1,3,= 3.89, df= l, 283; tm) =2.12, df= 1,332, p

< .03). See tables 7 through table 8 for details of hypothesis 2).

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113

Summary: Hypothesis 2

Hypothesis 2 examined the impact of religion and church among African-
Americans in different income, age, and African-American density groups. No differences
in terms of the importance of religion in an individuals life were observed across income
groups. There were significant difi'erences, however, regarding the role that religion plays
in an individual’s life and religious activities done at least occasionally. Individuals in the
high income group ($3 0,000 and older) are significantly more likely than the low (under
$15,000) and moderate ($15,000 to $29,999) income group to state that religion is a
source of spirituality and community involvement. Individuals in the high income group
are also significantly more likely to attend a house of worship, give donations to the
church and read religious publications. No other differences across income groups were
reflected in the data for hypothesis 2.

Religion is not as important to younger Afi'ican-Americans, 16 to 29, as it is to
individuals 30 and older. Regarding the role of church in their lives, older African-
Americans 50 and older, are significantly more likely to see religion as a source of
spirituality. Individuals 30 to 49 are significantly more likely than the youngest group (16
to 29) and the oldest group (50 and older) to see religion as a source of education.
Moreover, this is the one area were the younger group (16 to 29) feels more strongly than
the oldest group (50 and over) about the role of religion.

In terms of religious activities done at least occasionally, older respondents (50 and
older) are more likely to listen to religious programs on the radio, attend a house of
worship, and give donations compared to individuals under 50. Individuals 30 and older
are more likely to watch religious programs on TV and read religious publications than

individuals under 30.

114

In terms of interracial interaction at religious/church fiinctions, there is a positive
relationship between interactions with whites at these particular functions and age. In
other words, the older an individual is, the more likely they are to interact at church
fimctions with white Americans.

There are not significant differences across density groups regarding the
importance of religion and the role that religion plays in their lives.

Differences were observed, however, in reports of religious activities done at least
occasionally. Respondents living in low density black neighborhoods are significantly
more likely to state that they attend a house of worship, participate in social activities
sponsored by religious organizations, read a holy book and pray. No other differences

across density groups were reflected in the data for hypothesis 2.

115

Hypothesis 3: Education

Hypothesis 3 examines how African-Americans perceive education and the
importance of getting an education. Respondents were asked to choose among four
statements which one statement comes closets to their own feelings about education.

0 Education is important to me as a means of getting ahead in the world.

0 Education is important to me as a means of becoming a more cultured, well-

rounded person.
0 Education is important to me for its own sake.

0 Education is not important to me.

Six out of ten Afi'ican-Ameticans as a group feel that “education is important to
them as a means of getting ahead in the world.” Less than three in ten state that
“education is important to them as a means of becoming a more cultured, well-rounded
person. There were no significant differences across income, age, and density groups (see

table 9 for details).

116

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Hypothesis 4: Educational barriers

This hypothesis examines if there are different perceptions of educational barriers
across income, age, and density groups. African-Americans in general are leaning toward
the spectrum of agreeing that educational barriers exists for black pe0ple (group mean =
2.5 with 4= strongly agree and l = strongly disagree). Across income, age and density
groups, there is not a significant correlation between these variables and perceptions of
educational barriers targeting African-Americans.

Further examination of the income means, however, suggest a direct linear
relationship between income level and perceptions of educational barriers that is not being
picked up by the discriminate analysis (See Table 10). These contrast analyses were
conducted to measure this linear relationship directly. Contrast values were applied to the
means of the income three age groups.

Income: Under $15,000 $15,000-$29,999 330,000+
mean: 2.6 2.5 2.40
contrast value: +1 0 -l
N = 330 (weighted)

The contrast analyses showed that these means are significantly difi‘erent from each
other and that individuals in households with lower incomes are more likely to perceive
that there are educational barriers experienced by Afiican-Americans (F= 6.6, (1,328), p
<01)

An additional analysis was examined to understand the extent of interracial
interaction between black and white Americans in schooVeducational fiinctions.
Moreover, differences across difi‘erent income, age, and density groups is also of interest

for this research.

118

Overall, nearly one in two African-Americans state that they regularly associate
with white pe0p1e in school/educational functions. The findings of this analysis also show
income, age, and density differences in the amount of interaction with whites at
schooUeducational functions.

Regarding income groups, the findings suggests that African-Americans in the high
income group ($30,000 and over - 56%) are significantly more likely than the low income
group (under $15,000 - 41%) and moderate income groups ($15,000 to $29,999 - 46%)
to interact with whites during school/educational functions “(1.2) = 1.26, df = l, 343,
p>.05; tug) = 3.86, df= 1, 342, p < .01; t(;.3)= 2.46, df= 1, 299, p < .05.

There are also age difi'erences in terms of interaction with whites during
school/educational firnctions. This relationship is negative which suggests this finding is a
function of age, i.e., older people are less likely to participate in school/educational
functions than younger people. Younger people (16 to 29) are significantly more likely to
interact with white people during schooVeducational functions (60%) than people 30 to 49
(48%). However, respondents 30 to 49 are significantly more likely to participate in these
activities than people 50 and older (28%) (tug) = 3.23, df= 1, 365, p<.01; tm, = 7.61, df
= l, 283, p < .01; t(2,3)= 5.10, df= 1,332, p < .01).

Individuals in the low density group (51%) are significantly more likely than the
moderate (43%) and high density (46%) group to interact with whites during
school/educational fiinctions(t(1,2)= 2.06, df= 1, 327, p<.04; tm) = 1.30, df= ‘1, 337, p >

.05; t(2,3)= .79, df= 1, 337, p > .05) (see tables 10 through 12).

119

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Summary: Hypothesis 4

Hypothesis 4 examines perceptions of educational barriers experienced by Afiican-
Americans. No difl‘erences were observed across age and density groups. However,
individuals in the low household income group are more likely to feel there are educational
barriers experienced by blacks than individuals in the higher income group. Differences
across income groups were also observed in terms of interracial interaction during
school/educational fiinctions. Respondents in higher income households are more likely to
interact with whites during these functions than individuals with less money. Moreover,
younger African-Americans and individuals living in low black density neighborhoods are

also more likely to interact with whites during school/educational fimctions.

123

Hypotheses 5: Family
This hypothesis examines the role that family plays in the lives of Afi'ican-
Americans. The results of this analyses show that overall, almost 4 in 10 African-
Americans obtain “all or almost all of their satisfaction from their family.” Three in 10
receive “most of their satisfaction from their home and family,” and 2 out 10 Afi'ican-
Americans receive “as much satisfaction from home and family as fiom away-from-home
activities.” Only less than one in ten African-Americans receive “most or all of their
satisfaction from away-from-home activities.” There were no differences observed across
income groups. However, significant differences across age and density groups occurred.
Individuals 30 to 49 and 50 and older are significantly more likely to get all or
almost all of their satisfaction from their home and family (42% and 45% respectively)
versus only 28% for those 29 and under (tug) =3.91, df= 1, 365, p < .01; tm, =4.21, df=
1, 283, p < .01; t<2.31=-76. df= 1, 332, p > .05). Likewise, individuals 16 to 29 (24%) and
30-49 (21%) are more likely to feel that they get as much “satisfaction from their home and
family as from away-from-home activities” compared to only 15% of respondents 50 and
older (tug) = .97, df= l, 365, p > .05; n1,3,=2.67, df= l, 283, p < .01; tm, = 7.26, df= 1,
332 , p < .01).
There are also age differences in terms of obtaining satisfaction from away fi'om
home activities. As African-Americans get older, they are less likely to obtain satisfaction
from mostly away fi'om home activities (tag) =3.67, df = 1, 365, p < .01; to,” =2.57, df = l.

283, p < .01; 1.2.3, =.61, df= 1, 332, p < .01).

l24

There were also differences across density groups. Individuals living in moderate
and low black density areas are more likely to feel that all or almost all of their satisfaction
comes from their home and family (42% and 40% respectively) compared to 31% of
individuals living in low density areas (tug) = 2.93, df= l, 327, p < .01; tm, = 2.45, df= l.
337, p < .01; tm, = .27, df= 1, 337, p > .05). Likewise, 39% ofindividuals living in low
density areas feel that “most of their satisfaction comes from home and family compared
to 27% of those living in moderate density areas and 28% of respondents living in high
density areas (rm, = 3.04, df= 1, 327, p < .01;t(1,3,=3.27, df= 1, 337, p <.01;1,,,3,=.29,

df= 1, 337, p > .05).

Additional analyses were examined regarding home life to obtain an understanding
of whether non-African-Americans are a part of their home experience. Respondents were
asked if they regularly associated with white people at either their home or that person’s
home. Twenty-five percent of the African-American respondents stated that they regularly
associate with white people in their home or in that person’s home. No differences were

observed across different income, age, and density groups (See table 13).

125

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126

Summary: Hypothesis 5

The purpose of hypothesis 5 is to explore the role that family has on African-
Americans in various income, age and density groups. No differences were observed
across income groups. However, there were significant differences across age and density
groups.

Younger African-Americans (16 to 29) are less likely to get their satisfaction from
home and family. Younger people are more likely to obtain most of their satisfaction from
away-from-home activities.

Individuals living in low density neighborhoods are less likely to state that all or
almost all of their satisfaction comes from home and family compared to individuals living
in moderate or high density black neighborhoods. Individuals in low black density
neighborhoods are more likely to state that most of their satisfaction comes from home or
family.

No difl‘erences were observed across income, age, and density groups in terms of
associating with whites at their own home or at that person’s home. Approximately one-
quarter of all African-Americans state that they have interracial interactions in the context
of home. ‘

Additional analyses - segregation and separate social institutions

This section has reported findings regarding attitudes toward religion, education,
and family, as well as including additional analyses regarding interracial interaction with
whites in the realms of these particular institutions and situations. Additional analyses
were also conducted to explore differences in interaction in the following situations: At
work/business flinctions, social functions, parties, nightclub situations and dating.

Differences were found across income, age, and density groups.

127

Differences were found across income groups regarding interaction levels at
work/business fiinctions and at social functions (no differences were found across income
groups in interracial interaction levels at parties, nightclubs and dating situations). At
work/business functions, there is a significant correlation between income and interaction
with whites. Specifically, the higher income group (82%) is significantly more likely to
interact with whites at work/business functions than the lower income group (46%) and
the moderate income group (tag) = 6.58, df= 1, 343 , p < .01; tm) = 2.76, df= 1, 342, p
< .01;1(2,3)= 1.41, df= 1,299, p > .05).

Individuals in the two higher income groups ($15,000 to $29,999 and $3 0,000 and
over) are significantly more likely to interact with whites at social fiinctions (3 4% and
36% respectively) than individuals in the under $15,000 group (24%) (tug) = 6.58, df = l,
343 , p < .01; tags) = 9.64, df= l, 342, p < .01; tag) = .53, df= l, 299, p > .05).

Individuals in the $3 0,000 and over group are more likely than other income
groups to state that they spend their leisure time equally with African-Americans and non-
African-Americans.

Analysis across age groups show difi‘erences across groups in terms of interaction
during work/business functions, social functions, nightclubs and parties.

At work/business functions, respondents 30 to 49 are significantly more likely to
interact with white Americans (74%) than their younger cohorts 16 to 29 (66%) and older
counter parts, 50 and over (46%) (tm, = 2.36, df= l, 365, p < .02; tm, = 4.79, df= l,

283, p < .01; 1,13, = 7.28, df= 1, 332, p < .01).

128

During social functions, individuals under 50 are significantly mOre likely to
interact with whites than individuals 50 and over (111.21 = .29, df = l, 365, p > .05; 1,1,3, =
2.38, df= 1, 283, p < .02; R13) = 2.75, df= l, 332 , p < .01).

Younger people (16 to 29) are significantly more likely than individuals 30 to 49 to
interact with whites at nightclubs. Likewise, respondents 30 to 49 are more likely to
interact with whites at nightclubs than those 50 and over (tug) = 2.35, df = l, 365, p <
.02; tug) = 4.43,df= 1,283, p < .01; R23) = 2.66, df= 1, 332, p < .01).

Likewise, younger people (under 50) are also significantly more likely to interact
with whites at parties than respondents over 49 (tug) = 1.30, df = 1, 365, p > .05; {(1.3) =
3.99, df= 1, 283, p < .01; tag.) = 3.03, df= l, 332 , p < .01).

There are differences in interaction with whites across density groups. Individuals
in low density areas are more likely than individuals living in moderate and high density
areas to interact with whites at work/business functions (tug) = 4.56, df = 1, 327, p < .01;
111.3) = 3.06, df= 1,337, p < .01; tm, = 1.58, df= 1, 337, p > .05).

Likewise, individuals living in low density areas are more likely to interact with
whites at parties than individuals living in moderate and high density areas (tug) = 2.91, df
= 1,327, p < .01; tug) = 2.27, df= l, 337, p < .01; ta,” = .71, df= 1, 337 , p > .05). See

tables 14 for details of these additional analyses for segregation and separate institutions.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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130

Hypotheses 6: Belief in whether black English exists

This hypothesis examines if there are differences across income, age, and density
groups in agreement regarding the existence of an African-American communication
system, i.e., “black English.” In general, 44% of African-Americans agree that they
“believe there is such a thing as black English." There are differences, however, across
income, age, and density groups in agreement over this issue.

Respondents in the two lower income groups, under $15,000 and $15,000 to
$29,999, are less likely to agree that they believe that black English exists (40% and 42%
respectively) compared to 52% of the individuals in the $30,000 and over income group
(1,”, = .34, df= 1, 348, p > .05;t(1.3,=2.11,df= 1, 153, p < .03; 1,2,3, = 1.68, df= 1, 140, p
> .05).

There were also differences across age groups. Belief that “there is such a thing as
black English” decreases with age. Individuals between the age of 16 to 29 are more likely
to believe that there is a special language referred to as black English (53%) compared to
individuals 30 to 49 (45%). Moreover, individuals 39 to 49 are more likely than the older
group to agree that black English exists ( tug) = 1.55,

df=1,187,p >.05 ;t(13)= 2.88, df= 1, 119, p > .05 mm) = 1.81, df= 1,141, p > .05).

There are also differences across density groups in terms of belief that black
English exists. Individuals in low (48%) and high (47%) density groups are more likely to
feel that black English exists compared to only 38% of those living in moderate black
density neighborhoods (tug) = 1.70, df= 1, 142, p > .05; tm, =.18, df= 1, 162, p > .05;

tm) = 1.51, df= 1, 147, p > .05) (see table 15).

131

 

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133

Summary: Hypothesis 6

The goal of hypothesis 6 is to explore the perception of black English and whether
or not individuals agree that African-Americans do have a unique communication system.

The findings show that the high income group ($30,000 and over) are more likely
to believe there is such a thing as black English than the low and moderate income group.

Among the three age groups, there was a negative relationship between age and
belief that black English exists. Put another way, the older the respondent, the less likely I

he or she agreed that African-Americans have a unique way of communicating.

 

Among density groups, low and high density groups agreed more to the existence

of black English than individuals residing in African-American moderate density

neighborhoods.

 

134

Hypothesis 7: Attitudes toward black English

The following hypothesis examines if attitudes toward black English are positive or
negative (the items for this factor were only asked of those who originally stated that
“they believe that there is such a thing as “black English”). Across income groups, the is
no significant difference in belief that there is such a thing as “black English” (eta2 = .0007,
df = 1, 144 , p > .05). Examination of the means, however, show that there is a nonlinear
relationship between perception of the belief that black English exists and income levels.
Contrast analyses were conducted to pull out the linear correlation and measure the
nonlinear component directly. The following contrast analyses were applied to the means

of the three income groups.

Income: Under $15,000 $15,000-$29,999 530,000+
mean: 2.5 2.6 2.6
contrast: -1 +.5 +.5
N = 146 (weighted)
The contrast analysis show that these means are significantly different (P = 2.2,
df =144, p < .01). Individuals in the income group under $15,000 are significantly less
likely to agree that “they believe there is such a thing as “black English” compared to

individuals in the $15,000 and over income group.

135

Across age groups, the is no significant difference in belief that there is such a
thing as “black English” (eta2 = .0329, df = l, 146, p > .05). Examination of the means,
however, show that there is a nonlinear relationship between perception of the belief that
black English exists and age groups. Contrast analyses were conducted to pull out the
linear correlation and measure the nonlinear component directly. The following contrast

analyses were applied to the means of the three age groups.

Age: 16-29 30-49 50+
mean: 2.4 2.6 2.6
contrast: -1 +.5 +.5

N = 148 (weighted)
The contrast analysis show that these means are significantly different (P = 5.85,
df = 146, p < .01). Younger individuals, 16 to 29 years of age, are significantly less likely
to agree that they believe that there is such a thing as “black English” compared to people

30 to 49 and over 50 years of age.

136

Across density groups, the is no significant difference in belief that there is such a
thing as “black English” (eta2 = .0173, df = l, 147, p > .05). Examination of the means,
however, show that there is a nonlinear relationship between perception of the belief that
black English exists and density groups. Contrast analyses were conducted to pull out the
linear correlation and measure the nonlinear component directly. The following contrast

analyses were applied to the means of the density groups.

Density: Low Moderate High
mean: 2.6 2.6 2.5
contrast: +.5 +.5 -l

N = 149 (weighted value)
The contrast analysis show that these means are significantly different (P = 2.25,
df = 147, p < .01). Individuals living in high density black neighborhoods are significantly
less likely to state that they believe there is such a thing as “black English (see tables 16

and 17).”

137

 

 

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hem

(alpha=.40)*

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139

Hypotheses 8: Use of black English

The following hypothesis examines the utilization of black English among
respondents who agree that black English exists. Among those who believe it exists, 32%
state that they do speak it. There are difl‘erences across age groups.

Younger people (16 to 29) are more likely to say they speak black English (41%)
compared to individuals 30 to 49 (31%) and individuals over 49 (23%)(tm, = 2.02, df = l,
187, p < .04;t(13)= 2.7, df=1,119, p < .01; tm, = 1.31, df= l, 141, p > .05) (see table

18)

 

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141

Hypothesis 9: Attitudes toward African-American Heritage

The following hypothesis examines if there are difl‘erences in African-American
ethnic identity across income, age, and density groups. The results of a discriminate
analysis show that there are marginal difi‘erences across means within different age and
density groups.

Across income groups, there are no significant difl‘erences across those groups
(eta2 ' .0021; df = 1, 328, p > .05). Examination of these means, however, show a
nonlinear relationship between income and respondent ethnic identity that the discriminate
analysis may not be able to read. Contrast analyses were conducted to take out the linear
component and measure the nonlinear component directly. Thus, contrast values were

applied to the income means directly.

Income: Under $15,000 $15,000-$29,999 330,000+

mean: 2.4 2.4 2.3
contrast value: +.5 +.5 -l
N = 330 (weighted)

The contrast analysis show that these means are significantly difl'erent (F = 2.64,
(1, 328), p < .01) and that individuals in the two low income groups (under $15,000 and
$15,000 to 8293999) have a higher ethnic identity than individuals in the highest income

group ($3 0,000 and over).

142

Across age groups, there were marginally significant difl‘erences (eta2 " .0168; df =
1, 328, p < .05). Examination of these means, however, show a nonlinear relationship
between age and respondent ethnic identity that the discriminate analysis may not be able
to read (see table 19). Contrast analyses were conducted to take out the linear component
and measure the nonlinear component directly. Thus, contrast values were applied to the

age means directly.

Age: 16-29 30-49 50+
mean: 2.4 2.4 2.2
contrast value: - +1 +1 -2

N = 329 (weighted)
The contrast analysis show that these means are significantly difi‘erent (F = 8.77,
(1, 327), p < .01) and that individuals under the age of 50 are significantly more likely to
have a stronger ethnic identity than Afi'ican-Americans 50 and older.

Across density groups, there were marginally significantly difi‘erences (eta2 ' .0092;
df = 1, 334, p < .05). However, examination of these means show a nonlinear relationship
between density and respondent ethnic identity that the discriminate analysis may not be
able to read (see table 19). Contrast analyses were conducted to take out the linear
component and measure the nonlinear component directly. Thus, contrast values were

applied to the density means directly.

143
Density: Low Moderate High
mean: 2.3 2.3 2.4
contrast value: -.5 -.5 +1

N = 336 (weighted)
The contrast analysis show that these means are significantly difl‘erent (F = 2.24,
(l, 334), p < .05) and that individuals living in high black density areas are more likely to
have a stronger ethnic identity than people living in low and moderate density areas (see

tables 19 through 20).

 

 

 

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145

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146

Summary of hypothesis 9

Hypothesis 9 examines if there are differences in ethnic identity across income,
age, and density groups. The findings suggest that individuals with household incomes
under $3 0,000 are more likely to have a more intense Afiican-American ethnic identity
than individuals with incomes $30,000 and over.

Age also plays a significant factor in the degree of an individuals’ ethnic identity.
African-Americans under 50 are significantly more likely to measure higher on the ethnic
identity factor than respondents over 50.

Residence in a particular Afiican—American density neighborhood also is related to
ethnic identity. Individuals living in high Afi'ican-American density neighborhoods have a
higher ethnic identity than individuals who live in low or moderate Afi'ican-American

density neighborhoods.

 

 

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Chapter Five
DISCUSSION

The goal of this dissertation was to obtain a greater understanding of what it
means to have an “Afiican-American culture” and to empirically. examine if one indeed
exists. The premise of this study is to challenge the assumption underlying much of the
research in this field that race, particularly in discussions of African-Americans, is a major
predictor of culture. It was never the position of this author that there is no African-
American culture. The opposition concerns the blind acceptance of a homogeneous
culture, the lack of attention given to the diversity in cultural experiences and orientations
within this racial group, and the lack of empirical research that supports this assertion.
This research proposed that other factors, such as certain demographic groups, should be
examined as well. For example, difi‘erent income, age, and density groups may influence
perceptions of the perceptual cultural frames proposed as being the key drivers of a shared
Afiican-American culture.

Thus, this study focused on the later limitation of this body of research by
examining the meaning of an African-American culture and quantitatively assessing the
pervasiveness of these identified elements, which make up this culture, across three
variables: income, age and residence in Afiican-American density neighborhoods (density
is defined by the US Bureau of the census as the percentage of Afiican-Americans residing
in a census track). In short, the goal of this research was to truly understand the impact
race, among African-Americans, has on the development, sustainment, and experience of

culture.

148

[49

Several steps were taken to accomplish this goal. The first step was to identify the
factors which drive and impact culture in general. This step provided the foundation for
the conceptualization of African-American culture and the cultural frames which are
proposed by previous researchers as being the driving force of a collective African-
American culture. These cultural fi’ames were: 1) a shared history of slavery and h
oppression and the continuing significance of race; 2) the impact of segregation and

separate social institutions; 3) a unique communication system; and 4) a shared African

 

ethnic heritage. bl

Grouping Afiican-Americans by three difl‘erent income, age, and residencies in
black density neighborhood groups was conducted to explore if there were significant,
systematic difl'erences across these demographic groups. In general, the nine hypotheses.
proposed if difi‘erences were observed, this would suggest that an African-American
culture did not exist. Ifno difi‘erences were observed, this would suggest that Afi'ican-
Americans share a common culture.

The results of this study provide support for a shared African-American culture.
There were significant difl‘erences in terms of attitudes and perceptions regarding Afiican-
Arnerican culture across income, age, and density groups. However, the similarities and
small, albeit significant difi‘erences, do suggest that a “core” cultural We may exist
among African-Americans. Data examining significant difl'erences between African-
American and white Americans discussed later in this chapter provide further support for

this assertion.

150

Because of the wealth of data explored in this paper, the following sections will
discuss the data from two “angles.” The first angle will discuss the difi‘erences found
across difi‘erent income, age, and density groups, i.e., support that there is no collective
Afiican-American culture. The second will focus on the similarities that crossed

demographic boundaries, i.e., support of a collective Afiican-American culture.

151

Differences across demographic groups

Out of the three demographic variables examined in this research, income was the
largest discriminator followed by age. Density proved not to be as important a variable as
far as its’ discriminating power across the groups. This is potentially due to the high
interaction with other Afi'ican-Americans during leisure time activities, regardless of the
black density of an individual’s neighborhood. Income and age, however, proved to have
a greater influence a person’s attitudes regarding certain African-American cultural
fiames.

Income groups
W

The prototypical African-American in the high income group (household income of
33 0,000 and over annually) is significantly less likely to feel that Afiican-Americans
continue to experience racism and discrimination and that they are the targets of negative
stereotyping compared to individuals in the under $15,000 income group. Individuals in
this high income group are also significantly less likely than individuals in the lower
income groups ($15,000 to $29,000 and under $15,000) to state that Afi'ican-Americans
“should never use being black as an excuse for your problems.” However, this income
group ($3 0,000 or more) is significantly more likely to feel that children should be told
that “American institutions are biased in favor of white people.”

These findings suggest that individuals in the high income group have had or
created more opportunities to succeed and “make it” in this society. Although these
individuals are more likely than not to feel that Afiican-Americans continue to live in a
society were they, as Afi'ican-Americans, are not treated fairly, they recognize that black
people must not focus and exert a lot of energy on these aspects to be successfirl and

somewhat happy with their situation in this world.

[52

Moreover, this high income group has difi‘erent day-to-day experiences in life
compared to individuals in the low income group (under $15,000) that would impact their
perceptions of racism and discrimination. As discussed in the demographic profile
(located in the results section), Afiican-Americans in the high income group not only have
more money, but they tend to be more educated, younger, employed full-time, and married
(as opposed to divorced) compared to individuals in the lowest income group. Therefore, I
individuals in the high income group may be less likely to experience certain discriminatory
acts related to other issues such as poverty, age, unemployment and so forth.

Consistent with this thinking, this group is also significantly less likely than

 

individuals in the two lower income groups to perceive that Afiican-Americans are the
products of educational barriers. However, comparable to their perceptions of racism and
discrimination targeting AfricanoAmericans, this group is still more likely than not to agree
that educational barriers exists for black people. Yet, perhaps due to their own
educational accomplishments, they are more positive and optimistic, compared to the two
lower income groups, about the opportunities which exists for black people to obtain the
education they need to be successful. In other words, when a person has actually done
something (e. g., finished high school, earned a college degree, completed postgraduate
work, achieved success and satisfaction with their chosen career) they are going to be
more likely to feel that it can be done and that opportunities are available; Afi'ican-
Americans may just have to work harder to go after them.

However, in spite of the higher income groups’ more positive outlook regarding

racism and educational barriers targeting Afiican-Americans, this group is more likely than

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153

the two lower income groups to perceive that all else being equal, American institutions
are biased to favor white people. These perceptions are perhaps influenced by the fact
that individuals in the high income group are less likely to be socially segregated from non
African-Americans than their lower income counterparts. These individuals are
significantly more likely to interact with non African-Americans in a variety of contexts
such as at work/business, school/educationaL and social functions. Their chances are .
increased of having first hand on experience of being allowed into institutions that, in I

many cases, in recent history were not open to Afiican-Americans (Price, 1995).

 

However, a feeling of not truly feeling comfortable, accepted and a part of the power a
structure may continue to linger. Some upward mobile AfiiCan-Americans who are
striving to make it to the top of their professions and academic careers may be afl’ected by
the extreme lack of other African-Americans not already at the finish line urging them on
and ofi‘ering advise and words of encouragement on how they too can make it. Thus,
because their issues and concerns are difi‘erent, the high income group may have a sense of
racism and discrimination that is on a difl‘erent level than individuals in the lowest income
group.

In terms of communication issues, the high income group is also significantly more
likely than the moderate and low income group to agree that there is such a thing as “black
English.” Moreover, out of the individuals who agree that such a thing as “black English
exists” this group ($30,000 and over) is more likely to state that they speak this language.
This finding may seem surprising at first glance, but the high income group is more likely

to employ “code-switching” (see p. 52 for further discussion). Because individuals in the

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154

high income group are more likely, than the other two income groups, to'interact with non
blacks in a variety of contexts from business to social fimctions, they are in positions to be
more conscious of the difl‘erences in their speech, language style and nonverbals when
interacting with non African-American associates in a work setting versus with Afi'ican-
American friends and family during their leisure time.

However, this group is less positive attitudinally toward black English than the a
lowest income group. Once again, because of their high involvement in “mainstream”

America in business and educational settings, they may have more acute sensitivities to the

 

negative stigrnas placed on individuals not utilizing society’s “standard,” accepted codes J
of communicating.
The results of these findings also suggest that individuals in this income category
have less Afi'ican-American ethnic identity than their lower income counterparts. One
interpretation is related to the amount of interracial interaction experienced by the high
income group. Because this group is more involved in a world that is not exclusive to any
one racial group including their own, they may feel their identity is not only one of being
black, but also defined by their profession, socioeconomic standing, leisure activities and

so forth. The fact that significantly less individuals in the high income group agree that

“when I interact with white people, they only see a black person, not me” supports this

thought.

 

 

 

155

Moderate income group ($15,000 to $29,999)

The prototypical individual in the moderate income group share some cultural
characteristics with their higher income counterparts as well as with their lower income
counterparts. This group is most likely to have a transient group of individuals who have
either moved into this group fi'om a lower income background (e. g., through education

and/or just entering into their first, white collar profession or by hard work in a blue collar

 

profession that pays fairly well) or moved slightly back fiom the higher income group (i.e., k
as a result of retirement or loss of employment by oneself or a spouse). In other words,

this group may be struggling to get ahead and enjoy the “American dream” while. E
simultaneously fighting not to slip back into financial hard times and the poverty 1

experienced by individuals in the lower income group.

Similar to the high income group, individuals in the moderate income group are
significantly less likely, compared to the lowest income group (under $15,000), to
perceive that Afiican-Americans continue to be victims of racism, discrimination and
negative stereotyping. Moderate incomers are more likely to have stable, firll-time
employment than individuals in the low income group. They are also more likely to be
homeowners and have a stable home life. Therefore, this group has more opportunities to
get ahead and stay ahead than the low income group as well as having the hope of
achieving something better for themselves and their children. They recognize that racism
and discrimination is a continuing concern for Afiican-Americans but they have something
that the low income group may not have as much of, hope of breaking and sustaining a
cycle of poverty. On a day-to-day basis , this group, compared to the low income group

may also experience less complications that go along with being in a depressive economic

state.

156

However, compared to the highest income group, this group is not as optimistic
regarding the educational Opportunities for Afiican-Americans. This group is more likely
than the higher income group to feel that Afi'ican-Americans must confront educational
barriers because of their race. Again, the transient and middle of the road income level
could influence these perceptions. While the higher income group may be able to afford
the increasing high cost of education for their children or be children of parents who can I
afl‘ord to pay for their own education, individuals in the moderate income group may find
these cost daunting. They may be in a position to provide the basic necessities and a few

extras for themselves and their families such as shelter, food, clothes and entertainment

 

and a modest vacation once a year, but not have the thousands of dollars in their budgets
to fund a college education or live in areas that have competitive school systems (Hill,
1995). To make matters worse, Afi'ican-Americans in the moderate income group often
find themselves in a position where they have household incomes large enough not to
qualify for government grants and loans to obtain a higher education, but do not earn
enough to actually be able to afl‘ord the increasing costs of attending colleges or
universities.

Regarding interracial interactions, this group is also less likely than the high
income group to regularly associate with non African-Americans at work/business and
school/educational fimctions. The difl‘erences observed in interaction in educational
settings is primarily due to the fact that this group is older than the high income group,
decreasing the chance of interracial interaction during school functions. In terms of

work/business firnctions, there are a large amount of moderate income individuals who

n/_ l

157

state that they regularly interact with whites in these settings (71%). However, this group
tends to be in jobs which are blue-collar versus white collar. Certain settings that are blue
collar, such as construction, and factory and industrial jobs are characterized by
environments that are more socially and racially segregated (Botan and Smithennan,
1991). Moreover, individuals in this income group who are in white collar positions tend
to be in more service oriented versus executive positions (e.g., copy/mail room positions,
secretaries, and so forth) which are not as conducive to interracial lateral conununicative
interactions. Instead, individuals in this group may experience more “one up/one down”
encounters with non Afiican-Americans (on the down end of the interaction)

Regarding communication issues, individuals in the moderate income group are
significantly less likely than their higher income counterparts to state that they believe
there is such a thing as “black English.” Similar to individuals in the high income group,
the moderate income group has less positive feelings toward black English than individuals
in the low income group. As mentioned earlier in this section, the moderate income group
is politically most conservative than the other income groups. Thus, black English may be
viewed as deviant behavior and not the proper way to become upward mobile and
successful in a society that does not necessarily have positive perceptions of African-

Americans.

 

158

w i n r 15 000

The prototypical individual in this income group is most dissimilar to the
prototypical individual in the high income group. This group does however share some
similar attitudes and perceptions with the moderate income group.

Individuals in the low income group are significantly more likely than individuals in
the moderate and high income groups to believe that African-Americans continue to be the
victims of racism, discrimination and negative stereotypes. This group also has the
highest perception that African-Americans face educational barriers not experienced by
other racial groups compareda to their older counterparts. This is not surprising
considering that the low income group is less educated and the deck is not stacked in their
favor (Robinson & Tidwell, 1995). Moreover, this group is older, tends to be more single
mothers, and retired. Thus, this group is in a position to experience a variety of difi'erent
kinds of discrimination related to factors other than race.

In terms of communication issues, the low income group, similar to the moderate
income group, is significantly less likely than their high income counterparts to believe that
there is such a thing as “black English.” However, low and moderate income groups may
have difl‘erent reasons for not believing that Afiican-Americans share a unique language
system. The low income group, compared to both the moderate and high income groups,
is least likely to interact with white people in work/business and educational functions.
Thus, this group is the least likely to be in positions where code-switching is employed and

may view their communication patterns as the norm versus being a unique and special way

of communicating (on the other hand, individuals in the moderate income group have

.EL

 

159

more negative attitudes toward black English and may state that it does not exist because
they disapprove of it and will not acknowledge it). As mentioned previously, individuals
in the high income group who have more interracial interactions are particularly more
sensitive to the negative judgments placed on black people who do not adapt their
communication patterns to particular situations and audiences.

Also similar to the moderate income group, the low income group is significantly
more likely than the high income group to have a more intense African ethnic identity.
This finding may be interpreted as being related to the amount of interaction individuals in
the lower income group have with other Afiican-Americans. In other words, the more an
individual interacts and socializes with other African-Americans, the more likely they are
to feel connected to their ethnic heritage. Moreover, those with less income may have a
greater tendency to embrace positive aspects of their lives, such as their ethnic identity,
instead of focusing on mainstream definitions of success and achievement that they may be

lacking.

 

160

Age groups
W

The prototypical young African-American is significantly less likely than
individuals 30 to 49 to perceive that Afi'ican-Americans experience racism, discrimination
and are the targets of negative stereotypes. Also, individuals 16 to 29 are significantly less
likely than the two older groups to agree that black parents should be telling their children
that they “will have to work harder than white people to get the same amount of credit.”
This, of course, can be attributed to difi‘erences in personal experiences and coming to age
in a society that is more accepting of difl‘erent ethnic and racial groups. This is not to say
that African-Americans in this age group have not experienced racism and discrimination.
However, this age group has spent a great deal more of their lives, compared to the other
age groups during a point in time were the world should theoretically not deny them of
their dreams and aspirations on the basis of race alone. This thought is supported by the
fact that people 16 to 29 are significantly less likely than those 30 and older to agree that
they “will have to work harder than white people to get the same amount of credit.”

In terms of interracial interaction, young Afi'ican-Americans are also significantly
more likely to interact regularly with non African-Americans than older African-Americans
in a variety of contexts including school/educational functions and at nightclubs. In these
types of settings, young Afi'ican-Americans may feel that not only do they share certain
allegiances with non Afi'ican-Americans who have common, youth related attitudes, but
younger Afiican-Americans may also feel socially dominant because these individuals in
many cases influence popular, hip-hop culture that is adopted by non Afi'ican-Americans in
terms of music, fashion, entertainment, and dance nationally and internationally (The MEE

report, 1992).

161

When exploring attitudes toward church and religion, younger African-Americans
state that religion is less irnportant to them than their older counterparts (however, it
should be noted that although more older Afi-ican-Americans, 30 and older, stated that
religion is very important in their lives, the majority of young people agreed with this as
well). This group is also significantly less likely than older African-Americans to
participate in certain religious activities, compared to their older counterparts, such as
listening to religious programs on the radio, reading religious publications, and watching
religious programs on TV. This is not surprising considering that young people tend to be
more interested in what their peers and fiiends are doing and less interested in tradition
and conforming to the wishes of their parents and other older people in their community
(The MEE Report, 1992).

These attitudes are also reflected in perceptions of family. This age group is
significantly less likely than individuals in the older group to state that they get all or
almost all of their satisfaction from home and family compared to individuals 30 to 49 and
50 and older. Once again, acceptance from peer group members may take precedence
over that of family members. At a young age, family members are often taken for granted
and not appreciated as much as peer group members and fiiends, thus suggesting a
positive relationship between age and the importance of family (Yankelovich MONITOR.
1995)

In terms of communication issues, younger blacks are significantly more likely to

believe there is such a thing as “black English.” This group is also more likely to have

positive attitudes toward black English and state that they speak this language. For

 

162

young people, this language is an important means of solidarity with peer group members
and those they want to be like as well as being in “the know" of the latest street vernacular
(The MEE Report, 1992; Gallois et al., 1988). Thus, black English is viewed by younger
people as being a positive form of communication and a way to connect with other people
perceived to be like them and/or whothey would like to be associated with.

Younger Afiican-Americans also have a more intense ethnic identity than
individuals over 49. Individuals 16 to 29 share this in common with those 30 to 49.
Looking at the specific items that make up the ethnic identity factor (see table 20), the
focus on ethnic identity for younger Afi-ican-Americans is particularly geared around
having products or tangible symbols that communicate to other people and themselves

their pride in their Afiican heritage.

30 to 49 years of age

The prototypical Afiican-American in this age group is significantly more likely to
perceive that African-Americans are the target of discrimination, racism, and negative
stereotypes. When the specific items that make up this factor are examined, this group
feels particularly strongly about being “judged by their race first and as individuals second”
and that “discrimination is still a part of most Afi'ican-American’s day-to-day
experiences.” This group is clearly more frustrated and concerned about these issues than
younger (16 to 29) and older (50+) Afiican-Americans. These individuals may be stuck

between having attitudes and perceptions that reflect the view that things are much better

for Afiican-Americans than they once were but not yet equal to nonrninorities.

 

163

These attitudes may stem from negative experiences in their work settings. Some
of the individuals in this group were beneficiaries of Aflirmative Action and in many cases,
the first Afiican-Americans to desegregate educational institutions and join the ranks of
corporations and institutions throughout the country for the first time in the history of our
nation. Considering that the majority of this group’s interaction with non Afiican-
Americans take place in work/business type settings, their hopes, dreams and aspirations
may not have been realized in light that their race continues to limit their opportunities.

Religion may be an important way of dealing with some of these bitter and
disappointed feelings in other aspects of their lives. Similar to older Afi'ican-Americans
over 50, individuals 30 to 49 are significantly more likely to state that religion plays a very
important role in their lives. They also participate regularly in many religious activities.

The data suggest that family is another important source of comfort for this age
group. This group is significantly more likely to state that all or almost all of their
satisfaction comes from home and family compared to individuals 16 to 29. Individuals in
this age group, however, are just as likely as individuals 16 to 29 to state that they also get
about as much satisfaction fi'om their home and family as fi'om away-from-home activities.
This group, unlike individuals over 49, are more likely to be working full-time which may

add to their increased involvement and satisfaction with away-fiom-home activities.

164

50 f l

The prototypical African-American in this age group is significantly less likely than
individuals 30 to 49 to believe that Afiican-Americans continue to experience
discrimination, racism and negative stereotyping (similar to individuals 16 to 29).

This could be related to the fact that outside of church/religious functions, individuals 50
and older are significantly least likely to interact with non Afiican-Americans in
work/business firnctions, school/educational functions, social firnctions, parties, and
nightclubs. The majority of this group are retired and living in either moderate or high
density black neighborhoods. Hence, they may simply be less likely, compared to
individuals 30 to 49, to be in situations were their race is a major issue.

Religion is most important to this group compared to the other age groups
examined in this study. They are also significantly more likely than the younger groups to
participate in a variety of religious activities such as attending a house of worship, giving
donations to religious organizations (although they have the smallest personal and
household incomes), and listening to religious programs on the radio. In other words,
older Afiican-Americans truly practice what they preach.

When examining communication issues, individuals in this age group are least
likely to believe there is such a thing as “black English” compared to the younger groups.
Moreover, among those who believe there is such a thing as black English, older Afi'ican-
Americans are least likely to state that they speak it. As mentioned in the previous
sections, being aware of a special language such as black English, requires that individuals
either personally make conscious efl‘orts to code-switch or they are in situations where
they see large distinctions in how people communicate. Because of the limited amount of
interracial interactions experienced by this group, these issues may not be as salient to

individuals in this group as it is to the other two age groups.

165

Density groups

L w ' residin in le than 37°/ Afiican- ' ' rh

Prototypical individuals who are residents in low black density groups are less
likely to believe that Afi'ican-Americans are targets of racism, discrimination, and negative
stereotypes. As in the case of individuals in the high income group, people in low density
groups have higher incomes, are more educated and more likely to have full time jobs than
those living in moderate and high black density areas. Thus, individuals in low density
areas have potentially more opportunities, influenced by other factors, which in affect, may
impact their perceptions of how they are treated and judged by non African-Americans.

Individuals residing in low black density neighborhoods are also significantly more
likely to interact with non African-Americans than those residing in moderate and high
density areas. Moreover, low density residents are more likely to interact with whites at
work/business functions, school/educational firnctions, and parties.

This group is also significantly more likely than the moderate and high density
groups to state that they receive most of their satisfaction fi'om home and family as
opposed to all or almost all of their satisfactions. This may be due to difi‘erences in
lifestage. Individuals living in low density areas are more likely to be younger, employed
firll time, and have young children. Their focus may be more career-oriented and trying to
provide for their young families, compared to moderate and high density groups. Thus,
some of their satisfaction may stem from work and other non-family activities.

Interestingly, in terms of communication, low and high density residents have

similar attitudes regarding the existence of “black English.” Individuals in the low density

 

166

group are significantly more likely than individuals living in moderate density areas to
believe there is such a thing as black English and state that they speak it. However, simil
to the moderate density. group, individuals in low black density areas are significantly mo
likely to have negative attitudes regarding black English compared to individuals living it
high density areas. This is most likely due to the low density groups’ high involvement
with non Afiican-Americans in educational and business setting. This will impact their
perceptions of the stigrnas placed on Afiican-Americans, as well as other racial groups, ii

particular situations where they do not conform to “mainstream” vernacular.

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The prototypical individual in the moderate density group is significantly more
likely to believe that Afiican-Americans are targets of discrimination, racism and negative
stereotyping than individuals in low black density groups (similar to the beliefs of
individuals in high black density groups).

In terms of interracial interaction, moderate density groups are less likely,
compared to low density individuals, to interact with non Afiican-Americans in the
following contexts: work/business fiinctions, school/educational functions, and parties.
One reason for this finding is that many Afiican-Americans in this group are older and
either retired or only working part-time. Therefore, there are less opportunities for
interracial interactions due to the lack of interaction in non leisure settings (e. g.,

work/business, school/educational functions) and the fact that most leisure time for all

Afiican-Americans examined in this research is spent with other blacks.

 

167

Individuals living in moderate density neighborhoods are significantly more likely
than individuals living in low density areas to get all or almost all of their satisfaction fi'om
home and family. As mentioned previously, this group is older and less likely to be
working full-time or at all. The majority of these individuals are parents and many are
grandparents. Not surprisingly for this lifestage, family is especially critical for this group.

Regarding communication issues, individuals in this group are significantly less
likely to believe there is such a thing as “black English” compared to people living in low
and high density areas. Individuals living in moderate density areas are older and more
conservative than the other two age groups. Thus, as mentioned in the previous section,
older people are less likely to be engaged in a variety of situations such as work and
educational situations. They are also less likely to regularly interact with non Afiican-
Americans. Therefore, individuals in the moderate density group are less likely to
encounter situations where code-switching may occur. Also, due to the conservative
nature of this group, they are also significantly less likely to state that they speak it

compared to the other two density groups.

 

168

High density ggggps (residing jg neighborhoods at 82% Afiican-American)

The prototypical individual living in a high African-American density area is
significantly more likely than individuals living in low density areas to believe that Afiican-
Americans continue to experience racism, discrimination and negative stereotyping
targeting them. Again, their attitudes are similar to individuals in the low income group
who have less income and opportunities related not only to race but their economic

situation as, well.

2‘_

Also similar to individuals living in moderate density areas, high density group

 

members are significantly less likely to interact with non Afi'ican-Americans during
work/business functions, school/educational functions, and at parties. This is not
surprising considering that they live in areas that are primarily Afi'ican-American and are
more likely, than the other two groups, to work, go to school and entertain in their own
communities.

Connection to family is also important to this group. Individuals living in high
black density neighborhoods are significantly more likely than individuals living in low.
density areas to state that all or almost all of their satisfaction comes fi'om home and
family. Similar to individuals living in the low income group, this group is most likely to
be single parents and therefore, focusing on children and family is potentially more critical
to this group than others. Additionally, because of economic concerns, the outside world

(i.e., outside of the family circle) may be more dificult and problematic making home and

family a particularly appealing haven fi'om the world.

169

In terms of communication, high density group members share more in common
with individuals in low density areas than those in moderate density areas. People in high
density areas are significantly more likely than individuals living in moderate density areas
to believe there is such a thing as “black English.” High density group members are also
more likely than moderate group members to state that they speak this language.
However, this group is also significantly more likely than the other two density groups to
perceive that black English is a positive phenomenon versus negative. Because
communication is a way of showing solidarity and enacting cultural rituals, individuals
living in areas that are primarily black may see the positive aspects of a unique
communication system shared among Afiican-Americans. Similarly, individuals living in
high density areas are significantly more likely than the other two groups to have a
stronger ethnic identity and celebrate aspects of their history and lives that are unique to
African-Americans.

Individuals living in low density areas, on the hand, may be more inclined to
perceive that a “distinct” communication system may separate and marginalize Afiican-

Americans from mainstream society, therefore, being more wary of the positive benefits of

this phenomenon.

 

170

Similarities across demographic groups

The previous section examined the difl‘erences in perceptions of Afiican-
American cultural fi'ames. This section will examine similarities in perceptions of Afi'ican-
American cultural fi'ames that cut across demographic boundaries.

As discussed in the previous section, significant difl‘erences were found in
perceptions of racism, discrimination and negative stereotyping targeting Afiican-
Americans. However, the face value of the actual means tell their own story. The means
which measure perceptions of racism and discrimination range between 2.9 to 3.0 out of a
possible measurement of 1 to 4. This suggests that overall, Afi'ican-Americans cdntinue to
be concerned about racism and discrimination. The lack of Is and low 2s in the means
indicates that the majority of Afiican-Americans feel that their race plays a factor in their
lives regarding how they are judged and perceived by others. The lack of 4s in the means
indicates that the majority of Afiican-Americans would feel uncomfortable stating that
their race alone predicts their day-to-day lives and that their individualism and personal
experiences play a large factor in how they are perceived by others.

This latter issue is supported by the fact that the majority of Afiican-Americans (at
least 80%) in all demographic groups examined in this research feel that African-American
parents should be telling their children that “anyone can be successful in this country if
they are willing to work hard.” Moreover, the majority of Afiican-Americans do not

agree that Afiican-American parents should be telling their children that “most white

people can not be trusted.”

 

171

The results of this data also suggest that religion is an, important cultural factor for
all African-Americans. With the exception of the youngest Afiican—American group, 16 to
29, at least 70% of all Afiican-Americans in this research state that religion plays a very
important role in their lives (61% of the youngest group do state that religion is very
important to their lives - still a large number). Moreover, at least three in four African-
Americans share something in common - religion as a source of spirituality in their lives.
There are also no difl‘erences across demographic groups in agreement that religion is an
important source of social contact and activity (44 % to 49%).

When compared to white Americans, the significance of religion in the lives of
Afiican-Americans is truly emphasized. Data fi'om the 1995 Yankelovich MONITOR
show that religion is not as important for white Americans as it is for Afi'ican-Americans.
Forty-five percent (45%) of whites state that religion is “very important” in their lives
compared to 73% of Afiican-Americans (t = 15.46, p < .01). This finding provides
additional evidence that religion is an important perceptual cultural fiame for Afi'ican-
Americans.

Education is another important cultural fiame for all Afiican—Americans across
demographic groups. Education is clearly seen as a “means of getting ahead in the world”
versus as a “means of becoming a more cultured, well-rounded person.” Thus, regardless
of income level, age and irnmersement in non Afiican-American environments, education
continues to be the primary means of attaining the “American dream” for Afiican-

Americans.

172

Moreover, the importance of education as a tool for upward mobility is
significantly more critical for Afi'ican-Americans than white Americans. Sixty-one percent
(61%) of Afiican-Americans compared to 42% of white Americans state that education
serves primarily as a “means of getting ahead in the world” (t = 10.50, p < .01). For white
Americans, education as a means of becoming a more cultured, well-rounded person is
just as important. This finding suggest that nonminority people are less focused on
upward mobility and more on the experience itself: i.e., the nontangible rewards of the
learning process. When considering that 42% of nonminorities state that their current
economic condition is comfortable compared to only 23% of Afiican-Americans, this
suggests that the concern for getting ahead is less urgent when you are where you want to
be (t = 10.38, p < .01) (Yankelovich MONITOR. 1995; Yankelovich African-American
MONITOR, 1995).

Focusing back on the demographic groups among African-Americans only,
another interesting aspect of the findings of this research is that although there were
significant difl‘erences among difl‘erent income groups in perceptions of educational
barriers experienced by Afiican-American, these means have a small range (2.4 to 2.6).
Across age and density groups, there were absolutely no difl’erences in perceptions of
educational barriers (2.5 for all age and density groups). This clearly suggest that the
majority of African-Americans are concerned by the obstacles that some black people
must confiont and overcome to obtain an education that assists in being competitive and
successful in this society (supported by the lack of Is in the means which indicate that no

educational barriers exist).

173

Familywas another cultural perceptual fiame where difi‘erences were observed
across age and density groups. Younger Afiican-Americans and individuals who are
residents of low density areas are less likely to state that all or almost all of their
satisfaction comes from home and family. However, the majority of Afiican-Americans
are among those who state that at least most of their satisfaction comes from their home
and family. Similar to religion and education, the data suggest that white Americans do
not obtain as much or the same type of satisfaction fi'om their home and family as do
African-Americans. Only 25% of white Americans, compared to 38% of African-
Americans, stated that all or almost all of their satisfaction comes from home and family (t
= 7.97, p < .01).

When exploring interracial interaction, major difl'erences emerge within income,
age, and density groups in terms of regular interaction at work/business,
school/educational and social firnctions with non Afiican-Americans. These difl‘erences
were not observed, however, when exploring interracial interaction during leisure time.
The majority of African-Americans state that they spend their leisure with only Afiican-
Americans or mostly Afiican-Americans. Moreover, very few Afiican-Americans stated
that they regularly have white Americans over to their house or visit with them in their
homes. Thus, although there is racial integration for many African-Americans in some
situations (e. g., work/business and educational/school functions) there continues to be a
racially segregated “personal time.” This has implications for the maintenance of cultural

fi'ames.

174

When examining ethnic identity, difl'erences were observed across income, age,
and density groups. However, once again, these significant differences were not drastic.
The range was between 2.2 to 2.4. These means indicate that Afiican-American ethnic
identity is important - but it is just one factor in self-identification among many more.

There are additional key difl‘erences between Afi'ican-Americans and white
Americans that should be noted due to their potential impact on the cultural perceptual
fi'ames that each racial group, to some extent, may potentially adhere to. Data fiom a
nationally representative telephone survey of 500 Afiican-Americans and 500 white
Americans taken on May 13, 1996 (Time/CNN poll, Yankelovich Partners, Inc., 1996)
suggest that these two racial groups have significantly divergent perceptions on a variety
of important issues. These issues include: 1) whether Afiican-Americans can trust
institutions run by whites, 2) what whites think about blacks and the best strategies for
them to be successfirl, 3) the present and fixture state of discrirrnination targeting blacks,
and 4) race relations between blacks and whites. The findings of this survey indicate that
Afiican-Americans are more suspicious toward white institutions and working within the
mainstream to succeed than white Americans feel they should be. Moreover, African-
Americans are significantly less optimistic about the improvement of race relations in this
society and the amelioration of prejudice and discrirrnination targeting Afi'ican-Americans.

The first question attempts to get at the issue of trust by asking respondents to
“think about institutions such as businesses or government, which are primarily run by
whites - how much confidence do you think black Americans can place in the willingness

of those institutions to help end prejudice and discrimination against black Americans?”

 

175

Only 35% of black respondents state “a fair amount” compared to 49% of white
Americans (t = 4.48, p < .01). This finding suggests that Afi-ican-Americans are working
fi'om a difl‘erent set of perceptual frames than white Americans, which judge how they
view and perceive major institutions that have historically and in many cases, continue to
be run by whites. There is an inherent feeling in blacks that their best interests, unless it
benefits the interests of other parties or goups, are not a priority to these types of
institutions.

The issue of where Afi'ican-Americans should be focusing their energies to be

 

successfiil in this society was also explored by asking respondents the following question: I
Do you think black Americans will be better ofi‘ if they concentrate more on finding ways
to succeed in the mainstream white society, or do you think they will be better 06 if they
concentrate more on working only within black organizations and institutions?” Sixty-
three percent (63%) of the African-Americans surveyed stated that blacks should
concentrate more on finding ways to succeed in the mainstream versus 80% of whites (t =
5.95, p < .01). Twenty-three percent (23%) of Afiican-Americans versus 7% of white
Americans feel that African-Americans should concentrate more on working only within
black organizations (t = 7.08, p < .01). Thus, the majority of both blacks and whites agree
that the best place for Afiican-Americans to focus their energies is through mainstream,
white society. However, a significantly larger portion of blacks feel that Afiicano
Americans would be better focusing their energies on black organizations. This again
indicates a double-edged sword that black people must deal with: l) to join in with other

Americans to achieve the success and rewards that all Americans strive for in some fashion

176

and risk being rejected, a permanent outsider, and losing a part of oneself or, 2) risks
being marginalized and out of the loop on mainstream America (one choice not given to
the respondents of this study is to make black orgarnizations and corporations a part of the
mainstream).

Looking at perceptions of stereotypes, 63% of Afi'ican-Americans versus 22% of
whites agee that “most whites believe that blacks are inferior to them” (t = 13.11, p <
.01). Only 23% of blacks versus 69% of whites state that “they do not thirnk that most
whites believe that blacks are inferior to them” (t = 14.59, p < .01). Again, this data
indicates that there is definitely baggage brought into interracial encounters and/or
contexts, e.g., the work place or in school. Many Afiican-Americans continue to feel that
although things may be better in this society in terms of the negative stereotypes targeting
them, black people feel that they are judged by their race and are often guilty until proven
innocent of their talents, abilities and work ethics.

Moreover, when asked if “you think prejudice and discrimination against blacks irn
this country will ever be reduced” only 33% of blacks versus 65% of whites responded
that it will be reduced (t = 10.12, p < .01). Fifty-six percent (56%) of Afi'ican-Americans
stated that they “do not think that prejudice and discrinnination against blacks in this
country will ever be reduced” compared to only 27% of whites (t = 9.31, p < .01).

Forty-four percent (44%) of African-Americans versus 65% of white Americans
feel that “race relations in this country will get better than they are” (t = 6.67, p < .01).
Again, this data has important implications for interracial interactions which will be

discussed in the next section.

177

The implications of these findings on intraracial and interracial communication
research and theory

Although significant difi‘erences were found in perceptions of the cultural
perceptual fi'ames across the various demographic goups examined in this research, the
magnitude of these significant difl‘erences were not earth shattering. This suggests that a
core Afiican-American culture does exists. These findings have implications for both
intraracial and interracial communication.

Earlier in this document, the manifestation and development of culture was
proposed as being a communicative phenomenon. The findings of this research suggest
that much of the maintenance of Afiican-American culture occurs during leisure time.
This is evident in the fact that the majority of Afi'ican-Americans spend their leisure time
and personal time primarily with other Afiican-Americans. In other words, regardless if
one is young or old, rich or poor, they are interacting with other black people regularly.
Thus, to understand how culture is learned, maintained, and sustained among African-
Americans, leisure time activities must be examined by researchers in this field. Also,
because the data suggests that a core culture may exists, “personal time” will be a critical
context to examine cultural manifestations of Afiican-Americans.

However, Afiican-Americans who are highly involved in work/business and
educational setting that are primarily non-Afiican-American may learn other “nnirni
cultures” (e.g., adaptations to their corporate and/or professional worlds, educational
environments, and other areas of their lives). These individuals still may share a. common
“cultural core” with other blacks that cross income, age and density goups due to their
interpersonal relationship in leisure and personal contexts, but share core cultural fiames

with non African-Americans in other sub - cultures.

 

178

The implications of these findings on interracial conununication is particularly
compelling. In a previous paper (Campbell, 1995) the author of this dissertation argued
against assumptions that interracial interactions were synonymous with intercultural
interactions. This research supports this assertion. Depending on the setting and an
individual’s degree of interaction with non Afiican-Americans, the encounter may be
interracial but whether or not it is intercultural depends on a number of factors. Many of
the African-Americans have regular interactions with non Afi'ican-Americans, particularly
in business and educational context (with some social settings as well). In these
environments, some African-Americans will successfully adapt to these “mini- cultures”
that are key and important aspects of their lives. These individuals are socially and
communicatively in their element and may have a number of irnterracial encounters that are
not intercultural because they are a part of that particular culture to varying degees.

However, this author proposes that there are a number of factors that will not
only influence the salience of race but cause a shift in cultural repertoires. For example, in
a business/work scenario, two co—workers who share an ofice and work side-by-side
share a common culture - their organizational culture. Race may have no relevance in the
majority of their day-to-day interactions in their work settings although one person is
black and another is white. However, if a race sensitive issue or topic emerges, then race
can become suddenly salient and divergent perceptual fi‘ames may emerge, changing their
encounter fi'om interracial/mercultural to interracial/intracultural. The data from the
CNN/Yankelovich pool indicates that Afiican-Americans have difl‘erent perceptions about

race related issues compared to whites, that can cause communication breakdowns. As a

 

 

179

result, both blacks and whites may feel they have to tread lightly around these issues or
avoid them all together in order to co-exists peacefully. Unfortunately the issues are still
there and have a way of coming to the surface during interactions.

Another way divergent cultures could emerge during interracial interactions, such
as in the scenario above, is by “crossing subcultures.” A non Aflican-American can
potentially be a close work or school friend/associate in a given context but become
blatantly foreign in another situation. An example of this is when co-workers of difl‘erent
races nm across one another in another context. These two individuals may experience
some awkwardness because another “cultural flame” is in efl‘ect. This “conflict of cultural
flames” can occur with co-workers of the same race as well if they are only a part of a
sub-culture. Afiican-American family and fiiends who only participate in an individual’s
leisure and personal time and space could also cause conflicts when entering into contexts
that are not, the norm such as an educational or work context.

Thus, African-Americans who are interacting with non Afiican-Americans, and
have had little interaction with non African-Americans in any situations, may prove to be
prime examples of interracial/‘ultercultural interactions. These are situations where
differences and race may be most salient. This is critical information that must be obtained
flom research participants when conducting studies that examine interracial interactions.
It can not be assumed that the encounter is truly “intercultural” unless the respondents
involved have very little interaction with other racial goups and/or the topic or subject
matter is racially sensitive which would in efi‘ect, increase the salience of difl‘erences in

race. The intercultural component of interracial encounters could also be heightened if the

180

communication context is unusual for the participants, e.g., if individuals are accustomed
to association with one another in a professional context may feel that a “conflict of
cultures” is a geater potential in a difl‘erent context. But in situations were individuals of
difl'erent races share a common sub-culture or “mini-culture,” at work, at the gym, etc,”
and race is not a relevant or salient issue, the encounter cannot be assumed to be

intercultural.

Limitations of this research

There are a number of demographic goups among Aflican-Americans which could
have been examined in this research. Moreover, there is an infinite number of
attitudinal/personality traits which also could have been examined. This particular study
chose to focus on three demogaphic goups. Statistically significant difl'erences were
observed in some cases among income, age, and density goups, but they were not
breathtaking difl‘erences. The difl‘erences between Aflican-Americans and white
Americans were much more noteworthy than those found witlnin racial goup. Hence,
these findings suggest to this researcher that the similarities within Aflican-Americans
outweigh some of the difl‘erences and that a core culture based on the identified Aflican-
American cultural flames does exists.

Caution is suggested, however. More research is needed among difl'erent
demogaphic and attitudinal Aflican-American goups i.e., gender, education, region,
political orientation, and so forth in exannining the cultural perceptual flames to determine

conclusively the pervasiveness in shared perceptions regarding these flames on Aflican-

181

Americans. Likewise, more extensive perceptual cultural flame which have been identified
in the literature should also be examined. The four identified in this research are pervasive
in the Afiican-American, cultural and ethnic identity literature. Yet, these cultural
perceptual flame are by no means the only issues and concerns that impact this racial
goup. Other issues, relevant to Aflican-Americans as well as other ethnic goups, should
also be examined.

A final and, perhaps the most important limitation to this study, concerns the
“psychological” versus “communicative” data obtained in this research. Although it is
critical to obtain data flom the perceptual and mental level of analysis, the interactive
component of understanding how the cultural flames are manifested is lost in this research.
This data serves an important role in that it empirically examines the “mental program"
and attitudinal level of a shared culture among Aflican-Americans. However, future
research must delve not only into empirically examining how these cultural flames-are
enacted in day-to-day encounters but in qualitatively exploring what these flames mean to
the individual and how they impact interpersonal, interracial and intercultural relations

(i.e., through personal interviews or focus goups).

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