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dissertation entitled
SELF-CONCEPT AS A FUNCTION OF
SOCIALIZATION IN THE DOMINANT CULTURE: A
COMPARISON OF PRE—SCHOOL AND THIRD GRADE
CHICANO CHILDREN ON THE DOLLS TEST

presented by

Frank Veliz

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for Ph - D

Doctoral degree in Adult & Continuing
Education

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SELF-CONCEPT AS A FUNCTION OF SOCIALIZATION IN THE
DOMINANT CULTURE: A COMPARISON OF PRE-SCHOOL AND
THIRD GRADE CHICANO CHILDREN ON THE DOLLS TEST

BY

Frank Veliz

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1984

3:: :53 44%

ABSTRACT

SELF-CONCEPT AS A FUNCTION OF SOCIALIZATION IN THE
DOMINANT CULTURE: A COMPARISON OF PRE-SCHOOL AND
THIRD GRADE CHICANO CHILDREN ON THE DOLLS TEST

BY

Frank Veliz

Purpose

The purpose of the study was to provide empirical
data substantiating the assumption that many Mexican-
American children between the ages of four and eight de-
velop a negative self-concept due to their experience in
the dominant Anglo culture. The purpose was accomplished
by means of data obtained from a carefully designed experi-
ment involving the Dolls Test administered to a sample

of 32 four-year-olds and 32 eight-year-olds.

Methodology

 

A Chicano sample of 32 four-year-olds (16 boys,
16 girls) and 32 eight-year-olds (16 boys, 16 girls) was
selected randomly from the Cristo Rey Community Center
of Lansing, Michigan and elsewhere in the city. Each of

the 64 subjects was given the Dolls Test. Each subject

was asked to select either a Chicano doll or an Anglo doll
in response to the questionnaire (the instrument)--there
were ten--such as "Show me the pretty figure," or "Show

me the figure you don't like." The favored doll was rated
either 1, 2, or 3, depending on the degree of favor; the
other doll was rated zero. The not-favored doll was rated
either -1, 02, or -3, depending on the degree of disfavor;
the other doll was rated zero. Individual scores were ob-
tained by subtracting the Anglo doll score from the Chicano
doll score for all ten statements. Thus a "relative" self-
concept score was obtained for each of the 64 subjects

and used in the testing of three research hypotheses: (1)
the eight-year-old Chicano children will as a group show
significantly more negative self-concept than the four-year-
old Chicano children; (2) the group of four-year-old Chicano
children will be either positive or at least neutral in
self-concept; and (3) the eight-year-old Chicano children

will be negative in their self-concept.

Major Results

 

Hypothesis one and hypothesis three were rejected;
hypothesis two was accepted. Both groups of children
were neutral with respect to self-concept, and did not
differ significantly from each other on self-concept.

The sex and the researcher variables did not differentiate

the self-concept variable; that is, whether subjects were

positive, neutral, or negative with respect to self-
concept did not depend significantly on whether they
were boys or girls, or whether the researcher was Anglo
or Chicano. However, Cristo Rey Community Center experi-
ence did differentiate the self-concept variable. Those
subjects who attended the Center's programs were signi-
ficantly higher in positive self-concept than those who

did not.

This

(my

Scott,

(my

Thesis is Dedicated
to
Margaret Veliz
encouraging wife)
to
Brenda, and Jodi Veliz

beloved children)

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My heartfelt appreciation goes to my doctoral
committee members: to Professor Mel Buschman, my chair-
man, whose encouragement and thoughtful guidance helped
me throughout my academic experience; to Professor Tom
Gunnings, my dissertation director, for his profound help
and encouragement without which the successful completion
of this dissertation would have continued to remain a
problem for a much longer period; and to Professor Jim
Buschman whose interest and efforts to help were always
there in an encouraging way. I would also like to express
my appreciation to Professor Beverly Parker for her encour-
agement and support and to Professor Casmar Heilman for his
encouragement. .

My special gratitude goes to my wife, Margaret and
to my children, Scott, Brenda, and Jodi for their assis-
tance and perseverance throughout my graduate studies.

A very special heartfelt appreciation goes to my
son, Alex Scott Veliz, for all his assistance in the

completion of this dissertation.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER
1. Introduction . . . . . . . .

Background of the Problem . . . .
Statement of the Problem . .

Purpose of the Study . .
Need and Importance of the Study
Definition of Key Terms . . . . . .

Hypotheses . . . . . . . .

Methodology and Procedures . . .
Limitations of the Study . . . . . .
Plan of the Study . . . . . . . . .

Review of the Literature . . . . . .

Chicano Experience in the Dominant
Anglo Culture . . . . . . . . . .
Cultural and Group Norms . . . .
Family Influence and Education .
Socioeconomic Discrimination
Frustration and Hostility:
Effects of Prejudice . . .
Skin Color, Racial Identification,and
Self-Concept of Young Chicano
Children . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Self-Concept . . . . . . . . . .
Dolls Test . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Methodology and Procedures . . . . .
Sample and Selection . . . . . . .
The Instrument (Dolls Test) . . . .
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary of Data . . . . . . . . . .
Analysis of Data . . . . . . . . . .
Hypothesis One . . . . . . . . . .
Hypothesis Two . . . . . . . . . .
Hypothesis Three . . . . . . . . .
Influence of Sex Variable . . . . . .
Influence of Researcher . . .

Influence of Cristo Rey Experience .

iv

Page

vi

H

HkJH
NCDCHO~JOHnU1H

13

14
15
17
22

24

28
31
4O

47

47
50
53
55
56
56
57
58
58
59
6O

Chapter

Influence of Cristo Rey Center as

a Variable

Interpretation of the Data and

Results .

4. Results .

Raw Data Summary . . . . . . . . .
Test of Hypotheses . . . . . . . .

Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Influence of
Influence of
Influence of

One . . . . . . . . .
Two . . . . . . . . .
Three . . . . . . . .
Sex Variable . . . . .
Researcher . . .‘. . .
Cristo Rey Experience

Anecdotal Data . . . . . . . . . .
Positively Oriented Comments . .
Negatively Oriented Comments . .

Summary of Results . . . . . . . .

5. Summary, Conclusions and Recom-

mendations

Summary . .

Conclusions and Discussion . . . .
Recommendations . . . . . . . . .

APPENDICES
Appendix

A. Dolls Test

B. Analysis of Cristo Rey as a Variable

C. Demographic Information . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY .

Page

61

62

64

64
74
74
75
75
76
77
78
81
81
82
83

86

86
94
103

106
107
110

120

LIST OF TABLES

Table , Page

1 Chi-Square Format for Test of Hypothesis
One: Distribution of Sample (N=64)
with Respect to Age Group and Self-
Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

2 Chi-Square Format for Test of Influence
of Sex Variable: Distribution of
Sample (N=64) with Respect to Sex
and Self-Concept . . . . . . . . . . . 58

3 Chi—Square Format for Test of Influence
of Researcher: Distribution of Sample
(N=64) with Respect to Researcher and
Self-Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

4 Chi-Square Format for Test of Influence<1f
Cristo Rey Center: Distribution of
Sample (N=64) with Respect to Center
Attendance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

5 Summary of Chicano Doll, Anglo Doll, and
Relative Self-Concept Scores for
Four-Year-Old (N=32) and Eight-Year
Old (N=32) Subjects . . . . . . . . . 62

6 Sex and Relative Self-Concept Designa-
tion of Four-Year-Olds (N=32) and
Eight-Year Olds (N=32) . . . . . . . . 55

7 Researcher Type and Relative Self-
Concept Designation of Four-Year
Olds (N=32) and Eight-Year Olds
(N=32) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

8 Cristo Rey Center Attendance Record
and Relative Self-Concept Designation
of Four-Year-Olds (N=32) and Eight-
Year-Olds (N=32) . . . . . . . . . . . 69

9 Chi-Square Analysis for Relative Self-
Concept and Age Group (N=64) . . . . . 71

10 Chi-Square Analysis for Sex and Relative
Self-Concept Designation (N=64) . . . . 73

Vi

Table Page

11 Chi-Square Analysis for Researcher
Type and Relative Self-Concept
Designation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

12 Chi-Square Analysis for Cristo Rey

Center Attendance and Relative
Self-Concept Designation (N=64) . . . . 76

vii

Chapter 1

Introduction

Background of the Problem

The role played by the Chicano community in the
socialization or educational process of the child is in-
fluenced by society at large. Many factors within this
wider society influence the educational process.involving
the Chicano child, factors rooted in the various economic,
psychological, and political patterns of the social fabric.
In particular, ethnic attitudes develop in the context of
cultural and group norms, parental influences, education,
socioeconomic status, religious influences, frustration,anui
the displacement of hostility (Harding, 1969).

According to Getzels (1969), minority cultural values
and school cultural values held by a dominant culture may be
incongruent in many instances. Expectations of the school
and the values of the dominant culture tend to be congruent,
but the expectations of most schools and the values of the
dominant culture are usually incongruent with the disposition
of the minority culture.

Rist (1970) graphically portrayed how the school helps
to reinforce the class structure of the society. In an obser-

vational study of a class of ghetto children during their

kindergarten, first- and second-grade years, he showed how
the kindergarten teacher placed the children in reading
groups which reflected the social class composition of the
children, and how these groups persisted throughout the
first several years of elementary school. Thus student
social class became the basis of teacher expectations which
in turn became the basis of a self-fulfilling prophecy: "The
way in which the teacher behaved toward the different groups
became an important influence on the children's achievement."
(p. 411).

According to Rist, the teacher being observed developed
certain expectations regarding certain students with respect
to characteristics that she considered essential for future
academic success, and that the teacher reinforced, through
her mechanisms of "positive" differential behavior, those
characteristics of the children that she considered important
and desirable. There were formal separations of reading
groups within the classroom.

The treatment of those from lower socio—

economic backgrounds within the classrooms

by the teachers may have indicated that the

values highly esteemed by them were not open

to members of the lower groups. Thus the lower

groups were in numerous ways informed of their

lower status and were socialized for a role of

lower self-expectations and also for respect

and deference towards those of higher status

(Rist, 1970, p. 447).

Some three decades ago, Clark (1955) noted that as

children develop an awareness<3fracial differences and of

their racial identity, they also develop an awareness and

acceptance of the current social attitudes and values
associated with their race and skin color.
The early rejection of the color brown by

Negro children is part of the combination of

attitudes and ideas of the child who knows

that he must be identified with something that

is being rejected--and something that he himself

rejects. This pattern introduces, early in the

formation of the personality of these children,

a fundamental conflict about themselves (p. 46).

Chicanos are a minority group that has acquired nega-
tive group images in the dominant Anglo society. The images
of illegal alien and "wetback" have arisen out of the tradi-
tional employment of many Chicanos by agribusiness corpora—
tions (Briggs, 1973). The majority group in America often
lumps.all Mexican-Americans into one group, thereby creating
psychological and social stereotypes. According to Cross and

Maldonado (1971):

The Anglo-American sees the Mexican-American
as immoral, violent, given to fighting, dirty,
unintelligent, improvident, irresponsible, and
lazy . . . All persons existing on the lower
socioeconomic levels of our society are popularly
visualized as uncontrolled, aggressive, sexually
promiscuous, primitive, and insensitive. The
Mexican-American sees the Anglo-American as un-
sympathetic, aggressive, selfish, cold, and de-
manding (p. 27).

There is little reason to believe that this pattern has
changed significantly, if at all, over the years.
Spanish-speaking children are often traumatized by be-
ing relegated to inferior status or categories , much of this due
to lack of familiarity with the English language (Ortega, 1970) .

By the mid-seventies, the growth of bilingual education

programs had somewhat ameliorated this condition (Center

for Applied Linguistics, 1977), but the problem still re-
mains. Incidents of discrimination, segregation, and social
ostracism have tended to reflect and reinforce low self-
concept and breed frustration and aggression. "Mexican-
American parents from the lower socioeconomic groups often
do not know what the educative process means in the lives

of their children" (Cross & Maldonado,1971, p. 29). Thus
the parents may not be aware of the gradual negative impact
of the socialization process, much of which occurs in school
for young children, on their own children.

The development of negative self-concept in young
Chicano children as a result of the=socializationprocess in
the dominant culture has been little studied by means of
systematic, controlled observations. The development of
racial awareness and racial preferences in black children
was studied by Clark (1955) by means of the "Dolls Test."

To determine the extent of consciousness of skin color in
these children between three and seven years old, Clark
showed the children four dolls all from the same mold and
dressed alike. The only difference in the dolls was that
two were brown and two were white. The children were asked
to choose among the dolls in answer to certain requests such
as "Give me the Negro doll" or "Give me the colored doll"

or "Give me the white doll." Clark found that the children

reacted with strong awareness of skin color. Clark indicated

that the findings supported the conclusion that racial aware-
ness is present in Negro children as young as three years
old. "Furthermore, this knowledge develops in stability

and clarity from year to year, and by the age of seven it is
part of the knowledge of all Negro children" (p. 19). The
present research studied Chicano children after the method

of Clark.

Statement of the Problem

 

The problem studied was stated in the form of three
research questions. The first two were answered on the basis
of a literature review.

1. How does self-concept of Chicano children depend
on the socialization process within the dominant Anglo cul-
ture? In particular, how do cultural and group norms,
parental influences, education, socioeconomic status, frus-
trations, and the displacement of hostility in both the
Chicano and dominant Anglo culture help shape ethnic atti-
tudes and Chicano self-concepts?

2. What are some empirical studies which document
the development of racial awareness and self-concept in
Chicano children from ages three through eight? What is the
role of skin color in creating self-awareness and self-
concept? What are some specific research instruments em-
ployed for this purpose and what have been the results of
these studies?

The third research question was answered on thetmsis

of a Dolls Test applied to a sample of Chicano boys and
girls.

3. On the basis of their responses to questions about
a Chicano doll and an Anglo doll, how would a sample of four-
year-old Chicano boys and girls compare with a sample of
eight-year-old Chicano boys and girls? Specifically, it was
expected that (1) the eight-year-olds would show signifi-
cantly more negative self-concept than the four-year-olds.
(2) the four-year-olds would be positive in self-concept,
and (3) the eight-year-olds would be negative in self-

concept.

Purpose of the Study

 

The purpose of the study was to provide empirical
data substantiating the assumption that many Mexican-American
children between the ages of four and eight develop a nega—
tive self-concept due to their experience in the dominant
Anglo culture. This purpose was accomplished by means of

data obtained from a carefully designed experiment with dolls.

Need and Importance of the Study

 

The ability of a subordinate group to maintain effec-
tive relations with the larger culture is a critical aspect
of group relationships (Watson & Samora, 1972). Therefore,
any research that bears on the nature and development of this
relationship is important. The present study is especially

important in that it addressed the need for better

documentation<1fthe existence of negative self-concept
developments in Chicano children as a consequence of their
experience in the larger Anglo culture. According to Cota-
Robles de Suarez (1971), most studies on race awareness have
pertained to blacks: "Few studies, if any, have dealt with
race awareness among Chicano children" (p. 107). The lack
of such studies still persists.

Adaptation of education to the needs of Chicanos has
been marked by slow progress, bilingual/bicultural education
programs notwithstanding. There is a need to demonstrate
this lack of progress through study of the impact of school
and society on the Chicano child. This can be done effec-
tively through providing data on Chicano self-concept immedi-
ately before and several years after entering school. The
present study contributes to this much needed data.

Definition of Key Terms

 

A number of terms were especially important for the
study. They were defined as follows.

Anglo Culture. That part of American culture which

 

is not Chicano culture, and often referred to as the larger
or dominant culture; the mainstream American culture as
typically experienced by the white majority.

Chicano. A slang or colloquial term commonly used by
most young Mexican-Americans to describe themselves. Techni-
cally, a Chicano or Mexican—American is any person of Mexican‘
origin that was born in the United States. AChicano may also

be designated as Hispanic or Latino. The use of this last

term is preferred by many Mexican-Americans probably because
of the negative connotations associated with the word "Mexi-
can" in the Anglo culture. The term sometimes denotes a
Mexican-American of lower socioeconomic status. Many
wealthy Mexican-Americans may prefer to be called Chicano,
although there are some who would prefer not to be so
identified.

Dolls Test. A test in which the subject is asked

 

to select either a Chicano doll or an Anglo doll in
response to statements--there are ten--such as "Show me the
pretty figure," "Show me the figure you don't like," or
"Show me the dumb figure." The favored doll is rated either
+1, +2, +3, depending on the degree of favor; the other doll
is rated zero. The not favored doll is rated either —1,

-2, or -3, depending on the degree of disfavor; the other
doll is rated zero. The subject can be described as

either positive in Chicano concept, neutral in Chicano con-
cept, or negative in Chicano concept, depending on the

total score on all ten statements, five of which are posi-
tive and five negative in nature. In the case of a

Chicano subject, a positive total score indicates positive
self-concept, a negative total score indicates negative

self-concept.

 

Ethnic Group. A single, racial, religious, linguis-
tic, or nationality group, often one that is easily identi-

fiable as a minority in some modern national state.

Self-Concept. The substantive description that an

 

individual employs to identify his or her nature, in which
self is the sum total of all one can call his own (Calhoun)
& Morse, 1977). Self-esteem is one's satisfaction with his
self-concept. Good self-concept is typically denoted as
positive and bad self-concept as negative.

Socialization Process. A gradual and complex pro-
cess in which cultural and psychological traits are acquired.
Ethnic attitudes are usually acquired in this process.
Harding 22.2}; (1969) identified at least three overlapping
stages in the acquisition of ethnic attitudes: (1) a stage
of ethnic awareness; (2) a stage of ethnic orientation or
incipient ethnic attitudes; and (3) the emergence of "true"_

or adult-like ethnic attitudes (p. 17).

Hypotheses

 

The study evaluated three research hypotheses on
the basis of the data obtained from the Dolls Test.

Hypothesis One. The eight-year-old Chicano
children will as a group show
significantly more negative self—
concept than the four-year-old
Chicano children.

 

Hypothesis Two. The group of four-year-old Chicano
children will be either positive
or at least neutral in self-
concept.

 

Hypothesis Three. The eight-year-old Chicano
children will be negative in
their self-concept.

 

10

Methodology and Procedures

 

The study sample was drawn from a population of 422
Mexican-American children aged either four or eight, from a
total pOpulation of 8,237 Chicanos living in Lansing, Michi-
gan. Of the 199 four-year—olds, 96 were boys and 103 were
girls. Of the 233 eight-year-olds, 109 were boys and 114
were girls. Some of the subjects were interviewed in their
homes, and most were interviewed at the Cristo Rey (Christ
the King) Community Center in Lansing, a center frequented
by a large number of Chicanos of Lansing.

Each of the 64 subjects of the study was given the
Dolls Test. Each doll was about 11 inches tall and dressed
in diapers only. The Chicano doll had typical Mexican fea-
tures such as dark hair, brown skin, and dark eyes. The
Anglo doll had blond hair, blue eyes, light skin, and a thin
nose and thin lips. Each subject was classified as positive
in self-concept if his or her score was greater than +10;
neutral if the individual's score was between +10 and -10;
or negative in self-concept if the individual's score was
less than -10. The three hypotheses were tested on the
basis of these data. Details are provided in chapter 3

of the present study.

Limitations of the Study
The study was limited to Mexican-American boys and
girls in the four or eight year age categories in Lansing,

Michigan. However, since all Chicano individuals in the

11

city and in these two age groups were subject to random
selection, the study sample represents the total socio-
economic range of the Chicanos in Lansing.

The most serious limitation of the study had to do
with the Dolls Test. This test was a forced choice test
which required that the subject either like or dislike a
particular doll. To help remedy this arbitrariness, a
three-level scale, ranging from "a little" to "a lot,"
was used. Even though the choices were all forced, the sub-
jects had to indicate a sufficiently high degree of pre-
ference before their choices were accepted as indicators of
positive or negative self-concept.

Confusion by the subjects as to test purpose may have
been another limitation of the study. To help reduce the
effect of this limitation, subjects who did not understand
or relate to the Dolls Test were excluded from the test,
which was conducted in English.

Consideration as far as limitations should also be
given to the sites where the interviews took place. Inter-
views were held either at the Cristo Rey Center or at sub—
jects' homes. Both could present limitations in their own
particular way. The ones at Cristo Rey Center presentedtflua
limitation of possible Center influence on subjects'
responses to the interview. Interviews at the subjects'
homes presented the limitation relating to possible influence
of parents present in the home or even in the same room.

To reduce the limitation on both, researchers sought to

12

complete the interview in private rooms, where they assured
the subjects that there was no right or wrong answer. The
same format was applied as much as possible to those sub-

jects interviewed at their homes.

Plan of the Study

 

The study will be reported in the classical five-
chapter format, of which the first chapter has been pre-
sented. Chapter 2 will consist of a review of the litera-
ture. It will be organized around the issues raised by
the first two research questions mentioned in the statement
of the problem.

Chapter 3 will present the methodology and procedures
of the study. It will include a detailed discussion of the
sample selection, the Dolls Test and its construction and
scoring, the pilot study, testing procedures, and data
analysis in relation to the three research hypotheses.

Chapter 4 will present the results of the study. In
particular, the data will be summarized and analyzed for
the purpose of either accepting or rejecting the three hypo-
theses of the study.

Finally, Chapter 5 will present a summary, conclu-

sions, and recommendations of the study.

Chapter 2
Review of Literature

A major area of concern for the study was the Chi-
cano experience within the dominant Anglo culture. In
particular, how do cultural and group norms, parental in-
fluences, education, socioeconomic status, frustrations,
and the displacement of hostility in both the Chicano and
the dominant Anglo culture help shape ethnic attitudesamui
Chicano self-concepts?

A second major area of concern was the development
of racial awareness (awareness of skin color and self-
concept)in Chicano children from ages three through eight.
In particular, what is the role of skin color in creating
racial awareness and self-concept in this age group? What
are some specific research instruments employed for this
purpose. What have been some results of their applica-
tions?

A third major area of concern was the application<xf
projective tests for the study of racial awareness and
self-concept in children. In particular, what other appli-
cations of the Dolls Test have occurredjxithe study of
Chicano and other children?

The review of literature will focus on the three

13

14

major areas of concern. Accordingly, the review will
deal with the topics of (1) Chicano experience in the
dominant Anglo culture, (2) development of racial aware-
ness and self-concept in Chicano children, and (3) Dolls

TGStS .

Chicano Experience in the Dominant Anglo Culture

The first Europeans to reach the shores of what is
now the Southern United States were Spanish. According
to Alford (1972):

The first wheels that rutted the land that
would become the United States were Spanish.

The first horse ridden by man across the Great

Plains--the first cattle, sheep, goats, pigs,

domestic poultry—-were Spanish. Also Spanish

were the first oranges, lemons, limes, peaches,

pears, apples, and apricots grown in the New

World. The first European plows and gardening

tools in North America were Spanish (p. vii).

In 1848 Mexico ceded the southwestern states of
California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, and parts of
Colorado and Utah to the United States. The Mexicans
living in those areas came to be the ancestors of today's
Chicano. Thus Chicanos have always been historically,
culturally, and geographically part of a familiar environ-
ment. Paradoxically, they are also the most recent immigrant
group in American life. "Although they were in America
before the arrival of the Puritans, the majority of them

are basically twentieth century immigrants to the United

States" (Garcia, 1977, p. v).

15

The 1940 census in America classified "Spanish-
speaking" as "born in Mexico." The perhaps eight to ten
or more million Americans of Mexican descent today are
referred to by no single name. Younger Mexican-Americans
often refer to themselves as "Chicano."

The term Chicano, a form of "mexicano"
truncated by dropping the first syllable, had
a somewhat pejorative connotation in the first
half of this century, but it has been taken by
many young Americans of Mexican descent as a
badge of pride since World War II. Nearly all
Mexican Americans agree that they belong to "la
raza," a term connoting not racial but ethnic
solidarity, and a sense of common destiny. Un-
fortunately, this term does not provide a
convenient adjective to identify members of this
group. Clearly Mexican American is the identi-
fication most widely used and accepted today
(Meier & Rivera, 1972, p. xiv).

Cultural and Group Norms

 

A crucial issue facing the world today is how
people of diverse racial, religious, and nationality back-
grounds can live harmoniously together in the same
national society. Fundamental to understanding the problem
is a conceptual framework involving social processes and
group interaction.

The United States of America, as the
classic example of a highly industrialized
nation made up of people of diverse ethnic
origins, constitutes, both in its history and
its current situation, a huge living laboratory
for the serious study of various underlying
patterns and ethnic interaction--patterns which
produced in this country both corroding failure
(particularly with respect to the treatment of
racial minorities) and certain modified successes
which, however, have by no means been free of
a residue of unfulfilled personal hopes, psycho-
logical scars, and unjustified hardships for

16

those who were not born with the majority

sociological characteristics of being white,

Protestant, and of Anglo-Saxon cultural

origins (Fitzpatrick, 1971, p. viii).

Problems of race and minority can be profitably
studied from at least three different approaches (Harding
3; 31., 1969). In the firstcnr"ethnic group"approach, the
emphasis is on a single racial, religious, linguistic, or
nationality group, such as the Chicanos in America. The
group's historical development, cultural traditions,
distinctive values, relations with neighboring groups, and
changing political and economic fortunes are emphasized..
In the second<mr"social interactionflapproach, the inter-
relationships involving two or more such groups are focused
on. The thirdtn:"social problems"point of view,is more
recent and the one favored in the present study. In the
social problems approach the emphasis is on the behavior of
discrimination, the attitude of prejudice, and the conse-
quences for the minority and majority groups. In short,
objectively given sociological "data" and formal theories
are modified by consideration of subjectively problematical
values and norms, which are often significant key deter-
minants of community or social action.

Understanding the Chicano means understanding the
Chicano culture (Farias, 1971). Loyalty to family is a
major aspect of Chicano culture. The importance of a
strong set of family ties leads to personal sacrifice for

the family, contrary to the dominant Anglo society emphasis

on the individual rather than on family ties. Loyalty to

17

family and ethnic group can make the school environment,
for example, appear hostile and bewildering, especially
where the Chicano is asked to discard his native language.
He may hear the teachings of his parents contradicted.

The father's role is an authoritative one in the Chicano
culture. Folk medicine tends to dominate much of Chicano
culture, and many Chicanos are in conflict over scientific
theories of modern medicine and supernatural theories of

folk medicine.

Familnynfluence and Education

 

Writers such as Panalosa (1972) have suggested that
there is no real entity such as a Mexican-American culture,
nor that there is a Mexican-American community because the
group is socially, culturally, ideologically, and.organiza-
tionally fragmented. One can readily point to social class,
regional, and rural-urban differences within this group.
"However, there seems to be ample evidence that differences
in family life) childrearing, and certainly language are
characteristic enough to have significant educational impli-
cations and therefore merit discussion" (McLain eE.al,l977,
p. 9). For example, Garcia (1974) indicated strong family
and ethnic kinship bonds and clearly defined male-female
roles. Mexican-American family youth are typically taught
to be noncompetitive and nonaggressive. The father is
the authority and must be deferred to. Boys are taught to

be fearless, brave, and masculine, while girls are taught

18

to be passive and are sheltered in the home (Reich &
Reich, 1975).

Preparation and orientation in the home are gen-
erally unrelated to the types of experience on which
school life is based. A Chicano student who conspicuously
outshines his schoolmates in academic endeavors is mocked
or shunned. In some Chicano families, parents see little
value in the achievement, by their children, of academic
success, and this indifference toward formal education is
reflectedimltheir childrenfs academic performance. Chil-
dren of these parents might scorn competitive scholastic
endeavor as an attempt to outdo and demean other students.
Consequently, some young Chicanos may find themselves lack-
ing in a sharply defined educational goal orientation.

Chicano children typically have been burdened atthe
outset by a language barrier. According to Ortega (1970),
"Most first-grade teachers are inadequate; untrained in
language theory and analysis, they cannot overcome the
language barrier" (p. 24). Some Spanish-speaking children
have been relegated to classes for the retarded simply
because many teachers equate linguistic ability with
intellectual ability. Education for the Chicano has often
become a degrading experience that only further alienates
parents and children from the school. The negative self-
concept resulting is seen by many educators as the princi-
pal reason for the Chicano's lack of success in school.

Most Chicano parents view the school as essential to

l9

getting their children a good education as a prerequisite
for upward social mobility (Carter, 1970, p. 134). How-
ever, many of them fail to see the importance of their own
participation in the school process. They see the school's
role as teaching their children to behave and basic skills.
Junior and senior high schools are less understood by them,
as in the instances of the tracking system and the rela-
tively impersonal atmosphere of these levels. Failure of
their children in school is all too often accepted as lack
of ability in the children.

Chicano youngsters drOp out of school partly because
they gradually fall farther behind with each passing year.
They are "conditioned to failure in the early years of
their schooling and each passing year serves to reinforce
their feelings of failure and frustration" (National Educa-
tion Association, 1966). According to Samora (1962), "The
American school system, whether public or private, func-
tions best when conforming middle class administrators
and teachers, professing middle-class values, address them-
selves to middle-class students who possess the same value
orientation or are in the process of acquiring it" (p. 10).

Curriculum for the Chicano is discriminatory in that
it offers disproportionate numbers<vaocational courses
relative to academic courses. "The curriculum, in attempt-
ing to make all children alike, has in effect suppressed
the ethnic background of the minority child, causing long-

lasting wounds which can result in social maladjustment

20

and under-achievement" (Cota—Robles de Suarez, 1971,
p. 115).

Numerous early childhood education programs in the
early seventies were in the process of identifying, re-
defining, and re-examining those special competencies and
skills that teachers need to work in child care settings.
But few of the programs identified needed competencies and/
or skills for teaching Spanish-speaking Chicano children.
"Empirical evidence reveals that much of the competency
based criteria for credentializing prospective early child-
hood teachers is based on the global behavioral traits
characteristic of a dominant referent group-~namely, the
well educated Anglo-Saxon middle class population (Castillo,
1973, p. 7).

Crosby (1982) indicated that a healthy self-concept
is based on positive self-perception and the reception of
positive recognition from others. Asprer (1981) suggested
that individuals' self-worth can be realized if, at the
start, children are helped to distinguish what they are
from what they do (performance), and that they are of more
value than their performance. Teachers' attitudes towards
the Chicano have often been anything but understanding and

constructive. In Pygmalion pf the Classroom, Rosenthal

 

 

and Jacobson (1968) demonstrated the nature of self-
fulfilling prophecies based on the assumption of innate
intellectual inequality. Thus, when teachers assumed

and expected a child to be intelligent, the child usually

21

performed with greater intellectual capacity.

Bilingual and/or bicultural education has not been
without success in remediating the situation. For example,
Askins e5 31. (1976) reported on their school and home-
based bilingual education model. They reported that (1)
nursery school children made significant gains in language
development (Spanish and English), school readiness, and
motor ability, and showed growth in self-concept and per—
sonal development, and (2) students in grades K-2 made
significant gains in language development in Spanish and
English school readiness.

Tests themselves may be discriminatory. Van der
Flier (1982) indicated that test results for individuals
and groups with differing cultural backgrounds may be
expected to be different. For example, Pluke ep‘al. (1982)
in a study of the attitudes of 165 fourth-sixth grade
Mexican-American and Anglo students as measured by the
Estes Reading Attitude Scale (ERAS), found that attitudes
were significantly different for the two cultural groups.
However, Ross-Reynolds and Reschly (1983), as a result of
administering six subtests of the WISC-R (information,
arithmetic, similarities, vocabulary, comprehension, and
picture completion) to 252 white, 237 black, 233 Mexican-
Americans, and 238 native American Papago 6-15 year olds

found no test bias against blacks and Mexican—Americans.

22

I

Socioeconomic Discrimination

Every spring thousands of migrant workers still
drive north from Texas to work the harvest in the Mid-
west. Many travel as families. Children must be taken
out of school before the end of the spring semester,
usually to come back late in the fall, thereby seriously
cutting into the school year.

Approximately 75 percent of the migrant
pOpulation is Chicano, a people whose first
language is Spanish, whose culture is heavily
influenced by its Mexican roots. Their
children are taught predominantly by middle-
class Anglos, usually fluent only in English
and scarcely familiar with Chicano life
(Friedman, 1974, p. 1).

Agriculture is still the dominant source of employ-
ment and income for most Chicanos living in the rural South-
west. Speaking little English and having few skills to
offer an urban labor market, many immigrants and aliens
have been trapped into the exploitive agribusiness..

Because they are constantly on the move,
the children of the migrants face difficult
problems in school. They are deprived of a
sense of belonging to a country, a town, a
school, or a class (Kirby, 1969, p. 44).

Many of the negative and unrealistic attitudes held
by Chicano parents toward school can be partly traced to
the past and present modes of rural life that tend to dim
their awareness of dominant culture, its expectations, and
its peculiar type or roles that make for successcmrfailure.

Cota-Robles de Suarez (1971) gave the following

statistics on the Chicano:

23

In proportion to their population, four
times as many Anglos are found in the pro~
fessional and technical occupations as
Chicanos.

One-third of the Spanish-speaking men are
engaged as laborers or farm workers while
seven percent of Anglos are so employed.

According to the 1960 census for the Los
Angeles-Long Beach Metropolitan Areas, 8.4
percent of all males employed have Spanish
surnames. Only 2.9 percent of these are
employed in managerial positions, while
3.1 percent are classified as technical
and professional workers;

The relative status of the Spanish-surnamed,

. while generally low, has a predictable pat-

tern from area to area in the Southwest. Dur-
ing the hearings before the Subcommittee on
Employment and Manpower of the 88th Congress
(1963), United States Representative Harry

B. Gonzales commented: "Racial discrimina-
tion in job opportunities and wages is not
unusual." (p 112).

In 1984 the situation has improved only slightly. According

to the hearings presented to the (Subcommittee on Census and

Population, held on September 13, 1983), the information

is as follows:

1.

Families maintained by women: Similartxathe
trend for the rest of the Nation, the per-
centage of Hispanic families maintained by
women moved upward in recent years.

Educational Attainment: There was a marked
improvement in the educational attainment
level of young Hispanics. In 1983, 58
percent of young Hispanic adults (25 to 34
years old), were high school graduates,
compared to only 45 percent in 1970. This
improvement also appears in the proportion of
college graduates, which was ten percent in
1983 but only five percent in 1970. Despite
these gains, Hispanics have not reached the
level of the Anglo population. In 1983, 88
percent of young Anglo adults were high
school graduates and 25 percentlunicompleted

24

four years or more of college.

3. Labor Force: Since 1973, when annual
data on the unemployment of Hispanics first
became available, Hispanic unemployment
rates have been consistently higher than
those for non-Hispanics.

 

4. Occupation Distribution: Occupation
statistics for 1982 show that about one-
fourth of Hispanics were in operative
occupations, such as manufacturing machine
operators, service station attendants, and
truck drivers. This was about twice the
proportion for non-Hispanics. While nine
percent of Hispanics were employed as profes-
sional and technical workers, non-Hispanics
were employed in these jobs in almost double
the proportion. Furthermore, employed His-'
panics were less likely to be working as
managers and administrators than were
non-Hispanics.

 

5. Median Family Money Income: Overall, the
changes during the last ten years in
the income and poverty levels of Hispanics
were not encouraging. From 1972 to the
mid-19705, the median cash income of His—
panic families generally moved downward.
Gains during the latter half of the 1970
decade offset the earlier decline. In the
period from 1972 to 1982, Hispanic families
experienced a decrease of about 14 percent
in real median family income.

6. Poverty Rates: The proportion of Hispanics
below the poverty level in 1982 was about
30 percent, and represented a sharp increase
over the 1979 rate of 22 percent. The
recent recession and associated rise in un-
employment contributed to the increase in the
poverty rate. The 1982 proportion was also
much higher than the 1972 rate.

 

Frustration and Hostility: Effects of Prejudice
Ego defenses are likely to emerge in reaction to
rejection and discrimination. Some defenses are positive,

and the ego defenses developed depend on personal liflestyle,

25

particular outlook on life, and how severe the persecution
is. Cota-Robles de Suarez (1971) included as psychological
patterns obsessive concern, denial or membership, withdrawal,
passivity, clowning, self-hatred, aggression against one's
group, and group solidity as major effects of prejudice.

How a Chicano feels about himself or herself derives
from the defense mechanisms growing out of discrimination.
Allport (1953) described self-hatred as seeing one's group
through the eyes of the dominant society. ‘Even though barred
from assimilation, the victim identifies mentally with the
point of view, prejudices, and philosophy of the dominant
group. The result may be aggression against one's own group.

Some studies indicate that theinfluence of self-concept
(self-esteem) on achievement may not be as powerful or as
direct as has been suggested. For example, Mullen, Foster,
and Wooden (1982), in a study of sixth graders matched for
intelligence but not for self-concept, concluded that mean
acacemic achievement in reading, language, and mathematics of
subjects with high self-concept was not significantly dif-
ferent from that of subjects with low self-concepts.

Ambiguity exists in research related to race differ-
ences in self-perception. Some findings (Chaplin, 1969;
Stenner & Katzenmeyer, 1976; Wylie, 1963) suggest that blacks
tend to have significantly lower self-concepts than do whites,
while other studies (Powers e3 31., 1971; Trowbridge, Trow—
bridge, & Trowbridge, 1972; Zirkel & Moses, 1971) suggest

that blacks tend to perceive themselves more positively than

26

their white classmates. Other studies have shown no signi-
ficant race differences with respect to self-concept (Calhoun,
Kurfiss, & Warren, 1976; Carpenter & Busse, 1969; Circirelli,
1977). With regard to social class differences, some studies
(Brookover eg 21., 1962; Wylie, 1963) reported less positive
self-concepts for studies (Circirelli, 1977; Soares & Soares,
1969; Trowbridge, 1970) reported that the self-concepts of
students from disadvantaged socioeconomic environments actual-
ly surpassed those of their affluent classmates.

Nevertheless, the self-concept for the Chicano is shaped
by the cultural milieu. Tests themselves may discriminate.
Gurevich (1982) indicated that no test is ever culture-free,
and that subjects who do not belong to the culture by whose
tests they are being tested will always be at a disadvantage.
Leonetti (1973) indicated that the effects of low self-concept
on academic achievement for the Mexican-American child "are
likely to be especially pronounced since his self-perception,
due to cultural factors in many cases, tends to be more nega-
tive than it is for the 'Anglo' child from the mainstream
culture" (p. v). Johnson (1979) studied 176 Mexican-American
migrant children in second through fifth grade to determine
whether reading achievement and self-concept are dependent
variables. On the basis of data from the ComprehensiveTbets
of Basic Skills reading subtests and Piers-Harris Children's
Self-Concept Scale, Johnson concluded that "With migrant
children, high self-concept predicted higher reading achieve-

ment; and, migrant children had lower self-concept levels

27

than non-migrant children" (p. 202).

According to Hishiki (1969), the child bringstxaschool
a historical framework of culture which cannot be described
as "culturally deprived."

Rather, he enters school with a "culture"

of his own, with many positive characteristics

that have developed out of coping with a dif-

ferent environment. There is some bleief that

membership either in a low socioeconomic group

or in some minority culture tends to depress self-

concept because of discrimination by the larger

society against these groups (p. 56).

Hishiki notes that while a number of studies found that de-
pressed self—concepts and tendencies toward self-depreciation
were noted in disadvantaged children, "No systematic studies,
however, dealing with the self-concepts of Mexican-Americans
have been found to date" (p. 57). Those that have been con-
ducted since 1969 provide ample evidence to indicate a signi-
ficant relationship between racial identification (skin
color) and self-concept of young Chicano children.

Before consideration of some of this evidence, it
should be noted that defiance and external blame may be
indicators of positive self-concept in minority group
children in that these characteristics may reflect the
refusal to accept a status of inferiority proposed by the
social order. "Taken in combination with the need to
achieve as reflected in achievement anxiety, these charac-

teristics portray a realistic rebelliousness" (Eiszler,

1977, p. 13).

28

Skin Color, Racial Identification, and Self-Concept of
Young Chicano Children

 

 

According to Williams and Morland (1976), "The con-
cept of race is inextricably intertwined with color and
color symbolism and a proper appreciation of the manner
in which young children respond to race and color requires
a consideration of the general usages and meanings of
colors--particularly the colors white and black-~in contem-
porary adult culture" (p. 33). A number of studies (Clark
& Clark, 1939; Stevenson & Stewart, 1958; Stevenson &
Stevenson, 1960; Goodman, 1964) indicated that black and
white children as young as three and four made discrimina-
tions between the physical characteristics of blacks and
whites, and that frequency of discrimination increases with
age. Durrett and Davy (1970) noted that "by the age of
three, Negro and white children gave evidence of conscious-
ness of their own and other's racial characteristics"

(p. 16).

Leonetti (1973) indicated that "There is a distinct
paucity of research which deals specifically with the
skin visibility of the Spanish-surnamed minority in the
American Southwest" (p. 25). Steiner (1970) wrote of the
tendency of Mexican Americans to reject Spanish names and
accents when they leave their home areas for middle-class
suburbs:

Even their black skin acquires a protec-

tive coloring and grows lighter in the bright
sunlamps of the suburbs. Many are darker

29

than black tar, but they pretend to be
Anglo. They powder the back of their
necks in order to look lighter skinned
(p. 175).

Gonzales (1967) told of the rejection of the darker-
skinned Mexican Americans, especially those in southern
New Mexico, by the Spanish Americans living in the northern
part of the state. Maldonado (1972) stated similar views:

Color and its implications play a role

not only in the attitudes of Anglos toward

Mexican Americans, but within the Mexican-

American group itself. In-group terms referring

to skin color are many and complex. In identi-

fying an individual as prieto (dark brown), it

can mean a simple descriptive term with no hint

of value overtones. In adding the diminutive

suffix, prietito, a value judgment going beyond

mere color is attached to the word. The

diminutive can imply condescension, inferring

that a person is dark and of limited mental

ability, or it can suggest sympathy toward the

dark-skinned person. Spoken in a different

context, the word prieto may be intoned with a
certain inflection which is an outright insult

(p. 25).

Negative roles typically are assigned by black chil-
dren more to black children than to white children. Mor-
land (1966) found, on the basis of a study of three to six-
year-old children from northern and southern cities,
that racial differences are very important, that being
white is preferable to being black. Goodman (1964) found
that black children shared a sense of direction away from
blacks and toward whites, and that white children were
directed within or toward the white world and without the

racial self—doubt and self-concern shown by the black

children.

3O

Landreth & Johnson (1953) concluded, on the basis
of their study of the influence of socioeconomic status
on social awareness and attitudes of three and five-year-
old children, that the higher socioeconomic status chil-
dren were inclined to perceive skin color in cognitive
terms, while lower socioeconomic status children perceived
in affective terms. Black children at both ages made the
greatest number of comments showing preference for white
and hostility for dark skin.

The use of color names, white and black, in non-
racial contexts are often used as symbols of good and
evil. Williams (1964; 1966) found that among young adults,
color names have distinct evaluative meanings, with white
rated most positively ("good") and black rated most nega-
tively ("bad") of ten color names studied.

Renniger and Williams (1966) found that preschool
children had a strong tendency to associate four positive
evaluative adjectives with animals colored white, and
four negative evaluative adjectives with animals colored
black. Evaluative meanings of color were being learned
in the preschool years, during which time racial attitude
formation is very likely beginning.

Thus children develop not only an awareness of
racial differences and their racial identity, but an aware-
ness and acceptance of social attitudes and values associ-

ated with race and skin color. The rejection of dark skin

by blacks is part of a combination of attitudes and ideas
of the child identifying with something that is being
rejected. "This pattern introduces, early in the formation
of personality of these children, a fundamental conflict

about themselves" (Clark, 1955, p. 46).

Self-Concept

 

According to Coller (1971), theorists generally
define "self" either as "self-as-subject“ (a group of
psychological processes that govern behavior and adjust-
ment) and/or as "self-as-object" (an organized collection
of attitudes, beliefs, and feelings a person has about
himself). It is this second definition that is commonly
taken to mean "self-concept."

Calhoun and Morse (1977) concluded that studies of
the "self" and "self—concept" are plagued by a multipli-
city of terms that are not clearly differentiated. To
reduce confusion, they offered three discrete concepts:
eelf, as the sum total of all one can call his; gelf:
concept, the substantive description that one employs to

identify his nature; and self-esteem, one's satisfaction

 

with his self-concept.

Self-concept was viewed in the present study as the
substantive description that one takes to identify his or
her nature, in which self is the sum total of all one can
call his own (Calhoun & Morse, 1977). For purpose of dis-
cussion and reviewing studies utilizing various measures

of self-concept, self-concept may be defined operationally

32

as the score achieved on the particular instrument(s) be-
ing used in a study.

Coller (1971) indicated that even with the most
SOphisticated testing technology available, the tester has
a difficult time sensing directly by measurement all the
child's thoughts and feelings. "The self or the self-
concept can only be inferred by direct observation of be-
havior as it emerges or by an examination of the traces
of behavior after it has occurred" (p. 20). Coller
lists five general procedures for the assessment of self-
concept in children: direct observations, behavioral
traces, self-reports, projective techniques, and/or
any combination of these.

Direct observational procedures emphasize overt
behavior such as expressive or coping behaviors that can
be seen, heard, or otherwise perceived by the observer
and recorded. A child's thoughts, beliefs, perceptions,
attitudes, and feelings are inferred from overt behaviors.
Observations may be made in unstructured environments,
selected situations, or contrived situations. For ex-
ample, an unstructured environment may consist of simply
following and recording what a child does during the day;
selected situations may include the classroom and play-
ground; and a contrived situation may be in the form of
a dolls test such as employed in the present study.

Behavioral trace procedures examine the trace,

residue, or after-effect produced by a child's past

(:0-

f”)

«0

“'7

'(1

'CJ

(‘J

33

responses, not with the direct observation of evolving
behavior. The child is not aware of being observed. Mea-
sures here include classroom records (stars, tokens, or
high marks on tests perceived by the child as an indica-
tion that "teacher likes me") and retrospective reports in
which a teacher, parent, peer, or others search through the
memory of a child and report on that child's behavior.
Various rating scales are devised for this purpose.
Self-report procedures require that the child relate
to others various feelings, thoughts, and experiences. Num-
erous scales exist for measuring self-reported self-concept,
such as the Children's Self-Concept Index, the Piers-Harris
Children's Self-Concept Scale, and the Coopersmith Self-
Esteem Inventory. An important type of test in this cate-
gory involves drawing of pictures or selecting pictures in
accordance with some specific criteria or objective in
mind, thereby revealing elements of the child'sself—concept.
Projective techniques for children are a form of
generalized projecting'inwhich "the perceptions and inter-
pretations of the outer world are influenced by the indi-
vidual's inner cognitive emotional states" (Coller, 1971,
p. 51). For example, the child may be asked to respond to
complex stimuli (such as verbal cue or inkblot) by means of
the first word, image, or percept that comes to his or her
mind. Some tests require more complex responses, such as
storytelling, drawing, or rearranging stimuli such as pic-

tures.

34

Figure drawings have been widely used with children
to assess self-esteem and self-concept. Coopersmith 25.31.
(1976) obtained figure drawings from 97 middle-class boys
enrolled in the fifth and sixth grade classes of urban and
suburban elementary schools. The subjects were presented
with a blank sheet of paper and asked to "draw a person."
Each subject was administered the Self-Esteem Inventory
(SEI), and a teacher's rating of their self-esteem behavior
was recorded on the Behavior Rating Form (BRF). The figure
drawings were scored for 15 variables dealing with formal
characteristics, content, and global interpretation of the
total drawings. Significant differences in self-esteem
were determined by the drawings, with the content and
global-interpretative categories being more differentiating
between self-esteem groups than the formal characteristics.

The Kinetic Family Drawing (KFD) Test is a projec-
tive technique that assesses a child's self-concept and
perceptions of interpersonal relations within the family.
Mostkoff and Lazarus (1983) indicated that the KFD may
measure state rather than trait characteristics, but that
the test is highly reliable with second through fifth
graders.

Leonetti (1973) developed the Primary Self-Concept
Scale (PSCS) for Spanish-surnamed children, a test which
involved the use of pictures. The PSCS consisted of 21
illustrated items depicting children in a variety of social

and academic situations. On this test the examinee is

instructed to indicate the child who most nearly agrees
with his perception of himself.

The PSCS construction was motivated by Leonetti's
(1973) observation that "there is no well-developed group
test of self-concept which is especially applicable to the
Spanish-surnamed primary school students" (p. vi). The
PSCS was constructed so that it should have the following
properties: (a) suitability for children in grades K-4;
(b) applicability to nonreaders; (c) employability with
non-English-speaking children; (d) measurability of self-
concept relevant to school success; (e) easy administra-
tion to children individually or to groups by the class-
room teachers; (f) scorability by clerical assistants;
and (9) economy in usage (p. vi). Leonetti indicated
that test-rest reliability and content validity as deter-
mined by three specialists in testing and evaluation were
good.

Within each of the 21 illustrations of the PSCS
there is at least one child in a positive role, and at
least one child in a negative role. The examinee is asked
to indicate the child who is most nearly in agreement with
his own self-perception. Specifically, the child is told
a brief story about each picture and then asked to draw a
circle around the person in the illustration who is most
like himself. For example, one item depicts a child study-
ing intently in the classroom, and a second child is also

shown gazing out of the window, obviously not concentrating

36

on an academic task. The examinee is asked to circle the
child who he feels is most like himself. Total testing
time for the 21 pictures is 30 minutes.

The initial PSCS was designed to measure five as-
pects of self-concept: behavior, intellectual, physical
appearance, peer relationships, and emotional state. Fac-
tor analysis of this instrument revealed six factors in-
stead of the five originally hypothesized. They were:

1. Aggressiveness vs. cooperativeness in peer

relationships. Does the child share and
c00perate rather than be aggressive and .
hostile?

2. Intellectual self. How the child perceives
himself in the academic setting. Does he
like or dislike school?

3. Peer ostracism vs. peer acceptance. How
the child perceives himself relative to
being accepted or rejected by his peers.

4. Helping relationships. Does the child
perceive himself as being generally indepen-
dent, or does he see himself depending on
assistance from his peers in working at a
task?

5. Physiological self. How the child perceives
himself relative to physical size, that is,
large or small.

6. Adult acceptance or rejection. Does the
child perceive adults (parents, teachers)
as being basically accepting or rejecting?

(p. 10).

Williams and Robertson (1967) tested children using
black-white stimulus pictures associated with a list of 12
evaluative adjectives: good, clean, nice, pretty, smart,

kind; and bad, dirty, naughty, ugly, stupid, and mean. Pre-

school children were found to show clear evidence of having

f)

C)

_]_I

37

learned black-white color evaluations. When colored draw-
ings of human figures were presented, the tendency of

the children was to evaluate positively the pinkish-tan-
skinned, yellow-haired, "Caucasian" figures, with negative
evaluative adjectives being associated with medium-brown-
skinned, black-haired "Negro" figures.

In her study of skin color as a factor of racial
identification and preference of young Chicano children,
Cota-Robles de Suarez (1971) stated two hypotheses:

1. Chicano children in a Head Start class

are aware of their skin color. When given
a line drawing of a child's face and asked
to color this drawing the color of their'
skin, they will color the drawing the color
of their skin.

2. Chicano children in a Head Start class will
not prefer their skin color. When asked to
make a choice of friends and playmates
through a series of colored drawings, they
will choose for friends and playmates the
children with fair skin rather than the children
with dark skin. When given a line drawing of
a child's face and asked to color the drawing
their preference of skin color, they will
color the line drawing white or pink (pp. 107-
108).

The subjects of the study were 28 low income children
in two Head Start classes. Most of the children were five
years old or nearly five years old. One class consisted of
12 Chicano children (five boys and seven girls) and two Anglo
children (one boy and one girl). The other class consisted
of 16 Chicano children (nine boys and seven girls).

The instrument for the study consisted of four copies

of two simple line drawings of a boy and a girl with mini-

mal facial characteristics, presented in a number of ways

38

to the child. Boys were presented with boy drawings, girls
with girl drawings. A set of uncolored pictures was used
while the other sets were colored. The colored pictures
included a boy with medium dark brown skin and black hair,
a girl with medium dark brown skin and brown hair, a boy and
a girl with fair skin and blond hair. (An Anglo colored the
faces, legs, and arms of the Chicano children, and aChicano
colored the faces, legs, and arms of the picture of Anglo
children). The two pictures with dark skin showed Chicanos
and the four pictures with fair skin Anglo children. The
clothing of the boys was colored the same--green shirt,
blue pants, and black shoes. The color of the clothing was

muted so that color would not be unduly emphasized.

The pictures were presented to the children individu-
ally. First, a Choice Test was given in which the children
were asked to choose from a series of pictures. Colored
copies of the line drawings of the boy and girl were used
in the Choice Test. In the second test, a Coloring Test,
the children were given a picture to color. Uncolored
c0pies of the line drawings of the boy and girl were used
in this test. The researcher could speak fluent Spanish and
English, and used the language preferred by the child. The
children were tested in both the classroom and at home.

The Choice Test was as follows:

la. Showing a picture of a Chicano boy (pictures

of girls were used if the subject was a

girl), and a picture of an Anglo boy with
fair skin and blond hair, the child was asked,

lb.

2a.

2b.

39

"Which boy (girl) would you like to be
your friend?"

Showing the same picture of a Chicano boy
(pictures of girls were used if the subject
was a girl), and a picture of an Anglo_boy
with fair skin and brown hair, the researcher
asked the same question, “Which boy (girl)
would you like to be your friend?"

The same pictures were presented as in 1a,
and the researcher then asked, "Which boy
(girl) would you invite to play with you at
home?"

Using the same pictures as presented in 1b,
the researcher asked the same question,
"Which boy (girl) would you invite to play
with you at home?" (p. 131).

The Coloring Test was as follows:

la.

1b.

An uncolored copy of the line drawing presented
in the Choice Test was given to the child. (If
the subject was a boy, the drawing given was
that of a boy, and if the subject was a girl,
the line drawing given to her was that of a
girl). Thirteen crayons were also given to
the child. The crayons (medium brown, tan, dark
brown, yellow, blue, black, red, orange, purple,
yellow-green, medium green, white, and pink)
were put on the table close to the subject.

The researcher then asked the child, "Would you
color this boy's (or girl's if the subject was
a girl) face the color you are?" After the
child colored the picture, the researcher asked
the subject, "Why did you choose this color?"

Then, using another uncolored c0py of the line
drawing presented in the Choice Test (if the
subject was a boy, the drawing given was that
of a boy or if the subject was a girl, the
drawing given to her was that of a girl), and
using the same crayons as 1a, the child was
instructed, "Color this boy (girl) the color
you would like boys and girls to be." Then
the researcher asked, "Why did you choose this
color?" (pp. 131-132).

It was determined before the tests that the children

knew the colors and their names. They stated the names of

40

the colors they chose in either Spanish or English.

Analysis of the data from the tests supported the
two hypotheses as stated by the researcher (see page 36 of
this chapter).

Tests of self-concept and skin color awareness
especially appropriate for very young children are Dolls
Tests. The review of literature will conclude with a con-
sideration of four examples of tests involving the use of

dolls.

Dolls Tests

 

Goodman (1966) tested 103 children aged four years
(46 white, 57 black) in a northeastern American city. His
four research instruments were: observation, a set of jig-
saw puzzles, a doll house with furnishings and doll
families, and a collection of dolls of several types. Re-
sults of the study indicated that three-fourths of the black
children and almost all the white children preferred whites.
The black children evidenced a basic orientation away from
the black and toward the white. The whites were in—group
oriented, preferring white. Those blacks with a tendency
toward out-group orientation suffered a growing sense of
insecurity concerning racial status, increased emotionality,
increased personal involvement, and personal threat. The
study indicated that color by itself was not as significant
as color in combination with other Negroid features, or

with social bonds involving blacks. The data indicated that

41

black children were influenced by the notion that to bear

the marks of Negroid ancestry is to be socially inferior.

Forty percent of the black children in the sample showed a
high awareness to race as compared to 24 percent of white

children. "It is shocking to find four-year-olds, parti-

cularly white ones, showing unmistakable signs of the on-

set of bigotry" (Goodman, 1966, p. 245).

Clark and Clark (1940) used Dolls Tests to show that
racial awareness is present in black children as young as
three years of age. The researchers devised a doll choice
test where children chose the doll they preferred, one
doll being Caucasian the other black. The children also
were administered a color test which involved coloring the
boy or girl the color the child liked boys and girls to be.
Girls were given a picture of a girl, and boys a picture of
a boy. The black children with very light skin color
colored the figure representing themselves with white or
yellow crayons. Clark and Clark concluded that these
children reacted in terms of the color they could see
their skin was and were interpreted as accurate in their
decision. However, 15 percent of the children with medium
brown skin and 14 percent with dark brown skin colored
their own figures with either a white or a yellow crayon,
or with some bizarre color such as red or green. This was
interpreted by the researchers as a refusal to choose an
appropriate color for themselves and showed emotional

anxiety and conflict in relation to their own skin color.

42

By coloring themselves a white or bizarre color, the
children were in effect pretending to be white. When
the children were asked to color the child (doll) of the
opposite sex the color they preferred, 48 percent chose
brown, 37 percent chose white, and 15 percent chose a
bizarre color.

These findings were consistent with the doll choice
test, where 60 percent preferred the white doll and rejected
the black doll. In some instances, children picked up one
crayon, looked at it, put it back and chose another one,
usually a lighter one. Some revealed their inner confusion
and anxiety by coloring the picture in a scribbling motion.
Clark (1955), in his book Prejudice and Your Child, ex-
plained this behavior as revealing of how deeply imbedded
in their personality the conflict about color was.

Pierce-Jones and Jones (reported in Coller, 1971,
pp. 30-31) developed the Doll-Self Test (DST) to assess
awareness of self. A dark skinned doll and a light skinned
doll are both placed in front of a child. A series of
drawings of parts of the body are then presented and the
child is asked to "find another one that looks just like
this." The child may either match the body part as given
in the drawing with the appropriate part of his own body
or with the appropriate part of the doll's body. A child
receives a single score of "1" for each drawing if on a
majority of trials involving each drawing he points to him-

self or to the dolls. Thus a child usually pointing to the

43

dolls would obtain a high score with respect to the
environment. The authors state that "to the extent that
external or environmental sensitivity is replaced by
sensitivity of self [pointing to the self], we might expect
greater awareness of self or a more differentiated self-
concept" (p. 30). The test is well suited to determining
sensitivity to color in the environment.

In a study where the DST was used, Pierce-Jones and
Jones hypothesized that culturally deprived preschool
children coming into a preschool program would be more sensi-
tive to the environment (to external stimuli) than to them-
selves, as measured by the DST. They further predicted
that, after an enrichment program, children would be more
introspective or sensitive to their own bodies than to
external stimuli (the dolls). The results of their study
tended to confirm these hypotheses, although it is not
immediately clear whether or not the enrichment program
by itself contributed to these differences.

Durrett and Davy (1970) indicated that they could
not find a single study which investigated racial awareness
in Mexican-American children. Their study sought to
(1) ascertain the differences in racial awareness and
attitudes among members of Mexican-American, black, and
Anglo ethnic groups and (2) determine whether during the
sixties there had been any significant change in the racial
awareness and attitudes of black and Anglo children as

determined on the basis of their racial identification and

44

racial preference. A Dolls Test was utilized.

The subjects were 85 children (30 Mexican—American,
25 black, and 30 Anglo) attending interracial prekinder-
garten programs in San Jose, California. Of the Anglo
children, 16 were girls and 14 boys; among the black chil-
dren, 14 were girls and 11 boys; and among the Mexican-
American children, 17 were girls and 13 boys, for a total
of 47 girls and 38 boys. Their age range was from three
years 11 months to four years 11 months, with a mean age
of four years seven months. All subjects were from lower
socioeconomic families.

The doll technique utilized was develOped by Steven-
son and Stewart (1958). Only Anglo and black dolls were
used. They were identical except for hair and skin color.
The black doll had medium-brown skin and black wavy hair.
By contrast, the Anglo doll had fair skin and blond hair.

A boy doll and a girl doll of each color were used, thus
making for four dolls. The doll technique was to determine
(1) the child's awareness of his or her own physical
attributes and the attributes of others, (2) preference

for playmate, and (3) readiness to categorize people in
.color+kind terms or in terms of what adults would call
race.

Stevenson and Stewart in their test asked two ques-
tions: "Which one looks like you?" and "Which two children
would you rather play with?" Durrett and Davy also asked

"Why?" The subjects were also asked to match brothers

45

and sisters from among the four dolls as a measure of
their classificatory ability.

Of the 30 Mexican-American subjects, 24 (80 percent)
chose the Anglo doll as looking like themselves. Of the
30 Anglo subjects, 29 (96.7 percent) chose the own-race
doll as looking most like themselves. Of the 25 black
subjects, 19 (76 percent) identified with the own-race
doll. These proportions were found to be significantly dif-
ferent (not likely to have occurred by mathematical chance
or probability). .

Also statistically significant were the results with
regard to playmate preference. Of the 25 black subjects,
12 (48 percent) preferred the own-race doll as a playmate.
Of the 30 Anglo subjects, 25 (83.3 percent) preferred the
own-race doll. Of the 30 Mexican-American subjects, 23
(80 percent) selected the Anglo doll.

Based on a comparison of their study results with
those of Stewart and Stevenson (1958), Durrett and Davy
found a number of positive changes that appeared to have
evolved during the previous ten years: (1) less own—race
rejection by the black subjects as shown by the increased
proportion of subjects making own-race choices in identifi-
cation, and (2) less evidence of derogatory remarks and
hostile attitudes expressed by either the Anglo or black
children. Summarizing their own study, Durrett and Davy

concluded:

46

It was feund that the Anglo subjects
expressed the greatest own-race preference
both in identification and playmate choice.
The Negro subjects showed the least own-group
preference, particularly in the choice of
playmate. The Mexican-American subjects were

' highly aware of the racial differences between

Negroes and Anglos and appeared to have applied
positive value terms to the Anglo group (p. 24).

It is clear, on basis of the studies reviewed in this
chapter, that skin visibility may be a determining factor in
the evolving, developing self-concept of the Mexican-

American child.

Chapter 3
Methodology and Procedures

The purpose of the study was to provide empirical
data to substantiate the assumption that many Mexican-
American children between the ages of four and eight
develop a negative self-concept as a result of their
experience in the dominant Anglo culture. A carefully
designed experiment involving a D0115 Test with 64 Chicano
children was used to test the hypotheses that (1) the eight-
year-old Chicano children would evidence significantly
more negative self-concept than four-year-old Chicano
children, (2) the four-year-old Chicano children would be
either positive or neutral in self-concept, and (3) the
eight-year-old Chicano children would be negative in
self-concept. The sample selection, Dolls Test, pro-
cedures, data summary, and data analysis (statistical tech-
niques) employed in testing the three hypotheses are ex-
plained in the remainder of this chapter. The actual

data analysis and results are presented in Chapter 4.

Sample Selection
The sample was drawn from a population of 422
Mexican-American children aged either four or eight, from

a total population of 8,237 Chicanos living in Lansing,

47

48

Michigan. Of the four-year-olds, 96 were boys and 103

were girls. Of the eight-year-olds, 109 were boys and 114
were girls. Some of the subjects were interviewed in their
homes, but most were selected from and interviewed at the
Cristo Rey (Christ the King) Community Center in Lansing,

a center frequented by a large number of Chicanos of that
city.

Each of the subjects of the population of 422 was
assigned a number ranging between zero and 422. A com-
puterized procedure for selecting 64 random three-digitxnnm-
bers was employed to select a sample of 64. This random sam-
ple consisted of 16 boys and 16 girls from the eight-year-
olds, and 16 boys and 16 girls from the four-year-olds.
Interviews were held with these 64 subjects either in their
homes or at the Cristo Rey Community Center. Appendix C pro-
vides a summary of demographic information of the sample.

The reason for selecting four-year-olds was that they
have not yet been extensively socialized, and therefore had
not learned to have negative self-concepts, presumably de-
rived from school experience and other social contacts.
Since the eight-year-olds could be expected to have experi-
enced considerably more socialization in the context of the
dominant Anglo culture, they could therefore have more op-
portunity to develop negative self-concepts than would be
the case for four-year-olds.

Subjects who did not understand or relate to the

49

Dolls Test were excluded from the test, which was con-
ducted in English. Therefore, more than 64 random num-
bers were actually obtained from the computer. The com-
puter was "asked" for 85 random numbers in order to pick
another subject to replace any one that may have been
dropped from the test. In this way, 64 subjects were
actually involved in the study.

The list of 422 potential subjects was determined
as follows. According to the 1983 census for Lansing,
Michigan, there are 6,784 Mexican Americans living in
that city. It was evident to this researcher that
much of the Mexican-American population of Lansing meets
at the Cristo Rey Community Center. The administration at
the Center indicated that it serves a majority of all
Mexicans in the Lansing area. From the 6,784 total popula-
tion, 422 children in both the four- and eight-year-old
categories were identified. It was estimated that the
Center serves at least three-fourths of these 422 whose
names and addresses were provided by the Center's Direc-
tor. Families of these children were selected as the
source of the target population for the study (Dolls
Test).

It is significant that about three-fourths of the
422 children were active in some sort of program at the
Center, the remaining one-fourth not active. As will be

revealed later in the present study, results for those

50

participating in the Center's various programs differed
significantly from the results for those not participating
in such program.

The purpose of the Center is to promote growth,
develOpment, improvement, and progress among Mexican
Americans. Center programs focus on adult education,
cultural awareness, ESL (English as a Second Language)
and even the Spanish language for those who need or want
to improve their skill in that language. The Center is a
central meeting place for all the Mexican people in the
Lansing area. Counseling of all types is provided,
covering such diverse areas as job seeking, financial
planning, day care for children, drug abuse, and others.
Many parents send their children there to be taught
about their culture. The children are taught to have
pride in themselves and to learn the traditions of old
such as cultural dances, plays, and songs. The young and
old are encouraged to participate in further education and
to develOp positive attitudes about themselves and their
people.

This experience of the Center is significant for
Chicanos. It will serve to explicate some of the results

stated in Chapter 4 of the present study.

The Instrument (Dolls Test)
The Dolls Test required two dolls, one Chicano and
one Anglo doll. Each doll was about 11 inches tall and

dressed in diapers only. The Chicano doll had typical

51

Mexican features such as dark hair, brown skin, and dark
eyes. The Anglo doll had blond hair, blue eyes, light
skin, and a thin noes and thin lips. In the actual test,
the word "figure" was used instead of the word "doll."
The latter may have suggested a game or play activity,
and boys may have been less comfortable with this term than
in the case of girls.

Appendix A shows the ten statements used in the
Dolls Test. Each statement begins with "Show me..." Five
of the statements are positive in nature and five are
negative. If a subject selected a certain doll in response
to a positive statement, such as "Show me the pretty'figure,"
the researcher asked for the degree of positiveness by
further asking: "Very much, some, or only a little?"
The subject was scored +3, +2, or +1, respectively, depend-
ing on which of the three alternatives was chosen. The
other doll received a score of 0. Analogously, in the case
of a doll chosen in response to a negative statement, the
subject was scored either -3, -2, or -1 for that doll,
the other doll being scored 0.

To obtain an individual score on the Dolls Test,
the ten non-zero scores (some for the Chicano doll and some
for the Anglo doll) were added to obtain a Chicano doll
score and an Anglo doll score. The Anglo doll score was
then subtracted from the Chicano doll score to obtain
the individual score for the entire test. This difference

score represented an "excess" of positive or negative

52

rating--as the case might be--of the Chicano doll over
the Anglo doll. A positive score of +15, for example,
means that the subject identified with the Chicano doll
15 points more than with the Anglo doll. Note that the
Chicano doll score might have been only +6 (not highly

or significantly positive in itself) and the Anglo doll
score —9. But +6 - (-9) gives a score of +15 relative to

the Anglo doll. Similarly, a -5 Chicano doll score (not

 

highly or significantly negative in itself) and a +10 Anglo
doll score would result in a self—concept score of -15
relative to the Anglo doll.

Thus the maximum possible individual subject score
for the test was +30, the minimum -30. Each subject was
classified as positive in self-concept if his or her score
was greater than +10; neutral in self-concept if the indi-
vidual's score was between +10 and -10; or negative in
self-concept if the individual's score was less than -10.
Because self-concept was measured in relation to, or
relative to, an Anglo doll, the self-concept score is
more accurately stated as "relative self-concept" score,
although usage in the dissertation shortened this phrase
to "self-concept" for convenience.

The scoring system was justified as follows. The
Dolls Test is a forced-choice test which requires that the
subject either like or dislike a particular doll. To
help remedy this arbitrariness, a three-level scale,

ranging from "a little" to "a lot" was therefore used.

53

Assuming that a subject was consistently and minimally
oriented in favor of the Chicano doll, he or she would
score +5 for the Chicano doll and -5 for the Anglo doll,
giving an individual score of +10. An opposite orienta-
tion, one consistently and minimally oriented in favor of
the Anglo doll, would give the individual a score of -10.
These two scores, along with those in between, were thus
chosen as neutral scores; all other scores indicate either
positive or negative self—concept, as the case may be.
Thus, even though the choices were all forced, the subjects
had to indicate a sufficiently high degree of preference
before their choices were accepted as indicators of posi-

tive or negative self-concept relative to the Anglo doll.

Procedures

 

Permission for the research was granted by the
Director of the Cristo Rey Community Center. As explained
earlier in this chapter, 100 families were selected for
the study. These families were contacted by the staff of
the Center and asked to participate in the study. Almost
all were willing, and their children were tested either at
home or at the Center. Those tested at the Center referred
the researcher to relatives or friends who had children
in the age groups of concern. Since the researcher him-
self is Mexican, it was easy to enter their homes in order
to test the children. A preliminary phone call always pre-

ceded any testing effort. In these calls the researcher

54

explained the nature of the research and set up an appoint-
ment.

A room was available at the Center for testing. The
parents individually brought their children to the room for
testing. The researcher had a desk upon which he had
placed the two dolls. The parents were informed of their
rights and the purpose of the study. The researcher made
the child aware of the two dolls standing side-by-side on
the desk. The child was then asked the ten questions from
the Dolls Test. The subject would typically point to either
the Chicano or the Anglo doll. In seven instances, the
child did not fully understand the situation, and the test
was eventually discontinued for the child. If after a
few questions it was evident that no scorable responses
were forthcoming, the researcher continued for a while-—
so as not to give parent or child the implication of test
failure, and ended the session with a thank you to both the
parent and child. Scoring was done unobtrusively by the
researcher, who sat behind the desk with a large scoring
pad on his knee.

For those subjects tested at their home, the pro-
cedure was essentially the same. However, more time was
required due to the curiosity and questions from family
members and other individuals present at the time.

Two researchers were asked to administer the Dolls
Test. Both were males, one white (Anglo) and one Chicano

(Mexican). The Anglo researcher tested 12 subjects (three

55

males and three females from the four-year—old age group;
and three males and three females from the eight-year-old
age group). The researcher tested the other 52

subjects.

Summary of Data

 

Each of the 64 subjects of the study had a possible
Dolls Test score ranging from +30 to -30. For purpose of
testing the three hypotheses of the study, individual scores
were summarized in terms of six classifications: four-year-
old and either positive, neutral, or negative with respect
to relative self-concept; and eight-year-old and either
positive, neutral, or negative with respect to relative
self-concept. Table 1 is based on these data.

The influence of sex on test scores was also tested.
For this purpose, individual scores were identified in six
classifications: boy and either positive, neutral, or
negative with respect to relative self-concept; and girl
and either positive, neutral,-or negative with respect to
relative self-concept. Table 2 is based on these data.

The influence on test scores due to subjects' non-
attendance at the Center was then tested. For this pur-
pose, individual scores were identified in six classifica-
tions: member of Cristo Rey and either positive, neutral,
or negative with respect to relative self—concept; and
not a member of Cristo Rey and either positive, neutral,
or negative with respect to relative self-concept. Table

3 is based on these data.

56

Finally, differences in scores due to differences
in researchers was tested. For this purpose, individual
scores were identified in six classifications: Chicano
researcher and either positive, neutral, or negative with
respect to relative self-concept; and Anglo researcher
and either positive, neutral, or negative with respect to

relative self-concept. Table 4 is based on these data.

Analysis of Data

 

 

Hypothesis One. The eight-year-old Chicano chil-
~ dren will as a group show signi-
ficantly more negative self-
concept than the four-year-old
Chicano children.
To test this hypothesis, the subjects of the study
were classified into six groups as indicated in Table 1.
It was anticipated that the number of individuals in the
upper left cell (four years old with positive self-concept)
and the number of individuals htthe lower right cell (eight
years old with negative self-concept) would be signifi-
cantly greater than the number of individuals in the other
four cells of the table.

Stated technically, it was anticipated that the

two variables self-concept and age grogp were dependent

 

variables; that is, the four-year-olds tend to be positive
in self-concept and the eight-year-olds tend to be nega-
tive in self-concept. Chi-square analysis (p< .05) of
the six frequencies (cell counts) determined whether the

two variables were dependent or independent. Specifically,

if the chi-square value calculated from the cell data
turned out to be greater than 5.99 (p <: .05), then the

two variables would be considered dependent and--provided
that the frequencies tend to be clustered in the cells
labeled "four years, positive" and "eight years, negative"
--hypothesis one would be accepted. If the calculated
chi-square value from the cell data turned out to be less
than 5.99 (p <( .05), the two variables would be considered

to be independent and the hypothesis rejected.

Table l
Chi-Square Format for Test of Hypothesis One

Distribution of Sample (N = 64) with Respect
to Age Group and Self-Concept

Self-Concept

Positive Neutral Negative

 

Four Years Four Years Four Years
Four Years Old Positive Neutral Negative

 

Grou
Eight Years Eight Years Eight Years

Eight Years OldI Positive Neutral Negative
l

 

 

 

 

Hypothesis Two. The group of four~year~old Chicano
children will be either positive
or at least neutral in self-concept.

 

The mean score of the four-year-old Chicano children
was computed. A mean score greater than ~10 would indicate

that this group of 32 subjects as a whole were either

 

neutral or positive with respect to self-concept, and

hypothesis two would be accepted. A mean score less than

-10 would lead to a rejection of the hypothesis.
Hypothesis Three. The eight-year-old Chicano

children will be negative in
their self-concept.

 

The mean score of the eight-year-old Chicano children
was computed. A mean score less than ~10 would indicate
that the group as a whole were negative with respect to
self-concept, and hypothesis three would be accepted. A
mean score of -10 or greater would lead to‘a rejection of
the hypothesis.

Influence of Sex Variable

 

To test for any possible influence of sex on the
distribution of positive, neutral, and negative scores,
a chi-square test comparing the sex variable and self-
concept variables was made. Table 2 shows the chi-square
format for testing the influence of sex on self-concept
for the sample as a whole. A calculated chi-square value
greater than 5.99 (p~< .05) would indicate that the sex
and self-concept variables are dependent; that is,whether
the subjects were positive, neutral, or negative with
respect to self-concept depends significantly on whether
or not they were boys or girls. A chi-square value less
than 5.99 would indicate that the two variables are indepen-
dent; that is, whether the subjects were positive, neutral,
or negative with respect to self-concept did not depend

significantly on whether or not they were boys or girls.

Sex

59

Table 2

Chi-Square Format for Test of Influence
of Sex Variable

Distribution of Sample (N = 64) with Respect to
Sex and Self-Concept

Self-Concept

 

 

 

Positive Neutral Negative
Boy Boy & Boy & Boy &
Positive Neutral Negative
Sex -
Girl Girl & Girl & Girl 8
Positive Neutral Negative

 

 

 

 

 

Influence of Researcher

 

To test for any possible influence of researcher bias
on the distribution of positive, neutral, and negative
scores, a chi-square test comparing the researcher type
and self-concept variables was made. Table 3 shows the
chi-square format for testing the influence of researcher
on self-concept for the sample as a whole. A calculated
chi-square greater than 5.99 (p <: .05) would indicate
that the researcher and self-concept variables are depen-
dent; that is, whether the subjects were positive, neutral,
or negative with respect to self-concept would depend on
whether or not the test giver was either Chicano or Anglo.
A chi-square value less than 5.99 would indicate that the

two variables are independent; that is, whether the subjects

were positive, neutral, or negative with respect to
self-concept did not depend on whether or not the test

giver was either Chicano or Anglo.

Table 3

Chi-Square Format for Test of Influence of Researcher

Distribution of Sample (N = 64) with Respect to
Researcher and Self-Concept

Self-Concept

 

 

 

 

Positive Neutral Negative
Chicano Chicano & Chicano & Chicano &
Researcher Positive Neutral Negative
Researcher Type
Anglo Anglo & Anglo & Anglo &
Researcher Positive Neutral Negative

 

 

 

 

 

Influence of Cristo Rey Experience

To test for possible influence of the Cristo Rey
experience on the distribution of positive, neutral, and
negative scores, a chi-square test comparing self-concept
with subjects' experience with respect to the Cristo Rey
Center was made. Table 4 shows the chi-square format
for testing the influence of subjects' experience (regular
members of the Center versus others) on self-concept. A
calculated chi-square value greater than 5.99 (p .05)
would indicate that experience and self-concept are depen-

dent variables; that is, whether or not a subject regularly

att
sut
to

wou

tha

dif:

(an:

any,

«.«si

R
“fit; {5
J \-

61

attended the Center significantly influenced whether the
subject was positive, neutral, or negative with reSpect
to self-concept. A chi-square value less than 5.99
would indicate that the two variables are independent;
that is, insofar as the distribution of positive, neutral,
or negative scores is concerned, it made no significant

difference whether the subjects were members of the Center

(and regularly attending) or not.
Table 4

Chi-Square Format for Test of Influence
of Cristo Rey Center

Distribution of Sample (N = 64) with Respect
to Center Attendance and Self-Concept

Self-Concept

 

 

 

Positive Neutral Negative
Regular & Regular & Regular &
Regular Positive Neutral Negative
Attendance
center Attendance No Atten- No Atten- No Atten-
No dance & dance & dance &
Attendance Positive Neutral Negative

 

 

 

 

Influence of Cristo Rey Center as a Variable

 

It should be noted at this point that a statistical

analysis was made of the subjects that were tested at Cristo

Rey Center vs those subjects who had been involved in Cristo

 

62

Rey programs, but tested at their own homes. In other
words, did being tested at the actual Cristo Rey site in-
fluence those subjects to answer significantly differently
than those tested at their homes? '

Forty-two subjects were analyzed for significant dif-
ference of response to the tests. Twenty-one subjects
were tested at Cristo Rey facility, and 21 of the subjects
were tested in their homes. It should be kept in mind that
both groups are active with Cristo Rey programs. Statisti-
cal charts based on the analysis are found in Appendix B,

page 107.

Interpretation of the Data and Results

There was no significant difference between the data
collected at Cristo Rey and the data collected from the sub-
jects at their homes. With the means differing by less
than one, compounded by the fact that the ranges are the
same, in effect the measures of self-esteem of the groups
are almost exactly identical. Furthermore, having standard
deviations that differ by only five percent means that the
distribution of the subjects with low esteem and high
esteem between the two groups is approximately the same.

It is true that the self-esteem of the group that was polled
at home seems to be slightly higher than the self-esteem of
the group polled at Cristo Rey. However, considering the
size of the groups polled, a difference of less than five

percent is well within statistical error. Thecnfljrdifference

63

between the two sets of data that is at all worth noting

is the local peaks and densities. It can be noticed from
the histograms and frequency tables that there are more
local peaks in the data collected from the subjects at
Cristo Rey than in the other poll. That is to say that
there appears to be about four small groups of subjects in
the Cristo Rey poll; with groups of three or four subjects
scoring at about the same level of self-esteem. There
appears to be only two such groups in the other poll, and
one of those groups is the bell curve peak. If one examines
the kurtosis and skewness<1feach group, it may be noted
that the subjects polled at home have a sharper peak than
those polled at Cristo Rey. This, however, is because of
the several smaller peaks in the Cristo Rey group which dis-
turbs the smoothness of the curve. Despite this, the bell
curve peaks in both histograms are still about 21. There-
fore, we conclude from this analysis that there were no
significant differences in subjects' responses. See the
results as follows: note ATCR refers to at Cristo Rey
Center. NOTCR refers to not at Cristo Rey.

RESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF:
ATCR; NRTCRy MERGER

{31
h‘
21

42

VARIABLE HEAN S.E. HEAR STR REV VARIANCE KURTGSIS S.E. KURT SKEHNESS 5.5. SEER VALID R
ATCR 18.810 1.206 5.528 30.562 1.333 1.939 -.709 .501

MOTOR 19.619 1.270 5.818 33.848 .444 1.939 -.398 .501

MERGER 19.214 .867 5.620 31.587 .630 1.961 -.506 .365
VARIABLE RANGE HINIHUH HAXIHUH SUH VALIR N LABEL

ATCR 24.000 4.000 28.000 395.000 21 AT C.R.

NRTCR 24.000 6.000 30.000 412.000 21 NOT C.R.

MERGER 26.000 4.000 30.000 807.000 42 Hersed data

Chapter 4

Results

In this chapter the three hypotheses of the study
will be discussed using the Dolls Test data obtained from
the 32 four-year-old and 32_eight-year-old subjects. The
influence of sex, researcher, and Cristo Rey attendance on
self-concept will also be discussed. Finally, anecdotal
data summarizing some key observations of the subjects dur-
ing the tests will be presented. This anecdotal data pro-
vided some valuable additional insights into the reactions
of the subjects during the Dolls Test.

Accordingly, the chapter will consist of the follow-
ing seven sections:

(1) Raw Data Summary

(2) Test of Hypotheses

(3) Influence of Sex Variable

(4) Influence of Researcher

(5) Influence of Cristo Rey Experience

(6) Anecdotal Data

(7) Summary of Findings

Raw Data Summary

 

Tables 5 through 8 are a summary of the data essen-

tial for performing the tests in sections (2) through (5)

64

65

of this chapter. Table 5 is a summary of self-concept
scores for the 32 four-year-olds and 32 eight-year-olds

of the study. Each subject is identified by a code num-
ber (for computer purposes) as well as order of listing

in the table. Each subject is identified as either posi-
tive, neutral, or negative with respect to relative self-
concept. A group mean is provided for the Chicano doll
score, the Anglo doll score, and the relative self-concept
score. The data in this table were used to test the

three hypotheses of the study.
Table 5

Summary of Chicano Doll, Anglo Doll, and Relative
Self-Concept Scores for Four-Year-Old (N = 32) and
Eight—Year-Old (N = 32) Subjects

FOUR-YEAR-OLDS

 

Code Chicano Anglo Relative
Subject Number Doll Doll Self-Concept Designation

1 9 - 8 10 -18 Negative
2 10 -13 14 -27 Negative
3 11 - 7 10 -17 Negative
4 12 -12 12 -24 Negative
5 13 -14 13 —27 Negative
6 14 -11 10 -21 Negative
7 15 - 9 10 -19 Negative
8 16 - 6 7 -13 Negative
9 41 7 - 3 10 Neutral
10 42 10 - 9 19 Positive
11 43 10 - 6 16 Positive
12 44 6 - 6 12 Positive
13 45 10 - 6 16 Positive
14 46 12 - 9 21 Positive
15 47 9 - 7 16 Positive
16 48 13 -1O 23 Positive
17 49 10 -10 20 Positive

18 50 13 -13 26 Positive

66

Table 5 (Continued)

Code Chicano Anglo Relative
Subject Number Doll Doll Self-Concept Designation

19 51 14 -13 27 Positive
20 52 7 - 5 12 Positive
21 53 13 -11 24 Positive
22 54 11 - 9 20 Positive
23 55 12 - 7 19 Positive
24 56 4 - l 5 Neutral

25 57 11 -1O 21 Positive
26 58 9 - 9 18 Positive
27 59 11 - 8 19 Positive
28 60 10 - 8 18 Positive
29 61 11 -1O 21 Positive
30 64 14 ~10 24 Positive
31 62 7 - 5 12 Positive
32 63 15 -13 28 Positive

Summary for Four-Year-Olds

 

Mean Chicano Doll Score = 5.28 22 Positives

2 Neutrals
Mean Anglo Doll Score = -3.50 8 Negatives
Mean Relative Self-Concept Score = 8.78

EIGHT-YEAR-OLDS

 

1 1 -13 15 -28 Negative
2 2 -ll 11 -22 Negative
3 3 - 7 8 -15 Negative
4 4 -13 12 -25 Negative
5 5 -10 10 -20 Negative
6 6 -15 13 -28 Negative
7 7 - 8 10 -18 Negative
8 8 -12 13 -25 Negative
9 17 15 -13 28 Positive
10 18 15 -12 27 Positive
11 19 7 -10 17 Positive
12 20 7 - 8 15 Positive
13 21 3 - 3 6 Neutral

14 22 10 - 8 18 Positive
15 23 14 -12 26 Positive
16 24 12 — 9 21 Positive
17 25 7 - 7 14 Positive
18 26 13 ' 8 21 Positive

67

Table 5 (Continued)

Code Chicano Anglo Relative

Subject Number Doll Doll Self-Concept Designation
19 27 12 - 8 20 Positive
20 28 15 -13 28 Positive
21 29 5 1 4 Neutral
22 30 13 - 9 22 Positive
23 31 10 - 5 15 Positive
24 32 8 - 6 14 Positive
25 33 12 - 8 20 Positive
26 34 12 - 8 20 Positive
27 35 13 -11 24 Positive
28 36 15 -15 30 Positive
29 37 11 - 8 19 Positive
30 38 14 -10 24 Positive
31 39 10 - 8 18 Positive
32 40 11 - 9 20 Positive

Summary for Eight-Year-Olds

 

Mean Chicano Doll Score = 5.47 22 Positives

2 Neutrals
Mean Anglo Doll Score = -3.59 8 Negatives
Mean Relative Self-Concept Score = 9.06

 

Table 6 is a summary data which identifies each of
the 64 subjects with respect to sex and relative self-
concept designation. The 64 subjects are numbered in
exactly the same order as in Table 1. The sex (boy or
girl) and designation (positive, neutral, or negative) of
each subject is identified. The data in Table 6 were used
to test the influence of sex on the relative self-concept

SCOI’BS .

68

Table 6

Sex and Relative Self-Concept Designation of
Four-Year-Olds (N = 32) and Eight-Year-Olds (N = 32)

FOUR-YEAR-OLDS

 

Subject Sex. Designation
1 Male (M) Negative
2 M Negative
3 M Negative
4 M Negative
5 Female (F) Negative
6 F Negative
7 F Negative
8 F Negative
9 M Neutral

10 M Positive
11 M Positive
12 M Positive
13 M Positive
14 M Positive
15 M Positive
16 M Positive
17 M Positive
18 M Positive
19 M Positive
20 M Positive
21 F Positive
22 F Positive
23 F Positive
24 F Neutral

25 F Positive
26 F Positive
27 F Positive
28 F Positive
29 F Positive
30 F Positive
31 F Positive
32 F Positive

Summary for Four-Year—Olds

16 Males (11 Positive, 1 Neutral, 4 Negative)

16 Females (11 Positive, 1 Neutral, 4 Negative)

EIGHT-YEAR-OLDS

 

M Negative
M Negative

NH

69

Table 6 (Continued)

Subject Sex Designation
3 M Negative
4 M Negative
5 F Negative
6 F Negative
7 F Negative
8 F Negative
9 M Positive

10 M Positive
11 M Positive
12 M Positive
13 M Neutral

14 M Positive
15 M Positive
16 M Positive
17 M Positive
18 M Positive
19 M Positive
20 M Positive
21 F Neutral

22 F Positive
23 F Positive
24 F Positive
25 F Positive
26 F Positive
27 F Positive
28 F Positive
29 F Positive
30 F Positive
31 F Positive
32 F Positive

Summary for Eight-Year-Olds

16 Males (11 Positive, 1 Neutral, 4 Negative)
16 Females (11 Positive, 1 Neutral, 4 Negative)

 

Table 7 is a summary of data which identifies each
of the 64 subjects with respect to which researcher; Chi-
cano or Anglo, gave the Dolls Test to a subject and to

relative self-concept designation. The 64 subjects are

7O

numbered in exactly the same order as in Table 1. The
data in Table 7 were used to test the potential influence

of researcher bias on the relative self-concept scores.

Table 7

Researcher Type and Relative Self-Concept Designation
of Four-Year-Olds (N = 32) and Eight-Year-Olds (N = 32)

FOUR-YEAR-OLDS

 

Subject Researcher Type Designation
1 Chicano Negative
2 Chicano Negative
3 Chicano Negative
4 Anglo Negative
5 Chicano Negative
6 Chicano Negative
7 Chicano Negative
8 Anglo Negative
9 Chicano Neutral

10 Chicano Positive
11 Chicano Positive
12 Chicano Positive
13 Chicano Positive
14 Chicano Positive
15 Chicano Positive
16 Chicano Positive
17 Chicano Positive
18 Chicano Positive
19 Anglo Positive
20 Anglo Positive
21 Chicano Positive
22 Chicano Positive
23 Chicano Neutral

24 Chicano Neutral

25 Chicano Positive
26 Chicano Positive
27 Chicano Positive
28 Chicano Positive
29 Chicano Positive
30 Anglo Positive
31 Chicano Positive
32 Anglo Positive

71

Table 7 (Continued)

EIGHT-YEAR-OLDS

 

Subject Researcher Type Designation
1 Chicano Negative
2 Chicano Negative
3 Chicano Negative
4 Anglo Negative
5 Chicano Negative
6 Chicano Negative
7 Chicano Negative
8 Anglo Negative
9 Chicano Positive

10 Chicano Positive
11 Chicano Positive
12 Chicano Positive
13 Chicano Neutral
14 Chicano Positive
15 Chicano Positive
16 Chicano Positive
17 Chicano Positive
18 Chicano Positive
19 Anglo Positive
20 Anglo Positive
21 Chicano Neutral
22 Chicano Positive
23 Chicano Positive
24 Chicano Positive
25 Chicano Positive
26 Chicano Positive
27 Chicano Positive
28 Chicano Positive
29 Chicano Positive
30 Chicano Positive
31 Anglo Positive
32 Anglo Positive
Summary 52 Chicanos (36 Positive, 4 Neutral, 12 Negative)

12 Anglos (8 Positive, 0 Neutral, 4 Negative)

 

Table 8 is a summary of data which identifies each
of the 64 subjects with respect to Cristo Rey attendance
(regular attendance or no attendanbe) and to relative self-

concept designation. The 64 subjects are numbered in

Ta

Ce

Sui

72

exactly the same order as in Table 1. Each subject is

identified as either regularly attending or not attend-
ing the Center and as either positive, neutral, or nega-
tive with respect to relative self-concept. The data in
Table 8 were used to test the potential influence of the

Center on the relative self-concept scores.

Table 8

Cristo Rey Center Attendance Record and Relative
Self-Concept Designation of Four-Year-Olds (N = 32)
and Eight-Year-Olds (N = 32)

FOUR-YEAR-OLDS

 

Subject . Center Attendance Record Designation
1 No Attendance (NA) Negative
2 NA Negative
3 NA Negative
4 NA Negative
5 NA Negative
6 NA Negative
7 NA Negative
8 NA Negative
9 Regular Attendance (RA) Neutral

10 RA Positive
11 RA Positive
12 RA Positive
13 RA Positive
14 RA Positive
15 RA Positive
16 RA Positive
17 RA Positive
18 RA Positive
19 RA Positive
20 RA Positive
21 RA Positive
22 RA Positive
23 RA Positive
24 RA Neutral

25 RA Positive
26 RA Positive
27 RA Positive
28 RA Positive

Subject

29
30
31
32

NFHHHHFJHFHPHHFJH '
owed:q(humaneNwecnoaaqcnunhtthH

N
H

NNN
bUN

WNNNNN
oxoooqoun

WU)
NH

Summary

73

Table 8

(Continued)

Center Attendance Record

§§§§

EIGHT-YEAR-OLDS

 

§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§

16 No Attendance

tive)

(0 Positive,

Designation

Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive

Negative
Negative
Negative
Negative
Negative
Negative
Negative
Negative
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Neutral

Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Neutral

Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive

0 Neutral,

16 Nega-

48 Regular Attendance (44 Positive, 4 Neutral, 0

Negative)

 

Tes

con
thi
ofl

Tabi

Criti

Was 2e

Variab

 

74

Test of Hypptheses

 

Hypothesis One

 

Hypothesis one asserted, in effect, that self-
concept and age level are dependent variables. To test
this hypothesis, a chi-square analysis at the .05 level
of confidence (p .05) was performed on the data in
Table 5. Table 9 shows the results of this analysis.

Table 9
Chi-Square Analysis for Relative Self—Concept

and Age Group (N = 64)

Relative Self-Concept

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Positive Neutral Negative
Four—Year 22 2 8 32
Olds
AGE GROUP
Eight-Year '
Olds 22 2 8 32
44 4 16 64
Critical chi—square value (p .05) = 5.99
Sample (N = 64) chi-square value = 0.00

Age Group and Relative Self-Concept not dependent variables

 

Table 9 indicates that the sample chi-square value
was zero, which is less than 5.99, and therefore the two

Variables were not dependent. Accordingly, hypothesis one

 

was
cal

R80

tive
tive
REUt
ing

8C0!

Chic
cone
mal

ed i:

75

 

was rejected. In fact, the two age groups showed identi-
cal patterns with respect to the distribution of positive,

neutral, and negative scores.

Hypothesis Two

 

Hypothesis two stated that the four-year-old Chicano
children would be either positive or at least neutral in
self-concept. The summary for four-year-olds in Table 1
indicates that the mean relative self-concept score for
four-year-olds was 8.78. Since this score is a neutral

score, hypothesis two was accepted.

 

Of the 32 four-year-olds, 22 (69 percent) were posi-
tive in designation. Despite this high percentage of posi-
tives, the total mean score was nevertheless only a
neutral one. This may be explained by noting that in find-
ing mean scores, the negative scores cancel out positive
scores, thereby lowering a positive mean score.

The hypothesis would also be accepted if the mean
Chicano doll score had been used as the measure of self-
concept. This mean score was 5.28, barely over the mini-
mal score of 5.00 necessary to qualify as minimally orient-

ed in the positive (to Chicano doll) direction.

Hypothesis Three

 

Hypothesis three stated that the eight-year-old Chi-
cano children would be negative in their self-concept. The
summary for eight-year-olds in Table 1 indicates that the

relative self-concept score for eight-year-olds was 9.06.

C81“.

als

use

U‘I
o
A

Inf

the
at
the

ana

)

(I)
K

/.

76

Since this score is a neutral score, hypothesis three was
rejected.

Consistent with this rejection of the hypothesis is
the fact that of the 32 eight-year-olds, only eight (25 per-
cent) were negative in designation. The hypothesis would
also be rejected if the mean Chicano doll score had been
used as the measure of self—concept. This mean score was

5.47, definitely not a negative designation.

Influence of Sex Variable

 

To test for the influence of the sex variable on
the relative self-concept scores, a chi-square analysis
at the .05 level of confidence (p‘< .05) was performed on
the data in Table 6. Table 10 shows the results of this

analysis.

Table 10

Chi-Square Analysis for Sex and Relative
Self-Concept Designation (N = 64)

Relative Self-Concept

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Positive Neutral Negative
Male 22 2 8 32
Sex
Female 22 2 8 32
44 4 16 64
Critical chi-square value (p‘< .05) = 5.99

Sample (N = 64) chi-square value = 0.00

77

Table 10 (Continued)

Sex and Relative Self-Concept not dependent variables

 

Table 10 indicates that the sample chi-square value
was zero, which is less than 5.99. Accordingly, it was
concluded that sex and self-concept were independent

variables for the sample. In other words, whether the sub-

 

jects were positive, neutral, or negative with respect to
self-concept did not depend significantly on whether or not

they were boys or girls. In fact, boys and girls showed

 

identical patterns with respect to the distribution of

positive, neutral, and negative scores.

Influence of Researcher

 

To test for the influence of the researcher on the
relative self-concept scores, a chi-square analysis at
the .05 level of confidence (p<:.05) was performed on the
data in Table 7. Table 11 shows the results of this analy-
sis.

Table 11

Chi-Square Analysis for Researcher Type and
Relative Self-Concept Designation (N==64)

Relative Self-Concept

 

 

 

 

Positive Neutral Negative
Chicano 36 4 12 52
Researcher
3129 Anglo 8 o 4 12

 

 

 

 

 

44 4 16

78

Table 11 (Continued)

Critical chi-square value (p .05) = 5.99
Sample (N = 64) chi-square value = 1.403

Researcher Type and Relative Self-Concept not dependent
variables

 

Table 11 indicates that the sample chi-square value
was 1.403, which is less than 5.99. Accordingly, it was
concluded that the researcher and self-concept variables
were independent for the sample. In other words, whether
the subjects were positive, neutralyyor negative with
respect to self-concept did not depend significantly on
whether or not the researcher was Chicano or Anglo. Thus,
any potential researcher bias did not differentially influ-
ence the distribution of positive, neutral, and negative

self-concept scores.

Influence of Cristo Rey Experience

To test for the influence of the Cristo Rey eXperi-
ence onthe relative self-concept scores, a chi-square
analysis at the .05 level of confidence (p‘<.05) was
performed on the data in Table 8. Table 12 shows the

results of this analysis.

 

Ceni
Atte

Crit
Sm;

Cent
vari

79

Table 12

Chi-Square Analysis for Cristo Rey Center Attendance
and Relative Self-Concept Designation (N = 64)

Relative Self-Concept

 

Positive Neutral Negative

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Regular

Attendance 44 4 0 48
Center
Attendance

No 0 O 16 16

Attendance

44 4 16

Critical chi-square value (p .05) = 5.99

Sample (N = 64) chi-square value = 55.00

Center Attendance and Relative Self-Concept are dependent
variables

 

Table 12 indicates that the sample chi-square value
was 55.00, which is more than 5.99. Accordingly, it was
concluded that the experience of Center attendance and
self-concept variables were dependent for the sample. In

other words, whether the subjects were positive, neutral,

 

or negative with respect to self-concept depended signi-

ficantly on whether they regularly attended or did not

 

attend the Center. The extremely high chi-square value in-

 

dicates extreme dependence, as can be verified by noting

that all the negative scores were from the no attendance

yea

Cen

 

of

frox
Thu:
the
tive
Cem
The:
unde
Sig}
is 1

the

80

group (N = 16), and nearly all the positive scores were
from the regular attendance group (N = 48).

This last result is of special concern for the
study. Table 8 indicates that all the 16 negative
scores (8 from the four-year-olds and 8 from the eight-
year-olds) were from individuals who did not attend the
Center, and therefore did not experience the offerings
of its various programs. All the positive scores were
from those individuals who regularly attended the Center.
Thus while rejection of hypothesis one meant that, for
the sample of 64 subjects, eight-year-olds were not nega-
tive in self-concept, the positives were mainly from the
Center and the negatives all from outside the Center.
These results in turn suggest that the socialization process
undergone as a result of Center experience may be of a ‘
significant factor that determines whether a self-concept
is negative or positive. These implications will be fur-
ther discussed in the final chapter of the present study.

It should be noted that some of the cells in Table
9 through 12 contained fewer than 5 frequencies. Theoreti-
cally, the chi-square test is reliable only if the cell
counts are at least 5, and therefore the chi-square analyses
performed on the data in these tables (9 through 12) might
be questioned. However, the chi-square values were either
extremely low or extremely high, suggesting that any error
due to failing to meet the requirement of at least 5 in a

cell was not significant. Furthermore, examination of the

VEE

 

8R6

att

(he
the
to

flau
Witi
tha‘

lanq

look

{"21

011

81

distributions suggestsiaconclusion consistent with that
of the various chi-square analyses. Thus the results

of the chi-square analysis were accepted unequivocally.

Anecdotal Data

 

Comments made by the subjects during testing re-
vealed additional data relevant to self-concept. These
anecdotal data.arehere presented first for subjects with
positive attitudes and then for subjects with negative
attitudes.

Positively Oriented Comments

 

One eight-year-old subject indicated that "we"
(Mexicans) were here first and are more native to America
than the Anglo population. Another eight-year-old pointed
to the fact that Mexicans have a single flag (Mexican
flag) to identify with, whereas Anglos cannot identify
with the flag of another country or origin. Another said
that Chicanos are smart because they know more than one
language. Other comments were as follows.

"We have good customs and traditions."

"We have national dances."

"We live together as families and help each other."

"We have good food that others like and try to copy."

"If we aren't pretty, why do they (Anglos) try to
look like us by getting tans...So that's why the Chicano
doll is the prettier one."

"We are the good ones and kind ones because we all

ge

ab<

doe

 

no

it
us

is.

hav

Bla.

are

atte

WEN

at 3.

them

82

get together and help each other."

"The Chicano doll is the smart one because it knows
about Jesus and because it knows two languages."

"The Chicano doll is prettier because it is tan and
does not have to get a tan."

"The Chicano doll is the good doll because it does
not talk bad about its parents like the White doll."

"The Chicano doll is the good and kind one because
it did not kill anyone for the land, like the Whites killed
us (Chicanos) and Indians for land.”

"God made man, and the reason White people are white
is because they weren't cooked long enough. The Blacks
have cooked too long and Mexicans are between White and
Black, so they were cooked just right. That's why they
are brown."

The children making these remarks had regularly
attended programs or classes at Cristo Rey, where such views
were very likely reinforced.

Negatively Oriented Comments

 

"The white one is prettier. Why? Because they are
in commercials on TV."

"The white doll is smarter. Why? I don't know.
They just are."

"The white doll is the good doll. Gets good grades
at school."

"The white doll is smarter and good. Teacher likes

them better."

83

"The white doll is prettier. White is a nice
color."

"I like the white doll better because they have
nice things."

"The white doll is nicer because they are movie
stars."

"The white doll is smarter. They make a lot of
things, and invent."

"They have a nice house and car."

"Whites are smarter because they become President."

"They have pretty hair."

"They are better because they speak better."

"Whites are 1ucky+-their parents give them what they
want."

"They are kinder because they can give to help
others. On Christmas they give us food and toys."

VThey are smarter. They read better."

"They get to go on vacations."

Summary of Results

 

1. Hypothesis one was rejected. The four-year-olds
did not differ significantly from the eight-year-olds on
self-concept.

2. Hypothesis two was accepted. The four-year-olds
were neutral with respect to self-concept.

3. Hypothesis three was rejected. The eight-year-
olds were not negative with respect to self-concept; they

were neutral.

 

84

4. Whether the subjects were positive, neutral,
or negative with respect to self-concept did not depend
significantly on whether or not they were boys or girls.

5. Whether the subjects were positive, neutral, or
negative with respect to self-concept did not depend signi-
ficantly on whether or not the researcher was Chicano or
Anglo.

6. Whether the subjects were positive, neutral, or
negative with respect to self-concept depended significantly
on whether they regularly attended or did not attend the
Cristo Rey Center. Those who regularly attended the Center
were positive in self-concept.

Thus sex variable and researcher variable did not
differentiate the self-concept variable. However, educa-
tional experience (Cristo Rey attendance) did differentiate
the self-concept variable.

The anecdotal data were consistent with results
stated in number 6 above: The positively oriented subjects
for the most part were in regular attendance at Cristo Rey.
Their remarks were consistent with the kind of remarks that
could be heard from children at the Center. Subjects making
negatively oriented remarks were for the most part not in
regular attendance at the Center. Their remarks were con-
sistent with cultural bias typically found outside the
Center. Also, the reasoning used when explaining their
choice reflected the specific biases found in the dominant

Anglo culture.

85

Positively oriented subjects cited as reasons for
their favorable self-concept as follows: knowledge of a
second language; identity with a strong culture; identity
with the Mexican flag; strong presence in America before
Anglo presence; strong family life; supportive community
life in which everyone helps everyone else; good food
which others try to imitate; strong religious attitudes;
respect for parents; not guilty of exploiting others and
taking away their land; preference for brown or tan as
being in between black and white. Negatively oriented
subjects cited reasons for their unfavorable self-concept
as follows: whites are prettier; they appear on TV; they
are smarter; they get good grades and are good; teacher
likes them better; white is a nice color; white dolls have
nice things; they are like movie stars; they have a nice
house and a car; they become President; they have pretty
hair; they speak better; they get what they want from their
parents; they are kinder and help others, like at Christmas;

they read better; and they go on vacations.

Chapter 5

Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations

Summary

The study sought to document the existence of nega-
tive self-concept developments in Chicano children as a
consequence of their experience in the larger Anglo cul-
ture. It was especially needed in view of the fact that
most studies on racial awareness in children have pertained
to Blacks rather than to Chicanos.

Adaptation of education in America to the needs of
Chicanos has been marked by slow progress. This lack of
progress is especially evident in the early education of
Chicano children. As a consequence, there may be antici-
pated a significant impact of school and society on the
Chicano child's self-concept.

The purpose of the study was to provide empirical
data substantiating the assumption that many Mexican-
American children between the ages of four and eight
develop a negative self-concept due to their experience
in the dominant Anglo culture. This purpose was accom-
plished by means of data obtained from a carefulLydesigned
experiment involving the Dolls Test administered to a

sample of 32 four-year-olds and 32 eight-year-olds.

86

87

The research problem was stated in terms of three
research questions.

1. How does self-concept of Chicano children depend
on the socialization process within the dominant Anglo cul-
ture? In particular, how do cultural and group norms, par-
ental influences, education, socioeconomic status, frustra-
tions, and the displacement of hostility in both the Chicano
and dominant Anglo culture help shape ethnic attitudes and
Chicano self-concepts?

2. What are some empirical studies which document
the development of racial awareness and self-concept in
Chicano children from age three through eight? What is
the role of skin color in creating self-awareness and self-
concept? What are some specific research instruments em-
ployed for this purpose and what have been the results of
these studies?

Research questions one and two were answered on the
basis of a literature review. The third question was
answered on the basis of a Dolls Test applied to a sample
of Chicano boys and girls.

3. On the basis of their responses to questions
about a Chicano doll and an Anglo doll, how would a sample
of four-year-old Chicano boys and girls compare with a
sample of eight-year-old Chicano boys and girls? Speci-
fically, it was expected that (1) the eight-year-olds

would show significantly more negative self-concept than

88

the four-year-olds, (2) the four-year-olds would be posi-
tive in self-concept, and (3) the eight-year-olds would be
negative in self-concept.

With respect to research questions one and two, the
literature review revealed the following: Group norms are
understood more accurately when viewed as subjectively
problematical values and norms rather than as objectively
given "facts." Understanding the Chicano means understand-
ing the Chicano culture, including loyalty to family and
ethnic group, importance of native language and father's
authoritative role, family influence hieducation, and non-
competitiveness and non aggressive values. Chicano chil-
dren in school are burdened by a language barrier and high
dropout rate, with middle-class administrators and teachers
imposing their values on Chicano students they often do not
understand. The curriculum fails to reflect the needs of
the Chicano child. Teachers' attitudes are often negative,
leading to self fulfilling prophecies or failure for the
Chicano child. Tests are often discriminatory because they
are not culturally relevant. Chicano parents often do not
understand the way in which a school functions and do not
c00perate or push their children in truly "middle class"
patterns, thus lessening the chance of success for their
children.

How a Chicano feels about himself or herself
derives from the defense mechanisms growing out of dis-

crimination. Defenses include denial of membership,

89

withdrawal, passivity, clowning, self-hatred, aggression
against one's own group, and group solidarity. The vic-
_tim may actually identify mentally with the point of

view, prejudices, and philOSOphy of the dominant group.
Race differences in particular may result in negative self-
perception or self-concept.

The concept of race is intertwined with color. Even
Spanish Americans may reject the darker-skinned Mexican
Americans. Studies reveal that negative roles are assigned
to dark skin color by both Blacks and Chicanos. In effect,
to be brown in skin color is to be on the way toward develop-
ing a negative self-concept.

Direct observations, behavioral traces, self-reports,
projective techniques, and/or any combinationof these have
been used widely to determine the impact of skin color on
self-concept. Costa-Robles de Suarez (1971) used black-
white stimulus pictures with young Chicano children to
demonstrate that Chicano children are aware of their own
skin color and often do not prefer their own skin color.
Other researchers have used various forms of a Dolls Test
to come to similar conclusions. These studies demonstrate
that skin visibility may be a determining factor in the
evolving, develOping self-concept of the Mexican-American
child. However, all the Dolls Tests were lacking in a
scoring system which could supply quantitative data for
statistical treatment, especially data which allowed for

gradations of response on a Likert-type scale and which

measured reaction to ppph dolls (Chicano and Anglo) by
subtracting Anglo from Chicano doll scores to produce a
single score. Thus the present research introduced a
somewhat different measure of self-concept; namely, rela-
tive self-concept.

Research question three was answered by means of
an empirical study as follows. A sample of 64 Mexican-
American children were randomly selected through the aus-
pices of the Cristo Rey Community Center in Lansing,
Michigan, a center frequented by a large number of Chicanos
of that city. Thirty-two of the children were four-year-
olds (16 boys and 16 girls) and 32 were eight-year-olds
(16 boys and 16 girls).

Each of the 64 subjects of the study was given the
Dolls Test. Each doll was about 11 inches tall and dressed
in diapers only. The Chicano doll had typical Mexican
features such as dark hair, brown skin, and dark eyes. The
Anglo doll had blond hair, blue eyes, light skin, and a
thin nose and thin lips. Each subject was classified as
positive in self-concept if his or her score was greater
than 10; neutral if the individual's score was between 10
and -10; or negative in self-concept if the individual's
score was less than -10.

Appendix A shows thetxnistatements, five of which
are positive in nature and five negative, which were used
in having each child choose a doll. Each statement be-

gins with "Show me..." If a subject selected a certain doll

91

in response to a positive statement, such as "Show me the
pretty figure," the researcher asked for the degree of
positiveness by further asking: "Very much, some, or only
a little?" The subject was scored 3, 2, or 1 respectively,
depending on which of the three alternatives was taken.
The other doll received a score of zero. Analogously, in
the case of a doll chosen in response to,a negative state-
ment ("Show me the mean doll"), the subject was scored
either -3, —2, or -1 for that doll, the other doll being
scored zero.

To obtain an individual score on the Dolls Test, the
ten non-zero scores (some for the Chicano doll and some
for the Anglo doll) were added to obtain a Chicano doll
score and an Anglo doll score. The Anglo doll score was
then subtracted from the Chicano doll score to obtain the
individual score for the entire test. Thus the scores were
computed relative to the Anglo doll. Accordingly, the mea-
sure was termed "relative self-concept," although used
interchangeably with "self-concept" in the text.

The above approach removed two defects in other Dolls-
Test procedures. First, the subject was able to respond on
a scale of from 1 to 3, thereby permitting finer gradations
of response. This was deemed essential because of the
forced-choice nature of the test. If finer gradations had
not been introduced, a subject would be forced to either be
totally positive or totally negative in response, not like-

ly to be the case in most instances. Furthermore, both

92

dolls were included in the measure of self-concept, thus
allowing in the measure for the "other" element of the
situation, an important component reflecting the study
emphasis of Chicano/Anglo culture clash as revealed, in
particular, through skin color and other facial features.
Accordingly, self-concept was, in this empirical part of
the study, expanded to mean "relative" self-concept.

Three hypotheses were tested using data gained as
described above. (1) The eight-year-old Chicano children
will as a group show significantly more negative self-
concept than the four-year-old children; (2) The group
of four-year-old Chicano children will be either positive.
or at least neutral in self-concept; and (3) The eight-
year-old Chicano children will be negative in their self-
concept. Also tested were the influence of three variables
on the relative self-concept scores of the 64 subjects
combined: sex, researcher type, and Cristo Rey experience.
Chi-square analysis (p .05) was used to test hypothesis
one and for the influence of the three variables. Hy-
potheses two and three were tested by noting in which
range--negative, neutral, or positive--the mean scores of
each group fell into. The results were as follows.

1. Hypothesis one was rejected. The four-year-
olds did not differ significantly from the eight-year-olds
on self-concept.

2. Hypothesis two was accepted. The four-year-olds

were neutral with respect to self-concept.

93

3. Hypothesis three was rejected. The eight-year-
olds were not negative with respect to self-concept; they
were neutral.

4. Sex did not differentiate relative self-
concept. That is, whether the subjects were positive,
neutral, or negative with respect to self-concept did not
depend significantly on whether they were boys or girls.

5. Researcher type did not differentiate relative
self-concept. That is, whether the subjects were positive,
neutral, or negative with respect to self-concept did not
depend significantly on whether the researcher was Chicano
or Anglo.

6. Educational experience (Cristo Rey attendance)
did differentiate the self-concept variable. Whether the
subjects were positive, neutral, or negative with respect
to self-concept depended significantly on whether they
regularly attended or did not attend the Cristo Rey Center.
Those who regularly attended the Center were positive in
self-concept. The negative self-concept scores, in fact,
were all associated with those subjects that did not attend
the Center.

Anecdotal data taken from the testing interviews
was also recorded. These anecdotal data were consistent
with the results stated in result number six above, as
well as with the findings for research questions one and

two. Positively oriented anecdotal data were consistent

94

with those from students in regular attendance at the Cen-
ter; negatively oriented anecdotal data were consistent
with those from students not in regular attendance at the
Center.

Positively oriented subjects gave the following as
reasons for their favorable relative self-concept: know-
ledge of a second language; identity with a strong culture;
identity with the Mexican flag; strong presence in America
before Anglo presence; strong family life; supportive com-
munity life in which everyone helps everyone else; good food
which others try to imitate; strong religious attitudes; re-
spect for parents; not guilty of exploiting othersauuitaking
away their land; preference for brown or tan as being in
between black and white.

Negatively oriented subjects cited reasons for their
unfavorable self-concept as follows: whites are prettier;
they appear on TV; they are smarter; they get good grades
and are good; teacher likes them better; white is a nice
color; white dolls have nice things; they are like movie
stars; they have a nice house and a car; they become Presi-
dent; they have pretty hair; they speak better; they get what
they want from their parents; they are kinder and help others,

like at Christmas; they read better; and they go on vacations.

Conclusions and Discussion

 

Based on a study of 32 four~year-old and 32 eight-

year-old Mexican American children, it was concluded that

thettwo groups did not differ significantly with respect

to relative self-concept as measured by the Dolls Test.
Consistent with study expectations, the four-year-olds

were neutral with respect to relative self-concept, .
whereas the eight-year-olds, contrary to expectations,

were neutral also. Thus each of the two groups was neither
positive nor negative with respect to relative self-concept.
Furthermore, neither the sex nor.researcher variable differ-
entiated relative self-concept for the two groups combined
(N = 64), but Cristo Rey attendance (the "education"veri-
able) did. These conclusions raise several issues in need
of further discussion.

One important issue has to do with the distinction
between self-concept and relative self-concept. Self-
concept or self-esteem measures are global in the sense
that they include a variety of experience and feelings
pertaining to how an individaul feels about his or her self.
Consistent with the approach taken by Calhoun and Morse
(1977), the present study viewed self-concept as the sub-
stantive description that one takes to identify his or her
nature, in which self is the sum Egpal of all one can call
his own. This total, however, is not exclusively a reaction
to racial or ethnic stimuli or norms.

For example, one may feel Optimistic about the self
in terms of ability to do a certain task, yet uncertain
when being compared with another person. Thus it may be

conjectured that a certain degree of ambivalence may occur

96

in which, for example, the Anglo doll is viewed positively
by a Chicano child in relation to the Chicano doll, yet
the same Chicano child making the comparison may not
necessarily have a low self-esteem. In order to verify
this conjecture, two tests are suggested: one of self-
concept (self-esteem) and another of relative self-concept
(Dolls Test). It does not necessarily follow that self-
concept (self-esteem) will correlate highly with relative
self-concept as measued by the Dolls Test.

It is not surprising, therefore, that the relative
self-concept of the children of the present study was
differentiated by the Cristo Rey educational experience.
The Center seeks to promote growth, development, and progress
among Mexican Americans. Programs at the Center include
adult education, cultural awareness, ESL, and the Spanish
language. Many Mexican-American parents send their chil-
dren to the Center to be taught about culture. The chile-
dren are taught to take price in themselves and their cul-
ture, to learn such traditions of ole as dances, plays, and
songs. They are encouraged to develop positive attitudes
about themselves and their people. Counseling of all types
is provided, covering such diverse areas as job seeking,
financial planning, day care for children, drug abuse, and
others. It is not surprising that the 64 children of the
present study who were in regular attendance at the Center
were positive in relative self-concept, while those that

did not attend the Center were all negative in relative

97

self-concept.

The anecdotal data from the children confirmed themes
established in the literature review of the present study.
Loyalty to family and personal sacrifice (Farias, 1971)
and loyalty to ethnic group (Garcia, 1974) were amply illus-
trated in the anecdotal remarks of the positively oriented
children:

"We live together as families and help each other."

"The Chicano doll is prettier because it does not
talk bad about its parents like the White doll."

"We live together as families and have good customs
and traditions."

"We have national dances."

"We are the good ones and kind ones because we all
get together and help each other."

Even the problems of language barrier (Ortega, 1970)
and skin color were favorably interpreted by the positively
oriented children.

"The Chicano doll is the smart one because it knows
about Jesus and because it knows two languages."

"The Chicano doll is prettier because it is tan and
does not have to get tanned."

"If we aren't pretty, why do others (Anglos) try to
look like us by getting tans...So that's why the Chicano
doll is the prettier one."

Anecdotal data from children negatively oriented

likewise confirmed themes established in the literature

98

review. Academic achievement and self-concept (Johnson,
1979) were reflected in a number of comments.

"The White doll is the good doll. She gets good
grades at school."

"The White doll is smarter and good. Teacher likes
them better."

"They are smarter. They read better."

"They are better because they speak better."

Features such as hair and color (Williams and Mor-
land, 1976) were the focus of some comments.

"The White doll is prettier. White is a nice color."

"They have pretty hair."

Economic deprivation was another source of negative
self-orientation.

"They have a nice house and car."

"I like the White doll better because they have nice
things."

Some of the children were motivated in part toward
negative Chicano orientation by virtue of lack of role
models (Durrett & Davy, 1970), from their own culture.

"The White doll is nicer because they are movie stars."

"Whites are smarter because they become President."

The present study found that researcher type did not
significantly differentiate the relative self—concept vari-
able. That is, whether the subjects were positive, neutral,
or negative with respect to self-concept did not depend

significantly on whether or not the researcher was Chicano

99

or Anglo. However, the Anglo researcher involved only 12
cases in the study, compared to 52 for the Chicano re-
searcher. The low frequencies in two cells of the chi-
square table (for the Anglo researcher, zero in the neutral
cell and four in the negative cell) tended to reduce the
validity of the chi-square test. A better comparison could
have been made had the Anglo researcher been involved with
a number of subjects more nearly equal to that number in-
volved with the Chicano researcher.

The Dolls Test of the present study was an improve—
ment over Dolls Tests used in other similar studies for
several reasons. First of all, other studies involving
subject responses to two or more dolls were "all or none"
response, often merely anecdotal in nature. The researchers
in such studies subjectively recorded the nature of the
responses as either positive or negative. By contrast, the
present study introduced a rating scale that made it
possible to distinguish between various degrees of orienta-
tion. Each subject was asked to indicate the degree of re-
action-~very much, some, or only a little-~which was scored
as 3, 2, or 1, respectively, as a positive number for posi-
tive orientation and as a negative number for negative
orientation. This made possible a numerical measure more
amenable to statistical analysis, as well as a more exact
measure of self-concept.

Secondly, the relative aspect of the self-concept

measure was taken into consideration when scoring each

100

individual. The Chicano subjects expressed feelings about
a Chicano doll relative to an Anglo doll. A positive score
with respect totfluaChicano doll meant that the subject
identified positively with the Chicano doll, and indirectly
this could be considered as a measure of positive self-
concept. However, if at the same time the Anglo doll
received a negative score, then relative to the Anglo doll
the self-concept could be interpreted as even greater.

This positive relative self-concept score was found by sub-
tracting the Anglo doll score from the Chicano doll score.
Similarly, if the subject had a negative attitude toward
the Chicano doll and a positive attitude toward the Anglo
doll, then subtracting the Anglo doll score from the Chicano
doll score produced an even greater negative self-concept
score relative to the Anglo doll. In particular, the mean
Chicano doll score for the 32 four-year-olds was 5.28 com-
pared to a -3.50 mean score for the Anglo doll. The very
minimal self-concept score of 5.28 was enhanced to 8.78,
the relative self-concept score, by subtracting -3.50 from
5.28. This relative score gave a better estimate of self-
concept relative to the Anglo doll, and therefore more
accurately reflected the total social situation which is
essentially one of Chicano vs. Anglo. Other researchers
using dolls made no provision for including (1) gradations
of measure (three levels in the Dolls Test used for the
present study) or (2) a measure reflecting attitudes toward

both dolls as just described for the Dolls Test.

101

If the Dolls Test had been given to an Anglo child,
the scoring procedure would have been reversed; that is,
the Chicano doll score would have been subtracted from the
Anglo doll score. Thus a score is from the point of view
of the subject taking the test. Positive statements
about a doll similar to one's own racial or ethnic status
were assumed to reflect a positive self-concept; negative
statements a negative self-concept.

It should not be concluded that the factors of skin
color, eye color, and hair alone determine the degree of
hostility from a dominant Anglo culture. One could reason
that EurOpeans such as the Italians or other Mediterranean
Europeans could qualify as Chicano on basis of such fea-
tures, yet are not discriminated against in the American
culture in the same way. Also essential are cultural fac-
tors such as language, dress, behavior, as well as resi-
dential confinements such as the barrio. Clearly a number
of factors other than physical features serve to set in
motion social prejudice which then conditions the child
in the direction of negative self-concept. Skin color,
hair, eyes, and other facial features are but identifiable
traits that set into motion certain stereotypic responses.
Nevertheless, skin color is still a major trigger of events
in such cultural conflicts.

Such considerations suggest a need to replicate the
Dolls Test experiment with modifications. For example,

two dolls could be utilized which have identical, highly

102

Anglo features but which differ sharply in skin color.
Would it then be as easy for the Chicano subject to identi-
fy with the doll or darker color? Or, two dolls could be
dressed up in different modes, one reflecting a lower class
mode of dress, the other a more middle or upper class mode.
These dress modes could be mixed with various skin colors
and other facial features for a variety of dolls. One might
even have subjects respond to recorded statements which re-
flect different speaking styles of the dolls. Could such
added complexities in research design reveal cultural fac-
tors equally important as purely physical features?

Because of the highly positive relative self-concepts
of those subjects who had regularly attended the Cristo Rey
Community Center, as compared with the highly negative
orientation of those who had not, the present study sug-
gested the importance of school-inculcated values as a
means of improving self-concept. Programs similar to the
one at the Center could be established in other cities of
the country. Dolls Tests similar to the one conducted in
the present study could be used to evaluate the effective-
ness of the programs.

Cultural homogeneity may be less existent than is
commonly thought. Knowledge of English and mental ability
scores may be more a function of class status rather than
ethnic status. In some middle-class Chicano families, the
children may be expected to perform more like their Anglo

counterparts than would be the case for Chicanos from a

103

lower socioeconomic level. It is conceivable that results
from the Dolls Test could vary considerably, depending on
the particular social class involved.

Acculturation may eventually remove the probelm ad-
dressed by the present study. This may very well lead to
the offspring of today's Chicanos becoming tomorrow's con—
sumers of culture, spending like everyone else for packaged
entertainment and manufactured goods. They may turn against
their own art and artisan work in order to participate in
the modern society.

Middle class America is by no means content, as is
amply corroborated by the huge annual medical and psychia-
tric bills. Acculturation should not become a mere trans-
mission belt for the artificial consumer values of North
American culture. The Chicanos should seek alternatives
other than those offered them by the modern consumer cul-

ture.

Recommendations

 

Four recommendations were made as a result of the
study.

1. It is recommended that the present study be
replicaged using a measure of self-esteem along with the
Dolls Test. The Dolls Test was conducted in a social
context involving two contrasting dolls. The method of
relative self-concept measure assumed that the Chicano sub-

jects' positive identification with a Chicano doll meant

104

that positive self-concept (self-esteem) was also present.
To test the hypothesis that positive self-concept (self-
esteem) is really being measured, both self-esteem and
Dolls Test data should be obtained from a sample and
correlated. It is anticipated by the present researcher
that the correlation between the two measures will be posi-
tive and high.

2. It is recommended that cultural factors other
than physical traits (such as studied in the present
research) be evaluated and compared with physical traits
for influence on relative self-concept. For example, two
dolls of identical skin color, facial, and hair features
could be dressed differentially, one according to a "lower
class" mode and the other according to a middle or upper
class mode. Repetition of the Dolls Test under these cir-
cumstances might reveal that positive or negative orienta-
tion might be significantly related to cultural factors
such as dress. Other cultural factors such as mode of
speech (using tapes, perhaps) might be introduced to
further test the influence of factors other than purely
physical features such as skin color on the Chicano child's
preferences. A number of complex designs might be employed,
testing for the influence on doll choice through various
combinations of both physical and cultural factors.

3. It is recommended that the present study, or
some suitable form of it, be replicated with two groups of

children; lower SES and Middle/upper SES. It is essential

105

to determint the extent of Chicano homogeneity with respect
to personal and cultural values. Will Chicano children
vary in their choice of dolls, depending on their social
class membership? Is the Chicano community a homogeneous
entity that always responds essentially in one way only?
4. Finally, it is recommended that the Cristo Rey
Community Center program, or some reasonable facsimile of
it, be offered to other Chicano communities throughout
America. The effects of the Center's programs were highly
positive for Chicano children's relative self-concept in
the present study. It is very likely that the benefits of
such an educational program could lead to improvement of
Chicano self-concept in all parts of the country, not just

in Lansing, Michigan.

APPENDIX A

SUBJECT: #

10.

Show
Show
Show
Show
Show
Show
5...
Show
Show

Show

AGE

 

me

me

me

me

the

the

the

the

the

the

the

the

the

the

pretty doll.
mean doll.
smart doll.
ugly‘ doll.
good doll.
dumb doll.
doll you like.
kind doll.

bad doll.

doll you don't like.

106

MALE

Chicano Doll

FEMALE

White Doll

APPENDIX B

Analysis of Cristo Rey as a Variable

ATCR AT C.R.

 

VALID CU”
VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT PERCENT .PEECENT
4' 1 4.3 4.8 4.3
12 3 9.5 9.5 14.3
15 1 4.3 4.3 19.0
16 3 14.3 14.3 35.3
18 3 14.3 14.3 37.0
19 1 4.3 4.8 52.4
20 5 14.3 14-3 56.7
21 1 0.8 405 71.4
23 1 4.3 4.9 75.2
24 3 14.3 14.3 _ 90.5
27 1 4.3 4.8 95.2
23 1 4.3 4.3 100.0
TOTAL 31 100.0 100.0

NOTCR NOT C.R.
VALID CUN
VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT PERCENT PERCENT

 

5 1 4.8 4.8 4.3
10 1 4.8 4.8 9.5
14 2 9.5 9.5 19.0
15 1 4.8 4.8 23.8
17 1 4.8 4.8 38.6
18 1 4.8 4.8 33.3
19 2 9.5 9.5 42.9
20 3 14.3 14.3 57.1
21 3 14.3 14.3 71.4
22 1 4.8 4.8 76.2
24 1 4.8 4.8 31.0
26 1 4.8 4.8 35.7
37 1 4.8 4.8 90.5
28 1 403 403 7502
30 1 408 4.3 100.0

TOTAL 31 100.0 100.0

ATCR

COUNT NIRPOINT

'J
0
1

DIJ Cu CO<D £3 r

oc:.-.--oa-c-.a..-e..¢...-.

NRTCR

COUNT NIRPOINT

C

'J C! h (:0 C. h-

r‘ >~ (4 L” r4 r— r«

f—~ " D“.

0 '.~

AT C.R.

1.0
205
4.0
5.5
7.0
8.5
10.0
11.5
13.0
14.5
16.0
17.5
1900
30.5
22.
23.5
25.0
26.5
28.0
29.5
31.0

NOT C.R.

3.0
4.5
6.0
7.5
9.0
10.5
12.0
13.5
15.0
16.5
1800
19.5
21.0
22.
24.0
35.5
27.0
28.5
30.0
31.5

33.0

1(38

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HISTUGRAH FREQUENCY
HISSINS CASES 0

APPENDIX C

110

Dunbmmbmeo mH>HHmHHnm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

H. N. u. b. m. o. u.
glumnmpnhn,§
mmx z>vm z>rm z>rm z>rm mmz>rm mmz>wm mmz>rm
>om m m m m m m m
m>zHra mHNm
w 2 a a w b u
m>zHra
mwu.ooo.oo w~¢.boo.oo «Ho.ooo.oo m~2.ooo.oo «Nu.ooo.oo «Hp.ooo.oo abo.ooo.oo
Hzoozm :oammw
o m».oco.co o mu.ooo.oo mo.ooc.oo o o

mHnmmma mu. wwnm.

m>a=mw an: Ho": wag HM”: Hen: an: .noHHmma
rm<mw om .
m>wmzam zoammw

an: pony, wmw «pmnr‘ an:, “my HNnu

 

 

*mHznrm Soammw m>wwza.

w»mHzorm m>ammx m>wmze.

 

 

 

 

111

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

:mHznrm zoammw m>wmze.

22mH2n2m m>ammw m>wmze.

 

UEHHSHQ
m. o. . Ho.. . .

a,» 22 2N. 22. 22.
max mmz>wm :22m :22m z>rm z>rm mmz>rm mmz>wm
>om m 2 2 2 2 2 2
m>zHr< mHNm

. m m o 2 2 m w
m>szm ».

mN~.oco.oo mHo.ooo.oo m~w.ppp.oo .mp2.ooo.oo «NN.ooo.oo 222.coo.oo 22o.ooo.oo
Hzoqzm scammw
«m.ooa.oo «Nu.ooo.oo mo.ooo.oo mm.oco.oo o o o
mHommma mu.
_ m>ezmw Han 52: 5": an: an: an: 223
rm<mr om .
m>wmzam scammw
5n: :1» an? m1. 1m} O m1.

 

 

112

UMEDDW>WIHO mH>HHmHHnm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hm. 22. H5. Hm. we. no. .
Ilmnhpnna a N2
max mmz>rm mmz>rm z>Hm z>rm z>bm z>rm z>rm
>om 2 2 m m m m m
m>zHr4 mHNm
2 2 w m 2 u m
w>zHr< muu.ooo.oo «Nu.ooo.oo www.0oo.oo m-.ooo.oo m o mN~.ooo.oo «Nu.ooo.oo
Han3m scammw »
mm.ooo.oo m¢.ooo.oo o o mp2.ooo.oo ..o mu.ooo.oo
=Hn=mma mo.
. Fw>a=mw 22": pan: Hun: was O was an:
rm<mr om —11 .
w>wmzam scammw pnns won: an: on: may um: . on:

 

 

 

smHznrm zoammw w>wmza.

*thznfim m>emmw m>~mza.

 

113

NM.

Nu.

DmubmwbmmHn mH>HHmHHnm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

N2. Nm. N¢. ~w. mm.
LnlmanMhH,m
max z>rm z>rm z>rm z>rm :22m :22m :22m
>nm m m m m m m m
m>zHr< mHNm o u m 2 u m o
m>zHra »»
Imwp4bbblbbll:hhu+bbbbbbllMN».coo-so mNmuooo.oo MNu.ooo.oo mpmpooo.oo
Hzoozm scammw
o m~¢.ooo.oo mm.ooo.oo o m2.ooo.co o o
=Hn=mma mu.
. 32.2% o 59 8:. 59 on: 3. m9
vm<wr ow —11 . .
w>wmzam zoammw on: ”was ~Hn: an: HNn: Hen: 2n:

 

 

*mHzorm zoammw w>wmze.

*thznrm w>a=mw w>wmza.

 

 

114

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2r-“ -\
szbmwbmmHo mH>HHmHHom
No. we. wu. w». um. w2. um.
:ImnuLMBH a
mmx wmz>bm mmz>Hm mmz>Hm wmz>fim wmz>bm wmz>rm mmz>rm
>om m m m m m m m
m>zHr< mHNm 2 2 u m m 2 2
m>zHr<
o mw~.ooo.oo 01 {nwupboo.oc www.ooo.oo mm2.ooo.oo mum.oco.oo
HZGOZm zoazmw 2 »
muw.ooo.oo m2.oco.oo m-.ooo.co o mm.ooo.oo m2.ooo.oo myo.ooo.oo
xHozmma mu. 2 wnm.
—m>dmmw 0 en: 0 Han: Hun: wwn: nowwmmm
rm<mw om _ .
w>wmzem zoammw 2%Hm.
mnr on: um: _~nr ~vwr‘ .Imwr wwwwomolll

 

 

:mHznfim 3083a” w>wm2H.

2»mHzaum m>a=mw w>wmza.

 

115

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

cmgbmwbwmwn ma>aHmaHom
um. 25. . um. um. 2o. 22. 2N.
EH2
max mmz>rm mmz>rm mmz>rm mmz>rm wmz>rm mmz>wm :22m
20m m m m m m 2 2
m>zHra mHNm 2 u u u u m m
mszrm _
m-.ooo.oo m~2-ooo-oo mwo.ooo.oo 1o m22.ooo.oo www.oco-oo annupbbrpp.
Hzoozm scammw » ‘
mo.ooo.oo o m2.ooo.oo 222.coc.oo m_~.ooo.co o o
:Hnmmma mu. _ wn. 2 «a.
m>ammw nowpmmm on: OOHHmmm o on: won: mm:
rm<mw om . .
w>wmzam scammw 2N": pom: _~n: 2N": 22": an: o

 

 

 

2mHznrm Sedan” w>wmze.

.2mazarm m>a=mw m>wmza.

 

 

116

2m.

22.

2m.

phubmwbwsno ma>HHmHHnm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

»MH2Qrm zoammw w>wmza.

*meznfim w>a=mw w>wmza.

 

 

 

 

 

EH * #¢. bu. N«m. be.
max
Em :25 3251er E: a 222:... EEIL
>nm 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
m>2~ra mHNm u m 2 m m m m
m>zer
m~2+ppprpbuy.xm~ouooo.oo o. mNN.ooo.oo m2~.ooo.oo mwu.ooo.oo m~2.ooo.oo
Hzaozm :oammx
o mm.ooo.oo mmm.ooo.oo o ma.ooo.oo o mm.ooc.oo
:Hozmma mo.
W529 on: 59 0 59 mm: in: an:
rm<mw om _ .
w>wmzem scammw Hon: 2N": 2 w”. an: N": c an:
DDHHWNR

 

 

 

117

numbnwbmeo mH>HHmHHom

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

max 2222 3222 3222 222222 222222 222222 222222
222222 2222 u 2 2 2 2 2 2
‘2‘

222222 222.222.22 o 2-.ooo.oo o o 222.222.22 222.222.22
Hzoczm zoasmw o 222.222.22 o 222.222.22 222.222.22 o 2
2222222 no.

. m>a=mw 22: o 222 o o 222 222
rm<mr om
2>wmzam zoaxmw 222 222 222 22: 2222 222 222

 

 

meznrm zoammw m>wmza.

22222222 m>a=mw w>wmza.

 

 

118

 

cEaHmeHnm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1E * MN. mm. we. @0. $H. @N. Qw.
2222 2.222222 2.2.2522 2.222.222 222222.22 22:222.. 222222.22 22222.2
.222 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
2.22252 2222 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
2.222252

222.222.22 222.222.22 o 222.222.22 222.222.22 222.222.22 222.222.22
2282222 2.8.2.2522 22.898 0 222.898 222.898 22.28.22 22.82.22 2
222222222. no. 2.2222222 22.22 . .. .- 22.2.
2.53.22. om _ . 52222 82.2 0 00:22.21 1:22 nothhn 222.
_11 anm. anm.

w>wmzam zoeamw 222: 222: on: oowwmmm Hwn: nowwmmm o

 

 

thznrm Soammw w>wmza.

*»mHznrm M>H3mw w>wwza.

 

 

 

ch-rdcrr >>fVIHHflF7 HazpnaH O

*2MHZOFN Wham—mm HngH Pl

119

 

cmzonwbmen mH>HHmaHnm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MCENDH % $b.
mmx mmz>rm
”MmCPHm
>Om b
. ><mw>0m M>ZHE< mHNm I m
fi>Hmmw l m~©.¢©u.wm
><mw>nm HZOOKM m
M>ZHE< MHNM N Koammw I m m.mwm.~w
M>KHVK 1 —m>HEww. mNb.OOO.OO w>flmmw I m.Mb
a ><mw>nm NU. fim<mfi
HZOOZN zoammw. mm.ooo.oo 3062mm u ©.~m
:Hnmmmfl MU.
m>fimmw
fim<MV 0% “ pNnfi
ZOHEM”
Hm Hun:

 

»MHznrm zoammw w>wmze.

2» Hznr m M” .

 

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