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A Study of One Asoect of tae folitios, Literature fiferiod. and Aroiiteoture of the ueen Anne presented by Joan Louise Tyndall Ursndall has been accepted towards fulfillment PhD Date 0-7639 November 2, of the requirements for mgmehIInterdisciplinary studies Wéaég Major professor 1973 LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES retum on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE e v ' A MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution chWMCi-D I ABSTRACT BLENEEIM: BATTLE, PALACE AN'D SYMBOL. A STUDY OF ONE ASPECT OF THE POLITICS, LITERATURE AND ARCHITECTURE OF THE QUEEN ANNE PERIOD. By Joan Louise Tyndall Crandall The immediate problem incident to all interdisciplinary study is one of synthesis. I have chosen to use a central event of the War of the Spanish Succession under Queen Anne, namely the battle of Blenheim, as an integrating symbol of the early eighteenth-century milieu insofar as it encompassed literature, politics and architecture. In addition, two of the leading figures of the time, the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough, serve as catalytic agents in this synthesis. Historical events of the reign of Queen Anne form the continuing background for this work, and since the growth of Whig and Tory parties was one of the main developments of that reign, there is considerable emphasis on politics throughout the study. Indeed, the political situ- ation of the period was also a main social force, influencing literature and the arts as well as other areas of life. There was no isolation or alienation of the artist in eighteenth-century life; in literature for example, the leading writers of the day--Addison, Defoe, Swift, Steele and Prior-~were also active in political life as office holders and party propagandists. Samples of their partisan writing are examined here, Joan Louise Tyndall Crandall particularly as they refer to the battle of Blenheim, the palace and the Duke of Marlborough. In addition, seven obscure pieces representing the British Museum's holdings of Blenheim literature are discussed in terms of their diction and the implications of that dictions as well as, more importantly, in terms of the varying political views expressed. These pieces are reproduced in an appendix. Similarly, the close relationship between the political, social and the artistic life of the period is reflected in English Baroque architecture as exemplified by Blenheim Palace, built for Marlborough to commemorate both the victory and Anne's reign. The architect of Blenheim Palace, John Vanbrugh, also an office holder and playwright, thus exemplifies the interrelationship between public life and the arts. In the powerful movement and somewhat awkward grandeur of the architecture of Blenheim Palace Vanbrugh was expressing the same involvement with life, the patriotism, vitality and emergent power which was also present in the literature and politics of Queen Anne's day. Throughout this study the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough have served as a focus for the discussion of social, political and aesthetic relation— ships. Their sphere of power and influence spread into so many facets of English life during Anne's reign that they have become almost symbolic of their age, and their interaction with the other leading figures of the day formed the very fabric of society during the opening years of the eighteenth century. Hence it can be seen how a battle and a palace and the literature that came into being as a result of those two phenomena can be used to throw light on a whole period of history. __ 19.. .. . BLENHEIM: BATTLE, PALACE AND SYMBOL. A STUDY OF ONE ASPECT OF THE POLITICS, LITERATURE AND ARCHITECTURE OF THE QUEEN ANNE PERIOD. By Joan Louise Tyndall Crandall A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Interdisciplinary Studies 1973 -———_ .V DEDICATION To the Sedate Eight: A remarkable group of marine engineers and friends who never allowed a realistic appraisal of the situation to interfere with their steadfast encouragement, support and appreciation of my endeavor. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge the help of Mrs. Aida Rens, Creston High School Latin teacher, in translating the quotation preceeding Addison's poem The Campaign. I am also indebted to Alan Kieda Jr., Kendall School of Design student, for the sketches of Blenheim Palace and Castle Howard, and to Dr. Sylvia England, British Museum librarian, for the prompt and efficient research as well as her warm personal interest in my work. Finally, I want to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Mrs. Louise Roest, whose skill and patience made this work possible. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. The Battle of Blenheim. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. Literature of Blenheim. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. Blenheim Palace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IV. The Aftermath of Blenheim: Conclusion. . . . . . . Appendix: Literature on Blenheim from the British Museum.. iv 31 81 107 133 Figure Figure Figure Figure LIST OF FIGURES 1. Castle Howard, courtyard front. . . . . . . . 86 2. Courtyard Plan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 3. Corner pavilion, North front, Blenheim. . . . 100 h. South front, Blenheim. . . . . . . . . . . . 101 INTRODUCTION The period of the reign of Queen Anne (1702-171h) lends itself well to interdisciplinary study because it was a time when there was a natural and particularly close interrelationship between different aspects of society. The age was one of generalization and synthesis rather than specialization and isolation; for the most part, men still felt adequate to deal with all facets of their lives. One of the most effective integrating forces present in England at the time was political interest. Eventually the eighteenth century was to witness two political and military revolutions of lasting world-wide significance, and already at the very beginning of the century the seeds of those political upheavals could be discerned in England, in the form of an intense concern with man's inherent as well as legal right to per— sonal, religious and political freedom. This preoccupation with politics and governmental forms ran through virtually all aspects of life in Anne's reign, influencing everything from education and literature to family alliances and club membership. Indirectly, it even affected the fine arts, insofar as it determined who would receive commissions from which clients. Since eighteenth-century artists felt themselves to be integral parts of society, their political concerns and preferences found expres~ sion in their work, and thus can serve directly to increase an understanding of their age. In this study, Queen Anne herself plays a similar integrating role, since she attempted to stay above party strife, appointing whenever L_—__—_ possible those men who would serve England's cause selflessly and thus trying to avoid the total disruption of governmental processes which partisan strife occasionally threatened. It was a foregone conclusion, therefore, that the political events of Anne's reign would necessarily form the background for this study. In addition, particular focus is placed on the'War of the Spanish Succession, the Duke of Marlborough, and the Battle of Blenheim. Literature and architecture connected with the Battle and the Duke serve to provide a different frame of reference for the period, adding to an appreciation of the ideas and emotions influencing Englishmen at that time. The emphasis throughout this work has been on synthesis and inte- gration of ideas rather than.on independent, original research; thus the period of Queen Anne will hepefully come into view as an entity, its themes echoed in many aspects of society, its attitudes and assumptions made clearer through references to the personalities, events and creative endeavors of the day. Since the twelve short years of Anne's reign had been recorded.minutely by a notable historian, G.M; Trevelyan's England Under Queen.Anne serves as the basic background text for this study. Other valuable references include Leslie Stephen's English Literature and Society in the Eighteenth Century, Alexandre Beljame's Men of Letters gngthe English Public in the Eighteenth Century, and, in ardhitecture, Blenheim Palace by David Green, English Baroque Architecture by Kerry Downes, and John Summersonfls Architecture in Epitain 1530-1830. Whenever possible, I have gone to contemporary sources for specific commentary, not only to give a.more accurate account of events, but also to show through the lively and colorful writing of the time how active and pro- vocative the issues and participants were. There is, in fact, an enormous amount of vitality in this short his- torical period. It was a time when nothing was sacred, politically; all things were up for questioning and examination. As such, it was a period of intense growth as well as friction, and it is possible it is still somewhat underrated for the indirect influence it may have had on suc- ceeding generations. The Battle of Blenheim On February 20, 1702, the horse on which William III was riding stum- bled in a mole hole and threw the King. Only his collarbone was broken, but the resulting internal injuries and his general poor health led to his death on March 8. His passing was not too deeply felt by most Englishmen; in fact the Tories proposed toasts to the mole, masking their political meaning by drinking to 'the little gentleman in brown velvet.‘ His preference for all things Dutch, his ill-concealed disdain of Whig and Tory political maneuvering, his long absences from the country all served to alienate him from English hearts. His one obsession was the defeat of France and the consolidation of a Protestant alliance in Europe, and it has been estimated that "William's War" had cost 3% million pounds a year for the nine years it had lasted, so that by 1702 England had a war debt of 1h% million, to be paid primarily by the Tory gentry through the land tax.1 Queen Mary, his one tie to English affections, had been dead for eight years, and William sorely needed her graciousness to smooth over his abrasive qualities. His religious tolerance won him some friends among the dissenters, notably Daniel Defoe, and his perspi- cacity has since been appreciated, but in general William III was a prophet without much honor in his adopted country. It is small wonder, then, that Queen Anne was welcomed so wholeheart— edly to the throne. Her credentials were impeccable by English standards: she was the legitimate daughter of James II and she was Protestant. Even 1 G. M. Trevelyan, "Blenheim", En land Under ueen Anne, 3 Vols., I (London: Longmans, Green & Co. Ltd., 1930 , p. 156. Hereafter cited as "Blenheim". 1 2 though her mother, Anne Hyde, had been a commoner, she came from a nota- ble political family that had shared the exile of Charles II and James II. The one unorthodox factor in Anne's succession was the existence, in France, of James' legitimate son, whose titles ranged from Prince of Wales to "warming—pan baby." This was the crux of the problem: traditionally in England, as else— where in Europe, a male heir inherited the throne in preference to a female, regardless of age. However, the Bill of Rights passed by Par— liament in Dec. 1688 stated: Whereas it hath been found by experience that it is incon- sistent with the safety and welfare of this Protestant king- dom to be governed by a popish prince, or by any king or queen marrying a papist, the said lords, spiritual and tem- poral, and commons, do further pray that it may be enacted that all and every person and persons that is, are, or shall be reconciled to, or shall hold communion with, the See or Church of Rome, or shall profess the popish religion, or shall marry a papist, shall be excluded and be forever in- capable to inherit, possess, or enjoy the crown and govern- ment of this realm. Since the young prince, Anne's brother, was Catholic, he was automatically disqualified from the throne. In addition to the Parliamentary ban, a story had circulated regarding the baby's birth that cast doubt upon his legitimacy, saying that the Queen had had an infant smuggled into her lying-in hidden in a warming pan, and the heir was therefore suppositi- tious. Anne chose to believe the warming-pan story, and the significance of this preference for a poorly substantiated rumor over a Parliamentary statute is essential to an understanding of the time. The conflict be- tween Parliamentary government and the Divine Right of Kings had not yet been completely resolved either by the Queen or many of her countrymen, 2 Quoted in Will Durant, Story of Civilization (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1963), VIII, 298. 3 and aspects of both theories are manifested throughout Anne's reign. At the time of Anne's coronation, however, all such difficulties were disregarded by Queen.and subjects alike. To many English minds, Queen Mary's reign had been.marred by her sharing the throne with William. Necessary though he had been to preserving a Protestant monarchy, he was still a foreigner, and the English were always suspicious of foreigners. New, however, a Stuart queen.who was untainted by foreign influence was ascending the throne. Her uncle and father had been under the pay and influence of Louis XIV of France, and her sister had been dominated by a Dutch husband, but Anne's allegiance was clearly shown in her first speech to Parliament: "As I know my heart to be entirely English, I can very sincerely assure you that there is not one thing’you can expect or desire of me which I shall not be ready to do for the happiness and pros— perity of England." It appeared that a truly English Queen was ascending the throne, and the entire country rejoiced. Perhaps the flavor of that triumphant day, so full of archaic rituals, can best be recaptured by a contemporary account. The following appeared in the London Gazette, April 23-27, 1702: This Day being the Festival of St. George, the Solemnity of the Coronation of Her Sacred Majesty Queen Anne was performed at Westminster in the manner following: Her Majesty being'come to Westminster-Hall about Eleven of the Clock, and having returned into the Court of'Wards, the Nbbility, and those who formed the First Part of the Proceeding,'being’put in Order by the Heralds, came down in Solemn Procession into westminster Hall, where Her Majesty being seated under Her State, the Swords and Spurs were presented to her, and laid upon the Table at the upper end of the Hall. Then the Dean and Prebendaries of Westminster having brought the Crown and other Regalia, with the Bible, Chalice, and Paten, they were presented severally to Her Majesty, and shortly after were, together with the Swords and Spurs, delivered to the Lords appointed to carry them. (Here fellows a description of the order of the procession.) h Then the Queen in her Royal Robes of Crimson Velvet, wear- ing the Collar of the Order of the Garter, as all the Knights of the Order did, and on Her Head a rich Circlet of Gold and Diamonds, supported by the Bishops of Durham and Exeter under a Canopy born by twelve Barons of the Cinque-Ports, Her Train born by the Dutchess of Somerset, assisted by the Lady Elizabeth Seymour, the Lady Mary Pierpont, Jersey Lord Chamberlain, the Serjeants at Arms and Gentlemen Pensioners going on each side of the Regalia and Canopy. . . Thus the whole Proceeding marched on foot upon Blue Cloth to Westminster-Abby (only the Queen had the conveniency to be carried in a low open Chair all the way) and the Houses on each side being crowded with vast numbers of Spectators, expressing their great Joy and Satisfaction by loud and repeated Acclamations. . . The Queen dined at a Table at the upper end of the Hall, with His Royal Highness Prince George on her left Hand, and the Nebility and other Persons of Quality were seated at their respective Tables, which were all ready furnished before their coming in; the Hot Meat or First Course for Her Majesties Table, for which space was left, was served up with the proper Ceremony, being preceded by the Officers, &. of the Board of Greencloth, and by the Lord High Steward, be— tween the Lord High Constable and Earl—Marshall on Horseback. . . Dinner being ended, and all things performed with great Splendor and Magnificence, about half an hour past Eight in the Evening Her Majesty return'd to St. James's. The Day concluded with Bonfires, Illuminations, Ringing of Bells, and other Demon— strations of a general Satisfaction and Joy. Anne had never been a beauty, even in her salad days, and at her coro- ~ nation she was 38, a much more advanced age then than it is now. She had endured at least seventeen pregnacies, such matters being carefully noted in a royal princess, but only one child had survived infancy, and he had succumbed to smallpox the year before, in 1701. The tragedy of her child- lessness had marked its passage on her face as well as her spirit, and she was subject to severe attacks of gout which left her incapable of walking; such an attack was, in fact, the reason for her being carried in an open chair during the coronation procession. Her disposition was be- nign but phlegmatic; her coronation portrait by Lely shows a short, plump 3Quoted in W.B. Ewald, The Newsmen of ueen Anne R0 es Ro alt and Reporters) (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1958; pp. 26—29. Original spelling and punctuation. 5 woman who looks solemn, kind, and altogether matronly, as if she were transferring all her thwarted motherhood to the squabbling, struggling adolescent nation she was to rule. She was blessed with neither charm nor intelligence, and those who sought a sparkling society at court were soon disappointed, for the queen was incapable of even the most rudi- mentary small talk or social grace. Nevertheless, it would be a grave misunderstanding of the time to discount Anne's influence on the basis of these deficiencies of personality; for Anne had two qualities that proved of more basic value than any amount of personal accomplishment. The first of these was sincere commitment to the welfare of the English people that transcended any thought of personal gratification or power. Simply, Anne wanted to be a good queen for her people. The second qual- ity which she brought to her reign and which she alone of the Stuarts possessed, was an almost intuitive rapport with the English public. Anne did not need informers or advisors to tell her what the man in the street was feeling: she sensed it, and might often feel the same way herself. Moreover, she heeded the public desires, and this is why, though always throughout her reign she was influenced by those more intelligent, will- ful and articulate than herself, whenever their intentions varied from what she believed to be the public interest she threw off their influ- ence and pursued the course she thought "right". As Trevelyan explains it: This battle to maintain the right of the Crown to choose its servants independent of party and of Parliament, was waged by the Queen alone throughout her reign; first against High Tories, then against Whigs; now at the instance of her do— mestic favourites, now in opposition to their demands. It was Queen Anne's personal contribution to the constitutional and political history of her reign. The future was against it, for Parliamentary Cabinet Government was destined to dis— place the old idea of Ministers chosen by the King. But Anne's stubborn fight for the ancient rights of the monarch in this 6 matter probably enabled England to wage the war effective- ly in the early years of her reign in spite of the High Tory majority in the Commons, and to get peace at last in spite of the Whig majority of 1708—1710. Thus, Anne determinedly preserved the image of her Divine Right to rule, even though she was perfectly aware that she owed her throne to an act of Parliament. The dilemma faced by the Church of England, and therefore by Anne, its faithful adherent, was that Protestantism had been preserved at the price of breaking one of the Church's most cher— ished tenets, namely that to disobey the King was in effect to sin a against God, since the King ruled according to God's will. James II, however, had not only been disobeyed, he had been replaced, and his daughters Mary and Anne as well as many of the Bishops had concurred with that action. It was a compromise with conscience few Englishmen regretted, but it resulted in a certain ambivalence which may bear ex— planation. It seems evident that while the practical politicians in Parliament were determined to control the monarchy through regulating taxation and appropriations, the majority of the English people were considerably less sophisticated, and yearned for a Monarch with the aura of divinity. This may explain the enthusiastic response when Anne revived the tradition of the Royal touch to cure scrofula, or "the Kings' evil". A Stuart gift, the touch had understandably lapsed under William; not only was he of the wrong family, but his pragmatic Calvinist nature would not in any case have been in agreement with such superstitious be- havior. Anne restored the ritual, and special days were designated for the ceremony. A bit of gold was tied by a string about the sufferer's neck, and though a few cynics claimed it was more for the gold than the LL"Blenheim", p. 176. 7. cure that the supplicants flocked to Whitehall, it seems evident that a sincere wish to believe in the miracle was the primary motive. At least one small sufferer named Samuel Johnson, who was touched by the Queen when he was three years old, remembered and told about it often in later years. It was also at this time that various stories of miracles performed through the auspices of the "martyred" Charles I were circulated, and two paintings were hung at Oxford, one showing the crucified Christ, the other a deliberately similar pose of Charles. The ambivalence of the issue was such that while Jacobites were considered enemies of the crown and the embarrassing existence of the Pretender ignored and denied as much as possible, Anne's resentment of the Hanoverian succession was equally strong. 'William Lecky'comments on Anne's position thus: In the eyes of the upholders of Divine right, she was as near a legitimate soverign as it was then possible for a Protestant to be, and it was felt that her own sympathies would be entirely with the legitimate cause, but for her stronger affection for the English Church. In this respect, she represented with singular fidelity the feelings of her peOple, and she became the provisional object of much of that peculiar attachment which is usually bestowed on a soverign whose title is beyond dispute. At Anne's side during the coronation, understandably savoring the longa awaited rise to preeminence, were John and Sarah Churchill, Lord and Lady iMarlborough. Their friendship with Anne was of long duration: it had be- gun with Sarah and Anne as close girlfriends during their adolescence. Sarah had been brought to court at age twelve by her older sister Frances, a lady in waiting to the Duchess of'York, Anne's mother. Sarah was beau- tiful in the sparkling way that comes from intelligence, wit and strong 5 A Histo of land in the E1 teenth Ce , (New York: Appleton &Co.,12 , I, 31;. 8 will; she was never bored or apathetic, but passionately interested in the people and events around her. In addition, she was adept at con- versation, theatricals and cards, the favorite activities of the Stuart princessess' teenage court. Anne saw in Sarah all the qualities which she herself lacked. When Sarah was absent, conversation was painfully dull and desultory and time dragged, so Anne clung to her friend with the same tenacity she was to display in more important matters once she was Queen. John Churchill had been a fixture of James' court since 1666 when he arrived with his older sister Arabella. The Churchill brother and sister successfully made their way, John in James' army, Arabella in his bed. By one of the curious twists of fate, the Duke of Berwick, son of James and Arabella, rose to become a French general and a formidable adversary to his uncle John during the War. In the enforced intimacy of James' court, it was inevitable that John Churchill and Sarah Jennings became well acquainted; their court— ship is minutely recorded in innumerable notes and letters, after the fashion of the day, but the actual date of their marriage is uncertain—- the best authority places it sometime in the winter of 1677-78.6 In 1683 Princess Anne's own wedding was arranged to Prince George of Denmark, the younger brother of King Christian V. Although the Prince was considered dull and rather stupid by most Englishmen, he was good natured and conscientious, within his capabilities, and Anne was devoted to him. The climax in the early friendship between the two couples came in 1689 when John Churchill cocked a weather eye toward the gathering 6 Churchill, Marlborou his Life and Times, (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1968 , I, p. 62. 9 'Protestant wind'7 and decided to wager his future with the Stuart princesses, even though he was at the time an officer in James' army. He defected to William's invasion forces at the eleventh hour, while Sarah whisked Anne away from St. James' palace in a daring middle-of— the—night escapade. Time and events proved the Churchills' course of action to be exceptionally perspicacious, and Anne's coronation marked their triumph as well as hers. One of Anne‘s first official acts as the new Queen of England was to re-declare war on France. It was in reality a continuation of William's war, the same one that had provoked such resistence from Parliament. This time, however, the war was wholly supported by both the ministry and the people at large; men and supplies were appropriated with comparative dispatch and the public mood was for immediate and fierce confrontation. The reason for this about face centered arOund an incident that had occurred six months earlier in St. Germains. James II had died, and in addition to a surprisingly large and loyal coterie, left as heir his son James, whom Louis XIV promptly proclaimed James III, rightful King of England. Historians have devoted many pages to Louis' possible reasons for this gesture, but it seems likely that the French King simply believed it to be true. Louis XIV was among the last, and greatest, of the absolute monarchs of Europe. He ruled by Divine Right, which he had acquired at birth, and the English Bill of Rights, written, as he thought, by a group of heretics, meant nothing to him. Since Louis had never ceased to recognize James II as King of 7William's army landed in the West of England; James' forces, sta- tioned on the Thames, were forced to wait favorable wind to reach the Channel. Once there, his ships were first becalmed and then driven to port by a gale, subsequently called the Protestant Wind. 10 England, what could be more natural than the similar recognition of his son? His more astute advisors were apalled at his pronouncement, for they perceived, correctly, that nothing Louis could have done would have better served to provoke English wrath. The ingrained hatred and suspi- cion of foreign interference boiled up in Whig and Tory alike and the whole country was bent on immediate war. Fortunately, England had some ready-made allies. William III, concerned over the balance of power in Europe, had formed a Grand Alliance with Austria and the Netherlands just before his death. Even more fortunate was the fact that Marlborough had been William's emmissary at the negotiations. Now, as Anne's chief in command, his acquaintanceship with the Allied leaders was invaluable. Even with the aid of allies, however, England's position at the onset of the war was precarious. The most powerful nations in Europe were ranged against her, and they had the advantage of fighting on home ground, while English troops had to be transported hundreds of miles away before they could meet the enemy. All this confronted the newly crowned Anne, and if Louis failed to recognize the formidability of his enemy, it was because he had no way of knowing that this ailing, stubborn Queen had gathered about her one of the most effective political groups in English History. As the commanding general of the Allied forces, she had Marlborough. His bril— liance as a military strategist was as yet unknown in Europe, but his tact and diplomatic skills had been proved at the negotiations for the Grand.Alliance, and he had the total support of the queen. Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, was at Anne's side as friend, confidante and Sharp-witted protectress who shielded the queen from the crowds of Office-seekers and petitioners who gathered daily at Whitehall. 11 Besides the Marlboroughs, there was Sidney, Lord Godolphin who served as Lord Treasurer. A longutime member of Anne's inner circle, his friendship with the Marlboroughs was strengthened by the marriage in 1698 of his son Francis to Henrietta Churchill, daughter of John and Sarah. More civil servant than politician, Godolphin had served both Whigs and Tories; and his competence in finance was such that Marlborough literally demanded his appointment, knowing he could thereby be assured of steady, continuous supplies for his armies. Sarah doted on Godolphin, calling his "the best man who ever lived". Although Swift tried to discredit his integrity in the pamphlet The Conduct of the Allies, the fact that Godolphin died a comparatively poor man in that age of universal pocket- lining speaks rather eloquently for his honesty. As Speaker of the House, and later Secretary of State, Anne had Robert Harley. Son of an officer under Cromwell, Harley's Puritanism showed in his chaste private life and his sense of dedication to his work. His methods were anything but straightforward; in fact, he was often devious when there was no need. Nevertheless, his strategy was successful. He was a favorite with Anne, who, as Elizabeth Hamilton describes it in Backstairs Draggn, "found his visits a pleasant change from the lugubrious com- pany of Godolphin or the overbearing presence of Tory zealots. She liked his political theories (which were that people and parties must go to the Queen and not she to them) Harlgy never forgot that she was a woman, and courted her as such." Harley's job was to handle Commons, and he was a master at it. A moder- ate Tory, he nevertheless catered to Whig leaders, building a precarious but workable group of moderate backers more loyal to the Queen and the suCOess of the war than to party. His famous 'backstairs diplomacy' was 8(London: Hamish Hamilton, 1969) p. 68. 12 not confined to Whitehall; partly from a desire to know the grass roots opinions of the English public and partly from his love of secrecy, he developed the first secret service, with Daniel Defoe as his chief spy, and received regular reports from all over the country, including Scotland. The Marlborough-Godolphin-Harley government, called in fact the Triumvirate, was united not only by personal relationships, but by a mutually held philosophy. They called themselves Tories, although both Godolphin and Harley had worked for Whig governments in the past; in fact they were the Queen's servants, and considered themselves above—-or at least outside--partisan concerns. They knew, perhaps better than any other men then in England, the enormity of the gamble involved in waging war with France, and the disasterous results if that gamble should fail. In their own broad over—view of English concerns, the bickerings and petty squabbles of the Whigs and Tories seemed ignoble and insignificant. In this last estimate lay the seeds of their downfall; the partisan battles might have been ignoble indeed, but they were far from insignif- icant, and in the end both parties were to turn against the three giants who disdained them. In 170R another member was added to the elite circle of influence: young Henry St. John became Secretary of War. A brilliant orator, he had served as spokesman for the Tory back-benchers, and had been noticed by Harley. Half Marlborough's age, St. John admired the General to the Point of hero worship, and began his duties of providing recruits and supplies for the army with enthusiastic dedication. Among the mature, Seasened group, St. John showed like the bright blade he was, although his immoral personal life kept Anne from ever truly liking him. He was ovelflnhelmingly ambitious, and had, in those days, a lean and hungry look that should have warned Marlborough, if he had not been so preoccupied 13 with the war. Although he was to prove instrumental in their eventual downfall, at the onset of his ministry, St. John was happy to be in ap- prenticeship to Harley and the General, learning from their experience and basking in their reflected glory. For all the astute leadership evident at Whitehall, Parliament was still to be reckoned with in the successful prosecution of the war, and the Whig and Tory factions were never more vociferous than in the early days of Anne's reign. The lines between party views are considerably dimmed at this point in time, but in broad outline the differences were these: The Whigs were made up of dissenters, city dwellers (primarily Londoners) and those with business or financial interests. They favored the strong prosecution of the war, were primarily anti-French, had been in favor of William and were committed to a Hanoverian succession, Al- though they had not reaped the rewards they had hoped from William, they were even less favored by Anne, because she was a firm Tory; however, they felt themselves to be truer to her interests——i.e. the success of the war--than was her own party. The Tories were primarily land owners; their wealth was in their acreage and they paid, through the Land Tax, more toward supporting the War than did the city Whigs. They preferred a limited naval war to Marlborough's all-out overland effort, believing that securing profitable trade routes was more important than winning battles. They still had Jacobite leanings, were anti-Dutch, and in spite of the Act of Settle— ment favored a Stuart Succession, if something could be done to change the Pretender's religion. One of the first acts of the Tories after Anne's coronation was to introduce the Occasional Conformity Bill, which sought to punish, with hea‘fiy fines, those dissenters who had gained political office by taking 1h the Anglican Sacrament but thereafter attended their own chapel services. Although Anne supported the bill, the Triumvirate disapproved of such legislation because it caused dissension at a time when unity was needed. They dared not Openly oppose it, but Harley covertly sided with Whig leaders, and ammendments were attached which caused the Commons to vote it down. The Occasional Conformity Bill was introduced in session after session throughout Anne's reign by the disgruntled High—flying Tories, to be fielded with varying dexterity by those who favored moderation and unity. Anne could never bring herself to trust the Whigs; their part in the Act of Settlement made her suspect them of trying to deprive her of her royal prerogative, and she wanted only Tories in her cabinet. This posed a problem for Marlborough, Godolphin and Harley because the extreme Tories were so bent on unseating dissenters (and each other) they were merely obstructionist as cabinet members. As Trevelyan observes, "The long period of quiet national growth and Hanoverian stability which we associate with Walpole and the Whigs might have been associated with the Tories, if, in Anne's reign they had held together as a united party in support of their Queen and their General." Fortunately, Anne realized the danger of such in-party fighting, and dismissed the most vehement of the High Tories, allowing the Triumvirate to seek support from a narrow base of moderates who could work together for the sake of the country as a whole. Besides the problems of political rivalry at home, Marlborough was faced, in the opening years of the war, with differences with the Allies, particularly the Dutch. Although they had requested that Marlborough command their combined armies, the Allies had no intention of letting 9Blenheim", p. 327 15 him do just as he liked. In fact, the philosophies of warfare held by the Dutch and Marlborough were so different that in the beginning of the war a stalemate ensued which brought no gain to either party. It must be remembered that the Dutch had been fighting wars for'William for years befbre he became England's king, and their resources were seriously diminished. Thus, they were primarily interested in securing their barrier states and preferred seige tactics, the traditional method of warfare, to actual combat. In addition, their geographical position made them much more vulnerable to French reprisal. They wanted to use their army as a show of force, but had no desire to risk its destruction in battle. Marlborough, on the other hand, envisioned actually winning the war by engaging the French in battles wherever he found them; he had the support of the Queen and his countrymen, ample supplies, and a great deal of personal ambition, all of which urged active aggression. Never- theless, the Dutch refused to lend their support to any of his strategic plans, and at the end of the second year of campaign, Marlborough was returned to England with precious little to show for the fine troops and supplies with.which Parliament had provided him. To be sure, he had re- won three fertresses at Bonn, Huy, and Limburg for the Dutch, which pleased them so well they had a commemorative medal struck for the Gen- eral inscribed "Victorious without slaughter". Marlborough was well aware, however, that his welcome back in London.would be considerably less grateful. Indeed, the fine enthusiasm for the war which both.Whig and Tory had shown.two years before was fading in the heat of partisan battles, and FEulborough and Godolphin feund themselves the targets for both sides. The Whigs were bitter over Anne's refusal to appoint them to office in spite of their generous c00peration.with the war effort. The Tories, on 16 the other hand, condemned Marlborough for his proposals to invade the Continent, and equally condemned the Dutch for using English Soldiers to protect themselves. To add to the general confusion, the Tory party was now completely and bitterly split between High-Flyers and Moderates. Neither party seemed concerned or even aware that these internal strug— gles could weaken England's position with the Allies and seriously en- danger the future designs against France. Actually, beneath the seemingly petty but vicious squabbles of Whigs and Tories lay serious principles which were being worked out: the basic questions of individual rights regarding property, equitable taxation, representation and religious freedom were involved, and it is to the lasting credit of those fractious political parties that they did not sweep their differences under the rug in the name of war—time unity, but hashed them out, however bitterly, in open forum. Important guide- lines were thus established for airing political differences without civil war, and the wide exposure, through partisan newspapers and peri- odicals, of conflicting ideology inevitably had a broadening effect on the thinking of most Englishmen. It may not be exaggeration to suggest that these early partisan battles of the eighteenth century acted as the safety valve which prevented England's embroilment in the European wars at the century's close; at any rate, they served to advance England's ideas of freedom and tolerance beyond any at that time practiced else- where. However salubrious the long View of partisan battles, in 1703 both Godolphin and Marlborough were feeling their heat and attempted to re- sign. But Anne, set on the continuence of the war, would not hear of their leaving their posts, and her response to Marlborough, in which she uses the private names of Mrs. Morley for herself, Mr. Montgomery 17 for Godolphin and Mr. and Mrs. Freeman for the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough, reveals not only her loyalty to him, but her own feeling of isolation and betrayal as the political parties flayed each other to the neglect of the nation's concerns: Windsor Saturday The thoughts that both my dear Mrs. Freeman and Mr. Freeman seem to have of retiring gives me no small uneasiness, and therefore I must say something on that subject. It is no wonder at all that people in your posts should be weary of the world, who are so continually troubled with all the hurry and impertinencies of it; but give me leave to say you should a little consider your faithful friends and poor country, which must be ruined if ever you should put your melancholy thoughts in execution. As for your unfortunate faithful Morley, she could not bear it; for if ever you should forsake me, I would have nothing more to do with the world, but make another abdication; for what is a crown when the support of it is gone. I never will forsake your dear self, Mr. Freeman nor Mr. Montgomery, but always be your constant faithful servant; and we four must never part, till death mows us down with his impartial hand.10 It is perhaps indicative of the uncertainties of political life that only seven years after this letter was written, Anne had dismissed all the parties mentioned in it; in any case, it served in 1703 to persuade the Marlboroughs and Godolphin to remain in the Queen's service, at least through one more military campaign. Throughout the winter, Marlborough concentrated on the hard facts of the military situation. He was determined not to repeat the failure of the preceeding year; with or without the Dutch army he would lead English troops into Europe to confront the French. In January he went to the Hague to confer with Heinsius, the Dutch leader; he had already revealed his intentions to the German and Austrian generals. The Dutch were op- 10The Letters of ueen Anne, ed. Beatrice Curtis Brown (London: Cassell & Co. Ltd. 19355 p. 125. 18 posed to separating their army from the English, but Heinsius, who saw the necessity for more aggressive action in the coming year, persuaded his fellow officers to let the English move independently, and a few even offered their own troops. Initially Marlborough planned to in- vade France through the Moselle valley, with the Rhine as his thorough- fare for supplies and heavy artillery, but even while the Moselle strat- egy was being formulated, another plan was being urged on him by Count Wratislaw, the Austrian envoy to England. Vienna had been encircled by Max Emanuel and the French, and was in danger of falling, and taking the German states down with her, unless the Allies could come to the rescue; Wratislaw's proposed that Marlborough take the English, and what— ever other troops he could muster, all the way across Europe to the Danube to save Vienna. The German situation was complicated, to say the least; Max Emanuel, the Elector of Bavaria, saw the French as the winners in the war and had joined his army to theirs to beseige Vienna. Since Max Emanuel was an opportunist, the Allies hoped to win his support by a demonstration of superior strength. The Imperial General on the Rhine was Louis, the Margrave of Baden. His close association with Max Emanuel made the Allies uneasy; they were never quite sure whether the weakness and tar— diness of his military attacks were due to deliberate sabotage or mere bungling. In any case, as a German prince with his own private army, he had to be handled with the utmost respect and tact at least for the time being. Fortunately, when Vienna's danger was realized, the Emperor Leopold had recalled the brilliant young general Prince Eugene from Italy to take charge of the Vienna war office. Eugene had grown up in the French court, but had left angrily after Louis XIV had refused to grant him a military command. It was to prove one of the biggest mistakes 18 posed to separating their army from the English, but Heinsius, who saw the necessity for more aggressive action in the coming year, persuaded his fellow officers to let the English move independently, and a few even offered their own trOOps. Initially Marlborough planned to in- vade France through the Moselle valley, with the Rhine as his thorough- fare for supplies and heavy artillery, but even while the Moselle strat- egy was being formulated, another plan was being urged on him by Count wratislaw, the Austrian envoy to England. Vienna had been encircled by Max Emanuel and the French, and was in danger of falling, and taking the German states down with her, unless the Allies could come to the rescue; Wratislaw's proposed that Marlborough take the English, and what— ever other troops he could muster, all the way across Europe to the Danube to save Vienna. The German situation was complicated, to say the least; Max Emanuel, the Elector of Bavaria, saw the French as the winners in the war and had joined his army to theirs to beseige Vienna. Since Max Emanuel was an opportunist, the Allies hoped to win his support by a demonstration of superior strength. The Imperial General on the Rhine was Louis, the Margrave of Baden. His close association with Max Emanuel made the Allies uneasy; they were never quite sure whether the weakness and tar— diness of his military attacks were due to deliberate sabotage or mere bungling. In any case, as a German prince with his own private army, he had to be handled with the utmost respect and tact at least for the thme being. Fortunately, when Vienna's danger was realized, the Emperor Leopold had recalled the brilliant young general Prince Eugene from Italy to take charge of the Vienna war office. Eugene had grown.up in the French court, but had left angrily after Louis XIV had refused to grant him a military command. It was to prove one of the biggest mistakes 19 Louis ever made, for Eugene was a born soldier, totally dedicated to the military life, and totally set against the French King. As President of the Emperor's council of war, he and Marlborough had been in correspon— dence during the winter of 170h, and he joined wratislaw in urging English help for Vienna. An early spring'had Opened supply routes on the ice-clogged rivers, and.Marlborough readied his troops to move out of winter quarters. The majority of Marlborough's soldiers were mercenaries, professional sol- diers who fought for pay, not national commitment. As the war toll rose, however, it became necessary to depend more and more on local English lads to fill the ranks. Parliament passed a bill in the 1703-0h session which allowed limited conscription of soldiers, but recruitment was still primarily the concern of the regimental colonel, who sent his representa— tives around to the home counties every winter. It was the custom for a gentleman, usually a younger son with no hope of inheritance, to buy a regiment which he then.maintained with weapons, uniforms and food, using money granted him from Parliament for the purpose. Such a practice was an open invitation to graft and mismanagement of funds, and it was not uncommon for privates to go for more than a year without receiving any salary. Given such conditions, it may be surprising'that amy soldiers could be recruited, but Parliament devised ways: Parish constables were paid ten.shillings for every man."without visible means of support" when they could produce, criminals were drafted wholesale, and the debtor's prisons were emptied into the Army. Altogether, as Trevelyan says, "Recruitment was indeed a.harum—scarum, knock-about affair. . . but the fife of war could still sound like a blackbird's whistle:" Here's ferty shillings on the drum For those that volunteers do come, 20 With shirts and clothes and present pay When over the hills and far away. We then shall lead more happy lives, By getting rid of brats and wives, That scold on us both night and day, When over the hills and far away. Come on, then, boys, and you shall see We every one shall captains be, To Whore and rant as well as they, When over the hills and far away. The constables they search about To find such brisk young fellows out; Then let's be volunteers I say Over the hills and far away. Over the hills and over the main To Flanders, Portugal and Spain, Queen Anne commands and we'll obey Over the hills and far away.1 By whatever means recruited, the troops which gathered in Flanders preparing to march from the Nerth Sea to the Danube were destined to engage in a new kind of warfare involving new weapons and therefore new maneuvers. To appreciate the innovative boldness to Marlborough's tac— tics, it is helpful to consider the nature of warfare during the late seventeenth century: During this period, communications remained primitive, armies were still of moderate size, and as cavalry re— mained the decisive arm, strategy was largely circum— scribed by forage. Water transport and grass were all- important, also the establishment of magazines, which in its turn led to the predominance of siege warfare over field battles, and the general acceptance that the defen- sive was more important than the attack. This led to avoidance of battles by means of what may be called the "strategy of evasion"1 which consisted in manoeuvring rather than fighting. 11 quoted by Trevelyan in "Blenheim", p. 220 12 J.F.C. Fuller, The Decisive Battles of the Western World, (London: Granada Publishing Ltd., 1970, rpt. 1972 , I, 517. 21 IMarlborough broke away from this type of warfare because he was imagina- tive enough to see the military changes of his day and appreciate their meaning. The basic reason for the changes was the invention of the ring bayonet. Although such a device seems simple and obvious now, it was not actually so, since it involved standardizing the size of musket bar- rels, a rather formidable feat in the days before precisionmachining.13 The ring bayonet fit over the barrel but did not close it off, as earlier "cap" versions had done; the effect was that every soldier could be a pikeman as well as infantryman, This meant that the column formation, necessary to the pikemen, changed to a line formation which was more suitable to an infantry charge. Blenheim was the first battle in his- tory where the infantry was armed with flintlock and bayonet and ad- vanced in long lines, three deep, with no columns and no pikemen. There were other innovations in Marlborough's army, perhaps not so noteworthy historically, but equally significant in the outcome of the campaign. The Duke was insistent on the adequate provisioning of his trOOps, and with the help of Godolphin and St. John, saw to it that England supplied her men properly. There was, therefore, no plundering or foraging from the soldiers during their long march, and seldom has a foreign army met with more wholehearted goodwill than did Marlborough's trOOps. Indeed, the superiority of English outfitting made them a splendid sight: well fed, newly shod, "in every particular", as Sir ‘Winston Churchill states, "the English and all other forces in the Queen's pay were maintained as they deserved."‘”4 From the diary of 13Spaulding, Nickerson, Hoffman and.Wright,'Warfare (Washington, D.C: Infantry Journal Press, 1937), p. 529. 1LFMarlborough, His Life and Times (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935). III. 335. 22 Dr. Hare, Marlborough's chaplain, comes this firsthand account of the effect the English soldiers had on the German princes: June 2d--The Day he Marlborough halted, the Elector of Mayence invited him and the commanding Officers to Dinner and had a Ball appointed that Evening at his Brother the Count Schonborns House for the entertainment of them. The same Day the Elector and Nobility aforesaid come to see the infantry receiv'd. All the Regiments were drawn out on purpose, and were so fresh and so clean, that the Elector and all that attended him were greatly surprised at their handsome appearance. But when his Highness came to Her Majesty's Battalion of Guards, which then consisted of above 700 able men, and was drawn up by itself, on the Right of all, he seem'd to view each man from Head to Foot, and observing not only their order, but the cleanliness, and their Arms, Accoutrements, Clothes, Shoes and Linnen he said to the General "Certainly all these Gentlemen are Dressed for the Ball."15 It is not certain just when Marlborough finally decided on the Danube instead of the Moselle as his theatre of Operations in the 170).; campaign. The Danube destination was such a well kept secret that even Marlborough's own generals did not know until they were well on the way. The Moselle plan was probably suspected by the French--at any rate, they were aware something unforeseen was afoot, as the lines of soldiers in their red uniforms picturesquely described 'the scarlet caterpiller' by Churchill, wound its way into Germany. The French general Villeroy left the Dutch frontier to draw his trOOps closer to the Moselle, and the relieved Dutch responded by sending extra trOOps to join Marlborough. Another French general, Tallard, had returned to Alsace from delivering trOOps to Max Emanuel, thereby threatening Vienna even more. The two French generals and their monarch watched the advancing army in incredulous fascination trying to divine the ultimate intention and devise ways of 15 Select Documents for Queen Anne's Reign 1702-110], ed. G.M. Trevelyan, (Cambridge: University Press, 1929), p. 99. 23 covering all alternatives without leaving themselves short on any front. It was the first time in many years of war that the French were not in command of the situation, and their efficiency was seriously hampered by the lengthy and time-consuming correspondence necessary between Versailles and the field before any action could be taken. Marlborough, on the other hand, had only himself to consult. With his usual foresight, he had written Heinsius, who knew of the Danube plan, asking that no orders be allowed to reach him which might counter— mand his intentions, and Heinsius saw to it that none did. Even though there might be the devil to pay from the Dutch and the Tories once he returned home, for the summer of the campaign he could move the troops as he pleased. By May 23 the English had reached Sinzag; on May 29 the troops crossed the Moselle, and, swinging sharply, the Rhine. This eliminated the pos- sibility of a Moselle valley campaign, but there was still the vulnerable Alsace region, and the French were still baffled as to the ultimate des— tination of the invaders. On June 10, now deep in the German interior, Marlborough met Prince Eugene for the first time. Outwardly, the two generals were totally unlike and there was a ten year gap in their ages, but they were in perfect rapport from the beginning: Strangely different were they in appearance and manner; the Englishman with his noble, symmetrical features and pink— and-white complexion, with his languid courtier air and quiz- zical smile, and with that sense of calm and power which was his aura: the French-Austrian—Italian death's head, vibrant with energy, olive—dark, fiery like a banked furnace; Marlborough bland, grave,1%ffable, cool: Eugene ardent, stac- cato, theatrical, heroic. A third general was present at this meeting: Louis the Margrave of Baden, 16Churchill, Marlborough, IV, 167. E I f 2h whom Eugene deeply distrusted, but who was nevertheless the ranking of— ficer and must be placated at least until any treachery was proven against him. Although Marlborough wanted Eugene with him on the Danube, the Margrave chose to fight there, and sent Eugene back to the Rhine to contain the French forces. With admirable tact, Marlborough suggested he and the Margrave use the old Roman method of commanding on alternate days. Since the French and Bavarian troops were strongly entrenched at nearby Dillingen and Marlborough needed a base of communications, he decided to capture Schellenberg, a hilltop fortification then in the process of being further strengthened. To this he committed the un- willing Margrave by issuing preparatory orders on his day of command which had to be carried out on the Margrave's day. Considered by all who knew of it to be rash, the plan meant a fifteen mile march before arriving at the fortress; indeed, the armies did not come into sight until 9 pm, and had at most two hours of daylight. It was this very irrationality which made the plan successful; the Bavarian and French forces did not expect any action until morning. By the time darkness fell on July 2, the enemy was in confused and disordered flight across the Danube. It was not an easy victory for the Allies, and English losses particularly were high: one estimate is that one in three British soldiers fell.17 The French and Bavarian losses were even heavier, how— ever, and included prisoners, deserters and those who drowned in the re- treat across the river in addition to those killed in battle. The imme- diate result of the engagement was that Marlborough had the fortress, the village of Donauworth, communications center, and most important, 17 Trevelyan, "Blenheim", p. 36h. 25 had placed himself between the French and Vienna. In the month following Schellenberg, Marlborough and the Margrave methodically and deliberately set out to devastate the beautiful Bavarian countryside, burning fields and villages in an attempt to coerce Max Emanuel to change sides to save his country. The Elector, holed in at Augsburg after his retreat from the Schellenberg, was beset on all sides. As Marlborough ravaged, Wratislaw bribed, and the Electress her- self came to plead with her husband to save the country from the Allies' torches. But the French sent some trOOps and promised more, and Max's visions of empire were revived; he stayed on the French side. By the beginning of August, General Tallard was well on his way to joining his collegue Marsin and the Bavarian Elector, and Eugene, march- ing only a day behind the French, was returning to join Marlborough. The three allied leaders met, and Marlborough and Eugene deftly maneuvered the Margrave into taking his army to beseige Ingolstadt. Shortly after his departure, they learned that the entire Franco-Bavarian contingent, over 60,000 strong, was converging on the Danube. Although there was ample time to recall the Margrave and his 15,000 trOOps, they let him go. It made them under-dogs numerically, but allowed the two generals the freedom of strategic cooperation without the Margrave's interference and trepidation. Tallard had settled his combined armies at Blindheim, (called Blenheim by the English) with the Danube on their right, the wooded uplands of Lutzinger on their left and marshy lowlands before them. In the plains beyond the marsh, the armies of Marlborough and Eugene were massing in plain view; still the Bench did not expect a battle, because they were following the traditional methods of warfare, where manuever and counter— manuever was the procedure. As has been mentioned, up until this partic- 26 ular battle, the nature of warfare had been closer to chess than actual combat; the generals planned strategic moves as intricate as minuets, with almost as little physical contact. To add the French deception, four separate "deserters" had allowed themselves to be caught behind French lines and broken down under questioning to reveal that the Allies had been joined by the Margrave and were to retreat to Nordlingen the next day because of the show of strength of Tallard's massed armies. At 1 am on August 13 reveille sounded in the Allied camp and the troops began to move out at 3. It was a foggy morning, and the French guards who heard the signals assumed the Allies had begun their retreat. When the sun.burned the fog away at 6 am, the startled French could hardly believe their eyes: Marlborough's trOOps were ranged before the marsh, steadily advancing as if to do battle. The plan was for Eugene to move his troops, primarily cavalry, to the uplands on the left of the French, while Marlborough held the center. 'With costly stoicism, the English troops bridged the marsh with facines and then waited under murderous French cannon fire until Eugene's troops were positioned. It was nearly 1 pm before the first advance could be made. The attack was expensive; the first rank was repulsed, but was sup- ported by the second. The allies were outnumbered by 15,000 men, and were attacking a well-defended establishment; nevertheless, the feroc- ity of their attack ferced Tallard to make a serious blunder: he called his reserves into the village of Blenheim. The resulting confusion of the overcrowded streets virtually bottled up the French, and they were thus fairly easy to confine while Marlborough concentrated on.the center of the line. By 3 pm Tallard was forced to call to General Marsin, whose army was opposite Eugene, for replacements, but Eugene was attack- ing so hotly'Marsin dared not comply. By 5 in the afternoon Marlborough's 27 center forces numbered 109 squadrons against Tallard's 76, and the cen- ter was broken. Only the capture of Blenheim village remained, and by 8:30 that evening the Duke had borrowed a scrap of paper—-with a bill for tavern expenses on one side--to write to Sarah what is now known simply as "the famous note": August 13, 170h--I have not time to say more, but to beg you will give my duty to the queen, and let her know her army has had a glorious victory. 2M. Tallard and two other generals are in.my coach, and I am following the rest. The bearer, my aide-decamp, Colonel Parke, will give her an account of what has passed. I shall do it in a day or two, by another more at large-éMarlborough. The day after the battle, Marlborough wrote a.more detailed account to Harley, and although many historians and.military analysts have since described the battle of Blenheim, the General's own.matter-of-fact prose gives the best view of the scene: About six we came in view of the enemy, who we feund did not expect so early a visit. The cannon began to play at half an hour after eight. They formed themselves in two bodies; the Elector, with M. Marsin and their troops 0p- posite our right, and M. de Tallard with all his Opposed to our left, which last fell to my share. They had two little rivulets besides a.morass before them, which we were obliged to retire, and, by the blessing of God, we obtained a complete victory. we have cut off great num- bers of them, as well in the action as in the retreat, besides upwards of thirty squadrons of the French, which we pushed into the Danube, where we saw the greatest part of them perish, M; de Tallard with several of his general officers being taken prisoners at discretion. we took likewise all their tents standing, with their cannon and ammunition, as also a great number of standards, kettle- drums and colours in the action, so that I reckon the greatest part of M. Tallard's army is taken or destroyed. The bravery of all our troops on this occasion cannot be expressed; the generals as well as the officers and sol- diers behaving themselves with the greatest courage and resolution, the horse and dragoons having been obliged to charge feur or five several times. The Elector and.M; Marsin were so advantageously posted that Prince Eugene could make no impression on them till the third attack at or near seven at night, when he made a great slaughter of them, but being'near a wood side, a good body of Bavarians retired into it, and the rest of that army retreated towards Lavingen, it being too late 28 and the trOOps too much tired to pursue them far. I cannot say too much in praise of the Prince's good gonduct and the bravery of his troops on this occasion. . .1 On August 21 001. Parkes arrived in London bearing the famous note to Sarah; she sent him on to the Queen, and in.a.matter of hours copies were being distributed in the coffee houses and on street corners. A contemporary account of the public reaction to the news of the victory runs: Only the Jacobite coffee houses were thronged at the very juncture when the news arrived; the poor fellows moved like mere engines and vanished in a hurry. But as these disap- peared the loyal, honest Englishmen repaired in crowds to the loyal coffee houses and you might read satisfaction in every face. Bohee tea, coffee, chocolate, ratafia and Nants Brandy were insipid liquors, Away they adjourned to the tavern, every bumper was crowned with the Queen's or the Duke of Marlborough's health and the loyal citizens emptied the cellars so fast I think two-thirds were foxed next morn— ing. Never were such illuminations, ringing of bells, such demonstrations of joy since the laying of London stone.1 Within a few days, Sarah and Anne rode together to a Thanksgiving service at the almost completed St. Paul's, Anne splendid in her diamonds and Sarah ornamented by her blazing'pride in the Duke. All England rejoiced, from the Members of Parliament to the street vendors of Charing Cross. They were enormously proud of their well—trained, well-fed army and their own genius-General who had defeated and disgraced the French so complete- ly. The victory at Blenheim was the first since the defeat of the Armada to inspire such national feeling among the English, and the result was a unified euphoric patriotism that was as unusual as it was shortlived. Almost as inevitable as the morningaafter hangovers of the "foxed" London celebrants, partisan rivalry and dissension flared. A second 18Quoted by Trevelyan in Select Documents of the Reign of Queen Anne, pp. 105-1060 19Trevelyan, "Blenheim", p. 397. 29 major victory had been scored by the English through the capture of Gibraltar by Sir George Rooke, and the High Tories decided to take this as "their" victory, to offset Mbrlborough's. When Commons set about drafting a congratulatory resolution to the General, the Tories amended it to include Rooke and Gibraltar. The pettiness of the Tories' slight inspired the Whigs to equal lengths, and they ignored the naval victory. Anne, alarmed by the disunity, addressed Parliament in October: I cannot but tell you how essential it is for attaining these great ends abroad of which we have so hOpeful a prospect, that we be entirely united at home. . . It is plain our enemies have no encouragement left but what arises from their hOpes of our own divisions. It is therefore your concern not to give the least countenance to their hOpes.2O She might as well have exhorted the wind. With cries of "the Church is in danger!" the Tories tried to regain the Queen's favor and punish the Whig dissenters simultaneously by tacking the Occasional Conformity bill to the war appropriations bill. When the more moderate Tories crossed party lines to defeat the bill, the Tory party itself seemed on the verge of splitting. At all costs, Anne was determined to continue the war, especially now, when complete victory seemed assured. To do less would betray the trust and interests of her people as well as the ser- vice of her General. Since the Tories were proving so obstreperous, she was ferced to lean toward Whig support. In January'Marlborough returned to England, collecting gifts and hon- ors in Prussia, Hanover and the Netherlands on the way. The Dutch were not ready to endorse any further military forays with their army, but they joined in the shower of riches and praise. The Marlborough fortune, established by Anne upon her accession to the throne, was enlarged con- 20Quoted in war. Laprade, Public omnion and Politics in the Eigh- teenth Century England, (New York: Macmillan Co., 1936), p. 36. 30 siderably by the victory at Blenheim; it remained to be seen how the hero's own country would welcome him. When the General arrived on the Thames, accompanied by a shipload of thirty-six French officers including General Tallard, and the standards and colours of the captured French troops, most Englishmen responded with wholehearted enthusiasm. The standards were delivered to Westminster in a triumphal procession while Englishmen of every degree lined the streets, united again, however fleetingly, in mutual satisfaction that England was growing great and the French King who had arrogantly dared to proclaim the Pretender as their monarch had been soundly beaten. "Even while foreign observers cavilled with some reason that the London populace claimed for themselves a victory in which their troops had formed but a quater of the army, they admired the integral force and comprehension of the vigorous islanders, who could quarrel so fiercely with one another and yet rejoice together in national glory.”21 21Churchill, Marlborough, IV, 167. II The Literature on Blenheim No sooner had the victory at Blenheim entered into the public con— sciousness than the literary world rushed to commemorate it for poster— ity's annals and for their own immediate profit. From literary notable to Grub Street hack, in drama, essay and poetry, Blenheim and Marlborough were extolled and ennobled; a few years later, when the war was no longer popular, the general and his campaigns were criticized with equal vigor. Just as the center of government was changing from the monarchy to Parliament, the literary world was undergoing a confusing and painful transformation. Within a surprisingly short span of time-—perhaps fifty years--English literature distinctly changed in terms of patronage, au- dience and artistic style, and the opening years of the eighteenth cen— tury were witness to much of the confusion, overlapping and false starts implicit in the change. To appreciate the nature of the literary milieu of Queen Anne's day, it may be helpful to trace its evolution through the latter part of the seventeenth century. Charles II was a patron of the arts, and upon his Restoration he es- tablished at court a cultural climate completely different from the Puritan regime of the preceding years. Partly from gratitude for their reinstatement and partly as a reaction to the Cromwellian austerity, cavaliers and royalist sympathizers flocked to the court as the center of all that was brilliant and beautiful in the country. Charles was a devotee of the theatre as well as of women and paint- ing, and it was partly owing to his interest that Restoration comedy, developed from the earlier English Cavalier drama, became so popular. The nature of Restoration comedy with its wit, cynicism and immorality 31 32 is well known even to the most casual student of literature; these qual- ities directly related to Charles' own personality and the general at- mosphere of his court. The philosophy involved a sort of noble laziness; style was everything. Perilous and humiliating years in exile had bred in Charles the awareness of transience in all things. If nothing was held too sacred or prized too highly, it could be relinquished with less pain; hence Charles preferred the satiric and comic to the heroic or tragic, and the literary genres of the day reflected his preference. When his brother, James II, succeeded to the throne, literary taste re- mained essentially the same. Although James was neither as open-hearted nor as openphanded to writers as Charles had been, public demand for comedy continued, as did appropriate court patronage. It must be remembered that the style of life, manners and literature practiced in the courts of the Stuart kings was by no means shared or 'understood by most Englishmen. They observed the reflected glare of the debauchery and immorality of the court, but generally conducted their own lives with more temperance, if less grace. Nevertheless, the royal court was conceded by all to be the gathering place of the greatest wits, best minds and cleverest talents in England. But all this changed vir- tually overnight with the accession of William and Mary. ‘William was a soldier and a Calvinist who had few social graces himself and little interest in those of others. He had enough difficulty learning to speak the English language without concerning'himself over its literature, and he and.Mary found ample outlet for the expression of their taste in planning revisions and additions to the palaces and gardens at Kensington and Hampton Court. Although the Stuart kings may have been Papist bon vivants, the Stuart queens, Mary and Anne, had been soberly raised in the Anglican.Church. Lacking both the wit of their uncle Charles and 33 the temper of their father James, they came to their respective thrones in their domestic middle years, mild, dull and kindly, totally inade- quate to and disinterested in the role of patrons of art. Moreover, the Bloodless Revolution.had brought about a shift in power from court to Parliament, and those with wit and artistic talent to sell gravitated away from court--which in.any event had moved, due to William's asthma, out into the country at Kensignton—-to the coffeehouses of London. The coffeehouse clientele of Queen Anne's day represented a.much broader cross-section of Englishmen than would have been found in any royal court: members of Parliament and nobility, merchants, bankers, clergymen, doctors and lawyers all made it a point to step at one or another establishment to hear the latest news and meet their friends. Leslie Stephen describes the importance of the coffeehouse to litera- ture thus: The 'town' was the environment of the wits who produced the literature generally called after Queen Anne. we may call it the literary organ of the society. It was the society of London, or of the region served by the new pennypost, which included such remote villages as Paddington and Brompton. The city was large enough, as Addison observed, to include numerous 'nations', eaoh of them meeting at the various coffee houses. The clubs at which the politicians and authors met each other represented the critical tribunals, when no such things as literary journals existed. It was at these that judgment was passed upon the last new poem or pamphlet, and the writer sought for their good opinion as he now desires a favorable review. The tribunal included the rewarders as well as the judges of merit; and there was plenty of temp- tation to stimulate their generosity by flattery. Still the relation meant a great improvement on the preceding state of things. . . The patrons did not exact the personal subser— vience of the preceding'period; and there was a real recoge nition by the more powerful class of literary merit of a certain order. 22 English Literature and Society_in the Eighteenth Century (190h; rpt New York: Barnes & Noble, 1955), pp. h3-hh. 3h One of the immediate literary results of this change in patronage was the decline of Restoration drama" The new patrons were primarily poli- ticians and statesmen, not courtiers, and while it may be assumed they enjoyed the sexual innuendo and the wittily suggestive remark as much as their noble predecessors, the open blatant mockery of virtue and chas- tity prevalent in.Dryden's day was not appreciated. The change in drama was not accomplished overnight; Vanbrugh and Farquhar continued to write in the tradition of Restoration comedy with considerable popular success. Nevertheless, there was a definite softening'in tone, and many play- wrights amended earlier works to please the emerging'public preference for stronger conventional morality. The significance here is not so much in the changes that took place in literature but in the power of a new kind of patronage, made up of public-spirited statesmen and politi- cians rather than.of royalty or courtiers, which could have such an im- mediate effect on its nature. It would be misleading to describe the new class of literary patrons as politicians whose only concern with writers was to popularize their party's views. They were men of the world, conscious that in them was concentrated the enlightenment of the period. Socially and politically dominant, they believed in reason, meaning the principles which are evident to manls ordinary common sense. Locke was their spokesman and Newton living'proof of the scientific capacity of their age. They be- lieved England to be the favored nation, land of liberty, philosophy, common sense, toleration and intellectual excellence.23 That the lit- erary men of the day concurred with this view of England is evidenced 23 Stephen, English Lit & Society) pp. 53-55. 35 by the outpouring Of patriotic and nationalistic writing which occurred during’the early part Of the eighteenth century. Existing alongside the reputable political writers sponsored by the coffeehouse patrons were the impeounius Grub Street hacks and prOpagan- dists whose political writing was contained in the penny broadsides and pamphlets. Pamphleteering'had develOped in England during the Civil war as a useful method of swaying public Opinion, and reason was not as nec- essary to the trade as skillful writing which could "redicule, abuse, and use every blood-and-thunder tactic Of paper warfare".2h The Stuart kings had quieted the pamphleteers somewhat by the strict enforcement Of the Licensing.Act, a longstanding device Of censorship which required governmental approval Of all printed matter, but William III and the Whigs owed so much to the press that the Licensing Act was allowed tO lapse in 1695, and Grub Street revived with new vigor. At the same time, the reading'public was growing in size, especially in London, where Dis- senters, excluded from regular schools, had set up their own. These Dissenter schools stressed the "three R's" rather than Latin and Greek, but were very effective in teaching English reading and writing. In ad- dition, the Charity schools established by Anne for the purpose Of teach- ing the lower classes tO read the Bible were producing an ever-growing number Of new readers throughout London. The result was a burgeoning group Of Londoners Of unrefined tastes and little discrimination who nevertheless craved the entertainment and information dispensed in the penny broadside, and to this audience the Grub Street writers directed their free-wheeling'commentaries. 2h ' Philip Pinkus, Grub Street Stripped Bare (London: Constable & CO., 1968), p. 15. 36 As Mr. Pinkus remarks: 'Very little Of the enormous quantity Of their writing de- serves a permanent place in our literature, though much Of it is good enough tO deserve our interest. Because they wrote for a living they had tO be particularly sensitive tO public taste and to the requirements Of their publisher. What they lacked as writers they frequently made up for in ingenuity and originality, in a stream.of literary innova- tions tO please the public palate. The result was a new kind Of writing, lively, racy, at times salacious an de- liberately shocking, but almost always interesting.2 It should be remembered that the Grub Street hacks, to use the title which has stuck tO them through the centuries, could depend on no such encouragement or patronage as the authors Of the coffeehouse set re- ceived. They wrote for a publisher who doled out just enough tO keep them in.wine and in debt, and Newgate and the pillory were not idle threats to their security. Since the publisher's primary interest was selling'books, the bulk Of Grub Street output bears such sure-fire titles as The Night walker, or Evening Rambles in Search after Lewd'WOmen, or A Full and True Account Of a Terrible and Bloody Fight between Tom Brown, the Poet and a Bookseller; nevertheless, interest in political issues was high, and Often brought out strong commentary. With the Occasional Conformity Bill, the combination Of political preference with religious persuasion provided a subject that was irresistible to gentleman author and hack alike, as well as English readers Of all ranks. It is difficult to find another era in English history when writers have been so closely allied with and vitally interested in politics as they were during the twelve years Of Queen Anne's reign. TO those ac- customed to the Twentieth-century malady, the so-called alienation.of the artist, it is unusual tO hear Of literary men so actively involved 2 5Grub Street Stripped Bare, p. 17. ___ 37 in their society. The questions Of religious tolerance, Of nationalism or internationalism, Of prOperty or income taxation, all Of which strike a responsive chord in our society, were beginning tO be recognized and dealt with by the literary men Of Anne's day as well as the political leaders. Similarly, the events Of the war Of Spanish Succession were a matter Of concern to artist and politician alike, and when news Of the Blenheim victory arrived in London, poets Of all ranks took pen in hand to record the nation's jubilation. Joseph Addison.was chosen by Godolphin, on the advice Of Lord Halifax, as the Official commemorator Of the Battle, and was rewarded with a political post as the result Of his poem The Campaigg, as Defoe noted with some bitterness, his own Of- fering, Hymn to Victory, having been Offered gratis. IMatthew Prior con- tributed An Epistle to M; Boileau in honor Of the occasion, and such lesser poets as John Philips and John Dennis joined in the general rush to celebrate Blenheim in verse. In addition, there were innumerable unknown rhymesters who sought tO capitalize on the excitement and patri- otic fervor engendered by the victory. Only a few Of the poems remain, which is not, perhaps, a great loss to literature. The importance for this discussion Of the canon Of Blenheim poems is primarily historical rather than literary, although they can indeed be illuminating>from the latter aspect. It is as a.mirror of the ideas and attitudes Of the day that the poetry deserves our attention. Minor occasional poetry has more than once been defended on the grounds that it comes closer to re- flecting the actual public sentiments Of a given time than do the more universal masterworks; be that as it may, it is with the expectation Of further understanding Of the Queen Anne period that the individual works concerning’Blenheim.will be examined. Although the praises Of Blenheim were written primarily in poetry, 38 most writers turned to prose for discussion Of political ideas and par- ticularly for criticism Of the war. It was, perhaps, inevitable that Marlborough's reputation should be dependent upon the progress Of the war; although heaped with praises and prizes after the Blenheim victory, he soon.discovered no amount Of military success could appease the public when the war became unpopular. He had become the symbolic figure, and as such was the target for a great deal Of vituperation which in turn inspired defenses and vindications; the amount Of politically inspired prose resulting from the differing views Of the war and its General was unprecedented in English history. It is difficult to pinpoint the ori- gins Of the periodical essay which sprang tO life during this time, but 26 Such some historians have likened it to the Protestant lay sermon. sermons assumed a reasonable, thinking congregation and used clear, ordinary language to convince or persuade. Thus, out Of the political heats Of the day there emerged almost incidentally a new writing style which gained immediate acceptance because it served the needs Of both writers and public so well. One Of the chief virtues Of the short prOSe essay was that it could be contained in one issue Of a periodical or newspaper, thereby insuring prompt reading by a comparatively widespread audience. In addition to the one known essay resulting directly from the victory at Blenheim,27 Jonathan Swift's The Conduct of the Allies and Richard Steele's An Englishman's Thanks to Marlborough will be ex- amined in some detail, since they Offer the Opportunity to Observe how 26Stephen, English Lit and Society, p. 72. 2 . . 7Aanonymous work, Two Campaigns in one Panegyrlcal Essay;Upon.Hls Grace the Duke OflMaplborough's Successes in.the‘Years 170h and 17 5. See Appendix. 39 effectively the genre can be used by men Of letters, even when they are expressing'completely Opposite points Of view. The involvement Of such men as Swift, Addison, Prior, Defoe and Steele in.politics went much further than occasional verse or essay writing, however. In their daily lives they were concerned with and affected by the deliberations Of Parliament, the favor--or disfavor-- Of the Queen and her ministers, and the partisan strategems Of Whigs and Tories. Although each Of these men eventually wrote for one or the other party, their efforts stemmed as much from conviction as patronage, and in nearly every case they were close enough to the political arena to be able to influence by action as well as by essay or poem. Swift may perhaps be the exception to that statement: as an Anglican clergy- man in.Ireland, he was more isolated from the center Of political life. Nevertheless, his visits to London to seek Anne's remission Of "first fruits" on.behalf of the Irish Church brought him to the attention Of government leaders, particularly Harley. Although Swift had at one time considered himself a Whig, the rapid changes taking place in the member- ship and interests of that party had all but alienated him, and he in- clined more and more toward the Tory camp. Harley increased this incli- nation by his subtle flattery; he invited Swift tO intimate family din- ners, including‘him in the inner circle Of power and holding out the promise Of a BishOpric, a position which marked the peak Of Swift's ambitions. Henry St. John added his s0phistication and wit to Harley's warm flattery, and Swift willingly lent his pen to the Tories. In his letters to Stella, Swift Often.mentions his close relationship to those in power, and Obviously tOOk a keen delight in his status as literary spokesman for the Tory cause. He never received the promised Bishopric, and probably his influence with the Tory leaders was never as great as ho he thought; however, through his brilliant satiric essays, culminating with The Conduct of the Allies, he exerted a decisive influence on public Opinion. Daniel Defoe might best be classified as the maverick among the po— litical writers of Anne's reigh. During the course Of his long and prO- lific career, he posed both as a Tory writing for the Whigs and a Whig writing for the Tories. As a dissenter and merchant, he was the person- ification of the new kind of Whig that drove Swift into the Tory fold, yet he wrote for Harley, and moreover served as the chief spy in his secret service. By the time Defoe was in his early h0's he had made and lost a fortune in various business ventures; he was just working his way back to solvency when his pamphlet The Shortest Wgy with The Dissenters landed him in prison, from which he was rescued and then employed by Harley. Lacking the social advantages of the coffeehouse patronage and forced to be secretive about his political activities, Defoe neverthe- less had an unshakable faith in the rightness Of his convictions as well as the courage to express them. His favorite posture was that of the prophet crying in the wilderness to an unheeding nation. At the same time, he was a liberal and a patriot whose primary motives for writing gyhh to Victohy would seem to be a genuine pride in England's newly-won prestigue and sincere admiration for Marlborough. Richard Steele was a thorough—going Whig, strongly upholding the doctrine Of the Glorious Revolution. At the same time, his indepen- dence occasionally placed him on the Opposite side from his party on a particular issue. A member of Parliament, Steele wrote his conscience, just as he voted it in the Commons. His indignant reaction to Marlborough's dismissal was expressed in An Englishman's Thanks to the Duke Of Marlborough. In the Preface to Steele's Tracts and Pamphlets, h1 Rae Blanchard has this comment on the political writings: Although his reputation as a man Of letters is secure in the dramas and essays, the Steele of public life has been for some reason overshadowed by other publicists of his time. It may be true that his tracts are not so informed as Defoe's, so polished as Addison's, or so powerfully reasoned as Swift's. Yet if success can be measured by circulation, answering tracts for and against and contro— 8 versies stirred up, they hit their mark effectively . . . 2 Perhaps Steele's most outstanding characteristic is his strong moral tone, which both reflected and encouraged the resurgence Of conventional morality which occurred during Queen Anne's reign. 0f the group Of literary men under discussion, Matthew Prior and Joseph Addison were the most closely involved in the important political events Of the day. Prior had been secretary Of the negotiation Of the Peace Of Ryswick, which ended William's war with Louis XIV. Orphaned while a schoolboy, Prior's early years had been spent in his uncle‘s tavern, a circumstance Queen Anne felt should disqualify him from any further ambassadorial role; nevertheless the French, who appreciated his charm and tact at the conference table, requested his presence to work out the treaty Of Utrecht, which finally ended the War of Spanish Suc- cession and was thereafter known as "Matt's Peace". As a man Of affairs, Prior wrote poetry chiefly for his own amusement, and his style was gen— erally witty and urbane. Unfortunately, he fell under the disapproval of the mighty Sarah, Duchess Of Marlborough, who believed Prior to be the author of a slanderous jingle against her. Prior denied it mightily, and even got the General to intervene on his behalf, but Sarah was un- convinced. It is small wonder, under the circumstances, that once news Of 28 Tracts and Pam hlets b Richard Steele, ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 19hh), p. x. A2 Blenheim reached London, Prior was among'the first tO produce a poem, The Epistle to ML Boileau, commemorating the victory and Marlborough. After Anne's death, the unpopularity Of "Matt's Peace" cost Prior his position in government and'he was placed under house arrest, where he remained in dire financial need until Harley and some literary friends, including Swift, published his collected poems and raised enough.money to SUpport his retirement. For our purposes, Matthew Prior serves as an example Of the poet-statesman.whose life shows both the possibil- ities and perils Of a political career in the early eighteenth century. Joseph Addison fared better in his political career, and when he was out Of Office he turned tO writing for Steele's periodicals. Although he had prepared himself for governmental service by extensive travel and Observation Of foreign courts, he won his first political post be- cause Of Godolphin's satisfaction with The Campaign. Thereafter, Addison served as an'Undersecretary Of State and, later, as Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant Of Ireland, posts which placed him at the very center Of England's domestic affairs. The union Of Scotland and England was effected during Addison's tenure in Office, and students Of literature may be surprised tO know how much the formation Of the United Kingdom owes not only to Danial Defoe's detailed secret reports from Edinburgh but also to Joseph Addison's administrative competence in London. Addison was uniquely qualified to be a spokesman Of his day; his public position made him knowledgeable about the peOple and events Of the time and his genius fOr writing provided the vehicle for sharing his insight. For the most part, everything'he wrote was immediately popular, and The Campaigh was an instant sell-out, necessitating several reprintings, and was even translated into foreign languages for the edification Of the French and Italians. Of the small group Of Blenheim poems which H__— h3 survive, it should be the first focus of our attention, because it is virtually the only one which is still read at all today. Enjoying as it did the Official sanction of Godolphin's government, The Campaigh'was given advance publicity unprecedented in 170h and im- pressive even in our day. Its publication was timed to coincide with Marlborough's triumphant return to London with the spoils of battle; no fewer than half a dozen advance notices had.appeared in The Diverting Eggh, including one by Richard Steele contained in the Opening lines of 'An Imitation of the Sixth Ode Of Horace. . . Apply'd to his Grace the Duke of Marlborough': Should Addison's Immortal Verse, Thy Fame in Arms, Great Prince, Rehearse, With Anna's Lightening'you'd appear, And glitter o'er again in War: Repeat the Proud Bavarian's Fall! And in the Danube plunge the Gaul. With such a launching, it is small wonder The Campaigh was received so enthusiastically by the public. Addison was a Whig, writing Offi— cially for a predominantly Tory government, and the victory at Blenheim was one with which both parties were anxious to be identified. With characteristic tact, he sought to skirt the explosive issue by praising no politicians from either party and naming in the poem only the leading characters: Queen Anne, Marlborough, Eugene, Tallard and LeOpOld. The only exception is a rather enigmatic stanza addressed to an otherwise unidentified friend of Addison's named Dormer who fell in the battle. The intention was to avoid politics and simply relate the incidents of the Campaign Of 170h, as Addison explains in the final lines, which con- tain in effect his apology for the work: Thus would I fain.Britannia's wars rehearse, In the smooth records of a faithful verse; That, if such numbers can o'er time prevail, IMay tell posterity the wondrous tale. Ft. Ah When actions, unadorned, are faint and weak, Cities and countries must be taught to speak; Gods may descend in factions from the skies, And rivers from their oozy beds arise; Fiction may deck the truth with spurious rays, And round the hero cast a borrowed blaze. Marlborough's exploits appear divinely bright, And proudly shine in their own native light; Raised of themselves, their genuine charms they boast, And those who paint 'em truest praise 'em most. (14634476) Although Addison avoids elaborate metaphor in favor of the "smooth records" of iambic pentameter couplets and an unadorned narrative, there are sev- eral traditional epic devices at work in the poem. The Opening lines, although addressed to Marlborough, reveal a classical intent: Accept, great leader, what the muse recites, That in ambitious verse attempts your fights, Fired and. transported with a theme so new. Ten thousand wonders Opening to my view Shine forth at once; sieges and storms appear, And wars and conquests fill the important year, Rivers of blood I see, and hills of slain, An Iliad rising out of one campaign. (1—8) In lines 59-61 "The discontented shades of slaughtered hosts/ That wan- dered on her banks, her hero's ghosts" are put to rest by the blood of Marlborough's victories, and Marlborough, like Achilles, is several times referred to as "godlike leader". Similarly reminiscent of Virgil and Homer are such extended similes as "SO the staunch hound the trembling deer pursues/ And smells his footsteps in the tainted dews/ The tedious track unravelling by degrees;/ But when the scent comes warm in every breeze/ Fired at the near approach, he shoots away/ On his full stretch and bears upon his prey." (121-126) The Campaign is grave, balanced, almost sedate in tone, reflecting the moderation of both the author and the hero. In spite Of the rivers of blood and mountains of dead bodies, Addison's emphasis throughout is on the character of Marlborough, as he attempts to show the moral superior- ity of a truly heroic man. The famed meeting of Eugene and Marlborough )45 gave Addison just the opportunity needed to enlarge on his theme of char- acter and heroic morality: At length the fame Of England's hero drew Eugenio to the glorious interview. Great souls by instinct to each other turn, Demand alliance, and in friendship burn; A sudden friendship, while with stretched—out rays They meet each other, mingling blaze with blaze. Polished in courts, and hardened in the field, Renouned for conquest, and in council skilled, Their courage dwells not in a troubled flood Of mounting spirits and fermenting blood: Lodged in the soul, with virtue overruled, Inflamed by reason and by reason cooled, In hours Of peace content to be unknown, And only in the field of battle shown: To souls like these, in mutual friendship joined, Heaven dares intrust the cause of human kind. (99—11h) Other incidents involved in the Campaign Of 170h were not so felicitous, however, and it was necessary to play down the ravage of Bavaria if the image Of moral superiority was to be maintained. SO Addison pictures Marlborough as a longhpatient leader, waiting in vain for Leopold to come to his senses and join with the Allies. At length he has had enough: Long did he strive the obdurate foe to gain By proffered grace, but long he strove in vain: Till fired at length, he thinks it vain to spare His rising wrath, and gives a loose to war. In vengeance roused, the soldier fills his hand With sword and fire, and ravages the land. (223-228) Even with provocation, the English soldiers, according to Addison, are reluctant ravagers: The listening soldier fixt in sorrow stands, Loth to obey his leader's just commands; The leader grieves, by generous pity swayed, To see his just commands so well obeyed. (235-238) The most famous image created in The Campaigh is contained in the "angel lines”. Addison has reached the point in his narrative where the battle is raging at its fiercest; he evokes the Muse's aid in relating the event, then describes Marlborough surveying the dreadful scenes of war and the h6 field Of death in "peaceful thought", calmly directing the placement Of trOOps, teaching'the "doubtful battle where to rage". Then comes the no- table simile: So when an angel by divine command With rising tempests shakes a guilty land, Such as of late O'er pale Britannia.past Calm and Serene he drives the furious blast; And, pleased the Almighty's orders to perform, Rides in the whirlwind and directs the storm. (287-292) As Peter Smithers notes, "With the latent quality of a journalist Addison thus associated his most telling simile with an event fresh in the public memory, the great storm of NOvember 1703 which had wrecked ships by the score, blown down country mansions, and killed a bishop in his bed."29 Mbre than the timely local reference, the lines held a ringing tone that caught the public fancy, and the "rides and directs" quotation became part of literary history, so that everyone recognized the allusion in Pope's satiric lines in the Dunciad: Immortal Rich! how calm.he sits at ease, Nfid.snows Of paper and fierce hail of pease And proud his mistress' orders to perform, Rides in the whirlwind and directs the storm. (iii 261-14) .Matthew Prior's Epistle to M. Boileau did not enjoy either the political rewards or public acclaim which were given The Campaigh. Prior's tone is somewhat tongue-in-cheek; his device is a letter to the French poet, as from one man of the world to another. The circumstances surrounding The Epistle have already been.mentioned; Prior might have been desper- ately in need of Sarah Churchill's favor, but his approach is urbane and cool, and Marlborough is not even mentioned until the end of the second stanza. Instead, Prior inquires of Boileau how he intends, since "hired for life", to write for Louis XIV: 29The Life of Josgph Addison (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), p. 98 A? On the event of that Superior Day In which one English subject's prosp'rous Hand (SO Jove did will; so ANNA did command:) Broke the proud Column Of thy Master's Praise, Which sixty Winters had conspir'd to raise? MOreover, the ugly German names involved in the recent campaign.make ad- ditional problems for the poet: And tho the Poet made his last Efforts, WURTS--who could mention in Heroic-AWURTS? Prior continues the ironic pose, protesting*his own inadequacies in deal- ing'poetically with the statistics Of the victory: For instance now, how hard it is for Me To make my Matter and my Verse agree? In one great Day on HOCHSTETS'S fatal Plain FRENCH and BAVARIANS twenty thousand slain; Push'd thro the DANUBE to the Shoars of STYX Squadrons eighteen, Battalions twenty six: Officers Captive made and private Men Of these twelve hundred, Of those thousands ten. Tents, Ammunition, Colours, Carriages, Cannons, and Kettle—Drums--sweet numbers these. But is it thus you ENGLISH Bards compose? With RUNICK lays thus tag insipid Prose? And when you should your Heroe's Deeds rehearse, Give us a Commissary's List in Verse? (53-66) Having’hammered home the extent of France's defeat, Prior smoothly admin- isters the final thrust: Why Faith, DEPREAEX, there's Sense in what You say: I told you where my Difficulty lay: So vast, so numerous were great BLENHEIM'S Spoils, They Scorn the Bounds of Verse, and mock the Muse's Toils. (67-70) Throughout this section of the poem, Prior maintains a light, bantering tone; he is rather good-naturedly "rubbing in" the victory to a fellow poet who happens to be on the other side. He calls Boileau "old Friend, Old Foe (for such we are/ .Alternate, as the Chance Of Peace and War)" (h7-h8). Still, his main task, eulogizing Anne and Marlborough, lies before him, so he builds a bridge from the initial light tone to a.more serious one by saying if he were as good a poet as Boileau, this is how ’48 he would have handled the theme of heroism, and proceeds to describe the events leading to the battle. Anna bids Marlborough rescue EurOpe: he "bows obedient" and retires to the woods to work out his Great Design, whereupon a "heavenly Form appears: Her Hand a Palm, her Head a Lawrel wears." It is Victoria, and she is evidently intended to be to Marlborough what Athena was to Achilles: IMe the great Father down to Thee has sent: He bids me wait at Thy distinguish'd Tent, To execute what ANNAJS Wish would have: Her Subject Thou, I only am Her Slave. The stanza is interesting because Prior saw fit to insert, even in the midst Of deliberate classic imitation, a reference to the relationship Of monarch to subject: Marlborough, as an Englishman, is subject, not slave to Anne. The actual description of the battle is general and so brief it is almost sketchy. A gallant, knight-like Marlborough draws his sword, cries 'Anne and St. George', and leads the charge. In true epic style, the outcome Of the battle hangs in the balance until Victoria arrives at the ninth hour and sits over Marlborough's head: Secret and Swift behold the Chief advance: Sees half the Empire join'd and Friend to FRANCE: The BRITISH General dooms the Fight; His Sword Dreadful He draws: The Captains wait the Word. ANNE and St. George--at That auspicious Sign The Standards move; the adverse Armies join. 0f Eight great HOurs, Time measures out the Sands; And EUROPE'S Fate in Doubtful Balance stands: The Ninth, VICTORIA comes:--O'er MARLBRO'S Head Confess'd She sits; the Hostile Troops recede:-- Triumphs the GODDESS, from her Promise freed. (160-172) The heroic recital ended, Prior reverts to his original tone in the final stanza, and protests he "ne'er was master Of the tuneful trade"; the best he can hope is to inspire some "younger muse". The final image combines the themes of poetry and patriotism: As we have Conqu'rors, we have Poets too; And either laurel does in BRITAIN grow. M9 we can with universal Zeal advance To curb the faithless Arrogance Of FRANCE. NOr ever shall BRITANNIA'S Sons refuse To answer to thy Muster, or thy Muse; NOr want just subject for victorious Strains, While MARLBRO'S Arm Eternal Laurel gains; In the Land where SPENSER sung, a new ELIZA reigns. (195—201) Addison makes no mention of partisan politics in The Campaigh, and Prior gives only passing reference to England's internal political trou- bles in The Epistle to M. Boileau. Defoe, however, shows no such tact in his Hymn to Victory. Fresh from the pillory, he has evidently learned neither discretion nor submission; his poem is as much a platform forhis political and religious position as it is praise for Marlborough and Blenheim. In his Dedication to Anne, Defoe pictures himself, with fair accuracy, as an outcast Of society: The Humble Muses now their Tribute pay, And sing the Joys of the Triumphant Day; And now, the meanest Of the inspir'd Train, Supprest by Fate, and humbl'd with Disdain, From all the Joys Of Art and Life exempt, Debas'd in Name and cover'd with Contempt, With Chains of Injury and Scandal bound In dark Recess, your Mighty Influence fOund; So strong the powerful Charm, so fierce the Fire, The Muse must sing, or in his Verse expire, He sings the Glories of your happy Reign And humbly then retreats Disconsolate again, Under the Blast of Personal Pique to die, Shaded from all the Blessings Of your Eye. Hymn to Victory is a long, loose-jointed work, with many digressions and a wide range of subjects. Defoe pictures Victory as a woman, once the mistress of valorous men, but now the whore of anyone with enough money: A Prostitute to Stratagem and Art, Submitt'st to Treason, Avarice, and blood, And art no more for Justice understood. By modern methods art procur'd The longest purse subdues the longest sword. (92-96) The subject of finance and particularly the expense of war is mentioned several times in the poem, along with the very pragmatic Observation that 50 Victory may be expected to show up where there are the largest battalions, regardless of moral superiority. In pursuing the theme Of Victory, Defoe gives a history of her movements throughout EurOpe prior to her arrival early in England, and one trenchant stanza tells of William's bid for her: Young Nassau courted her in vain, The Dutch could not defray the Charges of her Train, She lik'd the Youth, his Valour pleased her much, But something out of Humour with the Dutch (mo—9) From her European stay, Victory did finally arrive with William in England, but was driven away by the partisan squabbles: In the Old Road Of Mischief we went on, And made our wonted Haste tO be undone: Miscarriages from every Corner come, Knaves act Abroad, as Fools direct at Home. Wonder no more, ye Men of Sense! Miscall not our Misfortunes Providence! Twas no Disaster made our Voy'ges vain, 'Twas all Contrivance and Design. The busie States-men juggle and debate, And make a Jest Of England's Fate: Parties decide the Nation's Doom: Fighting Abroad's a Jest, The Wars at home, Navies and Armies may themselves defeat, It all concurs to form the General Cheat. The embattl'd People now in sides appear, And all's embroiled in Party-war. (26h-279) It seems apparent that Defoe is not interested in harmony or reconcilia- tion; not only do individual High-flying Tories come in for condemnation in the hm, but the Occasional Conformity issue is revived and argued once more. Its defeat, according to Defoe, marked the reversal of English fortunes, and Victory could return: The Royal Blast the Party overtakes The deep Contrivance breaks The Queen to Peace the willing Land Perswades, and with that Word their deep Design invades: The willing Lords close with the Royal Word, And. damn'd the Bill as cruel and absurd. 'Twas now that VICTORY return'd The flame of Civil Strife too long had burn'd. (337-3’414) Finally, with the poem advanced some 300 lines, Defoe drops his politi- 51 cal and religious propaganda and gets on with the business of commemo- rating'Blenheim. Some Of the liveliest lines in the poem occur when he discusses English pugnaciousness. NOt only do his countrymen love to fight, but they are born winners: An Englishman.has something in his Blood, ,Makes him love Fighting better than.his Food; He will be sullen, lay him down, and die, If he cannot Come at his Enemy: (h03-h26) Battle was always Englishmen's Delight; They'd always Conquer if you'd let 'em fight (h25—h26) Great Tallard, let thy Soul no more repine; 'Tis no reproach to yield to Englishmen: Advise thy Master, e'er it be too late, Never to prompt their Rage nor tempt his Fate. They always Conquer'd, 'tis their Due by Blood; If they ha' leave tO fight they ne'er can be withstood. (h31-h36) Defoe's praise Of Marlborough is combined with praise of God; he sees Marlborough as God's agent, and the victory Of Blenheim as a sign that the English, presumably by showing tolerance to Dissenters, have pleased God, and He is now on their side. In one final digression, Defoe ad- dresses Fame, asks for a recitation Of the great generals on both sides Of the battle, and ends with a stanza emphasizing the Englishness Of the victory: Tallard! Thy Reason might suggest thy Doom, Had'st thou.but seen great Marlbro come Circl'd with English Heroes; seen him rise With English Valour in his Eyes; Had'st thou his Troops Of Englishamen survey'd, Thoud'st not by Reason so betray'd; Thou might'st ha' seen Invincible writ there, And.Prudence wou'd ha' taught thee to retire. (85h—861) The separate Conclusion is addressed to the Duke of Marlborough, gives somewhat more elaborate praise to the general, and expressed Defoe's hOpe that the victories won abroad may lessen the disputes at home: The Battles which you fight Abroad, procure New peace at home, and make that Peace secure, The Enemies you Conquer on the Rhine 52 IMakes our worst enemies at home, decline. The Dangers on the Danube you pursue, Lessens our Dangers here, and.makes them few. And as from Foreign Victories you come, You fight Abroad, but you Subdue at Home. (880-887) Thus ends Defoe's contribution to the Blenheim poems. He is unquestion- ably the poorest poet Of the three under discussion; James Sutherland has aptly described Defoe's poetry 'journalism in verse'.30 Nevertheless, there is considerable liveliness in Hymn to Victory, and precisely because Defoe breaks the rules Of polite occasional verse by bringing in all man- ner Of extraneous material and airing'his own political views, the poem is of more interest than either The Campaigh or An Epistle tO Boileau. The flavor of the political infighting is still there, and while Defoe may not be a good poet, he is a colorful and relevant writer, so the twentieth-century reader experiences the actual atmosphere Of the period more clearly from the lines of the hyhh_than from the other two poems. In addition, Defoe shows himself to be an.unusually well-informed com- mentator, particularly in his discussion Of EurOpean history. For all its faulty rhyme and ungainly length, the Hymn to Victory is still in- teresting reading. Although officially Godolphin had approved Addison as the Blenheim poet, the Tories in general felt The Campaign was too Whiggish in tone, and so Harley and St. John commissioned John Philips, a.moderately well- known Oxford wit and poet, to write a Tory counterpart. Accordingly, Philips produced Blenheim, in which Godolphin, Harley and St. John are flattered along with Churchill and Queen Anne. Unlike most Of the Blenheim poems under consideration here, Philips' is written in blank verse, a 30 DefOe: A Critical Study (Boston: HOughton Mifflin CO., 1971) p. 91 53 form in apparent disrepute at the time. John Oldmixon, whose Pastoral Poem on the Victories at Schellenburgh and Blenheim will be discussed below, explains in his Preface: In complaisance to the Taste of the Age, we have left off writing in Blank Verse, waiting till a second Milton shall finish what the first began, and shake Off the barbarous Yoke, impos'd on the Muses in the Ages of Darkness and Ignorance. Whoever thought we wrote formerly in blank verse, rather out Of Necessity than Choice, we hOpe will now be convinc'd Of the contrary. Although of dubious literary significance, Blenheim is historically valuable because it expresses the Tory vieWpOint so clearly. In the following lines Philips supports the idea of Divine ordination Of Kings and incidentally reassures Anne of the legality of her succession; at the same time, he emphasizes that the English Obey their monarch not in thraldom, but in fitting or rightful liberty: How is Poland vext With Civil Broils, while Two Elected Kings Contend for Sway? Unhappy Nation, left Thus free of Choice! The English, undisturb'd With such sad Privilege, submiss Obey Whom Heav'n ordains Supream, with Rev'rance due NOt thraldom, in fit Liberty Secure. From Septer'd Kings, in long'Descent deriv'd, Thou ANNA, Rulest, Prudent to promote Thy peOple's Ease at home. . . (h10-h19) In the other Blenheim poems so far discussed, England is seen primarily as the Savior Of European freedom, going to battle with France in answer to pleas for help from.small, endangered countries. Philips adds a new note of political significance in the lines: Auspicious Queen Say Who Shall Wield th' Hesperian, Who the Polish Sword, By thy Decree; the trembling’Lands shall hear Thy VOice Obedient, lest Thy Scourge should bruise Their Stubborn Necks, and Churchill in.his wrath IMake them Remember Blenheim with regret. (h61-h66) Here, then, is the issue of the Spanish Succession expressed with a newly acquired confidence bordering on arrogance. Philips' presumption is that 5h IMarlborough can force Spain and Poland to accept England's choice Of monarchs; as students Of history know, it was a false supposition and a stumbling block to peace. Since the slogan "NO peace without Spain" has come through the centuries to be identified with the Whigs, it is partic- ularly interesting to see it so strongly advocated in this Tory poem. The partisan references in Blenheim are comparatively few and are con- tained in the final stanzas Of the poem. By far the larger part Of the poem is concerned with description of the battle, cataloging the ravages of the campaign, and praise for Marlborough, Anne and England. The fol- lowing incident, from Spence's Anecdotes, would indicate Philips did not find Blenheim a.particular source Of pride: Philips was once with some Of his Old acquaintance who fell fOul upon him fOr his Blenheim; after they had teezed him awhile, says Jack, I could not help it, Mr. Secretary Harley made me write it--Tbut God forgive him; then, after some pause---& God forgive me also. Taken in its entirety, Blenheim would seem to justify its author's low Opinion, but it contains a vieWpOint necessary for complete understand— ing of a period, and is valuable, along with Defoe's Hymn to Victory, in showing'how the victory of Blenheim could become an effective vehicle fer the views of either political party. John Dennis wrote Britannia Triumphans: or the Empire Sav'd and EurOpe Deliver'd.Bypthe Success of heriMajestyLs Forces under the Wise and Hero- ic Conduct of his Grace the Duke of Marlborough in 170b, and in 1705 was awarded, through Marlborough's patronage, a place in the London Customs HOuse which carried a salary Ofi£120 1. per annum, and.which he held for ten years, at which time he was allowed to sell out. His chief literary 31 Quoted in the Introduction to The Poems of John.Philips, ed. M.G. Lloyd Thomas, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1927), p. xxii. 55 reputation rests on his criticism, rather than the poems or plays he wrote, and he is remembered today primarily for the feud he carried on with Alexander Pope. Pope had satirized Dennis' rather bombastic play Aprgus and Virginia in his Essay on Criticism (iii 585-8), and Dennis had replied in kind in 'Reflections, Critical and Satirical' . POpe's last word was contained in 'Narrative Of Dr. Robert Norris, concerning the strange and deplorable frenzy of Mr. J. Denn-—, an Officer in the Custom House.' This lively exchange was much later than the date of Britannia Triupnphans, however. In 170).», Dennis was presumably innocent of either POpe's animosity or Marlborough's patronage, although he un— doubtedly was hopeful Of securing the latter with his ambitious entry into the Blenheim literature. Inasmuch as he was successful, the poem has the added significance Of being one which we know Marlborough appre- ciated and for which he showed his gratitude in a concrete way. Britannia Triumphans is by far the longest Of the Blenheim poems, running some 2091 lines and containing in addition a lengthy Preface in which Dennis sets forth his reasons for preferring blank verse to rhyme, thus taking his stand with John Philips among the Blenheim poets who chose to write 'in the way Of Milton.‘ In his Preface Dennis says: The bad (poets) will certainly endeavor tO maintain Rime, because Rime does in some measure conceal their want of Ear, and their want of Genius, and is perhaps as necessary to the giving them a sort Of a dull mettle, and to the keeping them jogging on with their burden of Dulness, as Bells are requisite to a Cart-Horse or to a Pack-Horse; which very Bells upon the Course at New-Market, would but render the Racer ridiculous, and would but stOp his speed." Dennis Opens the poem with an invocation to the God of Gods, the "God of great Revenge, true God of War", with the hope that the poem will serve to inspire posterity to praise thee for 'Thy Divine Mercy to their blest 56 Forefathers.' There follow examples from Biblical History of other victories involving water, i.e., the Red Sea's parting to save Moses and the Children Of Israel and drown Pharaoh's armies, and exortations to the poet's soul to strike the living lyre: Let Earth and Heav'n rehearse the lofty Song While the bright Church Triumphant in the Sky And the blest Church Triumphing here below, Joyn in one Chorus of Immortal Praise. (86-88) Partisan politics are not mentioned in Britannia Triumphans, but the theme of the Triumphing Church, meaning the Church Of England, empha- sizes Dennis' Tory inclinations. In the section praising Anne he says: Whose matchless Piety and watchful Care, Shews all the wond'ring World that thou art sent From the bright Church Triumphant in the Sky TO make the warring Church Triumph below; (95-98) The inordinate length of the poem is accompanied by a rambling quality and looseness of organization; although Dennis gives elaborate praise to Marlborough, he does not mention him at all until page 21, some hOO lines into the poem. Nevertheless, there are occasionally stanzas of particular interest; for example in an unusual aside to Prince Eugene, Dennis says: Such Spirit never did thy Eyes behold; No, never, thy Heroick Eugene cries, Such mighty Eugene never saw before; No, wond'rous Prince, thou such couldst never see, Tho thou hast long Triumphant Armies led, Tho thou hast conquer'd Foes Of every kind, Humbling the Pride Of the perfidious East, And the more faithless Tyrant of the West, ThO' thou hast been victorious in more Lands Than wand'ring Travellers have seen, yet thou Couldst ne'er before this Hour such Spirit see, Because thou ne'er before this Hour beheldst An Army from a free-born People chose: For only Briton's Of the Race of Men Their Liberties entirely have maintain'd, Nobly maintain'd against the joint Assaults Of Homebred Treason, and external Rage, 57 The Pride of Foreign Tyrants, and their own. Know tis from Liberty, thou wond'rous Man, IMaster of daring Councils yet Of wise, From Godlike Liberty this noble Fire, This dauntless, this immortal Spirit flows. (290—311) The European countries suffering under the domination of France are described in turn, and when finally England is mentioned, she is de- scribed thus: England was plagu'd with an unnatural Race, A.Race expecting but the Blow Of Fate, The cutting Off one slender royal Thread, And then (but long avert that Hour ye Heavens) Resolving infamously to betray Their Country to a Foreign Tyrants Pow'r. Since Glouster, the young prince, was dead, the 'slender royal Thread' could only refer to Anne herself, and the 'unnatural Race' is, Of course, the Jacobites. IMarlborough's description will be mentioned below; the central portion Of the poem follows the tradition of all Blenheim poems with a general description of the battle, the carnage and the complete triumph Of the English soldiers. Specific British heroes are named, and Dennis describes the pride of the past Kings of England as they look down on the victory, and then, borrowing from Virgil, he pictures the future kings Of England appreciating the battle as the source Of their power: The Souls of British Heroes from the Sky Upon the Glories of that Field lOOk'd down, Thither their Eyes the Conq'ring'Edwards bent, On that magnanimous Henry wond'ring gaz'd. All charm'd to see their times Of Gold return, All charm'd to see bright Victory descend. And perch upon an English General's Plume. There the blest Patron of Britannick Knights, The Red Cross Champion lOOk'd transported down To see the Honour of his Order rais'd. . . . And Godlike William lOOk'd with Rapture down To see great Marlborough do what he had done, Had but the false Bavarian been his Foe. The preexisting Souls of future Kings On that important Field lOOk'd down, on which Their future Right and future Pow'r depends. (932—9h1, 9h5—950) 58 In the final lines Of the poem, Dennis mentions the childlessness of the Queen, and also the Marlboroughs' loss of their only son, Lord Blandford. Regarding Marlborough, the tragic death is turned into jus- tification of the father's altruism: But Blandford in his early Bloom was snatch'd To make the Glory Of the Sire compleat; Had noble Blandford still remain'd below, He was good, so charming and so great, SO worthy all the Fathers fond Desire; Th' invidious WOrld might have pretended then That Marlboro had atchiev'd his Godlike Deeds, For private Ends to make his Offspring great; New clearly for his Country and his Queen, For Liberty, and for the World he acts. (2021—2030) Some of the most touching lines, and perhaps the most sincere, Of the poem are found in these regarding the loss Of young Glouster: But thou art gone, Britannia's HOpe is gone, For thee Britannia.mourns like Royal Ann; Thy Fate thy MOther's Happiness impair'd, But it has rais'd her Glory to the Stars; The wenders which she ev'ry Day performs: Mbv'd by the noblest Motives she performs, wa fOr her Country and the WOrld she acts, Fbr Liberty the Darling Cause of Earth, For spotless Faith the darling Cause Of Heav'n. Her Children all were snatch'd away in thee, 0 fond Mistake! 'Whate'er the best Of Queens Performs, she does it for her Children all, Her happy People are her Children now. (20h8-2060) Another Of the poets who contributed to the Blenheim poems was Samuel Wesley, patriarch Of the large Wesley family that included John and Samuel, Jr. As a young man, Samuel had been a dissenter, but had 'con— formed' under the influence of Bishop Tillotson, and become an Oxford scholar. His poemIMarlboroughL_or the Fate of Eurgpe resembles a.medi- eval allegory, with France depicted as a dragon—like Mbnster devouring all of Europe until the "Soverign Arbiter Of Fate" sends Prudence, Fortitude, Celerity and Secrecy down to Marlborough to help him defeat the Fiend. The poet's distrust of France is forcefully stated: 59 ‘We merit chains, if France again we trust Who will not, cannot to his Oaths be just. His Frowns are manly, but his Smiles are base; Those fairly kill, these stab with an Embrace. (330-335) Let war, entail'd on future Lustres come, And worse than War protracted, Fewds at home, SO our loud Crimes may not so high ascend, As to pull down the Curse of having France our Friend! (3h0-3h3) The poem ends with the usual elaborate compliments to Marlborough and Anne, but'Wesley is more specific than.most Blenheim poets in his praise of the Queen, which includes mention Of her reduction of taxes as well as the remission of First Fruits back to the small, impoverished country parishes: Eliza.might have learnt from Her to please, Herself the Taxes for her PeOples ease. What Altars by her generous Hand supply'd, Whose Flames have dimly toll'd, whose Fires had dy'd, Shall shine with Incense which her Bounty threw, And constant Intercourse with Heav'n renew. (h96-501) John Oldmixon's poem on Blenheim is a pastoral, as indicated in the lengthy title: A Pastoral Poem on the Victories at schellenburgh and Blenheim: Obtained by the Arms Of the Confederates, under the Command of his Grace the Duke of Marlborough over the French and Bavarians. The work is dedicated to the Duchess of Marlborough, complimenting her on the "High Qualities that render you the werthy Partner of his Bed and his Fame", and includes a.Preface of twenty four pages. In the Preface, Oldmixon justifies his attempt at commemorating Blenheim: I am far from thinking I can do so illustrious an Action Justice, I ought to have been frighten'd by the success of most of the writers, who have hitherto attempted it, had our Soldiers fought no better than our Poets write upon 'em, we should have had little to rejoyce over but our Victory at Sea. 'Yet instead of discouraging, this embolden'd.me to do as I saw others had done before me: Comerting“myself, that if I could not do better 'Twas impossible to do worse; and if I did not distinguish mye self on this occasion, I might get off in the Croud of those for whom the Subject has been too hard. 60 The actual poem is only a few pages longer than the Preface; it features traditional characters taken from Virgil's eclogues--Menalcas, Thyrsis and.Mbpsus--reclining in the sylvan shade while they relate the incidents of the battle. John Oldmixon was a Grub Street writer and an ardent Whig, but there are few partisan references in the Pastoral except a passing mention of Godolphin and a final tribute to Sarah Churchill: "And YOu, ye Charming and Illustrious Fair!/' Who serve the Throne and Sweeten Anna's Care." In John Gery's Poem to his Grace the Duke Of Marlborough on the G10- rious Successes of the Last Campaign the idea of England as a WOrld power with authority over Europe is stressed: Now shall Britannia rear her awful Head High 'midst her Sister States, and kindly shed Her cheering Influence on the Realms below: From her Decrees each Prince his Doom shall know; While, stern to proud Oppressors, in the Cause Of Injur'd Right her vengeful Sword She draws. (293-298) This poem has some unusual metaphors: EurOpe is seen as a festering sore which.Marlborough heals, and his attack at Blenheim is likened to an avalanche or rockslide. Gery was a friend of Swift and an Oxford fellow; like Wesley, also an Oxford man, he advocates a continuation of the war: That arm, which at the Branches aim'd before, Two Brothers from the French Assistance tore, Again advance, and with thy fatal Blade The monstrous Body next, and naked Trunk invade. (313-316) Gery also praises Anne for the remission Of First Fruits: For Anna.Heaven does all its Blessings store, Repaying what She thither lent before: Her Offer'd Tenths for our Success provide, And bribe each.Heav'nly Influence to our Side. (2h1-2hh) An anonymous poem printed for "B. Bragg at the Blue Bell in AveéMary Lane" appropriately entitled A Poem on His Grace the Duke of Marlborough's Return from his German Expedition begins: 61 Assist me, Sacred.Muse, the Man I sing Who does to Brittain Fame, to Europe safety bring NOr think it Late thy grateful VOice to raise Last Of the Tuneful Choir in Faithful Praise; The Day on which thy Favor I implore Does Marlborough to his Native Isle restore. (1—6) The Bragg poem, which sold for two pence, is a scant six pages, decid- edly brief for that day, and contains little Of historical or literary note, except as it echoes those basic ideas embodied in most Of the Blenheim poems, to be considered in detail below. Of greater length and significance is Le Feu de Joye: or a Brief De- scription of Two Must Glorious Victories Obtained By Her Majesty's Forces and those of Her Allies, over the French and Bavarians; in July and August, 170).;j at Schellenburgh and Blenheim near Hochsted. Under the Magnanimous and Heroick Conduct Of His Grace the Duke of Marlborough A POEM written by a British Muse. Besides the longest title Of all the Blenheim poems, Le Feu de Joye contains a dedication to Godolphin, com— paring the Lord Treasurer with Queen Elizabeth's advisor Lord Burleigh. The poet reveals a keen financial interest in such lines as: What will become of Britain's future State, Thought I, when its Expenses are so great? If wars remain, where will Britannia's Coin, Which for its Glory does the WOrld out-shine; Th' Intrinsick Value far above its Price, If this be gone, whence will it have new rise? All Thriving Merchants do most surely know, The Imports must our Exports far out-do: In small Receipts, or if the more we spend, The Profit balance soon will have an end. (9-18) Such lines indicate the author was probably a Whig, knowledgeable of the economic conditions in London. Further evidence Of Whiggish leanings is contained in this stanza, which echoes Defoe: But since the Tyrant-Foes disdain to fight A fair pitcht Battle, to decide the Right: But skip and sculk, like'WOlves, tO seize a Prey, As Theiv's to 'scape the Gallows, run away: Or b'ing’pursu'd, from Place to Place they fly 62 To some Strong'Hold, where they securely lye, For the next Jobb, or some new Injury. (27-33) Allowing for such financial and military digressions, the bulk Of Le Feu de Joye is a straightforward narrative Of the events of Schellenburgh and Blenheim. Whoever the poet may have been, he was well informed; the poem is unusual in the amount Of accurate military and political detail contained, for example, the false retreat the night before the battle Of Blenheim: The Stratagem Of'War here waits at hand, The like, for Ages, has not been Obtain'd. Leaving a Prey to lure 'em to the Field, A Prey, which to their Numbers sure must yield Ours feign a March, retire to make it plain, Till they Encamp, next day return again. (157-160) The most original of the anonymous poems relating to Blenheim and Marlborough was written in 1708, four years after the battle. A Dialogue Between.Windsor Castle and Blenheim Housei The Seat of the Duke of Marlborough Formerly call'd Woodstock-Bower has the two residences boast- ing about their importance. 'Windsor has more historical background, hav- ing been built in the days of Edward the Confessor, "And ever since I've been the Residence/' Of every English Queen and British Prince". Blenheim House counters with: Tho Age don't plead fOr my Magnificence, 'Tis famouse for the Founder's Excellence; 'Tis Marlborough's NOble Seat, whose Conduct charms His Army, and dull Cowards stirs to Arms; Whose Valour leads them with such Rage and Skill, A NOble General, whose dreadful Sight The Enlmies Blood to their faint Heart do's fright. (56-62) While it is not the purpose here to consider the literary value of these poems, it may be pertinent to note in passing the extensive use of epic language, indicative not only of the literary fashion Of the day, but also of the poets' desire to emphasize the heroic quality Of both the battle and the General. The epic devices used by Prior and Addison have 63 been.mentioned in passing; it remains to consider a sampling from the minor poems. Marlborough is everywhere compared with Caesar and Alexander, and the author of Feu de Joye includes Epaminondas. Variations of "Veni, Vidi, Vici" include Gery's "I came, I saw, and having seen, subdu'd", ‘Wesley's "we came, we conquered e'en before we saw", and Oldmixon's "Who never fail'd to conquer where he came", the latter in reference to Eugene. Extended similes involving hunting and forest images reminiscent Of Virgil occur in nearly every poem, and Feu de Joyp and Wesley's Fate of Europe contain.HOmeric cataloges Of English and German heroes. A few more ex- amples may suffice as illustration: Hadst thou the glorious Hecatombs foreseen . . . Thou surely then hadst Sav'd on Godlike Youth (Britannia Triumphans, 2016—2019) For who scap't Scylla, proud Charibdis stav'd (Feu de Joye, h05) One draught of Lethe's Black forgetful Lake (Feu de Joye, h16) Assist me Sacred Muse, the Man I sing (Brass. 1) (The French Generals) to Anna's Chariott Wheels Ingloriously are Bound And Churchill's Brows with Double Laurel Crown'd (Oldmixon 129-130) The majority of epic references are to Homer and Virgil, but undertones Of Dante and Milton are also noticeable. Clearly, the Blenheim poets recognized the importance of their subject and used the traditional he- roic language in an attempt to invest their work with grandeur and dig- nity suitable to the occasion. Varied as the Blenheim poems are in length, style and quality, certain significant ideas and assumptions run through them all, and give a fairly clear view of how Englishmen of the early eighteenth century saw them- selves and their country. One of the most prevalent ideas present in 6h these poems is that of individual freedom. Addison.says, "With native freedom brave/y The meanest Briton scorns the highest slave" and Oldmixon expresses it: "For what is wretched man.unless he's free/ 'Who'd chuse on any other terms to be?” Coupled with this idea Of freedom is a sense of national identity; the English character is defined many times in these poems. The poets see themselves and their countrymen as fighters who go to battle not for power and glory, but to save EurOpe from French tyranny: Britains by Nature Good as they are Brave Wish less to conquer than they love to save (Oldmixon 25-26) For only Gracious Anne can'under Heav'n Give Freedom.to the WOrld and lasting Peace; For only she O'er Willing'Nations reigns, O'er free-born Souls, whose Glory, and whose Pride Is to infranchize all the Christian WOrld. (Britannia Triumphans 2h2-2h6) Glory's tOO mean a Prize; 'tis false tho bright But these for Liberty and EurOpe fight. (wesley 2h1-2h2) Far from Pursuits like theirs (Caesar and Alexander) Great Marlborough's Aim NO thirst Of Pow'r or vain desire of Fame, With Caesar's Conduct, as the Grecian Brave In just Defense, He but destroys to save (Brass 35-39) Like Generous Britains, let us fight or die The Conquest's all your own, for Liberty. (Feu de Joyg, 13-1h) NO vulgar fears can British minds control Heat of revenge and noble pride Of soul O'erlook the foe, advantaged by his post Lessen his numbers and contract his host (Addison 265—268) Old English courage scorns these trifling things, The Higher Ground, the well-flank'd Wings . . . (Defoe 719-720) d still the Advantages are equal found These Higher Hearts, and those the higher Ground (Defoe 725-726) 65 Arms and a Queen to sing Who great and good Send forth the Terror Of her high commands To save the nations from Invading'Hands To prop fair Liberty's declining cause And fix the jarring WOrld with equal laws. (Prior 87-91) That you're a Son Of Great Britannia's Race, An English Heart beneath an English Face A Martial Soul and a Successful Hand Back'd by the faithful Genius Of your Land (Defoe 99h. 8-11) The most elaborate statement of this idea is found in the Latin quota- tions which precede Addison's Campaigh, and they are significant enough to warrant translation: Rheni pacator et Istri. Omnis in hoc uno variis discordia cessit Ordinious; laetatur eques, plauditque senator, VOtaque patricio certant plebeia favori. This quotation refers to Marlborough: "The pacifier Of the Rhine and Of Istria. All discord ceases in the various orders because Of this man. The equestrian rejoices, the senator applauds, the Wishes of the peOple emulate the goodwill Of the patrician." Although the original quotation refers to the Roman Emperor Claudius I, Addison evidently felt the vic- tory at Blenheim had likewise united England. The second quotation is from Livy's Histo , and the parallel is Obvious: Esse aliquam.in terris gentem auae sua impensa, suo labore ac periculo bella gerat pro libertate aliorum. Nec hoc finitimis, aut prOpinquae vicinitatis hominibus, aut terris continenti junctis praestet. Maria trajiciat: ne quod toto orbe terrarum injustum imperium sit et ubique jus, fas, lex, potentissima sint. (Lib. 33) 32 "To be a nation on the earth which, at its own cost, through its own labors and dangers, wages war on behalf of the liberty Of others. Let it not, for this reason, try to surpass its allies, or the people of neighboring vicinities, or other lands joined together in a continent. Let it traverse the seas: let whatever command of the world it has not be unjust, and everywhere let justice, divine right and law be most powerful: 32translated by Aida Rens, Creston High School, Grand Rapids, Michigan. 66 The love of England as a land is very evident in the poems, and there is an appreciation of the isolated position Of the British Isles, as the poets look at the embroiled European countries. Addison states it: Thrice happy Britain, from the kingdoms rent, To sit the guardian of the continent! (33—3h) And Philips echoes rather too closely: Thrice happy Albion! from the World disjoin'd By heav'n propitious, Blissful Seat of Peace! Learn from Thy Neighbors' Miseries to Prize Thy welfare. . . (380-383) Dennis says: A nation round the which wise Nature casts The stormy Main subjected to her sway, That no usurping Tyrant might invade The sacred Refuge of fair Liberty. . . (266-269) Other examples are plentiful: Look round the Spatious Globe and find a Spot Like that which bounteous Heav'n has made your Lot (Wesley ASA-ASS) Thrice happy Albion, did thy sons but know TO prize aright that Gift the Heav'ns bestow (Gery 285-286) Anna, the Goddess of the Pleasant Land Where Liberty and Innocence Reside Free from the Gripes of Tyranny and Pride (Feu de Joye 215-217) Another theme that occurs repeatedly in the Blenheim poems is Divine predestination. Perhaps that was the only way the poets could account for the fact that "gentle Anne" and her aging general were winning the victories that the soldier—King William III had sought unsuccessfully for so long; at any rate, they picture Anne and Marlborough as Destiny's chosen agents: Hail, Mighty Queen, reserv'd by Fate, to Grace The New-Born Age; What Hopes may we conceive 0f Future years. . . (Philips ABS-A36) At length the time ordain'd by Fate is come, 67 The conq'ring Hero's come who breaks the Charm (Dennis, h80-h81) Til He (God) has England magnify'd As instruments to crush the Gallick Pride He Singl'd out the Nation for the Deed, NO wonder all the Power of France comply'd. (Defoe 651-65h) Wise Providence its Bounty does restrain Till both the Blessing's ready and the man The Agent and the Action he prepares He finds the Hero and he makes the wars. (Defoe Conclusion h2-h5) Anna by fate for Britains fame design'd In saving Liberty to save Mankind (Oldmixon 182—183) Fate that decreed at length to check the Course Of Gallic pow'r, enlarged with Lawful Force Our Anna to the pointed time design'd And equal to the Work, foresaw the Monarch's Mind: Destin'd to Bless with nearer Influence Her Happy Isle, and bounteously dispence To the dejected World her Generous Aid TO fill the Glorious Scheme which Heav'n had laid. (Brass 53-60) Thrice happy ANNE with such a Heroe blest To set the long contending World at rest (Gery 289-290) Thee (Marlborough) the Celestial Pow'rs did sure ordain To bless the new-born Age, and brighten Anna's Reign. (Gery 239-2A0) Besides the sense Of being Destiny's Chosen, there is expressed in some of these lines the idea of a new age dawning; overall, the tone is one of pride, Optimism, and, above all, self assurance. Still, the par- tisan rivalry and disputes were difficult to ignore, and though Addison and Prior made no mention of politics in their poems, some of the Blenheim poets refer to the dissension and make pleas for unity: Let Faction Rage, let Discord have her Hour, Our fortunes are no more in Faction's Power. (Oldmixon 110-111) Nor always shall our Prince in vain invite The jarring Tribes to Love and to Unite 68 Her High Example shall at last Prevail, And all the Wicked Arts of Discord Fail. (Oldmixon 116-119) Enough, my sons, enough of NOise and Strife And Stern debate, the deadliest Plague of Life! NOW learn to Live! Your Arrows close unite Unbroke and firm, as your own Ranks in fight. (Wesley. A33-A36) Let Civil-Strife and Party Fire Under thy (Victory's) weighty Hand expire Under thy Banner let us always Fight Conquer abroad, at Home unite. (Defoe, 367-370) Eugene's enormous pOpularity with the English is evidenced by his men- tion in nearly every Blenheim poem in such complimentary terms as "the illustrious Eugene", "Eugene the fav'rite and Boast of Fame", and ”Eugenius, from the Banks Of PO, appears/V Crown'd with more Victories than Tears." A final theme which is repeated in the poems concerns the distance from home at which the English soldiers are fighting; such terms as "strange stars" and "unaccustomed air" reveal the poets' awareness Of the unusual dimensions of the War. As Philips says, "They go beyond/ The Trace Of English Steps, where scarce the Sound/I Of Henry's arms arriv'd." (h2-hh) Marlborough is, Of course, characterized repeatedly, and the poets are unanimous in their description Of the General as a calm, sedate man with superb self control. Addison set the standard in his famous "angel lines": Calm and serene he drives the furious blast; And, pleased the Almighty's orders to perform, Rides in the Whirlwind and directs the storm. (290—292) The other Blenheim poets agreed: Amid the mingled Legions Churchill stands Like Fate distributing’his High.Commands 'With chearful patience and with awful mein Cool as in Council, as in.Peace Serene. (Oldmixon 333-336) 69 Calm and Sedate, the Mighty Man Spreads with his dreadful Troops the Plain The Martial Fury of his Face Began to rise and shew itself apace: But all his Soul was calm, 'twas all sedate; Secure of Conquests, unconcern'd at Fate. (Defoe 8h8-853) When now the hostile Camp appear'd in View And either Wing their Troops to Battle drew, Calm and serene the dangerous task you weigh'd (Gery 119-121) Some praise his equal Conduct in the state In council calm, unmov'd by warm debate Above a narrow Faction's mean design True as the Sun to the Meridian Line (Wesley. 35A-357) Superior fram'd, Of that intrepid Soul Unmov'd itself, to guide and move the whole Compos'd amidst the wranglings Of debate; Amid the shock of Charging TrOOps sedate. (Bragg, 63-66) Much Of the praise Of Marlborough is set in stock phrases of little mean- ing, but a careful reading Of the Blenheim poems brings out some further aspects of the General's character that are enlightening. Mr. Gery sees him as an inspiration to English youth: 0 Thou renown'd in'War, whose Godlike Deeds NO Brittish Youth without a Rapture reads! Who dost create a Genius, and inspire Each Breast unhallow'd with Apollo's Fire! (1-h) To Whom, of all that Brittish Air have breath'd Has Nature such a scanty Soul bequeath'd That does not with a gen'rous Ardour burn, From YOu.the Rudiments of War to learn? Under Your Banners to display his Worth And draw the latent Seeds Of Vertue forth? (35-h0) The theme is also mentioned in Le Feu de Joy_: The British YOuth shall shout with Recreation 'Twas you restor'd the Courage Of the Nation (Epilogue 27-28) The image of Marlborough as the calm, impassive leader appears so fre— quently it must be respected; however, such a character could hardly be 70 so successful a military general without some fire and force, and two of the poems attempt specifically to describe the Duke in action: And now our Gen'ral's even Temper shew'd, was here and there, and ev'ry where i' the Crowd; Where Bullets whistle, or where Cannons roar, Whose well-steel'd Bands before 'em rent and tore; New to the Right the useful WOrd he gave, And then the Left, the Center helpt to save; Swift as an Arrow, his proud Courser flew O'er Cannon Ball, or it had pierc't him thro'. Dasht O'er with Dirt, Dust, Earth and coarsest Soil, Dy'd with the Core, which Crimson Wounds defile: NO Danger stOpt his piercing Eye and Ear, To push the Conqu'ring Front or succour the wav'ring Rear. (Le Feu de Joypp305-316) Right on the Foe You, like a Whirlwind, drive, And soon amidst their troubled Ranks arrive. Where-e'er you press, unable to control YOur wond'rous Rage, in Heaps the Squadrons roll: Rout and Confusion Speedy Entrance find: Terror before You runs, and Ruin stalks behind. (Gery 1h7-150) There would seem to be a certain ambivalence in.Marlborough's personality that makes poetic description difficult; the combination Of calm self control in council and fierce aggressiveness in battle was described by Gery as a.merging of extremes: How did commanding Reason, in the Heat Of Raging Battle, still maintain its Seat? Like Lightening, in the midst of Thunder, bright, No Hurry could confound its Native Light. By Rage not blinded, nor by Prudence cool'd, You spur'd the Sluggish, and the Rash you rul'd In Tumult no tumultuous Thoughts exprest; But, breathing Vengeance, still YOur self possest. Thus in a noble Bard, whose ev'ry Line Does with apparent Inspiration shine, Fancy and judgment, native Cold and Heat, Those two so rarely joyned Extreams, do meet. (219-230) Samuel Wesley called Marlborough's character a union Of virtues: Victorious both in Council and in'War, NOthing's denied, where He's the Embassador; Some his Dexterity, for Business made; His Application these, and timely Aid; Some (praise) his Humanity; How easie of Access 71 How prone to Aid and Pity and Redress, How form'd to Help, how made to Please and Bless (361—367) NOthing he leaves to Chance's blind Pretence, But all is Prudence, all is Providence. Firm and Intrepid to the last Degree, Alike from Slowness and from Rashness free; The French and German Virtues he unites Like one Consults, and like the other Fights. (37h-379) The longest and.most elaborate description of.Marlborough's character appears in Dennis' work, and perhaps it is small wonder he enjoyed the General's patronage: But who shall paint thee wond'rous Chief, in whom Repugnant Qualities are reconciled; Secret thy Soul as is the dead of Night, Yet chearful as the Smile of Opening Day, That lofty, awful, and commanding’Brow With sweet atractive Majesty invites. Calm are his Thoughts in his profound Designs, Yet swift tho sure his executing Might, His breast supply'd with all the glorious Fire That burns with inextinguishable Flame In the aspiring Minds Of those brave Men, Who by great Actions court eternal Fame. Yet he by a transcendent Force of Mind, Entirely Master of that tow'ring Fire, Which, like his Slave, he absolutely sways With a Controuling and a Lordly Pow'r. Calm are his Gestures, his Majestick Brow Compos'd, ne'er dark with Grief, nor rough with Rage, But always mild, attractive, bright, serene. In whom deep Foresight dwells unknown to fear, And Intrepidity unknown to Rage. The Love of Fame that urges him away T' immortal Actions still severely curb'd. Always obedient to cool Wisdom's VOice, And guided like the Chariot of the Sun, Whose animating'Fires preserve the WOrld Far, far above the Tempests stormy Rage. (h01-h27) In all the Blenheim poems there is a sense of newly-awakened national pride that transcends party and is deeply rooted in the idea Of freedom. Bonamy Dobree, discussing such patriotic poetry, says: And if we look rather more closely at the heroes celebrated, at least down to those times where being“Whig or Tory might dictate a choice, we note that they are mainly associated with liberty; in the first instance from foreign oppression, and then from tyranny at home, in short, those who 'The Gaul 72 subdued, or property secur'd'. This patriotic poetry can- not all be dismissed as mere 'Whig'panegyric'; the themes are too constant and too various; moreover the melodies warbled by the Whigs are fervently carrolled by the most arrant Tories. we tend, I think, to underestimate the sense our Augustan forebears had of liberty as a precious possession lately threatened; we are apt to regard the word as a counter, forgetting'how close the age felt it- self to be to its tyrannic past, how lately the bitter struggle had been fought, how sharply the men of that age realized the price of liberty to be eternal vigilance.3 After the upheavals of the Civil'War, the Restoration and the Bloodless Revolution, England was experiencing at this time a period of intense political development. Some historians have marked the'War of the Spanish Succession with its extended dimensions and EurOpean-wide repercussions as the beginning, in England, of the "modern" period. Certainly it marks, in the more thoughtful members Of both political parties, an awareness Of responsibility and involvement in European affairs, motivated and jus- tified by a belief in freedom. Thus it may be of particular significance to Americans, who tend to think that the 'inalienable rights' of life, liberty and the pursuit Of happiness were invented in Philadelphia in 1787 to read the same ideas expressed in English poems written some eighty years earlier. An equally important idea expressed in the poems is that of non—aggres- sion; over and over the English writers stress the fact that they are saviors, not despoilers of the European countries they are invading. The careful supply arrangements of the GodolphinéMarlborough ministry which insured that English soldiers would not have to forage the countryside indicate that this was a sincere governmental policy as well as a humane 33"The Theme of Patriotism in the Poetry of the Early Eighteenth Century" Proceedings of the British Academy (London: OxfOrd U. Press 19u9). p. 55. 73 ideal hitherto unheard of in EurOpe. It is necessary always to keep in mind the absolute rule of Louis XIV and other European monarchs of the time. The complete absence of civil rights or religious toleration in France and Spain.made England by contrast a shining haven of freedom. The budding awareness of this special quality pervades the Blenheim poems, as does a not so attractive arrogance, expressed through the idea that England is God's favored country, destined to save the world from French tyranny. Because the battle Of Blenheim occurred early in the war, when enthu- siasm and idealism were at a peak, it was ideally suited to serve as the subject of patriotic poetry, at that time being read by an ever increas- ing'English audience. NOt only were more Englishmen--and women--able to read, but the subject of the Blenheim poems was one which deeply inter- ested people from all walks of life, and one which did not require formal education to understand. Thus, the Blenheim poems expressed ideas and attitudes which not only echoed public Opinion, but also shaped it. As reinforcement of certain principles and ideals the Blenheim poems were particularly significant, and in their educational effect their value is inestimable. Although.most of the literary praise of Blenheim took the form of poetry, there is at least one surviving prose example. It is anonymous, was "printed for F.B. and sold by B. Bragge in.AvemaryéLane 1706 Price 6d", and is entitled Two Campaigps in One Panegyrical Essay'upgn his Grace the Duke of'Marlborough's Successes in the‘Yeahpp170h and 1705 and and his fine House of Blenheim now building at his Manor of WOodstock lately;given.him by Act of Parliament, for his Great Services. Perhaps in the interest of giving fair exchange fer the six pence, the author continues: "to which is added the Fifth Ode of Horace's Fourth Book, 7h turn'd into English by way of Imitation, and humbly address'd to his Grace, instead of Augustus, to whom it is dedicated in the origina ." The essay is designed primarily to display the author's erudition; it is crammed with references to the classics and favorable comparisons between Marlborough and the great figures of antiquity. At times it soars to precarious heights of flattery: Sir, I could declare, (if it were Manners to speak of it) that you have done a Diskindness to Mankind, and have dis- couraged Gallantry and noble Actions; for you have left no Room for Emulation, because no Man emulates or endeavors after what is unattainable. Attalanta could not pretend to be as swift as the Wind, tho' she had left the Golden Apples behind her; neither can the mightiest Giant presume to run with the Sun: So that future Heroes will appear comparatively but frigid Eunuchs: they might sigh and groan, (as Caesar did at the Sight of Alexander's statue) but all their Efforts shall prove abortive. For your Name shall be known in the WOrld, and the Danube (the greatest River in Europe) shall swell with Pride, and flow with Pleasantness when the name of Caesar with his famld Rubicon, shall be forgotten. (12-13) Neither of the two Campaigns mentioned in the title is described in the essay, and the paragraphs pertaining to Blenheim Palace are more suitably examined below; a few lines, however, which pertain to Marlborough as peace negotiator are of interest: As nothing considerable can be atchiev'd in carrying on a 'War, unless your Grace gives Life to it, in being at the Head of the Enterprize; so nothing can be crown'd with Success in Treaties of Peace, without your Presence; and you that sav'd the Empire, by making an unheard of March to the Danube last year, are requested from no less a Hand than that of the August Emperor of the Romans, to make a far greater Journey to preserve Hungary'this. (pp. 30-31) To conclude, all that we can hope or desire, is, that you may bring our Enemies to a Sense of Humanity and.an.honour- able Peace. . . (p. 33) This view of Marlborough as peacemaker as well as soldier is not empha- sized in the Blenheim poems, but has historical basis, and thus helps round out the character of Blenheimfls hero. 75 Of considerably more historical and literary interest are the essays of Swift and Steele which were written in 1711 and deal with Marlborough in a different light. By this time the glow of optimism and patriotic pride engendered by Blenheim had long since dimmed; Marlborough had won victory after victory for England, but peace seemed no nearer, and the country was weary Of the bloodshed and expense. The Allies were even further drained of resources, and more and more the cost and responsi— bility of the war fell to the English. Since the Whigs had claimed IMarlborough for their own, they were known as the war party; the Tories, newly returned to power, were determined to win peace at whatever cost. The first step was to get rid of Marlborough, and to this end the Tories launched an intensive pamphlet campaign to prepare the public for the rejection of their former hero. Swift was their most effective instru- ment, and his The Conduct of the Allies appeared in NOvember, 1711, just one month before Anne dismissed Marlborough on charges on peculation and accepting bribes. After two days the first edition was sold out; the second edition sold out in five hours. By January, six editions had been sold out, making a total of eleven thousand OOpies printed.3h The Conduct of the Allies is a.masterful political piece, perhaps because Swift was carefully monitored during its creation by the Tories, particularly St. John, to insure it carried the party line. It was known to have Official government backing'because it quoted certain treaties available only to the queen's ministers. The essay is well organized, straightforward, logical and forceful. It seems indeed to articulate the frustrations and resentments that had been building'among 3LlJo‘nathan Swift, Political Tracts 1711-1713, ed. Herbert Davis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1951), p. ix 76 Englishmen of all ranks. At the same time, it is devastating in its at- tack on Marlborough. Swift opens the essay with "Reflexions on War in General", and moves from there to "Reflexions on Past English'Wars" and finally to England's part in the present'War. Upon this last, he makes three major points: First, That against all manner of Prudence or common Reason, we engaged in this war as Principals, when we ought to have acted only as Auxiliaries. Secondl , That we spent all our Vigour in pursuing that part of the'War which could least answer the End we prOposed by beginning Of it; and made no Efforts at all Where we could have most weakened the Common Enemy, and at the same time enriched our Selves. Lastly, That we suffered each of our Allies to break every Article in those Treaties and Agreements by which they were bound, and to lay the Burthen upon us. Each of these points is enlarged upon in turn, and Swift then asks: If all this, I say, be our Case, it is a very Obvious Ques- tion to ask, by what Mbtives, or what Management we are thus become the Dupes and Bubbles Of Europe? Sure it cannot be owing to the Stupidity arising from the coldness of our Cli— mate, since those among our Allies, who have given us most Reason to complain, are as far removed from the Sun.as our selves. The answer, of course, is that the war has been continued deliberately by Godolphin and Marlborough out of greed for money and power. Swift excuses himself from defamation by saying, "If, in laying Open the real Causes of our present Misery, I am forced to speak with some Freedom, I think it will require no Apology; Reputation is the smallest Sacrifice Those can.make us, who have been the Instruments of our Ruin; because it is That, for which in all Probability they have the least Value." He then launches the attack, beginning with Godolphin: I have already observed, that when the Counsels of this'War were debated in the late King's Time, my Lord Godolphin was then so averse from ent'ring into it, that he rather chose to give up his Employment, and tell the King'he could serve him no longer. Upon.that Prince's Death, although the Grounds of our Quarrel with France had received no manner of Addition, yet this Lord thought fit to alter his Sentiments; for the 77 Scene was quite changed; his Lordship, and the Family with whom he was engaged by so complicated an Alliance, were in the highest Credit possible with the Queen: The Treasurer's Staff was ready for his Lordship, the Duke was to Command the Army, and the Dutchess, by her Employments, and the Favour she was possessed of, to be always nearest Her Maj- esty's Person; by which the whole Power, at HOme and Abroad, would be devolved upon that Family. This was a Prospect so very inviting, that, to confess the Truth, it could not be easily withstood by any who have so keen an Appetite for 'Wealth or Ambition. By an Agreement subsequent to the Grand Alliance, we were to assist the Dutch with Forty thousand Men, all to be Commanded by the Duke Of Marlborough. So that whether this war were prudently begun or not, it is plain, that the true Spring or Mbtive of it, was the aggran- dizing a particular Family, and in short, a'War of the fighr eral and Ministhy and not of the Prince or People; since those very Persons were against it when they knew the Power, and consequently the Profit would be in other Hands. Swift contends that not only were Godolphin and Marlborough involved in prolonging the war, but the "money changers at home" and the Whigs in general were in Conspiracy, and the wonder is not that the Union lasted so long, but that the Queen was able to break it at all: The Prudence, Courage, and Firmness of Her Majesty in all the Steps of that great Change, would, if the Particulars were truly related, make a very shining'Part in.Her Story; NOr is Her Judgment less to be admired, which directed Her in the Choice of perhaps the only Persons who had Skill, Credit, and Resolution enough to be her Instruments in over- throwing so many Difficulties. With the Queen and her new ministry thus complimented on getting rid of the Marlborough-Godolphin Conspiracy, Swift moves on to other consider— ations; not, however, before he has aimed a final volley at Sarah Churchill. The Duchess' final attempt to break through the Queen's silence and justify herself is described: . . . Her Majesty was pursued through all Her Retreats, particularly at Windsor; where, after the Enemy had pos- sessed themselves of every Inch of Ground, they at last attacked and stormed the Castle, forcing the Queen to fly to an adjoining Cottage, pursuant to the Advice of Solomon, who tells us, It_is better to dwell in a corner of the hpusetOp, than with a brawling WOman in a wide house. The public interest in The Conduct of the Allies is evidenced by the 78 size of its circulation and the number of editions it required, and im- mediately it attracted a large number of rebuttals and refutations, some independently offered by admirers of Marlborough, most commissioned by the Whigs. Dr. Hare, Marlborough's chaplain, prepared the most elaborate defence of the war party entitled The Allies and the Late Ministry De- fended agginst France and the present Friends of France, but far more effective then, as now, was Richard Steele's pamphlet The Englishman's Thanks to the Duke of Marlborough. Rae Blanchard gives the background for the pamphlet: This anonymous public letter is Steele's first known politi- cal pamphlet, written in indignation the day after the Queen dismissed Marlborough from all his offices, including that Of Captain-General (31 Dec. 1711). . . . All of these pro- ceedings were disagreeable to Steele, who not only was in sympathy with the foreign and domestic policies of the Whigs but admired Marlborough's military achievements, his states- manship and his personal qualities to the point of hero wor- ship. His old-fashioned eloquence is deeply sincere. Such treatment of'Marlborough after his successful prosecution of the war with France Steele regarded as national ingratitude.35 Although Steele's pamphlet was indirectly inspired by Swift's Conduct, it does not presume to argue against Swift's case, but is rather an en- dorsement of Marlborough personally, as England's heroic General: Till You were plac'd at the Head of Armies, the Confederates seem'd contented to show France, That She could not overcome Europe: But it enter'd not into the Heart of Man, That the rest of Europe could Conquer France. When I have said this, My Lord, there arise in.my Soul so many Instances of Your having been the Ministring Angel in the Cause of LIBERTY, that my Heart flags, as if it expected the lash of Slavery, When the Sword is taken out of His Hand, who Defended Me and all Men from it. While Steele admits it is possible for men to be ungrateful for IMarlborough's exploits, it is impossible to take those exploits away from 35 Blanchard, Ed, Tracts and Pamphlets, p. 66 79 him; his Qualities speak for themselves. In a final burst of praise Steele concludes: While you are what You cannot cease to be, that Mild Virtue is Your Armour; the Shameless Ruffian that should attempt to Sully it, would find his Force against it as Detestable, as the Strength.of a Ravisher in the Violation of Chastity; the Testimonies of a.Perjur'd Man Confronting'Truth, or Glamour drowning the VOice of Innocence. Steele's championship of Marlborough did not end with An Englishman's Thanks, but was continued in certain.numbers of the Spectator which appeared the following year. Addison shared Steele's Whig principals and devotion to Marlborough, but was less inclined to engage in.partisan disputes, preferring to write on.subjects which could encourage agree- ment and reconciliation; Steele was the instigator of the references to Marlborough which occurred in the periodical. In number 139, for exam- ple, Steele is dealing with love of Glory; he uses Louis XIV as a bad example and Peter Alexovitz of Russia as a good one, and then goes on to say his ideal Prince, "were it not to make the Character too imaginary", would be offered Sovereignty over some Foreign Territory, but would con- sider that an empty Addition without the kind Regards of his own Prince. This, of course, refers to the Offer of the Principality of Mindelheim made to Marlborough by Leopold following'Blenheim; in case the Spectator readers miss the reference, Steele concludes the essay: These thoughts are apt to draw me beyond the usual Length of this Paper, but if I could suppose such Rhapsodies could out-live the common Fate of ordinary things, I would say these Sketches and faint Images of Glory were drawn in August 1711, when John Duke of Marlborough made that memo- rable March wherein he took the French Lines without Blood- shed. In Spectator number 165 Addison concocts an imaginary letter from a sol- dier at Blenheim to support his contention that too many French words are being absorbed into the English vernacular. The result of such 80 references in so pOpular a periodical was subtly to keep Marlborough's name and memory alive, even though at the time he was in voluntary exile in EurOpe. Admittedly, the literature inspired by the battle of Blenheim and the Duke onMarlborough has more historical than artistic merit; its impor- tance lies in the lively interest it inspired. As a.major military vic- tory, Blenheim resulted in patriotism and Optimistic confidence; as a General who won battles and made a fortune from the war but could not negotiate a peace, Marlborough was the center of sharp controversy. Both the event and the man provided poets and essayists of Anne's day with subject matter that had immense public appeal and practically guar- anteed readers. It was due to such keen interest in politics and public life that the Blenheim literature found its way into so many coffee- houses, kitchens and libraries of Englishmen all over the country. III Blenheim Palace The importance Of Blenheim Palace lies in what it can tell us about the attitudes and ideas of the age in which it was created. To the ob- server aware of the energetic, discordant interaction.among social classes, political parties and religious congregations in the Queen Anne period, Blenheim provides a resounding echo of the times, restating in stone the country's aspirations to world eminence, proud awareness of the past as well as some uncertainty about the future, and independent attempts to adapt EurOpean motifs to English taste. Half fortress, half palace, Blenheim does not inspire attention; it commands it: the observer's eye is led inexorably through the increasing complexity of forms to the cen- tral block, which is neither a Roman Catholic altar nor a.monarch's throne, but the entrance front of a private English residence. After the victory at Blenheim, public excitement was so high that the captured French and Bavarian standards had scarcely been hung in Westmin- ster Abbey before the Queen and Parliament were engaged in the happy dilemma of trying to decide what a grateful nation could do to reward its heroic general. As Louis Kronenberger describes it in Marlborough's Duchess: There were various proposals. A first thought was to clear a large London area, turn it into a square bearing Marlborough's name, erect twin statues of John and the Queen, and build him a.magnificent town house looking out on it all. Godolphin deprecated this, thinking it questionable to set any subject on an equal footing with his sovereign, and suggestinge-as also much less expensive--an annual Thanksgiving Service. In time the Queen herself was asked to name a suitable tes- timonial; who, after taking'thought, proposed that the Royal Manor and Park at'WOodstock--that pleasaunce of Saxon, NOrman Plantagenet and Tudor kings--be conveyed to the Duke and his heirs forever. An act was quickly passed to this effect: it conveyed some 15,000 acres worth about 6,000 a.year, and 81 82 Parliament also authorized a grant of 5,000 a year during the Queen's lifetime. Nor would the Queen, in munificence, fall short of the country. She would build at Woodstock, at her own expense, a commemorative palace to be called the Castle of Blenheim.3 Because of the close relationship between Anne and the Marlboroughs, there was no thought of a written agreement or contract. Anne was to give the Duke the necessary money (ChristOpher Wren, the Queen's Surveyor, had been dispatched to the site and estimated a cost of£100,000), and Marlborough would engage the architect. In 1705 the Surveyor's Office, where national building projects originated, contained, besides Sir Christopher Wren, John Vanbrugh as Comptroller and Nicholas Hawksmoor as Clerk of the Works. Wren was 73, and still engaged in finishing St. Paul's Cathedral, along with many lesser projects. Vanbrugh, on the other hand, was a vigorous Ln, a staunch Whig and man of affairs who knew and was known by leaders of both parties. He belonged, along with other prominent Londoners, to the exclusive Whig Kit Cat Club, where he was known for his good humor and sharp wit. At the same time, he sincerely admired Marlborough and saw him as a national hero as well as a potential client of considerable means. Vanbrugh (166h-1726) began his career as an army officer, and in 1690 he had been taken prisoner and confined at Calais, at Vincennes and finally at the Bastille.37 Released in 1692, he returned to London and became active in the theater as a playwright and producer. His first play, The Relapse, was written in 1696 as a sequel to Love's Last Shift by 36(New York: Alfred A. KnOpf, 1958), p. 13h-5 37The Complete Works of John Vanbrugh, ed. Bonamy Dobree, Vol. 1 (New York: AMS Press, 1967Yp. xxxv. This early connection with the Bastille, originally a medieval fortress, has been given as a possible Source of those same qualities present in many Of Vanbrugh's buildings. 83 Colley Cibber. It was a box-office success, and in the spring of 1697 'Vanbrugh followed it with The Provoked'Wife, which also enjoyed favorable reviews. In addition to these two original plays, he contributed many adaptations and translations from French drama.to the London theater. Although his plots and characters are for the most part Restoration ste— reotypes, they are well-drawn and effective, and demonstrate Vanbrugh's professional competence as a dramatist. The same understanding of the dramatic arrangement of elements evident in his plays also can be found in his architecture, where the progressive building up of forms to pro- vide tension is a dominant feature. In addition, Vanbrugh's three careers as playwright, Officeholder and architect personify in their diversity the close interchange of interests possible in that day. The early eighteenth century was a period of gen- eralization rather than specialization and it was not uncommon for gifted men to pursue several avenues of interest and ability. When Marlborough engaged him to be the architect of Blenheim, Vanbrugh had designed only one other building: Castle Howard, a country house in Yorkshire done in collaboration with Nicholas Hawksmoor,'Vanbrugh's fellow-worker in'Wren's Office of WOrks. Castle Howard had attracted widespread attention because of its unusual design and magnificence, and it is not surprising'that Vanbrugh at once brought in Hawksmoor as his assistant at Blenheim, continuing an association that was to result in the culmination of English Baroque architecture. HaWksmoor (1661-1736) had gone into the Office of WOrks in 1679 as ChristOpher wren's personal clerk and became Clerk of the WOrks in 1689. Ten years later he met Vanbrugh and became his assistant and principal draftsman, His exact education is unknown, but he had a scholarly reputation and a thorough understanding of the monuments Of antiquity which is evident in his work. 8h His independent designs include some Of London's most distinctive churches, among-which are St. Anne, Limehouse (171A), St.:Mary WOolnoth (1716), Christ Church Spitalfields (171A) and St. George, Bloomsbury (1720). The collaboration Of Vanbrugh and Hawksmoor at Castle Howard and Blenheim Palace poses a problem for art historians, because it is so difficult to identify the respective contributions of each. John Summerson calls their working relationship almost intuitive, and adds that the resulting’complexity Of their designs combines sources so image inatively that "analysis is an extremely delicate matter."38 As Kerry Downes describes the two, HaWksmoor was the better trained and the better draftsman; he was precise and particular, attentive to detail and hesi- tant to attract public attention. 'Vanbrugh, on the other hand, could scarcely draw and had no experience Of the organization necessary for such an undertaking as palace building, but was full of creative vision and a consummate salesman; Downes concludes, "their very different char- acters must have fitted like a dove-tail joint.T%9The partnership was much more than.a,meeting of complementary natures, however. Together these two men were able to create the most outstanding examples of English Baroque architecture in the country. Separately, each man created dis- tinctive designs, but the qualities present at Castle Howard and Blenheim Palace are more than the sum total Of their individual styles. In general, this architecture was characterized by its massiveness, the feeling of irregular movement of line, and a strong dramatic quality which draws the eye in gradual progression to the climactic center front 38Architecture in Britain 1530-1830, (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, Ltd., 5th rvsd. ed. 1969, rpt. 1970) p. 269. 39Hawksmoor, (London: A. Zwemmer Ltd., 1959) p. 72. 85 of each building. Although the individual motifs are similar to those found in continental architecture and resemble some of wren's designs, their combination is original, and the effect unique. At Castle Howard, Vanbrugh's client was Lord Carlisle, a fellow Kit Cat Club member and a staunch patron and friend who secured his appoint- ment as Comptroller of works in 1702 and Clarenceux King of Arms in 170h. Nevertheless, his choice of Vanbrugh.as architect was a spur-of-the— moment decision, apparently motivated as much by anger and revenge as by any confidence in'Vanbrugh's ability: the original architect, William Talman, was well known, particularly for his work at Chatsworth, but he was also pretentious and expensive, and Carlisle dismissed him in 1699, commissioning his friend to do the design.Lto Vanbrugh lost no time in proceeding with his new employment; by December of the same year he was making the following’progress report to another influential friend and patron, the Earl of Manchester: . . . I have been this Summer at my Ld Carlisle's, and seen most of the great houses in the NOrth, as Ld NOttings: Duke of Leeds Chattesworth &c. I stay'd at Chattesworth four or five days the Duke being there. I shew'd him all my Ld Carlisle's designs, which he said was quite another thing than what he imagin'd from the Character yr. Ldship gave him on't; He absolutely approved the whole design, particularly the low'Wings, which he said wou'd have an admirable effect Without doors as well as within, being adorn'd with those Ornaments Of Pillasters and Urns which he never thought of, but concluded 'twas to be a plain.low building like an orange house. There has been a great many Criticks consulted upon it since, and no objection being'made to't, the Stone is raising, and the Foundations will be laid in the Spring. The MOdell is preparing in wood, wch when done, is to travel to Kensington where the King‘s thoughts upon't are to be had.br‘l hoJames LeeséMilne, English Country Houses (London: Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd., 1970) p. 1h8. h1The Complete works of John'Vanbrugh, "Letters", ed. Geoffrey Webb, Vol. IV (New York: AMS Press, 1967) p. h-5. Hereafter cited as "Letters" 86 Despite Vanbrugh's inelmerience as an architect, Castle Howard was strikingly original and of a size and grandeur seldom seen before in an English private residence. The center block contains a gigantic hall, topped by a domed roof; arcaded arm-like projections curve outward to meet blocks of service buildings, forming an enormous courtyard on the north (Figure 1). The south-garden front stretches some 300 feet in «1.4;, “"3. ¢Q ~—’ e. = _- fi—JEE‘l—J‘f eElEi’a'Iiuuyl-L .1 . I -—.i ___ ._ hustling: ‘ , p . .1 a}. N - i. “I: ’ %—"—:d ffizfflgwm‘ x“ --: a- :5; I..- 'lTlTI'i l / ‘ V .IIII a -.3. oil!“ I! .7... . , ---...- ‘uii‘un'l Fig.1 Cdsfle 11000ch ‘coux't‘tdo-vt €V0n+. length and contains twenty—seven large arched Windows, with a giant Corinthian order at the center entrance. The distance between the ser- vice blocks at either side of the Grand Courtyard is 700 feet; by con- trast, the overall length Of Longleat is around hOO feet. However, as Laurence Whistler notes, it is not its dimensions which make Castle Howard important, but the novelty and diversity of its groupings: "the building up Of components on either side, in the form--however elementary 87 still-~of a crescendo: the exploiting Of an effect we now call 'move— ment'.")42 'Vanbrugh's Official appointment as surveyor (i.e., architect) for Blenheim was made June 9, 1905; nine days later, at Woodstock, the foundation stone was laid at a gala ceremony attended by both.Vanbrugh and Hawksmoor. From that day until Vanbrugh's resignation from the pro- ject in 1716, the story of Blenheim Palace's construction is one of un- paid workmen, unmet deadlines, work stoppages and delays. It took fif- teen years until the Marlboroughs could move into their living quarters in the palace, and work continued on grounds, gates and individual mon- uments for another ten. The last recorded act concerning Blenheim's completion was in 1738, after the death Of both Vanbrugh and Hawksmoor, when the Duchess, now 78 years old, placed a statue of Queen Anne in the Long Library. Part of the initial difficulties lay in'Vanbrugh's inexperience with the practical aspects of construction, and as might be expected, the original plans went through many changes before the final effect was achieved. Whistler says: Alterations continued to be suggested by Vanbrugh, and it is remarkable how easily they were passed by the Duke or his representative Godolphin even when they involved the pulling down of long stretches of wall. Thus the Whole basement on the south front had already been furnished with round win- dows. . . when it was apparently discovered that they did not give enough light. Accordingly, Strong reported in February, 1707, the removal of these, and the setting up of a full scale model for the Duke to see, representing'the proposed square windows. . . Later he reported the pulling down of more than a.hundred and twenty feet of masonry, all of it advanced to the tOp of the basement, and part of it h2 The Imagination of'Vanbrggh and his Fellow Architects, (London: Art and Technics Ltd., 195h) p. h3. 88 to the springing of the window arches on the main floor, twenty-seven feet from the ground. Although the Duke may have been easily persuaded to approve such costly alterations, the Duchess was not, and lost no time in expressing her dis- satisfaction with Vanbrugh's extravagant methods. Vanbrugh was apparently confident he could justify the increased costs; he writes in a letter to the Duchess dated 1709: . . . And yet after all, I don't question but to see your Grace Satisfy'd at last: for tho' the expence shou'd some- thing exceed my hopes, I am most fully Assur'd it will fall vastly short of the least of your fears, And I believe when the whole is done Both the Queen, Yourself, and everybody (except your personall Enemys) will easilyer forgive me, laying out fifty thousand pounds too Mucfifl than if I had lay'd out a hundred thousand too little. Sarah remained unconvinced; in fact, she established a Comptroller of her own, Tilleman Bobdart, at Blenheim for the purpose of trying to con- trol Vanbrugh's excesses. In 1711 she writes to Bobdart: I am very sorry to find it is not even in the Duke of IMarlborough's power to keep Mr.'Vanbrugh in any reasonable bounds and therefore I shall have the least thought of it. All I desire now is that you will let me know how the madness goes on and whether his brain produces any new ones.)45 The reasons for the Duchess' intense opposition to vanbrugh and his design are not difficult to discover. They were both personally devoted to the Whig'party and the Duke of Marlborough, but beyond that, all sim- ilarity in temperament ceased. Vanbrugh was the charming flatterer, the wit whose plays were both pOpular and risque, a.man.of such an agreeable h3The Imagination of Vanbrugh, p. 98. M4"Letters", p. 32. 5 David Green, Blenheim Palace (London: Country Life, Ltd., 1951), p. 2A6. 89 nature even political foes such as Swift called him "gentle'Van". He was not a liar, but seemed incapable of stating bare fact without exag- geration. In.his letters to the Marlboroughs correct figures are blurred by approximations, and the proposed alterations and additions are cun- ningly diminished by clever prose to disguise the exact extent of their additional cost. His enthusiasm was genuine, however, and his creative genius undeniable; he easily persuaded the Duke to support his most gran— diose plans, set forth so eloquently in his letters. His proposal for a second greenhouse, for example is a.masterpiece of persuasion: NOr will there be so pleasant a Room fOr View Nor so cool (yet all the Same Gay and light) in the Whole house, as that Greenhouse or Detach'd Gallery, for that indeed is What I take it to be, And not a Magazine for a parcell of foolish Plants. I don't see why this shou'd not be the Room for the Tytian hangings which it will just hold. And Since there is no Library in the HOuse. that may be the business (or pretended business at least) of this Gallery, The Books dispos'd in.Presses made handsome like Cabinets, And plac'd Regularly along with the Chairs, tables And Couches, This, my Lord has allways been my NOtion of this Room: And I shou'd be might glad to find your Lordship come into it, for it Seems clearly to me the most Valluable Room in the Whole Building, And I never saw any one of this kind Abroad (which scarce any fine Place is without) that cou'd compare with it, fer the Extreame pleasantness of its Situation. The Duchess, however, was not impressed; her endorsement of this letter reads: The second green.house, or a detached gallery I thank God I prevented being'built; nothing, I think can be more mad than th proposal, nor a falser description of the prospect. 6 Like his prose, Vanbrugh's designs were somewhat exaggerated and showy. Every aspect of Blenheim.demands to be noticed; there is scarcely a modest 146 "Letters", p. 35. 90 stone in the entire fabric. Such boisterousness was extremely expensive, but vanbrugh handled the matter of constantly increasing costs with the cavalier indifference of a.man who has unlimited access to a bottomless treasury. Presumably he was more careful of expenses when building for himself; at least when designing his own houses, he preferred less ostentatious Gothic motifs. Generally, art historians have observed the strong'medi- eval flavor that pervades much of Vanbrugh's architecture, Blenheim in- cluded. He also had romantic tendencies: as David Green points out, his choice of the site for Blenheim, so as to include the old ruined WOodstock manor as a picturesque Object is the sort of thing a romantic would do,’47 and shows in addition an affinity for the monuments of the past which was at the heart of a Gothic revival which did not arrive in England until two generations later. There may'have been in'Vanbrugh's fondness for Gothic that instinc- tive and unconscious searching for identity which often accompanies a sudden rise to eminence. If this is the case, his preference in his own houses for a style reminiscent Of medieval England would have psycholog- ical as well as aesthetic implications. In those insecure, turbulent days when the established theories of Divine Right of Kings and sucession by primogeniture were being supplanted, it would not be surprising if, when designing for himself, he turned for inspiration to a time in history which he associated with a secure, landed aristocracy and an unchanging status quo. At any rate, his own castelated Goose-pye house (1699) and the turreted'Vanbrugh Castle (1717) have a rather picturesque, medieval A7 Blenheim Palace, p. h9. 91 flavor which is unusual for the time. Blenheim Palace was another matter, however; it was to be a.monument to the glory of Anne, Marlborough and England, and Vanbrugh had no hes- itation about making the Palace as magnificently impressive as his imag- ination allowed. Through even the thickest political and financial clouds surrounding its construction, Vanbrugh's enthusiasm waved like one of the Duke's banners, and Marlborough also was constant in his dedication to the completion of the Palace. As his position in the political circles nearest the Queen became more shaky, the Duke clung to the promise Of Blenheim Palace as the one remaining symbol that would answer his critics and present to posterity all that needed to be said about his life. As Winston Churchill wrote: "About his achievements Marlborough preserved complete silence, offering'neither explanation nor excuses for his deeds. His answer was to be this great house.”8 The Duchess, on the other hand, was never able to grasp the symbolic significance which Blenheim Palace held for her husband and his archi- tect; she felt the gift was due the Duke because of his military accom- plishments, as a sort of bonus, and she expected Blenheim to be an ele- gant but comfortable private house, not the public spectacle it in fact became. Throughout her life, Sarah admired nothing so much as practical good sense. She considered flattery offensive and prided herself on her unvarnished speech, even when it alienated Queen Anne herself. She was shrewd to the point Of genius with.money, keeping'impeccable accounts during’her tenure as Mistress of the Stole, and discontinuing the former custom of accepting bribes from merchants in exchange for contracts for L18 Narlborou , II, p. 75h. 92 fabrics and accoutrements for the court. To be sure, there were com- plaints, as she recalled: Some peOple, to be revenged of me for not letting them cheat have said she was not fine enough for a queen, but it would have been rediculous with hep9person & one of er age to have been otherw1se drest. Sarah liked all dealings to be as plain as a face without paint or beauty patches. This preference for simple, time-tested things extended to architecture as well, and it is significant that she chose the aging ChristOpher wren to be the architect of her own town house at St. James's, directing'him to make it comfortable, durable and plaine-and then, as David Green relates, even in this case, taking over the management of the construction herself because the cost was more than she liked and she suspected the 'poor old man' was being'imposed on by his workmen. It took but two years, even without Wren, to build Sarah's Marlborough House, and the result was, in her view, the 'strongest and best house that ever was built'. She could not resist telling the Duke he would always be welcome to see her at her house, that she would visit him sometimes at Blenheim and would 'fade the furniture in her house before Sir John EVanbrugiJ had half finished his' .50 Primarily it was'Vanbrugh's colossal extravagance that infuriated the Duchess; at Blenheim.even the service areas were being made magnificent with colonnades and arched passageways. In answer to her angry complaint about the elaborateness of the kitchen court, Venbrugh, affecting a tone of injured innocence replied: 9 Quoted in David Green, Sarah Duchess Of Marlborough (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1967), p. 79. 50 Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, p. 171-2. 93 This is the reason of its being'built of Freestone, And for the Manner of disposing that Materiall, I can't See Where the Objection lyes. Tis perfectly plain, and only Ax'd, not Smooth'd and Cleansd as in other places: And if upon this whole it makes a better Appearance than such Courts do in other Houses; tis only owing to its Forme, not its WOrkmanship or Ornaments I'm under some disappoint- ment in this, for I was in hopes to have been thank'd for it, As to the Cover'd ways which lead dry to the Inferior Offices; 'tis no more than what has been.very much practis'd in Ancient buildings, And is I think very much wanting in the New: They are not made out of respect to the Offices they lead to, but for the Shelter of the people who are so perpetually oblig'd to frequent 'em. . . And here I must desire yr Grace to Observe That if anything gives that back Court at Blenheim a.more than Ordinary Appearance, 'tis those Corridores being Open'd to it with Arches, which has been much less expensive than if the Wall had been quite close. And 'tis by such kind of things as these, that for the same expence, One house may be made to look incomparably better than Another. 1 The Duchess' anger at Vanbrugh's extravagance could very well have been sharpened by her acute dislike of the design for Blenheim. She may have felt the Palace was not only in poor taste, but somehow immoral, like Venbrugh's plays.52 While she was no prude, it is significant that even in the promiscuous court of'James II, where she grew up, she was one of the few ladies in waiting Whose personal conduct was above re- proach, and in later years not even her most vicious enemies could make a case against her fidelity to her husband. Indeed, her intense devotion to him could easily have been another reason for her antipathy to'Vanbrugh, who seemed able to persuade the Duke to any wild scheme of the moment, while Sarah was often thwarted in her efforts to influence her husband's 51 "Letters", p. 31. 52In 1698 Jeremy Collier wrote "A Short View of Immorality and Profane- ness of the Stage" attacking'immorality in the plays of the day. IMany dramatists, including Vanbrugh, wrote rebuttals, but they were considered weak and ineffectual. 9h ideas, particularly about politics. In addition, the stress of the time could have had an effect on the Duchess' attitude toward the Palace. Her most bitter remonstrances against Vanbrugh's work don't appear until shortly before the time of her own dismissal from court, and it is possible the erection of a 'grateful nation's gift tO its heroic general' might have seemed unr bearably ironic to the practical nature of the Duchess. It is doubtful that Sarah would have analyzed her feelings about Vanbrugh; to her he seemed a.madman.whose designs she detested, whose expenses always turned out triple the original estimate, and whose glib letters twisted words around in a way that bordered on deliberate deceit. This was enough for her, and her final cruel gesture of barring him and his bride from the premises in 1725 shows the extent of her anger and frustration. Her abiding Opinion of Blenheim Palace is reflected in this comment from.her Memoirs: "I never design to see Blenheim again; in a lodge I have everything convenient and without trouble."S3 By 1712 work had virtually ceased at Woodstock. NO funds had come from the Treasury since Marlborough's dismissal, and there was an esti- mated debt ofg£35,000, most of it in unpaid wages to the workmen.SLL In 171h, with the Marlboroughs! return from their EurOpean tour and the Duke's subsequent reinstatement to rank by George I, an arrangement to pay off the building debts was reached, and.Marlborough assumed the cost of finishing the Palace himself. Although the Duke was in failing health, he was able to act as peacemaker between his Duchess and Vanbrugh, but in 53Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough ed. William King (New York: E.P. Button and CO. 1930) p. 315. 5Llavid Green, Blenheim Palace, p. 2A6. 95 1716 he suffered a severe stroke, and Sarah took charge of Blenheim's completion. The relationship between the Duchess and'Vanbrugh quickly reached a crisis. In addition to designing Blenheim, Vanbrugh had for some time been engaged in arranging a match for the Marlboroughs between their granddaughter Harriet and the Duke of Newcastle, a friend of Venbrugh. This service was abruptly terminated by the Duchess, who lost no time in expressing volubly the full force of her disapproval. ‘Vanbrugh describes it: She had given herself the trouble, in twenty or thirty Sides of Paper, to draw up a Charge against me, beginning, from the time this Building was first ordered by the Queen, and concluding upon the Whole, That I had brought the Duke of Marlb: into this Unhappy difficulty Either to leave the thing Unfinished, and by Consequence, useless to him and his Posterity; or by finishing it, to distress his Fortune, And deprive his Gggndchildren of the Provision he inclin'd to make for them, His reply to the Duchess is one of the most quoted letters in the history Of architecture: 55 Whitehall NOvember 8, 1716 IMadam When I writ to your Grace on Tuesday last I was much at a loss, what cou'd be the ground of your having drop't me in the service I had been endeavouring to do you and your family with the Duke of Newcastle, Upon your own sole notion and desire. But having since been shewn by Mr. Richards a large packet of building'papers sent him by your Grace, I find the reason was, That you had resolv'd to use me so ill in respect of Blenheim, as must make it Impracticable to employ me in any other Branch of your Service. These papers Nbdam are so full of Far-fetched, Labour'd Accusations, Mis- taken Facts, wrong Inferences, Groundless jealousies and strain'd Constructions: That I shou'd put a very great af- front upon.your understandings if I suppos'd it possible you cou'd mean any thing in earnest by them; but to put a Stop to my troubling you.any more. You.have your end Madam, for I will never trouble you more Unless the Duke of "Letters", p. 90. 96 IMarlborough recovers so far, to shelter me from such intol- erable treatment. I shall in the meantime have only this Concern on his account (for whom I shall ever retain the greatest Vener- ation) That your Grace having like the Queen thought fit to get rid of a faithful servant, the Torys will have the pleasure to see your Classmaker, Meor, make just such an end of the Dukes Building as herIMinisteg Harley did of his Victories fOr which it was erected.5 Fortunately, Vanbrugh's dire fears were not realized; although.he was dismissed, his design was kept, Hawksmoor was retained, and building continued. By 1719 the Palace was sufficiently completed for the failing Duke to take up residence, and there had been few noticeable changes in Vanbrugh's monumental design. The aspect of Blenheim.as a double memorial to the victory on the battlefield and the glory of Anne's reign.was of paramount importance to both Marlborough and his architect. The light in Which Vanbrugh saw his greatest building commission can be best understood through his own words; in 1710, well before his resignation, he was once again trying to explain his concept to the Duchess: This Building, tho ordered to be a Dwelling*house for the Duke of Marlborough and his posterity, is at the Same time by all the WOrld esteemed and looked on as a Public Edifice, raised for a MOnument of the Queen's Glory through his great Services: Which (I desire leave by the way to observe) is a most ample Justification of the great Expence, which has been.made for the beauty, Magnificence and Duration of the Skill. . . 57 If the statement "form follows function" were to be applied to the 6"Letters", p. 8h-85. The 'Glassmaker, Mbor' was James Moore who had worked for the Duchess at Marlborough.House as a maker of tables and pier glass. She called him her 'oracle' and from 1717-172h it appears he was virtually in charge at Blenheim. 57 Quoted in Laurence Whistler, The Imagination of Vanbrugh, Appendix One, p. 237. 97 architecture Of Blenheim Palace, the professed purpose--that of a.'monu- ment to the Glorious Successes of Queen Anne's Reign'-- would have to be reckoned with, and in so doing many of its ambiguities would be made clear. The elaborateness of its outer courts, the improbable size of the overall concept, the relative inconvenience of the private living quarters in comparison to the granduer of the whole—-in fact, most of the defects so often noted in commentary on Blenheim--can be better understood in the light Of its monumental character. It may be unlikely, but it is none- theless possible that Sarah herself came to see Blenheim's alter ego; at any rate, by eventually coming to terms with her own dismissal from court and by placing'Rysbrack's statue of Queen Anne in the Long Library, she contributed a final symbol to the memorial, whether consciously or not. Vanbrugh's general scheme for Blenheim followed that of Castle Howard: a central block with curving colonnades connecting it to outbuilding quadrangles. At Blenheim, however, the wing’projections are three-storeys high, so the main block as seen from the Grand Courtyard is U-shaped and even more massive than Castle HOward. The extreme length of Blenheim is 850 feet, and the buildings and courts cover seven acres. At each corner of the main.block stands an enormous four-square pavilion which resembles a.medieval fortress or watch tower and rises a full storey above the roof height of the block. On the courtyard side, a Doric colonnade connects these towers with the outlying'kitchen and stable courts, forming a Grand Courtyard which resembles the plan at Versailles (Figure 2). As one approaches the Palace, the effect is that Of a dramatic progression for- ward and inward to the climax of the enormous Corinthian Portico and front entrance to the Palace. "Dramatic" is the word which can best sum up the nature Of Blenheim, and Vanbrugh's career as playwright and theatrical producer is important 0.....00 1:13. 9. Couv‘tfidvd ©1041 (BtehMIQ/M. to remember in appreciating his architectural design. The sense of heightened anticipation and the movement through various stages of in- creasing complication to the denouement are as evident in the approach through the Grand Courtyard to the main portico as in a well-made play. Thus, as one enters the arena where this monumental drama takes place, the corner sections Of the service courts introduce the elements, or characters: the rustication at corners and ends of each block, the heavy string course above the arched windows on the main floor and the smaller square windows above them. These features are repeated throughout the entire construction, from kitchen to main portico. Even in this first stage of progression, there is heavy, convincing articulation, and the strong pilaster and column designs of the service court gates Offer in themselves a minor climax, giving dramatic unity even in the subordinate part . 99 The primary unifying motif on the courtyard front is the colonnade: a Doric order on a raised base with blind arches echoing the window shapes, slightly higher than the service court and set in toward the center, thus narrowing’the courtyard and increasing the tension of the approach. The first "complication of the plot" occurs in the massive pavilion towers at the corners of the main block. These rise so high above the colonnade there is an extra row of arched windows, and over their heavily carved cornices loom the first examples of the massive attics so distinctive at Blenheim. These ponderous constructions with their tense thrust-and-recede modeling, the arches accentuated by thick pilasters and the whole capped by a cornice band which further empha- sizes the movement are among'the most impressive examples of English Baroque. To carry the drama.even further, these arches are tOpped at each corner by finials which threaten to turn the architectural sym- bolism into a sculptural pun: the French fleur-de-lis up-ended on a cannon ball and surmounted by the ducal crown onMarlborough. The design.immediately reminds one that Vanbrugh's plays are not, after all, Greek tragedies, but comedies of the Restoration school, abounding in wit, puns and word play. Furthermore, in the early years of the eighteenth century, there was little self-consciousness among the English regarding’the "good taste" of puns, whether in words or stone. As actually viewed from the Grand Courtyard, the height of these finials makes their specific detail merge into the total design, and the effect is medieval and romantic, reminiscent of crested knight's helmets, jousts and tournaments. As the colonnade emerges on the courtyard side of these pavilions, it moves inward and forward once more toward the climactic center block. At this point the colonnade itself has increased in height to include an 100 additional row of windows, while a roof level balustrade emphasizes the heavy horizontal moulding, increasing the effect of movement and excite— ment. A narrow but deeply carved recess marks the juncture of the colonnade and the main block, and emphasizes the Corinthian pilasters. The win- dows of the main block follow the established patterns, but are greatly enlarged to include yet another band of small square windows at the roof line. Two banks of large windows are flanked by pilasters and one more recess containing still wider windows forms a final emphasis; then the portico appears, with its Corinthian order and the richly carved pediment depicting the Marlborough coat-of—arms (Figure 3). E11111. 11.111 ‘” "TIiAuEi—FBTMTEII \ \_ \, unnuuunnun-u r' Inunuu-nu-IIIIII-llllIllllllllutl Illlllllllllllllllll IlIInIIIIIIIu Inn-nun": Ill-llI-lllllllllnl WWW/W V/aEW IRWIN“ Mmfllllulllll|II|IIIB|IIIIIIIIIllllfllllIlIII“IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII lllIlIlIllllIfl‘IIllfl'lllllllllll Illlllulllll IIIIIIIIIIILIIIIIHII Illllllfllllfl $15.5 CoYheJr PaO'xtCOh, Notflipvan—t, nghM-‘im. This much is a classical, predictable, and totally acceptable denoue— ment of the tension. Vanbrugh, however, is not finished: he caps the climax with an enormous attic Of arches which rises another full storey 101 above the pediment, topped by giant chained-slave figures and a mounted cannon ball. The effect is massive, powerful and mighty, befitting the genius of both the architect and the general in whose honor the Palace was designed. The anticipation engendered in the architectural pro— gression to this climactic point has been richly satisfied. It is this tension, excitement, rich ornamentation and the final, almost over- whelming realization Of mass and form that identifies Blenheim as English Baroque. After the thunderous courtyard front, the garden front Of Blenheim seems refreshingly subdued and quiet. TWO fortress pavilions jut out at each corner, but in contrast to their ponderous size, the facade moves smoothly and plainly toward the center, progressing by fluted Corinthian pilaster and half-round to the giant portico (Figure A). While the north ': inW/ ‘ 1 8'. t .i\_ n ’S s N gf’y 1; , m as... 1:13 ‘1 Sow-11d Ft°n+1 B1Ch1fiiQ-m: 102 skyline is alive with rooftop ornaments, figures and finials, the serene garden front boasts only the crown-cannonefleur-de-lis ornaments on the corner pavilions and one trOphy set above the entrance. This one trophy, however, surpasses all the symbolic figures in Vanbrugh's famous skyline: it is an enormous bust of Louis XIV, surrounded by shields, flags and other accoutrements of war, confiscated by Marlborough himself at the capture of Tournai and sent by barge to WOodstock to be placed, like a head on a pike, above his front door.58 It was only natural that the combination of Blenheim Palace and such an architect as Vanbrugh interested.many Observers, commentators and critics. The political ramifications of the construction alone guaran- teed widespread publicity, the slow payment of wages and expenses caused an almost continuous stream Of lawsuits, and the volatile Duchess' accu- sations against the architect fOrmed the source of many amusing, sharp- tongued comments from the wits Of the day. 'Vanbrugh himself, though good natured and generally well enough liked by his contemporaries, was un- seasoned as an architect, as Swift pointed out in the lines: "Vanfis genius, without thought or lecture Is hugely turn'd to architecture."59 In addition, the unusual style and the sheer size and weight of Blenheim inspired criticism on practical as well as aesthetic grounds. Among the most famous lines commenting on Blenheim are these, attributed at various times to William King, Swift, Pope and Dr. Abel Evans: 8 David Green, Blenheim Palace, p. 108. 59 "The History of Vanbrugh's House 1706", Swift's Poems, ed. Harold Williams (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958) I, p.786. 103 Upon the Duke of MARLBOROUGH'S House at WOodstock See, Sir see here's the grand Approach, This Way is for his Grace's Coach; There lies the Bridge and here's the Clock Observe the Lyon and the Cook,60 The spacious Court, the Colonnade, And mark how wide the Hall is made? The Chimneys are so well design'd They never smoke in any Wind. This Gallery's contriv'd for walking, The Windows to retire and talk in; The Council Chamber for Debate, And all the rest are Rooms for State. Thanks, Sir, cry'd I, 'tis very fine. But where d'ye sleep, or where d'ye dine? I find by all you have been telling, That 'tis a House, but not a Dwelling.61 Other contemporary comment was equally caustic: an interesting item con- tained in the Memoirs of Lord Ailsbury concerns his meeting with Marlborough behind the Allied lines, when, the main conversation having been concluded, the Duke told me he had forgot to show me the plan of his house and gardens at Woodstock, and so went up again, and in pointing out the appartments for him and his lady, etc. laid his finger on one and told me, "that is for you when.you come and see me there. . . " I asked him who was his Architect (although I knew the man.that was.) He answered "Sir Jo. Van Brugg." On which I smiled and said, "I suppose, my Lord, you made choice of him because he is a professed Whig." I found he did not relish this, but he was too great a Courtier for to seem angry. It was at my tongue's end for to add that he ought as well to have made Sir ChristOpher wren, the Architect, Poet Laureate. In fine, 60 The Bridge and Clock tower were well-known features of Blenheim. The 'Lyon and the Cock' refers to a sculptured English Lion savaging a French cock which was set atop both east and west entrances to the Grand Courtyard, and was a favorite reference of contemporary com- mentators. 61 The authorship Of this poem is discussed in Swift's Poems III, p. 1150. 10h I understand but little or nothing of this matter but enough to affirm (by the plan I saw) that the hogse is like one mass of Stone, without taste or relish. 2 Thomas Hearne, author, editor and Jacobite, wrote: It is grand, but a sad, irregular, confused piece Of work. The architect (if a blockhead may deserve that name) was Vanbrugh. . . The house, in which we have nothing convenient, most Of the rooms being small, pitifull, dark things, as if designed for panders, w-—s, cl-—e--st-—s, p--p--ts, and other things of that nature. By this work we sufficiently see the genius Of Vanbrugg. A famous mock epitaph by Abel Evans ran: Under this stone, reader survey Dear Sir John Vanbrugh's house of clay Lie heavy on him, earth, for he Laid many a heavy load on thee.63 At the same time as the ponderous weight of the Palace was condemned, the interior plan was censured. Alexander Pope writes: I will not describe Blenheim in particular, not to forestal your expectations before you see it: only take a short account, which I will hazard my little credit it is no unjust one. I never saw so great a thing with so much littleness in it. I think the architect built it entirely in complaisance to the taste of its owners; for it is the most inhospitable thing imaginable, and the most selfish. . . When you look upon the outside, you would think it large enough for a prince; when you see the inside, it is too little for a subject, and has not the conveniency to lodge a common family. It is a house Of entries and passages; among which there are three vistas through the whole, very uselessly handsome. There is what might have been a fine gallery, but spoiled by two useless arches towards the end Of it, which take away the sight of several of the windows. . . At the top of the building are several cupolas and little turrets, that have but an ill effect and make the building look at once finical 62 Quoted in Whistler, Imagination of Vanbrugh, p. 97. 63 Quoted in R. C. Boys "The Architect Vanbrugh and the Wits", College Art Journal 6 (win) p. 288-289. 105 and heavy. . . In a word, the whole is a.most expensive absurdity; and the Duke of Shrewsbury gave a true char— acter of it, ghen he said it was a great quarry of stones above ground. In reality, many of Blenheim's detractors were criticising the Whigs or Marlborough, and found in the Palace a particularly suitable vehicle for their spleen, but contemporary praise was equally biased, although it seldom had anything to say about the merit of the architecture. A fulsome example is contained in the anonymous Two Campaigns in One Panegyrical Essgy; The subtitle reads: "Upon his Grace the Duke Of IMarlborough's Successes in the years 170h & 1705 and his fine House of Blenheim now building at his Mannor of Woodstock, lately given him by Act of Parliament for his Great Services." The commentary states: The Fabrick is as stupendious as the Actions, which your Grace has arrested the Astonishment of the WOrld with: and the Contrivance, Texture, and Beauty of it, will not only gain your Name that Immortality it is design'd for, but the Architect will come in for a share of it. As your Victories have occasion'd the building of the Palace, so the Palace in all Probability will as much contribute to provoke Posterity to follow your illustri- ous Example, as the Exzpple itself will be of Efficacy enough to invite them. While the political preoccupations of Anne's reign are responsible for most of the biased and irrelevant commentary on Blenheim Palace, there is no denying that the design itself does not allow indifference. Blenheim Palace is one of the most provocative buildings in England; it virtually demands reaction and response. In this aspect it uniquely represents its era, for the period of Queen Anne was also primarily one Pope's works, ed. Elwin & CourthOpe (London: John.Murray, Albemarl Street 1886) X. p. 26h. 65 Complete work is reproduced in the Appendix. 106 of man's total involvement in his society. Neutrality and objectivity were untenable positions in.public life, as Marlborough and Godolphin discovered to their sorrow; the times demanded strong statements, dra- matically presented--in print, in Parliament, and in the architecture of Blenheim Palace. IV The Aftermath of Blenheim The political aftermath of the victory at Blenheim set in motion a series of confrontations between the parties which were to prove con- clusively that Anne's determination to rule 'regardless of politics' was unrealistic. It is perhaps a tribute to her tenacity that she fought as long and as successfully as she did to keep free of the tentacles of either party, but in the end she learned, painfully, that she could not serve the English people as she wanted without the active support of the majority party in Parliament. The wave of national unity and goodwill occasioned by Blenheim was as Short-lived as it was rare, and partisan battles were quickly resumed. Anne had dismissed the High Tories Seymour and Nottingham, who had been outspoken opponents of Marlborough, and replaced them with Robert Harley and Henry St. John, both moderate Tories and supporters of the war. In this, Anne was responding in accord with public Opinion; the English people, enjoying good harvests along with world fame, were still strongly supportive of the war and willing to bear its expense. The High Tories, scrambling to regain lost ground, seemed bent on destroying all Opposi- tion, including fellow Tories, and the rift widened within the Tory party between the extreme 'High Fliers' and the Moderates. Meanwhile, the Whigs were consolidating their forces and gaining in strength; their most valuable supporter was Sarah, who never missed an Opportunity to champion their cause with Anne. Indeed, in the months immediately following Blenheim, the Tories made so many political blunders they needed no other enemies. Anne had begun attending debates in the House of Lords, and thus was present in 1705 107 108 when the Tories, in an effort to lose the Jacobite stigma and at the same time embarrass the Whigs, proposed that Princess SOphia, the Hanoverian heir to the English throne, be invited to live in England. The intent was to force the Whigs to vote either against the Queen or Hanover, but the Whigs neatly sidestepped the trap by counter-prOposing that a board of seven Regents be appointed to govern, in the advent of the Gracious Queen's death, until the successor should arrive in England. This dem- onstration of what She considered to be tactless discourtesy on the part of the Tories and diplomacy on the part of the Whigs was not lost on Anne, who wrote to the Duchess: NOV. or Dec. 1705 I believe dear Mrs. Freeman and I shall not disagree as we have formerly done, for I am sensible of the services those people (the Whigs) have done me that you have a good opinion of, and will countenance them, and am thoroughly convinced piezhg'mziice and in:o%§nce of them that you have always pe ng agalns . Undaunted by the poor impression they were making on Anne, the Tories pressed forward on.another front by tacking the Occasional Conformity Bill onto the land tax, the financial mainstay of the war. Godolphin, Marlborough and Harley, though nominal Tories, could not allow the Church to endanger such a vital piece of legislation as the land tax, and Anne was forced to agree; at the same time she resented being forced to choose between her beloved Church and the war effort. In contrast to the disruptive tactics of Anne's preferred party, the Whigs were giving her continued support of the war and valuable help in other areas as well, notably the negotiations which led to the union with Scotland in 1707. Although Anne would not allow him an official position 66 The Letters of Queen.Anne, p. 177. 109 in her cabinet, it was Lord Somers, a Whig, whose talents as a constitu- tional lawyer made him the mainstay of the negotiations. Precipitated primarily by Anne's unrest over the constant threat of a Jacobite inva- sion.through Scotland, the union.became a possibility through Anne's agreement to the Scots' Act of Security in 170h. This Act provided that the Scots Parliament would choose a different sovereign than the English successor unless England conceded a free communication of trade, freedom of navigation and the liberty of the plantations.67 Amounting to little more than blackmail, this Act would most probably have been refused at once, but when it was proposed in 170h the tide of the war was at low ebb, and Godolphin advised Anne to conciliate the Scots in.any way pos- sible. Ironically, she signed it three days after the victory at Blenheim had turned England's affairs around. Colonel Parks had not yet reached her with Marlborough's famous note; thus, indirectly, the slow transpor- tation of men and news was responsible for the union of England and Scotland into Great Britain.68 Anne and her ministry alike preferred to think of the government as non-partisan, composed of the Queen and her loyal servants, but as the Tory support grew less and less reliable, they came to the inescapable fact that they must seek Whig support or the min- istry, and possibly the war effort, would fail. The price of Whig sup- port was, quite naturally, a seat on the cabinet; they proposed Lord Suderland, the Marlboroughs' son-in-law, for Secretary Of State. Although Sarah had long urged the Whig cause on Anne, and in this case even Marlborough overcame his antipathy for partisan politics to endorse the choice, Anne saw in the appointment the first signal of the diminution 67G.M. Trevelyan "Ramillies", England Under Qgeen Anne, II, (London: Longmans, Green.& 00., 1932) Hereafter cited as "Ramillies", p. 235. 68 "Ramillies", p. 2A2. nun 110 of her sovereignity. She wrote to Godolphin: Windsor, August 30, 1706 . . . I must own freely to you that I am of the Opinion making a party man Secretary of State when there are so many of their friends in employment of all kinds already, is throwing myself into the hands Of a party, which is a thing I have been desirous to avoid, and what I have heard both the D. of Marl and you say I must never do. . . All I desire is my liberty in encouraging and employing all those that concur faithfully in my service, whether they are called Whigs or Tories, not to be tied to one or the other; for if I should be so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of either, I shall look upon myself, though I have the name of Queen, to be in reality but their slave; which as it will be my personal ruin, so it will be the destroying of all Government, for instead of putting an 6 end to faction it will lay a lasting foundation for it. In at least one respect, Anne's prediction proved accurate: certainly a 'lasting foundation for faction' was laid. The error in her thinking lay in assuming that such faction would destroy all government, although in the turbulent political scene she inhabited, certainly such a con- clusion would be justified. Nor was she alone in her belief in a non- partisan government; basically all her ministry believed with her that the monarch should be above party. St. John's noted 'Patriot King' writings are based on the premise of a benign despot concerned primarily for the welfare of his subjects, aided by counselors loyal to the King above all else, and Harley's tortuous political maneuverings and spying were in part because he sought the broad support of both parties in order to be free of the control of either. Godolphin and Marlborough were the first to curry Whig support, and thereby gain some powerful Tory enemies. Although Sunderland, the pro- posed Whig candidate for Secretary of State, was Marlborough's son-in-law and Sarah was an outspoken Whig, it was probably not family loyalty so 6 . 9The Letters of fieen Anne, p. 196. 111 much as the necessity for continued financial support of the war which drew the Treasurer and the General onto such precarious ground. The Whigs controlled the financial interests of London, and moreover were in favor of continuing the war, and at the time those credentials were more than adequate to influence Marlborough and Godolphin, who of all the Queen's ministry, felt the burden of the war most keenly. Meanwhile, the war was going well; the Spanish Netherlands were se- cured by the Battle of Ramillies in May, 1706, and Louis gave indica- tions that he was ready to negotiate a peace. At the onset of the war the security of the Netherlands had been the main objective, but now the enthusiastic supporters of Marlborough throught it entirely possible that Spain could be forced to replace the French heir apparent with the Austrian heir, thus avoiding Bourbon domination of the continent and further humbling Louis XIV. The cry of "no peace without Spain" was taken up by Whigs and the ministry alike, and the war continued. These middle years Of Anne's reign provided strains and pressures from all sides: besides the constant partisan in-fighting, and the de- mands of waging a major war, the Prince was in precarious health. As if to deny her even the comfort of her longest and dearest friendship, Sarah's behavior grew increasingly shrill and irritating. Under the guise of a frank disdain for flattery, the Duchess browbeat the Queen constantly, criticising her decisions, arguing and haranguing until Anne turned more and more toward the flattering Harley or her new lady- in—waiting Abigail Hill for moral support and comfort. By an ironic co- incidence, Sarah had herself first befriended Abigail and procured a place for her at court. Distantly related to both the Duchess and Harley, Abigail was quiet, Obsequious and discreet, qualities as lacking in Sarah as they were welcome to the Queen during the tense years when so much 112 strength was required Of her and so little support was given. As Sarah scolded, Anne grew increasingly silent and stubborn, which was the one tactic against which Sarah had no weapon except further and more insis- tent remonstrances. The Duke tried to smooth the rift, but from.long distance it was impossible to do; by the time he had explained away one misunderstanding between.his wife and the Queen, they had effected another. By 1708 Anne's trials had accumulated until they threatened to undo her: Prince George died, and the Duchess was even critical of the way Anne mourned. She writes: Her love to the Prince seemed in the eye of the world to be prodigiously great; and great as was the passion of her grief, her stomach was greater; for that very day he died she ate three very large and hearty meals, so that one would think that as other persons' grief takes away their appetites, her appetite took away her grief. NOr was it less remark- able, where there was so great an appearance of love, the peculiar pleasure she took before his funeral in settling the order of it, and.naming’the persons that were to attend, and placing them according to their rank and to the rules of precedence, which was the entertainment she gave herself every day till that solemnity was over. In addition, the Whig Junto, having got its foot in the door through Sunderland's position, swept into Office precisely as Anne had feared, forcing Harley to resign. St. John accompanied him, thereby permanently committing’himself to the Tory cause. Godolphin and Marlborough remained in the ministry, but were conspicuously absent during'the cabinet meeting which occasioned.Harley's dismissal. Indeed, their political position had become almost untenable. They were the only members of the ministry the Queen trusted, which provoked resentment from the Whigs; at the same time they were equally distrusted by the Tories who saw them as turncoats. 7OIMemoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, ed. William King (New York: Dutton and Co. 1930) pp. 231-2. 113 As in 1703, they tried to resign, but again Anne would not hear of it: To the Duke of Marlborough Windsor, August 27, 1708 I am sorry to find you in such a splenetic way as to talk of retiring, it being a thing I can never consent to, and what your country, nor your truly faithful friends can never think right , whatever meloncholy thoughts they may have all this time. Besides, in my poor opinion, when after the glorious successes God Almighty has blessed you with, He is pleased to make you the happy instrument of giving a lasting peace to Europe, you are bound in conscience, both to God and man, to lend your helping hand: and how can you do that if you retire from business?. . . Lord Treasurer talks of retiring too, and told me, not many days ago, he would do all he could to serve me, by advising with people, and settling a scheme for the carrying on my business in the Parliament, before he went to Newmarket; but that he would not come back from thence. I told him that must not be, that he could not answer it either to God or himself; and I hOpe you will both consider better of it, and not do an action that will bring me and your country into confusion. Is there no consideration to be had for either? You may flatter yourselves that poeple will approve of your quitting; but if you should persist in these cruel and unjust resolutions, believe me, where one will say you are in the right, hundreds will blame you.71 It is enlightening to compare this letter with the one Anne had written five years earlier to the same purpose.72 Here are no coy references to 'Mr. Freeman and Mr. Montgomery' but a severe reminder of obligation to one's sovereign and country. Clearly, the early warmth and informality has been dissipated, and Anne's tone has strengthened and hardened. At the same time, it is interesting to note her reference in this letter to a lasting peace in Europe. As usual, she shows a sensitivity to changing public Opinion that has not yet been noted by her ministry, particularly the Whig Junto. Meanwhile, although Harley was out of office, he was not out of power, 71 The Letters of Queen Anne, pp. 256-257. 72 See above, p. 17. 11h and in her Memoirs Sarah gives her version Of the famous backstairs diplomacy which developed during the last years of Anne's reign, as well as the frustration of a Whig'ministry which had gained office but not the Queen's confidence: Through the whole summer after Mr. Harley's dismission the Queen continued to have secret correspondence with him. And that this might be the better managed, she stayed all the sultry season, even When the Prince was panting for breath, in that small house she had formerly purchased at Windsor, which, though as hot as an oven, was then said to be cool, because from the Park such persons as Mrs. Masham had a.mind to bring to her Majesty could be let in privately by the garden. . . And that a correspondence was thus carried on with.Mr. Harley became every day more and more manifest by the dif- ficulties and Objections which her Majesty had learnt to raise against almost everything'proposed by her ministers. Nay, it is well known that Mr. Harley and his associates, when at length they had compassed their designs and got into the management of affairs, did Often (both in their cups and out of them) boast that they, while the Queen's ministers were asleep, were frequently at Court giving advice in secret how to perplex them in all their measures. But they were much mistaken, if they imagined that their proceedings at the time I am speaking of were so entirely covered. The ministers were fully convinced of the truth, and frequently represented to her Majesty, What a discourage- ment it was to them in their endeavours for her service to find that she had no confidence in them, but was influenced by the counsel of others who counter-worked them in every instance. Upon this subject I myself wrote and spoke a great deal to her with my usual plainness and zeal. (pp. 158-60) All in all, 1708 proved to be a watershed year. The characters in the political drama remained the same as ever, and so did the issues at stake, but the relationships now formed new patterns as inevitable as they would have been.unthinkable six years earlier. The war was losing its pOpular- ity. It had gone on for six years, and though.Marlborough had added vic- tory after victory to Blenheim's precedent, peace seemed forever elusive. The 'Big Frost' of 1709 doubled grain prices in England and brought vir- tual starvation to the French, and it seemed as if Louis could be brought to the peace table with little hesitation. Accordingly, the Whigrministry 115 set out to negotiate a peace, but their demand that Louis expell his grandson from.Spain within two months,'using'his own.forces, was a hu- miliation and dishonor impossible for the French to accept. As Trevelyan says, "There was scarcely anything the Allies might not have had from France in Europe or America except the one absurdity on.which they .73 insisted.‘ In fact, the extreme demand so incensed the French that they rallied their forces, tightened their belts over empty stomachs, and took to the field with renewed determination. IMeanWhile, the Whigs were effecting the Barrier treaty with the Dutch, which guaranteed Dutch control of barrier fortresses and shared trade advantages in exchange for agreement to guarantee the Protestant suc- cession in England. Actually, the Dutch were nearly as worn out with fighting as the French, and the Barrier treaty was in effect a thinly disguised bribe by the Whig Junto to secure their continued participation in the war. IMarlborough's correspondence during this summer reflects his divided state of mind. Thoroughly aware of his tenuous position with both Whigs and Tories as well as Anne's growing coolness, he was a rather ineffective member of the peace delegation. Above all he longed for a secure and honorable retirement, but the only way he seemed able to aid the peace effort was to promote further seiges and battles. The scarcity of food in EurOpe for his armies caused him.great concern, as reflected in his letters to Godolphin: Ghent, June 13, 1709 . . . It is impossible fOr me to express the apprehensions I have, as well as most of the general-officers, that we shall not find wherewithal to make the army subsist, 73G.M. Trevelyan, "The Peace", Ehgland'Under gheen Anne, III (London: Longmans, Green.& 00., 193A), p. 32. Hereafter cited as "The Peace". 116 especially if we enter France. So it were to be wished the peace had been agreed; but what I write in thifi paper I desire may never be known to any but the Queen.7 At the same time, the palace slowly rising at Blenheim was a welcome diversion for his troubled mind, and many of his letters contain the rather odd juxtaposition of interior decoration with affairs of war; as in this to the Duchess: Abbey of Looz, June 2h, 1709 . . . When you are most at leisure let me know some partic- ular of what you directed when we were last at WOodstock. we have now our army together, and I thank God the weather is much better; the French army is also together, and are so strongly entrenched, that we must turn our thoughts to some operation that may oblige them to decamp. The two suites of hangings which were made at Bruxelles by Vanbrugh's measure cost me above eight hundred pounds, so that if pos- sible they should serve for the rooms they were intended for; being sure in England there can be none had so good or fine.7 By October the stresses of war, peace and politics weighed so heavily on the Duke he made the first and most serious political mistake of his career: he petitioned the Queen to grant him the office of Captains General for life. Anne saw the request as a threat and an insult, and refused him point blank; the Tories cried 'Treason', and claimed it was an attempt at dictatorship. The hue and cry raised throughout the country reflected the frustration and high feelings of the year as much as resent- ment against the General, but it was nonetheless a widespread and violent reaction. Public distrust of the Whigs and their peace efforts manifested itself in 1710 in an Oblique but typically English way, through a religious Private Correspondence of the Duchess of Marlborough, 2 VOls., (London: Henry Colburn, 1838) II, p. 331. 75 Private Correspondence, I, p. 180. 117 issue. On January 30, the anniversary of William's landing in England, High Church clergyman, Dr. Sacheverell, had preached a sermon demounoing toleration for dissenters and urging the doctrine of non resistance. Because of the date of its delivery and the extreme assertions made, the Whigs, notably Sunderland, took issue with the sermon, of which h0,000 cOpies had been printed and sold. Sunderland called the piece malicious, seditious, and insulting to the Queen because it cast reflection on the Revolution and Protestant Succession; the Whigs demanded the clergyman's impeachment. The trial lasted three weeks, and was the talk of the nation. Such throngs of peOple attended that Christopher wren was obliged to build more galleries in the House of Lords, and theatre owners com- plained of dwindling box office sales, since the 'show' was elsewhere. Country folk flocked to London to join the mobs; rioting and vandalism occurred almost nightly. The trial served as a useful platform for the Whigs' articulation of the principles of parliamentary government: it was argued that the people had laws and rights that in extremity should be defended, forcefully if necessary, even against the crown, and thus non-resistance could, in some cases, be against the best interests of the people. But public Opinion was not as concerned with the issue of parliamentary supremacy versus divine right as with peace and the Whigs' failure to achieve it. The crowds sided with Sacheverell and his Tory defenders, and although he was found guilty, it was by only a few votes, and his sentence was so light that it was clearly a defeat for the Whig prosecutors. Once the Whig decline began, it moved swiftly: Anne needed only the assurance that her people were behind her to get rid of the unwanted Whigs in her cabinet. It was at this time that Anne and Sarah had their last meeting: While the Duchess pleaded to be allowed to speak, the Queen 118 repeated "You may put it in writing", and "You said you desire no answer and I shall give you none". Sarah left Kensington Palace in tears, and the two former friends never saw each other again. When Anne dismissed Sunderland from office, however, the irrepressible Sarah took the Queen's advice and put her views in writing, showing that disgrace at court had not softened either her views or her tongue: June, 1710 Though I have not had the honour of an answer to my last letter, I hOpe your Majesty will forgive me if I can't help troubling you once more upon the same subject, because it really seems to me, that nobody speaks to you at this time so freely as I should do, if it might have been allowed me; nor represents sufficiently the consequences of what you are doing. When your Majesty's affairs are in so good a way, and the war so near an end, as everybody thought it some months ago, sure nothing was so strange as your design to change your ministry, which must end in breaking a Parliament that has done everything for your service and the good of Europe; and which all the reasonable people I have met with do agree, would be a most rash and desperate step for your Majesty to make at this time. And for God's sake, madam, what is it that you would do all this for? Can you be better served than you are already, or can any new ministers do any more?. . . Therefore, I once more beg your Majesty, for God's sake, to have a care what you do. I have no manner of interest Of my own in what I say, nor will ask to see you oftener than is agreeable to you. But I have written all this for the sake of yourself and of your people in general, that I really take to be in utmost danger; and it would be a dreadful calamity now that we are in view of peace and quiet, to have all undone nobody knows for what. . .76 Two months later Anne dismissed Godolphin and put Harley in his place. Swift, at that time writing for the Tories, describes the change in his History of the Four Last Years of the Queen: As to the disposition of the opposite party, we all remember, that the removal of the last ministry was brought about by several degrees; through which means it happened, that they and their friends were hardly recovered out of one astonishment before they fell into another. This scene 76 Private Correspondence, I, pp. 339-140, 31.111. 119 lasted for some months, and was followed by a period of rage and despair, natural to those who reflect that they have lost a secure game by their own rashness, folly, and want of common management; when at the same time they knew, by experience, that a watchful and dexterous adver- sary lay ready to take the advantage.77 No better evidence of Harley's diplomatic skill can be found than his handling of Marlborough at this time. With his wife, son-in-law and closest political associate all dismissed, it must have been very clear to the General that his own days in favor were numbered, yet he was per- suaded to stay in the field as general of the Allies. In fact, perhaps his most brilliant victory, the battle of Bouchain, was won at this time, somewhat as an embarrassment to the secret peace negotiations then in progress. It is probable that Harley's promise of the prompt expediting Of funds for Blenheim Palace was one of the incentives which persuaded Marlborough to stay in the field. St. John returned to office with Harley, and Open peace talks began. It was clear to Anne and her new ministry that peace was the main issue Of the day, and Matthew Prior, described by Swift as "a person of great distinction, not only on account of his wit but for his abilities in the management of affairs and who had been formerly employed at the French court",78 was sent as a representative to the negotiations. However, the resulting treaty, which omitted demands Of the Spanish Succession, failed to pass the House of Lords. Actually, upon the death of Emperor Joseph, Charles became heir in Austria as well as Spain, which could have resulted in a greater imbalance of power in favor of the Hapsburgs than had originally been threatened 77(London: Printed for A. Miller, in the Strand, 1758) pp. 7—8. 8 7 History of the Four Last Years, pp. 100-01. 120 by the Bourbons. The Tories saw this clearly and realized that no effec- tive peace talks could continue unless the Allies drOpped the issue of the Spanish Succession. The Whigs and the Dutch allies continued to be adamant about Spain, however, and Marlborough himself was persuaded the issue was vital. It was in deference to the Hanoverian influence that the Lords rejected the peace treaty offered by St. John and Harley. It is helpful to an understanding of the political situation of these last few years of Anne's reign to realize the particular blind Spots Of each party. The Tories were keenly aware of the political realities of 'waging peace' with France, and although their methods met with consid- erable disapproval even within their own party, they were nevertheless able to push the peace negotiations to a fruitful conclusion in a rela- tively short time, Whereas the Whigs had been totally unable to procure a peace settlement no matter how many victories Marlborough laid at their feet. About the succession, however, the roles reversed: the Whigs under- stood the realities Of the Protestant Succession and were able to accept the fact that an heir of James II would not mount the throne of England, once Anne was gone. Therefore, all during these last years the Whigs kept continuous and open communication with Hanover, in.part to feather their own nests for the coming regime but also to expedite the inevitable business of the succession, since Anne's sensitivity on the subject for— bade the successor to visit or reside in England until after her death. By contrast, the Tories could not reconcile themselves to a.Hanoverian succession. Jacobites at heart, they kept alive the hOpe that somehow the Pretender would agree to change his religion and continue the right- ful Stuart line in England. In fact, early Tory negotiations with France had hinted at the restoration of the Pretender as one of the articles of 121 peace. The facts of the issue were quite different: not only was the Pretender unwilling to give up his religion, but the majority of the English peOple were committed, psychologically as well as legally, to the Hanoverian succession. The Tory blindness to these facts resulted in their total political eclipse after Anne's death, While the Whigs' inability to see the new shift in the European balance of power held up the peace negotiations. On December 31, 1711, Anne wrote a letter to Marlborough dismissing him from all his 'employments'. The Duke, in one of the few uncon- trolled moments of his life, threw the letter in the fire, so the exact terms are unknown, but the charges involved taking'kick-backs from Sir Solomon Medina, the army's bread contractor, and other financial irreg- ularities. Swift, then in Tory employ as a prOpagandist, describes the removal thus: . . . the Queen found herself under a necessity, either on the one side to sacrifice those friends, who had ventured their lives in rescuing'her out of the power of some, whose former treatment she had little reason to be fond of, to put an end to the progress she had made towards a peace, and dissolve her parliament; or, on the other side, by removing'one person from so great a trust, to get clear of all her difficulties at once: her Majesty therefore deter- mined upon the latter, as the shorter and sager course, and during'the recess at Christmas, sent the Duke a letter, to tell him she had no further occasion for his service. There hath not perhaps in the present age been a clearer instance to shew the instability of greatness which is not fOunded upon.virtue; and it may be an instruction to princes, who are well in.the hearts of their peOple, that the over- grown power of any particular person, although supported by exorbitant wealth, can be a little resolution be reduced in a.moment, without any dangerous consequences. This lord, who was, beyond all comparison, the greatest subject in Christendom, fOund his power, credit, and influence, crumble away on.a sudden; and, except a few friends or followers, by inclination, the rest dropt off in course. From.directing in some manner the affairs of Europe, he descended to be a member of a faction, and with little distinction even there: that virtue of subduing'his resentments, for which he was so famed When.he had little or no occasion to exert it, having 122 now wholly forsaken him when he stood most in need of its assistance; and upon tryal was found unable to bear a reverse of fortune, giving way to rage, impatience, envy, and discontent. As might be expected, Sarah's version of the event was considerably different, although both she and Swift seem to brush aside the charge of peculation, realizing'that the main cause of the Duke's dismissal was political necessity. In her Memoirs, she writes: . . . Yet a.peace was so necessary to the preservation of the new minister's power, that it must be had at any rate, And in order to it, the confidence of the French King must be gained. This confidence could never be hoped for, so long as the Duke of'Marlborough was at the head of the army. And therefore, as all the arts of’malice and detraction had proved ineffectual to make him resign.his post, it was be- come necessary to remove him from it. But what plausible pretence to remove so able and so successful a general, while the war was in appearance still subsisting? A friv- olous and groundless complaint in Parliament about certain perquisites he had claimed, as belonging to his station, must serve the turn. The Queen indeed, When he had laid before her what was doing against him by the Commissioners of Accounts, was pleased to say she was sure her servants (her new ministers) would not encourage such proceedings. Nevertheless in a very short time her Majesty, once more pressed by an irresistable necessity, made use Of that very complaint as a reason for dismissing'him from all his em- ployments. (p. 189) On January 1, the day following Marlborough's dismissal, Anne created twelve new peers--all Tories--and it became clear that the General's removal was but one step in a well planned design to assure the passage of the peace treaty through Lords. There can be no doubt that Anne was influenced in this action by both Harley and Abigail Marsham, although it is also likely that she was equally motivated by her own desire to rid herself of the Whigrministry and their insistence on 'no peace without Spain'. IMarlborough's dismissal and the creation of the twelve Tory peers 79 Swift, History of Four Last Years, pp. 66-7. 123 ‘was the strongest, most dramatic act Of Anne's reign, and can be inter- preted as a final effort to wrest her royal prerogative from the grasp Of both parties, at the same time as it was a response to a sincere wish of the English people for peace. Peace negotiations continued forward, but the old regime, Whig, Tory, and Queen alike, dwindled and seemed to decline along'with Anne's health. In the fall following'his dismissal, Godolphin died, and the Marlboroughs left the country for a grand tour of Europe, particularly those countries where the General had campaigned. Harley became Earl of Oxford and St. John, grown suspicious and jealous of the Secretary, requested a title for himself; Anne rather grudgingly'made him.Viscount of Bolingbroke. In March, 1713, the Treaty of Utrecht was signed. It was strongly criticised by the Hanoverian'Whigs, and has been the subject of debate and conjecture by historians ever since, but it served the purpose in 1713: it ended the war. Bolingbroke and his High-flying Tories had achieved the goals they had promised at their election. The treaty was the last major action.from.Whitehall during Anne's reign. Oxford and Anne both declined in health and with the old Triume virate gone and the necessities of the war over, there seemed little to occupy them except the one issue so distasteful to face, that of Anne's successor. Harley's secret negotiations with moderates from both parties became meaningless and vague meanderings; drinking seemed to be his pri- mary occupation.80 But while the activity of the government slowed, public concern re- mained vital and lively. The major public event of the year was the 80 Elizabeth Hamilton, Backstairs Dragon, p. 2A8. 12h presentation of Addison's 92322 a play written for the most part ten years earlier, but finished and staged just when public feeling regard- ing Marlborough's dismissal and the Treaty of Utrecht was at its height. Trevelyan describes the reactions to the performance: On April 1h, 1713, the first public performance was given of the long expected play, with the most powerful and brilliant society in.the world as audience. The party that had won the war and the party that had dictated the peace were both there in force to do honour to the bard. . . And when, after the curtain had gone up on the play itself, Cato declared that "When vice prevails and impious men bear sway, The post of honour is a private station," all the Whigs who were fighting to get back to Office shook the theatre with their applause. But the Tories would not suffer the occasion to be snatched from them thus. After hissing the Prologue, they decided to applaud the play. They declared that the vile military tyrant Caesar was intended for Marlborough, and that 'Cato must mean either the Lord Treasurer or Bolingbroke'! The masterstroke was Bolingbroke's own, when he sent for Cato's impersonator, Booth, and gave him a purse with fifty guineas for acting so well the part of the patriot 'who defended liberty against a.Perpetual Dictator': Marlborough's demand for the Captain Generalship for life had not yet been forgotten. And so 'the numerous and violent claps of the Whig party on the one side 0% the theatre were echoed back by the Tories on the other.' 1 It is doubtful that Addison had intended any such strong political implications for either party in his version of the Roman tragedy, but his former partner Steele produced early in 171h a pamphlet entitled The Crisis that was outspokenly critical of the government. As such, it was merely one of hundreds of political pamphlets, but the fact that Steele was a.member of Parliament when he wrote it caused concern.among the public as well as the government, because he was declaring'the Succession to be uncertain and unsafe. Steele was outspokenly critical onMarlborough's dismissal and the concessions given France to Obtain 1 8 "The Peace", pp. 251-2. 125 the Treaty of Utrecht and then went on to state: Things standing thus, and the House of Bourbon being in the Actual Possession of France and Spain, bidding fair for the Conquest of Germany, or in Peace and Good Understanding with it; what have Great Britain and Holland to hope from, but the Mercy of France? What else have we to prevent the Pretender's being imposed on us, when France shall think fit; nay, in failure of one Pretender, he has in his Quiver a Succession of them. . . And here I cannot but add what is still of more Importance, and ought to be the most prevelent of all Arguments, that should there be the least Hopes given to a Popish Successor, the life of her Majesty will certainly be in most imminent Danger; for there will never be wanting bloody Zealots of that Perswasion, that will think it meri- torious to take away her Majesty's Life, to asten the Accession of such a Successor to her Throne. 2 Such heated commentary served to heighten public concern during the spring of 1711.1, and Bolingbroke, who was working energetically for the dismissal of Oxford, the defeat of the Whigs and the Jacobite restoration, increased the general tension by proposing the Schism Act, which would make all dis- senting schools illegal and teachers subject to imprisonment unless they Obtained licenses from bishops of the Church of England. Such legislation would not only effectively destroy the Dissenting churches, by making it impossible for their future clergy to be trained, but it would also crip- ple the Whig party. The issue was hotly debated, and among the many arguments offered, records show some of significance. For example, Lord Nottingham, a stalwart of the Church of England, nevertheless opposed the bill, saying "he thought himself in conscience obliged to oppose so barbarous a law as this which tended to deprive parents of the natural right of educating their own children".83 Proponents of the Bill countered with the extraordinary justification 82 (London: Printed by Sam. Buckley; and Sold by Ferd. Burleigh, in Amen-Corner. 171L1) pp. 33 and 35. 83Trevelyan, "The Peace", p. 282. 126 that Catholics were thus deprived; to which General Stanhope in the Commons replied that in that case the anti-Catholic laws should be mitigated. These isolated voices for liberation were not sufficient to calm the vindictive Tories, however, and the Schism Act passed in June. It was to have come into force August 1, and would most probably have destroyed the painful progress toward religious toleration.but in the last of many providential ironies of her reign, Anne died at 6 amm. that very morning. The succeeding'Hanoverian.King'George, whose most enthusiastic supporters were Whigs, did not enforce the Act, and it was repealed a few years later. Only a few days before her death, Anne had succumbed to Bolingbroke's pressure and dismissed Oxford; for two golden days St. John enjoyed the leadership of the government he had coveted for so long. In this as well as in the Schism Act, Anne defeated his intentions by her death; there was no time fer him to secure any effective following, except among’the small radical group of Jacobites. In contrast to the flurry and jockeying for position in both Hanoverian and Jacobite camps which marked the last months of Anne's reign, the events following her death marched in calm order. The specter of civil war sobered partisans of both sides, and the well-planned Regency, set in.motion by moderates from both parties and led by Shrewsbury, kept the gpvernment peaceful and orderly until the arrival from Hanover of the Elector, named George I of England. In the meantime, the Marlboroughs had returned from their European tour, arriving.August A. They were given a triumphal parade from Dover to Marlborough House in St. James', and one of George I's first orders was to restore the Duke to the office of Captain General. Although the Duke had kept up a continual correspondence with the Pretender, Sarah 127 had.never budged in.her loyalty to the Whigs even when they had deserted her husband. Regarding'his allegiance, she wrote: Having done so much for the cause of liberty and for the good of England, I had much rather have him suffer upon that account than change sides, for that would look as if what he did in the Revolution.was not for justice, as it really was, but to comply with the times. . . If one must whazard, it should be in the cause of liberty, for if one was ruined for that, one had the satisfaction of having performed a right part. And I was born.with a great aver— sion for fools and tyrants. The last remaining member of the triumvirate, Marlborough was 6h when he returned to England, and although his fame and wealth gave him respect in all social and governmental circles, he was content to retire to the partially finished Blenheim Palace. His day was over; a new crOp of young'men--all Whigs--was rising to take command in the new government. The victory at Blenheim and its General were of another era, already outdated. In summarizing any such study as this, there is probably always pre- sent the temptation to attribute more significance to the period than is deserved in an attempt further to justify the initial effort. Never- theless, as a way-station in humanistic development, the age of Anne was perhaps more vital than is commonly recognized. Certainly it was the arena for more far-reaching action and political development than its scant twelve years would seemingly indicate. It was during'the years of Anne's reign.that the basic dichotomy between absolute monarchy and Par- liamentary government according to law was recognized and grappled with, and, to a limited extent, resolved in favor of law. The precedent thus established in Anne's reign, which assumed manfis natural right to freedom, Quoted in Trevelyan, "The Peace", p. 273. 128 was important not only in England but was to influence all of Europe at the century's end. As Trevelyan says: If England between the Revolution.and the death of George II had not established the rule of the law of freedom, the England of the Nineteenth Century would have proceeded along the path of change by methods of violence, instead of by Parliamentary modification of the law. The establishment of liberty was not the re- sult of the complete triumph of any one party in the State. It was the result of the balance of political parties and religious sects, compelled to tolerate one anothgr, until toleration became a habit of the national mind. 5 The above comment may be somewhat oversimplified and idealized; it might be truer to say'disputing;became a habit of the national mind, which would include disputing of intolerance along“with.many'sound, sensible programs and ideas. Later generations have come to realize, however, how simple it is to concentrate on large national concerns, such as waging war or negotiating'peace, at the expense of the knotty, internal affairs which are so much.more important and so difficult to resolve. The Whigs and Tories of Anne's day worked on.a.more provincial, which is to say personal, level. They were unashamed of their preju- dices, and openly and vigorously persecuted, maligned and argued with each other, thereby giving'healthy ventilation to the issues and allowing men with good sense and good will, such as Shrewsbury, Addison, and Stanhope, to intervene on.the side of moderation and tolerance. So, with poor grace, grudgingly, driven.mcre by necessity than idealism, the par- tisan Whigs and Tories arrived at a degree of tolerance for the differing religious and political views of their countrymen.that was not practiced elsewhere in Europe or, except for the Colonies in.America, the world. 85 "The Peace", p. 321. 129 While the political squabbles gave rise to important precedents in tolerance, deeper philosophical questions were being worked out, for the most part unconsciously, but nevertheless effectively, for the future of English government. The one important political theme of Anne's reign involved the nature of monarchy and called into question one of the most universally held concepts of the Western world: the divine right of Kings. For a hundred years in England, and longer in other European countries, society had been secured and stabilized by the unquestioning obedience to the temporal rulers as representatives of God. Alone among the countries of Europe, the English had shown a tendency to disregard the divinity of their rulers whenever it came in conflict with basic rights of the people, and Anne, as the last of the Protestant Stuarts, was con- stantly aware of this. Although her mother had been a commoner, her father was James II, annointed and divinely appointed, albeit by a Pro- testant rather than a Catholic Divinity. She 'touched' for the King's evil, as had her father and uncle before her, and she fought throughout her reign for the full authority she deemed her right. At the same time, she was fully aware that she owed her position on the throne to the Whig Act of Settlement and that since she had been unable to produce a surviving heir, the same Parliamentary provision which defined her prerogative would give her throne to another family upon her death. The existence in France of a legitimate Stuart heir was the source of deeply-rooted guilt and uncertainty among many Englishmen who felt the strong pull of tradition and desired the continuance of an established royal line at the same time that they firmly refused the idea of a Roman Catholic King. St. John's October Club may serve as an example: strong Tories all, it was said of them they were Jacobite when drunk and Hanoverian when sober, and it may be assumed many of their countrymen 130 shared their dilemma. Although the cold daylight realities of the Con- stitution and practical politics eventually ruled out the succession of James III, in varying degrees both Whigs and Tories felt the strong attraction of the divinely anointed royal line. Political expediency won out, and with the accession of George I of Hanover the English people in effect ratified a different set of ideas regarding the monarchy. In England the question of divinity of Kings had been laid to rest, once and for all, in favor of more pressing polit- ical considerations. Interesting and important as these legislative landmarks may be in the political progress of England, they are significant here primarily as they indicate the general social climate of the age. The military victories over France which Marlborough achieved had raised a national awareness and pride in all English hearts, and while lively partisan battles continued, the spirit of patriotism remained a genuine under- lying element in all social life. In addition to this patriotism, the period of Queen Anne's reign was characterized by a newly awakened awareness of military and political world power as well as a reconfirmed belief in individual freedom. Attendant upon these basic characteristics is an adolescent quality dis- cernible in the vigor as well as the occasional awkwardness with which England learned to use its new strength. At the same time, the age of Anne, from a twentieth-century vantage point, seems to be one of remarkable integration and cohesion. The interest and stimulation of politics which lay at the heart of the period was also a main social force, influencing literature and the arts as well as other areas. There was no isolation or alienation of the artist in eigiteenth-century life: Addison, Swift, Steele and Defoe were men of 131 daily political affairs as well as men of letters, and though they may have argued from differing sides of the political fence, there is no questioning the sincere love of England, devotion to freedom and active concern with which they expressed their views. No philosophical detach- ment or ivory-tower aloofness appears in their work; the literary men of Anne's age were informed, active participants in the social arena. It is evident that it was precisely this involvement with daily life that produced the vigorous quality still so apparent and attractive in the periodical essays. Thus, in a broad sense it may be said that the War of the Spanish Succession stimulated literature and journalism which in turn reflected the ideas and attitudes prevalent in society at that time. Such writing encouraged a larger reading public to become informed and concerned about political life and affairs of the world. It is likely that England had more literate citizens taking an interest in her government than any other country in Europe at the time. These same literate Englishmen, drawn toward the letters, essays and plays of the day by their passion for politics, educated their children to become the more enlightened reading public which enjoyed the novels of Fielding and the literary criticism of Dr. Johnson later in the century. Similarly, the close relationship between political, social and artis- tic life is reflected in English architecture. John Vanbrugh himself, as office holder, playwright and architect, personifies this phenomenon. His vigor, enthusiasm and devotion to Marlborough and England further exemplify the age. It is no coincidence that English baroque architecture is notable for the power, movement, and somewhat awkward grandeur of its lines; Venbrugh was expressing in his ponderous stone masses the same involvement with life, the patriotism, pride and emergent power which 132 concerned the writers and statesmen of Anne's day. The consequences of the specific contributions of the age have been noted in politics and literature; in.architecture, too, there were wider ramifications. Al- though the English baroque period can be said to have begun.and ended with vanbrugh's career, it was by no means a dead-end. On the contrary, out of Christopher wren's office issued not only the genius of vanbrugh and Hawksmoor, but a stimulus to architecture generally which.made the later eighteenth century unparalleled for the design of private residences and country estates. This great interest in building'had not existed on such a scale before the period of Queen Anne, and it is unlikely it would have been possible without the establishment of 'Wren's school' through the Office of works. In the process of building such monuments as St. Paul's Cathedral and Blenheim Palace, a group of craftsmen.was formed which, as Summerson says, "made something resembling a national school of building and decoration--a school of incalculable advantage to the next generation of English builders."86 Throughout this study the first Duke and Duchess of'Marlborough have been essential to the discuSsion of social, political and aesthetic relationships. Their spheres of power and influence spread into so many facets of English life during Anne's reign they have become almost syme bolic of the ideas and developments of their age. Certainly they serve as catalytic agents in such a study, their interaction with and influence upon the other English giants of the time--Anne, Addison, Swift, Steele, Defoe, Vanbrugh, St. John.and Harley--forming the very fabric of society during'the Opening'years of the century. In turn, the victory of Blenheim 86 Architecture in.Britain, p. 236. 133 has served as a convenient focal point for what is surely a significant period in England's history, serving as it does as an essential but seldom noted period of transition in English life. APPENDIX 5:6 Q. . A Glorious Sncccno W60 S , OF THE LAST CAMPA GN. ’3'. ‘7’“ T‘\ " in M: :7 T o H I s . c a A. c 1.. E, u 3 $.23; 0 F . ' -Uw;a¥: RdAiifiL B()R()LTGLT, ‘ ONTHE ' -Hic populm fizpzem 6° jzzflw 222 mm, Te no/z’ris dzzczbm, te Graiis annferemlo. Hor. 1‘ Printed in the Year M DCC V. M m-.—~—o--¢c- ,. IA. ‘ [I] TO HIS . 1 _ A I '71 _ G R A C t: -. ' THE ' DUKE of MARLBOROUGH. TH 0 U renown'd in Warnvhofe Godlike Deeds . No Brim/Z) Youth without aRapture reads! Who doft create a Genius, and infpire, ' Each Breaft unhallow'd with 4001103 Fire ! ' 0 Wife in Counfel! O in Aétion Bold! . What Numbers {hall to future Times unfold Thy Various Worth? 'What Mufe fuftain a Flight ' Sublime enough to reach Thy wond'rous Height? g . By Thee th’ Imperial Seat, ‘ with impious Hands Of Rebel-Subjeéts fhook, fuppprtcd frauds ; . What time Thyvengeful Arm, like that of 70110, The fierce Bavarian with fwift Tempefl; drove A ‘ Down _ -4.._._—..-...__..___._.... - ._..._ ._. _____ .-..—--¢ '._<.~--‘v ea“. ,‘. . -- —Q.o I -' IALM-.. [1] Down from affected Empire, (his Defign ,_ , - Undcg so' near atchiev d,) and hurl d beyond the Rhine. And :1. ‘ Saw] by Thee ereéts his drooping Head, . h ' ' With Hopes of Succour from Thy Conquefis fed: Yet Does lefs at Home the Blows of Fortune feel, i The F. With Blez'nbezm comforting his loft Vcrcezl. ‘ ' ‘ . ' - And, L Beyond the Bazz‘zr, to th extreamef’t Ends ’ - '- W115i? Of Spain, I the moment of Thy Armsextends. .10 i } . While -- To frelh Attempts the fla/Zrz'aa Friends awoke ‘ ' . g ‘ F01“ I11: Offllaking from their Necks the Bourbon Yoke: I T9 th’ - While France, exhaufied by that Sea of Blood, ‘ . You w'. . Which from her gaping Veins at Hoe/Zed flow'd,- ' . A5 Wh‘ Her Fountain at an Ebb, with lower Tide ' i 3 Some 54 And feebler Streams the diftant Parts fupply ’.d _ g Rallyir. . L, They t1 Well may, M Lord, fuch glorious Aéts demand : But if , I In Fame 3 molt laf’ting Books enroll-d to fraud . ' . Who tc Your Labours of no private Import are, -. ' ' . E ‘ Timely But different Nations in their Bounty fliare :30' , i D And t}. Each mighty Stroke You round about You deal, - . -' { So to .. BothFriends and Foes in difiant Regions feel ‘ : Where . - With Various Apprehenfions; thofe no lefs . . ' i , ' Your 11;? Your great Atchievements raife, than thefe deprefs. ' . , And, h. To whom, of all that Brill/fl) Air have breath’d, , Has Nature fuch a fcanty Soul bequeath’d, ' 7 50¢: That does not with a gen’rous Ardour burn, .- . _ . . O'er VL‘. From You the Rudiments of War to learn? ' Under _.-.-. . w...- - 4 , .- -.-..—'4~“.0_~-W Fa —' +— —v— wr. .—.. W - -.._._, 4.... w..._. fl>.'-..‘.‘< .- __ _. ._.,_.___ _-‘ ___.,.__, “<'-»—-k4r«- . ‘_e—M-~--~‘~”-¢~.—uo .,. . a-.. [3] Under Your Banners to difplay his Worth, And draw the latent Seeds of Vertue forth? '4 o" ' x You with a penetrating Eye difcern’d The Point whereon the War’s Decifion turn’d; ‘ ' And, gricv’d to think Your Forces fought in vain, ‘ While others lofe'whatYou in Battle gain ; . -While France with foreign Ills herfclfrepay'd For all the Load You on her Shoulders laid ; To th’ Empire turning Your viétorious Sword, ’ ' ”'2 You with a Blow their tott'ring State reftor’d. As when in'Bodies grofs and corpulent ' ': ' '. "J Some Sore affords the vicious Humours vent ;.50 Rallying their Forces from each (garter, lo, They thither all with mighty Confluence flow: But if fome pow’rful tASfcalapz'a/r rife, Who to thefWound with Skilful‘ Hand applies p' Timely Relief, the hoitile Rout retreat, And their late Track and dang’rous Haunt forget. So to that Breach the warehful Gaalrhad found,‘ ' Where ruihing in they might th’ Alliaa'cewound,‘ Your mighty Buckler You with Speed oppos’d,’ And, beating out the Foe, the Paflage clos'd. £0 ’ See, to the Eaaabe 110w the May/J Force, '7 O’er valt Extents of Land, direét their Courfe,‘ - ' ' I ' A a . i ' * . With 0 \ .l-_--d.~-——n~'>-->-- -. w vv—V’ e “..-—.—.c»‘, __._ t r—i- ..--.-.-- . -._.. .1 ~ 141 ' 1 ‘ With large and hafcy Steps advancing! See, Clear: ; 1 How all the injur’d Nations round from Thee . j ' And 3 * Await their Refcuc; of Thy conqu’ring Hand ' 9 Throu Their Freedom and invaded Rights demand! ’ ~ 1 That 1, 1 And now Bavaria, who fo late appear’d ' 1 . They .‘ i 1 Fondly fecure, with theArrival cheer'd . . . 3 ' Nor 21: Of Gallic/e Aid; who forthwith from the Rhine 2 Their -* 3 Did to Haagaria firetch his fancy’d Line, 70 ; Retur: And in Conceit the Two Rebellions join; S , ' . ' Till PR . 1. He that of Conquefts and of Triumphs dream’d, ' They i 9 ' And circled with the Rays of Empire feem'd, ' i ' O'th’ fuddain doubts th’ Event, foregoes his near .: Ohc ; 1 ;' Effeé’ced hopes of Rule, and learns to fear. _ ' .. When 4 ' Mean time their toilfom March with eager hafie, , 1 ‘ ‘ Decifwt . : Thro’ Paths before by Bra/y]; Steps untrac'd, 1 That i1- (Where a itrange Sun with unaccuftom'd Light g' n 1 . Vifits the Day, and other Stars the Night) ‘ ' i 3:01: ‘1 . Thy Troops purfue; till with his fetting Rays to 1 LOWS Plateaus at length the neighb’ring Foe difplays. Andbwio High on a Hill encamp'd their Legions lie; \ E h Trenches and Batt'ries itrongly fortify ( It 3 Thus ao- . The proud Afcent, and all Accefs deny: S ' " 3 What 2‘ 1' But Nature, nor the Strength of Art, avails When L .. 1 For their Defence, when C HUR c HIL’s Arm affails. But as 2‘ See how His C01: 0 noble Auden/17 ; i _ Up to the Mound with an undaunted Pace 1 The firm Battalions move; each Warriour's Face _ Cloath'd I "'t I~¢~O‘ 'y w _— v— —v .f ww—vw v an-r-nI—W. - on.a—uh. - “”1 -..,V . -- c— u . - i .. “no--“un. .-___-, _..w w W- _ ._M.-+.. a»..- an -fMH’-_---w*-‘~.~-*. _. -_..vr....v.. o u... «74. -va--v.4--.~». .. “.4. --..-.—-"r» ~. .- . , l a l Cloath’d with new T error at each Step appears, And Marks of defp’rate Refolution wears: 91 Through Clouds of Smoak, and over Hills of Slain . That mangled lie, and cover all the Plain, . They move, on Thoughts of cruel Vengeance bent; . Nor at the Voice of dying Groans relent Their Pace, nor, forc’d b’ encountrin g Armies back, Return lefs furious to the dire Attack: Till preffing with refiftlefs Rage, at lafi' ‘ They broke the Files, and o’er the Ramparts pafi. 0 how the mighty Leopold reviv’d, '. When to his Ear the joyful News arriv’d loo . Decifive of his Doom, and bleft the Day That in his Hand confirm’d th’ Imperial Sway! . Thy matchlefs Conduét he aloud extols, ' ' Thee his Deliv’rer, Thee his Saviour calls: ‘ Longs in, his Life of Princes Thee to place, And with thy Name th’ illuftrious Title grace. . ‘ Thus now tranfported, to Thy future Praife What Monupients, what T 1‘OphiCS will he raife,’ When this bright Day, th’ admiring World ihall own, _ But as the Prelude to a brighter flicne? l '0 See how the gallant Eugene halts, with Thine His Counfels to unite, and Troops to join! .0 noble Pair, in Spirits near ally’d,' Andrlofer yet in Bands of Friendfhip ty’d ! “B What v-.t.v-44 _——I - -— .- . .. ‘ _~, _,._.. -w-‘ur .. coo---.—.-0-- .9..--~—‘A'- M An...- . .qw*_._~..-._—.—.m- -.. .A..- _-. i . 4 . .—.'-.—- "-‘r-- l 6 l W hat can extravagant or vain appear I For Us to hope, or for our Foes to fear, ~ While bravely You ’gainft the joint Pow‘rs of E‘ZZIZCB, And of Bavaria, hand in hand advance? When now the hoftilc Camp appear'd in View, , '5 And either Wing their Troops to Battle drew, ’30 ' Calm and ferene the dang’rous Task You weigh’d: A Much does the Fee's fuperior Force diffwade. From thebold Confliét; much the Moory Ground, Which kind to them, on Your Adventure frown'd. 'But tho’ the powirful Obftacles you meet ' Do found to yOur Attempt aloud Rezreaz‘ ; ' 1 Loader that Heat which in Your Bofom glows, . I - E And with {treng Impulfebears You on Your Foes; Q Loader thofe gallant Briiti/lJ Troops You lead, (Joy of the Empire, and of .Fraac’o the Dread,) 150 i a 0ft in cxtreameft Dangeis try’d, and found ’As oft invinCible, to Battle found. And now determin’d, thro‘ each Rank You ride, ; And to Your Men the bloody Toils divide. . ' I With Burthens of the mightielt Bulk, too large . For vulgar Shoulders, You the Eogli/lo charge. Then Crofljt's Plains, and wgiacoarz, and all Their ancient Brav’ry to their Minds recall. . ' f What “Away- 'M- 'p- ”O." u- w— ‘ fw—v r v V —— vuf ‘1 The The W L Ri g An t W11 You ' R01 Ter- Dif< Tal' Ant Alit. lVi‘, . Sco. T’a- ." " 'W’T" t '7 3 What gen'rous Rage their Breafi' contains, what are Of Thunde1 1n then fuiio'us A1111 they bea1,m'o . Thefe You conjure them 101 this fatal H0111 To fummon up, and On their Foes to pour. Their Courage thus inflam’d to nobleft Height, ' They with Impatience for the Signal wait: Then'rufl1ing to the Fight, 'th' imbowel'd Air With Shouts of Men, and Roar of Cannon tear. ' : Right- on the Foe You, like a Whi1lwind, d1ive, . And foon amidfi: thei1 t1oubled Ranks arrive. e ‘ Wheie e re You profs, unable to controul Your wond’rous Rage, in Heaps the Squadrons roll : I o Rout and Confufion fpeedy Entrance find; Terror before You runs, and Ruin'ftalks behind. While thus the bloody Field Youi range at large, Difoider following {till whe1e- -e 16 You cha1ge,f Tallara7 with Chief the wide Delti uétion views, And halt 11111“ with from TioOps the Fight 1enews. And now the late 1epuls d by TLllllS 1epels: When, lo, Y0111 B1eal‘t with Indignation fwells, , Scorning to find frefh Obftacles appea1 T an ef’t and check You in the full Cariere Ito- Of V1éto1 y Then whofo dar d to gaze, Might fee Your Eyes with dieadful Light hing blaze; - ' .B.~2 -;A ”And -< v-wr,-—-—~ -. m-__4 A u..a. -. .. \ ‘ o.- -..._- we,“ ..--.,_. n... .....i ._ ". "*r‘r‘r-n-r-r -r-ru .. v; :7 W , , ,,.l a. . --. . _ . .. - r-—r - .-.. -s .._-._._....~—..-_—r -- ..__._ . u ' -. o ... 0 . _- c . .-- -. o. .. TAM- -n—CA -_____.._ WW- 1-. . . .--;——.—— . cg.-. ’.- c—u-vm “1 ‘vu—c- -. 4-... -c-..1 .‘ -~“» _.-,.. -—4~.-~.-_m—_~- _, *7 a- -" l 8 3 And gloomy Night fit 011 Your Brow : to all The Brittz' J Sons of War: aloud You Call, ' Exhortin g to 'the Fight; while on the Foe Your felf with unrefified Rage You throw. With fuch afl'ur’d and res’lute Pace You rode, g, fave a (God, ’ Could have fufiain’d. As when a jutting Rock, , Which on fome Mountain’s Head long flood the Shock I 7 0 Of bluit’ring Winds, torn from its Seat at laft, ' None the fierce Charge oppofin ‘ Rolls finoothly down withlefs impetuous Hafte: If fome, rough Prominence by chance oppofe , Its farther Progrefs, it outrageous grows, Bounding along, and with redoubled Force " Down the fieep way precipitates its Courfe. ' _ By Oppofition thus incens’d the more, Headlong upon the hofiile Ranks You bore, Too feeble to refif't; with fpeed they fly, ' No Threats their Stay can force, nor Promife buy, I130- Nor Fray’rs perfwade ; the prefling Fears behind With a more pow'rful Voice aflault their Mind. 1 . 0 er H01 fes, Men, and fcatter d A1111s You ride, Still hurrying 011 the Chace, ti1l ffler, dy d By Streams of hoitile Blood, with fliendly Waves The plunging Rout from farther Vengeance faves. 0 Thou at length with fuch‘a Blaze reveal’d ! Why did Thy Vertue lie thus long conceal’d 2" Why _ - . n... -., .- , ';.0 L- - n-w .-”M~ *“fiyvfl-fi 'w— - v '0 w i ww— Why I. Before . But as . And 11;. With-l. Thy R Not C! And 11a By 7’13; (Sore g The De Had 11c Was b3: Or did ' With 1 They V. And hr. ’ I came Thofe ‘ No for. Unwifi And fi‘i Which They Ah! 1. - ShOll 'L". “vdm“‘~1» u- ,. -..-|-h-n - 0 Q"...— ‘-.IF- v- ~—-..-o 4.“- " - u-o-n—b doe—---w-m-_~’~—.-~w M‘. “to“- --..v~ - n ' ‘ . M-..— M —4m._.... -w . .._ .... _-—- --.-——._.‘ .fi- ‘M .—*-.-——— [j 9 3 Why fuch a Prodigy of Worth remain Before unprov’d, and lent by Heav'n in vain? I30 But as a Stream pent in, with greater Force . And more impetuous Waves refumes its Courfe: With-held from lhining, now our dazled Sight 'Thy Rays opprefs with overpow'rin g Light. Not Caz/4r, when the great Atehievements wrought, And half the Globe. under Subjeé’rion brought By Y’bz'lz'p’s Godlike Son, with Tears he read ; (Sore griev'd to think that They, whofe fatalThread The Def’tinies to equal length had fpun, ‘Had not one common Race of Glory run ;) 200 Was by fuch Thoughts to nobler Aftions led, Or did with larger Steps the Path to Honour tread. With fuch amazing Speed Your Conquefis fly, They with the Roman Eagles dare to vie: And have Your Title to that boaft renew’d, ~ I came, I few, and [ageing fem [1155211217. Thofe whom, before Your wond’rous Deeds they faw, _ No force of Rhet‘rick could to Battle draw, Unwifely cautious, now Your Conduét blefs, ' And from the great, unparallel'd Succefs, 5110 ' {-1 -_ Which crown’d Your Summer’s Toils, conclude aright They loft a Triumph, {when they fhun'd a Fight. Ah! why, difiruftful of confummate Skill, Shou’d they difpu te what You were pleas’d. to will P ' c ‘ Slips, .v.--r.- ~-—— o- -T——. w..-.—.—-... 4.1--- - .. . . . - - - . _ _ _, fib-‘fi'Im- . . .. . - L s .. - - - H --; v.“ - . )fi. - ,. [10 l 'Slips,’ undifcern'd by lcfs flagacious Eyes, Your piercing Judgment with a Glance defcries : And knows as well'by dire Effects to make The finarting Foe repent each flight Miftake. How did commanding Reafon, in the Heat Of raging Battle, ftillmaintain its Seat? 210 Like Lightning, in the midit of Thunder, bright, No Hurry Could confound its Native Light. By Rage not blinded, nor by Prudence cool'd, You fpuer the Sluggiih, and the Rafh You rul'd: In Tumult no tumultuous Thoughts expref’t'; Bu t, breathing Vengeance, {till Your felf poll'efc. Thus in a noble Bard, whofe ev’ry Line Does with apparent Infpiration lhine, ‘ Fancy andjudgment, native Cold and Heat, Thofe two fo rarely joyn’d Extreams, do meet. .230 . _ 0, would the Mufe the twofold Gift impart, ‘ To write with Fury, but correét with Art, While in.advent’rous Strains I trie .to fing, . ‘Thy glorious Deeds to either Pole lhou’dring. Thou Thunderbolt of War, whofe dreaded Launce Prop of the Empire is, and Scourge of France! ‘ Alike unfoil’d in Thy Attempts, to form The ling'ring Siege, or fuddain Campsto fiorm! The'e the Celcftial Pow’rs did ~fure ordain ‘ To blefs the new-born Age, and brighten ANNA’s Reign.a40 ' - ' ' For ' v..- ~--.., -,~_. “An... ,1.- .—.. .—..\ Hen;- And . W iti‘ And I 11 vs. Striv- F aft; The ; Thef. 3112.1: Let t The I [(Nor _The 3' A Pu For i o< n-vo—a— --. . “cc—-- .m- -‘—_~ g._ “ fins .«0 . ~. ‘1». . I ~ v-Q . “uh-o...“ P“ ,,“.W. —.—-_ ._ - -m- o n..- -.«——n.. I And bribe each Heav’nly. Influence to our Side. - The Foe’s fo long beleagu’ring Troops detain, . (Now hopelefs of Succefs,) at length advife ‘The mighty Purchafe of his Sword to prize: , [ II J ' For ANNA Heaven does all its Bleflings (lore, Repaying what She thither lent before: Her Offer‘d Tenths for our Succefs provide, Hence while Thy glitt’ring Bands ‘the Eafl purfue, And routed Troops the way to Conquefi: fl1ew; With happy Omens R0 01: our Navy guides, . .‘ And on Mari/m Seas triumphant rides. ' ' ' i; 9 In vain does Gallia, with accuftom’d Pride, -5... ,_—.—.. ~._...-,... - a Strive her Difgrace by haughty Vaunts to hide; 250 Faétion in vain,with canker'd'Teeth contend The Laurels from the Victor's Brows to rend; Thefe he lhall wear, and in the Franc]: Defeat :4 i Shall triumph 11111, in fpite of Envy Great. Let Gz'halz‘ar, whofe bulwarkt Tow’rs in vain A Purchafe, which they loudly fpeak their Pain -' For having loft, by. fierce Defires to gain. .290 ' Permit, M Lord, the grateful‘Mufe to leave (Amidft the Wreaths we for Your Temples weave) This Tribute to Defert; and fpare a Line, ‘ That facred is to other Praife than Thine. Thy Glory thines with a Meridian Ray, Which from no neighb’ring Light admits Allay: ‘ ’; ° C 9. _ Struck ~ __ v.., w- "flag”...— -—.—.__. .- , . ~ ~. .——-. ~ M... ._~,g-._._._._.,__‘__.. [ I?- ] Struck with Aftoniflnnent, in ev’ry Deed Of Thine the Heroe, or the God, we read. Nor think, unfavour’d of the Pow’rs above, Thou didfl: from Place to Place Thy Standards 1nove,.‘2 70 At ev’ry Step Victorious; or the Aid Of warring Angels from Thy Motions ftray’d. For tho’ each Part unerring Wifdom guide, Yet Fate at lafi: will o'er the 'whole prefide : Some unforefeen Events may ftill combine To change the Scene, and dafh the wife Defign. Troops tho’ You lead into the dufty Field ’ [Fearlefs 9f Danger, and untaught to yield; And Your avenging Arm uplifted thew, _ Chance maypfcep in, and difappoint the Blow. 280, But ANNA with prevailing Rhet’rick prays, And veering Conqueft on Your. Banners I’tays: Courage to act, and Prudence to contrive, ‘_ From Her a more than Humane Force derive. . Thritelmppy dlb'z'oiz, did thy Sons but know .135 To prize aright that Gift the Heav’ns beftow; Pleas’d the fure Bleflingsof this Reign to have, Nor idly after future Scepters rave! Thrice happy ANN B, with fuch a Heroe blefi, To fet the long-contending World at reft; 2% To curb Ambition, and Her purpos’d Will Of Love or Hate to neighb’ring Pow’rs fulfil! ' I ‘ Now C ._... Hi .- \a -Hcr Fro, Wh Of i don", Beh Of 2 L011; So 0 Nov Shal Witi And The: And The . The Tha ; Twc 0‘0 DCL The 0. -m"- "‘ "RM~A ._ o m.-.- “.-:o .- -- u..- ,,_‘..‘-_. - .0... [ I; 3 Now lhall Brit/27min rear her awful Head . High ’midit her Sifter States, and kindly fl1ed Her cheering. Influence 011 the Realms below : ' . From her Decrees each Prince his Doom fliall know; ' While, flern to proud Opprefl‘ors, in the Caufe ' '° Of injur'd Right her vengeful Sword She draws. . O if, pofl'eft with the Came/m Rage, ', Our Mind aright of future Years prefage; F112 Behold Saturm'mz Days, that in the Womb Of teeming Fate, and Ages yet to come, ' Long brooding lay; thofe happy Days behold, So oft to earlier Reigns in vain foretold, (P1 ce ‘. ' Now hafi'ning to the Birth! when Time with Youthful Shall {tart afrefh to his appointed Race; With a new Sun the Face of Nature fliine, And to the Golden Age our Heav’n refine. Then Wars fl1a11 ceafe, and Piety return, And Faith and Right the jarring Nations learn. 3‘ ' 3 Thou by Thy Conquefts, Mighty Chief, prepare The Way, and ufher in the glorious Year. That Arm, which, at the Branches aim’d before, Two * Brothers from the Franc/J Afliftance tore, ' 1- (1351;111'4' an o 0321. . Again advance, and with Thy fatal Blade ' The monftrous Body next, and naked Trunk invade. 3 ,1 FINrs i f 4r Ia. y "I ' ‘I “\I ' 3 " f ' ". '- -' I ' _ r ”— blfl—o (01;... 4‘- LL. 0 «J g'ae‘ ‘5. m c \L/ {J V~b c‘m an. 9 i; If? _\ v f U 1L2.) 1; 1 :1 i’Zu-a-wiI , '; -‘~"'. I p "WHY ‘ h o E .. ,- .' é.‘ he a: .H ”WM—“A (e. ~ . «z noeemcs . ‘ ’1 , 1' 1. ‘9 I' z 1. l .2: :5;\;J up... C\’\, .2} lx-olé i—a—Q’ LyJ—L V “J \5/ 9 - - ' .111. . a 0 \ '- . . l age-x) H \ 1- roe-*1 'ex _ I >. . . 1 g; 1 . \\ . ill: ' l i; 1.; "1 . l\ 1.‘ . . . . . r 4.1;. v 4 413...! on. ' , \ ' .. 'IDEDICATED A3 °‘.d To the Wight 3011011111113 0 ‘ '— ’ ' \-" . - ~—.——\ '-__, .-.—.- ,I _ . Y i- ; 314131130333 f/IE 12% Tic/3. '-'=. \ *- (toaaoaa (‘4. .r- , I firect. Mi: CC V. . D I I '\ 'I .c \ .. M-.~. M " L . “A‘— . Printed for 0511 21:1 1.1m” or, t ‘Pthe' Pal no ora’e [are ovei -aga...;€t a... 1,..1. /’ was Chureh in Mesa. 1 45..-; -“._; __- I) .11 , . .1. fi---o.¢—~..—.~&M.-~._- -._.. -mJ . . .. __--.,~.‘....._. ,4 .--.r-. -~ . - " /' Q “‘4' ‘-—Lp~n» v - 5.... s-.--..A ”‘An. ‘54 ‘0‘“ b-~w‘/ ms...- ., .-4~_._.., w.-.__ <- ' _ _ e "“"““"~"'—-.~—~—- . ' _ . . I - - . , r—n - 95 L,___l 'MantnoROUGi-i OR, THE ',.iii‘ateo1 L1 UR© E " . P'T‘QH Eternal, who the Fate: of Empires weighs, 5- And with Impartial Eyes the World furveys, 4.. Beheld the GA LLI C (POWE Rio haughty grown, It dard Rebel, and firuggle with his own ' He law the Mon/fer, {well d to V'af’t exceis, ' 'l ' ' Great Nat: are: Landmarks, and her own trimfgrefie 1 And in her Bowel: urge unnatural War, no I VBcfore V ennas trembling Gates appear, .And fomcrhing now beyond the Turks they fear.1 'Germany 15 no mor5e th'e Gaul: advance . And Myriad: heap d on Myriad: facrifice5 B ‘Gne Wingbo eyond the Snowy Alpes was fire: chd, ' Oer @yremean Rocks her Other reach’5d The Volumes of her Dire enormous Train ' To World: 1122132011212, beyond th Atlantic Main 5 to ‘ The German Barrie nexc {he wings t invade, 1 ‘ While Nations fhake beneath her deadly Shade. I, .L In vain the Royal Bird his Tbmzder bears, Yet oft, tho {iruck to Earth, himfelf he rears5 Wounded and Paint maintains a feeble Fight, \Vith equal Valour, but inieriour Migbt5 The Dragons Teetb fierce New-born Armies yield, An Iron Harm/Z round the moiiiend Field, Into/line Foes the Sacred Empire tear, lI Oer Captive Ifier: Streams, and all 1: France. The while ajoy, to Marine/i near ally d, 'Lutetias Temples icnds, and {wells her Pride. I 1 The Pagans Sargaine Q1111: reproach no more, 1 .Or Scythian Altars Rain d with Hanane Gore; When Mif-nam d Cbrifliam dare affiont the Skies, Mimi - t .‘.'W"'w. v.""\—V'T- 1.1 .11... W" '-L-’; A. _ . 'I . MW.W man‘-man'“ MM . I | \..-.-.-~. 3 .- ‘-- ~'_-_“' _ " o~.a-, ., ‘ ' .— ~o- -.-_~‘ E 4. J Rankin their Squadrons, every gniltltfs Star, And make them (Parties, in their lmpious War. _ TE 50E H 111 8 now are [fltégal' Anthems grown, ’From Martins, and from Vt/pers hardly known5 ‘ Thofe decent Thanks they Oh‘. to Heaven renew, But to their Monarch thin’lt far more are due5 Let L E W I S [l2ine, they laugh at thoie above, As Father Nile alone is Eeypt’s jove. 5 See wheie helike the Samian T512 ant reigns, And Fortune by his Chariocleads in Chains, 41> The Bounds of Humane Hippinefs furpais’d To the Third Hen he lees his III ”at Conant/[51:196. ’ Such was t 1e Facef of thinrrs, {uch Europe’s State, When thus the 801m earn A2 utter of Fate. - . “ Thus far have we th 0121221flo2's Fall delay’d, .“ Bue here fhall his 121/11111255117422: heflay’5d .“ l/Vorthy our weightitfl Thundm now he grows, “ And now ’tis worthy I-ieav n to interpofe5 “ This lifomcnt, by th’ unchangeablc Etcrec, “ The utmoii Verge of Pioip rous 'Ijirann). 5o - Louis Then, of the (Powersthat near the Throne attend, '. , - ~ 4 1 J And on the wond rous Golden Chain depend. ' . 1, He {’ncrles theie,firfl:1€PC(_I/lDE N” L heav 111/mar Her Looks unclondcd, yetwith (height-fill Air. .2 2 ‘1 .The nexr was F01 RTITI/lj) E5 what fppightly Grace, And (Promifes oi Congntfl in her i'acel ' C ELERI TI was in Commx’i’ on 50111 d Whofe Wings out-fly the Ligl: tning and die Wind5 Then S E C RE C T with modtfl1 Glo2 res eioWn ’d, C) And rob’d 1n Clouds, which Heav’n’s biight Throne 1111rou ndiéo . “ Go to the M..n, by his, and our Lo‘s d Queen dcl’ign’d “ To humble Gallic 930290, and Europe" s Chains unbind. ' “ Go, and with fpeed, he faid, our Final Orders bear, “ His conitant G11a2dians you, and (Paitnms of me \Var._ . They [20212 d, and wtrvina (107111 the Heep Delcent, Born on a beautious L1121a2jQ1i2zoho21-2 went, And M141 QL" .b 0 R0 M G H.’ alighted at thy Tent, As on Mofellas Streams thy Scuadrons lay, Waiting for Thee, and the} Reno 211211r 311}: ’. ' ' J.” For now the Silent Noon of Nirrht was oer, 1o ' :7 And 'Plnelms hal’tcn d to his Ea/iem Sh01e5 ‘ f ‘ ; Thoughtfltl they found the Chief, his Head) 2eclin’,d ' '. .. The FATE OF EMQOQDEIab ring in his Mind‘5 . g "1;; His P . u ..- V“..-g,,r «- - -_.'.'q_." _,.c—' M”" '- \ A ‘— L"! n 1“» i.-‘ -’ A n M5 (32.1.1155 ('1 Writs grim/.0; 1a . V" 3’3. 1:5. .1 “is Friendly G11ar.l5,11nl'ee11 Aliilhnee brought, . . Mould the grentSc/1en1e,:1nd poll/l1 CVC‘I y Tl1011gl11‘5 Till with Ctltflial Vilrom' 1n his E) es, And 11141.1! from deep Lonce'.1n “ It mui’i: be 111115, he crie's5 ' “ This faves 011rFr1'e111l5, and breaks th' lncreal' 11g Pow rs “ Of France and Hell combind, if P1111111 be ours. - Then calls to I-Iorfe, his willing Troops obey, 31) S 735 ED marchd bel01e,and level (l all the 11111) 5 . While 8 E C RE C1” :1 Cloud 1round them drew, Too thick for l'ubtle Spitz: 01' T1'a1'tor5 view. Such that: which o'er God s Fav' rite A1111} fp1ed, 'Andfl1f'e,thto' Sandfll’orlch andtraclclel's 1311/11”: ledi7 .- . Dnzled atfirfl the Foes be fore him 11m, Like Birds ob/cene, 11 hich cannon bear the 811115 0' er Ifler's Streams, thei1 Leader takes his flight, 'And Ihuns, 1111111111521 111 E11111), the confeious Light 571;. « There, meditating Mi/cln'ef, doom'd to wait . Till France .1 while prolonrr5,:1nd/loare5 his Fate. ’ Once more {10111 Ea1th,‘ th' I111pe1 1111 Eagle {prings hwyens And prunes his (130115 .11'1d fhakes his Moulted Wing55 is AmwSl’T'hor flow with 11701111115, his Fate' 13 pleas'd to try, . And bravely bid for De 1111, or Vtflory: Nor need the Hea11nly (01211115 fem: to Guide . ' ,'The brim/71 Cln'ef, unguarded leave h1s fide, ‘ ' The Ger1na11Hc1oe5 need not prel's to 10111, '5 ' .- ' And [here the Glory of the irafl Defign. loo ‘ Who/1'11}, who next, H1111 of thofe Wortlne5 clairn ' fliflz'ncgm'flfd Honour in 'the Rolls 1515111111.? . ‘ , EUGENE the 619:, fueh Paid), fuch Valour 1110111111,: - _ Adopted Ge1 manys 'and all her 0111115 ' . 2 \Y/hol'e 1111115 too well the Gallic E1 f 3115 know, Oftmet by M'nc1115, and the Royal (Poe, ' And 1"'ollcl1n Blood: Nor BAYDEN s Sword 1n vain ' gOn Mif- l1elie‘11e1'5 dr1wn, he has his Tl1onfand5fla1'n5 With thefe undnunted HESS E5 how young, hoiv brave, A Gcr111an-All,he hates the Name of Sla‘:11e 110 , — Trinnzpbant France his Arms have taught to field 'And trailel their Conqu ringr Sta11cla1cl5 from the Field5 _ , \Vhat fiztnreTropln'es {hall our Joys renew! ' . ' ‘ ' ' , What Tow' ry Citazlel5 {hall he lubdue. ' ' M011: mightI ling, in Ti1ne5 fair Leaver enroll 'd, How T1odgal of Life'! how [111 gely So11l'.d ' ' -\Who when the rally 'el Foe, with cautious Fear . On Dannbe's Banks lirove to [cadre their Rem '5“ ' '0”-.. 4‘ ' I 111111. ‘; QV'OCS 4“ AL a—A‘ E . 1' Ilis Friendly Guanls, unleen Aliilhncc brouphr , . l . 1a» '15 . Mon/.1 thc greatSc/xmc, and/1011]]; e. e1 y Tbozagl, :- Till with Ole/lid V (0'0“) 111 hrs E.) es, And mid {10111 deep L011c.1'.11 “ It muii: be 111115, he cries, ' “ This faves 0111 F mud: and breaks tl1 lncrealing Pow rs ' . “ OlFrmicc and Hell combind, if He 11211 be ours.‘ Then calls to l-Io1',le his willing Troops obey, 30 S’PEED march d bel01e,:1nd level d all the may, . While SECRE CT :1 Cloml mound them drew, Too thic' { for fiibtle Spies 01' T11zitors view. Such that which 0 e1 God 5 Fifi/rite A1111} lpred, ‘Andfa. le, tl110 Smulfll’orlzls, andtiackl els fltfam led. 7 _ Dazled 1tfirfl the Foes be fore him run, Like Birds obfccnc, which cannot bearthc Sun 5 O’er Jflcrs Streams, their Lma’cr ml; es his flight, " 4—. , ‘ 'And ll111ns,immc1sd m E11111), the conlcious Light ,{lo There, meditating Mi/cbicf, doomd to w.1it ‘ . " Till France .1 while prol01z”5,anclflmrcs his Fate. ' ‘ Once more from Earth, th 111sz ml Eagle fprings And [11' mics his Bolts and ll1akes his Moultcd Wings; s amwsllh‘ho flow with Wounds, his Fate1s pleasd to try, ~The 111 111/71 Chief, unguarded leave his fide, ‘ . ‘ The German Home: need not prels 1010111, ' .~ ‘ " - And (lure the Glory of the 111/231/‘011100 . ' ' German ‘ And bravely bid for 19121111, or Vzfiory: . . . 1" : *' Nor need the Hmlnzly Cozirien lent to Guide 1 Who fi1fl, who next, (hall 0. ctllOlC Wortbies claim fliflbz‘guijb d Honom in the” no 115 of F411;. 0 .3 . ' . EUGENE the hrll ii1ch E11111, liich 7.11m 111ow11,:' I, 1 Adopted Germanys, and all l1c1'ow1z, , . Whole A1111: too well the Gallic E1 f 311: know, .Oftmet by M 120115, and the Royal 0901', And 1011:! 1n Blood: NorB AYDE N s Swmd in vain ‘ _On M f bcliewrs drawn, he has his Tlmufmzclxflaiiz, With there undaunted H E S S E how yomg ,how have, A German-All, he hates the Name of Sla':ve no . Tritnnpbant F1 once his Arms have taught to )1ch And trailcl their Conga ring Stmzzlm 11’: from the Field, . What fimuHeTzopbies [hail our Joys renew! ' ' What Tow ry Citadel: {hall helubdue. ' . On Dmmlze’s Banks flrove to‘ lecure their Rem“; ' More mightI ling, in Times fair Leave: enroll d,‘ How 931 odwal of Life. ' how [41 (rely Sould ’ ‘ Who when <>the rally d Foe, withé cautious Fear ‘ When. 7; _____... _._~_-——-. *1 hemes (D E V0 T10 N which had 0111311111311“ been " 11] n c 4 1. - -_ __ 1 ---—--~-‘-—-. 1 '5th11 Art and N 111111: in their Camp unite, Forcd the Strong 9311/1, and put em hot/1 to flight, - 120 . Earncjl ofgreater 8111111, which Fate will pay, A gloriousD Mm 111110 to a brighter Day. See where the French new DPJydra Armies {end ] At once to Rain, and Afliji their Friend5 . ' Till when too weak, he noc difdains to try -‘ 'Bafe Pal/hood, and 1111111 nicely T1eache1 y 5 ' - _ 4 - ' Virtues he copy d from his Great All. Pretending'Iieaty woud our Faith abufe, And where he cant rtjijl our Arms, amnfe: But 4’ RM D ENCE, calling Wife 3) ISTRi/i S Tto aid 130 ' To the Confederate Chief, the F1aud difplay d. , ~ ' 50 may they Join, in Happy Hour, {aid he, . ~- - One tht will yield a douhle V 801} ' ' In Camps, nor e en in Temple: always (ecu, Drawn by his Great Example and Def re Returns, and does his Vigomus'" 1 roops infpiie ’With a new Warmth, and more than Martial Fir5e 1 _ .5 Secure ofFate, they on Succcfs1ely, . ' ;_ - ‘ 5‘ 1‘ Tis equal with em now to fleep or die. Ho i' They, with their firong Chernhie Guard: unite, And like the Thnnd1i11cgbngion, Piay and Fight. " .For now the lono expected Morn arofe ' ' ' “ i - 5 . l 'Which fhowd the rzgged Front of their embattled Foes. . ' i ' 1 .. 'NOt eager Lovers, with more Tran/port fee 5 ' . ‘ ‘ : Long abfent Friends, than thefe their Enemy. h Tho all they wifh d, the Namhm and the Ground Were theirs, and Hills, and Woods, and Shades profound Without fuch 011111, we had nor fought em fair, ' . Deep '1'ienche: here, and tow ring 1\a1npa1ts there :50 A Wall of Cannon, which in Fire and Smoak, ' ' Their Mailers la/Z (and only) (Rea/on fpoke5 - Their Plan” the Danube fatally (courts, Whofe Stream a Foreign Lord ill-pleas 1.1 endures5 ' “Nor this fuflEic d, in Front a deep 11101 a/s - Denying all that wanted Wino: to pafs, But foon our Generals Coming and his Care Strong Fb'ingbriciger threw, and marchd 1n Air. When from the Bogs Airy/s a Pantome rofe, And did his vai’t tremendous Form difclofe, léo His Armour burnifli d Bra/15 a Shield he wore Ofp olifhdStceI, with Lijfes p0wder",doer WhPofe drooping Heads furcharg d with Hmnane Gore5 ‘ - 0‘0... .. .-.. A“ _._~- III I. , . 1 I l I L&\ P“. .'.L.2 ' w. -' g ~—‘1-——---—--- ._. -. 4 {i 1'7 _ . L. I . J Di/dainful was his Air, as when he fell, " " ‘. ' .. 1 . 1 He was no V: {gar Potentare 1n Hell. _ “ Shall we look on, and no Aiiiilancc lend . . "‘ Our darling Nation, and our bravcii F1iend. ' .5‘ ' . “‘ Muit then a Wo1na1i cruih our Riiing State! _ “ 0 E1111}! 0 Malignity oi Fate. l . “ Can (8014 DON iall like feehle/illSTQIA. ' Can " i “ A God eonfe sdiubnmt to leis than Man ' ~ 1 1 ’ “ Ye Powers. l do two ELIZ/Is breath 1n ANNE. ' i “ Shall rPartial Heal) 11 her Arms and Conn] ls guide, ' ' “ And for her General inch a Guard provide. ' 1 ' (He iaw the [hining Warriors by his Ede. ) “ Mui’t Natures ieli within his Ranks take Pay, . " “ While p1eiiing on the great decifihe Day, . . _ “ (Big with iucha vaii Events l--- Bold Mortal, flay! i‘-- , “ Tho Water,- Earth, and Ai1,Imuit reiign, ~ , " “ Ill try ii all the Elements are thine. (so 3 1 . -‘ i“ TMQENNE, and SCHOMDEQG, for a THUK D orepare ' ' ' ' “ Your Silent Shades! this Zl/Ioment ices him there. ‘ ' He iaid, then to a murd ring Cannon preisd, , Traitersd the Piece, and points it at his 11.11111]? , . .. _ One of his Train gives Frre, the Bullet takes its flight, , - And drew behind a Trail oi deadly Liaht:1 - -, ' ‘ But Glorious MICHAEL, who attends unieen . “ . ' Steppd 1n, and threw liisSei1e1z-foid Targe betweeii: ' , .. Twas he, for the QED'CQOSS adornd his Dreaji _ And the Old Dragons ipoils his dreadiul C1efl51a'o . Dropp d ihort the Firey Mfienger oi Death, ‘ 7 As with his Journey tired, and out of Breath ,. L/“N “*1qu . , L ,- . . ‘I .‘5‘ ' V '3' _ . ' ‘1 _ , l H. - . 5 . . - ‘4' ‘ ~‘ “. . ~ . . The Fiend blaiphemd, his hopeful Project croisd, H i. ~ 1 ~ ‘ ‘ 1 And thrice renoanc d what long before h had lofl, ' Did thence am1d“: the thiClCCPEDI DQanhs retire, * , ' '. .- ‘And all with his own defp rate Q1arre inipire: ' ; Twas well his Caitifi’ Body was butAir,1 ‘01“ M A QLb 0 Q0 l/lGH had iound and ieiz d him there. . '1 Who, all things now prepar d to ihike the Blow, ' iThus to his Envli/hm Soldiers! 1Jeres the Foe! goo {Like AirLlike Fire, like E11171 jh iwiit they 1:111 ‘ ‘Wfi well-known Shouts, the Bloody 1 oil began5 , Againit a Stream of Flame, their Breai’is Oppoie, ‘ And turn th impetuous Tide againPt their Foes. . Now fivht (PhiIi/tines, or your Dagon’gs Gone, The Sacred 11L prevails, and youre undone. ‘ They did, as LEWIS were himieli in fight, ' l - As who for Life, and more, i01 E11111ire fight5 -._‘1 Forget themielves, and charge, and charge agen, . _ ,Npr only 111 thcii‘ Onvfet mme than hitn5 110 C .. (1’) ,1 \ 0 .—..V_ .-.—._-...A_......-—-—-..——.~ --‘1—- - . - - - - -- ._ - a cub-—A_._.- -oo —-~ .—..—.—....~. -__.—- ~ .. O . -- .”-.._'.—I ‘4._ - A _ .o. .h”.—-- c...“ --..-—--__-.._.. _. -v - —-—-—A..o—V_. c—a ——-——-—... _. \- ...4, 4.4. -_A._ A..— oa’._v-~.. "-“-_.~I.o~‘—. .- 5 u -“ W- 'C-o‘.-.. A-d-u-g ---,_-_..'_ -A < - - . -.o . . ~‘___. - .,p v“‘—.- -- -...~.— 7 --¢. . ~ I , What'Warrior’s there, with Deaths encornpais’d round? i i " Trembling in Death, and iearce iorbears to Lil] 353". :) '::-:¥ ' . Look down, and own your (,Eenume Ofilfp’rmg here! 2119 1’ . 'Led by DAVAQIA, yield without'a Blow. 'And [cowr’d the Mains, and florm’d'the trembling Fold 5125‘? ' ‘And aided by their iaithiul Dogs attack, ' i‘ ' ~ 1:," ‘jl . ~ ' " ‘Thrice charg’d the 131111 undaunted, thrice repel'd,‘ . And Villary the {Balance tott’ring held ‘ 111'". .. U _ Rally’d and rallyicl i‘i‘ill, tho’ bored’and broke, l And Death with Death repay’d, and firohe with flrohe. ' ‘ 5 41d did we [hrin’d Cou'd E1glijh Troopsgive way! . Say yotho met them! £130.71], tho' Conquer'd iay! _- ' Preis’d by your Blumhers, did they (cent to fly ' i ‘ Qt halt 2 Diany leave their (Ranks todie .2 5 _ How decently they iCll," unknowing how to yield, - ‘3 W And withwhat Manly Dodies {pred 1111211111? ' ‘L -' . 7* " " 1.5. V ' \ So manyia Scar from iormcr'Fiela’s he wore, " He now'efcapes, nor was there room ior more; " Thus Stars which in the Galaxy combine ' ~ With numerous r[{ays,'yet1111di/li11cgai/h’d ihine. i Thee,’ IN G 0 L D S 93 I ! new Trophies'iiill a. It ihou'df be C M TTS,‘ but he’s without a Wound a??? ‘, d 9m. 3 And Colours irom the Gallic Center torn. - ~ v -- -- What Strength cou'd M 0 RD A N TS lively force witlill'an What Light'nhzg in his Eye != \VhaeThunder in his Hand.” _ . Conieious oi his High-hirth, Great 0 QKNA‘Y i’tood, _ ; ' ‘Wall'd with the Slain, and moated round withib’lood,‘,'2 30‘ '; ' " .0 Nohle N O RTH ! how dearly didPt thou iell j ‘5 1"." "if": i i l ," , That mighty Hand, whxc'a not Inglorious iell hf "’11 ~'-r-’ :4 J ' i Falling itgra/p: thy Sword 5 it threatens iiill,‘ 3513-: 13' . J I 11: ~ - ~~ . . 1:: ‘Th utet6011rE1zglzfl1 Nohles wont COC])11)$€5‘_ _ .--— . 1 . ,V.’ ,. V fi__ ‘ .. 2.... l , Thus did our E111111reand their Fame en1arge 5 . . , .1 . Such High Achievements grac’d their pond'rous Shields, '3, ii i . . l Such Laurels did they reap in'Sanguine Fields. - i . . ' - ' i ' ' Look down ye Blefs’d, O ,Courcy,’ Talhot, fire! '1 .Glor 5 too mean a ' 15 11! e- tho hrirrht ’ 5 ' ‘5 ; _ - . But theieior LIBE TY and El/lROiPE fight; ' ."i is liairly thrown, the Gains will quit the Co 5 . . -‘ ,T hisEVeningieesaWorld preierv'd or lope.“ i. ' i . ‘ ' , At diiiance lah'ring round Great E It! GE N E, iee, . I. -’ ; ' 5 i And with him the.Qemains'oiGermany .’ 5 - . - " . . ' | ,5 , Nor.were they 11ne1nploy'd5 nor wou'd the Foe - 5 . i , ' l 1 So a fell Wolf, who long uncheck’d 1115111011121, ' i .. 7 " I! ' . _ l 1i. him‘ the Shepherds to his Covert track Sogrins oblique, fierce, tho’ cncompais’d round Still fights, and none cicape without a Wound .- ‘0 1 (Qt-"'f-‘iti t .3. 1-1 a 1.7’1/" 57>. _ But LIA (P L 93 01 (D 0 ll 0 H alone is awry where; ' ' Erefl, and ' - - “ Preferve, my Sons, thoie Bari 1eis Heth has made! -- ' 1' “ Let none my antient Land-marks dare invade' Q50 . .1 ', - .1 “ Linear/£0115 to yourielves your Bliis poiieis, . _ ' 1 ' * “ And be for once Content with Happinc/s. ' “ Look round the fpattous G lohe and 11nd .ngt, » . _ , “ Like that which bounteous I- -Ieav n has made your__ Lot! 1 ‘ - - “ War,Fire, and Rapine {cow 1' all Europe’ 5 Plains, -. ‘ 1 “ Here, thron’ d 1n Blood, 9. moody T)» ant reigns,‘ ’ . “ Who when his waited Tieafure wants Supplies, ; l ,' ‘ “ (Preaches againfi the Sin of Avarice; ’ - y , “ Weak Councils, and contending mterei’c, There; 1')‘ V. ' ~ ' l ' .- f “ With mneh of Pain ,Expcence, Innigues and Carey,“ l - _ “ Nouriih Eternal Seeds 01 Striie and War; ‘ 3 S ‘ ’ _ “ While Sacred ANNJ in my Albion reigns, J “ Whoie equal Hand my Steroid and Heav n ’s iul’tains -' f‘ See her the bright canacious balance hold , . “ Like that which fhines above, and flames with hea1i’nly Gold! - 1 ' ‘ ' - 1' - -“ In vain the Gaul his antient Arts has ihown, ~ ' ’ . “ And 1n the Scale his pond’ rous Sword has thrown; “ Her temper ’d Blade to th’ adverie Scale apply’ d, _ “ His mounts in Air, and feels the juller Side, “ Nor w: ll {he Sheath it, to the Hilts e111hre111’d,’—('101 . “ And drunk with hoilile Blood, till France and Vtee iubdud 3 “ Yet Calm as thoie above, ii ought they know, 1 ' I l - “ When Tyrants here juhdu’ d', or Mon/lers ilain, ' i “ A [ohcr joy fltoots round th Etherial Plain, ’ “ Never date with Good, with Ills depreys d, “ Nor 8101111: nor 81115111111111) her Halgon- -._fBreafi_ “ How firmly Wiie! How Great, in eaf e State! “ What Goodne/s does Majel’tick @0198 r rebate! ' . “ Stronrr, as Hypnion ihoors his Golden Light, q no _ l 1 ’ ’ ‘ “ .Yet mild, her Rays, as Cynthia .1, and as bright. . l “ Her Soul, like the Sugerior Orbs, Serene, ’ l “ Which know nor what a Cloud or Tempe/is,_ mean, s/ ‘9 3 '0 ' ‘,. 'naa L..- ' “M 1 ~'-Av--—L.....—.....,_.__V . ‘Q‘.¢” m-.~- . “ Ought that concerns their militant F1 tends below, . '. , . , ‘ ‘ ' - 1:: The." ' . 1; .._.A - .1--.’ <-__.- - ._...__.‘ - .-‘ “54..”- ....-. - ..— 1;..- g—v-,,4 “1‘,...“ - -——--- ‘._..-- «-1 -o. ‘. -‘ 1 .M.-- .p- . ‘ ' 5"“. ~ -q-o..- w. .—-$ -- -‘~‘ A--- ‘- ~ 14"; -ug'TU'fif'L O _..‘..- I“... . . - w-b,...-- , , i , u r 0 s o _ “ 'Ancl ancient Callie s C/ahs 31;: unzpzre own. 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' ‘ “ Herl’elflhe Taxes for her Pecole; ale- . .1, And eonllanthitereoznfe withl-Ieav’n renew; 4 ‘7‘ From thence a large Return of Eleflngs gain, ’-’ ’ ~'-'-4’~ ~‘ . “ Nor have her grateful Ofiferin ' -,“ Etferted flames are throng’d, and Altars crown’d 5" ' 5? "- i .. ’ ' ' . -¢-‘ For Her their Vows, {orl-{e'r their M81312: bleed; , ~ ' ’ ’ " fl . ' 1“ Lag, long may She herfe.’f, herfié’fxeceed! ~- '- --l i 9 ' "i ’ .5' ,‘f :1?" [ifs to flsare a Crown than [here her Heart. ' 1 ‘4' 3 " " .._’I-" , . Iier befblov’d Son {afe to her Odgy Shorg-fi f’ ~’ . _ ,Who from th" 11131315111251 Crowd with fixed withdrew; 'i’ '; ~ And flnmn’d thesfriusnphs which his Steps purfue. ' ', ,' {BRITANNIA gaz’d inter-1191216011 his Face; «‘ '2' -' _ -,. ' -» ._ .- Buc WliatthEyfaid,' a Mortalfirives in vain, .'~..-.' ff. \ ’ ( ’Tis pals’d _the'Q?oza’r othinzhers) ’ to explain ,3} '- : __ 1'3" ' ' Such’wasrhe :3:6oi1gSeerze, ‘rl‘ not the Came, ' " I When Love,__ and his Illa/Zrious Con/art came,- . ' . 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