LIBRARY MichIgan State 1 University PLACE II RETURN BOX to romavotnio chockout from your noord. To AVOID FINES rotum on or baton doto duo. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU is An Aifinnotivo Action/Emu! Opportunity Institution WM! THE E THE DEVELOPMENT OF MULTI-CHANNEL TV AND TV NEWS VIEWING: A CROSS-SECTIONAL ANALYSIS OF TV NEWS VIEWING AND NEWS LEARNING IN A BROADCAST-CHANNEL-ONLY AND MULTI-CHANNEL SITUATION BY Sug—min Youn - A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Mass Media 1993 THE multi- from 1 gratit ChOiCt liter: news ‘ Then facto due t ABSTRACT THE DEVELOPMENT OF MULTI-CHANNEL TV AND TV NEWS VIEWING: A CROSS-SECTIONAL ANALYSIS OF TV NEWS VIEWING AND NEWS LEARNING IN A BROADCAST-CHANNEL-ONLY ' AND MULTI-CHANNEL SITUATION BY Sug-min Youn This dissertation investigated how the development of multi-channel TV affects TV news viewing and news learning from TV. Based on knowledge gap studies, uses and gratification studies, expectancy value theory, program choice studies, and relevant cognitive psychology literature, the theoretical factors which are related to TV news viewing and news learning from it were identified. Then, the changing nature of the relationships between these factors and TV news viewing and news learning from TV news due to multi-channel TV development was examined. Since multi-channel TV has been introduced all over the U.S. and multi-channel TV subscription cannot be manipulated, the major analysis of this research was limited to finding cross-sectional differences between broadcast- channel-only TV viewers and multi-channel TV viewers. A cross-sectional telephone survey was executed and obtained a sample size of 208 multi-channel TV subscribers and 95 non- subscribers. With regard to the amount of TV news viewing, the results indicate that (a) viewer availability and content gratification expectancy of TV (CGE-TV) which are major ~._ r_.fiw__,.u._,- facto‘ i situat situat ofTV news C . _- u..- vievin develd maximi I Percei only 1 and t] grati: 0f rue AlSo, tel1ms news OtheI factors of TV news viewing in a broadcast-channel—only situation become less important in a multi-channel situation, and (b) relative content gratification expectancy of TV (RCGE-TV), channel repertoire, and 33123,2359993192.9§ news channels emerge as new important factors of TV news GIZEI§§TI—;;;;, the results showed that multi-channel TV development tends to facilitate "(program type) interest maximization." The results indicate that (a) multi-channel TV viewers perceive TV as a better news medium than broadcast—channel- only TV viewers in terms of news variety, depth of coverage, and the expectancy of news learning motivation gratification, but contrary to the original expectation (b) TV news viewing has a stronger relationship with the level of news learning in a broadcast-channel-only situation. Also, this study provides substantial evidence that, in terms of the baseline awareness of major news events, TV news viewing is as important as, or more important than, other media exposure. I the ma First, Disser (Telec assist Disser Dr. Hc ( Comm the in T Univeg the ph SOCial assist nembeI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe many people special thanks for helping me through the mass media Ph. D. program at Michigan State University. First, I would like to thank the chairperson of the Dissertation Committee, Dr. Thomas F. Baldwin (Telecommunication), for his valuable guidance and assistance. I am very thankful to the other members of the Dissertation Committee, Dr. Straubhaar (Telecommunication), Dr. McCarty (Telecommunication), and Dr. Dearing (Communication). The superb expertise of each member became the indispensable nourishment for my dissertation. The Department of Telecommunication at Michigan State University provided the financial assistantship throughout the Ph. D. program. The Institute for Public Policy and Social Research (IPPSR) at Michigan State University assisted me with data gathering. I am grateful to the staff members in these two institutes. Many other people helped me with my Ph.D work. Specially, there are two persons to whom I always wanted to express special thanks; Kil-ho Kang and Soc-won Lee. Without Kil-ho Kang (and his wife Keong-sin), my university senior both at Seoul National University in Korea and Michigan State University, my study and life in the U.S. would have been much difficult and lonely. Particularly, iv when I was tackling the tough first year courses, his help was absolute. Soc-won Lee, my longtime college friend, has always been beside me with full of encouragement, jokes, and wisdom. Last year, he went through the harshest moment in his life and we lost contact temporarily. Recently, he came back with sincerer encouragement, funnier jokes, and shrewder wisdom. Finally, I would like to thank my family members. For my parents, Kyo-jung Youn and Yong-jeong Kim, I simply cannot find any adequate expression of appreciation. Like most Korean parents, they devoted their entire lives to their four sons. Without their endless faith, love, and support for me, their second son, this work would never have been completed. My daughter, Yeon. How happy I was when you were born two and half years ago. How difficult it was to bring you up as both your mother and father being full— time students. Nevertheless, Yeon, it was you who filled my days and nights with pure bliss. And, there is my wife, Hye—ok. She was in the center of everything. She has carried the heavy burden of a full-time foreign student, housekeeper, mother, and wife with remarkable patience. From the never-sufficient time and money, she showed the marvelous skill of maintaining our happy little home. As a conventional oriental man, I hate to say it but I don't see any other adequate word of appreciation for my wife. "I think, Yeon's mother, . . . I love you." Page LIST q- LIST 0 cnmd II. III Page TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Background. . . . . . . . . . Research Purposes. . . . . . . . . . . Research Questions and Organization of Dissertation . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. LITERATURE REVIEW. . . . . . . . . . . . . TV News Viewing. . . . . . . . . . Knowledge Gap Studies . . . Uses and Gratification Studies Program Choice Studies. . . . TV News Viewing Models. . . . TV News Viewing and News Learning. Socio-Economic Status (SES) . News Learning Motivations . TV News Viewing . . . . . . Other Factors . . . . . . . News Learning Model . . . . III. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . Measurement of Key Variables . . . . . Socio-Economic Status . . . Content Seeking and Process Seeking CGE-TV and RCGE-TV. . . . . . . . Viewer Availability . . . News Channel Awareness. . . . . . Channel Repertoire. . . . Value Perception of News Channels Amount of TV News Viewing . . . . Amount of Other Media Uses. . . . Level of News Learning. . . . . . vi viii 16 32 37 44 45 52 54 61 62 64 64 64 65 65 67 67 68 68 68 69 70 70 TABLE Chapte Page IV. APPENi APPENI BIBLIc TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Chapter Page Research Design. . . . . . . . . . . . Selection of Sample . . . . . . . Administration of the Survey. . . Composition of the Sample . . . . Analytical Techniques Used in Hypothess Testing 0 O O O O C O O C O O O C IV. RESEARCH RESULTS AND HYPOTHESES TESTING. . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . Amount of TV News Viewing. . . . . . . Average Amount of TV Viewing and TV News Viewing . . . . . . . . . . . . . TV News Viewing in a Broadcast-Channel-Only Situation. Broadcast News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation . . . . . lS 24-Hour News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation . . . . . . . . . . . Hypotheses Testing. . . . . . . . TV News Viewing and News Learning . . . News Learning Level of Four News Events. . . . . . . . . News Learning in a Broadcast-Channel-Only Situation. News Learning in a Multi-Channel Situation . . . . . Hypotheses Testing. . . . . . . . V. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Introduction . . . . . . . . Interpretation of Key Findings . . . . Development of Multi-Channel TV and TV News Viewing . . . . . . . . Development of Multi-Channel TV and News Learning . . . . . . . . . . Contributions of This Research . . . . Suggestions for Future Studies . . . . APPENDIX I. THE DESCRIPTIONS OF 6 NEWS EVENTS . APPENDIX II. TELEPHONE SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE. . BIBLIWRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 vii 72 72 76 77 80 81 81 81 82 85 91 94 97 105 105 106 110 116 122 122 123 132 137 139 142 144 164 Table Page 5. 6. 7. 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES Program Choice Options of Broadcast-Channel-Only TV Viewers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Program Choice Options of Multi-Channel TV Viewers Channel Available for Broadcast-Channel-Only Viewers and Multi-Channel TV Subscribers in the Sampling Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Major Production Statistics of the Sample. . . ,Sample Composition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Average Amount of TV Viewing a Day . . . . . . . . Average Number of days of TV News Viewing. . . . . Correlation Matrix of Variables Related to the Amount of TV News Viewing in a Broadcast-Channel-Only Situation . . . . . . . . . Multiple Regression Analysis Results of the Amount of Broadcast News Viewing in a Broadcast-Channel-only Situation . . . . . . . . Correlation Matrix of Variables Related to the Amount of TV News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation 0 O I O O O O O I O I C O O O O O O O I 0 Multiple Regression Analysis Results of the Amount of Broadcast News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation. . . . . . . . . . . . . The Correlation between Independent Variables and the Amount of 24-Hour News Viewing . . . . . . . . Multiple Regression Analysis Results of the Amount of 24-Hour News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation . . . . . . . . . . . viii 17 18 74 78 79 84 84 86 88 93 95 98 98 17. 20. 21. 22. 23, 24 25. 26. Table Page 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. The Relationships between SES and the Amount of TV News Viewing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Relationships between CGE-TV and RCGE-TV and the Amount of TV News Viewing. . . . . . . . . . . The Relationships between Viewer Availability and the Amount of TV News Viewing. . . . . . . . . . . News Learning Level of 4 News Events . . . . . . . Correlation Matrix of Variables Related to the Level of News Learning in a Broadcast-Channel-Only Situation . . . . . . . . . Multiple Regression Analysis Results of the Level of News Learning in a Broadcast-Channel-only Situation . . . . . . . . . Correlation Matrix of Variables Related to the Level of News Learning in a Multi-Channel Situation 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Multiple Regression Analysis Results of the Level of News Learning in a Multi-Channel Situation 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 I O I O O O O O The Relationships between SBS and the Level of News Learning. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The and Relationships between News Learning Motivation the Level of News Learning . . . . . . . . . . The and the Comparison of Broadcast-Channel-Only Viewers Multi-Channel TV Viewers Regarding Evaluation of TV as a News Medium. . . . . . . The the Relationships between TV News Viewing and Level of News Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . Primary News Sources among Different SES Groups. . ix .100 .102 .103 O 106 .107 .109 .112 .114 .116 .117 .118 .120 .126 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. The Theoretical Model of TV News Viewing In a Broadcast-Channel-Only TV Viewing Situation. . . . 2. The Theoretical Model of TV News Viewing In a Multi-Channel TV Viewing Situation . . . . . . . . 3. The Theoretical Model of 24-Hour News Viewing. . . 4. The Theoretical Model of News Learning . . . . . . 5. TV News Viewing in a Broadcast-Channel-Only Situation 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O 6. Broadcast News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 7. 24-Hour News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation. 8. News Learning in a Broadcast—Channel-Only Situation 0 O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 9. News Learning in a Multi-Channel Situation . . . . .111 .115 CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION Research Background For the last decade, one factor which could transform the whole viewership and social effects of TV, has evolved continuously. That factor is the development of multi-channel TV.1 The phenomenal advancement in video compression and fiber optic communication technology is expected to bring as large as 500 channel TV in the future, even though the expectations on the timing vary due to the rapidly changing industrial and regulative environment (Brown, March 8, 1993). The enormously expanded channel capacity has brought a variety of new TV channels which are geared to the narrowcast strategy such as news, sports, music, and entertainment, etc.2 In this situation, the 1 In this dissertation research, the term 'multi- channel TV' will be used to denote the new generation of TV which provides many channels besides traditional over-the- air broadcast channels. This term is preferred to ’cable TV’ since cable is just one means of delivering multi- channels. Also, from the viewer's point of view, there is no physical distinction between over-the-air channels and cable channels. In this vein, too, multi-channel TV is a better term than cable TV which usually refers only to the new channels available through cable subscription. 2For example, among the multi-channel networks planning to launch within 1994 are "Recovery Net/The Wellness 1 CDDCEx expos netwo this 4! m... 1' Stan: sitx Bab (Ere ' a1“ Yc> lbr I? -.¢Q’£!I7 / 2 concept of TV viewing characterized by the universal exposure to a set of limited programs provided by a few TV networks is bound to change in various aspects. Among the various changes in TV viewing, the focus of this dissertation is to investigate how TV news viewing is affected by the development of multi-channel TV. Past studies which explored TV news viewing in a multi-channel situation (Baldwin, Barrett, & Bates, 1992a and 1992b: Baldwin et. al., 1988: Becker et. al., 1983: Gelman, 1983: Grotta & Newsom, 1983: Heeter & Baldwin, 1988: Henke et. al., 1984: Jeffres, 1978a: Reagan, 1984: Webster, 1984: Youn, 1993b) mostly focused on the changes in the amount of broadcast TV news viewing due to multi-channel development. The findings from these studies are far from being consistent. Some researchers (Henke et. al., 1984: Jeffres, 1978a) found that in a multi-channel situation, the amount of broadcast network (ABC, CBS, NBC) news viewing decreased. On the contrary, other researchers (Baldwin et. al., 1988: Becker et. al., 1983: Heeter & Baldwin, 1988: Reagan, 1984: Youn, 1993b) found that TV viewers in a multi-channel situation watched as much as or more network news than TV viewers in a broadcast-channel-only situation. Underlying these inconsistent findings are the differences in research Channel" for recovering drug addicts, "The Golden American Network" for older Americans and "The Golf Channel" for golfers (Stern, June 7, 1993). setti sampl mini} long- audi« conc deve hypo mult audi divE of t the Balc rat: broe con. so 3 tha (:10 CUR] (:19 Qui Hea att mu} 3 settings and designs (e.g., data gathering time points, samples, and measurements). In this vein, Baldwin's et. al. study (1992a), which minimizes the problem of external validity by analyzing long-term changes of TV news viewing based on national TV audience rating data, provides the most comprehensive conclusions about the changes in TV news viewing due to the development of multi-channel TV. Baldwin et. a1. hypothesized that in a multi—channel situation (a) the multichannel offerings of non-news programs could divert audiences from network and local broadcast news (the diversion hypothesis) and (b) the head-to-head competition of the 24-hour news networks in national news would erode the broadcast news audience (the competition hypothesis). Baldwin et. al. found that while broadcast network news ratings have not changed much over the years among broadcast-channel—only TV viewers, they have declined continuously among multi-channel TV viewers and dramatically so among premium channel subscribers. This study also found that the decrease of broadcast network news share has a close inverse relationship with the increase of the cumulative 24-hour news viewing share.3 Based on this ’To interpret this as evidence of the competition hypothesis is still not without question. As their study clearly shows, average ratings for 24-hour news has remained quite constant by year (about 1.5 including both CNN and CNN Headline News). Therefore, it is more reasonable to attribute network news viewing erosion to the growth of multi-channel TV penetration (diversion), rather than to the 4 study, we can draw the following conclusions regarding the influence of multi—channel TV development on the amount of TV news viewing: (a) Mainly due to diversion effect and probably due to competition effect, broadcast news viewing has been decreasing over the years.‘ (b) 24—hour news viewing has been increasing mainly due to the steady growth of multi-channel TV penetration. (c) Therefore, TV news viewing is changing in the direction of watching more diverse news programs, including both broadcast news and 24-hour news programs.5 These trends provide a useful picture of the overall changes. However, these trends are just a broad overview of the complicated changes in TV news viewing due to the development of multi-channel TV. Under these general trends, the directions and degrees of changes can vary among TV viewers: some TV viewers may increase the amount of TV viewership increase of 24-hour news (competition). Furthermore, as Baldwin et. a1. themselves mention (1992(a), p.654), without knowing how much duplication is in the CNN audience or what proportion of people actually substitute CNN viewing for broadcast network news, it is difficult to estimate the true competition between network news and 24- hour news. ‘Since local news is not in a direct competition with 24-hour news, it is less likely to be affected by competition effect. 9It is unclear from the past studies, however, whether the overall amount of TV news viewing (including both broadcast news and 24-hour news) has been increasing or decreasing. It is likely that the total amount of TV news viewing has been somewhat constant assuming that the constant growth in 24-hour news viewing has made up the decrease in broadcast news viewing. 5 news viewing, while some others decrease it. From the past studies, however, it is difficult to find any elaborated discussions about these individual variations in changes. For example, will highly educated and less educated people show different directions and degrees of changes? What would be the case for those who differ in news learning motivations? Also uninvestigated from the past studies are the changes in news learning from TV news viewing due to the development of multi-channel TV. News learning from TV news viewing in a broadcast-channel-only situation has been extensively investigated by past studies (discussed in Chapter II). However, we do not know what cognitive effect TV news viewing has in a multi-channel situation. For example, will the development of multi-channel TV make TV play a more important role in informing people of important social issues? How will it change the roles of other media? Res a e This dissertation will investigate how the development of multi-channel TV affects TV news viewing and news learning from it. First, with regard to the changes in TV news viewing, going beyond describing the overall changes, this study will examine how the TV news viewing of people is affected differently due to the development of multi-channel TV. For this we need to identify the factors which bring 6 (or sometimes suppres) the differences in TV news viewing. Then, we need to examine how the roles of these factors are different in broadcast-channel-only and multi—channel situations, resulting in the variations in the directions and degrees of changes among different social groups. With regard to the changes in news learning from TV news viewing, too, we need to identify the factors which are related to the cognitive effect of TV news and to examine how the roles of these factors are affected by the development of multi- channel TV. Since multi-channel TV has been introduced all over the U.S. and multi-channel TV subscription cannot be manipulated, the use of repetitive group analysis (the comparison of the same group before and after multi-channel TV subscription) is practically impossible. Therefore, the major analysis of this research is limited to finding cross- sectional differences between broadcast-channel-only TV viewers and multi-channel TV viewers. e rc es ' n nd Or niza 0 0'55 0 The major research questions investigated by this dissertation are: (a) How does the development of multi-channel TV change TV news viewing? (In terms of cross-sectional comparison, what are the major differences between a broadcast-channel-only situation and a multi-channel situation with regard to TV news viewing?) 7 (b) How does the development of multi-channel TV change news learning from TV news viewing? (In terms of cross- sectional comparison, what are the major differences between a broadcast-channel—only situation and a multi- channel situation with regard to news learning from TV news viewing?) In Chapter II, theoretical factors which are relevant to TV news viewing and news learning from it will be explicated and their relationships with these two variables in both broadcast-channel-only and multi-channel situations will be proposed as empirically testable hypotheses. In Chapter III, methodological issues, including the research design and the measurement of major variables, will be elaborated. In Chapter IV, through data analysis, the actual findings and hypothesis test results will be presented. Finally, in Chapter V, the implication of the research findings and hypothesis test results will be discussed, and the directions for improvements through future studies will be suggested. contr . m." «Iv-mu!" —' _ - W rm? three V Jaw—vu- USES The q Struc (3281 it. tale: and n SOme gap r alrea CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW TV Neiniejirlq In the mass media field, major theoretical contributions regarding TV news viewing have been made from three different lines of studies: knowledge gap studies, uses and gratification studies, and program choice studies. The central focus of knowledge gap studies is on how socio- structural variables, particularly socio-economic status (SES), affect the amount of media exposure and learning from it. Uses and gratification studies explicate the relationship between audience needs or motivational factors and media uses. Meanwhile, prggram_ghgig§_studies highlight some other important factors such as programming schedule or programming awareness in an actual program choice. Knowledge Gap Studies In 1970, Tichenor et. a1 (1970) proposed the knowledge gap hypothesis: that is mass media tend to increase the already existing knowledge level differences between the more informed (high SES) and the less informed (low SES). 9 As the infusion of mass media information into a social system increases, segments of the population with higher socioeconomic status tend to acquire this information at a faster rate than the lower status segments, so that the gap in knowledge between these segments tends to increase rather than decrease (Tichenor, Donohue and Olien, 1970: 159—160). The issue of knowledge gap has brought broad academic attention: according to Gaziano (1983), 58 studies were published by 1983. Underlying this academic interest is the concern that even the ubiquitous and easily accessible mass media news sources tend to aggravate the existing social inequalities. In knowledge gap studies, "knowledge" denotes a very specific aspect of mass media's cognitive effects -- the recall or understanding of public affairs or science news, which has more or less general appeal, delivered by mass media (Tichenor et. al., 1970).1 It is not necessarily applied to more audience-specific topics, such as "stock market quotations, sports, and lawn and garden care (Tichenor et.al., 1970, p.160)." Also, "knowledge” concerns the news information originated by mass media such as newspaper or TV, even though it does not exclude interpersonal communication (personal contact) as an important mediator or messenger of this information. In 1To discuss the more general term "knowledge" is beyond the scope of this study. Also, it is not strongly relevant to the knowledge gap concept which denotes a very specific aspect of mass media's cognitive effects. However, for an extensive discussion on the concept of knowledge, see Machlup, F. (1980 & 1982). 10 actual measurement level, "knowledge" means the degree to which this news information is recalled or learned. The knowledge gap, therefore, means the difference in the degree to which the news information of general appeal originated by mass media is recalled or understood. Differences can be found individual by individual. However, the general focus of interest, particularly in terms of the original conceptualization of the knowledge gap hypothesis by Tichenor, et. al., is on the structural gap among different social groups, particularly among groups with different socio-economic status (SES),’*which is considered as the fundamental organizational structure of modern society (Eichar, 1989: Leptrato & Lewis, 1974: Rossides, 1976: Vanneman & Cannon, 1987). Among various measures of SES, knowledge gap studies have adopted education level as the primary measure. ack ound o ies of t now e e e . In discussing the knowledge gap hypothesis, the term "hypothesis" requires special attention. It means that 2Several studies have criticized the basic orientation of knowledge gap studies focusing on SES. Genova and Greenberg (1978) proposed that knowledge gap comes not from SES but from interest differences. In the same vein, Ettma and Kline (1977) proposed reformulation of the knowledge gap hypothesis based on differences in motivation. Currently, Reagan (1993), raised the same argument by saying that knowledge gap is no more than "Knowledge difference" due to the differences in interest. In this study, the role of these interest or motivational factors will be discussed more in detail with relation to the uses and gratifications studies. 11 there are theories on which this hypothesis is based. The theories suggested by Tichenor et. al. (1970, pp. 161-162) are as follows:3 (a) communication skill. People with more formal education are expected to have the higher reading and comprehension abilities necessary to acquire public affairs or science knowledge. (b) stored information or existing knowledge. People who are already better informed from prior exposure to the topic through mass media or from formal education itself are more likely to be aware of a topic when it appears in the mass media and are better prepared to understand it. (c) relevant social contact. Education generally indicates a broader sphere of everyday activity, a greater number of reference groups, and more interpersonal contacts, which increase the likelihood of discussing public affairs topics with others. (d) Selective exposure, acceptance, and retention of information. Voluntary exposure is often more closely related to education than to any other set of variables. What appears to be selective exposure according to attitudes might often more appropriately be called "de facto" selectivity resulting from educational differences These original theoretical explanations suggest that there are two basic conditions of the knowledge gap, the differences in the amount of news information exposure and the differences in the amount of learning from actual news 3Besides the four theories presented here, Tichenor et. al (1970) also included the nature of mass media system. They saw that mass media are geared to the interests and tastes of the higher-status segment and, therefore, tend to increase the knowledge gap. This explanation was excluded here, since this system-level factor is hard to elaborate empirically and is less applicable to the focal medium of this dissertation research, TV, which is targeted to the largest common denominator of audience. 12 information exposure. The main argument of the knowledge gap hypothesis is that SES tends to satisfy these two conditions of gap creation. First, the amount of news information exposure is likely to be different among different SES groups due to the differences in media content selectivity and social contact. As noted by Samuelson et. al. (1963), since increased formal education indicates an expanded and more differentiated life space, including a greater number of reference groups and more interest/ selectivity in science and other public issues, high SES people are likely to be exposed to more news information. Second, the amount of learning from media exposure is likely to be different among different SES groups due to different communication skill and stored knowledge. Since education increases the communication skill and stored knowledge which facilitate the understanding and retention of news information, a high SES group tends to learn more from the same amount of news exposure. S and ount TV s v'ew'n . Contrary to the original knowledge gap hypothesis, past studies which focused on news learning from TV news have revealed with remarkable consistency that TV news viewing tends to reduce knowledge gap among different SES groups (Atkin et. al., 1976: Becker & Whitney, 1980: Becker et. a1, 1978: Galloway, 1977: Israel & Robinson, 1972: Katz et. a1, 1977: McClure & Patterson, 1976: Miller & MacKuen, 1979: Nordenstreng, 1972: 13 Neuman, 1976: Robinson, 1972 and 1974: Robinson 8 Levy, 1986: Roper, 1985: Shingi 8 Mody, 1976). Particularly, two aspects of the findings from these studies need special attention: (a) the universal exposure to TV news and (b) the knowledge leveling effect of TV news viewing. First, television news viewing is a universal phenomenon and the amount of TV news viewing is not correlated with education. Both the more educated and the less educated people in society are equally likely to turn on TV news (Israel 8 Robinson, 1972: Neuman, 1976: Roper, 1985: Tunstall, 1983). Secondly, heavy dependence on TV news raises the knowledge level of the less-educated segments of society closer to the overall average, but at the same time depresses the knowledge level of the highly educated closer to the average.‘ Newman (1976, p.122) noted these two aspects of TV news viewing (universal exposure and knowledge leveling effect) as follows: In comparing the college professor and his construction-worker counter—part, it may be not only that they are equally likely to turn on the news but ‘For example, according to the study by the Center for Political Studies of the University of Michigan in 1980 (cited from Robinson 8 Levy, 1986), for the political information questions, regular news viewers with less than a high school education scored a higher average point than non-viewers, but of those with a college education, heavy news viewers scored a lower average point. A news awareness survey by Survey Research Center of the University of Maryland in 1983 (cited also from Robinson 8 Levy, 1986) found similar results. For the questions about news figures, TV news viewers among the less educated scored above average, but among college graduates, TV news viewers again scored below average. 14 that they remember the same amount of what they see ... not only on the lead story of the day and on human interest stories of general appeal but on the rank and file news items ranging from foreign affairs to national politics and issues of ecology. Interest naxinizatign theory. Therefore, contrary to the basic notion of the knowledge gap hypothesis, past studies show that SES is not related to the amount of TV news viewing (the relationship between SES and news learning will be discussed in the TV News Viewing and News Learning section). Why is this the case? Also, would it be the same in a multi-channel situation? Jeffres (1978a) suggests answers for these questions by proposing "interest maximization theory." In the context of the knowledge gap hypothesis, Jeffres asSumes that high SES and low SES differ in news interest/selectivity. In a broadcast—channel-only situation, however, the differences in news interest/ selectivity between high SES and low SES cannot be linked to the different amount of TV news viewing due to the structurally confining factors such as news program availability and programming schedule. Jeffres proposes that in a multi-channel situation, where people can maximize their program type interests free from these structurally confining factors, high SE8 TV viewers would increase the amount of TV news viewing while low SES TV viewers would decrease it. The result, he predicted, would be a widening gap in the amount of TV news viewing between high SES and low SES groups. 15 Jeffres put this idea to a test by comparing the relationships between SES and the amount of TV news viewing before and after multi—channel TV introduction. The result, however, did not support his idea. No significant differences were found in the amount of TV news viewing between different SES groups after multi-channel TV introduction. Therefore, as far as a formal empirical test is concerned, we are left with the conclusion that the development of multi-channel TV does not affect the amount of TV news viewing among different SES groups. Still, several problems in this study make it difficult to accept this conclusion. Methodological problems such as confounding of the seasonal variation of ratings and control of other extraneous variables weaken the validity of this study (for more detailed critique of this study, see Youn, 1993a). The most serious problem in Jeffres' study, however, is that it was carried out when the development of multi-channel TV was in its infant stage. More specifically, the multi-channel TV in Jeffres' study means eight channel TV including fairly overlapping distant channels. It is questionable whether this small scale channel increase due to the introduction of the infant-stage multi-channel TV really satisfies the basic conditions of interest maximization. The fully developed multi-channel TV, nowadays, is evaluated as approaching the basic condition of interest l6 maximization more closely. According to Youn’s study (1993a), in a multi-channel situation, a large number of programs in all major program types are available during prime time, compared to a broadcast-channel-only situation (see Tables 1 and 2). During traditional TV news hours (6-7 PM and 11-11:30 PM), multi-channel TV provides plenty of non-news program options, and 24-hour news channels provide abundant news program options during non-broadcast-news hours. In this situation, with plenty of news and non-news program choice options available around—the-clock, the role of SES in determining the amount of TV news viewing as is predicted by the interest maximization theory is likely to be realized. Put differently, high SES viewers will turn to news programs more often while low SES groups divert to non- news programs. From this discussion, the following hypothesis regarding the relationship between SES and TV news viewing is proposed: H1: SES will be positively related to the amount of TV news viewing in a multi-channel situation, while it will not be related to the amount of TV news viewing significantly in a broadcast-channel-only situation. 8 ' o e Through uses and gratification studies, the relationship between audience needs or motivations, including news/information needs, and actual media uses has been extensively investigated. As a result, past uses and gratifications studies have identified quite diverse 17 .330 H 3.83— 938 owns: on uncaognAHHBHHoHéHHH. 2 $223 Hrs 23 28- SH? #8.. :8- 38- “a? :8- :8- H28 H38 3825 Sea 28 :8 Has 28 28 38 can H38 H88 H58 803 . . . . . . H H H H mean u H H H . . . . . . mHHHHgHHHoSHDHHmouEfigHH . . . . H H H H H H H.232 €358” . . . . . . . . . . 32530 macaw . . . . . . H H H H 83% H H H . ~ N H H H H animals . . . . . . . . . . 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From these studies a group of motivation factors, more or less overlapping over various studies, have been identified as follows: (a) Becker (1979): surveillance, vote guidance, excitement, reinforcement, communication, relaxation, alienation, bias of media, and partisanship. (b) Palmgreen 8 Rayburn (1979): relaxation, learning about things, communicatory utility, forgetting, passing time, companionship, and entertainment. (c) Rubin (1983): relaxation, companionship, habit, passing time, entertainment, social interaction, information, arousal, and escaping. (d) Atkin (1990): enjoyment, killing time, relaxation, general information, companionship, specific guidance for decision making and behavior, reinforcement of attitudes, escaping, interpersonal communication facilitation, and social acceptance. However, one fundamental distinction of media uses which has very important implications with regard to news content exposure including TV news viewing has appeared with remarkable regularity. In uses and gratifications studies' parlance, this distinction can be summarized as one between content seeking v process seeking. C te t d o e 5 see ' . In uses and gratification studies, content gratification and process gratification (Cutler and Danowski, 1980, pp. 269-270), content seeking and media seeking (Jeffres, 1978b), instrumental media use and ritualized media use (Rubin, 20 1981, 1983, 8 1984), and Katz's et. al. (1974) suggestion that audience members can receive gratification from both media content and the exposure situation, all denote the same distinction of two sets of media use motivations. These distinctions are between (a) use of messages for intrinsic values that bear a direct link to particular substantive characteristics of the messages and (b) the use of messages for extrinsic values that do not bear a direct link to particular substantive characteristics of the messages. In this study, the former set of media use motivations will be named as content seeking (motivations) and the later, process seeking (motivations). Characterizing content seeking is message uses to gain knowledge, increase or reduce uncertainty in personal and social situations, or to support existing predispositions. 0n the contrary, process seeking, the gratification for which comes mainly from being involved in the process of communication behavior rather than the message content per se, includes a myriad of escape uses and stimulation uses that often involve engagement in entertainment and uses combatting social isolation through connections with mediated culture and its actors. Past studies (Gantz, 1978: Jeffres, 1978b: Youn, 1993b) found that TV news viewing is related to process seeking as well as content seeking since people tend to watch TV news in the course of TV viewing, as well as for the specific 21 purpose of news information seeking. However, since the primary objective of TV news programs compared to other non— news/entertainment programs is to deliver news/information, and since content seeking is the need to obtain news/ information content, it is likely that TV news program viewing is more strongly related to content seeking, compared to other TV programs. This discussion tends to lead us to the conclusion that those who pursue strong content seeking would watch more TV news. However, strong content seeking would not necessarily lead to TV news viewing, if the evaluation of TV news in gratifying content seeking is low. In this case, they will turn to another medium such as newspaper for which they have better evaluation. Put differently, content seeking denotes "news/information seeking" or "news learning motivations" in general rather than "TV news seeking." Therefore, in order to get at a more elaborate understanding of TV news viewing intention, we need to consider a viewer's evaluation of TV in gratifying content seeking as well as the strength of content seeking per se. t v o . By considering this evaluation factor, expectancy value theory (Atkinson, 1957: Feather, 1959: Fishbein, 1963: Fishbein 8 Ajzen, 1975: Rotter, 1954: Tolman, 1932) provides a more elaborate theoretical definition and measurement of TV news viewing intention. Although the various theories under this label 22 differ somewhat in their emphases, all view either behavior, behavioral intentions, or attitudes (or all three) as a function of (a) expectancy (or belief), that is, the probability that an attitude object possesses a particular attribute or that a behavior will have a particular consequence and (b) evaluation, that is, the degree of affect, positive or negative, toward an attribute or behavioral outcome.5 5The various discussions about expectancy value theory include: (a) Tolman (1932) - According to Tolman, people learn "expectations," i.e., beliefs that a given response will be followed by some event. Since these "events" can be either positive or negative "reinforcers" (i.e.,can have positive or negative valence), his argument essentially is that people will learn to perform (or increase their probability of performing) behavior that they "expect" to lead to positively valenced events. (b) Edwards' (1954) Subjective Expected Utility (SEU) model - According to this theory, when a person makes a behavioral choice, he will select that alternative which has the highest subjective expected utility. The subjective expected utility of a given alternative is defined in the following equation. a 330:2 SPiUi, 14 where SEU is the subjective expected utility associated with a given alternative: SP5 is the subjective probability that the choice of this alternative will lead to some outcome 1: [h is the subjective value or utility of outcome i: and n is the number of relevant outcomes. (c) Rosenberg's (1956) Instrumentality Value Model - Rosenberg defined attitude as a "relatively stable affective response to an object" and argued that this attitude is "accompanied by a cognitive structure made up of beliefs about the potentialities of that object for attaining or blocking the realization of valued states" (p. 367). According to him, the more a given "object" was instrumental in obtaining positively valued goals and in blocking negatively valued goals, the more favorable the person's attitude toward the object. This hypothesis is expressed in 23 Fishbein (1963) has made this relationship an explicit part of his theory of attitude which can be described as follows: (a) An individual holds many beliefs about a given object: i.e., the object may be seen as related to various attributes, such as other objects, characteristics, goals, etc. (b) Associated with each of the attributes is an implicit evaluative response, i.e., an attitude. (c) Through conditioning, the evaluative responses are associated with the attitude object. (d) The conditioned evaluative responses summate, and thus (e) on future occasions the attitude object will elicit this summated evaluative response, i.e., the overall attitude. According to the theory, a person's attitude toward any object is a function of his beliefs about the object and the implicit evaluative responses associated with those beliefs. The central equation of the theory can be expressed as follows: I) 110:2;pr the following equation: I: 110:2; IiVi, where I1 is instrumentality, i.e., the probability that 0 would lead to or block the attainment of a goal or value 1: \h is value importance, i.e., the degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction the person would experience if he obtained value 1: and n is the of goals or value states. wheré belie relaw and : varie nonl1 Howe} view¢ 241) numb or t Exal' lxin 3!) ha rrmrrmH—Hmrdrf 24 where A0 is the attitude toward some object, o: tn is the belief about 0, i.e., the subjective probability that o is related to attribute i: en is the valuation of attribute i: and n is the number of beliefs. Because both b and e are variables in the expectancy value equation, attitude is a nonlinear function of b, or of e, if each is taken singly. However, the model is linear when the b x e product is viewed as a variable (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975, pp. 237- 241). A major assumption of the theory is that only a limited number of beliefs are relevant or salient to a given object or behavior at a given time. The totality of a person's beliefs represents the information that a person has about him(her)self and his/her social and physical environment.‘ Appligntions 9f ernggtnncy-valne tneory. Two different applications of expectancy-value theory to mass media uses have been provided up to now. One is Galloway and Meek's ‘Fishbein and Ajzen provide a person's attitude toward the supersonic transport (SST) as an example. If this person holds the following beliefs such as (a) SST is an airplane, (b) SST is noisy, (c) SST is not economical, and (d) SST is a pollutant, his/her attitude toward the SST is a function of the strength with which (s)he holds these beliefs and of his/her evaluations of each attribute. The subjective probabilities and evaluations that might have been obtained can be presented as follows. Belief b e be airplane .90 +2 1.80 Noisy .80 -2 —1.60 Not economical .60 -1 - .60 Pollutant .50 -3 -1.50 (1981 Palmq Meek the f where 1th 9] grati equa usin medi the “hi V11 es. s: ex 19 th ex} 991 25 (1981) expectancy model of media exposure, and the other is Palmgreen and Rayburn's (1982, 1983) summation model. (a) Expectancy model of media exposure: Galloway and Meek applied expectancy-value theory to explain the amount of a specific medium exposure. Their idea is expressed by the following equation: Exposure = L‘E1 x V,, where 1?.1 is the strength of expectancy associated with the in: gratification, and V, is the value of the in, gratification. The problem in this equation is that media exposure is equated with the attitude toward a medium or intention of using a medium (since the product of expeCtancy value of a medium is the attitude toward a medium or intention of using the medium). As a result, this model ignores other factors which would affect the actual media exposure besides viewer’s attitude or intention. (b) Summation model of media use intention: By equating expectancy value of a medium with gratification sought (i.e., media use motivation) instead of actual media exposure, Palmgreen and Rayburn (1982, 1983, 1985a, and 1985b) provide an advanced application of value expectancy theory. The relation between a gratification sought and expectancy value of a medium is expressed as the following equation: GS; = bieil wherfa PTOQLh probe behax affej song) Wher vari Pal an 3w ar 26 where GS,== the ith gratification sought from X (some medium, program, content type, etc.): tn=the belief (subjective probability) that x possesses some attribute or that a behavior related to X will have a particular outcome: e,=the affective evaluation of the particular attribute or outcome. Based on this equation of a single gratification sought, they proposed the following summation model: 268, = Elble1 , where 2G3, indicates a generalized orientation to seek various gratifications from a particular source. Congenr grarificnrign expecrancy of Ty (ggg-Ty). Palmgreen and Rayburn's model (1982, 1983, 1985a and 1985b: an application of this model is also found in Babrow 8 Swanson, 1988) provides an important implication in defining and measuring the strength of TV news viewing intention (defined as the sum of various TV news viewing motivations). According to their model, the intention of using TV to satisfy one's news/information needs can be expressed as the sum of the product of each news/information motivation (value) and evaluation (expectancy) of TV in gratifying this motivation. For a valid application of expectancy value theory to TV news viewing, however, instead of expectancy, value needs to be considered first, even though this does not make any difference in actual computation. Expectancy value theory was 6 obje: certs not < put ( towa: choi1 In 01 set ( how ‘ eval int. rel see vi. Se > 1'“ Se 27 was developed to explain one’s attitude toward a person, object, etc. Therefore, expectancy comes first. That is, certain characteristics of a person or a thing, which are not changeable, are noticed first. Then, based on the value put on each characteristic, the comprehensive attitude toward that person or thing is decided. In actual program choice process, however, we can expect the opposite process. In other words, it is assumed that a viewer has a certain set of values (motivations) to be satisfied. After that, how well various TV programs can satisfy these values is evaluated. Then, the first issue with regard to TV news viewing intention is to identify a certain set of values which are related to TV news viewing. From the discussion on content seeking and process seeking, it is likely that TV news viewing is mainly related to content seeking while process seeking is related to non-news program viewing. Then, based on Palmgreen and Rayburn's model, TV news viewing intention will become the sum of the product between the strength of each content seeking motivation and the expectancy of TV in gratifying this motivation. CGE-TV = 2 C; X Ell where CGE-TV (content gratification expectancy of TV) indicates a generalized orientation to gratify content seeking from TV: cg is the strength of each content seeking moti' moti‘ can‘ wher indi seek moti moti con: Vht Va Qe SE 28 motivation: E5 is the expectancy of TV in gratifying this motivation. In the same vein, the process seeking expectancy of TV can be expressed as the following equation. PGE-TV = 5.: P1 x E“ where PGE-TV (process gratification expectancy of TV) indicates a generalized orientation to gratify process seeking from TV: P3.is the strength of each process seeking motivation: Eh is the expectancy of TV in gratifying this motivation. The total gratification expectancy of TV can be conceptualized as the sum of CGE—TV and PGE—TV. TGE-TV = CGE-TV + PGE-TV = 2 G, x E,, where TGE-TV indicates a generalized orientation to gratify various media use motivations from TV: G, indicates a general media use motivation item (both content and process seeking): Eh is the expectancy of TV in gratifying this motivation. CGE-TV is evaluated as a good indicator of TV news viewing intention in a broadcast-channel—only situation where available program types are relatively limited (especially during traditional TV news viewing hours when few non-news programs are available). In other words, when a viewer has only two choices (i.e., watching TV news or 29 turning off TV), the stronger content seeking and the better the evaluation of TV in gratifying content seeking, the more likely he/she will turn to TV news. From this the following hypothesis is proposed: H2: In a broadcast-channel-only situation, CGE—TV will be positively related to the amount of TV news viewing. ela 'v t nt G at'f c t'o ct n 0 TV C - TV). In a multi-channel situation, where a number of program types are available besides news programs, a viewer will have three different choices (i.e., watching TV news, watching other programs, and turning off TV). Therefore, CGE-TV may not be a good indicator of TV news viewing motivation. Put differently, in a multiéchannel TV situation, even though a viewer persues strong content seeking and the evaluation of TV is good (high degree of CGE—TV), if (s)he persues stronger process seeking and the evaluation of TV in gratifying process seeking is better, (s)he will turn to non—news programs. More basically, in a multi-channel situation where a variety of program types are available at the same time, a viewer will turn to a program by which he/she can maximize total gratification expectancy. In other words, the intention to watch TV news will depend not on the absolute size but on therelative_size of the expectancy value of TV 30 news compared to those of other programs.7 Therefore, to estimate the amount of TV news viewing, we need to obtain the expectancy values of all the other programs, which is practically unfeasible. A more practical and theory-oriented solution regarding this problem, however, is suggested from the conceptual distinction of content seeking and process seeking. As was discussed before, among TV programs, TV news viewing will mainly be related to content seeking, while process seeking will lead to more non-news program viewing in which news/ information delivery is not the primary goal. Therefore, the strength of TV news viewing intention, that is the relative size of the value expectancy of TV news programs compared to the value expectancy of other programs, can be estimated by computing how large a potion of TGE-TV of a viewer is taken by CGE-TV. If a large portion of TGE- TV is taken by CGE—TV in a viewer's case, then it is expected that he/she has relatively strong expectancy value of TV news programs. On the contrary, if only a small portion of TGE-TV is taken by CGE-TV in another viewer's case, then it is likely that (s)he has relatively weak expectancy value of TV news programs. ’It can be compared to the situation of choosing the best friend among one's friends. Expectancy value equation just provides the attitude toward each friend. To choose the best friend, expectancy values for all the friends need to be measured. 31 Thus, the relative strength of gratification expectancy of TV news can be replaced by the relative content gratification expectancy of TV (RCGE—TV), which is computed by dividing CGE-TV by TGE-TV. k 2 C13, HUGE—TV: 1' 1 ; g 615.1 1 : CGE-TV : CGE-TV TGE-TV CGE-TV+PGE-TV ’ where RCGE-TV indicates the relative strength of gratification expectancy of TV news: Ch is the strength of the in, content seeking motivation: E, is the evaluation of TV in gratifying content seeking item i:_k is the number of content seeking items: G, is the strength of the in, media use motivation: Eh is the expectancy of TV with regard to the motivation item i: n is the total number of motivation items. In a multi-channel situation, where plenty of news and non-news programs are available, RCGE-TV, as an indicator of the relative strength of the total gratification expectancy of TV news compared to other TV programs rather than CGE-TV as an indicator of the absolute strength of content gratification expectancy of TV, is estimated as a better predictor of the amount of TV news viewing. Especially, the amount of 24-hour news viewing is expected to be related to RCGE-TV more strongly, since the viewing of 24-hour news 32 channels as specialized news channels is likely to depend more heavily on the relative strength of the news/ information seeking motivations through TV. Therefore, NM HH..____ regarding the relationship between RCGE-TV and the amount of WVHH TV news viewing, the following hypothesis is proposed: H3: In a multi-channel TV situation, the amount of TV news (particularly, 24-hour news) viewing will be positively related to RCGE-TV. Program Choicerstudies So far we have attempted to specify the relationship of SES and news seeking motivations with TV news viewing in both broadcast-channel-only and multi-channel situations based on knowledge gap studies and uses and gratification studies. Besides this, we can identify several other important theoretical factors which are related to TV news viewing from program choice studies and other multi—channel TV audience studies (Baldwin et. al., 1992(b): Heeter, 1988: Heeter 8 Greenberg, 1988: Webster, 1983: Webster 8 Agostino, 1982). These factors include viewer availability, news programming (channel) awareness, channel repertoire and value perception of news programming (channels). Viewer availnnility. Since TV news is available only a certain portion of time in a broadcast-channel-only situation, its viewing will heavily depend on whether a viewer can watch TV during TV news hours (Webster 8 Agostino, 1982). For multi-channel TV viewers, also, viewer avai View this case when rela W chaq haV1 mul hox DI 33 availability will be a crucial factor of deciding TV news viewing with regard to broadcast news viewing. However, this availability will not matter at all in 24-hour news' case (Heeter 8 Greenberg, 1988), since a viewer can watch it whenever he/she wants to. From this, regarding the relationship between viewer availability and the amount of TV news viewing, the following hypothesis is proposed: H4: Viewer availability will be positively related to the amount of broadcast news viewing in both broadcast- channel—only and multi—channel situation, while it is not related with the amount of 24-hour news viewing. Hens programming (channel) awareness. For broadcast- channel—only TV viewers, news programming awareness will not have strong influence on TV news viewing. However, for multi-channel TV viewers, especially with regard to the 24- hour multi-channel TV news, the importance of news programming(channel) awareness in TV news viewing will become significant. With multi-channel TV, the assumption that each time viewers select a program they are aware of and weigh all program alternatives to select a most preferred option is untenable (Heeter 8 Greenberg, 1988). There are simply too many options. Even on a general basis, multi-channel TV subscribers are not very aware of the different channels available to them, let alone the different programs.‘ It is likely that viewers 'According to Arbitron Report (1983) cable subscribers are not aware of all the services available to them or even (par PTO? prog news the awar' PTOP 917055....Hn I Q. 34 (particularly multi-channel TV viewers) who have high news programming (channel) awareness are likely to watch news programs more often, and, in turn, this will improve their news programming (channel) awareness. From this, regarding the relationship between news programming (channel) awareness and TV news viewing, the following hypothesis is proposed: H5: News programming (channel) awareness will be positively related to the amount of 24—hour news Viewing. Qnennei repertoire. Studies about the multi-channel TV audience (Heeter, 1988: Nielson, 1983: Reagan, 1993: Television Audience Assessment, 1983: Webster, 1983: Webster 8 Agostino, 1982) have found that multi-channel TV viewers have a limited set of channels that they check and watch regularly and intentionally. This limited set of channels is called a channel repertoire (Heeter, 1988). According to Webster (1983), who analyzed the viewing shares with and without cable across 24 markets, networks still attract the plurality of viewing share. Pay cable channels attract a 14 to 20 percent share in pay cable of what service they're watching at any given time (p.13). In door-to-door interviews, viewers were able to correctly identify an average of 9 of 35 available channels by channel number or location on the channel selector and were aware of one additional service of uncertain location. Twenty-three percent of respondents were able to identify only 0—3 channels. Another 23 percent correctly named 14-27 channels, and the remainder identified between 4 and 13. 35 homes. Distant stations draw a 10 percent share in the largest market and as much as 46 percent in smaller markets. The remaining cable-only channels account for very little viewing time (less than 10 percent). According to Heeter’s study (1988), of 35 channels carried, only the three local network affiliates were regularly watched by 50 percent or more of the cable subscribers surveyed. HBO, WTBS, and a local independent were watched by 40-50 percent. Nine of the 22 other channels available only with cable (ESPN, MTV, CNN, USA, etc.) were watched by one-tenth to one-third of viewers. Thirteen cable channels were watched by less than one-tenth of subscribers. Channel repertoireh’ as a type of predisposition toward TV channels, is likely to affect TV news viewing of multi- channel TV viewers. More specifically, the inclusion of 24- hour news channels in channel repertoire is likely to increase the amount of 24-hour TV news viewing. From this, regarding the relationship between channel repertoire and the amount of TV news viewing, the following hypothesis is proposed: H6: The inclusion of 24-hour news channels in channel repertoire will be positively related to the amount of 24-hour news viewing. ’In this study, channel repertoire will be defined as channels turned to intentionally. A channel unintentionally viewed in the course of channel flipping cannot be considered as a part of channel repertoire no matter how frequent and regular that kind of viewing happens, since that type of viewing is purely matter of chances affected heavily by channel placement. 36 Value perception of news channele. Multi-channel TV viewers pay a certain amount of money to get extra channels which are not available to broadcast—only-channel viewers. In other words, multi-channel TV viewers seek extra values in return for their subscription fee. Since multi-channel TV provides a package of channels rather than sells each channel, various value perceptions can be associated with multi-channel subscription. For example, for some subscribers, to receive extra entertainment will constitute the main value, while for some others, to receive extra news/information will be perceived as the main value. In the former’s case, the subscribers will increase the amount of entertainment program viewing. In the latter’s case, the subscribers will turn to more news programs. Therefore, the values associated with multi-channel TV will dictate the types of programs mainly viewed from it. Put differently, 24-hour news viewing will be closely related to the value which a subscriber puts on news/ information channels. According to Baldwin et. al. (1992b), from an economic point of view, value for a service should translate into monetary terms. Thus, those who are willing to pay an extra subscription fee for the news/information channels of multi—channel TV will watch 24-hour news more. From this, regarding the relationship between the value perception of news channels and the amount of 24—hour news viewing, the following hypothesis is prOposed: 37 H7: The value perception of news/information channels will be positively related to the amount of 24-hour news viewing. TV News Viewing Models From the discussion so far, we can propose theoretical models regarding TV news viewing in broadcast—channel-only and multi-channel situations respectively (in the latter’s case, broadcast news and 24-hour news, respectively). Amount of TV news viewing is necessarily contingent upon several other factors, such as the amount of TV viewing hours, the amount of other media uses, and other demographic factors (age, gender, number of children), besides the major theoretical factors discussed previously. Therefore, these variables will be included as well in the models. Besides these variables, in a multi-channel situation, broadcast news and 24-hour news can affect each other in both competitive and complementary fashions. Therefore, factors specifically related to 24-hour news viewing (such as 24-hour news channel awareness), including the amount of 24-hour news viewing will be included when we discuss the broadcast news viewing model in a multi-channel situation. In the same vein, the amount of broadcast news viewing will be included in the 24-hour news viewing model. Broadcaet-cnannel-oniy eiruetion. In a broadcast- channel-only situation, TV news is available only during limited time. Also, during TV news viewing hours only a few program type options are available except news programs, 38 which makes TV news viewing a compulsive behavior unless a viewer decides to turn off TV. Therefore, as was hypothesized before, the most important factor with regard to TV news viewing will be the structural constraining factor of viewer availability. Put differently, the amount of TV news viewing in a broadcast—channel-only situation will mainly depend on whether a viewer can watch TV during TV news hours. Also, since TV news viewing is almost compulsory once a viewer decides to watch TV, the amount of TV news viewing will depend on TV news viewing intention measured by the absolute strength of content gratification expectancy of TV, rather than the relative strength of gratification expectancy of TV news programs compared to those of other TV programs. Therefore, CGE-TV will be positively related to TV news viewing. From this discussion, the theoretical model regarding the amount of TV news viewing in a broadcast-channel-only situation is proposed as Figure 1. finiti-enennei siruation. In a multi—channel situation compared to a broadcast-channel—only situation, a different set of theoretical factors are likely to be related to TV news viewing. First, with regard to broadcast news viewing, it is important to consider two major differences of a multi-channel situation compared to a broadcast-channel-only situation: (a) other non—news program types are widely News Program Availability TV News Viewing TV News Intention Viewing (CGE-TV) Other Variables Fi e . The Theoretical Model of TV News Viewing in a Broadcast-Channel-Only TV Viewing Situation ai ws ca .11 'al {ct m; u =11: teal 40 available during traditional TV news hours and (b) 24-hour news is available as an alternative or complement to broadcast news. Since the availability of broadcast news is still limited to a certain portion of hours, viewer availability is likely to be one of the most influential factors. However, since broadcast news viewing is no longer compulsory, as is the case in a broadcast-channel-only situation due to the two points above, a weaker relationship between news availability and the amount of broadcast news viewing is likely to be observed. Meanwhile, the decrease of the influence of viewer availability factor is likely to introduce changes in the influences of audience factors such as SES and TV news viewing intention. As was hypothesized before, with regard to TV news viewing intention, since broadcast news viewing is likely to happen after comparing various TV program options, the amount of broadcast news viewing will depend on how strong the gratification expectancy of TV news is compared to those of other TV programs, rather than the absolute strength of content gratification expectancy of TV. Therefore, RCGE-TV as a better indicator of TV news viewing intention than TGE-TV is expected to be positively related to the amount of broadcast news viewing in a multi—channel situation. Also in a multi-channel situation, according to interest maximization theory, high SES viewers are likely to stay with broadcast news, while low SES viewers will divert to r relz Fror bro: pm] con: Fir: Whi< bro lon vie‘ fac wil t0 Wit Chi Chi rel the 24. 41 to non-news programs. Therefore, SES is likely to be related positively to the amount of broadcast news viewing. From this discussion, the theoretical model regarding the broadcast news viewing in a multi—channel situation is proposed as Figure 2. With regard to 24-hour news, the roles of the factors considered in broadcast news viewing are expected to change. First of all, as was hypothesized before, news availability which is a dominant factor of broadcast news viewing in both broadcast-channel-only and multi-channel situations is no longer likely to be a significant factor, since 24-hour news viewing is available around—the-clock. Meanwhile, audience factors such as SES and TV news viewing intention (RCGE-TV) will become more significant. Besides, new theoretical factors which are not relevant to broadcast news viewing are expected to become important with regard to 24-hour news viewing. As was discussed before, these factors include news channel awareness, channel repertoire, and the value perception of news channels. These factors are expected to be positively related to the amount of 24-hour news viewing. From this, the following model (Figure 3) is proposed with regard to 24-hour news viewing. 42 SE8 News Program Availability "““-~HHHrrH*~mmm~ Broadcast News TV News ”’,,H»”r,HHHHr”"”" viewing Viewing Intention (RCGE-TV) Other Variables Fignre z. The Theoretical Model of Broadcast News Viewing in a Multi-Channel Situation RCGE-TV News Channel Awareness \ Channel 24-Hour News Repertoire Viewing Value / Perception of News Channels Other Variables Fignre 3. The Theoretical Model of 24—hour News Viewing 44 TV News Viewing and News Learning So far, the relationship between various theoretical factors and TV news viewing in both broadcast-channel—only and multi-channel situations has been discussed. In this section, the discussion will focus on the changing nature of news learning from TV news viewing due to the development of multi—channel TV. If TV news were the only source of news learning, then a simple cross-sectional comparison of news learning from TV news viewing (measured by the relationship between the amount of TV news viewing and news knowledge level) among multi-channel TV viewers and broadcast-channel-only TV viewers would show us exactly how multi-channel TV development would affect news learning from TV news viewing. However, to make the comparison more complicated, there are many other factors which affect news learning (e.g., SE8, news/information seeking motivation, and exposure to other news sources, etc.). Furthermore, those who subscribe to multi-channel TV and those whoU1< Before we begin, let me tell you that any information you give me will be kept strictly confidential. Let me also tell you that this interview is completely voluntary. Should we come to any question that you don't want to answer, just let me know and we’ll go on to the next question. >A1< First, how long have you lived in Michigan? <1> LESS THAN 1 YEAR <2> 1 TO 3 YEARS <3) 4 TO 6 YEARS <4) 7 TO 10 YEARS <5> MORE THAN 11 YEARS <8> DO NOT KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >A2< Do you subscribe to cable televison? <1> YES <5> NO <8> DO NOT KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >A3< Do you read the newspaper? <1> YES <5> NO <8) DO NOT KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER 144 145 >B1< Next, I would like to read you several statements and have you tell me to what extent you agree or disagree with each statement. I try to make myself a more knowledgeable person from what I read or view. Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree? <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOMEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >B2< I am the type of person who feels left out if I'm not familiar with what’s going on in society. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOMEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON'T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >B3< If I can be entertained from what I read or view, I don’t care much about the informational content. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOHEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON'T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER 146 >B4< It is important to me to have well-informed opinions about controversial issues. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOMEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >BS< I tend to turn to what I read or view just to pass the time. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOMEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON'T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >B6< I tend to avoid complicated material that I have to try hard to understand. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOHEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOHEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER 147 >B7< I like to hear the ideas of others, in order to have more objective ideas of my own. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOMEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON'T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >BB< I tend to read or view material to relax rather than to gather new information. (Would you say you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree?) <1> STRONGLY AGREE <2> SOMEWHAT AGREE <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT DISAGREE <5> STRONGLY DISAGREE <8> DON'T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER (if the answer for A2 is 1, go to Cla; If the answer for A2 is 5, go to Clb) >CIa< The next set of questions are about your television viewing habits. Through out the survey, television refers to both broadcast and cable television. On average, how many days per week do you watch television from 6 to 7 pm? <1> 1 DAY PER WEEK <2> 2 DAYS PER WEEK <3> 3 DAYS PER WEEK <4> 4 DAYS PER WEEK <5> 5 DAYS PER WEEK <6> 6 DAYS PER WEEK <7> EVERYDAY <8> NEVER <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER 148 >C1b< The next set of questions are about your television viewing habits. On average, how many days per week do you watch television from 6 to 7 pm? <1> 1 DAY PER WEEK <2> 2 DAYS PER WEEK <3> 3 DAYS PER WEEK <4> 4 DAYS PER WEEK <5> 5 DAYS PER WEEK <6> 6 DAYS PER WEEK <7> EVERYDAY <8> NEVER <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >C2< On average, how many days per week do you watch TV from 11 PM to 12 midnight? <1> 1 DAY PER WEEK <2> 2 DAYS PER WEEK <3> 3 DAYS PER WEEK <4> 4 DAYS PER WEEK <5> 5 DAYS PER WEEK <6> 6 DAYS PER WEEK <7> EVERYDAY <8> NEVER <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON’T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >C3< On average, how many hours per day do you spend watching television? <98> DON’T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER 149 >Dl< Do you watch the local evening news or the network news on <1> <2> <3> <5> <8> <9> television? YES, LOCAL EVENING NEWS (SKIP le) YES, NETWORK NEWS (SKIP Dla) BOTH LOCAL AND EVENING NEWS NO (SKIP Dla and 01b) DON’T KNOW (SKIP Dla and le) REFUSED - NO ANSWER (SKIP D18 and le) >D1a< On average, how many days per week do you watch the local evening news? <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <6> <7> <8> DAY PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK EVERYDAY NEVER O‘U‘lobUNH <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON’T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >D1b< On average, how many days per week do you watch the network <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <6> <7> <8> news (ABC,CBS, NBC or PBS)? DAY PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK EVERYDAY NEVER aim-FUNH <97> OTHER <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER (IF A2 is 5, Skip E1 to E6) 150 >E1< Do you subscribe to premium cable channels? (such as HBO, Showtime, Cinemax, or Disney)? <1> <5> <8> YES NO DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >E2< Do you watch the specialized cable news channels, such as CNN, <1> <5> <8> <9> CNN headline news, C-SPAN, or C-NBC? YES NO [go to E5] DON’T KNOW[go to E5] REFUSED - NO ANSWER >E2a< If you had to, would you pay an additional fee to recieve these news channels? <1> YES <5> NO <8> DO NOT KNOW <9> REFUSED >E3< On average, how many days per week do you watch these channels? <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <6> <7> <8> DAY PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK EVERYDAY NEVER O‘U‘lwaH <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER[#Imd1=99][##md2=0][##b1ank=01 >E4< 151 On average, how many hours per day do you spend watching these news channels (such as CNN, CNN headline news, C-SPAN, or C-NBC)? <0-24> HOURS <98> DON’T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER[##md1=99][##md2=0][##blank=01 ===> >E4a< People tend to turn to a set of cable channels >E5< intentionally, and other channels, unintentionally by channel hopping. Would you say you turn to CNN or other cable news channels intentionally or unintentionally? <1> CHANNELS TURNED TO INTENTIONALLY <5> CHANNELS TURNED TO UNINTENTIONALLY <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER <1> <5> <2> <3> <4> <6> <7> <8> <9> <10> <1l> <12> <14> <15> <16> <17> <18> <97> <99> Can you tell me what type of programming is shown on C-SPAN? YES: SPECIFY PROGRAMMING NO [go to E6] US HOUSE AND SENATE (CONGRESS) MICHIGAN HOUSE AND SENATE (LEGISLATURE) NEWS BROADCASTS GOVERNMENT HEARINGS (CONGRESSIONAL) COURT CASES-TRIALS TALK SHOWS: LARRY KING, CROSSFIRE, ETC POLITICAL BROADCASTS SPANISH CHANNEL SPORTS CHANNEL DOCUMENTARIES WORLD NEWS LOCAL GOVERNMENT ENVIRONMENTAL PROGRAMMING BUSINESS-STOCKS EDUCATIONAL MOVIES OTHER:SPECIFY REFUSED - NO ANSWER >E6< Can you C-NBC? <1> <5> <2> <3> <4> <6> <7> <8> <9> <10> <11> <12> <97> <99> 152 tell me what type of programming is shown on YES:SPECIFY TYPE OF PROGRAMMING NO TALK SHOWS-INTERVIEWS NEWS BROADCASTS-INFORMATIONAL PROGRAMMING BUSINESS SHOWS-BROADCASTS FINANCIAL PROGRAMMING (STOCKS-WALL STREET) DOCUMENTARIES CHRISTIAN BROADCASTS STITUATION COMEDIES COURT CASES-TRIALS GOVERNMENTAL PROGRAMS SPORTS EDUCATIONAL SOAP OPERAS OTHER:SPECIFY REFUSED - NO ANSWER >F1< The next set of questions deal with how you rate televisi How woul you. Wo somewhat <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <8> <9> >F2< How woul on. d you rate television as a way of entertaining uld you say it is very good, somewhat good, poor or very poor. VERY GOOD SOMEWHAT GOOD NEUTRAL SOMEWHAT POOR VERY POOR DON’T KNOW REFUSED - NO ANSWER d you rate television as a way to relax? (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewha <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <8> <9> t poor or very poor. ) VERY GOOD SOMEWHAT GOOD NEUTRAL SOMEWHAT POOR VERY POOR DON’T KNOW REFUSED - NO ANSWER 153 >F3< (How would you rate television) as a way to make you more knowledgeable. (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewhat poor or very poor.) <1> VERY GOOD <2> SOMEWHAT GOOD <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT POOR <5> VERY POOR <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >F4< (How would you rate television) as a tool for helping you develop well-informed opinions about controversial issues. (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewhat poor or very poor.) <1> VERY GOOD <2> SOMEWHAT GOOD <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT POOR <5> VERY POOR <8> DON'T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >F5< (How would you rate television) at presenting other people's ideas that can be compared to yours? (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewhat poor or very poor.) <1> VERY GOOD <2> SOMEWHAT GOOD <3> NEUTRAL <4> SOMEWHAT POOR <5> VERY POOR <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >F6< (How would you rate television) as a way to pass the time. (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewhat poor or very poor.) <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <8> <9> >F7< (How would you rate televsion) as a way to escape from 154 VERY GOOD SOMEWHAT GOOD NEUTRAL SOMEWHAT POOR VERY POOR DON'T KNOW REFUSED - NO ANSWER complicated daily material. (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewhat poor or very poor.) <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <8> <9> >F8< (How would you rate television) as a way of making you familiar with what is going on in society. (Would you say it is very good, somewhat good, somewhat poor or very poor.) <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <8> <9> VERY GOOD SOMEWHAT GOOD NEUTRAL SOMEWHAT POOR VERY POOR DON’T KNOW REFUSED - NO ANSWER VERY GOOD SOMEWHAT GOOD NEUTRAL SOMEWHAT POOR VERY POOR DON’T KNOW REFUSED - NO ANSWER 155 >Gl< On a scale of 0 to 100, (where 100 is the highest rating and 0 is the lowest rating), how would you rate television as a method of providing a variety of news stories? <0 - 100> POINTS <998> DON’T KNOW <999> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >G3< On a scale of 0 to 100, (where 100 is the highest rating and 0 is the lowest rating), how would you rate television as a method of providing in-depth news coverage? <0 - 100> POINTS <998> DON'T KNOW <999> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >H1< Next, I would like to ask you a couple of questions about reading the newspaper and listening to the radio. On average, how many days per week do you read the newspaper? <1> 1 DAY PER WEEK <2> 2 DAYS PER WEEK <3> 3 DAYS PER WEEK <4> 4 DAYS PER WEEK <5> 5 DAYS PER WEEK <6> 6 DAYS PER WEEK <7> EVERYDAY <8> NEVER <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER 156 >H1a< On average, how many days per week do you listen to the news on the radio? <1> 1 DAY PER WEEK <2> 2 DAYS PER WEEK <3> 3 DAYS PER WEEK <4> 4 DAYS PER WEEK <5> 5 DAYS PER WEEK <6> 6 DAYS PER WEEK <7> EVERYDAY <8> NEVER <97> OTHER <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >H2< On average, how many days per week do you talk about news stories with your family or friends? <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <6> <7> <8> DAY PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK DAYS PER WEEK EVERYDAY NEVER 001$wa <98> DON'T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >H3< Compared to the newspaper, would you say that television is better, about the same, or worse in providing a variety of news stories? <1> <2> <3> <8> <9> BETTER ABOUT THE SAME WORSE DON'T KNOW REFUSED - NO ANSWER 157 >H4< Compared to the newspaper, would you say that television is better, about the same, or worse in providing in—depth news coverage? <1> BETTER <2> ABOUT THE SAME <3> WORSE <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >H5< What is your primary source for news? Would you say TV, newspaper, family members, friends, radio, or something else? <1> TV <2> NEWSPAPER <3> FAMILY MEMBERS <4> FRIENDS <5> RADIO <6> COMBINATION <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DON’T KNOW <99> REFUSED - NO ANSWER >Il< Now, I would like to ask you a few questions about some national and international news stories. Are you aware of the flooding that has occured this summer? <1> YES <5> NO[go to 12] <8> DO NOT KNOW-DO NOT REMEMBER <9> REFUSED [go to 12] 158 >Ila< From what you have heard, which area, the East Coast including Florida, the Upper Mississippi River area, or the West Coast, has been most seriously damaged by the flooding? (IF THE RESPONDENT SAYS ’DO NOT KNOW’ DO NOT PROBE, BUT RECORD ’DON'T KNOW.’) <1> EAST COAST AREA INCLUDING FLORIDA <2> UPPER MISSISSIPPI RIVER AREA <3> WEST COAST AREA <7> OTHER: SPECIFY <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED -NO ANSWER >12< Are you aware of the war in Bosnia (formerly Yugoslavia)? <1> YES <5> NO [goto 14] <8> DO NOT KNOW—DO NOT REMEMBER <9> REFUSED [goto I4] >12a< From what you heard, is the war a result of a conflict between students and the government: a conflict among countries in Eastern Europe: or a conflict among different ethnic groups? (IF THE RESPONDENT SAYS ’DO NOT KNOW’ DO NOT PROBE, BUT RECORD 'DON’T KNOW.’) <1> THE CONFLICT BETWEEN STUDENTS AND THE GOVERNMENT <2> THE CONFLICT AMONG COUNTRIES IN EASTERN EUROPE <3> THE CONFLICT AMONG DIFFERENT ETHNIC GROUPS <7> OTHER:SPECIFY <8> DON’T KNOW <9> REFUSED -NO ANSWER >I3< >13a< >I4< >I4a< 159 Are you aware of the Summit Meeting with the leaders of seve <1> <5> <8> <9> n democratic countries in Tokyo last month? YES NO [goto IS] DO NOT KNOW-DO NOT REMEMBER REFUSED [go to 15] From what you have heard about the Summit meeting, was th peace trade (IF T BUT <1> <2> <3> <7> <8> <9> Are you <1> <5> <8> <9> e key issue between the US and Japan keeping in East Asia: helping Somalia; or reducing the surplus? HE RESPONDENT SAYS ’DO NOT KNOW’ DO NOT PROBE, RECORD ’DON’T KNOW.’) KEEPING PEACE IN EAST ASIA HELPING SOMALIA REDUCING THE TRADE SURPLUS OTHER:SPECIFY DON’T KNOW REFUSED -NO ANSWER aware of the issue of Gays in the Military? YES NO [go to J1] DO NOT KNOW-DO NOT REMEMBER REFUSED [go to J1] From what you have heard about this issue, will President Clinton's policy allow all Gays and Lesbia allowe serve ns to serve in the military: they will not be d to serve: or that they will be allowed to only if they are discreet? (IF THE RESPONDENT SAYS ’DO NOT KNOW’ DO NOT PROBE, BUT RECORD ’DON’T KNOW.’) <1> <2> <3> <7> <8> <9> ALL GAYS AND LESBIANS CAN SERVE IN THE MILITARY NO GAYS AND LESBIANS CANNOT SERVE IN THE MILITARY SERVE AS LONG AS THEY ARE DISCREET OTHER DON’T KNOW REFUSED -NO ANSWER 160 >J1< Finally, I have a few background questions that will be used for statistical purposes only. What is your age as of your last birthday? <18-110> YEARS <998> DO NOT KNOW <999> REFUSED >gen< RECORD GENDER OF RESPONDENT HERE: ASK ONLY IF IN DOUBT <1> MALE <5> FEMALE >J2< How many people currently live in your household including adults and children? <1> PERSONS [go to J4] <2-20> PEOPLE <9a> DO NOT KNOW [go to J4] <99> REFUSED [go to J4] >J3< Are there any children in the household (that is, individuals less than 18 years of age)? <1> YES <5> NO [go to J4] <8> DO NOT KNOW [go to J4] <9> REFUSED -NO ANSWER [go to J4] >J3a< How many children are in the household? <1-25> <98> DON’T KNOW <99> REFUSED -NO ANSWER 161 >J4< What is the highest grade or level of education that you have completed? <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <6> <7> <8> GRADE SCHOOL ONLY DID NOT FINISH HIGH SCHOOL HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATE VOCATIONAL OR TECHNICAL SCHOOL SOME COLLEGE COLLEGE GRADUATE (BA, BS) POST GRADUATE WORK GRADUATE DEGREE (MA, MS,Ph.D) <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DO NOT KNOW <99> REFUSED -NO ANSWER >J5< What is your main ethinic or racial background? Would you say you are Black (or African American), White or (Caucasian), Asian (or Pacific Islander), Native American, or Hispanic? >J6< What <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> <6> <7> <8> <9> <10> <97> <98> <99> <1> <2> <3> <4> <5> BLACK OR AFRICAN AMERICAN WHITE OR CAUCASION (GERMAN, NORWEGIAN, ITALIAN, ETC) ASIAN OR PACIFIC ISLANDER NATIVE AMERICAN HISPANIC <97> OTHER:SPECIFY <98> DO NOT KNOW <99> REFUSED -NO ANSWER is your occupation? UPPER WHITE COLLAR: Businessperson/ Professional, Self Employed LOWER WHITE COLLAR: Sales, Managers, Clericals. Legal Aids, Clerks UPPER BLUE COLLAR: Skilled Trades, Police, Fireman, Animal Goomer LOWER BLUE COLLAR: Operatives Laborers, Construction GOVERNMENTAL EMPLOYEE: State Federal Local Gov't employee FARMER HOUSEWIFE-HOUSEHUSBAND STUDENT UNEMPLOYED RETIRED OTHER:SPECIFY DO NOT KNOW REFUSED >J7< >J7a< >J7b< >J7c< >J7d< >J7e< >J7f< 162 To get a picture of peOple's financial situation, we need to know the general range of incomes of all households we interview. Now, thinking about your household's total annual income from all sources (including your job) in 1992, did your household receive $30,000 or more in 1992? <1-12> <1> NO [go to J7h] <6> YES[go to J7d] <93> DON'T KNOW/NO OPINION <99> REFUSED/NO ANSWER Was it $35,000 or more? <1-12> <7> YES <6> NO OR DON’T KNOW/REFUSED Was it $40,000 or more? <1-12> <8> YES [go to J7c] <7> NO DON’T KNOW/REFUSED [go to J7a] Was it $45,000 or more? <1-12> <9> YES <3> NO OR DON’T KNOW/REFUSED Was it $50,000 or more? <1-12> <10> YES[goto J7f] <9> NO OR DON’T KNOW/REFUSED [go to J7h] Was it $55,000 or more? <1-12> <11> YES <10> NO OR DON’T KNOW/REFUSED Was it $60,000 or more? <1-12> <12> YES <11> NO OR DON’T KNOW/REFUSED 163 >J7g< Was it $10,000 or more? <1-12> <2> YES <1> NO OR DON'T KNOW/REFUSED >J7h< [equiv J7][allow 2]Was it $15,000 or more? <1-12> <3> YES[goto J7i] <2> N0 OR DON'T KNOW/REFUSED [go to J7g] >J7i< Was it $20,000 or more? <1-12> <4> YES[goto J7j] <3> NO OR DON’T KNOW/REFUSED >J7j< Was it $25,000 or more? <1-12> <5> YES <4> NO OR DON'T KNOW/REFUSED E'lJ' l Abott, E. 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