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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled
t

RISK (IMMUNICATION IN MICHIGAN: A CASE STUDY
OF THE CHEMICAL INDUSTRY IN
MUSKEISON COUNTY, MICHIGAN

presented by

Linda Dianne Dykema Larsen

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph .D . Resource Development

degree in

 

 

Envirormental Toxicology

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Date August 3, 1994

 

MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771

 

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. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RISK COMMUNICATION IN MICHIGAN: A CASE STUDY
OF THE CHEMICAL INDUSTRY IN
MUSKEGON COUNTY, MICHIGAN

By

Linda Dianne Dykema Larsen

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Resource Development

1994

ABSTRACT
RISK COMMUNICATION IN MICHIGAN: A CASE STUDY
OF THE CHEMICAL INDUSTRY IN
MUSKEGON COUNTY, MICHIGAN
By

LindaD. Larsen

Risk communication in a democratic society is a complex and difficult endeavor.
Historically the process has Consisted of one-way delivery of messages from government,
industry, and other institutions to the receiving public. Ideally, however, risk
communication may be approached as an interactive process of exchange of information
and opinions among individuals, groups, and institutions. Message intermediaries play
an important role in this process by filtering and packaging the information presented to
the audience.

A retrospective case study was used to illustrate the role of the media as an
intermediary in the risk communication process surrounding the chemical industry in
Muskegon County, Michigan. A content analysis of newspaper coverage presented in
Wide was employed to assess the source and type of risk information
presented concerning sites of chemieal manufacturing within the county. This analysis
was augmented by personal interviews with individuals in print media, members of local
environmental groups, private citizens and government officials.

Analysis of the results of the content analysis revealed a peak in newspaper
coverage concerning Muskegon’s chemical industry which corresponds to the enactment

of Federal and State statutes aimed at hazardous waste sites. Government agencies,

primarily state officials, were identified as the most frequently quoted source and as most
likely to convey messages which affirm public risks. Industry was the next most
frequently quoted source, either denying risk or assuring that control of contaminants was
feasible. Advocacy groups and individuals received little attention from the press prior
to 1970 and increasing but sporadic coverage thereafter. It is concluded based on these
findings and information gathered in interviews that (1) competing influence of the
environmental movement and local economic concerns produced only minimal shifting
of power, as defined by access to the media, from govemment and industry to groups
and individuals, and (2) the conditions under which most daily papers are published do
not foster dissemination of in-depth and sometimes conflicting representation of

environmental risk.

This dissertation is dedicated
to Pete, Lorien, Joey and Ryan
who lived it with me

and love me still.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the members of my graduate committee, Dr. James Dearing,
Dr. Eckhart Dersch, and Dr. Michael Kamrin for their wisdom and guidance.

I also extend the deepest gratitude to Dr. Daniel Bronstein, the chair of my
graduate committee and my academic advisor, for his continued support and counsel
throughout my doctoral studies.

I would also like to acknowledge the assistance provided by the staff of III:
Winnie]: and of the Hackley Public Library, Muskegon, Michigan in
acquiring the data used in this study.

Lastly, a special thanks to Ms. Nora Harrison not only for technical support in
preparation of this manuscript but also for the friendship she has shared with me over the

years.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ...................................... ix
LIST OF FIGURES ....................................... x
CHAPTER I RISK COMMUNICATION ............................. 1
A. Introduction ................................. l
B. Definitions .................................. 2
C. Research Framework ........................... 4
D. Limitations and Assumptions ...................... 5
E. Significance of the Research ...................... 5
CHAPTER II THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE ......................... 7
A. Introduction ................................. 7
B. Science in the News ............................ 8
C. Risk Communication ........................... 10
D. Models of Risk Communication .................... 11
E. Hypothesis .................................. 18

CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY ................................ 21

A. SiteSelection.............. .................. 21

B. Content Analysis .............................. 22

1. Time period selected for study ................. 22

2. Data Collection ........................... 23

3. Description of variable categories ................ 25

4 Pretest ................................ 27

7 Analysis ............................... 33

C. Expert Intemews .............................. 35
CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF MUSKEGON COUNTY . . . . . . . . . 38
A. Introduction ................................. 38

18. Early History of Muskegon County 1700-1950 ........... 39

C. The Beginnings of a Chemical Empire ................ 42

D. Regulatory Authority for Cleanup of Contaminated Sites . . . . 51

E. Current Status of Chemical Waste Sites ............... 54

F. Economy of Muskegon County ..................... 57
CHAPTER V CONTENT ANALYSIS RESULTS ........................ 63
A. Overall Distribution of Quotes by Year ................ 63

B. Relationship Between Source and Risk Approach ......... 63

1. Distribution of Source Variable ................. 64

vii

2. Source of Quotes by Year ..................... 66

3. Relationship of Source to Each Risk Approach ........ 69
4. Distribution of Risk Variable ................... 73
5 . Risk Messages by Year ...................... 74
6. Relationship of Risk Approach to Each Source ........ 75
C. Relationship Between Quote Position and Source ......... 79

D. Relationship Between Quote Position and Risk Approach . . . . 80

CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ....................... 83
A. Introduction ................................. 83
C. Environmental Reporting in W ...... 88
D. Conclusions ................................. 97
E. Implications for Improving Risk Communication ......... 98
F. Suggestions for fixture Research .................... 100
APPENDIX A: CODING SHEET ............................. 102
APPENDIX B: PERMISSION FORM .......................... 103
APPENDIX C: UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON RESEARCH INVOLVING
HUMAN SUBJECTS LETTER .......................... 104
APPENDDC D: MAP OF MICHIGAN .......................... 105
APPENDIX E: PERSONAL INTERVIEWS ....................... 106
LIST OF REFERENCES .................................. 107

Table 3.1:

Table 4.1:

Table 4.2:

Table 5.1:

Table 5.2:

Table 5.3:

Table 5.4:

Table 5.5:

Table 5.6:

LIST OF TABLES

Pretest Number of Quotes of Each Risk Approach to Each
Source .....................................

Population for Region 14 and Counties, Michigan and the United
States, 1970, 1980 and 1988 Estimates .................

Estimated Annual Average Civilian Labor Force, Employment,
and Unemployment for Region 14 and Counties, Michigan and the
United States, for Selected Years 1979-1989. (By Place of
Residence) ..................................
Overall Distribution of Sources. .....................

Frequency and Percentage of Quotes of Each Source to Each Risk
Approach (rows sum to 100%) ......................

Overall Distribution of Risk Approaches by Quote ..........

Frequency and Percentage of Quotes of Each Risk Approach to
Each Source (columns sum to 100%) ..................

Position of Sources in the Article .......... ' ...........

Position of Risk Categories in the First 10 Paragraphs ........

29

59

70

74

78
81

82

Figure 2.1.

Figure 2.2.

Figure 2.3.

Figure 3.1:
Figure 3.2:

Figure 4.1:

Figure 5.1:
Figure 5.2:

Figure 5.3:

LIST OF FIGURES

The message transmission model of risk communication ....... 12

The information flow model of risk communicationaeiss and Krewski,

1989). ..................................... 14
The communications processes model of risk communication (Leiss

and Krewski, 1989). ............................ 15
Pretest: Source of Quotes ......................... 30
Pretest: Risk Message ........................... 32
Unemployment Rate, 1979- 1990 for Region 14 Counties, Michigan

and United States. (WMRSDC, 1991). ................. 62
Quotes by Year ............................... 65
Sources of Quotes by Year ........................ 68
Risk Message by Year ........................... 76

CHAPTERI

RISK COMMUNICATION

A. Introduction

Concerns about public misconceptions of health risks have prompted government
agencies and industry officials to seek better methods for communicating risks to the
public. The condition derives impetus in part from the frustrations and difficulties
encountered in the past. Government officials have often been baffled by the public’s
apparently exaggerated perception of health risks and unrealistic demands for risk
reduction. The public in turn is equally disturbed by the often condescending and
paternalistic attitude of responsible officials (Covello, 1989, Sandman, 1989).
Unsuccessful risk communication characterized by these frustrations contributes to what
has been referred to as ”environmental gridlock" (Daggett, 1989).

It is indisputable that the complexity of environmental problems dictates a
coherent, long range, and collaborative plan of action. That consensus, however, has
not led us to lasting answers (Daggett, 1989). Devising effective solutions to complex
issues of public policy in a free society must include all affected parties. By informing
the public, risk communication serves the democratic imperative that individuals be
allowed to take part in the decision making process towards a comprehensive plan of

environmental action. The goal in this process is not to change public opinion but rather

I

2
to provide the necessary information which allows the individual to make effective

contributions (Emma, 1989). Thomas Jefferson characterized this goal 200 years ago
when he said, ”If we think the people not enlightened enough to exercise their control
with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their

discretion. " (Jefferson, 1820.)

B. Definitions

Risk is a dynamic concept. It is subjective and dependent upon situatioml factors
over which the analyst exerts little control. Therefore, several key terms must be defined
before any knowledgeable discourse on risk may be attempted. Within the confines of
chemical contamination, “hazard“ refers to the interaction of the inherent toxicity of a
substance coupled with the potential for exposure. Thus an extremely toxic substance
with little likelihood for human exposure need not pose an extreme hazard. Conversely,
a substance of only moderate toxicity may pose a greater hazard if exposure is acute or
prolonged. ”Risk" is the probability of injury, disease, or death under specific
circumstances of toxicity and exposure. The risk, therefore, imposed by even an
extremely hazardous substance is dependent upon the likelihood of individual exposure.
In this way risk is a set of possible occurrences with associated probabilities over some
interval of time (Lind, 1989). The use of this definition is highly subjective and
technologically oriented. Quantitative assessments of risk may vary dramatically

dependent upon the assumptions and mathematical equations employed in the analysis.

3
Quantitative assessments of risk are characterized by uncertainty which derives

from four general sources:

1. statistical randomness or variability of nature,
2. lack of scientific knowledge about mechanisms of action,
3. lack of scientific data, and

4. imprecision in risk assessment methods (Covello, 1989).

The uncertainty which results from these sources may produce estimates of risk
which vary by several orders of magnitude (Conservation Foundation, 1985). The
ensuing disagreements between experts over the risk imposed by a hazardous substance
contributes to the public’s distrust in risk information and communicators alike.

The public’s "perception” of risk may be drastically different than that of the
scientific expert. Rescher (1983) postulated that the perception of risk associated with

an activity has three components:

1. an outcome, something we feel or experience;
2. the probability distribution of the occurrence of the outcome;
3. a choice of an activity, each of which results in benefits and costs with
their associated probabilities.
"Risk acceptability” may be defined in the context of this framework. The risk
choice involves a tradeoff between perceived costs and benefits. The acceptable level of
risk is a level where the advantages of increased benefits are not worth the costs of

reducing risk by restricting or altering the activity (Fischkoff, et al, 1978). The average

4

individual does not, however, engage in this formal summing of risk and advantages.
The level of risk tolerated in a given situation is dependent upon a number of situational

and circumstantial factors.

C. Research Framework

The discussion above supports the idea that risk communication, in the framework
of a democratic society, is a complex and difficult endeavor. The National Research
Council (1989) has recommended several areas of needed research including; (1) the
characterization of risks, (2) the ”mental models” used in characterizing the target
audience, and (3) the role of message intermediaries. Investigation of these issues may
be undertaken through the use of retrospective or contemporaneous case studies.

The present dissertation will investigate the role of the media as an intermediary
in the risk communication process. A retrospective case study of Muskegon County,
Michigan, will be used to illustrate the role played by the media and the impact of risk
messages on the attitude of the community towards the resident chemical industry. A
content analysis of newspaper coverage presented in W is used to
assess the source and type of risk information presented concerning sites of past chemical
manufacturing included in the Federal Superfund National Priorities List. This analysis
will be augmented by personal interviews with individuals in the media, members of

local environmental groups, private citizens, and government officials.

D. Limitations and Assumptions

This dissertation does not attempt to make a full assessment of the community
impacts of hazardous waste sites. To do so would require resources beyond the scope
of this project. Medical issues such as increased rates of cancer or other disease will not
be investigated with the exception of those which received extensive press coverage.
Analysis of the technical or legal questions inherent in remedial cleanup actions will not
be addressed beyond a cursory depiction of factual accounts.

Muskegon County is not unique in respect to the issues presented to its residents
concerning promotion of a potentially polluting industry. These problems are faced by
innumerable communities on a regular basis. It is expected that trends in risk reporting
illustrated in this study will be similar to those observed in previous works (Sandman,
1987). The present dissertation, however, will attempt to illuminate the underlying
motivations for these trends.

It is expected that individuals and institutions such as local media and governing
agencies will have biases in favor of their own agendas. This dissertation does not
attempt to make a judgment as to the appropriateness of the conduct of any official or
member of the news media. Rather, the focus is on the factors which influence risk

representations in the media.

E. Significance of the Research
On a daily basis, local, state, and federal authorities as well as private
corporations face situations in which key decisions must be made based on the public’s

perception of risks. Retrospective and contemporaneous assessments of the risk

6

communication process in these situations may shed light on how people react to different
kinds of messages, how the preparation and delivery of those messages affects risk
perception, and how outside groups and intermediaries impact message transmission.
The present research seeks to characterize the actors and components of a real risk
communication process with the desired end of aiding agency planners and the public in

future collaborative efforts.

CHAPTER II

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

A. Introduction

Douglas and Wildavsky (1982) postulated a theory of cultural change in which a
center of established practice and thought possesses the majority of power within a
society. The center is composed of the ”powers that be“ such as government, industry,
and any other institutions that support the status quo. The center is challenged by a
border of criticism composed of people who are essentially critical of some defined part
of the establishment. The composition of the border changes dependent upon the issue
which creates a division between the center and the border. This perspective may be
applied to any social movement including that of environmental protection.
Environmentalists, at least in the early stages of the "Environmental Movement” are
viewed as part of a border while pro-growth forces such as industry constitute the center.
Societal influences, such as economics, politics and ethics are seen as impinging upon
the boundary between the center and the border, either expanding or contracting the
placement of the division line. Likewise other actors, scientists and the mass media, may
become part of the center or the border depending upon ideology and the influence of

outside forces.

8
Nelkin (1985) has stated that mainstream press reporters convey a consensus view

in which government and industry work together for the benefit of society. The
orientation of mainstream press is depicted as technical/bureaucratic and is reflected by
the prevalence of stories focusing on technical solutions to environmental problems. By
contrast, news sources outside the mainstream, referred to by Nelkin as the advocacy
press, tend to focus on social issues such as effects on individuals, government and
industrial misdeeds, and the structure of society which allows these things to occur. This
depiction places the mainstream media within the center of the environmental debate as
a force in favor of maintaining the status quo and the existing hierarchy of power. Any
communication which flows, therefore, through the mainstream press is expected to
promote the views of the center at the expense of the border. Societal forces can
impinge upon the press forcing an ideological movement either against or in favor of
change.

The present dissertation will focus on the role of the media in communicating the
risks of environmental pollution to the public. A primary focus of this research is the
identification of changing trends in the source and content of risk messages in a case
analysis setting. An investigation of historical and community factors which influence
the risk communication process can further serve to delineate the forces which have

produced these trends.

B. Science in the News
Science journalists are required to report on a broad range of topics often with

little or no formal training in science or technology. Coverage of natural disasters,

9
manmade disasters such as Chernobyl or Three Mile Island, and disputes over risks such

as nuclear power, hazardous wastes, or medical issues contain a great deal of technical
information which must be made understandable to the public (Nelkin, 1987). A review
of the coverage of science in the news reveals a pattern of features which are manifested
over a wide spectrum of issues. First, content is replaced by imagery (Nelkin, 1987).
A report of a hazardous substance will rarely contain quantitative estimates of risk or the
numbers of people expected to be effected. Rather, a journalist will attempt to evoke
visions of the bereaved family of a victim. Specifics of occupational exposure will give
way to images of the magnanimous or evil employer dependent upon the focus of the
piece. Secondly, coverage of an issue will be portrayed as a series of dramatic events
(Nelkin, 1987). The general public is often unaware of the painstaking work involved
in scientific research and is treated only to coverage of announcements of possible
breakthroughs. These features are manifested in events surrounding the investigation of
a hazardous waste site where the public is ofien angered by the seeming lack of diligence
on the part of regulatory agencies in pursuing remedial action. By contrast, if media
reports minimize the risk of occupational or environmental exposure, the public will be
annoyed with the seeming waste of time and resources used to protect against a non-
existent threat. The reaction of the public is often tempered by the perceived credibility
of the source of the information. The news media cannot, however, be viewed as
objective reporters of reality. A newspaper, radio or television station possesses agendas
and political objectives which serve to promote the welfare of the institution and its

members. In a conservative organization, these objectives tend to support the dominant

10
ideology and social structure. Sources which possess power will, therefore, tend to

retain that power and only reluctantly accede to others.

C. Risk Communication
Risk communication as historically practiced has primarily consisted of one-way
delivery of messages calculated to influence the public in a desired direction. William
Reilly, at the first National Conference on Risk Communication, stated:
In the conflict or confusion over risk questions. . .often the communication
process is at fault or, at the least, exacerbates the problem. Risk
communicators simply do not do a good job of getting their message

across.
(Reilly, 1987)

This one-way formulation of risk communication is inadequate for three reasons.
First, the attendant costs and benefits of risk decisions are inequitably distributed
throughout society (National Research Council, 1989). Those who are in a position to
gain from a course of action, such as industry representatives, will seek to sway others
to their point of view by sometimes coercive persuasion.

Secondly, costs and benefits are valued differently by different individuals and
groups (National Research Council, 1989). Decision making in risk situations is a
normative process which does not readily lend itself to calculations of the net benefit to
society.

Thirdly, risk communication must serve the democratic imperative which dictates
public involvement in the decision making process. Any process which attempts to

substitute technological assessment for political debate fails in this respect (National

11
Research Council, 1989). Historically, decisions about technologies have taken place

within sponsoring corporations with the advice of ”experts” . These experts were
assumed to be knowledgeable in their respective fields and to bring a degree of
objectivity into the decision making process. Those who lacked technical training to
understand the intricacies of technology were disenfranchised. More recently, the
normative nature of scientific and technological decisions have been recognized as well
as the subjectivity of the experts. The answer lies, therefore, not in removing the
decision making process from the lay public but rather to promote a more generalized
understanding of science and the consequences of technological choices. Armed with this
information the public can communicate more effectively with other groups in the
decision making process.

Alternatively, risk communication may be approached as an interactive process
of exchange of information and opinions among individuals, groups, and institutions. It
can involve multiple messages about the nature of risk and the expression of concerns,
opinions, or reactions to risk messages or to legal and institutional arrangements for risk
management (National Research Council, 1989). Effective risk communication “raises
the level of understanding of relevant issues or actions and satisfies those involved that
they are adequately informed within the limits of available knowledge" (National

Research Council, 1989).

D. Models of Risk Communication
Several models have been used to analyze the risk communication process. An

early model of risk communication was adopted from the engineering theory of

12
communications (Figure 2.1). This approach was utilized by Covello et a1 (1986, 1987)

to enumerate the problems in the field of risk communication. Difficulties were broken

down into four dimensions.

1. Message Problems. Included in this category is the high level of scientific
and technical complexity of the information and the uncertainty with
which estimates are made. Complex information is difficult to present to
the public in a meaningful way without condensation.

2. Source Problems. The uncertainty of risk information fuels the public
distrust with experts and government agencies. Officials contribute to this
lack of credibility by disagreements among themselves and by discounting
the public’s concerns and fears.

3. Channel Problems. These difficulties are primarily a function of the mass
media. The nature of media promotes selective and biased reporting as
well as reliance on sensational or dramatic aspects of a story to sell copy.
These phenomena are not well understood and should serve as the focus
of further research (Leiss and Krewski, 1989).

4. Receiver Problems. Included in this category are a wide variety of
individual and situational factors which contribute to inaccurate
perceptions of risk by the public. This can take the form of
overconfidence in the ability to avoid harm and a resistance to change of
these perceptions.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MESSAGE

Figure 2.1. The message transmission model of risk communication (Leiss and
Krewski, 1989).

13
A significant strength of this model is the identification of the tension which exists

between experts and government agencies which act on a technological base and the
public which acts on a "common sense“ base of information. Unfortunately, this model
again represents a one-way flow of information and does not provide the public an
opportunity for active communication with the source of the communication.

The information flow model has been used to portray the one-way or two-way
flow of communication among those people and institutions who possess information to
those who ultimately acquire and use it (see Figure 2.2). The communication path ways
represented by this model are primarily those among industry, experts, and the regulatory
agencies. Note that the two-way information flow exists only for the channels between
industry and agency, and experts and the agency. In this model, no communication
channels exist from the public to the other parties. This lack of communication promotes
mistrust of experts, industry, and government agencies alike on the part of the public.
In addition, it perpetuates the prejudice that the public is ill informed on technological
issues and tends to react to them out of fear and ignorance. Other limitations of the
information flow model include the necessity of legal intervention to prompt most
communication between the primary participants and the limited role of the media as a

transmitter of information to the public (Leiss and Krewski, 1989).

l4

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure
2.2. The information flow model of risk communication(Leiss and Krewski, 1989).

The Communications Processes Model (Figure 2.3) incorporates aspects of both
the Information Flow and Message Transmission models and attempts to improve upon
both. This model incorporates the concept of two domains, "technical risk" and
”perceived risk" and is based on the flow of information between experts and the public
(Covello, 1986,1987; Fischoff et a1, 1983). Government is seen as bridging the gap
between the expert domain and the public domain and thus is required to deal effectively

with both technical assessment and the subjective perception of risk.

15

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2.3. The communications processes model of risk communication (Leiss and
Krewski, 1989).

This model allows for the analysis of the problems associated with risk
communication within the categories of source, channel, receiver, and message. In
addition, the tension between experts and the public is presented as a feature of the
process. This model expands upon the message transmission model in that it highlights
the communication within those spheres of interest which impact upon the communication
process as a whole.

Based upon the models illustrated above risk communication problems may be
analyzed by examining the message source, the message design, the delivery channel,
and/or the target audience (Covello, 1986). The source of risk communication is usually
a government agency. In the last 20-30 years, however, trust in these agencies has

declined due to perceptions of mismanagement and governmental bias towards

16
technological solutions (Covello et al, 1989; Greenberg et a1, 1984). Several key issues

have been identified which contribute to the effectiveness of the communicating agency.
These include: early, open, and honest relationships with the public and message
intermediaries such as the mass media; consistency within and among agencies at the
federal, state, and local levels; and a comprehensive plan of action which includes goals
and objectives to guide the communication process (Covello et al, 1989; The National
Research Council, 1989). Message preparation is also a key activity performed by the
communicating agency. The design of effective messages is oflen made more difficult
by conflicting responsibilities to the public, the agency, and legal requirements (Covello,
1988; Perry et a1, 1985; Bararn, 1989).

Perhaps the greatest failure of risk communication efforts is the lack of time and
effort spent characterizing the target audience. Messages prepared with the utmost
attention to style and content may not be favorably received if community dynamics
dictate otherwise. Individual perceptions of risk may be based upon perceived
characteristics of the risky activity such as the catastrophic potential and reversibility of
the risk or upon factors associated with the individual. Among these factors are;
perceived economic consequences, equity, impact upon children, and personal stake in
the risky activity (Von Winterfeldt, 1981; Slovic, 1982; Bealer, 1981; Heberlein, 1981;
Udd, 1985).

Ideas about risk perception suggest that the environment should be viewed as a
person-environment system in which the individual’s experiences, understandings, and
actions define the reality of the environmental situation. With the exception of a few

areas such Love Canal and Times Beach, very few people have experienced first hand

17

the potential destructive power of environmental contamination. Thus accurate
understanding of environmental contamination is limited. Since scientists are unsure of
the effects of many toxins, it is to be expected that the public is skeptical not only of
claims of safety but also of risk. The individual who has eaten fish from a lake or
stream for a number of years is distrustful when an official tells him the fish may be
lethal. Baker et al(1980) reports that the public invests very little confidence in either
regulatory agencies or elected officials. The action that the individual takes may
therefore depend on a private risk/benefit analysis which may be very different from that
proposed by a regulatory agency. This presents problems from the administrative point
of view for an agency charged with the protection of the public.

Delivery channels are Often referred to as intermediaries. The role of these
intermediaries in the risk communication process is dependent both upon the delivery
mode (i.e. , radio, television, personal communication) and upon the characteristics of the
intermediary (Greenberg et al, 1984; Rubin, 1987). For example, the message which
appears in a newspaper or on television may be very different from that conveyed by
personal communication. Correspondingly, two articles prepared for newsprint may be
very different depending upon the backgrounds of the authors. The most effective
communication efforts are those which exploit the strengths of specific communication
channels (Scanlon, 1988; Sood, 1987; Wilkins, 1987).

The classic paradigm of the communication process - ”who says what, in which
channel, to whom, and with what effects” (Lasswell, 1948) excludes the ”whys?" of

communication content. Sandman (1989) suggests six factors which may account for

18
patterns of source and message which may emerge from an analysis of risk

communication messages in the media:

1. which sources make themselves available,

2. what those sources choose to say,

3. which sources reporters seek out for interviews,

4. what the reporters choose to ask,

5. what information reporters put in their stories, and,

6. what information editors ask for, accept, or delete.

Differential access by a group or an individual to the media produces a hierarchy
of power and credibility. Power may be defined as "the degree to which any individual
or group successfully promotes happenings and occurrences as events“ (Lester, 1971:
319). Because news space and time are limited it follows that an increase in power by

one group results in a loss of power by another.

E. Hypothesis
This research will concentrate on the role of message intermediaries in the risk
communication process surrounding a potentially risky industry. A content analysis of
newspaper coverage of the chemical industry in Muskegon County will constitute part
one of the research.
GeneralHypotheskl: Theabilityofasourcetobequotedinthelocal

media will change over time. This ability may be
equated with power. Situational characteristics

Specific Hypothesis 1a:

1b:

1c:

General Hypothesis 2:

Specific Hypothesis 2a:

2b:

19

such as the enactment of environmental legislation
will influence the power of a source over time.

Government officials will appear with increasing
frequency as a result of the enactment of
environmental legislation.

Industry sources will appear with consistent
frequency over time.

Sources such as individuals, grass root or

community organizations will appear with
increasing frequency over time.

The content of a risk message will vary dependent
upon the characteristics of the source.

Sources such as industry and government officials
are likely to produce messages which deny or
downplay risks associated with a potentially
polluting industry.

Sources such as individuals, grass roots or
community organizations will produce messages
which affirm the riskiness of a potentially
polluting industry.

The quantitative analysis of risk messages will be supplemented with an

investigation into the historical and institutional factors which contributed to the character

of the information portrayed in the media. The primary hypotheses relevant to this

investigation are:

General Hypothesis 3:

Specific Hypothesis 3a:

The content of risk messages is affected by the
economic circumstances in the surrounding
community.

Economic conditions in Muskegon County in the
1950’s prompted the downplay and dismissal of
the potential risks of chemical manufacturing.

3b:

General Hypothesis 4:

20

Economic conditions in Muskegon County in the
environmental era following 1970 affected the
emerging depiction of risks associated with
occupational and environmental exposure to
hazardous substances at site of chemical
manufacturing.

The increase in power and credibility associated
with private citizens and environmental groups
will be reflected in an increase in coverage of the
effects of hazardous substances on individuals and
the environment of the surrounding community.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

A. Site Selection

Muskegon County, Michigan was chosen as the geographic basis for this study
after a careful review of (1) the Michigan State Act 307‘ list of contamination sites and
(2) the National Priorities List for Michigan”. Muskegon County was also a proximate
choice for the present investigator, who was based in East Lansing, Michigan which is
two hours from Muskegon by automobile. Importantly, Muskegon County also contains
two sites of notoriety, the former Hooker Chemical site in the city of Montague and the
Ott/Story/Cordova site in Dalton Township. Each of these chemical waste sites was at
one time considered one of the most contaminated areas in the state. In addition, the
Bofors site was considered by the EPA as a test project for incineration of soils

contaminated with toxic waste. Other sites of comparable contamination are located in

 

1 The Michigan Sites of Environmental Action List Act 307 (1982) provides for the
identification, risk assessment, and priority evaluation of sites of environmental
contamination. An environmental response fund was also created to provide support for
response activities. See Chapter IV for a more detailed discussion.

2 The Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act
(1980 as amended in 1987) provides the necessary federal power, organization and
funding for the clean up of abandoned and inoperative waste sites. More than 1000 sites
are included or proposed for the National Priorities List of sites requiring remedial
action.

21

22
the Metro-Detroit area. The researcher’s familiarity with the Muskegon area allowed for

ease of discovery of historical records and administrative files such as those located at
the Hackley Public Library. In addition, previous research concerning economic
conditions in Muskegon provided insight into the community dynamics of the hazardous
waste situation (Larsen, 1987). Together these factors influenced the site selection
process in favor of choosing the Muskegon site.

The promotion of the chemical industry in Muskegon County is especially
interesting from a environmental risk perspective. land disposal of hazardous wastes
(legal or otherwise) on the sandy and porous soils of Muskegon County produces
substantial contamination of groundwater as well as surface water in the Muskegon River
watershed. Muskegon Lake, fed by the Muskegon River watershed, is directly connected
to Lake Michigan via a deep water channel. It would be difficult to choose

environmental conditions less appropriate for disposal of toxic wastes.

18. Content Analysis

1. Time period selected for study

The hypotheses articulated in the Chapter II require a longitudinal analysis of risk
communication concerning hazardous waste sites. As will be described in Chapter IV,
the first articles about the chemical industry which appear in WW1:
provide coverage of Hooker Chemical’s efforts to find a suitable location in the
Muskegon area beginning in May of 1951. The time frame of this study will, therefore,

include articles appearing in The Muskegon Chronicle from May 1951 through

23
November of 1991.3 These end points are selected to provide a complete review of

‘ coverage from the beginning of Muskegon’s chemical industry to the present.

2. Data Collection

The Muskegon area is served by more than twenty radio stations located both
within and outside the county. Television broadcasts received in the area (other than
those on cable networks) originate in Grand Rapids or Kalamazoo, Michigan. Several
newspapers are available including out-of-county publications such as The Detroit
News/Free Press, USA Today, and the New York Times. In addition, many local
communities produce weekly publications which provide information on a limited
geographic area. W, with an average daily circulation of 47,276
in 1992, is the largest daily newspaper in the county. MW
Circulation Department, 1993).

Newspapers were chosen as the media for analysis due to the relative ease of
recovery of articles from morgue files. We has maintained clipping
files for all major chemical manufacturers located within Muskegon County. Most of
these files date from the initial facility planning stages of the various chemical facilities.
Unfortunately, clippings files at the local weekly newspapers were erratically maintained
and would not have provided a comprehensive history of information. The Muskegon
Chronicle was selected as the most reliable and accessible source of information on risk

communication concerning the chemical industry in Muskegon County. Inclusion of

 

3Public access to the morgue clipping files of The Muskegon Chronicle is restricted.
The present investigator was limited, therefore, to photocopying relevant articles on a
onetime-only basis.

24

television and radio information was impossible since no permanent records are kept of
these broadcasts.‘

Morgue clippings files at W office were cross referenced
with card catalog files housed at the Hackley Pubic Library in Muskegon to ensure a
complete representation of articles. An archive of all major articles appearing on page
A1 of W was developed.’ Photocopies of all chosen articles were
obtained. Items accepted included all articles concerning chemical manufacturing
facilities on the National Priorities List, any articles which deal generally with the
chemical industry in Muskegon County, and any article which portrays the environmental
state of the county. Articles which are exclusively concerned with corporate business
matters such as appointments of executive officers, anti-trust suits or facility expansion

were excluded.6

 

‘ Several authors have examined the correlation between print and broadcast media
and determined that the relative amount of coverage afforded an issue rises and falls
similarly across media. Based on these analyses, it may be concluded that the content
of print media does not differ to any great extent from what may be reported by radio
and television broadcast (Rogers et a1, 1991; McCombs and Shaw, 1989; Danielian and
Reese, 1989).

5 Only Al articles were included in the content analysis to avoid violating the
statistical assumption that all articles receive equal attention from readers. Additionally,
the restriction served to limit the number of articles included while maintaining
consistency of the data.

‘ Articles of this type did not contain information pertaining to hazardous wastes or
manufacturing practices. Most consisted of only a paragraph or two and contained no
quotes. These articles represented a very limited percentage of all articles in the
clippings files and were excluded by the present investigator at the time the clippings

were photocopied.

25
Quotations are used as the unit of analysis to provide a clear physical boundary

(ie. material contained within the quotation marks). Before coding for the source and
content of the quotes, the title of the article, the by line or author, the date of
publication, and the document number were noted for each article on a coding sheet (see
Appendix A). The midpoint of each article was determined by counting the number of
paragraphs it contained to serve as a point of reference for coding the position of a quote
within the article. In order to avoid bias in favor of the general tone set in the article,
the whole text was not read, only the material within quotation marks. Each quote was
coded as to the source of the information, the type of risk message it contained, and

position within the article relative to the midpoint.7

3. Description of variable categories

Source is defined as the person to whom the information contained in the quote
is attributed. Sources were generally identified with both name and position in the
articles. If the source of the quote was a document, such as a consent agreement or
other court document, the source of the quote was coded as the source of the document.

The following categories were used to code the source variable:

Federal Government: The United States EPA or any other federal
agency, representatives of the federal judiciary system, the federal
Congress, or the executive branch.

 

7 The coding system used in this analysis was originally developed by Peter

 

26

State Government: The Michigan Department of Natural Resources, any
other state agency, representatives of the state judiciary, state Congress,
the Governor or his staff.

County/Local Government: Health officers, police officers, local
agencies and elected officials

Industry and Industry Association: Corporate officials, company
spokespeople, trade associations, legal representation.

Workers & Unions: Individual workers and Union spokespeople

Advocacy/Environmental! Citizens Groups: Local, state, or federal
groups organized for environmental action.

Citizens/ by-standers/ individuals: Residents, individuals not connected
in an institutional way to the event.

Experts (not involved): University or other scientific experts contacted
to provide technical information.

Unattributed: Information with no stated source.
Mixed Attribution: Credit given to more than one source.

Other: Any source which does not fit into the above categories.

Risk is actually a composite of two issues. The first issue is whether a substance
is risky in that it poses a threat to human health or the environment. The second issue
is whether the substance in question is in fact present in the situation depicted in the
quote. Where the distinction between the two is unclear the quote was coded as ”risk-
claiming. " If no information regarding a risky substance or its presence was provided
the quote was coded as ”No Risk Information.” The following is a list of the risk

categories included in the analysis.

27

Risk - claiming: Quotes which contain statements or opinions of the
riskiness of a substance or waste disposal method, including any positive
use of the term ”toxic. "

Risk - denying: Quotes which contain statements or opinions which deny

the riskiness of a substance or waste disposal method, including any
negative use of the term toxic.

Risk - mixed opinion: Quotes which take an equivocal position on the
riskiness of a substance or method of waste disposal.

Risk presence - claiming: Quotes which state or express the opinion that
a risky substance or action is present at the site in question.

Risk presence - denying: Quotes which state or express the opinion that
a risky substance or action is not present at the site in question.

Risk presence - mixed: Quotes which take an equivocal position on the
presence of risky substances or actions.

Risk Presence - under control: Quotes which acknowledge the presence
of a risky substance or action but which claim that such risk is under
control.

N 0 Risk Information: Quotes which contain no information regarding
risk or the presence of risk.

4. Pretest

All articles were chronologically ordered and a systematic sample of 20 articles
selected for inclusion in the pretest. Articles were chosen for the pretest by selecting
every 12th article. These articles were then coded for (1) source of quotation, (2) the
type of risk information conveyed, and (3) the position of the quote relative to the

midpoint of the article.

28
Source categories for the pretest included; federal government, state government,

county government, local government, general government, industry, workers and
unions, advocacy/environmental groups, citizens\bystanders, experts, unattributed, mixed
attribution, and other.

Risk categories for the pretest included; risk - claiming, risk - denying, risk -
mixed opinion, risk presence - claiming, risk presence - denying, risk presence - mixed

opinion, risk present - under control, and no risk information.

5. Results of the pretest

Cross tabulation of the pretest data revealed a general trend in support of the
proposed hypotheses. Actual numbers of quotes containing information in each risk
category attributed to each source are presented in Table 3.1. Figure 3.1 illustrates the
number of quotes attributed to each source by year (only those years represented in the
pretest are included). The categories of federal, state, county, local and general
government are combined for clarity in the graphic representations of pretest data.
Workers and unions, advocacy groups, citizens and experts are also represented as a

single category (individuals/ group).

29
Table 3.1: Pretest Number of Quotes of Each Risk Approach to Each Source

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mixed Risky Risky Mixed No
Risky Not Risky (if Risky) Present Not Present (if Present) Info.
Source (%) (5) (5) (5) (5) (5) (95)
Federal Government 0 O 0 2 0 0 0
State Government 2 7 l 5 0 l 4
County Government 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Local Government 1 1 0 l 0 0 1
General 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Government
Industry 0 8 0 2 4 0 12
Workers and Unions 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Advocacy Groups 3 0 0 0 0 0 1
Citizens l 0 0 4 0 0 4
Experts 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Unattributed 0 0 O 0 0 O 0
Mixed O 0 0 0 0 O 0
Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

30

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31

Industry enjoys a consistent amount of attention from the local press. Utilization
of industry sources peaked in the early 1980’s. Use of government sources remained
relatively constant with a peak in the late 1970’s. The greater attention afforded to
industry and government sources is a function of the enactment of environmental
legislation during these years coupled with the discovery of hazardous contamination at
the Hooker and Ott/Story/Cordova sites.

The appearance of individuals and citizen groups as a source of risk information
is a significant finding in support of the hypothesis presented in Chapter II.

Figure 3.2 illustrates the type of risk messages conveyed in the quotes analyzed
in the pretest. The categories of ”risk - claiming” and ”risk presence - claiming" have
been combined into ”affirm risk”. Likewise ”risk -denying" and ”risk presence-denying”
have combined into ”deny risk” for the sake of this representation. The enactment of
environmental legislation as well as the findings of hazardous contamination again
contributed to the overall rise in number of quotes which convey risk information.
However, the affirm risk category is consistently greater than the deny risk category
following 1979. This trend is consistent with findings in the general content analysis
which followed. The effect is attributable to the tendency of State Government to

confirm the presence and risk of hazardous wastes.

32

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33
Based on the analysis of the pretest data, two adjustments were made in the

coding system. First, the categories of ”local“ and ”county” within the source variable
were collapsed into one category. These government entities were quoted infrequently
in both the pretest and the large content analysis and the distinction between the two was
not deemed important to the overall study. Secondly, another response option was added
to the risk variable "risk present, but under control" . This addition reflected the
frequency of statements from industry and government sources which confirmed the
presence and risk of contaminants but sought to assure the public of the ability to deal

with the problem.

7. Analysis

To avoid bias in favor of support of the proposed hypothesis a random order of
coding was used for the actual content analysis. Following completion of the pretest, the
chronological order was replaced by a random order of articles. Document numbers 001
through 250 were entered into the Lotus 123 program. A random number table was
generated with an identical number of entries. The document numbers were then
randomly sorted by computer based upon the generated random number sequence. After
arranging the articles according to random order, each article was assigned a new
document number to reflect the new order.

A numerical system was used for computer input and the information analyzed
using the SPSS-X statistical package for social sciences. Results are presented in

Chapter V.

34
Procedures for coding were modeled after those used by Sandman et a1 (1987) as

adapted for the methodology for the present analysis. To ensure coder reliability, a
systematic subsample of twenty articles was drawn and recoded. Data drawn from the
content analysis and from the recoded articles were compared for percentage of
agreement. The percentage of agreement is expressed as a ratio of the incidence of
agreement with post test codes and the total number of data codes possible for those
twenty articles (incidence of agreement/ total number of codes). This analysis revealed
a 100% agreement on the source variable. The level of agreement on the risk variable
was 98% . Some of the variability on the risk variable may be due to the addition of the
”risk presence - under control" category.

A key assumption of the statistical analysis of data from the content analysis is
the absence of nonsampling error. Nonsampling errors are those imperfections in the
data which are not a result of the sampling procedure. For this study, this type of errors
include mistakes in coding for the content analysis and noninlcusion of relevant articles.

In addition, two key assumptions are made concerning the proposed research design: (1)
the frequency with which an attribute appears in an article is a valid indicator of
attention, intensity, and importance of that attribute and, (2) each content unit should be
given equal weight thus permitting aggregation or direct comparison (Holsti, 1969).
Regarding the first assumption, the analysis will determine whether a difference exists
between messages and sources contained in the first half of the total number of

paragraphs contained in the article compared to those in the last (Sandman, 1989, Holsti,

35
1969).' In reference to the second assumption, only articles which appeared on page A1

were included in the study, thus controlling for any effects of location within the

publication.9

C. Expert Interviews

A variety of documents were used to identify those persons to be interviewed
such as EPA administrative reports, media articles, and referral from other sources. An
attempt was made to provide a representative balance of media, government, industry,
and private sources. Initial contact with each source was made by telephone followed
by in person face-to-face interviews when permitted. (Please see appendix E for list of
interviewees.) From an initial list of twenty three individuals and five chemical
companies, twelve interviews were conducted including three MDNR project leaders, two
members of the chronicle staff, the director of the Muskegon Chapter of the Lake
Michigan Federation, a local historian, and five private citizens who had been involved
in local environmental issues since the early 1970s. Of the eleven others, five could not
be reached (no forwarding addresses or phone numbers), one had died, and five others
declined to be interviewed. In person interviews were held in Michigan at the business

office of the interviewee.

 

“Newspaper articles may not be read to completion by all readers. Information
portrayed in the first half of the article, therefore, may receive more attention than that
in the second half.

’Page A1 articles receive more attention than articles placed in inner pages of a
newspaper. Therefor, comparing the effects of information contained on other pages

with those on page A1 may violate the assumption that all articles receive equal attention
from readers.

36
Three of the five chemical industries are no longer in operation precluding the

opportunity for contact. Officials at Lomac (current owners of the Bofors/Lakeway site)
declined the interview (based on pending legal action) and referred to the feature article
which appeared in W in 1992. DuPont officials stated they are
in compliance with agreements with the MDNR and declined further comment.

Michigan Department of Natural Resources project leaders were contacted by
phone to confirm information concerning the clean up activities at each of the sites of
contamination and to corroborate facts presented in newspaper articles.

Media personnel with experience in reporting on the chemical industry and/or
hazardous waste issues were identified by the by—lines of articles included in the content
analysis and by personal contact with staff at W Two
individuals, the city editor and a staff reporter, knowledgeable of environmental reporting
over the time span of the content analysis were selected for in-person interviews.
Interviews were conducted with these individuals to obtain a subjective interpretation of
the local media’s coverage.

Additional contacts were made with members of local environmental groups and
interviews conducted with willing individuals. Only the Director of the Muskegon office
of the Great Lakes Federation agreed to be interviewed in person. This individual added
a caveat to the permission form which allowed the right to review the completed
dissertation prior to any publication. Several other private citizens were interviewed by

phone but declined an in-person taped interview and asked not to be directly quoted.

37
These included active environmentalists and the wife of a former Hooker chemical

worker. The majority of these people were identified by referral from other sources. ’8

Interviews were tape recorded with permission of the interviewee. Sessions were
conducted in a structured but open ended format to promote the exchange of information.
Written permission was obtained from each participant to both tape record the interview
and to use direct quotes in the dissertation (Please see Appendix B for permission form).
Taped recorded interviews lasted approximately one and one half to two hours.
Telephone interviews were of some what shorter duration, usually about thirty minutes.
The results of these interviews are presented as part of the discussion of results in
Chapter VI.

The proposed methodology for the present dissertation was reviewed by the
Michigan State University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (U CRII-IS).
Exemption from full review was granted June 4, 1993 (See Appendix C) based on the
protection of the rights and welfare of human subjects afforded by the interview

conditions described above.

 

“’Dr. Daniel Yakes, a local historian and instructor in the Social Sciences Department
of Muskegon Community College, was very helpful in supplying information on local
environmental groups. In addition, staff at the Hackley Public Library were a source of
two referrals.

CHAPTERIV

DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF MUSKEGON COUNTY

A. Introduction

Muskegon County, on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan (see Appendix D for
map), is a place of great natural beauty. The area abounds in lakes and beaches ideally
suited for recreation. Until very recently, however, the economic emphasis of the area
has been on industry. The port of Muskegon serves a number of large shipping firms
which in turn supply cheap transportation of raw materials into the area and finished
products out to other ports. These attributes made Muskegon a prime location for the
lumber industry in the late 1800’s and for the industries that followed when the timber
ran out. Manufacturing expanded in the years after World War II and remains the chief
source of employment for the residents of the area. In recent years, however, Muskegon
has seen a decline of industry and the accompanying economic base which it provided.
A number of factors have been contributory including the recessions of the 1970’s and
the availability of cheaper labor in other regions of the country. In addition, the
environmental legislation prohibiting disposal of hazardous wastes in unsuitable locations
has had a major impact on the area.

The soil of Muskegon County is sandy and porous. These conditions which are

so beneficial to the method of land disposal of municipal waste water used there make

38

39
hazardous wastes particularly dangerous. There are more than 58 sites of hazardous

waste disposal recognized by the state of Michigan and the Environmental Protection
Agency within the county lines. Seven of these sites are of sufficient magnitude to
qualify for inclusion in the National Priorities List (NPL) for Remedial Action under the
Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act of 1987 (SARA). The contamination
is of particular severity due to the virtually unharnpered movement of the contaminants
through the porous soil thus endangering the groundwater supplies as well as the natural
lakeshore habitat. As a result Muskegon finds itself in the position of balancing the
benefits of economic growth with the long term cost to the environment. (WMRSDC,

1987.)

B. Early History of Muskegon County 1700-1950

The history of European settlers in Muskegon County begins in the 1700’s when
trappers were drawn to the area by the abundance of wildlife and the natural port
afforded by the Muskegon River and Lake. The first settlement was established on the
Southern shore of Muskegon lake where fish were so abundant they could easily be
caught by hand. The native Ottawa Indians were amazed that the Europeans maintained
their residence in Muskegon year round since the huge swarms of mosquitoes which
descended on the area led the natives to seek higher ground in the summer. The name
”Muskegon” is derived from an Ottawa phrase meaning "low swampy ground” .

The first lumber mill was established on Muskegon Lake in 1837 and was
followed in rapid succession by five more. Several factors made Muskegon the natural

capitol of the midwest lumber industry. Among these were the huge stands of pine along

40
the Muskegon River and the deep, fast moving Spring currents which allowed the
movement of lumber to Muskegon Lake. The delta of the river provided a natural
sorting area for the lumber which could then be shipped out of the port to feed the
growing western markets at Chicago and beyond (Beukema, 1952). In 1887 it was
predicted that cutting could continue at its current rate for another one hundred years.
A board of trade publication in 1884 stated:
”The timber prophet of today who lives long enough to see the lumber
supply exhausted in Muskegon Valley will be so wrinkled that he can
wrap himself up in a linen rag and be labeled a well-preserved specimen

of Egyptian mummy without danger of detection.

(The Muskegon Chronicle, 1952)

By 1890, however, only three years later it was apparent that the boom in the
lumber business was waning. The supply of lumber was exhausted. In addition,
construction came to a halt nationwide in response to a downturn in the economy. In
1893 a fire destroyed much of the business district in the county seat, the city of
Muskegon. The demise of Muskegon was predicted in the wake of these twin disasters.

The years surrounding the turn of the century were characterized by repeated
attempts to attract diversified manufacturing into the area. The Muskegon Improvement
Company was organized to provide the necessary funds to attract business and proceeds
from the sale of 1000 subdivided acres were used as seed money for a ”bonus fund,"
(Beukema, 1952). Monies from this fund were used to build factories and to provide

incentives to industries interested in locating in Muskegon. These efforts, with additional

41
support from municipal bonds, were spurred on by the demand for goods during World

War I.

In 1928 Muskegon’s second natural resource, oil, was discovered in the Traverse
horizon" at a depth of 1600 to 1800 feet. An influx of wildcatters followed and at least
470 town lot wells were drilled. Unfortunately, the rapidity of the drilling released the
natural gas which provided sufficient rock pressure to recover the oil in large quantities.
Recovery in barrels per year reached a peak of 3,157,668 in 1929 and declined rapidly
thereafter (Beukema, 1952).

The period from 1930 to the beginning of World War II was an era of slow
growth for Muskegon. County Commissioners authorized the improvement of the
Muskegon Channel to provide a deep water channel for large vessels and Muskegon
became known as the " gateway to the west” (Beukema, 1952). Unfortunately, however,
many of the firms attracted to the area in the earlier days of expansion floundered in the
Depression.

The advent of World War II was a mixed blessing for the residents of Muskegon
County. Industries such as Continental Motors, who had virtually ceased production of
private automobiles at its Muskegon site, geared up to produce the massive amounts of
goods need to support the war effort. The ”Gateway to the West” nee ”Lumber Queen, "

now acquired the name ”Arsenal of Democracy, " (Beukema, 1952). The existing

 

" The traverse Horizon constitutes an important oil producing horizon of the
Michigan Basin. The horizon was probably formed in the mid-Devonian periods of the
Paleozic geological age and corresponds to the oil sands found in Pennsylvania.
Limestone within this formation serves as a reservoir of oil and gas (Ver Wiebe, 1930).

42
infrastructure of housing and other facilities rapidly expanded providing additional jobs

secondary to the military complex.

C. The Beginnings of a Chemical Empire
The era of peace which followed World War 11 left Muskegon again in need of
a foundation for its manufacturing base. A local resident with personal ties to Hooker
Chemical invited company officials to investigate the brine deposits underneath Western
Michigan. Hooker considered a number of sites on the lakeshore and finally chose to
locate in the city of Montague which is the northern half of Muskegon County.
Our greatest industrial accession of the ’50’s is the new $10,000,000
Hooker Electra-Chemical plant at Montague for the manufacture of
chlorine, caustics, and hydrogen. While not located at Muskegon proper,
it lies within the local area and promises to develop a great chemical
industry here through the utilization of one of our major underdeveloped

natural resources, the salt beds that underlie most of the county - thus
fulfilling a dream of the 1870’s and 1880’s.

(Beukema, 1952)

A near miss at fulfillment of this dream occurred between 1867 and 1881 when
a 2,100 foot well was drilled striking the Dundee formation which underlies much of
West Michigan. The brine produced at this depth is too heavily impregnated with
magnesium and calcium chloride to be of commercial value and drilling efforts were
abandoned (Beukema, 1952). Had drilling continued to the depth of the Salina
formation, Muskegon might have attracted early chemical companies such as Dow.

In 1951, when Hooker Electro-Chemical expressed interest in locating in the

Muskegon area the city fathers saw the opportunity to create a chemical empire on the

43
foundation of the saline deposits. Manufacturing companies which gravitate to the source

of chemicals such as chlorine, caustics, and hydrogen were seen as additional sources of
employment and tax revenues (The Muskegon Chronicle, 1952). An editorial dated April
11, 1951 stated;
The new industry will in no way make Greater Muskegon a less desirable
place to live. It will bring no undesirable odors, smoke, or other
nuisances, the Chamber (of Commerce) officials assure. They point to the
operations of the Dow Chemical Company in Midland and in other cities
as proof that the modern chemical plants are among the most desirable a
community could possibly obtain.

(The Muskegon Chronicle, 4/11/1951)

Initially, Hooker sought to acquire a site immediately adjacent to the channel
which joins Muskegon Lake to Lake Michigan. Opposition from local landowners in
the Edgewater area forced the Muskegon City Commission to refuse to sell the property.
After reviewing alternative sites Hooker decided on the Dowie Property on White Lake
in northern Muskegon County. Executive vice-president Bjarne Klaussen declared;

The Hooker plant will be one of the outstanding chemical plants in the

country and its design will fit in with the natural beauty of the White Lake

area.

(The Muskegon Chronicle, 11/29/51)

Announcement of this decision was followed by legal action by area landowners
to block construction on the White Lake site. Residents claimed that Hooker posed a
threat to their health and happiness and asked for temporary injunctive relief. A sixteen

page document filed by the plaintiffs stated that accidents and leaks at other Hooker sites

44
resulted in the release of chlorine gas into adjacent neighborhoods. Hooker officials,

while acknowledging these events, stated that such accidents could not occur at the White
Lake site (The Muskegon Chronicle, 8/27/51).

Muskegon Chronicle editorials written later in 1951 stated that it was 'a serious
mistake to try to . . .discredit the new industry by citing records of the accidents elsewhere
that may have little or nothing to do with the operations of a plant such as planned,”
(The Muskegon Chronicle, 12/1/51). The writer goes on to say that the Hooker
Company was the biggest and most important industrial prospect in the Muskegon area
in the previous thirty or more years. Compromise was reached in early 1952 and
construction on the $10,000,000 plant proceeded without further challenge (The
Muskegon Chronicle, 1/22/52).

In 1955 The Chronicle covered a fire at the Hooker facility which resulted in the
escape of chlorine gas. Along with statements from local fire fighters and the county
health officials the reactions of a fifteen year old schoolgirl were reported. She stated,
”It (the chlorine gas) made my throat tickle. But it wasn’t too bad,” (The Muskegon
Chronicle, 5/ 23/55). Editorials which followed in The Chronicle lauded the quick
response of local and industry safety workers and decried the ”exaggeration” of alarm
experienced by many local residents (The Muskegon Chronicle, 5/25/55).

In 1954 E. I. DuPont De Nemours announced plans to build a $15,000,000
neoprene synthetic rubber plant in Montague near the banks Of the White River. The
ready availability of hydrogen chloride produced by the nearby Hooker plant was cited
as a determining factor by DuPont officials (The Muskegon Chronicle, 10/28/54).

Several other plants followed the DuPont lead including Ott Chemical Company which

45
located in North Muskegon. Egelston Township located in Eastern Muskegon County

was chosen by both Lakeway Chemicals Inc and Thermo-Chem/Thomas Solvents as well
as other small chemical firms which have not experienced the degree of contamination
necessary for inclusion on the National Priorities List.

Beginning in 1957 the Ott facility produced various organic chemicals which
required the use of phosgene as a raw material. Wastewater on-site was disposed of in
seepage lagoons or waste ponds. As a result, contaminants migrated through seepage
into the water table aquifer and became part of the groundwater flow in the area. The
site is located in Dalton Township, approximately five miles north of the City of
Muskegon. The area is predominately residential although several small business are
located to the south and to the west of the site. About one mile east of the site, Little
Bear Creek and an unnamed tributary of the creek flow southward onto Bear Creek
which empties into Bear Lake. Bear Lake flows into Muskegon Lake which in turn
flows into Lake Michigan (Klepper, 1981).

Problems began to arise in 1964 when the Ott Company received a permit from
the Michigan Department of Natural Resources to discharge effluent from on-site
groundwater purge wells into Little Bear Creek. Fortunately for the groundwater supply
the plume of contamination was stopped at Little Bear Creek which served as an effective
discharge system. Unfortunately, however, all recreational fishing in the creek was
destroyed.

In 1967 complaints from area residents of foul smells and damage to aquatic
wildlife prompted Ott to temporarily divert the discharge to the middle branch of the

Muskegon River. Ultimately, in 1974, the purge system was abandoned, allowing

46
contaminants to accumulate in the underlying aquifer. In 1972, the Story Company

purchased the property and announced plans to produce isocyanate following a
$2,000,000 expansion of the facilities (The Muskegon Chronicle, 2/3/75).

In 1975 The Michigan Department of Health (MDH) and the MDNR conducted
tests of residential wells which revealed a number of organic contaminants. In July of
1976, Story declared bankruptcy, although the firm continued to operate on a limited
basis. In 1977, a class action suit was filed by area residents against the Ott/Story
company and its parent companies seeking relief in the form of a replacement system for
contaminated residential wells. Story claimed and was granted innocent landowner
exemption from the suit.

In 1977 the facility was abandoned when Story went bankrupt. Potential
purchasers of the property were discouraged by the liability attached to the property. In
August of 1977 it was discovered that numerous tanks of highly toxic liquid phosgene
gas were stored on site. This situation was regarded as particularly hazardous since the
site was essentially abandoned and open to vandalism. State agencies stepped in to
provide the necessary technical and security assistance. The immediate problems were
solved by an agreement between the DNR and the new purchaser, Cordova Chemical
Company, which stated that Cordova would not be held liable for problems caused by
previous owners. In return, Cordova agreed to dispose of the phosgene gas and to
contribute $600,000 toward a cleanup of the site. Through this agreement, area residents
were connected to the Muskegon municipal water supply. The agreed upon surface

cleanup was completed in 1978 (Klepper, 1981). However, remediation measures

47
continued to dispose of the contaminated sludge and soil still present at the site (The

W, 02/29/93).

Lakeway Chemicals began the manufacture of dichlorobenzidine in 1961 and in
1962 began to produce a similar compound, benzidine. These compounds are used in
the production of yellow paints and dyes and were recognized in 1965 by the United
States Public Health Service as cancer-causing compounds (The Muskegon Chronicle,
12/6/92). In response to these health advisories the Upjohn Company, the only other
domestic producer, informed Lakeway officials it would no longer be producing
benzidine. Lakeway officials, however, chose to continue production despite
knowledge of the oncogenic effects of benzidine.

Bofor’s—Nobel Inc. owned the site from 1981 to 1987 when they declared
bankruptcy. Lomac, Inc. purchased the site under an “Agreement and Covenant not to
Sue."12 Currently, chemicals are produced in the plant area which is separated from
the lagoon area by a fence. Although the site carries the Bofors name it has not been
determined if in fact Bofors is the liable party or if the contamination stems from earlier
manufacturing practices. A number of unlined lagoons and settling ponds used for
wastewater and sludge disposal have been identified as the primary source of
contamination. Also, in 1975, the dikes around the lagoons failed and an estimated two
million gallons of waste water spilled into Big Black Creek. Contaminants have been
identified in the soil near the lagoons, the underlying groundwater and in sediments of

Big Black Creek which borders the site to the South. Potential routes of exposure

 

12Under such an agreement, a current owner of a hazardous waste site is not held
liable for contamination which occured prior to transfer of ownership. Any subsequent
releases are the responsibility of the current and any future owners.

48

include air, soil, surface water, and groundwater. Contaminants include; aniline,
benzene, oryzalin, dinitrochlorobenzene, benzidine, dichlorobenzidine, and
tetrachloroethylene. Purge wells currently operating on site prevent further
contamination of underlying surface and groundwater (ATSDR, 1990).

Occupational exposures to chemicals were a significant hazard to both workers
and their families. Studies of workers homes have revealed considerable off-site
contamination. At least eight eases of bladder cancer have been confirmed in former
workers and one case is suspected in an off site resident (ATSDR, 1990).

In December of 1992 The Muskegon Chronicle published the results of an
extensive investigation into the working conditions at Lakeway during the years of
benzidine production. State records indicate that a number of problems were endemic
at the site including poor plant design, insufficient safety measures for worker protection
and little or no safeguards for prevention of releases into the environment. In 1973
Lakeway was forced to discontinue production by increasing regulatory pressure. On-site
contamination, however, remains extensive and dichlorbenzidine has been identified as
far as half a mile away from the site (The Muskegon Chronicle, 12/ 6/92)

Hooker Chemicals problems began in 1976 when local residents complained of
a chlorine like odor coming from the site. In December of that year the MDNR accused
Hooker of violating its wastewater permit by allowing asbestos fibers, chlorinated
hydrocarbons, chlorine and brine into White Lake. Hooker was given nine months to
clean up its effluents. Samples of White Lake fish showed excessive amounts of
chlorinated hydrocarbons and local residents were given a tentative warning about over

consumption of fish. The MDNR later backed away from these fish advisories stating

49
that tests had erroneously reported high levels of contaminants (The Muskegon

Chronicle, 7/7/76, 7/ 15/76).

Hooker’s problems intensified in the Summer of 1977 when an ex-employee
accused the firm of dumping C-56 and other toxic wastes on-site. C-56 is a extremely
toxic compound used in the manufacture of pesticides and plastics. Once considered by
the Army for gas warfare it was rejected as too toxic for this use. On August 19, 1977
Hooker spokesmen released a statement admitting to burying wastes prior to 1972 but
stated that only inert waste material had been landfilled on site from 1972 to 1976 (The
Muskegon Chronicle, 8/19/77). The MDNR did not investigate the dump site for eight
months following these statements. Andrew Hogarth, then chief of the DNR’s
groundwater compliance section stated when asked about the delay;

We asked Hooker about it, and they said there were a few barrels up

there. We’ve got a limited staff. If we didn’t have so many other

grojieecrts going, like Story and Lakeway, we could’ve gone up there

(The Muskegon Chronicle, 4/ 14/78)

The prepared statement issued following the delayed site inspection stated:

An inspection of the site revealed thousands of rusted, exposed and fly-ash
covered barrels containing 05 6 distillation and residue, which company
information confirms had been routinely discarded there between 1957 and
1972.

(The Muskegon Chronicle, 4/ 14/ 78)

50
In October of 197 8 Hooker submitted a disposal plan which focused on burial of

waste in a pit capped with soil, clay and a synthetic liner. This proposal was deemed
unacceptable by the MDNR and Hooker was warned that legal action would ensue if state
cleanup regulations were not followed. The MDNR proposed a plan which included
incineration of wastes where appropriate and a clay walled vault for those wastes which
must be buried W, 10/27/78).

On October 30, 1979 a settlement was reached between Hooker Chemical,
Michigan’s Attorney General, the Department of Natural Resources, and the Michigan
Natural Resources Commission. The judgment required Hooker to implement a plan to
contain certain hazardous wastes upon the Hooker Montague site. The plan was to
include purging and treatment of contaminated groundwater beneath and adjacent to the
premises, and removal and disposal of solid and liquid wastes improperly disposed of on-
site. Solid waste containment was to consist of placement into containment vaults
constructed with ten foot clay liners. While much of the excavated material was in fact
disposed of in this fashion, subsequent to closure of the vault more contaminated soil was
discovered adjacent to the site. In addition to the outlined disposal plan, Hooker was
required to pay $1 million to the state for costs incurred in the preparation of the case
and to finance the 20 year monitoring of the site by the DNR. An additional $2 million
was to be deposited in a ”perpetual care” fund to be used in the event that Hooker went
bankrupt or failed to perform the cleanup. The settlement stipulated that Hooker monitor
the clay vault for 50 years to ensure that the contamination did not recur (The Muskegon

Chronicle, 10/23/79).

51
Hooker was further required to provide evidence of marketable title to the areas

containing the vault as well as a 300 foot buffer zone. The following restrictions were

to be placed on the land, to run with the land through chain of title:

1. No vehicles except those needed to maintain the area.

2. No excavation or construction except to maintain the integrity of the vault
or to construct further vaults as nwded.

3. No uses which would impair the integrity of the vault.

4. Hooker and its successors in interest were required to erect and maintain
barriers to access to the property which indicate the toxic nature of the
contamination.

5 . No conveyance of title, easement or other interest of the site without
express consent of the Attorney General of Michigan.

6. Hooker was required to provide surety of continued monitoring and
maintenance of the property in the amount of two million dollars to be
used in the instance that Hooker fails to do so.

(MDNR, 1979)

D. Regulatory Authority for Cleanup of Contaminated Sites

The majority of the contamination sites in Muskegon County were slated for
action under Michigan Sites of Environmental Contamination List Act 307 enacted in
1982. As stated the purpose of the act was "to provide for the identification, risk
assessment, and priority evaluation of environmental contamination at certain sites in this

state: to provide for response activity: to prescribe certain powers and duties of the

52

governor: to provide for the promulgation of rules: to create an environmental response

fund. " Act 307 requires the governor or his designee to:

1. Develop a numerical system whereby the relative and potential
hazard posed to the public health, safety, welfare, and to the
environment may be assessed for each site.

2. Submit the risk assessment model for review at public hearings.

3. Annually identify and evaluate known sites of environmental
contamination within the state.

4. Submit to the state legislature two lists in November of each year:
the first list is to contain in rank order the sites which require
evaluation and interim response activity. The second list identifies
sites which are recommended for final response actions.

5. Submit both lists to review in public hearings.

6. Recommend a level of funding to the State Legislature.

Not all the sites listed for evaluation and interim response are recommended for
funding. In addition, funding is based upon such considerations as the availability of
Superfund Money, Act 307 funding, voluntary action by responsible parties, the
likelihood of legal action against responsible parties, and the immediate danger to human
health.

Michigan’s Act 307 and the federal Superfund legislation are similar in that they
both provide for a numerical model which allows for prioritization of contamination sites

for remedial action. In both cases the numerical ranking system provides the means to

53
allocate limited funding. Act 307 provides the state with the resources to take action at

sites which are not eligible for federal money or which do not rank high enough for
inclusion on the National Priorities List.

The ranking system employed by the state differs in two basic ways from that
used by the federal government. First, the state system evaluates the site as to its
condition at the time of publication, the federal system evaluates the site as to its
condition at its worst. Second, the state evaluation puts more emphasis on the imminent
danger to human health. These differences may result in a ranking which is substantially
different for each list.

There are seven sites in Muskegon County which are slated for remedial action
under the Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act of 1987 (SARA). The
provisions of this legislation were originally authorized by the Comprehensive
Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (CERCLA). The
intended purpose of the legislation was to provide the necessary power, organization, and
funding for the clean up of abandoned and inoperative waste sites. Superfund, as it is
now known, established a trust fund under the administration of the US. Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) to help pay the enormous cost of cleanup. To be eligible for
cleanup and funding the site had to be listed on the NFL. As of the passing of the act
the EPA had reviewed 16,000 potential sites. In 1981 the EPA published a list of 115
sites which grew to 419 in 1983. Each year, as the number of eligible sites grew, the
list was updated. By 1991 there were more than 1000 sites included or proposed for the
NFL. Of this total, remedial investigation and feasibility studies have been conducted

on approximately 300, while only 63 sites are actually being cleaned up. Another 400

54

sites have received emergency action and there are some which have received private
action under EPA supervision. However, as of December 1990, 33,834 Sites have been
identified nation wide as potentially hazardous (Feder, 1991).

Title I of CERCLA defines the hazardous substances and releases which are to
be regulated. It also authorizes the EPA to respond to control releases or to order
responsible parties to do so according to a planned procedure. Also provided for is the

assignation of financial responsibility for the clean up of such releases.

E. Current Status of Chemical Waste Sites

E I DuPont De Nemours - There at least three sites of environmental
contamination at the DuPont facility; (1) a lime waste pit of 1 million tons which has
resulted in groundwater contamination including arsenic, antimony, copper, thiocyanite,
(2) a bury pit and dump area used for disposal of neoprene tars, latexes, copper chloride
salts, potassium and ammonium latexes, potassium hydroxide, and inert plant refuse, and
(3) areas involved in routine spills from railroad tank unloading involving
trichloroethylene, carbon tetrachloride, perchloroethylene, and methyl chloroform.
Dupont has entered into a consent agreement with the Michigan Department of Natural
Resources and a Delaware firm to clean up the Montague site. In addition, residents of
the area have been connected to a municipal water supply at the expense of DuPont. As
of 1986 the company has installed a purge well system and agreed to maintain the
groundwater remedial plan until testing reveals that the levels of the contamimtion in the

water have reached background levels (MDNR,1986).

55

Hooker Chemical remains a contamination site despite construction of a massive
pyramid filed with 1 million cubic yards of contaminated waste. Concern is now focused
on the 80,000 cubic yards of C-56 contaminated soils Federal and State officials
discovered after sealing the depository. With no place to put the soils the area was
deemed a ”no mans land. " Purge wells installed under the Hooker site have not detected
any further migration of C-56 or other contaminants, however MDNR officials are asking
Federal officials to request a more complete investigation of the site (IhLMnskeggn
gimmick, 12/16/92; MDNR, 1993).

Lakeway Chemicals/Bofors-Nobel, Inc. is located in Fagleston Township,
approximately 6 miles east of the City of Muskegon. The site has undergone a number
of name and ownerships changes and is currently owned by Lomac Inc. . The
contaminated soils and sludges behind the Lomac facility have been described by EPA
officials as a "real witches brew of various chemicals. . .extremely hazardous materials, "
Wide, 12/ 6/92). The federal government will build a clay-lined
pyramid-shaped landfill to contain the contaminated materials. In addition, it is estimated
it could take up to 200 years to treat all of the 73 billion gallons of contaminated
groundwater beneath the site, MW, l2/6/92; EPA, 1990).

Analysis of groundwater at the OttlStory/Cordova site has identified the
following contaminants which are considered to be tumorigenic and/or carcinogenic;
vinyl chloride, 1,2-dichloroethane, chloroform, methyl chloride, and benzene. In
addition, several other chemical have been identified whose carcinogenicity is
undetermined such as toluene and several arylarnines. All contaminants are considered

to present a danger to area residents through air, soil, surface water, and groundwater

56

routes of exposure. Although residential water supplies are now connected to the
Muskegon County Municipal supply, residents experienced several years of exposure
(ATSDR, 1989; EPA, 1990).

The OSC site is listed on the National Priorities List for Superfund cleanup. In
addition, it rated a score of 43 out of 48 under the Michigan Act 307 criteria for state
action. The Agency for Toxic Substance and Disease Registry has completed a
preliminary health assessment of former workers and area residents and is currently
conducting a more detailed analysis in response to community requests (ATSDR, 1989).

In a recent court case in which Ott sought to limit its future liability, former
workers expressed concern over dumping barrels of effluent behind the production
facility. Workers stated they were told that the company had dumping permits and that
the chemicals would vaporize harmlessly. In February of 1993 CPC International Inc. ,
parent company of Story, and Aerojet General Corp. parent company of Cordova reached
an agreement to provide $25 million in the form of an escrow account to fund remedial
efforts on-site. Cleanup of contaminated groundwater is expected to begin in mid-1994
(The Muskegon Chronicle, 2/12/93).

Thermo-Chem / Thomas Solvents was a solvent recovery and incineration
facility which operated from 1977 until 1980. Thomas solvents and other companies
hauled solvents and/or materials containing hazardous substances to the site. Recovered
solvents from Thermo-Chem’s distillation process were resold through Thomas Solvent
Company which is adjacent to the facility. The distillation process generated sludge
residues which were incinerated. Wastewaters from the distillation process were

discharged to two seepage lagoons. A clay-lined lagoon contained spills and

57

contaminated wastes. During operation the site contained up to 3,500 drums of waste
solvents and a 20,000 gallon tank of waste contaminated with hexachlorobenzene, a
pesticide intermediate which was involved in a spill on April 30, 1980.

Records indicate that Thermo-Chem handled a variety of aliphatic and aromatic
hydrocarbons as well as many unidentified compounds. The on-site lagoons were of
unknown integrity and underlain with sandy soils. The underlying groundwater may
consist of or be hydraulically connected to the aquifer which serves the private wells in
the area. The groundwater flows in a southerly direction to Black Creek which is
tributary to Mona Lake. Groundwater samples taken from a well located near the
warehouse on-site contained trichloroethane, methylene chloride, trichloroethene,
perchloroethylene, and carbon tetrachloride. Soil gas surveys indicate the presence of
toluene, trichloroethane, trichlorethylene, perchloroethylene. ethylbenzene, and xylenes

(EPA feasibility study, 1985).

F. Economy of Muskegon County

The conditions described in the preceding sections depict a region which has
experienced significant environmental contamination coupled with the potential for
enormous costs of remediation. These costs are made more significant by the loss of
the polluting industries themselves. The information provided by personal interviews
with representatives of WW and local environmentalists suggests that
the local media is perceived as following a pro-growth agenda. A brief review of the
economic conditions of the region is necessary to provide a backdrop for any

communication efforts concerning those industries.

58
The West Michigan Shoreline Regional Development Commission (WMSRDC)

is responsible for the design, planning, and monitoring of economic development of
Oceana, Ottawa and Muskegon Counties. The reports and decisions from this office are
made with the advice and consent of the Muskegon County Health Department and the
County Planning Commission. The issue of the economic impacts of hazardous waste
sites as well as the public perception of the problem has been an area of great interest
to the WMSRDC since 1980 (Koches, 1988). Representatives of that office feel that
answers to these inquiries would enable them to make decisions in keeping with the
prevailing public opinion while fostering the needed economic growth.

Muskegon county’s adjusted population estimate13 for 1990 was 158,983 which
represents a increase of 1.0 percent from the 1980 census. This increase is minor when
compared to the surrounding counties where population is experiencing a faster rate of
growth (Table 4.1). The WMSRDC has postulated that the slow rate of population
growth is due in part to an out migration of population in search of employment

opportunities elsewhere.

 

13As of June 30, 1991, The US. Department of Commerce announced that 1990 census
figures would be adjusted to account for misrepresentation of some groups such as the
homeless.

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60
Figure 4.1. depicts the estimated annual average civilian labor force for region

14 counties, Michigan and the United States. The trend for Muskegon which is
portrayed in these figures is one of declining employment while surrounding counties are
experiencing some growth. While the percent of change in unemployment is relatively
low, unemployment in Muskegon County has remained consistently high. Table 4.3
presents a graphic depiction of unemployment rates in region 14 counties, Michigan and
the United States. While overall unemployment has declined since a high in 1982, the

rate for Muskegon remains higher than that of both state and national levels.

Table 4.2: Estimated Annual Average Civilian Labor Force, Employment, and
Unemployment for Region 14 and Counties, Michigan and the United
States, for Selected Years 1979-1989. (By Place of Residence)

 

 

Percent
Change
1979- 1989-
1979 1982 1985 1988 1989 1990 1989 1990
Civilian Labor
Force (x 1000)
Ottawa County 75.6 84.9 87.7 95.4 98.4 101.1 30.2 2.74
Muslmgon County 68.6 70.2 69.3 68.6 68.6 68.0 0.0 -.87
Oceans County 9.2 9.8 9.6 10.3 10.5 11.3 14.1 7.61
Region 14 153.5 164.5 166.6 174.3 177.5 180.4 15.6 1.63
State of Michigan 4,320 4,296 4,352 4,580 4,666 4,578 8.0 -1.88
United States 102,910 110,204 115,461 121,669 123,869 124,787 20.4 .74
Employment
(x 1W)
Ottawa County 72.1 76.1 80.7 90.9 93.5 95.2 29.7 1.81

Musbgon County 62.7 57.9 60.6 62.6 62.4 61.6 -0.5 -l.28
OceanaCounty 8.3 8.1 8.0 9.1 9.4 10.1 13.3 7.44

61

 

 

Percent
Chance
1979- 1989-
1979 1982 1985 1988 1989 19% 1989 1990
Region 14 143.1 142.1 149.3 162.6 165.3 166.9 15.5 .96
State of Michigan 3,989 3,632 3,920 4,232 4,333 4233 8.6 -2.30
United States 96,946 99,526 107,150 114,968 117,342 117,914 21.0 .48
Unemployment
(x 1GB)
Ottawa County 3.5 8.8 7.0 4.5 4.9 6.0 40.0 22.4
Muskegon County 5.9 12.2 8.7 6.1 6.1 6.4 3.4 4.91
Oceana County .9 1.8 1.6 1.2 1.1 1.2 22.2 9.09
Region 14 10.3 22.7 17.3 11.8 12.1 13.6 17.5 12.39
State of Michigan 336 664 43 348 330 344 -l .8 4.24
United States 5,863 10,678 8,312 6,701 6,528 6,874 11.3 5.30
Unemployment
Rate (percent)
Ottawa County 4.7 10.4 8.0 4.7 5.0 5.9 0.3 0.18
Musbgon County 8.6 17.4 12.5 8.8 8.9 9.4 0.3 5.61
Oceana County 9.8 16.9 16.8 11.6 10.7 10.5 0.9 -l.86
Region 14 6.7 13.8 10.4 6.8 6.8 7.5 0.1 10.29
State of Michigan 7.8 15.5 9.9 7.6 7.1 7.5 -0.7 5.63
United States 5.8 9.7 7.2 5.5 5.3 5.5 -0.5 3.77

 

Source: Michigan Employment Security Commission.

62

 

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a .4 2:5

CHAPTER V

CONTENT ANALYSIS RESULTS

A. Overall Distribution of Quotes by Year

Figure 5.1 depicts the total number of quotes which appeared in archive articles
per year. Years in which no articles appeared in W about the
chemical industry have been omitted. Lack of identifiable articles may be attributable
to a number of factors including the omission of an article from the newspaper morgue
files, competing stories which pushed chemical industry news to pages other than A1,
or simply the lack of reportable stories. The newspaper coverage of these sites remains
consistently low from 1951 to 1975. Coverage increases sharply in 1976 and rises to the
highest level in 1979. This corresponds to the time period in which the Hooker barrels
were discovered, the Ott problems arose, and the link between bladder cancer and
benzidine at Bofors/Lakeway was made public. Coverage declines sharply in 1983 and

1984 and remains moderate for the remainder of the study period.

B. Relationship Between Source and Risk Approach
The most interesting and important data derived from this analysis is the
relationship between the source and the risk variables. This relationship may be

addressed in two ways. First, the question may be asked, What does each source say

63

64
about risk? Secondly, Where does each risk statement come from? (Sandman, 1987).

The answer to the first question may be found by examining the types of risk statements
attributable to a particular source. For example, the question may be asked “If a state
oflicial is quoted as the source of information what percentage of the time is the presence
of a risky substance likely to be confirmed?” Similarly, a particular risk message may
be examined to determine its possible sources. For example, ”If a message affirms the
presence of a risky substance what percentage of those messages is attributable to federal

government officials. "

1. Distribution of Source Variable

Table 5.1 shows the overall distribution of sources of quotes contained in the
articles examined. There is a heavy reliance on government agencies as the primary
source for risk information. Government sources are cited in 49.5 % of all quotes. State
Government sources account for 34.6% of quotes. Federal and Local sources are
referenced 4.4% and 10.5% respectively.

Industry is the most likely non-government source to be quoted, 25.2% . Private
citizens, workers and unions, and advoeacy groups received only moderate coverage
(8.1%, 3.6%, and 1.7% respectively). It is interesting to note that experts were cited
only 4.7% of the time since uninvolved experts could be considered an unbiased source

of technical and environmental information (Sandman, 1987).

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66
A chi-squared one-sample test was used to determine whether a significant

difl’erence exists between the observed frequencies in Table 5.1 and the expected
frequencies which might be attributable to chance. The calculated chi square statistic of
973.89 is greater than the critical value of 29.59 (degrees of freedom = 10, p < 0.001).
If the calculate chi square (x2) statistic exceeds the critical value of x2 it can be concluded

that the observed frequencies are not attributable to chance.

2. Source of Quotes by Year

Figure 5 .2 depicts the source of quotes by year. Longitudinal analysis of the data
yields answers to two questions; (1) Did Muskegon Chronicle staff writers rely on any
one particular source over the time span of the study and (2) Were there any changes in
the pattern of sources used over the time span of the study? For purposes of this graph,
composite source categories were used. Government includes Federal, State, and
Local/County sources. Use of government sources peaks sharply beginning in 1976 and
coincided with sharp increase in coverage shown in Figure 5.1. Individuals and Groups
is a composite category consisting of Workers & Unions, Advocacy/Environmental/
Citizens Groups, Citizens/By-Standers/ Individuals, and Experts. These sources receive
only modest attention from the press throughout the study period. The exception is in
1979 when several articles appeared concerning statements made by an MSU expert that

levels of contamination of White Lake fish were excessively high and dangerous.

67
Table 5.1: Overall Distribution of Sources.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of

Quotes that Percent of
Source Mention Source All Quotes
Federal Government 32 4.4
State Government 251 34.6
Local Government 76 10.5
Industry 183 25 .2
Workers and Unions 26 3.6
Advocacy Groups 12 1.7
Citizens 59 8.1
Experts 34 4.7
Unattributed 0
Mixed 0
Other 2 0.3

 

 

 

 

 

Total number of quotes = 675

68

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Industry, by contrast to the amount of coverage received by individuals and

environmental groups, is employed consistently by W as a primary
source throughout the study period. The exception is in the latter years of 1986-1991

However, very little coverage was afi‘orded the sites under study during these years.

3. Relationship of Source to Each Risk Approach

The percentage of each type of risk statement attributable to each source is
represented in 'Ihble 5.2. Each horizontal row sums to 100%. The statement, ”Federal
Government made statements confirming the presence of a risky substance 40.6% of the
time” means that of all quotes attributed to the Federal Government, 40.6% of them say
that the risky substance was present. The following discussion will be on a source-by-
source basis.

Federal Government. While representing an overall low rate of citation (4.4%)
the Federal Government is most likely to affirm risk (6.3%) and the presence of a risky
substance (40.6%). Statements denying the risk imposed account for 6.3% of all quotes
attributed to the Federal Government and mixed opinions account for 15.7% (mixed
opinion if risky, 6.3%; mixed opinion if present, 9.4%). No quotes containing the
message of "risk present, but under control" were attributed to the Federal government.
When cited on risk, Federal sources are therefore more likely to aflirm the nature and
presence of a risk than to deny it. This result is probably related to the inclusion of these
sites on the National Priorities List in that substantial contamination and risk are
components of the criterion for Federal intervention. (Chi square value = 45.0 >

critical value of 24.32, df = 7, p < 0.001.)

70

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71

State Government. State officials are twice as likely to be cited on claiming the
presence of risky substances (21.5%) as on the risk of the substance (10.8%). State
sources are less likely to deny risk (1.6%) and the presence of risk (2.0%). However,
unlike Federal sources, State officials are cited as making ”Under control" statements
(10.3%) roughly equivalent to the overall average for this risk category (10.7%).

Relative to the overall average, State officials more slightly are likely to affirm
risk and the presence of risk and slightly less likely to deny risk and the presence of a
risky substance (chi square equal to 309.3 > critical value of 24.32, degrees of freedom
= 7, p < 0.001).

Local Government. The percentages of quotes per risk category attributable to
local officials are very close to the average overall. Local officials are slightly less likely
to claim risk (8.0%) and the presence of risk (10.55). However, the overwhelming
majority of quotes attributable to local sources do not contain any risk information
(67.1%). These quotes deal primarily with the impact of remediation efforts on
employment and other economic issues (chi square = 212.2 > critical value of 24.32,
degrees offreedom = 7, p < 0.001).

Industry. Industry is less likely to be quoted on risk than any other source.
When Industry is quoted on risk it is much more likely to deny risk (8.35) than to affirm
it (0.5%) and more likely to deny the presence of a risky substance (3.3%) than to aflirm
presence (2.7 96). The percentage of Industry quotes which deny risk and presence of
risk are higher than the average of all sources and aflirmation of risk or the presence of

risk is much lower.

72

The majority of quotes attributable to Industry do not contain risk information
(59.0%). However, Industry is more likely than any other source to acknowledge the
presence of a risk while assuring that the risk is under control (24.0%). The high
percentage of risk denial and risk under control statements is especially interesting in
light of the number of quotes in the archive which are attributable to that source.
Industry ranks second only to State sources, contributing 27.1% of all quotes (chi square
equal to 424.4 > critical value of 24.32, df = 7, p < 0.001).

Wbrkers and Unions. Quotes attributable to workers and unions tend to affirm
the presence of risk (19.2%) and the presence of a risky substance (27.0%). No quotes
denying risk or the presence of risk are attributed to this source. A high percentage of
Workers and Union quotes (38.5 %) contain no risk information (chi square equal to 32.5
> critical value of 24.32, df = 7, p < 0.001).

Advocacy Groups. Quotes attributable to Advocacy Groups also affirm the
presence of risk (8.3%) and the presence of a risky substance (8.3%). The number of
quotes attributed to the mixed opinion if risky category (16.7%) is much higher than the
overall average of 5.6% . N 0 quotes denying risk or the presence of risk are attributed
to this source. The percentage of quotes containing no risk information (66.7%) is
higher than the overall average (50.2%) (chi square equal to 34.7 > critical value of
24.32, df = 7, p < 0.001).

Citizens. Individuals cited as sources are more likely to affirm risk (22.0%) and
the presence of risk (22.0%) than to deny risk (1.7%) or the presence of risk (0.0%).

The percentage of quotes containing no risk information (50.9 %) is equivalent to the

73
overall average (chi square equal to 109.5 > critical value of 24.32, df = 7, p <

0.001).

Experts. Outside experts are much more likely than any other group to present
a mixed opinion of risk (29.4%). They are more likely to amrm a risk (17.6%) than to
deny it (8.8%). But equally likely to affirm the presence of a risky substance (5.9%) as
to deny it (5.9%) (chi square equal to 17.3 . critical value of 16.62, df = 7, p = 0.02).

Unattributed and Mixed Attribution. No quotes fell into either of these source
categories.

Other. Only two quotes fell into this category, one affirming risk and one
affirming the presence of risk. Both these quotes were taken from a Circuit Court
Consent Agreement between Hooker Chemical and State Officials and the authorship of

the passage was not explicit in the article (chi square value not significant).

4. Distribution of Risk Variable
The overall distribution of risk approaches by quote is represented in Table 5.3.
The most striking finding of this analysis is the likelihood that a source will assert
riskiness (9.2%) or the presence of a risky substance (15.4%). Sources which deny risk
or the presence of a risky substance are represented in 3.9% and 2.2% respectively. Of
the quotes that do discuss risk it is more likely that the presence of a substance will be
discussed rather than the issue of how dangerous the substance is to people or the
environment.
The category ”risk present but under control” represents 10.7% of quotes.

Roughly half (50.2 %) of all quotes contain no risk information. These quotes tend to

74

deal with financial matters such as the cost of cleanup operations, production losses, or

other corporate matters.

Table 5 .3: Overall Distribution of Risk Approaches by Quote

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

- Number of Quotes Percent of
Risk Category with Risk Approach All Quotes
Risky 62 9.2
Not Risky 26 3.9
Mixed Opinion (if risky) 38 5.6
Risky Substance Present 104 15.4
Risky Substance Not Present 15 2.2
Mixed Opinion (if present) 19 2.8
No Risk Information 339 50.2
Risk Present but Under Control 72 10.7

 

 

Total number of quotes = 675

5. Risk Messages by Year

Figure 5 .3 is a depiction of risk information contained in quotes by year.
Composite categories have been used for ease of graphic presentation. Afl‘irm risk is a
composite of the risky and the risky substance present categories. Deny risk is a
composite of the not risky and risky substance not present eategories. While the
appearance of quotes which deny risk is always low it is interesting to note that all of
these fall before 1985. The major peaks seen for the risk affirming category coincide

with the heavy reliance on government sources within those years and is consistent with

75
the findings of Peter Sandman for print media coverage of environmental issues in New

Jersey (Sandman, 1987).
The fairly consistent appearance of the risk controlled statement is a function of

the reliance on industry spokespeople as the source of quotes as depicted in Figure 5.2.

6. Relationship of Risk Approach to Each Source

Another way to look at the source-risk relationship is to examine the risk
information portrayed in the archive quotes and from which sources they originate.
Table 5.4 shows the percentage of each risk category attributable to each source. In this
table the vertical columns sum to 100%.

Risky. Quotes which claim risk account for 9.2% of all quotes in the archive.
The majority of these statements are attributable to State Government (43.6%) and
Citizens (21.0%). This is significant in light of the overall low percentage of attribution
of quotes to Citizens (8.1%). The Federal Government is less likely than the overall
average to claim risk (3.2%) and Local Government (9.7%), and Experts (9.7%) are
roughly equivalent to the overall average. Industry and advocacy groups (1.6% each for
both groups) are very unlikely to affirm riskiness of a substance (chi square value =
83.4 > critical value of 26.12, df = 8, p < 0.001).

Not Risky. Industry (57.9%) is more than fifteen times as likely to deny risk as
the overall average (3.9 %) and accounts for most of the statements denying the riskiness
of a substance. Industry is followed by State Government (15.4%), Experts (11.5%),
and Local government (7.6%) in exceeding the overall average. Federal sources

(3.8%)and Citizens (3.8%) are equivalent to the overall average. No quotes denying the

76

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77

riskiness of a substance are attributed to Workers and Unions or Advocacy Groups (chi
square value = 62.6 > critical value of 26.12, df = 8, p < 0.001).

Mixed Opinion if Risky. Of the quotes which present a mixed opinion of the
riskiness of the substance 28.8% are attributed to State Government. Surprisingly,
26.3 % are attributed to experts. This is probably a result of the confusion concerning
the levels of contaminants in White Lake fish (chi square value = 27.8 > critical value
of 26.12, df = 8, p < 0.001).

Risky Substance Present. State Officials account for over half of statements
afiirming the presence of a risky substance (51.9%). Federal Government and Citizens
account for 12.5% each, followed by local government (7.7%) and Workers and Unions
(6.7%). Industry (4.8%) Advocacy Groups (1.0%), and Experts (1.9%) are much less
likely than the overall average (15.4%) to affirm risk the presence of a risky substance
(chi square value = 190.0 > critical value of 26.12, df = 8, p 5, 0.001).

Risky Substance Not Present. Quotes denying the presence of a risky substance
are most likely to be made by Industry (40.0%) followed by State Officials (33.4%).
Quotes within this category are made by Local Government and Experts at a rate of
13.3% each. No presence denying statements were made by the Federal Government,
Workers and Unions, Advocacy Groups, or Citizens (chi square value = 26.4 > critical

value of20.09, df = 8, p g .01).

78

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79
Mixed Opinion if Present. Statements in which the opinion on the presence of a

risky substance was equivoeal were made most often by State Government (52.6%)
followed by Experts (21.1%), Federal sources (15.8%), and Industry (10.5%). Local
Governments, Workers and Unions, Advoeacy Groups, and Citizens were never the
source of statements of mixed opinion (chi square value = 42.1 > critical value of
26.12, df = 8, p < 0.001).

No risk Information. Of the quotes which contain no risk information 61.1%
come from Industry sources. This is a reflection of the Industry’s reluctance to discuss
risk issues and the reliance on this source for employment and economic information.
State Government accounts for 33.6% of this risk eategory followed by Local
Government (15.0%). Federal sources (3.2%), Workers and Unions (2.9%), Advocacy
Groups (2.4%), Citizens (8.5%), and experts (2.1%) supply very little of the information
which does not deal with risk (chi square value = 417 > critical value of 26.12, df =
8, p < 0.001).

Risk Present But under Control. Only three sources provided statements which
aflirmed the presence of risk but sought to assure the capability to remedy or control the
situation. Industry accounts for 61.1% of these statements, State Government 36.1% and
Local Government 2.8% (chi square value = 255 > critieal value of26. 12, df =-- 8, p

< 0.001).

C. Relationship Between Quote Position and Source
'Ihble 5.5 depicts the frequency of sources in the first half of the article as

compared to the last half (percentages sum horizontally to 100%). In other words, of

80
the total number of quotes attributable to a source, what percentage appear in the first

half and what percentage appear in the second? Comparisons based on the Federal
Government, State Government, and Industry source eategories indicate very little
difference in the percentage of quotes in the first versus the second half of the article.
By contrast, the majority of quotes attributable to Workers and Unions, Citizens and
Experts appear in the second half. Sandman explains this phenomena as a result of a
”typical” format in which more "credible” sources such as government officials appear

before other "human interest” sources (Sandman, 1987).

D. Relationship Between Quote Position and Risk Approach

Table 5 .6 shows the frequency of risk approaches in the first half of the article
compared to the last half (percentages sum horizontally to 100%). In other words, of
the total number of quotes attributable to a risk category, what percentage appear in the
first half and what percentage appear in the second?. Quotes which afirm risk are twice
as likely to appear in the second half (69.4%) ofan article as in the first (30.6%). This
relationship also holds true for the Risk present but under control category with 37.5 %
and 62.5 % of quotes in the first and second half respectively. These results may be due
to the tendency for writers to present more technical details in the latter half of an article
after suflicient back ground information has been presented.

Statements denying risk, aflirming or denying the presence of a risky substance
are as likely to appear in the first half of the article as in the second. These findings are

similar to those presented by Sandman (1987) and indieate at least in the area of risk

81

reporting there is little evidence to support the assertion that news writers use sensational

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

leads to grab readers attention.
Table 5.5: Position of Sources in the Article
1st half 2nd half

Source 1' of Quotes % of Quotes I of Quotes % of Quotes
Federal Government 18 56.3 14 43.7
State Government 102 40.6 149 59.4
Local Government 30 39.5 46 60.5
Industry 82 44.8 101 55.2
Workers and Unions 6 23.1 20 76.9
Advocacy Groups 5 42.7 7 58.3
Citizens 17 32.7 42 67.3
Experts 12 35.3 22 64.7
Unattributed 0 NA 0 NA
Mixed 0 NA NA
Other 0 0 2 100.0

 

   

 

Total number of quotes = 675

 

 

 

 

82
Table 5.6: Position of Risk Categories in the First 10 Paragraphs

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

lsfiralf _ 2nd half
RiskCatesory #onuotes %onuotes #onuotas %onuotes
Risky 19 30.6 43 69.4
Not Risky 13 50.0 13 50.0
Mixed Opinion (if risky) 14 36.8 24 63.2
Risky Substance Present 53 51.0 51 49.0
Risky Substance Not Present 6 40.0 9 60.0
Mixed Opinion (if present) 2 10.5 17 _ 89.5
No Risk Information 138 40.7 201 59.3
Risk Present but Under Control 27 37.5 45 62.5

 

 

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

A. Introduction

Risk communication research has developed out of a need for a more interactive
and informative process to relay information from officials to the public and to convey
the needs of the public concerning risk issues. The dilemma of increasing reliance upon
technology and the relative lack of information concerning the accompanying risks has
created a situation in which a partially informed public have demanded a better and more
equitable process in which to acquire information and air their concerns. Government,
industry and scientists, in turn, are seeking new ways to communicate effectively with
the public while avoiding the pitfalls of paternalism and scientific chauvinism. It is
informative, therefore, to examine situations, developed over a span of years including
less environmentally conscious eras, which illuminate the successes and failures of past
experience.

The present dissertation presents a case study of the risk communication process
surrounding the chemieal industry in Muskegon County, Michigan. Part One consisted
of a content analysis of page A1 (front page) articles which appeared in Muskegon
Chronicle concerning several sites of chemical manufacturing which have been slated for

remedial action either under the Federal Superfund program or the Michigan Act 307

83

84
cleanup program. The statistical results of the content analysis have been presented in

Chapter V.

Part TWo of this effort consists of an examination of the historieal, economic and
environmental circumstances in Muskegon County and its chemieal industry which set
a backdrop for the content analysis results reported in Chapter V. As stated in Chapter
II, risk communication must be viewed as a situational phenomena which eannot be
isolated from the social and economic circumstances under which it occurs.
Additionally, a thorough understanding of the risk communieation process in Muslmgon
County cannot be achieved without asking the underlying question of ”Why?” . Why
does a source produce the type of risk message that it does? Why does a particular
source appear with greater frequency than another? What are the underlying reasons for
trends in both? Reporting the percentages of the appearance of a given source or risk
approach is insufficient in itself to illuminate the dynamics of the process of
communication. The realities of reporting scientific and environmental news and the
economic conditions in Muskegon in and preceding the time frame of the study provide
insight to the motivations which produce the type of coverage seen both in Ihe
W and on a national scale. As a supplement to this information
various stakeholders in the risk communication process including environmentalists,
editors and staff reporters, government officials, and members of the concerned public
were interviewed to provide personal insight into the historical perspective and the
process of risk communication. This multi-ficeted approach to investigating risk
communication lends added support to the individual components of the study and

provides greater confidence in the data and its interpretation.

85
B. The Influence of History and Economies

The results of the content analysis suggest that the enactment of environmental
legislation beginning in 1970 with the National Environmental Protection Act followed
by the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of
1980 (CERCLA) and the Michigan Sites of Environmental Contamination List Act 307
in 1982 coincided with a sharp increase in coverage of the chemieal industry in The
Muskegon Chronicle. This increase is reflective of the general increase in public and
government interest in environmental issues as well as the recognition of the potential
risk posed by indiscriminate use and disposal of hazardous substances. The general
increase in coverage of these issues is accompanied by an increasing reliance upon
government agencies as a source of risk messages as predicted in hypothesis 1a“.
However, a subjective reading of articles which cover the chemieal manuficturing sites
shows that environmental issues are frequently balanced with economic concerns. For
example, a story might report that company X is required by the Michigan Department
of Natural Resources (MDNR) to perform a level of cleanup efl’ort along with the cost
in revenues and lost jobs. Seldom is the cost of not cleaning up a hazardous substance
reportedinthearticle. InfaimesstoIhLMuskeggnmmstafl',thistypeof
information is not readily available and would require more time for research than is
allowed for a front page story. Reporting of economic concerns was not included as a
variable in the content analysis and no specific frequency of the appearance of these

issues is available for this study. However, the prevalence with which these issues

 

“Government officials will appear with increasing frequency as a result of the
enactment of environmental legislation.

86

appear in articles covering environmental issues supports general hypothesis 3" as
advanced in Chapter 11.

Recent research indicates that the type of coverage afforded environmental issues
in a community is influenced by the level of structural diversity and economic reliance
of the community on manufacturing (Griflin and Dunwoody, 1993). Less structurally .
diverse communities are described as less pluralistic and less homogeneous in their
demographic characteristics.

Several features associated with less pluralistic communities are descriptive of
Muskegon County as described in Chapter IV and in the results of the content analysis
presented in Chapter V. Grimn and Dunwoody (1993) found that newspapers in smaller
communities tend to frame risk messages in ”the context of a solution to a problem" .
Reporters at We]; consistently chose to utilize industry spokespeople
as a source of risk information. The content analysis results indieate that industry, when
it mentions risk at all, tends to portray the problem as being under control, albeit at a
cost to the company. The issue of cost both to the company and to the community was
a consistent theme of newsprint reports concerning the chemical industry. The influence
of pro-growth sentiments can be seen as early as the siting and planing stages of the
Hooker plant and is readily recognizable in the history of the region.

As depicted in the history of the region, economic conditions in Muslmgon County
had prompted local leaders to seek new industries to replace the loss of the old. The

interest shown in the Muskegon area by Hooker Chemical fostered hopes of a chemical

 

1"The content of risk messages is affected by the economic circumstances in the
surrounding community.

87
manufacturing empire to replace the loss of weapons manuficturing following WWII.

W1: served as a channel for area leaders promoting these hopes to
the public. Support for hypothesis 3a" is found in editorials written during this time
period which not only refused to consider any potentially negative impacts but ridiculed
persons who suggested them WM 12/1/51, 4/11/51, 1/22/52). It
may be argued that reporters and the print media serve only as conduits for the
dissemination of information. However, it must be recognized that news stafl' are
community members with personal views which influence both the type and framing of
stories which are printed. Similarly, news agencies such as W
have organizational views which originate from upper management.

The economic conditions in Muskegon County in the environmental era following
1970 support hypothesis 3b". The primary source of well-paying jobs in Muslegon at
the time of the discovery of many of the environmental problems was the very industry
which was creating the contamination. Publishing reports of industry responsibility for
environmental problems or the accompanying potential for public health effects requires
a weighing of the benefits of informing the public and the potential harm to community
and industry reputations. The pro-growth perspective of WW seems
to have tipped the balance, providing the incentive to frame environmental stories to

provide support for industry. A common reporting theme throughout the articles

 

“Economic conditions in Muskegon County in the 1950’s prompted the downplay
and dismissal of the potential risks of chemieal manufacturing.

1"Economic conditions in Muskegon County in the environmental era following 1970
affected the emerging depiction of risks associated with occupational and environmental
exposure to hazardous substances at site of chemical manufacturing.

as

included in the content analysis uses government sources to confirm the presence of
contamination followed by industry spokespeople assuring the public that the problem is

under control at considerable cost to the responsible industry.

C Environmental Rewrtin: in W

Coverage of environmental issues is sometimes depicted as a "tail wagging the
dog" dilemma (Stephens, 1992). Is the mass media responding to an issue of legitimate
public concern, or conversely, is the coverage afforded to an issue producing a level of
concern which might not otherwise exist? Power and credibility of a source in risk
communication may be viewed in much the same light. The inherent question is whether
the consistent appearance of representatives of any of the source groups is indicative of
the degree of power and credibility held by that group. Or, conversely, whether the
consistent reliance on any one source represents an institutional agenda espoused by the
news agency which serves to promote certain groups at the expense of others.

The results of the content analysis indicated that, contrary to hypothesis 10"
stated in Chapter 11, individuals, experts, and grass root or community organizations did
not appear with increasing frequency as the source of risk quotes (or any other type of
quote). With the exception of the statements made by a Michigan State University
researcher (circa 1979) concerning levels of contaminants in trout and pike taken from

White Lake, these sources receive very little attention from Channel: writers.

 

1“Sources such as individuals, grass root or community organizations will appear with
increasing frequency over time.

89

Based on interviews with Chronicle stafl’, several reasons may be suggested for
the underrepresentation of these source categories in W. John
Stephens, city editor of W, categorizes environmental articles into
three types; emergency situations which require immediate response, cleanup operations
which can be investigated at a more leisurely pace and ”discovery“ situations in which
government agencies and/or the press are alerted to contamination of unlmown origin and
impact. The method of information gathering may be very difl‘erent for each of these
types.

One way information may be gathered is by talking directly with informed
individuals. Chronicle sources say, ”We’ll talk to anyone who has knowledge" (Burns,
1992). In most cases, this means the designated media contact at a site of action. For
example, when a cleanup operation is in progress, one member of the crew is chosen as
the spokesperson and inquiries are directed to that person. This is also true in an
emergency situation such as a accidental release or an explosion. Following resolution
of the immediate situation, the reporter will attempt to talk to the responsible parties,
employees of a involved company, and witnesses and bystanders if possible.

The ”discovery” news article is much more diflicult to investigate. A common

scenario for this type of situation is described by Editor John Stephens:

The lake is polluted! Who did it? Environmentalists want to point
fingers, the bureaucrats would rather not talk about it except to issue a
sterile report of chemieal x present in x parts per whatever, and the
chemieal companies don’t want to answer the phone.

90
State oflicials are usually the preferred source of information in this case,

however, in the initial stages following discovery very little information may be
available. Sandman (1989) reports similar results with government sources accounting
for 37% - 48% of paragraphs in environmental stories appearing in selected New Jersey
news reports. The information most often requested by reporters falls into two
eategories: ”Is the hamrdous substance present, and in what quantity?” and "What
problems will it cause?" Information of the former type is most readily available and
most often given by government agencies. The more important question, from the
public’s point of view, is "what harm will the substance cause?" This information is
often not readily available even to the agency charged with regulation of the substance.
As discussed in Chapter II, the level of scientific uncertainty regarding environmental

risk precludes a swift and ready answer to reporters questions.

Local environmentalists have a very difl‘erent view of environmental reporting by
Wide. The Michigan Director of the Lake Michigan Federation

states;

There’s just so much power in what they do... They can quote you and
make you look stupid, they can take something you say and put it out of
context. If whatever you say doesn’t fit in with what they want to say in
the story then it doesn’t go in.

(Cabala, 1992)

The feeling of powerlessness is reiterated by many individuals who consider

themselves environmentalists. The preference for ”hard“ scientific facts in news

91

reporting often discredits preliminary information perceived as being less scientifically
valid. Chronicle stafl asserts that no conscious effort has been made to downplay
environmental issues, however, they are not reluctant to state that the economic growth
of Muslegon is an issue of paramount importance to the newspaper and its readers
(Stephens, 1992). Local environmentalists, however, assert that the Chronicle does not
see its role as informing the public but rather as pushing a private agenda which favors
economic development at the expense of the environment (Cabala, 1992).

The issue of a ”private agenda” has also been raised by other sources, such as the
most often quoted source in W919, state government oflicials.
Environmental reporters are seen as espousing a private accrediting system which allows
the acceptance of statements from some sources without verification while others are
closely scrutinized. The difl’erence in treatment of sources may be attributable to
personal bias, however, the acknowledgment must be made that public views have
changed considerably within the last 20 years in regard to polluting industries. The
change can be illustrated by a comparison of the coverage of the Hooker plant closing
and coverage of the recent revelations of worker conditions at Lakeway Chemical. Loss
of the Hooker plant was seen as a severe economic blow to the Muslmgon economy and
Hooker’s detractors were portrayed as lacking credibility W,
5/21/76). By contrast, the 1992 series which depicted the health problems of Lakeway
workers, portrayed a company which was insensitive to the plight of its workers to the
point of ignoring scientific evidence of the carcinogenic potential of its products (the

Wick, 12/6/92). These two very difl'erent series of articles illustrate a

92
shift in emphasis from the economic to the personal/ societal perspective which may

represent not only the reporter’s view, but that of Clunnicle management.

However, a pro-industry sentiment on the part of WW9 and
its stafl writers is still very much in evidence. A recent page A1 article (02/12/93) hails
the agreement by the responsible parties at the Ott/Story/Cordova site to provide $25
million in costs to support groundwater cleanup efl'orts. The continuation on the page
A2 clarifies that these moneys are provided to an escrow account pending appeal of a
court decision which hold the parties responsible. Only in the last few paragraphs of the
article on A2 is it made clear that the responsible parties would have been required to
pay triple the cleanup costs should their appeal fail and the $25 million was in effect
insurance against this eventuality. It is beyond the scope of this research to investigate
the motivations for this type of reporting. These examples nevertheless serve to illustrate
that while reporters and editors are often portrayed as impartial purveyors of information,
news coverage is a normative process.

An additional factor which may contribute to the lack of precise risk information
in environmental reporting is that while reporters may attend conferences and seminars
designed to improve coverage of scientific issues, the reporters themselves often have no
technical training or background. This observation holds true for the majority of
reporters who have covered the environmental beat at W as well
as for the reporters interviewed by Peter Sandman in New Jersey (1989). A seasoned

Chronicle reporter describes his job as:

93

'...an interpreter who takes envirobabble and turns it into words that the
readers can understand. "
(Burns, 1992)

Reporters should be careful, however, when translating 'envirobabble" not to
sensationalize or downplay the information. Additional questioning of sources may be
necessary to ensure that the information to be reported is thoroughly understood.
lnrecentyearsanewtypeofstoryhasbeguntoappearinIheMuskean
Chronicle which portrays the problems of people who have to deal with contamination
on a daily basis. These articles tend to feature individuals, workers, and medical
specialists describing the eflects of toxic chemicals in the workplace and in the
environment. The messages conveyed by workers and citizens in these articles as well
as the results of the content analysis indicate support for hypothesis 2b". Perhaps the
best example is the multi-page series which ran during the week of December 6, 1992
(after the 1991 cut 06 for archive articles). In this series the historieal facts surrounding
Lakeway’s production of dichlorobenzidine were set forth along with moving accounts
of employee’s and their family’s struggle with cancer. Unfortunately for this analysis,
this type of article rarely appears on page A1 of the Chronicle but is usually consigned
to page B1, the front page of the Local section. This section was instituted in 1980 as
aresultoftheoverallgrowthoftheflhmnigle. Stafi'admitthatthedecisiontoplace
environmental articles on page Bl may be a reflection of the reluctance to paint

Musbgon as a ”toxic hellhole" (Stephens, 1992). Articles which appear on A1 are more

 

"Sources such as individuals, grass roots or community organizations will produce
messages which affirm the riskiness of a potentially polluting industry.

94
likely to be widely distributed via major newswires than those printed in local sections

and thus reach a more diverse audience. This aversion to printing articles which are not
favorable to industry is not unique to Muskegon but rather is reflected by many
communities which are heavily reliant on manufacturing for their tax base (Grimn and
Dunwoody, 1993). Chronicle stafl', however, believe that the degree and flavor of
coverage afforded environmental issues reflects public sentiments. Thq' are convinced
that no eflon, conscious or other wise, has been made to influence public opinion in
fivor of either the chemieal industry or any other type of major manufacturing (Stephens,
1992).

The nation wide psyche has changed from profit margins to environmental
preservation, a change in the way we look at things and a change in what
we’re doing. Whether we have been a leader or a follower is an
interesting question and I would suggest we have been a follower.
(Stephens, 1992)
Coverage of the problems associated with production at Bofors Lakeway Inc.
exemplifies the type of coverage afl‘orded occupational and environmental exposure to
hazardous substances following the introduction of chemieal manufacturing into
Muslmgon County. In an article dated November 8, 1979 the gimmick reports that The
International Chemieal Workers Union asked the EPA to ban the production of Oryzalin,
an herbicide produced by Lakeway, on the basis of evidence that it was implieated in
causing fatal birth defects in workers children. While the article does admit that several

infant deaths were reported in workers at another manufacturing site it goes on to state

that the unions charges were ”unfounded based on the best available scientific evidence

95

we have. " A large portion of the article is devoted to government statistics which
seemingly refute the notion that job related illnesses are on the rise. Thus while not
overtly refuting Union claims, the article never—the-less leaves the impression that Union
concerns are unfounded.

Articles of this flavor are characteristic of the type of coverage afforded
environmental issues throughout the 1970’s and into the 1980’s. These articles mix
statements made by state agencies affirming the risk or presence of contamination along
with dollar estimates made by industry spokespeople of the cost of cleanup. Often
industry is quoted as doubting the necessity of aggressive action and decrying government
intervention into manufacturing processes. Coverage surrounding benzidine production
at Lakeway is a good example of this type of coverage. Throughout the 1970’s as
government oflicials cited production practices as unsafe, the Chronicle consistently
quoted industry spokesman defending their practices as stringently controlled and mindful
of worker safety. The 1992 expose of working conditions at the Lakeway site revealed
that at the time of the 1970’s articles, workers were sometimes knee deep in
dichlorobenzidine, a chemical which Lakeway oflicials knew to be carcinogenic.

In contrast to hypothesis 2a20 the results of the content analysis indicate a
readiness on the part of state government to affirm the riskiness of a substance and/or
the presence of a risky substance at a particular site. Close to half of all statements
aflirming risk are in fact made by state oflicials. A subjective reading of the risk

aflirrning quotes indicates, however, that these statements are for the most part merely

 

20Sources such as industry and government officials are likely to produce messages
which deny or downplay risks associated with a potentially polluting industry.

96
validations of information which is readily available through freedom of information

provisions. Risk aflirming statements made by government agencies tend to contain
sterile facts such as the degree of contamination in parts per million or billion. Two
obvious problems arise in giving the public information in this form. First, very few
people readily assimilate information presented in several orders of magnitude.
Explanations which attempt to create a common analogy (i.e. , one drop in a swimming
pool) may be perceived as patronizing and condescending. Secondly, presentation of the
sterile facts does little to allay public concern over potential health efl'ects. The readiness
of state oflicials to produce this information cannot be construed as an indication of the
desire to inform the public but rather as an acceptance of public duty. In actuality, many
agency officials perceive public demands for information as a nuisance and an intrusion
into daily routines.

In support of hypothesis lb“, industry remains a consistent source of
information concerning the chemical industry throughout the study period. In fairness
it should be stated that the economic well being of a community is of paramount
importance to its residents. Heavy reliance on industry spokespeople, however, may
produce news coverage which is one-sided and biased in favor of polluting industries.
It may be argued that industry spokespeople are in a position to know exactly what is
happening on-site. However, motivational factors must be considered when judging the
validity of information given to the press as well as the press’ motivation in presenting
it. Companies want to be viewed in the best possible light and would be reluctant to

ofl‘er information which might endanger their relationship with the hosting community.

 

21Industry sources will appear with consistent frequency over time.

97
Stafl at W admit that the concern exists that publication of denials

of industry wrong doing will create an irreversible association of a company with a
problem in the public mind. Overall, industry is as unlikely to make statements which

aflirm risk as environmental groups are to make statements of safety.

D. Conclusions

The above discussion supports the conclusion that the conventional press in
Muslmgon County is very much a part of the “center" in terms of environmental risk.
Their consistent reliance upon industry and government sources for information indicates
an agenda very difl’erent than that of local environmentalists.

A baseline survey of the public perception of chemical risks suggests that the
public receives most of the information it gets about environmental risks fiom
newspapers (McCallum and Covello, 1990). In the same survey, respondents saw
reporters as receiving their information from outside sources and the indicated that the
credibility of the information is dependent not upon the news agency but rather upon the
source of the message. Reporters are seen as being less informed on the technieal issues
than the sources which provide environmental information. Given the lack of scientific
and technical background of environmental reporters at W91: the
publics assumptions on this score may be accurate.

The comments made by members of local environmental groups, supported by the
results of the content analysis, indicate that groups and individuals who have sought to
make public the risks associated with the chemical manuficturing in Muslmgon have

consistently been denied access to coverage in Wide. By contrast,

98
industry and local government representatives have consistently been afforded a forum

for the dissemination of information which depicted a safe and responsible industry which
held out the promise of economic prosperity. In defense of Chmide stafl‘, the recent
feature articles previously discussed indicate the trend is toward a more skeptical view
of industry supported by investigative reporting which was not characteristic of the
Chmnide’s earlier efl'orts.

E. Implications for Improving Risk Communication

Communication of the risks posed by chemical industries in Muslmgon County
by MW fits the message transmission model depicted in Chapter II.
This model is characterized by a one-way flow of information and does not provide the
public with an opportunity for active communication with the source of the message.
Sources of problems identified by Covello et a1 (1986, 1987) as endemic to this style of
communication include; the message itself, the sources of the message, channels of
communication including the mass media, and the receiver. While state and federal
agencies may provide the opportunity for public meetings under the requirements of
environmental legislation, it is important to note that the balance of the public receives
risk information from the mass media. Improving communication under these
circumstances could be accomplished either by implementing other means of providing
information or by improving the current methods.

Since state and federal government representatives are the most often quoted
source of risk information in newspaper coverage of environmental contamination this

would seem to be the place for improvements on the current methods. These ofl‘icials

99
are required to provide information as it becomes available to local oflicials, local and

regional news agencies, and concerned citizens listed in the Community Action Plan
contained in the administrative record for an NPL site. In crafting these news releases,
these government oflicials should consider both the needs of the immediate recipient as
well as the eventual target, the general public. The eflect of the size and diversity of the
community should be noted. Information provided to W may need
to be very different from that provided to W.

Public health and risk information should be provided in a format that is clear to
the educated layman without paternalism or scientific chauvinism. Comparisons of the
risks of environmental contamination with more every day risks such as driving a car or
smoking should be avoided. However, some clarification of the units of measurement
should be included. It is especially important to provide information concerning the
possible harm that can occur from exposure to the chemical in general and under the
specific circumstances likely at the site. McCallum and Covello’s (1990) survey results
indicate that the public is unaware of the dose-response relationship and believes that any
exposure to chemicals can produce harmful effects. These results indicate both a lack
of public knowledge and a persistent belief that all chemicals are harmful at all dosages.
Activities to be avoided as well as simple safeguard which can be practiced are important
to provide the public with positive actions that can be taken to safeguard themselves and
their families and provide greater peace of mind.

It is unlikely, however, in situations of intense public concern that a reporter will
wait for a routine press release. As noted earlier, most reporters operate under deadlines

and prefer to make immediate contact with state and federal agency oflicials.

100
Unfortunately, state officials are rarely provided with either the training or information

to respond appropriately to requests for information. Programs to provide information
and training should be instituted along with the development of some basic contingency
situations which would provide a general framework for communication. Officials
should be aware that misquotes are a fact of life and should take steps to ensure that
information is conveyed simply and accurately.

Reporters and their editors should make every efl'ort to become more
knowledgeable about the issues they report. Where possible, reporters should not be
required to cover conflicting beats, for example a business reporter would be expected
to carry some prejudice into environmental reporting. Lastly, accurate and unbiased

reporting dictates that alternative sources be consulted where time permits.

F. Suggestions for Future Research

As stated in Chapter I, the emphasis in the present dissertation was to investigate
the role of the media in the risk communication process. A logical follow-up to these
efl'orts would concentrate on defining the effects on the public of over forty years of the
type of information depicted in the case analysis. Relationships to be explored include
the correlation of proximity to a waste site or direct efl'ects from a waste site (ie illness,
loss of income etc.) to viewpoints on environmental issues. In addition, contingency
analysis may be used to analyze the efl'ects of both individual risk messages and the
frame in which they’re presented on the reader. In contingency studies, subjects are
presented with simulated circumstances or "contingencies" and asked to define their

responses within this context. For example, several different news stories which vary

101
on factors such as detail, length and technical content may be devised to determine the

effects of the frame of risk messages (Johnson, et al. 1994).

APPENDICIES

APPENDIX A

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APPENDIX B

PERMISSION FORM

I agree to an interview with Linda D. Larsen for the purpose of her Ph.D. dissertation
research on Toxic Waste Issues in Muskegon Coun . I understand that I do not have
to answer any questions ifI do not wish to and that can stop the interview at any time.

UNLESS THE BOX BELOW IS CHECKED, PERMISSION TO RECORD THIS
INTERVIEW IS DENIED.

[ ] I further grant permission to Linda D. Larsen to tape record this interview. I
understand that any comments made during the interview and recorded on .may
apgear as direct quotes m Ms. Larsen’s doctoral dissertation and any matenal pu hshed
su sequent to the dissertation.

 

signature

 

date

103

APPENDIX C

UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECI‘S

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

 

OFFICE OF VICE PRESIDENT POI RESEARCH EAST LANSING 0 MICHIGAN 0 «824-1046
AND DEAN Of THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

June 4, 1992

Linda D. Larson
303 Natural Resources Bldg.

RE: A HISTORY OF PUBLIC ATTITUDES TOWARD THE CHEMICAL INDUSTRY IN MUSKEGON
COUNTY, MICHIGAN, IRB #92-200

Dear Ms. Larson:

The above project is exempt from full UCRIHS review. The proposed research
protocol has been reviewed by a member of the UCRIHS committee. The rights and

welfare of human subjects appear to be protected and you have approval to conduct
the research.

You are reminded that UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year. If you
plan to continue this project beyond one year, please make provisions for
obtaining appropriate UCRIHS approval one month prior to May 28, 1993.

Any changes in procedures involving human subjects must be reviewed by UCRIHS
prior to initiation of the change. UCRIHS must also be notifed promptly of any
problems (unexpected side effects, complaints, etc.) involving human subjects
during the course of the work.

Thank you for bringing this project to my attention. If I can be of any future
help, please do not hesitate to let me know.

Sincerely,

  
   

  
  

avid E. Wright, ‘ Chair
University Commit -- - Research Involving
Human Subjects (UCRIHS)

DEN/pjm

cc: Dr. Dan Bronstein

MSU is on A/limutrw Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

104

APPENDIX D

MAP OF MICHIGAN

Q

 

 

 

105

APPENDIX E
PERSONAL INTERVIEWS

I would like to thank the following individuals for tEdemg valuable information and

insight into the history of Muskegon Cong? and e sites of chemieal manufacturin

ahddgeslscd in this dissertation. 'Iape record , in-person interviews were conducted wi
e o owrng:

Tanya Cabala, Director, Mus on Office of the lake Michigan Federation,
November 17, 1992, 10:00 am-l :00 pm.

John Stephens, City Editor, W919, November 9, 1992, 1:00-3:30
pm.

Robert Burns, Stafl’ Reporter, WW, November 9, 1992, 1:00-
3:30 pm.

Tblephone interviews were conducted with the following residents of Muskegon County:

Marion Schroeder, November 10 1992, 10:30 -11:15 am.
Diane Dobson, November, 10, 1692, 12301250 am.
Owen Davis, November, 17, 1992, 1:00-1:35 pm

Kathy Evans, November, 17, 1992, 2:15-2:45fm

Joseph Headen, November, 17, 1992, 2:50-3: 0 pm

I’d also like to thank Dr. Daniel Yakes, Instructor, Muskegon Community College, for
Sis insight into the history of Muskegon County and his assistance in locating historical
ocumentatron.

The followin MDNR employees provided information on the history and current status
of the sites 0 chemical contamination discussed in this dissertation:

Roger Prybyz, Grand Ra ids District omce, Environmental Response Division,
Michigan Department of atur'al Resources.

Heather Hopkins, Grand Rapids District Office, Environmental Response Division,
Michigan Department of Natural Resources.

David O’Donnell, Grand Rapids District Office, Environmental Response Division,
Michigan Department of Natural Resources.

106

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