LOUISXAVIER EYMA': and f THE FRENCH IMAGE OF AMERICA - A. Thesis for the Degree of Ph D ' MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY MARY SUZANNE SCHRIBER LIBRAR Y Michigan State *_ f _ , ,. TI Ucii'chity r h . rtESlS This is to certify that the thesis entitled Lows XAWE R AND THE FRENCH mess 0F AMEIRKZA presented hg £YmA mm” S07. mus ScHRIBER has been accepted towards fulfillment ‘ of the requirements for Pig—D;— degree in Mm 241/ t L. T€$ W713 44:0[5 Fa u 3;: [- t‘f . Man‘jor profigsor 6 )1“ Date '7 71M». 1%; 0-169 344 Th WWI 1292\5W3Wv 067 8 \ i’ with x h“ ABSTRACT LOUIS XAVIER EYMA AND THE FRENCH IMAGE OF AMERICA by Mary Suzanne Schriber Louis Xavier Eyma (1816—1876), a minor novelist, poet, dramatist and journalist, published a prodigious number of American studies in the mid-nineteenth century. He treated American culture and customs in ten studies based on his travels in the United. States,- two novels and five tales; two American historie57and numerous journal articles. He also translated works of Emerson and Irving. This study introduces Eyma and his works, particularly those relevant to the United States, to students of literature and Franco—American literary relations. Eyma treats those aspects of American life which fascinated French students of American affairs such as Alexis de Tocqueville and Michel Chevalier. His travelogues consider American politics, women, commercial and industrial genius, education, liberty, and equality, The institution of slavery, the American Indian, and democratic institutions and processes receive particular attention, as does the American businessman. His histories approach America through her representative men, and her geography and natural resources. His novels and tales dramatize the American Spirit and charact er . —'I 'I‘... .. "' -~v. .- c u s ~. 5 V .. U U ‘ '." s- . 7 I --.. ~‘rb . . '- 'c . ..,‘_« . ‘~ V or .. _ u... _ -._. .. . _ . n .‘ ~ .' ._I A -. I‘ ~';..A ‘v- -a ‘ ‘u— .- ‘. , m s. -s‘ '1' - \.. “ I"! Q .- .“‘ "- ‘- -.. . .'.. . --V.“ _ A- ._~ ., . .h ,‘-,.. . - ... \v a. ' .- -_- . -"--1 .~. ~‘ . v_ :- ‘ t. . s . . ‘ ‘. \ ~ ~' _" A ~~ - .. ‘ .' a. . -\ . . I . . F . ‘ A I .. ~u '. ‘\ . Q I. . N ._‘ t“ § .v. ‘7 ' F ‘u N .‘, .. .‘ C l .. " H . . \- ‘~-. ‘- . \ a no .a - Ar . 4 Mary Suzanne Schriber Eyma probes the character of the American people and institutions in an effort to locate the spirit which animates them. Democratic institutions and the success of the American experiment reflect the energy, inventiveness, audacity, determination and faith of the American peOple. Two myths dominate Eyma's thought: that of the American Adam, and that of the ”great man.” America is the New Eden, the providential land of promise, the cradle of mankind's hopes and aSpirations. Eyma admired the American nation, and reprimands her in a Spirit of hOpe and expectation. Americans such as Washington and Jefferson embody the best of the American spirit, and reflect the amazing potential of democratic institutions. Because these myths, and consequently, high eXpectations, dominated Eyma's thought, the Civil War appeared especially threatening. The Indian was justly pre— vented from impeding the American mission, the triumph of mankind's aSpirations: the Civil War must not destroy the American dream. n Eyma's general fiction in— 'J. u The values exoressed fluenced his judgment of the United States; personal and French standards bear in his comments. Stability, love, honor, labor, and the family create laudable individuals, and nations worthy of imitation. SuCh values must be eXpressed, however, in institutions tailored to the tradition and needs 0f individual nations. Eyma‘s image of America reached a relatively wide French audience. His works were published in bound volumes, . 1-:- \ o.- ...i o n..-‘ - Mary Suzanne Schriber and serialized in popular journals. Thus they were avail— ableto diverse segments of the French public. They partie- cipated in the mainstream of the French literary tradition, amianswered a great curiosity for information on America. Samnd editions indicate both popularity and eXpanded cirmflation. The works were reviewed and praised by con— temmrary critics. This study, then, examines Eyma's literary and tustorical studies of the United States and, based on these, emjmates the French mid—nineteenth-century image of America. Ittmilizes Eyma's total literary canon to abstract values whidiinfluenced his perception of the American scene. By reference to secondary sources, it places Eyma in context as aliterary figure and as a student of American literature and-‘\ . . ._ ‘ a v n . ’. s“ D. ‘_~h -. _ . ‘ V . & ~ ,s n I '! _ a O 0 \ ' A ‘~:"-. \. ~ mid—nineteenth century opinion of the United states, and point toward the future French literary treatment of America. Consideration of Eyma and the French image of America ." illuminates, too, the place and importance of minor literary I figures in comparative literary study. Any given period of literary history contains outstanding avante-garde writers, '5 I highly gifted and creative individuals who break from tradition ‘ and create new forms and genres consonant with new concepts of life and literature. Genius is, however, the exception to the rule. The avante'gar‘de writer is M‘E’flfi for the very reason that he is in advance of, rather than characteris— tic of, his age. Such was Stendhal, for example, whose 7.1? Rouge e; le Noir was an atypical novel in the France of 183 ...—- Most French novels of the period were not psycho—realistic but were, rather, a continuation of the novel tradition of the preceding century. Intellectuals read Stendhal, Balzac, the Goncourts and Flaubert; the general public read novels in the sentimental bourgeois tradition of the eighteenth century, ‘ or the romantic tradition of the early nineteenth century—- Simply because, if for no other reason, minor works are more plentiful, and therefore more available to the general public. Moreover, the works of minor writers are, by their very nature, more acceptable to the “people at large.” A minor writer is not avantsi—garde, but is gyrjé‘r‘g—g‘agdg; he utilizes i forms and content which are standard and accepted literary StOCk. He is an imitator rather than an innovator. He does not develop and introduce new structural and/or ideological iv elements (as does the literary genius) whose novelty risks the alienation of the general reader; rather, he trades in existing forms and ideas. Consequently, because he does not offend or threaten, he is read and appreciated by a wider audience than is the more gifted writer. The minor writer reinforces and perpetuates the literary and, often, the ideo— logical status gjig, and the status 9.22 is acceptable and even comme 3L]: faut to the general population. In Eyma's works, one finds the literary and ideo— logical status 9113 of mid-nineteenth—century France. He is representative of hisage, of the broad currents underlying French life and thought. In him is the national pulse. His work epitomizes the broadest currents in the French image of America. His literary technique is a modified reminiscence of the French literary tradition. He participates in the romantic tradition - heroes are often brooding, introspective, nostalgic, and excessively sensitive; in the sentimental traditions — heroines blush, faint, cry, and are more virtuous than virtue itself; in the tradition of gothic horror—~bloody frays and ghastly scenes abound; in melodrama~—extraordinary coincidences and interrelationships, black villains and snow—- white heroes pepulate his works; and in the Nee-classical tradition-—Characters act on principles of honor, and express great intensity of passion and conviction. Like his contemporaries, Eyma was intensely interested in the institutions and people of the United States. He realized the necessity to penetrate the surface of American V W. . . .c . . .D ‘ n c ." ‘ a . -.\ ,. e a . ‘\. V\‘ ‘ Q .~\ ‘- . .\ .§ a“ ' Q ‘t -u ' x s ‘ —. . -- ‘ e . A v \‘- ‘ -¥ . ~ a a . . - A . \ s .‘ .- -._. - > ‘I .. -.. .1 " - a... -’_ -‘ .- {‘.“‘n '0 . -. ‘. - r. - - u ‘— . ‘ ' m 9 life in order to render sound and valid judgments of the democratic eXperiment and the people to whom the New Eden has been entrusted. Eyma attempted an impartial, objective evaluation of the American scene, and urged others to shed preconceptions and European standards when judging the United States. Again like his contemporaries, however, Eyma was unable to escape completely his own culture and values. _—.__.._. .___.———-___. Though he admired the American experiment and sympathized with the American peOple, European standards impinged, at times, upon his judgment. I. The political, judicial, and educational institutions of the United States received Eyma's repeated attention and commentary. He stressed the sectional nature of America, and hence the inaccuracy of generalizations. The diversity of the American population and a fierce individuality create problems in law enforcement which in turn prompt the applica- tion of an arbitrary justice through vigilance committees. - Through compulsory primary education, all citizens are educated \ in democratic rights and responsibilities. Hence the nation | is strengthened and developed. The Spirit of Americans, how- I ever, is the force which animates and fructifies the entire i ‘American experiment. Americans are ambitious, tenacious, \ courageous, inventive, and self—confident. The "go ahead E and never mind" best characterizes the American temper which . has brought order from chaos; created prodigies of mechaniza— tion and prosperity. vi This same Spirit, however, has encouraged certain excesses in the American peOple. Material goals have obscured values of a higher order; principle is sometimes sacrificed to fortune; liberty becomes license; equality and excessive individuality are confused. Hence the national character is weakened. VAnd hence the development of arts and letters, antithetical to a mercantile Spirit, has been retarded. Such retardation is understandable, however, in terms of the American mission; the carving of a civilization from the wilderness, demanding the constant and total efforts of the population. The myth of the American Adam pervades Eyma's work. America is providentially destined to realize the hopes and aspirations of mankind. The American Indian, because an impediment to the advance of civilization and Christianity, has been justifiably ostracized. The institution of slavery, though essential to the southern economy, must not impede the American mission, and hence frustrate the hOpes of mankind. Indeed, the American myth propels Emma's thoughts and judgments. Because America was the New Eden, Eyma was concerned with both American successes and failures. He approaches American problems in a Spirit of hOpe and eXpectation. This study has three major objectives: the intro- duction of L. Xavier Eyma to students of Franco—American literary relations: an examination of his literary and historical studies of the United States; an estimation of the mid-nineteenth—century French image Of America, based On Eyma's works. In meeting these objectives, the study relies, to some extent, on Eyma‘s total literary canon in order to determine ideas and prejudices which may have influenced his '1 perception of the American scene. It attempts, by reference to secondary sources, to place Eyma in context, both among French literary figures and French students of the United States, and thereby estimate his importance in the formation and perpetuation of the French image of America. Attention is given, also, to Eyma's translations of Emerson and Irving, and his judgmentson American arts and letters. The accomplishment of these objectives simultaneously illuminates certain aspects of international literary relations. Extra—literary factors provoking and influencing interest in a foreign literature and culture come to light. Personal and cultural elements determining a translator‘s selection of materials come into focus. end the rgle of social and cultural preconditions in the success of studies and fiction dealing with a foreign nation is illuminated. viii “x. V .u I '4‘ a. CHAPTER I BIOGRAPHY Lequel de nos aimables interme’diaristes Voudrait me i renseigner sur cette famille (Eyma)? (Est-elle | d'ori ine francaise? En ce cas, je desirerais ' connaitre armoires, etc. Je [crois donc rappeler avoir rencontre le nom d' un ecrivain franpais, X. ' Eyma. Ou bien est- -ce un pseudonyms? ' I 1 This inquiry was sent to L'Intermediare des chercheurs ‘ e}; curieux in 1896. The inquiry itself and the scant information given in three replies to it indicate that Eyma's name and its connection with French journalism and letters i were but vaguely known as little as twenty years following his death. One reply gives Eyma's origin——Martinique; mmther reveals that “Eyma” was not a pseudonym but the name Of"un litterateur assez connu"; and a third testifies that fimm was a man of delicate feeling--and fallaciously adds that he died in Martinique. The sketchiness of this information from 1896 is a forewarning of problems facing a biographer in 1966. Gustave Vapereau‘s Dictionnaire universel des contemporains2 presents lL' Intermediare _d___es chercheurs et curi'eux, XXXIV (November 30 ,18965, 14. 2Paris, 1880. on. ‘0 . a... . "I I - 4""v~ . 0.. . ~“ .' _ . _I. “p N‘ “ I 'n , m: I . t... . ‘Il I .-. “-- I .1. ‘1 ‘\._. l S I“~'§.r I... ‘I F . I.- ~ I A O"- u U'. a t ‘! 2 a sketch of Eyma: Barbey d'Aurevilly's I_.__e_§_ Oeuvres e3 _l_e_§ W3 takes note of him: E. L. Tinker's REE Ecrits 533 la t £9939. frangaise pg Louisiana §_u we si‘ecle4 gives consider— able space to Eyma and his father; LL53 Grande Engyclopedie and the Larousse d2 XIXe siecle (Volume III) sketch his life; and several death notices provide a minimum of information . regarding the man and his activities. It is only in piecing together and consolidating these relatively brief notices that some outline of the life of Louis Xavier Eyma can be gathered. He is a figure largely forgotten in Spite of his multitudinous contributions to French journalism, letters, and studies of America. The Cemte de Saint—Saud, avid geneologist, answered the inquiry quoted—~eighteen years following its publication ‘ and thirty-eight years after Eyma's death. Saint-Sand reported that the Eyma family name still existed, in 1914, in Bergerac, where it had been known since the fifteenth century, and in Holland where a branch of the family emigrated in the eighteenth century,- Xavier Eyma, who left but one dalug'l'lter, belonged to a branch which settled in Martinique 5 c. 1780. 3Paris , 1888. 4Paris, 1932. ; i'lnterme’diare, LXX:66 (1914), 38. The Eyma name was 3 not listed in the 1966 Paris phone directory, nor did a tracing 0f the daughter's married name, Lebourg, lead to any fruitful ; information. Saint—Saud reports that he Spoke with Eyma‘s daughter in 1914, but found her largely ignorant of family -, geneology. .'.'I - HUI..‘.. \ .. . WM... v. — u. 1. .n‘ Wu».- . ’ o , . I o n “c 1 m... N. ‘tc. n‘K . .- ."'J ‘- ul. ._ . AI ""‘c-u A t.?' V -I :‘b. "v. Q a“ l 3 (Louis) Xavier Etienne Eyma was born on October 16, 1816, atSaint—Pierre, Martinique, to Louis Eyma and Marie Constance Largenton Eyma.6 Though the age at which the young Eyma immigrated to France is unknown, it seems likely that he was educated in France; and it is certain that by 1835, at the age of nineteen, Eyma was living in Paris and associated with the Ministry of the Marine, where he held a position until 1846.7 The nature of Eyma's work with the Ministry is unknown,8 but during these years he made entry into the Parisian literary world with the publication, in 1840, of a novel, Lg Me’daillon,9 followed by a combined poetry-novel volume, Enmanuel,lo in 1841. In 1842 Eyma's 6E. L. Tinker, in Les Ecrits de l_a langue frangaise en Louisiane au X___I___Xe sibcle (Paris, 1932), states that the name Of Eyma' 5 mother was Victorine. Eyma' s birth certificate, however, gives his mother' s name as Marie Constance Largenton. Tinker also states that Eyma used the pseudonym of Adolph Ricard--and the catalogue of La Bibliotheque Nationale attri- butes a novel, Cascarinette, to Eyma under that pseudonym. I find no reason to believe, however, that this is a correct attribution. The cover pages of this novel list several titles, including Cascarinette, which were indeed the work of an Adolph Ricard—-not Eyma-~who was writing and publishing in and about 1847. Nor is there evidence in the style of Cascarinette to support the attribution of the work to Eyma. On no work of Eyma' 8 did I find the use of this pseudonym. 7G. Vapereau, Dictionnairg universel des contemporains (Paris, 1880), p. 675. 8The archives of the Ministry of the Marine, in Paris, contain no record of Eyma save one letter written by him, dated January 16,1841, asking for placement in the Division Of History of the Ministry because “La nature de mes travaux \e’ckde mes etudes jusqu' a ce jour me font tenir particulierement a Etre attache a la section historique . . .” 9Paris: Chrétien, 1840. 10Paris: Rozier, 1841. I“ I C. e.- I.- Q. 'w. . ‘5.- .‘.. ) 5;; I ~ v 4 Introduction ta 11.112 politique géne’rale:Ll was published, suggesting that at the age of twenty—six Eyma's Opinions were at least modestly respected in certain circles. A nascent interest in American affairs is indicated by the appearance on May 24, 1845, in _Ii'Illustration, of Eyma's review and translation of sections of Georges Catlin's 22$. 3% Rouges. In 1846 Eyma was commissioned by the Ministry of the Marine to travel to the Antilles. Between 1846 and 1847 he made his first visit to the United States, ostensibly to study the American system of education for the French Ministry of Public Instruction. Evidently Eyma remained in the United States from 1847 until 1848, for during that period correspondence from him to the director of L'Illustration appeared in that journal under the title of “Souvenirs d'un voyage aux Etats—Unis en 1847.“ In the first letter to the director, Eyma writes that he had made a tour of the archipelago of the Antilles and, arriving at Havana, departed for New Orleans, where his father had resided since 1837.12 Once again, exact dates cannot be ascertained, but the date of a vaudeville comedy written in collaboration with Amede’e de Jallais, and published in Paris, suggests that Eyma returned to Paris frOm the United States no later than 1850. llParis: Percepied, 1842. 12Tinker, p. 189. Eyma's father, Louis, was a noted New Orleans lawyer, and founded the public school system in the first municipality of New Orleans. .._.-J 5 D11851 and 1853 Eyma again collaborated in the writing and promxmion of vaudeville comedies. By 1854 he had terminated ins association with the Ministry of the Marine and was an afitor of the Journal deg actionnaires. It seems probable thmzfiyma married during this period, for his wife's maiden nmmh Marie Leantine Fontréaulx de Jallais, suggests that she wasztlated to Eyma's 1850 vaudeville collaborator, Amedee de Jallais. Eyma's prodigious publication of articles and books relmfiye to the United States had begun by 1849. Between 1849 and 1855, fourteen journal articles discussing aSpects cf America appeared; in 1853 and 1854 three books relating maths United States appeared. In 1858 New World fever again stnxk Eyma, and from 1858—1859 he lived in New Orleans and aflted the French section of the Abeille. He escaped the yaUpw fever which struck New Orleans in 1858 and travelled thelength of the Mississippi by steamboat-- an experience much provided considerable material for his later studies ofthe United States. During this year of residence in New Orleans, Eyma had contact, according to E.L. Tinker,l3 with mmmrous distinguished people: Jude Martin; the historian Gayarré; the future president of Nicaragua, Walker; the son ofIhniel Beone in Kentucky: Washington Irving in New York. Acuuding'to his own account, Eyma had conversational contact Wifllnumerous Americans as he travelled. l3Tinker, pp. 189—193. In .., A D D 'u... \~« .— -- av.‘._ n I ... . :‘n u. K.‘ .: § 6 Shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War, Eyma returned to France and began to flood the country with Studies of America--ten volumes, excluding second editions, Plus translations of Emerson and Irving and a torrent of articles. "NouveaueMonde£ Nouveau-Monde...il (Eyma) se vantait d'gtre l'encyc10pédie vivante des choses d'Amerique."l4 Such was largely extra-curricular activity, for shortly after his return to Paris he moved to Nice where he founded Lgaflaflmfig,gg Eggg. After three or four years he returned to Paris (c. 1866) and wrote for various newSpapers including 15 Liberte’, 1_._§ Courrier gp Dimanche (wherein he published twelve articles explaining events of the Civil War), Figaro, and Ea Patrie, E'Epogue, and the Franco-English E'International. ' On April 22, 1874, Eyma founded a neWSpaper, £2.§2222ll;§32, to replace ngssemblée Nationals and to "rendre ‘a la cause de 1'ordre at an principe monarchique les "15 A z I memes services que son predecesseur. These were extremely difficult days for the French press: ‘ on April 22, 1871, mrring the state of siege, the suppressive laws of 1819 9°Verning the press were re—enacted; the government could suspend the publication of newspapers without warning. On Peca'nber 29, 1875, it was decreed that authors would be puniShed for attacks on constitutional law and governmental \ ‘ l4 Tinker, p. 192. 15 ll 310.112 (ApiJC- Eyma, “Ce que nous voulonsp Lg Nouvelliste, 11 22, 1874), p. 1. —‘ . 513.". m- .. .... .. “:u ""\.. F": 7 powers.l6 Eyma was found guilty of some charge, and was forced to abandon the direction of I_.e Nouvelliste just two months (July 11, 1874) after its establishment. He explained in a farewell article that he had founded the paper at con- siderable pain and personal expense, and sacrifice on the part of his friends; and it was with profound emotion and sincere gratitude that he took leave of his collaborators. This article was Eyma's final contribution to the French press.17 On March 29, 1876, at the age of sixty, Eyma died of pneumonia in his home at 1, rue Louis Philippe, Neuilly—sur— Seine. He was buried from the Church of Saint-Jean—Baptiste de Neuilly, and interred in the old Neuilly cemetery.18 Death notices give some small estimate of the man and his connections. The M g 1.4.9.938 Catholigue praised Eyma for his loyalty to religion and morals, and noted that ”une mort “19' I I I chretienne a éte’ la recompense de cette reserve. The Figaro remarked the unexpectedness of Eyma's death, called it I 16See Rene Dumesnil, Q'Epogue Re’aliste _a_}; W (Paris, 1945), ix; l7L.X. Eyma, "A Mes Lecteurs," ;l__e_ Nouvelliste, No.192 (JUly 11, 1874), p. l. Eyma here promised to explain, at some later date, the charges brought against him. He never did so. 18Records at the cemetery indicate that Eyma's tomb was in complete ruin by 1914, and removed. 19Anon” Revue de Monde Catholigue, XXXXVI (April-June, 1876). 326. _._..__ ”— - ....p. '- new . .‘ no, ‘ - 'il...‘ ‘vp,‘._ I l ’I.- .5. .‘I-.. "une bien douloureuse nouvelle, “ and praised Eyma as "un homme d'une amenite’ charmante, un confrEre du commerce le plus sfir...Il n'avait que des amis et sa mort laisse parmi ses anciens collaborateurs de vifs et sinc‘eres regrets."20 Figarg also listed those who attended Eyma's funeral. Notable among them were the MM. de Calonne, one a poet and dramatist, the other a publicist; Bertrand—Isidore Salles, pseudonym Isidore S. de Gosse, writer of scientific and literary works, head of the press and library division of the Ministry of the Interior, member of the Societe’ des Gens des Lettres; Felix Tournachon Nadar, man of letters; Theodore— Fre’de’ric Gaillardet, man of letters and dramatist, and founder in New York of the Courrigg §_e_§_ EEEEE‘QELE in Which Eyma published; A. Grehan, the consul of Siam; and Calmann Levy, with whom Eyma published several of his works. Such a gathering of mourners indicates that Eyma was acquainted with an active and influential segment of Parisian society. Eyma was apparently a member of the “Socie’te’ des Auteurs Dramatiques, " for the Figaro laments the absence of a delegation from the Socie’te’ at Eyma's funeral. According to the death certificate, and according to the Bulletin it; La I l S_o_c_le'_§é Historigue _ef: Archeologigue Q3 Perigord,21 Eyma was 20Anon” Figaro. Series 3, KC (March 30,1876), 1. ZlAnon., Bulletin de la Societe Historigue e__t W du Pe’rigord. XLI (February 5,1914), 104— 105 However, in Lamathi re' s Pantheon d___e_ la Legion d' Honneur (XIXesiecle) there is no mention of Eyma. 'tu.,.. - - N ""c--. .H- ‘PA- ' — 0-...._. ‘. n. "‘7 o . ‘ t u. ~ ‘ . '28. in-.“. Ii 9; also a member of the Legion of Honor. Eyma's death certificate indicates that he was a member of the "Socie’te’ des Gens des Lettres." Admittance to and membership in such societies reinforce the probability that Eyma was widely known and that his work found a wide audience. The sole source of information regarding Eyma's character, temperament and mentality are his works themselves. The nature of the man will emerge as a by—product of this small, but a few generalizations are in order here. Judging from his fiction and the values which are inherent in the heroes and heroines he created, Eyma's values and principles 9 remained quite consistent throughout his life. The hero of the early Emmanuel, though of a more self-conscious, suffer- ing, Romantic cast than his later brothers, is essentially post-mortem publication. Eyma's heroes often find duties and Obligations to be at cross—purposes with their desires, but by means of hard work, loyalty, unselfishness and devotion they transcend themselves and find true happiness. The “hero," to Eyma, was the concretization of bourgeois values and morality_-and given Eyma's conception of art, his heroes no doubt embodied the values which Eyma himself held. Eyma's comments on artists in figrivains _e}; artistes flying, .frangais g1; strangers indicate that his conception of art was utilitarian. Art was for him functional, the handmaid Of morals and character formation. Eyma's novels and ' ' of art. mlefi are perfectly consonant with this conception he .—. N: hr.- “at. m- , s. 16 Eyma's political principles remained constant through— out his life, and were perfectly consistent with the concept of “the good life" represented in his fictional creations. The'twenty—six year old Eyma of the Introduction ta 933g politigue ge’ne’rale insists that stability in government and prosperity are interlocked; these are achieved only by refer— ence to the institutions and traditions of individual, unique nations; constitutional monarchy is the best form of govern— ment for France, given her past and present; the people must be granted their rights, but are essentially incapable of understanding, and therefore directing, political science; governmental forms are right and effective only insofar as they meet the ends of security and material prosperity. The Eyma of the 1861 Re’publigue ame’ricaine gives evidence of these same principles in his discussions of American democracy and of constitutional monarchy in Central America. Eyma's politics were conservative, just as were his heroes and heroines. In politics as in individual lives, then, the essential values, from Eyma‘s point of view, were stability, morality, and prosperity--and these are encouraged and sustained by a solid, ordered, contextual functioning of Church, State, and Family. As Eyma wrote upon the closing of his Nouvelliste in 1874, just two years prior to his death, M l- . I I '38 demeure ce que j‘ai ete, un conservateur, mettant les Principes d'ordre social au—dessus de tout..."22 m 22L.X. Eyma, "A Mes Lecteurs," W: No.192 (July 11, 1874), p. 1.. Jul. 11 Eyma drew his own character sketch in 1842: ...un e’crivain impartial, ne sachant pas ce que c'est que la haine, ni contre les personnes, ni contre; les partis; tres humble serviteur d‘aucun parti et de personne; voulant, avant tout, la prosperite morale et materielle, en un mot, la gloire de mon pays; pret a receuiller d'ailleurs ce bien—etre et cette gloire quelle que soit la main que les lui donne; m 'efforcant aujourd‘hui, comme je m 'efforcerai toujours, de tirer de partout la verite pour rappeler ‘81 elle les esprits eHgares par un faux eclat de lumiere; et enfin, trouvant une excuse pour la faiblesse de mes ecrits dans cette maxime (1‘ un philosophe, que: 'Comme les hommes ne se degoutent pas du vice, il ne faut pas se lasser de les leur reprocher; car ils seraient peut— —etre pires s ‘ils venaient E manquer de censeurs ou de critiques£23 In the closing of the same work Eyma wrote, "Le jour ou la France, cette avant-garde de la \ civilisation comme on l'a appellee, se montrera a la hauteur du grand r81e qu 'elle doit jouer dans le monde, ce jour— —la sera le plus heureux de ma vie de citoyen. Fasse Dieu que je 1e voie.'"24 In 1874, at fifty—eight, Eyma's pivotal concern remained “1e salut du pays. " V Eyma appears to have been a man of considerable integrity, making every effort to found his expressed ideas regarding politics and nations upon just, informed, and objective grounds. He judged himself qualified to write of the United States only because he had lived and travelled there; he was highly informed on the matters of which he wrote—~his Introduction \a une politigue ge’ne’rale, for example, makes reference to Bonald, Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Aristotle, -—___ ———-—-— 23L. X. Eyma, Introduction a un___e_ politigue generals (Paris, 1852) pp. 8- 9. 24 Introduction, p. 99. r...” mam r- w, 4. M r————vil 12 Mably, Guizot, Cousin, Brigane, and Rousseau; he was intensely patriotic but insisted again and again that French standards must not be applied to other nations. The personal life of Eyma remains a mystery. Judging from his correspondence and from his wide range of friends, however, he was evidently esteemed personally, and as a writer and critic, and recognized for his integrity and impartiality. Obviously the man was ambitious and diligent (how else so i many books and articles?) , and open to new eXperience. His : continual dislocations from paper to paper, city to city, and country to country suggest that his was a curious, rest— less and energetic nature. ; On April 29, 1876--one month following Eyma's death—— ‘ Plon published Eyma's final work on the United States, Ea 3gp M Etats-Unis. On July 6, 1878, Dentu published a second I edition of the 1877 Les Amoureux g3 l_a demoiselle. From that date forward,‘ Eyma's name was seldom in print. The latest mentions of his name appear in Frank Monaghan's French Travellers 133 2129. United States (1961), wherein Eyma is judged to have been an influential figure in the formation of the French image of America; and in Simon Jeune's l_D_e_ E.‘_I'_.Graindorge \ §§.Q.Barnabooth (1963), where Eyma is associated with the formation of an American “type” in French literature. His works have never been thoroughly considered. in their relationship to French knowledge of the United states. Because , 0f their number alone, such consideration is warranted. Far. 13 Eyma's life and activities invite the conclusion that his opinions were founded upon experience as well as upon a Elli-.9321 convictions. His wide circle of friends and his very style of writing, in combination with widespread publication in both newspapers and journals, would indicate that his opinions did indeed find a hearing in mid-nineteenth century France. CHAPTER I I GEN ERAL FI CT ION L. Xavier Eyma's literary efforts include various forms and genres; the novel, historical fiction, poetry, short tales, vaudeville, history, and even travelogues. In addition to publications dealing with the United States-- the central concern of this study--Eyma published thirteen VOIumes of fiction, largely collections of tales. These Span 8 Period of thirty-six years (1840-1876) and include an early and highly romantic novel; short tales in the sentimental tradition; historical fiction punctuated with gothic horror and Sentimental gestures; and bourgeois M which bear some relationship to the contes moraux of the eighteenth century. Eyma's participation in various streams of the French literary tradition suggests not only his saturation in that 1tradition, but the eclectic nature of his fiction. It indicates, too, the tranSposition of traditional French literary values from the upper classes to the eXpanding middle Class following the Revolution. In Eyma‘s fiction one finds, in mitigated form, the emphasis on glory and honor of a Racine or Corneille, but Operative in middle class characters; the Sentimentality of a Marivaux or Prevost; the soulful o utpourings of a Chateaubriand or a Bernardin de Saint-Pierre. l4 . , ‘V’ Own : U. U“.- p \Rhfiv. .. h,.L I'! IN" N ,1 ..‘l- "I—fi p Q 1‘ R“! 5‘“: :85; W‘ ‘4'“ a K in. ‘u12‘s * ‘ :‘er ‘LI-u) § I \‘h ' WI “‘u::: b ‘ b ‘1‘ h .l .:;:".I “u “92135 K 33-” Q i “5 Ch ‘4 3' g \.| . “CM, , ‘I‘a. ‘ 3 o. “ ”th A \":= ‘ 5 “A ‘4 15 Examination of each work would be beyond the limits of this study. An overview of Eyma's fiction, however, is valuable for several reasons. The preoccupations of Eyma the writer of fiction are those of Eyma the observer of America; the values asserted in his fiction are the values against which he judges America. The r818 of the United States in Eyma's fiction becomes more clear when set in relief against the thematic concerns of his general fiction. His concept of character, good and evil, illuminates his portrayal of the American character. In other words, Eyma's interests and pre— occupations can be discerned in and abstracted from his general fiction; these in turn shed light on his rendering and evaluation of the United States. This chapter, then, considers Eyma's general literary techniques: characterization, structure and plot, literary devices, recurring themes, and the values and point of View inherent in these. Such a procedure, however, does violence to any fictional creation, no matter how minor, insofar as any literary work is an organic whole. It is hOped that the organic analysis of Eyma‘s fiction set in the United States (Chapter III) will c0mpensate in some degree for the un— fortunate but inevitable distortion which results from such a general approach. The characters of Eyma's fiction are more typical than individual. Mothers, fathers, foster—parents and children; heroes and heroines, and even villains are essentially the 1 IV 4“ V I .. ._ . _~ 7... I 2. ..y.. 2. rs . . I H .. .. .A~ p“ .— .q . C.’.: I a: C. ..e. S .3 . v. o. .. A. n: .C a? 5.. .7 ~.. v. v. v. .nu a :— n . .vl .1 ~. .nu :— .: a. . . ~ .. T. on L. ..a . q u s A v .ru 3‘ a: u c . .nu . o a e A v a: on .1 r u A: a: . a r. a» 5. v. n. .u :v ...A... a» C. 2‘ . cl... .7- . s ..Q ..u r. 4: G. C. an v.1..s .. rain... I A... a. o. .- n. a .t ~...~u V o. a. .na v.1»: I A-v auv .!a 'o O .n¢ I «n.- a—- any a; a M :d A ~ .~ I n u .a 4 -. A." u - Au . n A v H MN 0 A Q n. .«u ,... v» 0.. .. .... ... 7 I A» C. 2‘ « q as. I t s A: c t y - .V F a .3 z. Pu .s u \-t o .. .nuo ..AA~~ :u 11" ~1~v C. a» e. ..a .« .s .«n :1 4: hr Cs 1.)» ‘~‘ I...» no.-. .| Inn» ..1 PH vc -. #b C. . s w a «a‘ 5 a 5 ~ h; A v nuw PM F. :u u s .A ‘ 16 same throughout. Eyma was most concerned with the of set characters to a basic number of situations. these reactions, and with the aid of the narrator, cmuld draw beneficial instruction. A character is of a certain type; because he is of this type, he to or surmounts given difficulties. reactions From the reader invariably succumbs The Eyma heroine falls into a particular physical nmld. She is of average size, pale, graceful, blue-eyed, and blond. I "Louise etait de taille moyenne, ’mais pleine d'une glides exquise. Elle avait les epaules bien (decoupees, la poitrine ouverte et libre. Son visage, au galbe allongé: dont l'épiderme, d'une “transparence gristalline, laissait voir unt Inelange de naivetefi de mélancolie, de doucaur et d'éhergie. De ses yeux, plutfit réflébhis que A . . r geveurs, jailllssaient par moments d etranges eclairs inattendus."l zGilda, with "ses yeux, largement ouverte, d‘un bleu sombre et , . melancolique, son nez droit et fin, sa chevelure blonde et ‘abondante, accusent 1e type des belles filles du Nord."2 As for Marguerite of Emmanuel, she “nzétait point un type de beauté; mail 11 y ayait .repandue sur toup son visage une candeur angelique qui fait croire a la beaute'de l'ame. Son oeil presgue bleu avait quelque chose de lent qui d notait 1e calme intime. Elle frappait tellement ¥Louis Xavier Eyme, "Le Testament d'Henri," Egg \imoureux _d_e l_a de’moiselle (Paris: E. Dentu, 1877), .pp. 81-82 ereafter cited as Testament in parentheses following quotations. ‘All works quoted are EymaTs unless otherwise indicated. h 222 Roman g2 Flavio (Paris: Michel Levy, 1862), p. 5. ereafter.cited as Flavio in parentheses following quotations. uh N 'QI-v' : finan— . RIA‘Auv ' idea-1-. - ..I |’.A"‘ H l- H ‘ub..u-. ‘Apa- ca. ‘ “Va... ‘ . 4' “ ‘8‘ D. :‘-.I r ‘ I. _r ‘ A. “ E...” . I-‘f‘l ... an- I _- ‘An- I ‘- l R... a 1. '5' .IA ~ . "A‘H‘E. ‘ c v o. I t I“ '1 I!) U) :13 (I) l7 du premier abord par la regula"rite et 1‘ harmonic des lignes, qu‘ un peintre eut a coup sur pu la choisir pour sa creation; mais ce n ‘etait point dans les traits qui brillait 1a beaute de Marguerite; cette beaute chez elle etait tout interne. Whether sensitivity and melancholia create her appearance, or whether the reverse is true, the heroine is extremely feminine and graced with a frail beauty, thanks to qualities of soul which emanate from her and illuminate her entire person. The character of the heroine is consonant with her appearance. She acts as one would expect. Utter devotion to cause, father, and lover marks the heroine. ThErESe Lorrain prefers the forsaking of rightful, noble name and fortune to separation from her self-sacrificing foster-father.4 Marguerite, of Mademoiselle ‘I‘opaze,5 discovers that old Bernard is not her father, but embraces him and assures him that he will always be "pere" to her. When a woman loves a man—~even a man other than her father-~she will heroically - - . . - \ sacrifice everything for him, even happiness. Ines, for 3Paris:Rozier, 1841, p. 21 — hereafter cited in Parentheses following quotations. 4“Therese Lorrain, ” La Mansarde Q Rose (Paris: A. Faure, 1867) — hereafter cited as Thérése in parentheses following quotations. 5Paris: Le’crivain et Toubon, 1860 — hereafter cited as @3959. in parentheses following quotations. N} m. 5, , ..I can 18 example, cannot marry Philippe, but exclaims in revery, "’Ah.‘ Philippe! Philippe.l Que ma vie tout entiere soit a toi.l '“6 The first and essential characteristic of the heroic woman is absolute devotedness. COmmon to each heroine, also, is submission to, and absolute trust in, the hero. This is, of course, part and parcel of her devotedness. When Suzanne, of Jean Larcher. reveals her overwhelming fear to the hero, Grimer, he, Pour toute re’ponse” .montra ‘a Madame de Marsan sa. ceinture garnie d'une paire de pistolets et d'un long poignard. —— Oh.’ vous avez raison, capitaine, reprit 1a jeune femme, avec vous je ne dois rien craindre; je sais assez quelle est votre bravoure; pardonnez-moi donc.I ”7 Obviously, heroine and hero complement one another; the relationship is reciprocal. Another facet of the heroine's devotedness is her piety, her dependance on God, very appropriate to her angelic modesty and purity. The reader knows that she is religious because she is often surprised at prayer. ”Joseph, en . I . . entrant, apercut, agenoulllee dans un c01n de la cabine, une 4 u l b ’ 'I c femme qui prlait, 1e Visage cache cans ses deux mains. Il poussa un profond soupir..."8 And for what does the heroic 7”Jean Larcher, " L__e_ Trone _d'Argent (Paris: Michel Levy, 1860), p.233 - hereafter cited as Larcher in parentheses following quotations. 8"Betzy Murlay,“ L___e_ Trone _d_‘Argent (Paris: Michel Levy, 1860), p. 262 - hereafter cited as Murlay in parentheses following quot ations. q ~:I .yzcv’ .-..‘c ..‘.. O I 3.9.... .n ' ":ObooI. 0: g ” “9“. '."'. as "'ou" ..‘._ . n. . i a ‘ u .-.'-'I I A F ’ N ""‘ou, ~2-qnu ‘A 5:. “45"“ ‘- -- U - . .. ‘ ""-‘.:.u o 19 woman pray? "Je ne demands rien ‘a Dieu...je 1e prie seulement.“ (262, Murlay) At times the pious nature of the ‘ heroine is revealed in domestic touches, as when Donatien, viewing Marguerite's workshop, notices a “Saints Famille" she has copied. (Topaze) Regardless of technique, the heroine's pious and religious nature is somehow revealed. Next in importance to religious devotion is conse - oration to domestic duties, including love and care for children. The widow Catherine suffers every deprivation for her child. Une apres—midi, Catherine, affamee par un jeune de cinq jours, affaissee sur la terre gelee de sa cabins, les cheveux spars, 1e corps brule’ par la fievre, sanglotait a grosses larmes sur le corps decharne de son fils, et pas une obole dans cette cabane pour acheter un remede.‘ En ce moment supreme, ou 1' agonie planait deja sur la couche du pauvrs snfant, Catherine eut donne plus que sa vie, elle eut accompli 1e plus grand sacrifice pour etancher seulement la soif qui sechait 1e gosier du petit moribond. "9 Catherine's straits result from a promise made at the foot of her husband's grave; she would never remarry, she promi ssd, and "tant que j'aurai mes deux bras bien attache’s \a mes epaules; tant que j'aurai un souffle de vie, je nel'accepterai (Charity) de personne.” (97‘ Catherine.) Such is the pride, nobility, and integrity of the Eyma heroine. Ofteni a woman's dedication to work is indicated by suggestion rather than by action, and blended with indications 9’ ”La Veuve Catherine," L___e___s Pochss _d_e Mon Parrain (Paris: E.Maj_11et 1863), pp. 97— 98 - hereafter cited as _Catherine in parentheses following quotations I” ’-A9- . .- ..u..: . ._ C. q - ‘Vofl . '§‘ A is .I . u‘~ » §-‘ -‘ ‘ 20 of respect for work is evidence of great humility. In 1.3 Testament g'gem, Louise shows Paul the only painting "que je rflaurai pas honts ds msttrs sous vos ysux. C'sst uns ebauche (Pun sujet agreste: des chevauxlgg 1abour...j'ai longtemps habits’ les champs;..." (85) With one stroke the reader is told that Louise is humble and laborious, and so should a heroine be: Dedication to family and work are highly valu- able fsminine traits. Eyma heroines are riddled with stock gestures which indicateathat they are heroines, that they are worthy women. We have already observed the heroine surprised at prayer, the heroine painting, the heroine expressing submission to the hero. She also has a sensitive heart and a great supply of tears. Suffice it to say that many is the garden "arrosé'dss lames" in Eyma's fiction. Many is the heroine who betrays helr'humility, modesty, and love through blushing and lowering hel’ eyes; many is the heroine who "ss leva vivemsnt en deposant au pied ds son lit .un metier‘h broder sur lequsl elle etait penches, et se jeta au-dsvant du nouveau-venu, les bras ouverte, la Joie dans leg yeux st un baiser sur les lEvrss; puis, snfrainant 1e vieillard sur une chaise, elle s'assit a ses genoux sur un tabourst ds paills.” 10 h 109.3. W 512 39352 (Paris: A. Faure, 1867), p, 24 - e1l‘eaftsr cited as Mansards in parentheses following quot at 10113. «w. ..\ .1 , ...w. .un ..J "(H u: s . .un a: . . ...c an £1 a a .. .. ...w. . . :44. .l .11 a: . TIlgyIIIIIIIIII---------------------—--——-————————‘t “-Ifiiililfi"‘ 21 In other words, Eyma heroines are sentimental heroines in appearance, character, and deed. If narrator-authors are to be trusted, they are ideal women. As the hero Flavio I ) tells us, women have a particular rSle to fulfill. 1 “Le devoir des hommes les oblige non seulsment a ,subir mais a affronter toutes les spreuves, toutes les douleurs, tous les dangers: 1e devoir des femmes est de nous laisser agir, de prier pour nous et de fortifier leur fime contre les malheurs qui les peuvsnt atteindre." (88, Flavio) . . A Tb function well in such a role, a woman must be possessed of particular qualities. The narrator of Les Gamineries g2 \ Madame Riviere says, Elles sont rares, les femmes qui abdiquent tout, sauf leur dignits, pour s 'associer au malheur et qui se grandissent par ls devouement absolu et par la resignation; conscientes de leurs actes, ayant mesure’ du premier coup d' oeil 1' etsndue du sacrifice, et se fortifiant au lieu de s 'affaiblir, devant un sacrifice plus enorme encore que celui sur lequsl elles avaient compte. Msres, soeurs, amiss, spouses st maitressss tout h la fois pour les malheureux qu ’elles ont entrepris de secourir, souriantss toujours et dissimulant leurs larmes quand il leur arrive d' en verser, non sur le sacrifice qu ‘elles accomplissent, mais sur le compagnon de chains qu 'elles se sont donne. Ah' Elles sont rares, les femmes qui/fixent courageusement les yeux sur la pauvrete, la defient et regardent sans trop de souci leurs belles mains se deformer petit a petit aux rudes travaux du pain quotidien, qui voisnt blanchir leurs cheveux avant l'age, st leur front se rider, qui se font ni peine ni gloire de leur simplicite, et se defendent quand le mari les plaint ou tents de meler a leur tendresse, la reconnaissance pourtant de devouement. Benies soient celles-la' M llParis: E. Dentu, 1874, pp. 270—271 - hereafter cited MiGamineries in parentheses following quotations. ".1 Her“ set his ”v.4..- ‘ e ». "men re I ivy. . V.-- a. ‘ . . . W“ ‘5... S“; “‘Soggull ..v a ‘ \\ “on .. \ F k I: :o‘ "w .' hi..- . -1: u..;. :‘~ "kO'ovb ‘H— v . Us. “"9! ~.“ 1 ‘ ” cvu ha.“ ““‘ c F." 2‘s 4 ..‘V‘I ‘-‘I - ~‘il. , :t: . :3 .YA‘ "is.“ . .- «0. V- 22 The heroine, then, is a woman possessing devotion of various types: religious, domestic, maternal, filial——and all with humility; she is the epitome of self-sacrifice and lovingness; she is called upon, in the plan of things, to exercise her qualities and virtues in the elevation of others, usually men. With such qualities and in such a r31e, she advances in wisdom, age, and in a pale and melancholy beauty which emanates from the soul. Eyma's heraines are Griselda figures: patient and long—suffering, bearing all with meekness and humility. They are blends of two types of heroine: that of the sentimental tradition, and of the contes moraux. Their delicacy, frailty, propriety, decorum, and melancholia stem from the sentimental tradition. ”The genteel female was the sweet taskmastsr to awe by her holy beauty the wayward and the vicious. She was, to borrow a familiar figure, a sensitive "12 Plant in a garden of noxious weeds. Their relationship to sisters of the eighteenth-century conte moral rests in their unselfishness and generosity; their gratitude to benefactors. They are like them in their various types of devotion, and in their courageousnsss in a great love that could carry them through any misfortune. They accept tribulation in the con— 13 Viction that it enhances one's being. The Eyma heroine was leerbsrt Ross Brown, T___he W2}. __________Novsl ~13 _A__m_______erica, 1789-1860 (Duke, 1940). p- 113- 13Dorothy M. McGhee, The Cult f the "Conte Moral" ( ——._——--—....—-— St.Paul, 1960), p. 65. V". . .R' we...) 23 a well-known, reliable, pOpular and loved type. In return for her sacrifices and sslf-abnsgation the heroine receives a hero whose qualities complement hers. He is first and foremost a platonic lover, placing his loved one on a pedestal and worshipping her from afar. What is his conception of woman? La femme aimes doit etrs a nos yeux sacrs’s. Enfsrme’s en notrs cosur comme en un tabernacle, il faut l' slsvsr si haut au-‘dessus ds 1a terre st 1' approchsr si prss du cisl, que 1s bruit de nos passions n 'arrivs pas jusqu'h ses oreillss, et que les eclaboussurss de la fangs qui souille nos pisds ns puissent pas ternir sa purete de diamant. Tout est precieux en elle; un regard perdu, un cheveu envole, un sourirs egars, uns pression ds main alie’ns’e, sont autant de tresors dont on de’pouille l' amant ou ls mari...O fenmes.‘ pour 1' hom’me qui vous benira st vous adoréra comme vous 1s meritsz, ns laisssz jamais volontairement uns souillurs humaine tombsr sur vous. Gardez- -lui tout; st jusqus dans la pensee que vous elevez a Dieu, faitss-lui uns large part encore, meme de Dieu il pourrait etrs jaloux. (31- 32, Emmanuel) For the "femme aimes,“ or for any damsel in distress, he is ready to‘sacrifics all; all women are to be rsSpscted and served by any man worthy of the name. In he Testament Q'Iiepg, for example, Paul Perrard comes to the rescue of a complete stranger. Louise was bothered on the street "par “’1 ds css de’soeuvre’s que toute femme rencontre sur ses‘pas... uh Jeune homms d'une trentaine d'anns’ss, simplsmsnt mis, d'un eJ""~‘-e’rieur pre’vsnant, au visage calms, rs’fls’chi, se’risux" comes to her rescue. Il avait sntendu st compris cs supreme appsl de la fenms outrages...-—-Mademoisells, lui dit-il, ne redoutsz plus rien, je marche‘d vos cote’s. Et jusqu' on 11 vous plaira que je vous accompagns, je vsillsrai sur vous. (83, Testament) Ch H. U A. v n h N V «VI A: 1 v A .3 y u 7 v . 3 a. .J .i ..... be. ..t. 1 : a . a" h." n: n.” :. .. ...u. m... n: .. .. u . .w .. A I. I. . . .. \ j \ 2 4 Not only is the hero courageous and valient in his deeds, but he is willing to sacrifice security and fortune for the woman he loves. Lucien exnlains to Bastienne that he -. . .i I . ban claimed her benefactor's farm (La reconde) in order to offer a fortune in exchange for her hand in marriage-- I a u . ‘1 ' .' n c ’ o \ realiz1ng that Bast1enne dion t have 1e or01t de re51ster a ' ’ . . ”14 q . . la volonte de votre b1enfa1teur. happiness, too, 15 ready for sacrifice on the altar of a woman's honor, integrity,and sense of commitment: witness Emmanuel, who never questions or tempts his beloved Marguerite though she has unwillingly married another man during meanuel's absence. Marguerite is committed, and far be it from Emmanuel to suggest she weaken-- though his own happiness is at stake. Rather, he becomes a . s , I pr1est. "Et Marguerite presenta aux baisers du prgtre les tetes blondes de deux charmans enfans. Jamais un mot du I ’ u m passe ne fut nrononce entre eux. (208, nmmanuel) The hero, like the heroine, is defined by stock gestures which indicate his platonic conception of woman. When Octave is about to confess his love for Louise, he falls on his knees before her and exclaims, "Je vous aime comme vous A . . . \ - , . . ’ . etes digne qu on vous aime, a genoux dans 1 hum111te et la - ' I . , reconnaissance d'un coeur eblou1." (147, Testament) Or again, . O 0 0 0‘ 0 in Le Roi deg Troniques, La P1err1ere ev1dences the same type of devotion as, l4Les Amoureux g3 l§_§émoiselle (Paris, E. Dentu, 1877), p. 72 - hereafter cited as Amoureux in parentheses following quotations. :W n" r ‘I onh... ‘~“A\Ql .- 1“ wan-lo- I 3“?“ Pf v‘. .1. b I C "D Raw“. “U I.V.._ a :‘I “u;- ' Us... a .4"... ..‘ ‘ A vuv'."- - 4 A. . n‘fi: o.’ ". " '- VA‘ H "'V b (D (I! ’1 'c 1 «a: 1n 25 En entrant'dans la piéce 5h se tenait Marie qui, agenouillee et en prieres, se releva au bruit de leurs pas, calme, fiére, belle de paleur, d'émotion, de dignite,--en entrant, dis-je, La Pierriere tomba aux pieds de cette femme outragee et trahie.l5 The physical reactions of the hero betray the condition of his heart. The Eyma hero is of the same cloth as the Eyma heroine: as she is pure, so he is platonic; as she trusts and submits, so he is courageous and responsible: as she cares for her family, so he cares for her: as she prays to God; so he finds God in her purity and innocence: as she sheds tears of joy or sorrow, so he sees no threat to masculinity in tears. The rough and rugged Grimer grips the cross of Suzanne's mother and "1a serra saintement sur son coeur, et s'eloigna les joues trempées de larmes." (240, Larcher) What of the exterior of these valiant heroes? It corresponds to that of the heroine. The romantic hero is slight, pensive, and melancholy in appearance, suggesting the introsPective, sensitive nature of Chateaubriand's René'or Saint-Pierre's Paul. Emmanuel portait dans ses yeux bleus un peu caves, signe d'une profonde meditation,’dans spn visage blond et légEr ent amaigri, dans la seréhite de son front, dans la m odie de sa voix, sur ses 13vres toujours riantes, comme je 1'ai dit, cette espECe de souffle divin qui fait croire,que la providence a ses favogis parmi nous. Il possedait tant d'affabilitefi de graces 15Paris: Michel Levy, 1860, p. 124 - hereafter cited as Roi in parentheses following quotations. 26 et de bienveillance, qu '11 n 'etait personne qui ne 1' aimat au premier abord, et qu '11 n 'est pas un ami qui n 'ait méle des pleurs sinceres aux larmes qu 'il a versées. (10, Emmanuel) The sentimental hero retains many of the external qualities of a romantic hero, while bearing the marks of a more active, less brooding nature. Lucien Colombier, for example, avait une mine de citadin plutot que de compagnard... il portait 1' habit de chasse avec aisance: 1a grosse guetre de cuir n 'empechait pas sa jambe d'avoir bon air: la veste de velours dessinait avec avantage sa taille: sa moustache blonde retroussee se detachait avec finesse sur son visage un peu brfile et ses mains, sans etre d'une blancheur et d' une douceur feminines, n 'avaient que la rudesse de 1' homme qui passe volontiers sa vie en plein soleil. Dans son ensemble, c 'était ce qu 'on appelle un garcon bien plante, et que les filles ne regardaient pas d un oeil precisement indifferent. (13, Amoureux) Comte Philippe de Sabran is exemplary of the romantic- sentimental hero in a comic vein, “Ce voyageur melancolique...etait un eune homme de trente-cinq ans environ: d'une beaut male et d'une elegance exceptionnelle, meme sous ses habits souilles par la route. 11 avait 1a mine fiére, mais d'une fierté'temperee en tout temps par une douceur charmante, et que les dispositions d'esprit ou 11 se trouvait rendaient, comme on dit, interessante. Il avait 1' oeil‘pien ouvert,"le regard humide et tendre: sa levre su erieure caches par une moustache fine at bien taill ed'habitude..." (1, Manoirs) In a phrase, these men are masculine but sensitive, even when concealing their romantic-sentimental nature be- neath a rather gruff and sometimes exotic exterior. Such are the heroes of Eyma's adventure stories. The Chevalier Grimer is typical. He etait chetif en apparence: mais sous des formes osseuses, sous une paleur mate et maladive se ‘ . ‘j‘v I . I 5‘. _\ :p My“..- 1., I ~n a I If... .5 {fa-“K: avait 1 "'73" A- '1 ..Uh I Q q“: '7 “‘V- .3. . 37:" “'c ~ m “V. V q ' 1. A. \ "Nay ." F- u“ 5“.“- a w“. 1 ‘ a. A n: :‘V‘ b.‘_'.‘ Y Q ‘ “1 1:1,! g 27 cachaient une vi ueur et une e’ner ie peu communes. Dans ce corps ngle habitait une e forte, bien trempée, pleine d'honneté'et de tendresse...Grimer avait 1a tfite nue: et un banda e de toile blanche enveloppait son front tout fra1chement ouvert par une large et profonde blessure. (227, Larcher) Even more glorious and exotic is DeNambuc, who had, among other things, "traits males et bien accentués, rehaussés par une cicatrice glorieuse un peu au-dessus de la tempe droite." (2, 331) I The hero, then, be he romantic, sentimental, or adventurous, is identified by certain distinct qualities. If his courage and daring are evident from his appearance, his tenderness and devotion, his pensive and melandholy asPects will be revealed by his tears, his gestures, his deeds. If his sentimental nature is betrayed by his melancholy eyes and soft, appealing features, his courage and daring will appear in his efforts to rescue threatened women or to sacrifice all for the woman he loves. The character of the hero is constant: his gestures and appearance place him within a particular tradition or a combination of traditions. He thus becomes all things to all heroines. The Eyma "anti-hero“ and "anti-heroine" are, of course, Enlar Opposites of the hero and heroine. Villains are SelfiShly ambitious, and are unmoved by love, patriotism, or rmnor. They will use any means to adhieve selfish ends, as does Lady Hamilton when she uses the poor Leonora as a pawn in political intrigue in pg @313 913 2.1.2.2151- A villain does not become so in Eyma's work: he is so a priori and is immediately recognizable. DuRossey, for example, 28 etait debraille au physique comme au moral: ses traits cyniques'trahissaient 1a debauche- sa parole était decousue au moins autant que son pourpoint. Dans le délabrement de sa mise, i1 y avait quelque chose d'affecte et de goguenard a la fois. (3, Roi) Lady Hamilton typifies the evil woman of Eyma's fiction. She is the only female figure who fails to respond to the inherent bond between mother and child: coincident with this failure is an absence in her demeanor of the traits of an Eyma heroine. When she learns that the dead Leonora was her daughter, she tomba sur ses genoux: mais soit emotion vraie, soit orgueil, elle ne trouva pas une parole'a pmononcer: pas un mot de regret ou de remords ne sortit de ses 1evres.Ses yeux rougis ne laisserent pas couler une larme. L' abime au fond duquel elle regardait etait trop profond pour qu elle y put rien voir. (246, Flavio) Some general statements regarding characterization in Eyma's fiction can be made. First and most obvious is the fact that Eyma deals in types rather than in individuals. Both the exterior and interior of characters are drawn from stock long since developed in French literature. They are a blend of romantic, sentimental, and bourgeois types which had pleased French readers during various periods. They are romantically melancholy, sentimentally tearful, and operate in solid, middle-class fashion. They represent the personal Values of the rising bourgeoisie, though embodying a concept cm duty and honor worthy of their Neo-classical predecessors. That is to say, their integrity is often based on abstract values rather than on utilitarian ends; virtue is exercised far it: arson: .u.’ .\‘ W ‘. V n 29 for its own sake rather than for the sake of reputation and personal gain. Secondly, the Eyma character is revealed and marked by stock gestures and phrases. When in love, he falls at the feet of the loved one: when in danger, he brandishes his sword; when in mental anguish, he sheds tears; when con— fronted with a choice, he chooses honorably. Finally, the Eyma character is a set rather than an evolutionary figure. The hero is immediately recognizable as such; the Villain is immediately tagged. From start to " given " det ermines finish of any tale, he is as he is; this his actions and reactions, making him a perfectly predictable sort. Character reveals action rather than action revealing character. He is an absolute unity, inside and out, and can be trusted to act in a manner consonant with the reader's first impression of him. Therefore the most unsophisticated reader is capable of understanding him and even identifying with him. Stock though they be, these personages are placed within situations which make particular demands upon them. Within a relatively limited number of plot—situations the Eyma character works out his destiny. Situations test virtue and vice, eliciting the beauty of the former and the rePulsiveness of the latter. A favorite plot-structure of Eyma‘s pits innocence agains’t; experience, thereby testing innocence and allowing it to conquer. In La Mansarde £33 Rose a backwoods, innocent . 0.. ‘: 93L _— -m- 5‘ u..."- no... ‘mu :Iflmu u». ‘ :-:v. ':«u :‘u. M“: 30 young man, Adrien, is sent to Paris, the land of experience, where his virtue is tried: his mind opened to evil; his path sorely shaken by his new and unsalutary environment. In Lg Testament g}§§g£i the inexperienced Octave Lorrain is con- fronted with the frivolous life of the cynical Henri, and is thereby tempted from the path of virtue. In Sophie Bernard a young woman is enticed from her parents' side by the encouragement of an experienced theatrical agent. Again and again the pattern repeats itselfzthe young and naive confront a world of frivolity and debauchery, and are strengthened and confirmed by the confrontation. This plot-situation has existed in French literature since at least the eighteenth century. The writers of the 99253 mgggl delighted in the contagion of blandishment. City life corrupts, as do riches, fortune, and ambition: and eighteenth-century writers felt called upon to preach against these. The solutions generally offered were either flight from the city, or a gathering of strength to resist contagion.16 Contagion is ubiquitous in Eyma's fiction: the virtuous over- come by gathering their strength about them. Eyma often places characters in an impoverished Situation wherein devotion to labor, honor, and pure ideal is tested. The hero of Emmanuel finds, not happiness, but Salvation in the necessity to support his poor mother. In Tun poverty rests his glory: from her poverty evolve virtuous, l6McGhee, Cult, p. 14. .“ n r: _ V"! -. PM m.V 31 altruistic acts. Rose of La Mansarde g3 Egg; "travaille jour et nuit, une vertueuse et chaste enfant'h qui le rire est inconnu, a qui la joie est comme défendu..." (25) In La ygggg Catherine the heroine is subjected to abject poverty: she "avait d6 travailler pour deux, avoir du courage, de la force, de la sante’ pour deux." (89) Though her struggle against poverty has hardened her hands; though the sun has burned and toughened her skin, “Catherine frappait vivement par un ensemble de lignes pures, douces, et sympathiques.” (90) The confrontation of solid character with poverty permits the consolations and beauties of labor to shine, while test- ing character and proving it sufficient to the challenge. Such plots dramatize the truism that virtue cannot be won without temptation and trial. A conflict between love and one's station in life provides a third plot-situation. Pierre Branchon loves his foster-sister to distraction: because adopted by the TerriEre family from parents of low station, he thinks himself un- worthy of Pauline's hand in marriage. From this conflict ewolves Pierre's exercise of virtuous self-sacrifice. He devotes himself to Pauline without her knowledge, and without hOpe of consolation, reward, or recognition. "Mon rSle... \ ' I , est de veiller sur eux et de pres, sans que ma presence $01t A I l 7 meme soupconnee. ” 17“P.P.C.,” Les Gamineries 9g Madame RiviEre (Paris: E. Dentu, 1874), p. 323. ’ \ ..y THESE .‘::_.‘ ., “Mn :3». "“N ‘: Ma " w» ha w... 32 In The’rése Lorrain the noble Henri falls irrevocably in love with Therese, but battles this emotion-because of ThereSe's low station in life; Henri met her at an inn, where she was waiting table. It is not until Henri discovers that Thér‘ese is of noble parentage that he listens to his heart and marries her. There is but one instance in Eyma‘s fiction of a character marrying beneath herself: Clotilde's marriage rules of social organization. And the good Jacques pays dearly for such an alliance. Virtue demands, indeed includes, decorum; a liaison between people of different social class is not decorous, and in fact invites disaster. At times Eyma turns to classical and suggestively Biblical situations as pivots for his tales. A most interesting example of a classical (or Nee—classical) plot is found in B_e£_zy Murlay. (And, I might add, this is one of Eyma's better stories, largely because the characters, though stock, are motivated by ideals rather than sentiments.) The main characters, Betzy and Joseph, are caught in a tragic conflict between love and honor. Though they love one an- other, honor dictates that Joseph murder Betzy's father; in turn, Betzy must murder her beloved Joseph. Honor demands revenge. Betzy cries, "J'ai venge’ mon p‘ere, s'e’cria—t—elle, et J'ai Sauve’mon frEre...” (276) The conflict of love, honor, and duty makes of Betzy an Antigone or Electra. The passions which motivate her are those of a Greek tragic heroine——though they are less artistically developed, to be sure: «. - . :r m... 2%: “‘A n «:V‘ 1? ~. ‘\ Q: . 33 Monsieur Cain has Biblical overtones, as indeed the 18 The depraved Cain was named Abel at title itself suggests. birth, but the good Abel was, figuratively, killed by the reprehensible Cain (who, by implication, lives inside of everyone). It is only when the Abel-face of Cain is recognized by a friend: only when Cain is again called Abel, that the good figure emerges once again. By resort to a quasi-Biblical situation, Eyma evolves an interesting character study. The plots of Eyma's historical fiction inhere in the materials themselves. Flavio's situation in £2.32E23 gg Flavio is that of the Neopolitain uprisings of 1798. Clara's conflict in Le Masque blanglg is the Irish Catholic-- Protestant conflict of 1701. The rocky political straits of 20 and of Le Grand Cordon et.La _**——. Aventuriers gt Corsaires, QQEQQZl are part and parcel of the historical matter of Martinique and the Antilles. In Eyma's historical fiction, however, an almost inordinate emphasis on historical figures, as opposed to political events and conflicts, suggests an overriding concern with character rather than plot. In fact, Eyma's plots are tools used to set characters in action, allowing them Operate, for better or worse, in a 181n Les Amoureux g3 13 demoiselle (Paris: E. Dentu, 1877) - hereafter cited as Cain in parentheses following quotations. l9 Paris: Impr. de beve, 1853. 20Paris: Michel Le’vy, 1861. 21Paris: n.p.n.d. .‘qn U... .--\ an- In ‘5 h ‘~s. ..V‘ Q y. ' 4L 34 given context. If the situation involves conflict between love and honor or duty; if virtue in the face of poverty is the issue; if innocence confronts experience; if love con— flicts with station in life, the emphasis is constant. Plot adsts for the sake of character. It is within the context of given events and situations that man runs order through chaos and so reveals himself. Eyma was evidently a sort of mmmnist: man is king and lord of the entire creation; he succeeds or fails depending upon his reSponse to the situation in which he finds--discovers—~himself. Structurally, the majority of Eyma's plots unroll in the same manner. A story begins with the delineation of the character of the central figure. He is the first to come on stage, as it were. He is then placed in a context which indicates his happiness, melancholia, trouble or joy——but the reasons for his mood and manner are temporarily left to the reader‘s imagination. Next, a character grouping is arranged, further emphasizing the pre-ordained nature of the hero or heroine. Friction and sub—plots involving other dmracters set heroes and heroines and the central situation hirelief. This accomplished, a flashback, often of extra- ordinary length, reveals the past of the central figure and lunts at a mysterious relationship to the group with whom he is about to interact. The reader is then pulled forward into the present and the plot unrolls. As the central figure acts and reacts to events and characters, various interrelationships become clear. These in turn advance the :u'it‘ ‘7.“ u.“ L“, 35 usual denouement, wherein the problematical situation in which we first found the hero, and which created his mood and manner, is resolved. In most instances the central figure lives happily ever after. A major plot is, of course, frequently enriched by sub-plots which are resolved simultaneously with the major conflict. L_a_ Mansarde _d_e 395:3 illustrates this general structure. Adrien, an "innocence versus experience" figure is sent to Paris'for purposes of initiation and apprenticeship. He becomes involved with Abricotine, a temptress from the path of labor and righteousness. Next, contrasting figures are introduced: the reprehensible Robillon, a man who “essuye’ des gouttes de sueur grosses comme le doigt qui lui roulaient sur le front." (6), and his friends. To provide a contrast with Abricotine, Rose is introduced. Hence certain tensions are established: Adrien versus the like of Robillon; Rose versus the like of Abricotine; one way of life versus another. Then comes the flashback: we learn of Rose's miserable past, her impoverished state, her humility, gratitude, and self— sacrificing spirit. During the flashback a sub-plot evolves: Julien, the son of Rose's foster parents, is leading a dissipated existence in Paris-—precisely the existence to which Adrien, our hero, will succumb if he continues with Abricotine. Moving back into the present. the reader finds Julien continuing his debauchery with one Dahlia, and Adrien flirting with the periphery of this clique. But the 'if‘fii ..n,‘ "h... - \ Hun. v“ u”: a... ":i. n... "'I- ":.. .M 3:: ‘1 \ 36 resolution of the conflict begins: Rose acts the rSle of redemptress; through her virtuous example Adrien returns to the straight and narrow--though not without an intermittent fall because of the machinations of one IrEne, who is later brought to her better senses by the good Rose. Step by step "1e naufragé (Adrien) avait gagné'le rivage.“ (175) Such a resume of Eyma's structural technique is, of course, an oversimplification. Nonetheless, it indicates the manner in which Eyma's stories evolve. Much to the dismay of the twentieth-century reader, Eyma uses numerous devices in resolving the plot. They are characteristic of the literature of his time, insofar as their repeated use has reduced them to the level of devices. Because Eyma's plots are frequently complicated by various character groupings moving on various levels, inter— relationships must be created for the sake of unity. Generally, the unifying thread is a character of mysterious parentage, an orphan, who is discovered to be related to at least one character in each group. In Lg figmgnhgg Flavio, for example, Zelda is discovered to be the daughter of Lady Hamilton and Lord Acton; in this way the gypsy group in which Zeida was raised is unexpectedly bound up with the Power group attempting to rule Naples. Or again, in W 32.22.22 Marguerite is discovered to be the sister 0f Donatien, thereby linking the Topaze—Saint—Phar-Donatien set to the Marguerite-Bernard twosome. 37 Stock devices, such as letters and jewelry, often give the clue to identity. In the case of Mademoiselle Topaze, a letter left with the abandoned Marguerite reveals her relationship to Donatien. Zeida's identity is established by a medal held in her death grip, and which Lord Actdn recog— nizes as his daughter's. (Flavio) ThérESe Lorrain's noble parentage is established by the half-bracelet in her possession. (Therese) Where orphans fail, coincidence succeeds in introduc- ing characters to one another. And Eyma manages extreme coincidences, thus resolving problems or rendering scenes more touching. It just so happens that Donatien is passing Marguerite's home at the very moment she calls out for help against the advances of Saint-Phar. (Togaze) By sheer coincidence, the beautiful phantom whom Octave loves on first sight is the good Louise. ‘The final moments of Lg Remap g2 Flavio are rendered more melodramatic when Zéida, rushing into a bloody fray in the streets of Naples, witnesses the gory death of Moraim, a gypsy who formerly worshipped her. Such touches abound in Eyma‘s fiction. The narrator of Eyma's fiction is often the vehicle of much eighteenth- and nineteenth-century stodk-in-trade. Generally the narrator is omniscient--in fact, much too omniscient. He Speaks when silence is preferable; explains acts whose import is self-evident; destroys mystery and adventure by premature revelations of the course of action. "Disons quelques mots de ce voyageur melancolique" (l, gaggggg). um? n“:- "W m... :u‘ -‘. -- v. m n: ‘ u": m...‘ \. y" '1 38 says the narrator, when the words themselves would suffice. In Jean Larcher, upon hearing Suzanne's story of the attack of a ship, Grimer "s'arrgta naturellement e.ce soupcon que nous savons Etre parfaitement fondéz.." (239). Because the narrator assures us that Grimer's suspicions are perfectly cprrect, the possibilities of a mystery plot are destroyed and the story becomes primarily, if not solely, a character study. Emna's narrators are often undesirably super— omniscient. The narrators of Eyma‘s fiction have several other (maracteristics. They attempt to create a certain suspense by rather obvious foreshadowing. Quelle pente de la vie avait conduit Pierre Placide et Louise Saulnier au degre ou nous prenons leurs existences confondues? C'est ce que 1' on apprendra en temps opportun. En attendant, nous les laisserons se donner les noms de pere et de fille. (81, Testament) Ofcmurse, we discover later that Louise is an orphan. Narrators frequently escape demanding situations by a conventional modesty. Il faudrait le crayon de Callot ou la plume de Scarron pour peindre et decrire cet assemblage grotesque et renfrogne, cet amas de laideur, de misere, d'oripeaux, de beauté’fletrie, de dorures usees, d' habits troues, rapiece’s et rapiecetes, de degradation morale et de degradation physique, de salete et de puanteur... (17—18,Flavio) Ifnwdesty provides no exit, a supposed frequency of Presentation does. 51 je voulais decrire les sites, les valléés, les beaux points de vue qui entouraient cette charmante habitation, on me dirait sans doute que cela '3" am, .151 '. u‘ 1:». “- ,1 "5’1 . L"! M ‘l q 39 ressemble‘a toutes les descriptions faites ou‘a faire sur les maisons de campagne de tous les pays; aussi je m'en diSpense.22 Be it for reasons of decorum, artistic weakness, or limitations of Space, the narrator frequently excuses himself from description of conflicts. “On connait assez 1e caractEre de Larcher pour que je n'aie pas besoin de decrire l‘epouvantable scEne qui se passa.“ (249, Larcher) A final characteristic of the Eyma narrator is his tendency to philosophical generalizations based on events in the lives of characters.23 When the hero of Emmanuel realizes that he must sacrifice personal ambitions to support an impoverished mother, the narrator states, C'est encore une des conditions deplorables de la vie, que d'etre frappés souvent au coeur par ceux qui voudraient ne nous couvrir que de tendresses. (60) Or he admonishes, in lines such as, "Imprudente, qui ne savait pas que ce miel de l'amour si doux qu'il soit, lorsqu'il a effleure'le bout des lévres, empoisonne...” (26, Emmanuel) In sum, the Eyma narrator is a jack of all trades. He directs the reader in conclusions to be drawn from actions and events. He indulges in philosophizing, moralizing, 22"Un.Mé'chant Homme," Les Poches g3 mon pgrrain (Paris: E..Maillet, 1863), p. 14. 23Paul Van Tieghcn, in "Le Roman Sentimental en Europe de Richardson‘é Rousseau” (Revue g2 13 Litterature Com arée, april-juin, l94dL lists as characteristic of the sentimental novel this tendency to interrupt recitations with moral reflections. He attributes it to the influence of Marivaux. . ‘ I W ... ;.. ., m. D. 21155 40 and secret revelations. His comments foreshadow events and hint at mysterious relationships. He is both omniscient and omnipresent; even the sparse dialogue of Eyma's fiction is reinforced by the narrator's direction and commentary. Should the narrator fail to present foreshadowings, the physical reactions of characters give the clue to future events and relationships. In L_e 393133 is Flavio, Lord Acton is jealous of Leonora's love, "comme si cette petite bohemienne etait sa propre fille (106); and he "accouru \a son secours avec une inquietude toute paternalle." (124) On the final page of the story we discover, of course, that Lord Acton is indeed Leonora's father. When Sophie Bernard arrives at the home of her pseudo-benefactor she "eut un frisson de terreur au moment oil la voiture s'arr’e‘ta devant une maison. "24 Hence the hand is tipped and the reader knows that trouble is in store for Sophie. Given the narrator and the reactions of characters, the reader never wanders un- guided in Eyma‘s fictional world. In historical fiction, Eyma takes pains to make his historicity abundantly clear. He attests to his accuracy by references within the body of the work itself, or appends footnotes. Eyma devotes the first eight pages of J_.‘.._e 32; QE—‘E Tropigues to consideration of historic conflicts in the Antilles. In the same work he footnotes factual data, such as “ I 24"Sophie Bernard," Les AmOureux g3 l_a_ demoiselle (Paris: E. .Dentu, 1877). p. 193- I, , ‘ a' H " v “ n-» u- . ’”'°= “e: b Ilb. i... . ol‘n. ~VA A hurt” 'c.~:"I~ , tun..,‘."‘ - . "F at... _ ’ s. _ > "."..VA. .A'.-“~QS .. "Jud... L U :Nb 5 ht‘n ‘1‘: no... fiy‘- . ‘ _ VA. : l?!“ ~‘U .— un .‘V. flu ’ .1? 9" .“‘-w( ~:‘c ‘ ‘u...’ ‘ M“‘J‘V v...‘ :‘ ~vn~.-‘ I .'V. Z'JAR‘. ‘ I . t r1 .- n“ . ~ Q A ‘ b.v‘ I \ n.pA 1‘ 5—4 ‘4‘“- . 2::“A, ~ \n ‘:“v. va‘": mv I.” o.-\; 35“: *-~._ ‘ . I . h‘ v q u§3~v:‘ fi;‘ ‘~“ :Fo; 5‘. ‘ “‘h M :‘ “a N I! H. a Q‘:“ ‘s a DI‘E 5“ Nu“ . -§ H‘sr:‘-! H u: . ‘s A 1 \.| hi" u“‘ 2“ ‘5. ‘ 41 / “Seigneurs de la Compagnie des Ailes de l"Amerique...Entre autres personnages influents, le duc de Luynes, le Marquis d'Aligre..." (73). In L_e_ Grand Cor,don e1": La e‘orde Eyma notes, "Tous les noms que nous citons sont historiques." Such indicates Eyma's deep concern with accurate historical rendering of events. His artistry is employed only in the selection of material, and in the cloaking of historical personages in sentimental dress and gestures. But through artistry Eyma creates extremely typical historical fiction. M. G. Devonshire quotes the following from a French critic: "Prenez un amant inconnu, que vous faites arreter .dans un demi—volume, dans les auberges ou les couvents, selon l' epoque; prenez une jeune femme mysterieuse; ayez une vieille sorciere, des evocations, des incendies, des assassinate, des chatelains barde’s de fer, ou des gentilhommes en velours, des tourelles et des clairs de lune; hachez le tout menu en chapitres; melez avec beaucoup de couleur locale, sauce oblige’e, et servez chaud...s‘il est possible. " 25 This summarizes, in outline if not in each detail, Eyma's historical fiction. He was working very much within a particular literary tradition. Eyma's efforts to describe inanimate objects and to create atmosphere should be considered. We have seen that a narrator often withdraws from descriptive duties with modest interjections. But at times he does rise to the occasion and 25Anon” quoted in M. G. Devonshire, The English N_9___vel in France, 1830—1870 (London, 1929), pp. 166— 167 “SCI." ‘UUUOO CA buAHVO' C w ‘A.. 'n L f-. \23, 42 describes interiors and guartiers. The section of Paris in which Adrien lives is typical of Eyma's descriptive tendencies. De haut en bas, les maisons y sont habite’es par des negociants, marchands en gros, fabricants grands et petits, une Babel de travail, d'activite et aussi de langues...les facades dejnaisons, les corniches, les intervalles des croisees, sont couverts de larges ecritaux portant les noms des locataires et 1' indication de leur industrie. Les murs exterieurs semblent faits de bois peint ou de tole bariolee bien plutot que de pierres de taille et de moellons. (3, Mansarde) This description is characterized by a single appeal-—that of the visual. There is no effort to appeal to tactile values; no effort of any strength to create mood or environment evocative of character or action. The descrip- tion of Irane's apartment, in the same story, attempts some reflection of Ir‘ene's personality; yet its failure finds weak compensation in the narrator‘s comment, “dans les moindres de’tails enfin de cette pi‘ece, on sentait la vie de tous les jours, on devinait 1e contact de tous les instants." (85, Mansarde) One has only to think of Balzac's artistic handl- .ing of ‘ setting and description to realize the weakness of EYflla's "telling," rather than "showing, technique. [The weakness of Eyma's descriptions can be attributed in part, perhaps, to his experience with vaudevilles. Often his settings seem designed for the stage rather than for fiction. Take, for example, the following description in Q'Echeveau ge Laine: As» a w A w A v a. C» II A s :- n: A v . a a: I . . ...NIA.» .Itb "v on L. A. a» ..~ Va 0 I. ..- n. LI. «is .>« . a mi u. C. a . .«a 2‘ V» - a: .n . y a 2‘ \ s a C «a .v.. H4 a: a: x .. ~u. a: .«a we. is at e r. 2. . . a: z s y. 1 a a.» n u u u To A y In :5 .lo 9”. ~14 .~ a n. s end a: 3» :a .Q .s s \ . . e .1 \ . x 43 En quelques mots, disons de la disposition de ce salon ce qui est necessaire a 1' intelligence de cette histoire. Dans l‘un des angles, celui de droite, un guéridon chargé'de livres at d' une corbeille entouree par un paravent, une autre table avec tout ce qui est necessaire pour \ ecrire, comme on dit en style de mise en scene. Le guéridon etait placé’dans la partie du salon voisine de l' appartement de la marquise; l‘ autre table dans celle attenante a 1‘ appartemwent de M. de Locle, et tout a fait dans le fond, a cote d‘une grande porte, une croisee qui ouvrait sur la cour de 1’ h6tel. 26 From a critical point of View, the key words in this quotation may be "en style de mise en scene." Indeed, Eyma seems to give only the detail necessary to verisimilitude. His descriptions, much like his characterizations, are general- ized. Abstractions rather than particularities mark his work. It is interesting to note, in this connection, that QNm's work fits rather well into the typical pattern of eighteenth-century melodrama. Four Characters were essential; a tyrant or traitor soiled by all possible vices and bad passions; an unhappy woman with all possible Virtues; mahonest man, protector of the innocent; and a comic figure. The melodramatic style included an abundance of moral maxime and epithets. And novels were strongly influenced by this tradition——witness Ducray-Duminil, Madame de Genlis, and Madame Cottin with "la vertu, si vertueuse Trelle est eanpé'rante."27 Not all of Eyma‘s fiction I 26In Les Deux Manoirs (Paris: Lecrivain et Toubon, 1860) , p. 28. l . 27Paul Ginisty, E2 Melodrame (Paris, n.d.), p, 16. ' I 0 \rfl \t" A. ' :- ‘th‘iv Wivv‘o; “‘“Onv. "vn-o , - .‘Vvv I) b . FA .- u...“ .bc‘u. ‘11 l f. l 'l I g 44 includes a comic figure, but the other characteristics are present, and suggest that not only vaudeville, but also the melodrama played a role in the shaping of his fiction. From situations, structure, characterization and narration a number of themes and motifs emerge. Eyma's greatest thematic concern is with the value of labor, its beauty and redemptive nature. The good man is the working man and, converselygidle hands and minds are the devil's playground. Heroines labor ceaselessly, usually in attic rooms blessed and irradiated by work. In 31.3 Testament I Q'Henri the admirable Paul Perrard “avait devine une gene courageuse dans cet inte’rieur laborieux" of Louise's home. The pale, frail, and diligent Rose is sustained by her work in £3 Mansarde _d_e Rose. The narrator tells us: Le travail, ce sGr consolateur, cet ami de toutes les douleurs, et de toutes les souffrances, n'avait jamais manque’ au rendez—vous que Rose lui \assignait. ’Il n'avait jamais non plus permis ni a l‘oisivete ni au de’soeuvrement de s'asseoir au chevet de la jeune fille; ‘a peine consentait-il ‘a faire au repos la place qui lui appartient au foyer de toute vie. (29) Even in the early Emmanuel (1841) the praises of labor are sung. In the preface we learn that those who “aiment encore l‘art et le travail" (viii) will generously accept the novel. Admirable, virtuous characters respect and accept labor: the unvirtuous and contemptible are idle. Character ( after character succumbs to sloth, and hence degradation. 1 Anatole, the "méchant homme“ of a short story of the same name, succumbs to evil desires in spite of, or because of, I On p "‘ .v s:~::v ll‘nlhi. ‘ ‘vAu . *>vi “Vine.- u. "“ ‘ vi». v FAQ-q A "v. '- o u -"\A. . -, ‘Q..-‘ y ‘;~..‘ I) {D I" (I) I 1 u ‘5 3\ N \ w :I \ as 45 . the leisure which his foster—father has allowed him. In £2 Mansarde gs Rose, Adrian‘s degradation is provoked by a _. i$ retreat from his profession. “Le travail lui est impossible ‘ / maintenant, car 11 est abruti par le desoeuvrement et par l'amour." (165) The evil Abricotine gives the clue to the process of degradation: "Tant qu‘il reste au coeur d'un lwmme l'amour de la famille ou le sentiment d'un devoir de conscience E remplir, il nous echappe toujours. Les _/ A / I .\ . fa1neants, les flaneurs, les desoeuvres, v01la notre pr01e.“ (71) Labor has a redemptive quality; it rehabilitates the A fallen man. Because “ce grand ressort, le gout du travail,“ remains intact in Monsieur Cain, he is able to reassert his Abel-face. Adrien "avait gagné 1e rivage" by a return to regulated and industrious habits. The narrator tells the reader that Pour tout etre humain il y a un refuge a tous les malheurs, a toutes les fautes: 1e travail qui ennoblit toujours et rehabilite souvent les plus dechus. C'est un rude consolateur que celui-la, il est vrai, qui n' epargne pas les souffrances et les douleurs, et qui met le peu aux chairs pour guerir les blessures;-—une sorte de bourru bienfaisant,-~51 j 'osais dire,—-qui donne d'une main et chatie de l‘autre. (121, Mansarde) Labor, then, is a measure of virtue; a necessity to clean living; a tool which rehabilitates the fallen man and sustains the righteous. he narrator of 1:2 was is Bess mmmarizes the attitude toward labor in the whole of Eyma's fiction: n ‘I-. p on" u H:“'.VI at.“ if n: I ‘1; ”v vs :71 "e in e.“ il‘ . n 1.1 t u “A" , . "tfi‘ 'a '~ “.‘?s \V‘b 5" - 3 A. \ ‘Q: ‘~. 46 Tandis que les’gens ’pauvres et condamne’s au travail a perpetuite regrettent, dans leurs heures de lassitude, la ’fortune qui, seule, disent-ils, donne l'independance, les riches prevoyants considerent, au [contraire, 1e travail comme la seule independance et la seule richesse immuable; C'est, ‘en tout cas, disent-ils, une corde excellente a attacher ‘a l'arc fragile de la fortune. (3—4 The good example of another person, and preferably that of a female, is a motif which accompanies that of the beauty of labor. A virtuous, laborious life benefits all who come into contact with it. Thus Rose functions as a source of grace for a Madeleine figure, Ir‘ene; Rose will teach her "l'amour du travail“ and thereby the way to “remonter par la voie qu‘elle a suivie, l'e’chelle du bien...“ (207, Mansarde) Through this same Rose, Adrien is redeemed. "Le Spectacle d'une conscience pure, d'une vie calme, d‘un coeur fort et sur de lui“ (168) prompts Adrien to seek his father's pardon and to return to work. Topaze, of Mademoiselle Topaze, shows ”un insolent me/pris pour tout ce qui n‘est pas eblouissantfl' but when she meets a good and generous man, "la cre’ature de’grade’e se rel‘eve et redevient femme.“ (5‘) or the help of a friend can radically change the direction of a fallen man's life, as in the case of Monsieur Cain. “La bonte/ d‘un seul m'a fait oublier la mechancete’ ou le mauvais Vouloir de tous.‘"(300, gain) This motif points to the importance of environment in the development and reinforcement 0f desirable traits of character. Yet the"‘good example‘I motif is clouded by an at. least apparent confusion of the effects of heredity and _.__..—-.r G" ‘- van- ‘5 gov“. th;*:: e UH‘V‘.“ ~ " A“; G‘ I A" 7‘}. 2 5‘ U ‘bvi‘-" ."IA ‘ u V“‘10:, l a; . 5:. fr- ‘~ ~.. . '9". 1...... : I.:‘) "v 47 environment. In some of Eyma's fiction, environment largely shapes the man; therefore good example is efficacious grace. In other instances a brand of Calvinistic determinism seems prevalent. Predestination and free will are thematic con- cerns, but the rhetoric of Eyma‘s fiction creates a confusion of emphasis and direction. La Mansarde g3 Rose typifies the sort of story in which all action points to environment as the shaper of men; yet rhetoric confuses the issue. Adrien falls in with evil companions in Paris; because of their influence he slips from the straight and narrow and begins a life of frivolity and debauchery. When the good example of Rose becomes operative, not only Adrien but two of his companions are redeemed and return to a well—ordered existence. As bad example was destructive, so good example was salutary; it remained only for Adrien and his friends to respond to the witness of Rose. Yet suddenly we come upon the following: Prenons la route de droite, ou le chemin de gauche, nous devons toujours arriver au but que Dieu nous a marque. Faisons couler les larmes de ceux qui n’ous entourent, torturons leur coeur, brisons leur ame, eteignons leurs eSperances, couvrons leurs jours de luttes inutiles, vaines resistances, cruautes, gratuités, douleurs et larmes dont le remords pese sur soi seul‘ Nous n‘ obtenons rien de plus, rien de moins que le lot qui nous a éte reserve’ par Dieu. (119— 120) Hence the narrator confuses the issue of the story‘s action. Adrien in fact returns to the good life by way of the example of Rose, yet the narrator seems to imply that such was predestined by God rather than freely chosen by Adrien. Other characters fail to rise to the chaiienge of Rose‘s life. q :- ‘ ‘9‘? ..“I‘ A e “I h ’u' “. ‘h 48 Julien, for example, dies a miserable death: though he knew of Rose's virtue, he chose to remain in the company of un- salutary companions. Or did he choose? This the reader is unable to ascertain, for action and rhetoric contradict one another. In some of Eyma's fiction, however, the issue is little confused within single tales, though the heart of the matter, predestination or free will, changes from tale to tale. In Monsieur Cain, for example, the kindness and love of a friend effects a transformation in Cain. Nothing in the story suggests that Cain was predestined to a good end; rather, the narrator wonders if Cain will opt the straight and narrow. The same is true in Le Testament d'geggi Henri is obviously free to continue his frivolous existence ortn respond to an inner urge when, “en’contemplant sa riche bibliotheque...Henri .s ‘etait pris a regretter l‘ usage malsain qu 'il avait fait de son intelligence, de sa jeunesse, de sa fortune...et s ‘apercevait que le neant se faisait autour de lui. " (101) He renounces his slothful ways and sets out upon an industrious, virtuous life. Both of these stories suggest, without equivocation, that man is not predestined, but is free to transcend and transform his environment. Madame Riviére's fortunes, however, are consonant in act and in rhetoric with Calvinistic determinism. No love is capable of releasing Madame RiviEre from the destructive influence of her blood, her heredity. She was formed, it is true, by her environment: the narrator says A. no. '.".1 FISVL: I:'V~‘ u‘.." ‘1 (fl_ A- u "1 VI y! (.) n: 1‘ (l' I 49 "on ne se de’fait jamais absolument des influences de la premi\ere enfance et des exemples que l'on a eus sous les yeux." (63, Gamineries) But she is ultimately and irrevocably determined, in both her acts and the rhetoric of the story, by her heredity, which is transmitted to her daughter, Clotilde. Clotilde married Jacques, and the example he provides should be sufficient to repentance. Yet the narrator asks, Qu' est- -ce que le peche originel,"sinon cette transmission de generation en generation de la marque fatale ou chaque rage se retrouve?\ La malédiction antique qui s 'etendait jusqu' a la septieme géheration du maudit, que signifiait—elle sinon que la responsabilite allait se perpetuant? Non la responsibilite des actes, mais la transmission de l‘ une a 1' autre generation du vice qui a engendre ces actes,..c‘ etait, en effet, le sang de sa mere qui avait parlé'en Clotilde lorsqu‘ elle s ‘était, a premi re vue en quelque sorte, senti un penchant irréflechi pour Jacques. C'était encore le sang de sa mere qui avait parle... (272— 273) It is the good Jacques himself who confirms the narrator's evaluation of Clotilde's case when, following his betrayal, he says, "Oh.’ lache cre’ature.‘ Digne fille de ta mére! Veines impures oh coula un sang maudit.I Ah.‘..." (238) Clotilde is somehow a marked woman, predestined'to evil by her very blood. She is in this respect much like Anatole of z . \ my Mechant Homme, whose “beaux dehors...ses manieres affectueuses et presque seduisantes cachaient l'gme la plus coermpue et la plus noire qu‘il se puisse trouver." (10) Anatole is very much aware of the evil destiny that 'is his to accomplish: Clotilde accomplishes it without foreknowledge, Yet both are predestined. doth “in: MM» C. CD Ev no n‘- h. are . "\l m, 50 The r3le of predestination and free will is significant in this study because of the part which providence plays in Eyma's considerations of Aznerica. In his fiction there is confusion regarding this rsle, both from tale to tale and within individual tales. Actions and rhetoric contradict one another; and one tale cancels another in treatment of this theme. Obviously, however, Eyma was concerned with the r31e of providence in men's lives. Though he failed to clarify or resolve the issue, he thought it worthy of both time and space. Another constant preoccupation of Eyma's fiction is honor, both personal and familial. Its value and beauty are continually emphasized and illustrated. Frederick, in Mademoiselle Topaze, has given the best part of his life to the restitution of his father‘s name. He was resolus alors de m 'expatrier, d'aller en des pays\ lointains chercher fortune. J' etais bien decidé a payer d'abord les dettes de mon pére, puis, apres, je devrais songer Ta moi...Grace a Dieu, a mon intelligence, a mon activite, mon commerce avait assez prospéré pour satisfaire aux exigences des creanciers de mon pere...l' honneur de mon pere m 'etait aussi cher que celui de ma soeur... (43) Honor is of first import even should it conflict with love. In Betzy Murlay, Betzy feels compelled to avenge her father's death though it means she must kill the man she loves. As for the necessity of personal honor: the words of Suzanne in Jean Larcher express precisely the point of View in all of Eyma's fiction. Rescued by the valiant Grimer, Suzanne NJ..- €XC.:...-.a, ' I rue, l 7.. ' ‘ F'rvip- Q .e.“..-0t I Q VA.DA'. ‘h Ik‘b..:.: a‘. ‘A ‘-A 1| U& I. ' ”AI -. en 5 CCA‘ bu‘ : w‘. ‘ .“Ue “P”: b. "v‘ I '2‘“ .5 ""5 _. In. . .nv ‘. C ' s 1 "N. V ‘ “ ‘ Q ‘5” r I“ ‘ v ...“‘ .. ‘ 4'“ . :1": ‘n.‘ - ‘ \~ A ll~“‘: . “‘ . '-:‘ an“ 51 I I exclaims, "Vous m'avez sauve ce que j‘ai de plus precieux au monde, l'honneur.“ (240) This Neo-classical concept of honor is reinforced by a recurring motif, that of an absolute filial devotion. Mothers and fathers-~be they such by blood or adoption——are to be loved, honored, and obeyed at any cost. The hero of the romantic Emmanuel sacrifices happiness because of his familial responsibilities. “La voix du devoir parlait haut en son coeur, elle étouffa celle de la passion...apr\es une lutte cruelle, il partit..." (61) One might mention in pass- ing that he never uttered a word of complaint. Personal honor includes uncomplaining devotion to parentS. All of Eyma's heroines-—and most of them are orphans—— are insanely devoted to their fathers or foster—fathers. sacrifice her dear Lucien to please her benefactor. "Resister aux volontes de mon parrain me parait .chose difficile; lui desobeir serait de ma part un acte d‘ ingratitude dont je ne veux pas me rendre Coupable...j' aime mieux etre malheureuse qu 'ingrate..." (33) And a melodramatic scene in Mademoiselle Topaze presents Marguerite‘s reaction to the news that Bernard is but her foster—father. Marguerite, elle, avait pousse un cri parti de ses entrailles et 3 'etait jetee a genoux, le visage cache dans ses deux mains...--O mon pere, disait— elle, mon pere.I Oh.‘ laisse—moi te donner toujours ce nom-la. ——Chére enfant, répondit Bernard tout attendri, toute la vie, appelle-moi ainsi. (12) Such tableaux are common in Eyma's work. 1"" ‘51. u 7'3" ~-:. rhfl ill“. .‘N‘R‘ "u u s“; in. "u 52 Paternity does have its joys and compensations; it has, in fact, a redemptive quality. The hardest, most corrupt of men is moved to tears, love, and irrepressible joy when his fatherhood is revealed. The paternal r31e brings out the best in a man, and sometimes, I might add, very inconsistently. Sojt is in Le MasQue blag; when the absolutely reprehensible Camarthen, whose life has been nothing but a succession of evil deeds, discovers that Georgina is his daughter. Il attira Georgina sur ses genoux pour couvrir de baisers sa belle tete blonde; et il l' entoura d' un regard qui traduisait toutes les’joies de son ame, toutes les terreurs qu 'il avait eprouvees. (34) Gangina tenderly calls him "pere,“ and dies. In our final viavof Camarthen, he “se coucha sur le plancher, a coté’du cadavre de son enfant, qu'il entoura de ses bras.” (38) Smflxemotion in Camarthen is inconsistent and inexplicable; addently it is inherent in paternity. The same emotion appears in L3 Rgman d2 Flavio when Lord Acton, another evil sort, discovers that Leonora is his daughter. Acton, cet homme qui n 'avait grandi qpe par le sang, dont le spectacle ne 1' avait jamais epouvante~ cet homme qui avait fait tant de victimes, creuse tant de tombes, accumulé tant de deuil, fait couler tant de larmes autour de lui, sans que son front se fut assombri une seule fois, sans que son coeur eut hesite, sans que sa main eut tremble a signer une sentence de mort ou d' exil, —-cet homme qui n 'avait vecu que d' intrigues politiques, bronze,a toutes les douleurs,__ qui n ‘avait ni souri ni pleure depuis vingt ans,—— cet homme s 'abima sur le corps de cette jeune fille- son coeur déborda de paroles de tendresse- sous ses l vres se multipliérent les caresses, et sa voix, en maudissant Lady Hamilton, trouva un accent si vrai, des paroles si energiques, des explosions si passionnees, que celle— —ci 3 ‘enfuit avec epouvante. (245) Such .‘. \ ‘ .» ‘ Mi 53 Such a reSponse cannot be justified in terms of character; it can only be justified on the grounds that, for the narrator, fatherhood includes participation in some sort of mystery. Concern with honor, filial devotion, and paternity invites the conclusion that the family unit, the rSle of the family, is an essential in Eyma's fictional philosophy. Notably, the wayward women in L3 Mansarde ge Rose draw men away from the family in an effort to debase them. Dahlia advises Abricotine that "Il nous faut éloigner de la famille, des amis et .du travail, les hommes que nous voulons dominer; il ne faut pas leur laisser d'autre souci que nous. C'est une maniére de les abrutir. Tant qu'il reste au coeur d'un homme l‘amour de la ,famille ou le sentiment d‘un devoir de conscience a remplir, il nous echappe toujours.“ (71) It is within the family unit that man properly develops and is sustained in virtue. The good life is family life. Second only to filial devotion are the bonds and obligations of friendship and love. Just as one makes sacrifices for father or mother, so one must act toward others. The aged Pierre Placide labored a lifetime to restore the fortune and name of his friend, Saulnier. By so doing he was able to "servir a la fille de Saulnier pour I ' \ rehauliter la mémoire de son pere." (167, Testament) Even the basically evil are sometimes able to rise to the call of love, as does Betzy Riviere. Rather than tarnish Romule .y‘ _vl‘ar v-1... r53! 54 28 Vernon by marrying him, she renounces him. She was unable to consentir a faire le malheur d' un homme que je crois aimer, que 'e suis sur d'aimer et que 3' estime‘a coup sur. Non! je ne serai pas la } femme de celui—lb. Je souffrirai de ce sacrifice; mais s'il doit y avoir une victime, que ce soit moi et non lui. (77, Gamineries) The effects of evil passions weave a motif beneath each of Eyma's themes. Of Special concern are avarice and I jealousy. The whole of Les Amoureux fig la demoiselle turns upon the jealousy of Isidore Sirugue. He is so distraught by jealous passion for his foster—daughter, Bastienne, that les vetanents en desordre, les traits boulverses, le visage meconnaissable, semblait une bets fauve. L'écume montait a ses levres, tout son corps fremissait, ses yeux roulaient dans leur orbitey il n' y avait plus rien d'un homme en lui. (75) The effects of avarice are no less dramatic. When money bamme the god of the once—generous Henry Paddly, he was transformed. The narrator tells us, On a souvent observe combien le coeur de l'homme Se modifie dans la transition lente de la pauvrete a la richesse- tandis qu ‘il reste intact, avec Lous ses vices ou toutes ses qualites, quand l' homme franchit, subitement et d' un bond, 1' abime qui separe l' extreme misére de l'extreme fortune. Dans le premier cas on se :Eigure oarfois oue c' est, peut— —etre, uh exces de vertu\oui emoEChe le bien— etre d'arriver; en sorte qu' a mesure cue ce bien— etre se fait sentir, on est plus diapose a rompre avec ses instincts les meilleurs. ouAbien les douleurs de la pauvreté aigrissent l'ame et la rendent malade; alors l'aisance progressive est un baume qui soulage, jour 28See Van Tieghcm, “Le ROman Sentimental." Such renunciation was common to the sentimental heroine and reflects, again, the influence of MarivaUX. 55 par jour, et calme l'irritation des plaies du coeur. La fortune subite, au contraire, ne laisse pas au coeur le temps de se modifier: arme tout a coup de ce levier puissant, 11 8' en sert avec tous les instincts bons ou mauvais que la nature lui a donnés. (132- 133) Under the influence of Eros, bestiality rules a man. The excessively crude Larcher addresses Suzanne in the familiar "tug" in his evil passion he ravishes her and murders her father. And his evil nature is betrayed in his appearance. Larcher, s 'enveloppa alors dans une large casaque de marin, de facon a se cacher le visage presque en entier: et au moment on son canot effleura l' autre, il poussa une sorte de rugissement en voyant Suzanne se rapprocher de Grimer et serrer ses deux bras comme pour implorer sa protection...Le corsaire avait ressenti un mouvement indicible de rage’et de Jalousie, et sa main avait meme caresse un de ses pistolets. (235-236, Larcher) In fact, any excessive venting of passion marks not only the soul, but also the body. Julien Duthil's face evidenced les ravages profonde...Rides precoces, paleur de nu ts sans sommeil et des journees agitees, tempes de uillees deja par les doigts envieux de la debauche, front triste et sombre, levres sans sourire, yeux sans larmes, regards sans lumieres. Le pauvre homme fut comme aneanti. (61— 62, Mansarde) The price of unruly passions and an irregular life is high. A revenge motif, often stemming from unrequited love, appears in Eyma's historical fiction. Blanche, of as Grand Cordon es la corde, is so infuriated by Renaud d'Est‘s betrayal of her love that she reveals him as an imposter and / shouts, “Ah: je suis bien vengee£'“ as Renaud is hanged. Just as filanche's love was overpowering, so was her thirst for revenge. A great capacity for good may indicate a great ‘Iln ...v . A l p o.“ .A~ ’v. I"v- V..‘ r" I (I) 56 capacity for evil: one's ability to love is a measure of one's ability to hate. Especially relevant to this study, and of great import in Eyma's historical fiction, is obvious admiration for the patriotic man. Devotion to one's country equals, or perhaps even supersedes, devotion to family. Henri d‘Autanne, the hero of Le Gaoulé: loves his native Martinique and would sacrifice for it “ma liberté: ma vie, “29 Flavio, hero of Eyma's toutes mes joies de ce monde. only historical novel, Lg ggmag_g§ Flavio, sacrifices all for Naples. Un secret commandement 1e pousse en avant: il obeit,’jouant sa vie, sa fortune, sa liberté: sa renommee, ignorant si c'est 1e pilori ou le char triomphal qui l'attend. (ii) In 9g 32; deg Trgpigues the narrator divides the settlers of the New world into four classes, and insists that even among the fourth class, that of the founders of colonies, a proud satisfaction with the addition of one more flower to the crown of their country was mingled with their personal interests and ambitions. Patriotism is subordinated to no other sentiment in the motivation of worthy characters. Themes, motifs, and sentiments, then, blend in a system of values made obvious by the unmistakable demarcation of good and evil characters: by the guiding, eXplicit rhetoric of narrators who condemn, praise, and exhort at will. 29.Aventuriers gt Corsaires (Paris: Midhel Levy, 1861), ..a Van. : fiv- Hang: AQ1 Ju '9'» a“; .Vhb“ 'r- p. .J y; 1. :hl ‘u‘ I m- UA- , l 1 .... 3. .T. ..i c.» _ . me. i. m 1 km S T. ..t. T. .1. w. . . IS 21.. F I C .l .7. 3 . Q :“ s b \q . V‘ § -5 Rd V‘ «A H *‘ t =~ aw ~D Au \ u a.» Q» L h 5..» ~\w l 4.‘ t A v .a . Cu an. L... n u L .. «Q s: I. Q» he 8 «Q vs ’5 :5 5 and V» #L »s .3 ~: r ..‘s e E n» e .. a A: r N r. at Lt A» n u .9» A: it nu .. a A: 1»... IN . .. q a: p»? r a: “unv- ir‘. Iu a: .1 5V FM as I: ‘uu .‘s NV .3! {s 57 The virtuous individual - and by extension, the good society — is, above all, industrious. Labor is a positive good, a redeeming grace which spurs others toward salvation. The virtuous individual is concerned with both personal and familial honor, and preserves them at all costs. He loves, honors, and obeys his parents and benefactors. Heredity, environment, and providence play roles in his life, but he uses them wisely. The virtuous individual places the glory and honor of his country before personal ambition. Love, generosity, unselfishness, honor, patriotism, and diligence are the mainstays of his system of values. Though the narrators and authors of fiction are not necessarily identical, and the values expressed by the one are not necessarily those of the other, I am convinced that, in Eyma's case, thematic concerns and values were also those of the man. From a critical standpoint, Eyma's fiction is neither sufficiently artistic nor sophisticated to warrant the attribution of stated and implied values to the narrator‘s consciousness or to creative experimentation. Eyma's characterization and handling of point of view are largely stock: his pure and historical fiction betray an overriding Concern with the didacticism, as opposed to the artistry, of his work. Also, Eyma stated directly. in pre— faces to his fiction, that pleasure and delight are secondary to instruction in the evaluation of art. In the preface to 3% he wrote: ...i....__ .g_ - -m—n m D. C .3 5 5 S 1. LL I. .C ... .: C Y. .i . . I ‘ i ‘Y. E 5 S . \J] h. ‘H . n. N, ‘w ‘4. ‘. l‘ i, ‘i 58 ...a notre epoque surtout, le roman qui a envahi a pen prés toute la litterature, a pris un role nouveau, important; 11 n' a pas recule’ devant les E plus graves questions, 11 a tout aborde, ce qui 1 constitue sa puissance. L' histoire lui a demande ‘ d'etre l‘ interprets de ses grands drames, et 11 s 'est admirablement preté'a ce r81e- la philosophie i s 'est accouplee a lui, et tant bien que mal a, par son intermediare, repandu sur le monde ses hautes legons- la religion est descendu sur son aile par tous les degres de la passion humaine pour sanctifier toutes les emotions, toutes les actions de la vie: la politique en a fait une tribune, un foyer pour ses théories, et 1' a allume de la flamme ardente de ses systemes; la science elle-meme a depose dans son sein quelques unes de ses discussipns les plus arides- les Questions sociales ont essaye avec son aide de regenerer l' humanité' Toute forme litteraire peut servir a la propagation d'une ide’ey... de tous les genres, c 'est celui (le roman) qui aborde le plus franchement le coeur par ses cotés les plus sensibles. (xviii) In the same preface he praises the novel because “On en peut tirer de belles lecons." (viii) And it is the instructive— ness of the novelists of his day that Eyma found praiseworthy. "Les romanciers de nos jours qui dominent leur siecle, ont une valeur incontestable parce que leurs livres representent des systbmes, discutent des theories, instruisent‘pu sement des germes de revolution dans la societe." (xviii) Obviously the novel was, to Eyma, not an end in itself but a tool to be used in the service of science, philosophy, society, religion, or any discipline which could more readily benefit mankind if cloaked in pleasing literary form. Not literature, but the ideas and values it contains are of first importance. In the other arts, also, the same “beau ideal" should rule. Reacting against Realism, Eyma wrote regarding Eugene Delacroix: ?~~.l m_: 59 . / . l . Selon nous ce n est pas de551ner que reproduire le plus exactement possible une laideur quelconque; la parfaite imitation d'un torse plein d'anfractuosites, d'un ventre difforme et de deuxvjambes cagneuses, ne constitue pas le dessin a nos yeux. Un peu plus ou un peu moins / A d‘ irregularite dans le trait n' empeche pas que vous ayez fait un monstre. 30 It is the responsibility of art and the artist to show virtue as pleasing, vice as abhorent. Given this concept of art, it is reasonable to claim that the valuable and good in Eyma's fiction are the valuable and good in his world view. The artistry, themes, and implied values of Eyma's fiction illuminate Eyma the individual, the artist, and the participant in the French literary tradition. If one accepts the probable identification of the narrator with the author, Eyma's values come into focus. He was a man con- cerned with integrity and rectitude in all areas of life. Labor is to be esteemed; abnegation, self—sacrifice, and devotion to others and to worthy causes are keys to character; religion should be encouraged and respected: the family is a positive good on both an individual and. societal level; patriotism is both admirable and commendable. All things, art included, are to be used in the service of mankind, in the formation of better individuals. For Eyma believed that mankind was moving forward, toward what might be called an omega point. He wrote in his Introduction ta une politigue 30L. X. Eyma and Arthur de Lucy, Ecrivains _e___t artistes vivants, fran ais et W (Paris: Bureau ‘39 journal “Outre-Mer," 18405 P. 18- ll l_— CEDEIi ‘1 ”w 60 ’ ’ u - I - - generale: Aujourd hui, convaincus, comme nous 1e sommes, de la perfectibilite’ humaine. . . " 31 His fiction would be a tool in the advancement of mankind, for it indicates the qualities and concerns of the responsible and virtuous individual. It is expressive, in all of its elements, of a conservative, bourgeois estimate of life, pivoting on what have come to be considered the bourgeois virtues of stability and order. But it is spiced with Neo-classical tradition through emphasis on honor, courage, and strength of passion in proud and noble individuals--who, in Eyma's France, belonged to the middle class. Artistically, Eyma is but a minor writer. His ultimate concern was instruction rather than art, and often art is distorted if not forgotten in the service of utilitarian values. Characters are stock because the good man dogs shed tears, and gags sacrifice all for an ideal, and Qgeg evidence virtue at every turn and in every gesture. Moreover, the stock character is inoffensive to the common man, and therefore capable of inspiring and instructing by his good example. The narrator obtrudes himself in an awkward and unnecessary manner because the moral must be obvious, the lesson must be clear. For such is the end of fiction. Description is sparse because character and values, rather than pleasure and artistry, are Eyma‘s major concern. 3lParisz Percepied, 1842, p. 31. Bathe not: 1854; mi :rad: my in u [41: ‘ ~1854: the novel of the 1850's fancies itself a teacher, a 61 And Eyma was far from alone in his didactic preoccupations. Rather, such was characteristic of the period in which he ! wrote. As Cuvillier-Fleury commented in an essay written in replacement for the people's almanack.32 Eyma's method can be attributed in part to the trafition in which he was saturated and in which he parti- cipated in a minor, and eclectic, fashion. The bloody street scenes in such as Lg Began g2 Flavio are related to the Gothic novel. Notice the following: Moraiim ne parlait plus, les paroles ne passaient pas a travers ses dents, serrees comme des tenailles: il poussait seulement des sons gutturaux et inintelligibles; ses yeux caves, vitreux, immobiles, etaient fixes sur Zanzibar qui y lisait, face contre face comme il etait avec ce moribond, une\joie infernale...Chaque fois qu' il parvenaita se soulever, il (Zanzibar) emportait avec lui ce corps pesant qui, a son tour, 1' entrainait...Dans la chute qui suivit,1es bras du bohemien s 'ecarterent d'eux-memes et abandonnerent Zanzibar, qui poussa un cri de douleur, car chacun des ongles du cadavre, au moment ou ses doigts lacherent leur proie, avait emporte un lambeau de la chair du malheureux jocrisse. (234—236) Such a tableau would not have existed prior to the like of Anne Radcliffe and Monk Lewis, or Victor Huge's Notre Dame Qg Paris; it stems from the tradition of gothic horror. All of Eyma's historical works participate in the French historical novel vogue given such impetus by Sir walter Scott. Eyma knew of Scott's work and praises it, in 32Cuvillier—Fleury, "Le Roman Francais en 1851, Etudes Historigues et Litteraires, I (Paris, 1854), 259: ~293. 62 the preface to Emmanuel, as the renovator of the novel tradition in France. And surely Eyma had read Hugo and other French historical novelists-~a man of such wide reading could hardly fail to be acquainted with their work. Nor did Eyma escape Romanticism, but utilized the sensitive, melancholy, brooding, intIOSpective, persecuted hero for his own ends. Emmanuel, in fact, contains an epigram drawn from Chateaubriand: “Une grande‘gme doit contenir plus de douleurs qu‘une petite.“' Emmanuel is another Rene} he is almost pure Chateaubriandg' ”il aimait a causer de ses infortunes: ce n'était pourtant jamais sans verser l'abondantes larmes.“ (6) And the circumstances under which Emmanuel and Marguerite fall in love are pure adaptation from the £321,§E Virginie of Bernardin de Saint-Pierre. Their love developed in childhood games and friendly carresses: friendship was replaced by a new sentiment: “ ”de ce jour Marguerite devint pour lui un objet .de culte et de reSpect: plus que jamais i} affectait de l'appeler ma soeur, et c'est a peine s'il osait encore deposer un bien timide baiser ur 1e front que la jeune fille tendait ses levres brfilantes.“ (12) The rest is familiar to the reader of Bernardin de Saint- Pierre. The sentimental tradition is obvious at every turn. We have already observed its operation in characterization. Orphans, piety, tears, fainting, blushing, and modesty in characters are imports from England and Richardson, gig Maltlxraux and Préyost. It is evident, too, in the attention Giver, to death and graveyard scenes, as when Emmanuel tends the V lhv ‘ em +x bu . . u‘f' mun nu CL.“ C .3... 6“ “A Q,“ w.S KRIS at . .un .1 ”V; t?» o _. . Qu . . a. T. a; .n u A: 2‘ a: c u . 2. C» a t A 1U t v -.\ ‘hu. Fun .\I§ 13 loVe Y . 1 E 63 the tree by his mother's grave and embraces two roses, call- ing them “Mon pEre et ma mere:“ or when he selects three un- Opened buds and calls them “Mon frEre et mes soeurs,“ (131) It is again evident in the Seduction scene of Jean Larcher, and in the vows of the widow Catherine at her husband's grave. (Catherine) In fact, the sentimental tradition is omnipresent in Eyma's fiction. We have already noted Eyma's participation in the bourgeois novel tradition; the emphasis on labor and stability, on utilitarian values, on the middle and working classes. Eyma's characters are drawn from common life. (Indeed, from where else could characters come in the France of the 1850's?) This bourgeois direction is mitigated to some degree, however, by a final element which appears in Eyma's fiction. The concern shown honor, courage, and individual integrity: the strength of passion evidenced in some characters suggests a Nee-classical conception of life and man. It ignores purely utilitarian ends. Man is noble in his love and rage: he is the proud center of the universe, and unwilling to debase or subordinate himself to anything less noble than himself. Nee-classical elements reside in every Eyma Character who places honor and personal integrity above all else. Eyma is best classified, it would seem, by the term "ecl ectic." For gathered into his fiction are bits and pieces olithe entire French literary tradition. His work is somewhat Ne°“<=lassical, somewhat romantic: and bourgeois, sentimental, 64 gothic, and historical at one and the same time. The presence of all of these elements suggests the possibility that Eyma's work was at least modestly popular. In the early nineteenth century, French readers were captivated by the school of terror; the historical romance, whose reign began about 1820 in France with the works of Scott; novels whose stories were enacted upon American soil, and others. Fielding and Richardson, Sterne and Miss Burney found new translators at this time, and each of these writers employed the conventions, techniques. and matter used also by Eyma. The French thirst for these writers indicates that Eyma may have helped satisfy that thirst. For he appeals to the same ideals and sentiments as do these Englishmen who were obviously in demand. On this basis alone--and others will later be discussed--one can surmise that Eyma's fiction found a considerable Iudience. 1 l :3 ind .un \ 1.” L“ in .un .3! via ‘1‘ A\ . . .3» M -n\ .i ‘ i: 'l t . t _l L CHAPTER III THE AMERICAN TALES L. Xavier Eyma published, between 1853 and 1863, five tales with American settings. "Lora Cameron“ and "Dolly Geerts“ appeared in 1853 in a volume entitled Les . ' 1 II I ll Femmes g3 Nouveau-Monde. Bonaventure Thevenard was published in 1860 in 2g Trans Q'Argent.2 Both ”L'Epopée de ' A Betzy et d'un village” and “L'Aventure des Cinq-Chenes" are included in a collection of tales entitled Les Poches gg mon parrain, published in 1863.3 Structurally and thematically, each of these tales is much like Eyma's general fiction. The American setting, however, is eSpecially significant. Its function, the nature of its rale, is seemingly related to the date of publication of each tale. Time, perSpective, and experience altered Eyma's fictional handling, and perhaps aDLouis Xavier Eyma, Egg Femmes 92 NouveausMonde (Paris: Giraud, 1853). This volume saw twp other editions (Paris: Giraud, 1860: and Paris: Michel Levy, 1861). Both tales appeared again in Egg Poches gggggg parrain (Paris: E. Maillet, 1863). "Dolly Geerts‘l was published serially, under the title of “Catherine et William,“ in §}Illustration, XXVI (September 8, 1855), 174-175: XXVI (September 15, 1855), 190491: XXVI (September 22, 1855), 206. Hereafter, works Cited are those of Eyma unless otherwise indicated. 2Paris: Michel Léyy. 3Paris: E. Maillet. 65 visii ..‘t 1 a‘.» . £216 tar . w‘ u I My 1., , .t 66 vision, of the United States. The earlier tales, published after but one visit to the United States (1848-1849), use America only incidentally. In the later tales, published ‘ after a second visit to the United States (1858-1859), the ‘ American setting is essential to characterization and plot; nationality bears weight on the entire tale. The depth of Eyma's American experience, then, influenced his treatment of America. Moreover, the distance between Eyma‘s actual experience and the creation of the tales affected the emphasis placed on America. According to the Bibliographie _dg l_a_ France (g Journal Ge’ne’ral _d_e_ l'Imprimgrre _d_g l_a_ gm), ”Bonaventure The’venard" was released on May 19, 1860, a year or less after Eyma's return from America. America's r8le in the tale is relatively incidental. ”L'Epope’e de Betzy et d'un village," however, was published four years following Eyma's secondlAmerican experience: here the United States receives considerable emphasis. The perspective and reflec- tion, allowed: by the passage of time,seemingly contributed to the function of the American setting. There is, then, a possible relationship between the quantity of Eyma's American experience, the quality encouraged by perspective and reflection, and the rele of America in Eyma's fiction. In any case, the setting, because American, creates an image Of America. Implicit and explicit commentary on the New World inheres in the setting itself, if only because Characters and attitudes are dramatized in this world. 11, re statiw 1 rats 67 Given the French vogue for works set on American soil, readers were possibly attracted to these tales because of the setting itself.4 The reader may have been particularly attentive to the American, as opposed to the sentimental, elements of the tales; sensitive to both explications and implications. His reading may have altered or formed his image of the United States. Because of the American setting, rhetoric and characterization gain an added dimension - that of American image - makers in the French mind. And the general image which one nation forms of another is, after all, but a composite of those formed by individuals. "Bonaventure The’venard“ is set in Annapolis, Maryland, in 1765., The tale fills only nineteen pages; the plot is relatively simple. The/venard, an adventurer, and Orrin, the fiance’ of Alice, sail into Annapolis on The’venard's beloved ship, the Greenland. Once docked, complications develop; Orrin and The/venard become involved in street fighting issuing from a Catholic—Protestant conflict. Orrin makes his way to the home of Alice, asking her to flee Annapolis with him. Following a stop at a cabin on Carrol Rock, the three-— I Thevenard, Alice, and Orrin——make their way to the Groenland, now under attack. They set sail, only to be chased by an English corvette which ultimately sinks the Greenland. 4S eM. G. Devonshire, _T___he English Novel in France, 12310432198 (London, 1929), pp. 85- —§6. “" ,5. a» a .v e v .. ...Uy lax w.“ mm V .w ~\ ~ . 3 ;\ 68 Un long hurrah retentit B bord du batiment de 5. M. Trois fois 1e pavilion fut hissé’et abaisse: et, ‘3 travers l' epaisse fumée qui assombrissait 1' air, 1a corvette regagna le large.5 The characters of the tale are typical of Eyma's I fiction. Thevenard, the captain of the Groénland, was un homme de quarante ans environ: ses traits etaient éhergiques, mais nullement desagreables. 11 y avait, au contraire, dans ses yeux une ‘ certaine douceur sympathique, et ce n 'etait guere que sur le coin de ses lévres pales et epaisses qu' un observateur subtil eut decouvert certain pli qui semblait renfermer tout le secret de la magique puissance qu 'il exer ait sur son equipage. Il portai§,une simple casaque de matelot, et aucun signe exterieur ne revelait son grade. (248) Pie: is a gentle, but forceful, leader: a man who commands great respect though simple in dress and demeanor. He is a1=Dove all else, however, an adventuresome pirate. "Que la queue du diable m'etrangle d'avoir quitté' mes vergues et mon pont pour venir me battre dans les rues contre ces chiens de protestants: Je suis Catholique, c'est vrai: mais je suis pirate avant tout.” (285) zirid in "good sailor“ fashion, Théyenard is as passionately E3~“t-1tached to his ship as another man might be to a woman or I"lis child. "Ce batiment, c' est mon enfant, c 'est mon ami: c 'est tout ce que je possede de plus precieux sur la terre et sur l'Ocean....Théyenard et le Groénland3" (290-291) . . ’ Crlle narrator forces the reader to accept Thevenard's ‘3Plaracter on faith; we are told about, rather than shown, \ I 5In E3 Trshe Q'Argent (Paris: Michel Levy, 1860), 39" 296. Hereafter, pages are cited in parentheses following c-n-1»<>1.".a.tions, and refer to the work discussed. love. A Wide: "- Rim 0: MM flight i, 69 I this character, with one exception: Thevenard's sentimental nature is evidenced by his treatment of Orrin before the Groénland sinks. ."Théyenard serra affectueusement la main d'Orrin. Ce dernier ouvrit ses bras; 1e vieux capitaine s'y precipita en pleurant." (294-295) A young,man, Orrin, accompanies Théyenard. We are told (once again) that Orrin is the son of a rich business- man. He believes, evidently, that religious conviction demands action; infuriated by Catholic passivity in the face of Protestant threats, he throws himself with gusto into the resultant street fighting. Finally, Orrin is a young man in love. And true to the characteristics of the Eyma hero, he considers himself last and his lady first; he prefers the stigma of cowardice to that of ungentlemanliness. When the Groénland is under English attack, Orrin asks Thevenard if flight isn't possible. “Ce n'est pas pour moi que je te demande cela, reprit le jeune homme, en essuyant deux larmes qui roulErent sur ses joues..." (294) His concern is for Alice, who is on board. And the "deux larmes“ betray Orrin's tender and typically sentimental heart,‘ Tears, idle tears, are no threat to masculinity. Only a glimpse of the heroine, Alice, is permitted the reader. No physical description of her is given, but from her reaction to danger we might guess that she is blond, blue-eyed, pale, fragile, and humble. For sentimental heroines generally are, and Alice's reactions are typical of the sentimental heroine. When asked to flee with Orrin, I la jeme fille f1 ‘ ' lanes, 5'11th aurait eu, dans 1' frappe’e,1apreuv sans homes. (28 M non arrival at t l I _ I . me, epmsee de fat). , 1acabane.‘ (288) Re Mahility to faint fhereader is well ab . , ~ ' . 'Bonaventure tale, pivoting on one three Characters from as the Catholic-Prote M included only in tileunwimis in the s Helerely sketched: me narrator avoids p Mme central incid devotiom that of T1: forums. Both of t tenacity, and selfle: 3°“! hand the suprc 5MP: Orrin, on the t1Gluta’cively, for h The implica Special interest: f filamentary on the Un indicate a colonial 70 La jeune fille fixa sur}lui un regard rempli de larmes. S'il eut dpute de son amour, Orrin auraigreu, dans l' epouvante dont Alice etait frappee, la preuve irrecusable d'un attachement sans bornes. (286— 287) And upon arrival at the cabin on Carrol Rock, Alice, "pale, emue, épuisée de fatigues, s'était evanouie en entrant dans la cabane." (288) Her singular fragility, love for Orrin, and ability to faint mark Alice as a sentimental figure. The reader is well able to fill in the details. "Bonaventure Thevenard" is a well—structured, unified tale, pivoting on one central incident: the escape of the three characters from Annapolis. Peripheral materials, such as the Catholic-Protestant conflict, are held to a minimum and included only in support of the central incident. The tale unwinds in the space of one evening. The characters are merely sketched; only relevant information is given. The narrator aVOids philosophizing and unnecessary asides. And the central incident dramatizes two sorts of love and dewfidon: that of Thevenard for his ship, and that of Orrin for Alice. Both of these loves are characterized by courage, tenacity, and selflessness, all highly valued in Eyma's canon. Both demand the supreme sacrifice: Thevenard dies for his Ship: Orrin, on the ship because of Alice, thus dies, figuratively, for her. The implications of the peripheral material are of Special interest; from the periphery emerges implicit commentary on the United States. First. Théyenard's actions indicate a colonial American attitude toward the British and aintish attitude tow religious conflict in tiisherican dalestit In 'Bonaventu: , aware of The’venard's I imugi his nature is 1 Mindy American a1 iefailed to exchange with an Bngli sh ship ‘ statelent functions 1 Elf, irony is present ultimately sinks the illmtantiy, however, Universal American at Wish colonial rule evidence of their dis athitutie toward the 3 Prior to the Declarat 3ritish corvettes hac' iiIguana-ti, we realize \ reiifiiiietily harassed 1 its suggestion of gl Elitish ship when th iipression. In such \ herica and England Moving now i hWine evident. No 71 a British attitude toward the colonists. Secondly, the religious conflict in Annapolis suggests the intensity of this American domestic problem. In "Bonaventure The/venard“ we are made immediately aware of The’venard’s nationalityzt he is an Arnerican Seaman. Though his nature is not peculiarly American, he expresses a peculiarly American attitude. It is shameful, he feels, that he failed to exchange a few "politesses" - e.g., cannon balls - with an English ship within range of his cannons. This statement functions in a dual manner. Within the story it- self, irony is present if this English ship and that which ultimately sinks the Groenland are one and the same. More importantly, however, The’venard's statement implies a universal American attitude toward the British: at odds with English colonial rule, Americans wished to give every possible evidence of their discontent. Conversely, the British attitude toward the American colonists in 1765—-eleven years prior to the Declaration of Independence-—emerges. Because British corvettes had more than once given chase to The’venard, we realize that the British insistently and repeatedly harassed the colonists. The ”long hurrah, " with its suggestion of gleeful conquest, which rings out from the British ship when the Greenland sinks, reinforces this impression. In such manner the tension which existed between America and England is portrayed. Moving now into Annapolis, Arnerican domestic problems become evident. No gentle debate, this, the Catholic-Protestant k‘ conflict in Miami! hthoiiques.‘ He 1ndi ofCathoiics, that ov expulsion from Haryl French reader, a cert cause of the inherent on which Maryland or against Catholics. M thephrase 'chiens de Wing of the cabin ”mm give a clear "11910115 conflict. 1has created. 72 conflict in Maryland.I In the streets Orrin hears "Mort aux Catholiques.“ He indicates, through comment on the‘silence of Catholics, that overt objection to Protestant rule meant expulsion from Maryland. For the historically-informed French reader, a certain irony is implicit here, also, be- cause of the inherent contradiction between the principles upon which Maryland was founded and the action of Protestants against Catholics. Moreover, the street fighting, the use of the phrase "chiens de protestants” by The’venard, and the burning of the cabin on carrol Rock in the course of the conflict give a clear View of the great intensity of this religious conflict. Eyma created,within nineteen pages, not only a sentimental tale, but a fairly strong image of the domestic and foreign problems of the United States in 1765. He dramatized the tensions between England and her colonists, and their attitudes toward one another; and he indicated the intensity of the religious conflict in Annapolis. In terms of image-making, this is no mean accomplishment in such brief Space. The whole of "Lora Cameron” is contained, in germ, in a phrase early in the‘tale. “Si liun de nous mourait, Lora, tu devrais vivre pour consoler l'autre." (184) The setting of the tale is Barrington, Massachusetts; the time: 1786. Lora, Harry, and Francis, the three main characters, are devoted childhood friends. Upon reaching maturity, Francis becomes a successful lawyer: Harry manages his family‘s farm, E's“: ntistanding severe f betrothed to Harry. develop on three lev attentions to Francis irancis' financial su Placed in profession Of the tale, Harry, insurgents of Shay's Mural ally of the l lands and Harry‘ 5 f 1”“ is. of course, i 13.11: essence, a del m“ Shay: Francis Iora intervenes in be Militia moment, Harr Windy clouded by im- Throwing himse receives the death bu “my posa 1m reg Psancis, fit un c‘ levres angles, at “he pardle de p11 3nd so the tale ends, Qildhood wish will i ”that. namely, Franc: The three ma: sellt‘unental variety. “he enfant nerve: bruns transhaien' peau d'une admir 73 withstanding severe financial difficulties; and Lora is betrothed to Harry. Tensions between Harry and Francis develop on three levels: First, Harry is jealous of Lora‘s attentions to Francis. Secondly, Harry is jealous of Francis‘ financial success. Thirdly, Harry and Francis are placed in professional opposition by the historical context of the tale. Harry, a farmer, is a natural ally of the insurgents of Shay‘s Rebellion; Francis, a lawyer, is a natural ally of the law which attempts to quell the Rebellion. Francis and Harry‘s friendship becomes extremely tenuous, and Lora is, of course, inextricably involved. “Lora Cameron" is, in essence, a delineation of these conflicts. Harry V joins Shay; Francis is taken prisoner by the rebels; and Lora intervenes in behalf of Francis' life. In a final dramatic moment, Harry's essential love for Francis, though previously clouded by the passion of jealousy, comes to the fore. Throwing himself in front of his friend, Harry receives the death bullet intended for Francis. Harry posa un regard éteint sur Lora, puis sur Francis, fit un dernier effort pour ouvrir ses levres pales, et expira sans avoir pu articuler une pardle de plus: (200) And so the tale ends, leaving the reader assured that Harry‘s duldhood wish will be fulfilled; Lora will now console the other , namely , Franci s. The three main characters are, once again, of the sentimental variety. Lora is an orphan, une enfant merveilleusement belle; ses sourcils bruns transhaient d'une fagon charmante sur sa Peau d'une admirable blancheur; son teint, chose rare chez les f ‘ colon: ajoutez a poetique et une hordes fines sur caresses dn solei nether Lora' s colori 'fones de ce pays, " vars more or less ‘ thates it may, her e betray the stock hero The narrator reader's concept of 1. Mod incident which 1 Sorry Shoots a lark, acmotions of cruelt this sensitivity, Lor Ofthan were shot. L 139i”! from rock to h“anxiously grippi meddle, sensitive, PM be certain that glle[Went revels ‘a He ”heme, et en mane ”afoot.“ (194) Unabl Ces petits incide de notre hi stoire oonna‘itre. I15 1 caracteres et 3 1 chacun d'eux. (3 he suspects the her: finition writing! 74 rare chez les femmes de ce pays, etait legerement colore; ajoutez a cela des yeux du bleu le plus poetique et une chevelure noire qui ruisselait en boucles fines sur un cou un peu ombre par les caresses du soleil. (180) Whether Lora‘s coloring, distinguished from that of other “femmes de ce pays," indicates that Eyma found Arnerican women more or less pale than Lora cannot be ascertained. Be that as it may, her eyes, long hair, and admirably white skin betray the stock heroine. The narrator attempts to form and solidify the reader's concept of Lora's character by recounting a child— hood incident which is reminiscent of Cooper's Deerslayer. Harry shoots a lark, thus provoking Lora's tears and accusations of cruelty against the boys. When teased for this sensitivity, Lora claims that she would cry if either of them were shot. Later that same day, Lora slips when leaping from rock to rock across a river, but saves herself by tenaciously gripping the rocks. In other words, ‘Lora is energetic, sensitive, and courageous. But the Eyma narrator must be certain that this is evident, and comments: "Get ’ ’ I I s x . evenement revela a Harry et a Francis 1e sang—frOid, l‘énergie, et en meme temps la hardiesse resolus de cette enfant," (194) Unable to conclude there, he continues: Ces petits incidents de la jeunesse des trois heros de notre hi stoire etaient importants a faire conna'ftre. Ils nous ont aide a dessiner leurs caracteres at e faire pressentir 1e role a venir de chacun d' eux. (184) One suSpects the narrator of offering here a brief course in fiction writi ng.‘ The physical med, But the fin success of the latter jealousy mtif whith, Barry's proud nature suggestion that he ho is his reply. His 1 his motivation by pri fins que non absence aveclui!" (191) Bar 5 for Franci iCtlons. A sensitiv and hides his love f his friend. Aware of secretly pays Harry' s tiilsions between hims bisunselflsh friends h“confidence in Fra laidflarry's debts, c thelmet. gette sommation C evideute: 1e j 61 de se debarrasse: d'obstacle 3 la 1 Home a common Eyma « 0‘ jealousy, is woven if character. Franc: fillen victim to jea' 75 The physical appearance of Harry and Francis is ignored. But the financial failure of the former and the success of the latter is emphasized, establishing the jealousy motif which, in turn, controls events. We learn of Harry's proud nature through his reSponse to his mother‘s suggestion that he borrow money from Francis. A curt “Non" is his reply. His jealousy for Lora's attentions compounds his motivation by pride. “0h: 11 (Francis) peut m'attendre Sans que mon absence lui paraisse trap longue, Lora est EVec lui!“ (191) Harry is both a proud and jealous man. As for Francis, friendship and generoSity rule his actions. A sensitive man, Francis perceives Harry's jealousy and hides his love for Lara: sacrifices his own dreams for his friend. Aware of Harry's financial plight, Francis secretly pays Harry's creditors, in hOpe of easing the terisions between himself and Harry. Francis is constant in his unselfish friendship, but Harry is ruled by his jealousy; his confidence in Francis is destroyed. When Francis, having paid Harry's debts, calls him to his office, Harry suspects the worst. Cette sommation de Francis etait une preuve évidente: le jeune avocat 1e poursuivait afin de se debarrasser de lui et de ne plus rencontrer d'obstacle a la possession de Lora. (192) Hen (re a common Eyma concern, the destructive, debasing nature of Jealousy, is woven into the tale and emphasized by contrast of Character. Francis has remained steadfast, but Harry has fallen victim to jealousy, thus allowing his better self to be overshadowed. But offlarry's life: u 'seprit‘a pleurer Barry's struggle with his tears indicate th harbors friendship an The good will “1591011. Friends Eva‘s nature than i Blition, the bullet 50M his enemies, th 155th croise’s, s “93) Lora, witnessi froid' with which sh tell him of Francis' “my sentit son ial’ousie, l'amour l'enuient ‘a la fc cache: une lame and here he meets his Emmi! Surprise r: “With and beauty c lint he has acted un‘ gisSi“- He puts Lo inghis words of lon “5°16 one of them, 'Cfest moi qui m 9‘1. mes chars ‘J'Wta-t-il. air ‘IuIElle me pardc 76 be overshadowed. But a sign of hope burns among the ashes of Harry's life: upon receipt of Francis' summons, Harry "se prit a.pleurer comme un enfant." Thus the depth of Harry's struggle with friendship and jealousy is evidenced: his tears indicate that beneath his jealousy, he still harbors friendship and love. The good will win out, as is seen in the resolution of the plot. Friendship is stronger and more basic to Harry‘s nature than is jealousy; he receives, by his own wflition, the bullet intended for Francis. Francis stands among his enemies, the Shay rebels, ”debout, ferme, immobile, les bras croisés, servant de bouclier a ses laches ennemis.“ (198) Lora, witnessing “1e courage, l’éhergie et le sang- froid" with which she was earlier credited, runs to Harry to tell him of Francis' predicament. Harry sentit son coeur glacé: La haine, la jalousie, l' amour, la pitie, tous les sentiments 1' emuient a la fois. Il détourna la tete pour cacher une larme qui brillait dans ses yeux. (199) And here he meets his death-—much to our surprise. Yet in that very surprise rests the greatest testimony to the strength and beauty of selfless friendship. Harry realizes that he has acted unjustly toward Francis; his death expiates his sin. He puts Lora's hand in that of Francis, and recall- ing his words of long ago, that Lora must live in order to console one of them, says: “C‘est moi qui meurs, c 'est Francis qui survit... Adieu, mes chers amis...oh‘ ma mere' ma mere' ajouta—t-il, aimez—la tous deux...et demandez-lui qu' elle me pardonne....“ (200) lany's death by a 3 opening paragraph: t feet, much like Harry onsistent with thei intrudes himself mm the reader that Lora' resoluteness, though that times the nar rather than 'showing, 1% raison,“ rather the tale does revolv forso short an effo 5M thereader's it millions motivation: WWW. or is his } financial difficulti ah1e. and the effect mStructuring of t What of the ca"iron?“ The force murder friends! “complicate the c< hands, Stemming f: hula exist at any ‘ in“, however , in 77 Thus the tale is brought to a rather fine unity; it returns to its beginning. The dehouement of the tale-- Harry's death by a shot——was nicely foreshadowed in the opening paragraph: the lark was shot and fell dead at Lora‘s feet, much like Harry. The actions of the characters are consistent with their preordained natures. The narrator intrudes himself unnecessarily at times, as when he tells the reader that Lora's action indicated her energy and resoluteness, though the act itself has given the clue. And at times the narrator insists too much upon "telling" rather than “showing,“ as when he says that “Lora sortit de la maison," rather than portraying her in the act. Nonetheless, the tale does revolve upon a single incident, as is proper for so short an effort (twenty-one pages). Harry's actions spark the reader's interest because of their somewhat ambiguous motivation: does he act as he does purely from jealousy, or is his pride as much at stake because of financial difficulties? The unity of the tale is incontest— able, and the effective use of foreshadowing indicates skill- ful structuring of the plot. What of the United States is revealed in "Lora Cameron?" The force and direction of the story rest in the conflict of friendship versus love: the setting serves merely to complicate the conflict. The tensions between Harry and Francis, stemming frOm love for Lora and financial differences, Could exist at any time, in any clime. The fact that they do exist, however, in citizens of Barrington, Massachusetts, and hiring Shay's Rebell herioan historical enlained in the rhe events and actions 5 on human lives. Several impre Harry‘s experience. insurgents to partic: receives some notion 'i hay's men. Secoi the rebels some form M9“ is erected assailants. The can 78 during Shay's Rebellion allows Eyma to suggest nuances of this American historical situation. The historical context is explained in the rhetoric of the tale: and the rendering of events and actions suggests the impact of Shay's Rebellion on human lives. Several impressions of Shay's Rebellion result from Harry's experience. First, because Harry is pressed by the insurgents to participate in the Rebellion, the reader receives some notion of the urgency and determination felt by Shay's men. Secondly, the violent measures employed by the rebels come forward in the scene in which a human wall of prisoners is erected to protect the insurgents from their assailants. The cause was more valued than human life. The fact that Harry's mother urges him to avoid any involvement with the rebels reinforces the impression of violence; a woman's sensitivity here reacts against the insensitivity and violence inherent in the Rebellion. Finally, on the other side of the coin, one sees the creditor's attitude, and hence the friction which sparked Shay's Rebellion. The creditors mercilessly press Harry for payment of his debts when Harry is obviously incapable of meeting their demands. The creditors are as determined as the rebels: Harry must Pay, or lose his farm and face thorough—going poverty. When Violence breaks out, the creditors, supported by the law, fight fire with fire, disregarding even the lives of their supporters as they shoot into the human wall in retaliation against the rebels. Thus the violence and disregard of . u A! Ab..‘ fin. 75“ *v;. p. Q ‘ ,.. u.‘ p ‘o- .- " to u go '53-. .y... “VOUQQ ’ he sits“ M a. ”Hz” I‘Ktsw‘ E ‘.\ . .C E .PH U mice .1 AM \u. d E t c O .2 U. 3 -1. .3 a u E i .i r :u e 3» .3 {us C hv saw #5 h\\ S «O n RE .7! a \c q \M w S :5 \G e O NH“. Ayn \ A I P Ck Q L r at I .2: 1 Dr A m» MW at was . .upn‘ is Wk H“! 79 human life which characterized Shay's Rebellion, in both con— flicting parties, is inherent in the events of the tale. The reader is subtly asked to perceive only the situation, however; he is not encouraged to take sides. Obviously one must sympathize with Harry; the demands of his creditors are unreasonable and spell insolvency and personal dissolution. But on the other hand, Francis, who is generous and worthily motivated, is honestly allied with the law which is determined to quell the insurgents. He proudly and courageously refuses to flinch before the rebels. Neither rebellion nor law is exonerated in the story. Such neutrality, such objectivity, may be rooted in two factors. One,EWma wrote the tale in 18607 a seventy—four year separation from the event permits objectivity. Also, Eyma’s interest was not, as his objectivity suggests, centered in the Rebellion itself, but rather in the effects of the Rebellion upon the actions and passions of individuals caught in that particular historical vortex. History is used, in 'lora Cameron," to reveal character; but it unwittingly reveals itself in the process. And in so doing, an image is impressed on the mind of the reader. Note, however, the direct rhetoric which eXplains Shay's Rebellion. Pendant la guerre, les dettes etaient contractees facilement; il existait alors entre le débiteur et le creancier une sorte de treve: 1' un et 1' autre ne pouvaient—ils pas tomber cote a cote sur le meme champ de bataille et pour la meme cause? Mais, quand vint a paix, les de treve, plus d' . :_ deems. L'avidit * " ' etlaloi, rigour - 1e dire, favorisa Vera l'ann e 1 poursuites, taut cruises, que les . creanciers. Une . . ' ‘ ' 1e Massachusetts, mencaine en de y . , ' ' les riches; de 1' ~ “ ‘ , (185-186) 4 ‘z'hiswould seem to {WI perhaps the e i‘ilies a certain ma “W the conflicts event in American his Like the two . ' A I ‘ Chenes, which appea: . ‘ @Pochesggggggg 5°3tonof 1841 as se‘ Way with a few S amilks. War have ad I"’9subsemem: birth ‘ I . . ' I m- “at: her husban I - “filter is sent West. ' \ ‘ , . exPloits, Walter ret ‘ ' ‘ ' ' “Murder of Dr. We I. -. _ , . ‘ ‘ _. ‘ -' manner. Dr. W‘ 80 vint a paix, les choses changerent de face. Plus de treve, plus d'enthousiasme. —-l' interet pritle dessus. L' avidite des creanciers était excessive, et la loi, rigoureuse jusqu' a la demence, si on peut 1e dire, favorisait meme des actes de barbarie. Vers l'année 1786, si cruelles devinrent les poursuites, tant d'atrocites et d'injustices furent commises, que les debiteurs se liguérent contre les creanciers. Une immense insurrection eclata dans le Massachusetts, théatre principal de ces enormites. On appela cette insurrection la guerre de Sha En raison de son origine, elle prit un caract pobitique et divisa pendant un moment la societe americaine en deux camps bien tranches: d'un cote, les riches; de l'autre, les pauvres et les ruines. (185-186) Trnis would seem to encourage sympathy with the insurgents, truaugh perhaps the easy contraction of debts during the war iuuplies a certain mark against them. In any case, Eyma por- trayed the conflicts, violence, and historical context of an event in American history. Like the two preceding tales, “L'Aventure des Cinq- c31'1’e\nes,” which appeared in 1863 in the Collection entitled Lfiééi.Eggh§§,§g_flgg_Parrain, does not strictly require the Boston of 1841 as setting. The tale is in essence a murder mlfsrtery with a few sentimental trappings. The childless Dr. and Mrs. War have adepted Walter, the son of Dr. War's sister. Twlea subsequent birth of a daughter, Alice, creates fears in Mrs. War: her husband may prefer Walter to Alice. Therefore Weliter is sent West. After seventeen years and several e"FEDJbits, Walter returns to Boston. His trip coincides with tliea»;murder of Dr. War's maid, Sarah, and suSpicion is cast upon Walter. Dr. War and Alice believe Walter incapableaf nchacrine, but al who are subsequently ends without further assnes they live h The tale giv Re are told that Dr. fm tags to riches 3615 both M1m puits illustrated by his (1 her son, Walter. [-11 believe him guilty 0 the Solidarity and c "hora nothing save inherhusband's aff that her “portrait a 5% 9E Beauties put /\ calebre1inemcie A; evidently a good daL‘ the11101119111: of great: incontestahle, she t some an arms er ane meurtrie, e1 1e de’sespoir de Son cousin. (th We! is character his seventeen years 81 such a crime, but all evidence points to him, and Walter is imprisoned. The week prior to his trial, a servant, Josiah, through the use of ventriloquy, uncovers the real murderers who are subsequently punished by the Law of Lynch. The tale ends without further mention of Walter and Alice, though one assumes they live happily ever after. The tale gives little attention to characterization. We are told that Dr. war, a reputed Boston physician, went from rags to riches during forty years of medical practice. He is both ”un puits de science et de bontéZ" the latter illustrated by his devotion to his sister and his care for her son, Walter. His feeling for Walter, and his refusal to believe him guilty of murder, suggest, on a thematic level, the solidarity and confidence which love evokes. Of Mrs. War we know nothing save her fear that Walter supersedes Alice in her husband's affections. Of Alice we know little save that her “portrait avait eté'sollicite’pour figurer dans un EQQE 9_ Beauties publié a dix:mille exemplaireS, chez le celebre librairie Appleton, de New—York." (155) She is evidently a good daughter and of a sentimental nature. At the moment of greatest distress, when Walter's QUilt appears incontestable, she takes her father in her arms, sirens: :L‘Vsnzrpfizsqszlst: 32.33271”; le désespoir de son pére et sur le deshonneur de son cousin. (160) ' . t durin Walter is characterized l3 absentia. We are tOld tha ' g . te for his seventeen years in the West, he developed a tas ‘hu 0 Av fl» H” a A a» 4 r— C» ww \hi. 1 5L» wa~ \ ‘ \Na Y.‘ 0 . a“ S : . .. . .K. .3 .1. +5 .. . A; e a. S 5» Nu KC .2 Q. 0 sh 1s a a1. : . a” t. S 4 a C A... . e nu e I. e O .1" S Q. «Hi. .au D. an a e a. Q .. . S i v. t u ..q .3. a .. _ .3 l U t st on r r 9 ma .n . e u 4 e r. g as. s: a a: 2.4 s ‘ ~I\ nfi Q» Q» \ L r ; a S S a» . 3 ~ o. r e e e "V 44 a 3 e s \c « Ni n u a 4-. .o. -n u a c. e a.“ 0 L. . Z .2 Am a u an. a. an an . y «3 u .. LL h .W t a r Yb 0 .9 a H. a {is .1 F. a w ais {ls NV. gm”... '5 u . a 1 x 82 arms and fought with his fellow Americans against the Indians. This knowledge has a dual function: Walter's taste for arms makes feasible his implication in the murder; 111$ efforts against the Indians suggest bravery and patriotism. We do know, through rhetoric, that he performed bravely in the Indian wars and was made a major. The characterization of Walter reveals one of Eyma's artistic failures. Eyma seemingly had little feeling for realistic Speech patterns and diction. Rather, all characters, regardless of age, express themselves in the same words and on a common, ideal level. As the ten-year-old Walter leaves for the West, he tells Dr. and Mrs. War, “Je pars un honngte enfant, je reviendrai, j'espEre, un honnete homme, digne comme je 1e suis aujourd'hui, des bontés que vous avez eues pour moi et que je n'oublierai jamais, dans quelque condition que je me trouve.“ (154) The double function of this speech is obvious: it character— izes Walter as an honest and grateful boy, filled with high ideals; it renders more piquant the possibility that Walter, having abandoned his youthful ideals, has committed murder and thereby succumbed to a base desire for ill-attained wealth. The function of the Speech, however, does not lessen our surprise at such words from a boy of ten.‘ The structure of ”L'Aventure des Cinq—Chghes“ is interesting. The tale begins with quotations from aBoston Paper in 1841; "Meurtre Horrible. --Vol Conside’rable.-- \ . MYstere.u Sarah, Dr, Wat's “id, had been murdered. Another article {reports a “Fatal Accident" in which a man was thrown in his horse and incidents, but the n les pe'npe'ties de ce pie/Indirect} (151) flashing badc savait WWII and IV I thepast seventeen y “We!!! exploits, ilnlicated in the m iaiter imprisoned; C Inherent in the con j Wet I: the culp Lam LYnCh; the "m: m Circe e. llL'llventure c Ventziloman. And enrles Brockden Bro Wished in America ““disfinbodied V01 cithenom: to est M in tum catalY his - Praise of him su \ 6 n Wiel naiaffi 3%} 12 West. 83 from his horse and killed. The paper didn't connect the two incidents, but the narrator rhetorized, “Racontons maintenant les pe’ripe’ties de ce drame mystc‘erieux et les faits qui le EprécedErent." (151) And so the tale begins to unfold, flashing back seventeen years and introducing all characters. Chapter: III and IV relate: the events in Walter's life during the past seventeen years, as Walter matures and participates in Western eXploits, and comes forward into the present, implicated in the murder and theft. ChaptersV and VI see Walter imprisoned; Chapter VII resolves the peripities intierent in the conjunction of the two newspaper articles of Chapter I: the culprits are captured and subjected to the Law of Lynch: the ”myst‘ere" is solved; the story is brought full circle. ”L'Aventure des Cinq-Chghes" makes interesting use of ventriloquism. And ventriloquism is a major element in Charles Brockden Brown's Wieland, 25 the Transformation, 6 Published in America in 1798. Wieland, a gothic romance, uses disembodied voices to reinforce the mysterious elements 0f the novel: to establish a gothic atmOSphere of horror Which in turn catalyzes events. Eyma knew of (2.3. Brown. and his Praise of him suggests that he was acquainted with Brown's t 6W was probably the first American novel Mianslated into French. (1808) See Durand Echeverria, . -r£93 in the West. A Histogy of the French Image 92 American M322 1815 (Princeton, 19577. 84 work. In La Republigue americaine Eyma states: Depuis vingt¢cinq ans la litterature a cependant produit des ébrivains distingués en Amerique. Je pourrais citer Brockden Brown, le premier qui ait ouvert 1e champ des fictions, eSprit’morose et \ chagrin qui vivait dans un monde ideal et tout a fait lui. A cause de cela pent-etre, ses,7 oeuvres ont un certain cachet d originalite. Perhaps the reading of C.B. Brown suggested the use of ventriloquism as a device in the resolution of the plot. Eyma's use of the device varies radically from that of Brown, however. In fact, in Brown‘s Wieland, ventriloquism is not a device, as such, but an essential element in the creation of atmosphere and the movement of events. Eyma uses it rather awkwardly. It is introduced through the servant Josiah, who first and unnecessarily uses Ventriloquism on waiter, in an effort to ascertain his guilt or innocence. Because Walter shows no response to the mYsterious voice urging remorse for murder, Josiah assumes Walter's innocence. This paves the way for the use of ventriloquism against the true murderers: by imitating the voice of the murdered Sarah and recreating her cries of sorrow, Josiah brings the murderers to their knees in fear and trembling; so terrified were they by this mysteriouS, seemingly supernatural reenactment of their crime. The déVice is not too offensive, But the manner in which it 18 introduced into the tale (in a bar where Walter is drinking), N 7Paris: Michel Le’vy, 1861, p- 242- an: naite supernat' an EXC'JS e - I A- ‘p: *.. U. buy .“ A" V. CC‘Qan-‘aao ..-'V“‘-¢at . h s‘ _ "-~es. . ~‘M "’ Ann ~vv“UtK° 0 .un II-l ' A n u talc“ . “h‘ ‘R ‘I. U.¢5“~-: V n . Q :r‘ ru— ‘ ‘ n is . . l“ Its 3:..- ~» "h' wir- "j -—- «kw ._. _.__. __.-_-=—- — ¢--'::‘.-"-‘-‘ 1; .- by. .~_.- . - wmil. 85 and Walter's complete obliviousness to the voice, be it supernatural or otherwise, is too obviously contrived. It is an excuse to foreshadow the use of ventriloquy in the capture of the murderers; an attempt to justify its presence. Once again, the United States as setting is in- cnnsequential to the essence of the tale. But the locale does create certain images and suppositions regarding the {fluted States. First, the tale links crime and the United States. ‘Fhis will be commented upon later, for Eyma devotes maiions of his studies to consideration of this problem. ID1"L‘Aventure des Cinq—Chenes" the problem is present only by implication; yet a suspicious French reader, conscious of American problems, might note the connection. Secondly, praises of the West, and American ingenuity in.its settlement, result from welter's western exodus. ...Walter, bien e uipé'd'ailleurs et bien recommends, fut expedie aux d serts de 1' Quest, au milieu de ces territoires nouveaux que la hache, 1e dollar et 1' intelligence des Yankees ont fecondes. Madame War n' avait point ete fachee de voir mettre entre sa maison et cet enfant,1'immensité'des eSpaces qui separaient alors, c ‘est- a-dire en 1827,1es Etats civilises de l'Union de ces Etats naissants destines a devenir, sous 1e genie des Americains, la gloire et la fortune de la grande republique. C'était, a cette epoque, comme si 1' Ocean eut ete placé'entre les habitants de Boston et les \ defricheurs du Missouri, appeles a exercer tout a la fois 1e metier de soldat et celui d‘agriculteur,'a manier simultanément la charrue et le rifle. (153) The great call of the West is heard: an intimation 0f the vastness of the continent is present: the Will to succeed through work and ingenuity is praised: the Prosperity of the American republic is indicated; the dangers and future JOYS 1 of colonization are 1 Eden is directly 9V0] suggested by the faC‘ indeed go West to tr hence, and in part From the sub receives diSparaging ' Cosiah and his orofe \ . ,1 . I . teJosmh etait apparte’nant} ur. tout recezmoent e . gt feit la joie motions de la 6 acornedie, de 1 He - (““0139 walking a: culture and taste ix V “”"Ship at the <- ( New - 1 ¢ ”Ed notions o: \ O m T -h1‘0ugh uos _ 996a - \ “is. rlexibni \ 86 of colonization are present. In sum, an image of the New Eden is«direct1y evoked. And the same image is indirectly suggested by the fact that the young American, waiter, does indeed go West to try his fortunes. His success is significant. America, and in particular the West, is the land of opportunity. From the sublime to the mundane: American culture receives disparaging comment through the intermediary of Josiah and his professional wanderings. Ce Josiah etait un pauvre diable de saltimbanque, appartenant‘a une troupe d‘acrobates qui avaient tout recemment exPloite la Nouvelle Angleterre, et fait la joie des Yankees plus accessibles aux I emotions de la danse de corde qu' aux plaisirs de la comedie, de la tragedie ou de 1' Opera. (157) Tightrope walking and circus tricks say little for American (nature and taste in entertainment, eSpecially to Frenchmen oflm>worship at the altar of the fine arts, and harbor pre- cnnceived notions of a lack of culture and refinement in the United States. Through Josiah one receives a notion of American openness, flexibility, and willingness to try anything to achieve mmne practical end. Josiah is very proud of his success in ventriloquism, and 1' influence de 1' art de la ventrilogie. Il reva, pendant longtemps, S Edifier sur ce sujet tout un systéme politique et social. ‘b:avenir des nations, disait-il, est 1a.’, On,ne sait a quoi a attribuer qu ‘il n' ait pas execute ses vastes plans, dans un pays ou toute theorie a chance d'etre au moins ecoutée. (178) Americans are willing to listen t0: and to try, any theory. The infamous law of Lynch is brought into play in "L'Aventure des Cinq—CheheS-" It is a topic which Eyma rather througle “Flores : nentionedo He assm‘ attrlainted with this mentaIY on Americ quand le PeuPle Site J‘ouer la ° celebre J'uge LY“ souverain, ”- In In other WOr one nust pay. The v :nzoerers are uncove trial, lynching 31395 following the trial, :nrderer will receiv isn‘nlace he has thre :el'nod. Its inherer thegnilty parties 2 ES to receive his 1 hes victimize the lhand for quick rel “9 possibility of < Finally, Dr ‘he rea‘ oer somethinn 87 thoroughly eXplores in other studies,- here it is only mentioned. He assumes, it would seen, that his readers are acquainted with this law. Its presence suggests a certain commentary on American justice. Quand 1e peuple en Arne/rique se met en tete de faire jouer 1a corde et la poten/ce dont.1e celebre juge Lynch lui a decrete de dr01t souverain, il lui faut une victims. (177-178) In other words, a crime has been committed and some- one must pay. The victim is to be Walter--until the murderers are uncovered. Because Walter will receive a trial, lynching appears in a relatively positive light. But following the trial, citizen revenge will reign, and the murderer will receive his just desserts at the hands of the populace he has threatened. Such is the American democratic method. Its inherent danger is suggested in the fact that the guilty parties are discovered only shortly before Walter was to receive his unjust due. Capital punishment may some- times victimize the innocent. The Law of Lynch, with its demand for quick retribution and hasty judgment, increases the possibility of death for the innocent. Finally, Dr. War's progress from rags to riches tells the reader something about America. Dr. War was a poor boy; yet by dint of virtue and labor, he became educated and established himself in a fine profession. American success stories, then, are not pure fiction. Indeed, Merica is the land of fortune, if only one is willing to work. Once again, an image of the New Eden, of Adam tending and transforming his garden, is evoked. "Dolly Geert with a happy ending. positive and substan three motifs: love, action of the story William Bent an extrenely poor 91' efipronises her an c lead a more prosper: Belly Geerts by new foster-mother, and : tolls promise. Bui Encouraganent and in mm, self-support fail ‘ M. After a si ,, ‘ org and to a 15le he ‘ r. in spite of 0 "v . Lilli-'11 and Dolly m filly fortune. ami 88 "Dolly Geerts“ is the story of £13 Little {1133313 gig}; with a happy ending. .Its forty pages are a hymn to the positive and substantial benefits of labor, fleshed out by three motifs: love, example, and altruism. Implicit in the action of the story are impressions of the United States. William Benton, a rich young New Yorker, encounters an extremely poor girl selling hot corn on a winter's night. He promises her an opportunity to learn a trade and thereby lead a more prOSperous and comfortable life. The poor girl, Dolly Geerts by name,returns to her attic room and drunken fo ster-mother. and fearful that William will be unfaithful to his promise. But he is not: rather, through his encouragement and financial support Dolly becomes a model woman, self-supporting and loved as a menber of the Benton family. After a six-year absence, William returns to New York and to a fully-blossomed Dolly, and falls in love with her- In spite of parental objections and financial disaster;- William and Dolly marry, and part for the West to recoup the fatnily fortune. A general statement introduces us to William and his Virtues. William is of wealthy parentage. Mai’s William, 31 indifferent qu 'il fut, ou qu'il parut etre aux mistres nombreuses qui encombrent les rues deN New-York, pouvait etre compte parmi ces riches dont je parlais tout a l' heure (et 1e nombre en est heureusement grand dans tous les pays du monde) , qui estiment que la premier privilege de la fortune est de soulager les pauvres. Il tenait ces sentiments de sa famille, ou la bienfaisance etait come a 1' ordre du jour. C'etait, dans toute 1' acception du mot, un excellent je’une : dissipee: gen re‘ inspirations 9t ‘ oonnaissait 1'ai qnlil a an morn/en scene de ce reci bien d'autres n' nne longue vie. Eenrlng a child's W l: I name do l'anqoiSS voix qui venait d'ad -1 . . . than is, in othei is generous to a tan poor little Dolly. if I «00L he works for business. T .n sum, Our first c F7101} lh only twelve, In ‘ ...0‘ ' ~ My, a worn gr . K ny. 89 excellent jeune homme, au milieu meme de sa vie dissipee; gen reux, sensible, plein de nobles inSpirations et d‘elans sympathiques. Qui 1e connaissait 1' aimait- et a dix-neuf ans, 1' age qu 'il a au moment ou nous l' introduisons sur la scene de ce recit, il comptait plus d'amis que bien d'autres n' en savent conquerir dans toute une longue vie. (2- 3) Hearing a child‘s voice crying "Du mais chaud," he is “frappé de l'angoisse, du dese3poir, de l'epuisement de la voix qui venait d‘adresser cet appel 3.1a charitéz" (4) Vfilliam is, in other words, a sensitive man. Moreover, he is generous to a fault, giving everything possible to the poor little Dolly. Though rich, William knows the value of labory‘he works for his father and travels for the family business. In sum, William is an ideal man. Our first glimpse of Dolly is “epouvantable:" immugh only twelve, she is condemned to selling corn on Ekoadway, a worn grey shawl wrapped around her shivering body. Ses cheveux, qui pleuva}ent en larges tresses noires, sales et emmelees sur ses epaules decharnéEs et bleuies par le froid, blanchissaient sous la neige. (4) Ikflly is a heart-rending sight indeed. But her basic physical characteristics are susceptible to sentimental transfonmation. For after Dolly has been trained, and is the most patronized of New York seamstresses, Nul e d'entre elles (rich New Yorkers), en tout cas, n' eut ete capable de porter avec autant de grace que Dolly les simples robes auxquelles l'elégance de sa personne donnait un prix et un splat extraordinaires. L'espECe de sauvagerie et de durete que la misere et les souffrances physiques ayaient imprimee a ses traits, avaient fait place a une douceur angelique- $85 I 535 I. p V W I .11.. d'un: ..-.‘ “.9, en a -‘h‘huu she wisre db “R ‘, Al.‘~ 01‘ Ln‘v‘ ' D PA... -“ - ~:“e.‘bs - \ J“ T .J. v“‘ “ ha so” c. 3| “WA “ 93‘: h. I. «E -.. afivzhh 3““. POW" F \1“ LIE L ’\"~ V ":V:. 'n' he“ ( .V ' r ‘ ‘ “es. \“Q Vy‘ Po 90 ses regards avaient une placidité’sympathique; ses beaux cheveux noirs, releves en bandeaux fournis encadraient merveilleusement son visage d'une paleur eblouissante. (24) Dolly's character is solid and virtuous, as evidenced particularly in her will to work. When aSked if she wishes to learn a trade, Dolly exclaims, “--Oui, Monsieur, oh: certes, ouil Je crois que les gens qui travaillent sont bien heureux, et qu'ils gagnent quelquefois bien de l'argent, tandis que moi...oh£ oui, Monsieur, je serais bien heureuse d'apprendre a travailler.“ (8) And through sheer will and tenacity, Dolly realizes great benefits from her labor. Dolly avait realise tout ce que l'elévation de son coeur et de son intelligence avait permis d‘esperer d'elle. Dans la maison industrielle de M. Bill, elle avait appris tout ce qui peut agrandir l'ame d'une creature humaine, tout ce qui peut, en méme temps, aider une femme'a traverser sans perils les durs sentiers de la Vie. (22) Her excellence gains her the richest patrons in New York. Thus Eyma once again exploits the theme of the beauty and edification of work. Dolly is also properly sensitive, loving, and sentimental. She longs for William's return to New York, not only because of gratitude, but because “un autre sentiment... avait fleuri dans son coeur." (24) Though she loves William, she would never, even for the sake of her happiness, provoke tam to wrongdoing. When William's father objects to the marriage of Dolly and William. Dolly falls on her knees before William and urges him to respect his father‘s wishes. Thus Dolly exznresseE And her deep gratin rejected her, is 6V1 saw when financiz it cette petite etre le port de devint un sanct‘ / . ‘I eclaira le cevo le plus noble q Inher snall room w e, e / iasue aenen de D I ’ - n amen? ), she ten he: benefactors. 2 literial, 9Q exc ~ '21 ushing and tears I My, toute en 6i ses mains, ( Slennes. tremb: . n'osai. Just as Do: 1. «box, 3° She Com: ‘1‘ ex Hilary 0f futur Just as She worked Ashe saYs, ll Le . l~travall es Inspir DOlly aide Sm 91 Thus Dolly expresses her deep reSpect for parental authority. And her deep gratitude to this same authority, though it has rejected her, is evidenced by her efforts in behalf of the family when financial disaster strikes Et cette petite chambre, qu ‘elle avait rgvée devoir @tre le port de salut de cette famille de naufragés, devint un sanctuaire Pieux on 1' huile de la lampe eclaira 1e devouement le plus filial et le travail le plus noble qu' on puisse imaginer. (39) x In her small room whose "honngte simplicitef..poetissart(5K3 l‘asile aerien de Dolly" (30) (why must such rooms always be ‘aérien?"), she tends her needles in relentless gratitude to her benefactors. Dolly's entire self is sentimental material, oar excellance, reinforced by her susceptibility to blushing and tears as she receives William's compliments Dolly, toute emue, avait rougi jusqu'aux yeux; et ses mains, que William tenait dens/les siennes, tremblaient; ses yeux, charges de larmes, n'osaient plus se lever sur lui. (29) Just as Dolly supports the theme of the beauty of labor, so she concretizes the motif of good example. When the Benton family looses its fortune, Dolly is seen as exemplary of future possibilities in Spite of disaster Just as she worked her way to success, so can young William. As he says, "Le travail est le gardien de l‘ honnetete: et l'inspirateur des grandes et nobles pensees~ DOlly nous l'a prouve. Que son exemple nous aide et nous guide'“ (39) Through Dolly‘s example, the Benton family recovers the possibility of success and happiness- ,. I“ VS I93 1 H ecause evelo inapi fifi \ n U u N i q 92 In William is the motif of altruism and generosity. Because William offers Dolly the opportunity to work, Dolly develops into a fine young woman; in turn, because Dolly has utilized her potential to the fullest, the Benton family is 1nSpired to new effort. The giver is ultimately the receiver: Moreover, the narrator tells the reader that wealth brings responsibility. J'ai dit tout \a l'heure que William avait eu une excellente idee de 3' en aller ainsi a pied. En effet, l' habitude des gens riches de sortir toujours en voiture, est cause qu 'ils ignorant bien des miseres dont le spectacle echappe a leur 'regard, qui n' apas le temps d'effleurer le pave des rues, comme le bruit des roues etouffe a leurs oreilles bien des cris de deseSpoir et bien des sanglots. L'homme qui va a pied, au contraire, / gui traverse lentement les rues, est plus expose a surprendre, a chaque pas, le flagrant delit des douleurs, des souffrances embusquées aux coins des carrefours. Les riches ne savent pas assez ce qu'ils perdent ainsi de bonnes occasions de faire le bien, sans quoi nous en savons beaucoup qui laisseraient volontiers, et plus souvent, reposer leurs chevaux- (l—2) In other words, the wealthy ought share their good fortune both literally and figuratively. William illustrates the fruits of such altruism. Artistically, "Dolly Geerts" shares the faults of much of Eyma‘s fiction. The narrator speaks unnecessarily: I "V01ci ce qui etait arrive’; je puis le raconter en peu de mOtS." (14), he says, rather than directly proceeding to the dramatization. Secondly, and typically, characters speak out Of character, again demonstrating Eyma's insensitivity to dialogue and diction. Imagine a twelvt.=:--ye?'lr‘Old saying‘ ‘0 H Q w e? p.- \p 94': ‘SBQ- " J a?“ J to I .p. n; no. +- r S 2‘ a. stall ~ ~ ~— v ab c. a «D ‘4‘ 93 I "Ah: si ma pauvre maman vivait: s'ecria la Petite Dolly en sanglotantA je ne serais pas si malheureuse et je saurais peut-etre travailler aujourd‘hui!" (8) Or imagine a young girl with such insight and sensitivity as to justify, on the basis of drunkenness, the actions of an outrageously cruel adult. "Ne faut-il pas, Monsieur, / , qu'elle soit en cet etat pour m‘infliger les tortures me fait subit?“ (9) Thirdly, qu'elle exaggeration takes over when Eyma wants Dolly's misery to rend the reader's heart. The attack which the girl sustains is unbelievable. Dolly tomba épuisée’de coups, les cheveux arrachés par poignées, les epaules et les joues enfléés par les tapes et les soufflets. En vain, au milieu de ses oris‘et de ses larmes, elle essayait de confesser la verite a sa cousine. (13) The cruelty to which Dolly is subjected need not be so gothically portrayed; the play upon the reader‘s emotions and sympathy is too obviously contrived. Finally, the tale contains an evident failure in verisimilitude in the characterization of Dolly's cousin, Hartman. The cousin cruelly beats Dolly: yet suddenly a bond of love appears when DOlly is about to receive refuge in the Benton household. Hartman insists that she loves Dolly and cannot part with her. The narrator comments: 11 y a, dans la vie, de ces moments supremes 8h le coeur se réveille subitement, a l‘heure ou se rompent les lienskqui avaient tenu rivees deux exiStences. Les etres’les plus Vils, les plus rabaissés, les plus mechants, ont de ces retours subits, de ces bouffées de‘sentiments, si j‘osais 1e dire, qui élEvent tout a coup le coeur et l'emplissent de parfum. Les tyrans gomme les victimes de la vie intime éprouvent a lfheure dite, les memescommotions. Bill ne s‘etonna pas plus de l'attendrissement de la cou51ne Hartman / . ‘ Elle l'enotio’n d5 - etemelle 339a“ ‘ ’ mauvais traitemé p * ' de ferocité, l'a lhis change in attii characterization of retroSpective mallet I this is a weakness: . , narrator genuinely of such mysterious My is of the sam “W's fiction: reunion with his (is “sic goodness of 7, reaction 5. however, Characterization Eight part: the g . \ .3965 01; "Doll" the . Amerlcam West; the . Work hablts of lien Can Concept 0 stability of fortu ileim - . l \ \ plleq’ othel In "Dolly \ ‘ Esthe \ \ \ land 0f neV \ fin . anciel disastel II All \ etlons' aJ'om l c Vers Ses Sc 94 e l'amotiop de Dolly elle-meme h l'idée’de cette eternelle separation. L'une avait oublie les mauva's traitements qu'elle infligeait avec tant de ferocité, l'autre ceux qu'elle avait subis avec tant de douleur. (16-17) This change in attitude is in no way anticipated in the characterization of Hartman. Moreover, time has permitted no retIOSpective mellowing of viewpoint and heart. Artistically, this is a weakness: yet it would seem that the author- narrator genuinely believed in the existence and viability of such mysterious bonds. For the bond between Hartman and Dolly is of the same nature as those we have seen previously in Eyma's fiction: a heartless man is suddenly mellowed by a reunion with his daughter. Perhaps Eyma believed in the basic goodness of man. The author should anticipate such reactions, however, through more effectual, penetrating characterization. Eight partial images of the United States emerge from the pages of “Dolly Geerts.“ The reader learns something of the American West: America as refuge for fortune-seekers: the work habits of the rich: class intermarriage: the American concept of equality: American charity: and the in- stability of fortunes in the United States. Some of these are implied, others are directly stated. In "Dolly Geertsf as in other tales, the West is seen as the lender new birth'and fortune. When William meets finamcial disaster, it is westward that he turns. “Allons, ajouta-t-il en es tournant vers sa mare et vers ses soeurs, je suis jeune, Dolly est courageuse et forte: partons pour l'Ouest: \ l'alvenir est a : h'ecrit-on d'm de Move." (3‘ The West is the lan beyond the Missi ssi Generally a D011i's parents are u| \ hon pere et ma tout jeunes, ma Mme qu'ils Misfit ma nai 1.01? a mes para 9309 misEre. desespoirI ma H hllyls background 0: the plot. But : meets with Success h . . wall! Poor in , ThWQh the 95 \ l‘avenir est a nous...et William Benton est devegue, m'ecrit-on d'Amérique, un des plus riches preprietaires de l'Iowa.“ (39-40) The West is the land of promise: the American Eden has moved beyond the Mississippi. Generally an immigrant is successful in America, but Dolly's parents are an exception. Dolly tells us, “Mon pare et ma mere ataient venus ici d'Allemagne, tout jeunes, mais n'avaient pu réhssir‘h faire la fortune qu'ils cherchaient. Je suis nee dans ce pays, et ma naissance, qui aurait du causer de la Joie a mes parents, leur fut un surcroit de charges at de mis re. Ils moururent de chagrin et de desespoir, ma mére presque aussitot apres mon pere.“(7) Dolly's background is,of course, necessary to the evolution of the plot. But it also implies that not every immigrant meets with success and fortune. In fact, one can be as miserably poor in America as elsewhere. Though the son of a rich man, William's work habits tell us that Americans, rich or poor, are industrious. The narrator comments, William avait subi la commune 101 de presque tous les jeunes gens appartenant meme aux plus riches familles des Etats-Unis. La fortune, dans‘pe pays, provenant toujours du travail, il est extremement rare que les peres, tout en tolerant que leurs enfants menent grande vie, n 'exigent pas qu' ils augmentent le patrimoine par le travail. (21) Thus the reader learns that an American fortune demands honest work. Given Eyma's constant reSpect for labor and its fruits, he no doubt highly approved of such an approach to life. The question of marriage between social classes is givean a very interesting turn in "Dolly Geerts." Eyma comments here, an; r le I e n'.‘ , v‘e] *- . ~63?“ s ‘: ~ I Qe Ce; E'JX \ r’ 3 Q § S‘Pare I ‘V I .e . 1 kilo e k. . ~Lt 2’ ~ “ :Qh r: “I I SEE 96 here, and elsewhere, that the absence of class distinctions in America eliminates a good deal of friction from love affairs, and hence impoverishes dramatic material and American fiction. Soit dit sans une trOp longue digression sur ce sujet, la est l'obstacle que rencontrent les I I . I ecriyains ameripains‘h creer des romans de moeurs interessants, ou les luttes entre l'amour et les conditions sociales fournissent matiEre, dans ‘potre vieux monde, tant de fictions saisissantes, a‘tant de peripéties dramatiques. Ce qui est la regle commune ici, deviant l'exception la-bas; \ comme l'exception ici est eXposée, au contraire, a devenir la commune loi dans cette société nouvelle. (26) In an effort to overcome this obstacle, Eyma places old Mr. Benton in an ”Old World“ frame of mind, causing him to object to William's marriage to the socially inferior Dolly. M. Benton avait l'orgueil d'une grande fortune, honnetement acquise d'ailleurs: mais il oubliait volontiers de combien etait loin du point on il etait parvenu, 1e degré'de l'éhhelle sur lequel il avait mis 1e pied au depart. M. Benton, en definitive, n'était que le fils d'un simple matelot déberteur, et 11 avait commencé'par‘Etre portefaix sur les warfs de New-York. Mais si les gens qui s'élévent dans la société'ont quelque raison de tendre'é s'élever toujours et‘h prendre pour oint de depart de leur famille leur point d'arriv e a eux, aux Etats-Unis ou la seule distinction qui sépare les classes est la richesse, il est moins permis que partout ailleurs, a un homme d'atteindre le but envief Ainsi ne raisonnait pas toujours M. Bentop: et Dolly avait entendu parfois sortir de ses levres ‘h ce sujet, des doctrines qui lui avaient donne 1e frisson au coeur. (27) .Mr. Benton's attitude provides the dramatic material which ifimna.thought so valuable. And Dolly, too, has a touch of the Old World about her; she is aware of the potential impropriety of her feelings for William. At times she al- most: hopes that by some change of fortune the gulf between Do a a» 3» av fin Cu m; Au .NU n. ¢ no ..u NU..AM ab Riv. .fih “V ; “A .efiv 97 her and William might be narrowed. Pent-etre pensera-t—on que Dolly etait bien ambitieuse dans ses reves, et qu 'elle se versait elle-meme l' amertume de ses joies? Oui, i1 en seraig,ainsi au point de vue de nos moeurs eurOpeennes, ou le denoument demandé'par Dolly n 'est u' une exception aux regles de notre societe: mais nullement au point de vue des moeurs americaines, on 1' influence des grandee 1013 de 1‘ egalite autorise ces alliances, sans distinction de classe, ‘pourvu que 1' homme ou la femme que le marriage eleve de la pauvrete ou de 1' obscurite a la fortune et l'éblat d'une condition nouvelle, en soit digne par sa conduits et par ses qualités. Les memes motifs, qui ne 3 'opposent point a ce qu' une ouvriere honnete bien élevée, distinguéh de coeur et d' intelligence, soit admise‘h la table et dans 1' interieur des riches familles, legitiment parfaitement l' ambition qu 'elle peut nourrir d'entrer dans le sein de ces familles par la grande porte du mariage. (ZS-26) Dolly's aspirations are justified. And the young William is thoroughly American: just as he looks westward for a prosPerous future, so he insists on the realization of the doctrine of equality, and marriage to Betzy. When she urges him to listen to his father, William plants a kiss on her forehead and says only, ”Impossible." The second-generation American is a pure product of American culture and customs. The introduction of the “class and marriage" theme illuminates,through contrast, the differences in American and Eur0pean attitudes. This brings us to the subject of equality in America. The hospitality which the Bentons show Betzy implies an absence of class distinctions in the United States. William's comlrnents make it evident that, given Dolly's character, it is (only just that his family should fully accept her. "Dolly...Bonne douter, puisqu ma mlere, et qu table entre me ‘ je vous rsnerc V ‘ A - que vous me no \ . The narrator compl ’ Dans beaucoup I ' ouvric‘eres appe sont traitées \ | ’ complEte, en t a , . ‘ 1 ; leur educatior I montrent digne “.065 et le ti I \ S'explique moi absolue du prj Par le grand 1 le travail rel fait Se const; l‘est et (in m GOmestiques e: , l.e titre d'aii . ‘ GeS lialitres.~ in Auriga! labor EYma's pi thing that might 98 “Dolly...Bonne, honnete, laborieuse, h n'en pas douter, puisque je vous vois dans la maison de ma mEre, et que votre place est marquee 3 ea table entre mes soeurs: C'est bien, Dolly: et je vous remercie du fond de mon coeur de la joie que vous me donnez en ce moment." (29) The narrator completes the image of American equality. Dans beaucoup de familles americaines, les ouvriéres appelées'a travailler en ourneés“ sont traitées sur un pied d'egalit a pen pres complete, en tant que par leur conduits, par leur education et par leur tenue, elles s'en montrent dignes. Ainsi elles prennent leurs repas et le thédh la table des maltres: cela s‘eXplique moins peut-etre par la pratique absolue du principe de l'égalite’politique, que par le grand honneur ou, dans ce pays, on tient le travail rehaussé’par la bonne conduite. Ce fait se constate notamment dans les Etats de l'est et du nord: et dans ces derniers, les A . domestiques eux-memes, qui req01vent e3 prennent le titre d'aides, mangent quelquefois a la table des maltres. (23) In America, labor is the measure of equality. Eyma‘s picture of sections of New York City is none too pretty. Dolly's residence is as poor and ugly as any- thing that might be found in Paris. La pauvre petite mendiante...diSparut dans une allée sale et noire, au bout de laquelle elle trouva une sorte d'ébhelle qu'elle grimpa jusqu'a une mansarde hidlnnsa, ou plutot une halle plancheiée, sous un toit effondre’ en biendes places. k A Dans ce cloaque vivaieng,pele-mele une vingtaine d'individus, un echantil on de tout ce que New-York renferme de plat miserable et de plus vil: gens de toutes professions: musicians ambulants, montreurs d'animaux, chanteurs de cabarets, coupebourses, etc. (10) Moreover, Dolly is not the only New Yorker who, caught in thee grips of poverty, stands in the cold and sells hot corn. QULte the contrary! J ouoique habit“ soirs 8t souvet toutes les rueE thenarratOr says: elaent in the Cit! La Vente du ma? que les enfant yi_l_l§ 1mm ces crieurs de marchands ‘39 b courent nos b0 contentant d'a en conservant que personne n These comments, in hlly's parents, 5 all times and for American 1 Dolly is put to w l‘illim's charity institutional. S tates. €Chdle.g?rigel The fact that thi Sunests that sui it demands eluci, t ‘0 hence. 99 Quoique habitue a 1' entendre retentir tous les soirs et souvent tres- avant dans la nuit, dans toutes les rues de New-York ou 11 y a affluence de promeneurs... (3—4) the narrator says, suggesting the constancy of a poverty element in the city. And he compares poverty in New York and Paris. La vente du mais bouilli est une industrie nocturne que les enfants pauvres at les bohemiens de la ville impériale exercent a New-York. Il en est des crieurs de mais chaud, comme de ces petits marchands de bouquets ou d'allumettes qui courent nos boulevards parisiens, le soir, se contentant d'accepter l'aumone qu' on leur fait, en conservant pour le lendemain leur marchandise que personne ne prend jamais. (5) These comments, in combination with the financial failure of Dolly's parents, suggest that America is not necessarily, at all times and for all peOple, the land of milk and honey. American charity takes unique forms, we are told. Dolly is put to work in an industrial establishment. William's charity, then, is at first personal, but later institutional. Such is generally the case in the United States. M. Bill avait fondé'a Brooklin (sic)...un établissement industrial moitié'ébole, mpitié‘hOSpice: un refuge hospitalier en tout cas, on 11 recueillait les enfants et les adultes qui venaient a lui, ou qu'il convertissait au travail et‘h la morale. Aux Etats—Unis, la charité's' exerce ainsi, par la prOpagande at par institutions, sur une grande échelle. (15) TNae fact that the narrator supplies this information Suggests that such was not the EurOpean experience: rather, it demands elucidation because it is a phenomenon peculiar t0 America. Finally, th reader an image of Mr. Benton had made it in the fluctuati is encouraged to ac Si grande, cepc h. Benton, 8111 grandee fortum sombre: d'un j< ioriune in America catchphrase: hard "DOIIy Gee Midealized image positive element i immise, But in A only one s H In I Lipopee de Betzy indicates that the mlllage. Signifi< The story “Oh, who are neii initem, Ohio. UQ‘ .Iher, At fourt 1. ll ttle htether to 1e eves the Villag A‘t . at five Years 9r , g Qin 100 Finally, the events of the tale impress on the reader an image of the instability of American fortunes. on; Benton had made an honest fortune; he as honestly lost it in the fluctuations of American business. And the reader is encouraged to accept the commonness of such an event. Si grande, cependant, que fut la fortune de M. Benton, elle etait, comme tant d'autres grandee fortunes des Etats-Unis, exposée a sombrer d'un jour a l'autre. (27) Fortune in America can be eXplained in an adaptation of a catch phrase: hard come, easy go. "Dolly Geerts,“ then, gives a relatively realistic, Infidealiaed image of the American scene. EQuality is a positive element in American life, and the West is a land of gnomise. But in America, as elsewhere, poverty exists and fortunes are lost as well as made. Only one short story remains to be considered, that “L'Epope’e de Betzy et d'un Village. " The title itself indicates that the tale treats not only a woman, but also a village. Significantly, it is an American village. The story revolves around two young people, Betzy and Jehn, who are neighbors in a burgeoning American village, Nhrytown, Ohio. Marytown, John, and Betzy have grown up to- gether. At fourteen, Betzy is orphaned. Entrusting her little brother to John, and borrowing forty dollars, she leaves the village to learn a trade and become self-supporting. After five years of silence, Betzy returns to Marytown a prosperous young woman. And just as she had prOSpered, by dint of work, so had John and Marytown. John had long loved WY; because she to ask her hand in and here beqins the Betzy had leimed k Betzyls St] is absolutely dew without referenCe 1 when she tells Johl Elle n'avait n: Pleuré 3 1a W impossible com: :etzy is also a ve: ozwhat awaitS her nonetheless. Aske "Jene sais en projets 935130 seuls maitl' es :srstoicism and C Litroiuction to Be A ‘ | habit of a to” it. . s me de douceur ii“ ' immaturity, ens mile maintaining ll bToute pauvre Jesoin de vou: a1 préfe’re" quelquefois. " retl - 2y s silence di L0 D time herself 7 . 91y hails rescu lOl Betzy; because she accomplished her objectives, he feels free to ask her hand in marriage. So ends the “L‘Epopée de Betzy,“ and here begins the story of Lowell, Massachusetts, where Betzy had learned her trade. Betzy's strongest character trait is stoicism. She' is absolutely determined to succeed, regardless of, and without reference to, the sacrifice entailed. For example, when she tells John that she must leave Marytown, Elle n/‘avait ni p’ali de la p’aleur de John, ni pleure a la vue des larmes qui coulerent l'e‘" long des joues du jeune homme. Son visage demeura impassible comme un marbre. (lll) Betzy is also a very courageous young woman. She has no idea of what awaits her in the outside world, but she proceeds nonetheless. Asked where she plans to go, Betzy replies, “Je ne sais encore: demain p’eu’t detruire mes projets d'aujourd'hui; les e’venements sont les seuls maitres de nos volontes." (113) Her stoicism and courage are foreshadowed in the reader's introduction to Betzy. We are told that she is strong—willed and a bit of a tomboy. Yet "Betzy avait donc un caract‘ere A . , matine’ de douceur et d'e’nergie.“ (104) Her tenacity increased with maturity, enabling her to overcome severe hardships while maintaining her integrity. “Toute pauvre quejj'etais, je suis restée, ai—je besoin de vous le dire, John, une honn’e‘te fille. J'ai pré'fe’re’ souffrir, avoir froid, et faim quelquefois." (121) Betzy's silence during her trials is attributed to her desire to prove herself: to continue her efforts. For John would surely have rescued her had he known of her misery. "J‘ai mieux aime, souffri‘ i121) Betzy is Ob" John's Gilt sensitivity to Bet basic goodness. in independence, Johr _ - that Betzy's natur he makes no prote: incessantly conca absence, John one back because of t‘ comillete confiden John is of a sent 5e”Y's departure responsibilities, iambic father. Betzy is MS Confidence mi I mi of his tr' "avec la convict Coniiance en moi 1 y, inane Common to intransfozm the that and Confic‘ “Other idmiliar one of ieel Worthy of ‘ Mfirytown 102 mieux aimel souffrir toute seul...J‘ai triomphe/de tout. “ (121) Betzy is obviously a strong, independent heroine.‘ John's outstanding character trait is his sensitivity to Betzy's nature, his comprehension of her basic goodness. When others reject Betzy because of her independence, John insists on her infinite worth. Realizing that Betzy's nature demands attainment and self-sufficiency, he makes no protest over her departure from Marytown. Incessantly concerned about Betzy during her five—year absence, John once set out in search of her. But he turned back because of the implications of such an act. John has cmmplete confidence in Betzy: he trusts her and hopes in her. John is of a sentimental nature, witness his tears over Betzy's departure. And finally, John is faithful to his responsibilities, witness his care for his elderly, paralytic father. In sum, John is worthy of Betzy. Betzy is aware of John's confidence in her. In fact, ins confidence motivates her: she wants to prove herself nmrthy of his trust. She tells him that she suffered alone , . \,/. . ‘avec la conV1ction ou J'etais que vous aViez assez de confiance en moi pour ne pas m'accuser." (121) Hence a theme common to Eyma's fiction again emerges: love‘s power to transform the individual in whom one trusts. John‘s trust and confidence motivate and sustain Betzy. Another theme which figures in the tale is the familiar one of work and its blessings. Werk makes Betzy feel worthy of John; makes John a prosPerous Marytown land~ owner; Marytown a prOSperous and eXpanding community, his there binds ti two to the village. harytown is founded and develor oi the tale create: providential grout] John et Betzy * bords de l'Ohi< debourg, avec cabanes clair- dont les ondes d‘un prés sur ‘ ou ils auraien yards d'une gr trentaine d’lén d'firbfes defon PEIinetre de c iheharytown Vill; down and a riverbi p60Elle, who in tin ieveltiped Marytow The search for we in 103 This theme binds the entire “Epopee;“ Betzy to John, and the two to the village. I I Marytown is presented as a typical American village, founded and developed by American ingenuity. The rhetoric of the tale creates a sense of the rapid and, as it were, providential growth of the New World. John et Betzy vivaient dans un village sur les bords de l'Ohio: village‘h peine ébauché: a l'état de bourg, avec quelques maisons ou plutot quelques cabanes clair-semébs, a deux cents yards du fleuve dont les ondes puissantes pouvaient les tranzporter aéeu prés sur tous les points de la grande r publique ou ils auraient voulu se rendre, et‘h cin cents yards d'une grasse foret. Dans cette for t une trentaine d)emigrants avaient abattu un grand cercle d'arbres defoncé, défriché’ ensemence’un vaste I \ perimetre de champs; tracé’des rues qu'eussent enviées une ville eurOpéenne de deux cents mille A A . ames; bati les quelques cabanes que.pous ayons dites; etabli des routes: marque la place on s'éleverait un jour 1e City-House (h8tel de ville),éjeté'les fondements d'une église, ceux d'une cole publique, et plante 1e cimetiére juste au milieu de la future cité. Car on avait bien compté'que ce camp de travailleurs deviendrait une cite: Sous ce rapport les Americains se trompent rarement: c'est pour cela qu'ils décorent a l'avance du nom pompeux de cite: la grande surprise et pour le guidissement irréfléchi de certains voyageurs, 1e moindre village dont-ils viennent de jeter la graine en terre. (106) The Marytown villagers were right: the village did become a town and a riverboat center. And the riverboats brought peOple, who in turn increased the labor force, which in turn developed Marytown. And so it is in America, we are told. The search for well-being and fortune pushes the pOpulations ahead, always seeking the best. Et puis i1 existe une race d'hommes dont la mission semble étre de laisser sa trace sur ce vaste continent en y jetant des Jalons de’civilisation, pour aller plus loin mettre la cognee dans les arbres des forets et enfoncer la charrue dans le sol: e’baUChant autresr dédaiq point quelconq de l'interieur de’couvrir des des si‘ecleS Pr des continents apparente est l'ent'e‘ternent ‘3 \ ‘ Cette race \ des puritains i berceau, et qu industrieuse é ‘ I , comencant les \ - ebauchant les I. ‘ chantiers, pui leurs talons l 117) ‘ Thenobile, floati ind their willingr , _ _ - enlained by Inner: faith in the futuc bsc‘r, these pione States. l I C'e‘st un trai limericains et cette’ facile ‘ , ‘ y e Desert ne noint l'exil Iorces produc VOYage qu'ils Patrie est ~ L 104 I sol: ebauchant toujours, frayant la route aux autres: dédaignant de fixer leur activité'sur un point quelconque, Oiseaux de passage, colonisateurs de l'interieur, aventuriers aussi ambitieux de decouvrir des terres fecondes que les navigateurs des siEcles precedents de débouvrir des iles et des continents; race prébieuse, dont l'inconstance apparente est une qualité) parce qu'elle implique l'entétement dans une mission glorieuse. Cette race est celle des Yankees, ces descendants des puritains, qui ont eu 1e Massachusetts pour berceau, et qui ont, ensuite, couvert de leur industrieuse énergie toute l'AméEique du Nord, gommengant les villes, fondant les grandes fermes, ebauchant les manufactures, construisant les chantiers, puis, laissant au flot qui court sur leu§s talons le soin de completer leur oeuvre. (116- 117 The mobile, floating nature of large segments of the public, and their willingness to clear and settle vast regions, are explained by American fearlessness, self-confidence, and faith in the future. A Bible in the hand and an axe on the back, these pioneers immigrate to new sections of the United States. C'est un trait caractgristique de la vie des Americains et un des secrets de leur grandeur, que cette facile et constante emigration‘h l'intérieur. Le Desert ne les epouvante pas: l'émigration n'est point l'exil pour eux. Ayant la conscience de leurs forces productives, ils savent bien que 9e long voyage qu'ils entreprennent, a un but fecondant. La patrie est pour eux lh.pu.est 1e travail. Ils se séparent héroiquement de leur famille: rompent résolument avec lagfihe, quelquefois mfime avec un bien-etre mediocre ou peu stable, pour courir les aventures, plus ou.moins certaines, d'une émigration, tant8t vers les contrées nouvelles, tanth vers les villes ou le miroir de la fortune attire l'alouette. (107) For the American fears not work, but misery: he eXpends infinite energy, and fears no sacrifice, if only poverty can be avoided. Ce qui effraye 7 1a lutte; il a ‘ ' ' pran’iEre l'epo \ ' aisement de la , Massachusetts ’ ' et @ versa, infatigable at , dangers. ‘ \ , ’C'est ainsi deserts de l'C entiéres, par ‘ s, recueilli ‘a pa de’vouement et . Evie evidently adn I lengthy explanatic wisest that this therefore a SOUICI It is int HidingYncracies" , fine example of a tmuiht exception the Perimeters of , . $1653 or“ SPeCulato \ , mete-Ties must b | \ cest Pa tout le aussi ceigngfiCe in \ its had a high13 ‘ . themerican eYe he . | in are suhject 30th bus; related to the A! i .S perhaps the 1 9m . No One, n 105 Ce qui effraye l' Americain, c 'est la misere, et non la lutte; il aime meme cette derniers, et la premiere l'epouvante. Pour 1' eviter 11 se tranSporte aisement de la Californie en Louisiane: du Massachusetts dans le Texas- du New Jersey dans l'Iowa, et visa versa, insensible aux variations des latitudes, infatigable aux longues courses, bravant tous les dangers. C'est ainsi que les chemins des grands et feconds deserts de l'Ouest ont eté'ouverts a des populations entiéres, par de hardis pionniers, qui n 'ont pas tous recueilli a parts egales, 1e bénefice de leur devouement et de leurs sacrifices. (108) Eyma evidently admired this American tenacity and drive. His lengthy explanations of the American pioneering Spirit suggest that this Spirit was foreign to the EurOpean, and therefore a source of curiosity and wonder. It is interesting to note the American customs and "idiosyncracies" which fascinate our EurOpean observer. A fine example of a custom thought "normal" by Americans, but thought exceptional by Eyma,is the location of cemeteries in the perimeters of towns. Eyma attributes this to the clever— ness of Speculators who found villages. As villages grow, cemeteries must be moved, and therein is profit. "Souvent C'est 13 tout le béhéfice de leur entreprise, et souvent aussi celénéfice est considérable.” (107) Eyma had a highly developed, if not suspicious, sense of the American eye for business and profit. Even the American dead are subject to the machinations of Speculators: Both business methods and pioneering Spirit are related to the American attitude toward fortune. PrOSperity is perhaps the largest, most obsessively pursued American goal. No one, not even a woman, is to be discouraged from l 7 any undertaking “hi i . it puis, Betzy ' not contenait ; hericain n'ess de la voie qui une responsabil compte, sans a' I The fact t ‘ tells something of vonan. The New We each citizen regar geared to the same Les femmes amé viril: c'est ] Gilt Vite pris Les moeurs ami ces re’solutior sociale, le r1 Mlle-5. la cr; ‘dn instinct pi . d6 1' aprete’a \ . rudesses exté ‘ tGurnent fina lid) Even the absence ofEuropean with and Certain socia llI‘lEPOpe’c interesting COmm‘ South, When Bet 91v her trade, h She doesnrt go s 106 any undertaking which promises solvency. Et puis, Betzy avait parlé'de fortune‘a faire- ce mot contenait pour John tout un enseignement: un Americain n' essayera jamais de detourner quelqu' un de la voie qui mene a ce but: 11 croirait assumer une reSponsabilite dont plus tard on lui demanderait compte, sans aucun doute. (112) The fact that Betzy would so ardently pursue fortune tells something of the American, as opposed to the European, woman. The New World environment encourages and permeates each citizen regardless of gender: all institutions are geared to the same end: prOSperity. Les femmes americaines ont le caractere particulierement viril: c 'est le resultat de leur education. Elles ont vite pris un parti, quel qu 'il soit par example. Les moeurs americaines favorisent singulierement ces resolutions soudaines et energiques: l‘ egalité' sociale, 1e reSpect protecteur dont on entoura les femmes, la crainte qu 'elles ont de la misere, et un instinct’pour ainsi dire national du travail et de 1‘aprete au gain, voila en quoi certaines ~rudesses extérieures de la societé'americaine tournent finalement au profit de cette sociéte. (109- 110) Even the absence of some of the most indiSpensable elements of EurOpean culture, such as a particular sort of femininity and certain social graces, is converted to profit in America. "L'Epopée de Betzy et d'un village” contains an interesting comment on the attitude of the Yankee toward the South. When Betzy must decide upon a locale in which to ply her trade, her Puritan background affects her decision. 8he doesn't go south because elle avait oui parler'du relachement des moeurs dans cette riche cite du Sud, et Betzy, fille des puritains de la Nouvelle-Angleterre. S'était effrayee de ce contact dangereux. C‘est pourquoi elle tourna vers le Nord. (114) .Au ‘6 107 What the evils of the South were cannot be ascertained. But perhaps the French reader drew, from this passage, conclusions regarding the puritanical nature of the Yankee mind, rather than visions of southern degeneracy. Inherent in such rhetoric is another common theme: the potential effects of environment upon the individual. Betzy‘s success depends not only upon her innate qualities, but also upon her environment in Lowell, Massachusetts. She found there "un sanctuaire de honneteté: de travail" (121): and she studies there "car toutes les femmes y ont une education de ladies." (121) Lowell was, for Eyma, not only a great fascination but a model which Europe might well imitate. 0n y trouve la solution radicale de tous les problémes de la morale que l'on poursuit dans les grands centres indus triels de l‘EurOpe. (123) Drawing from Michel Chevalier's Lettres sur l'Amérigue QB Eggg, and quotingfrom J. -J. AmpEre's comments of 1851, in Ekomenades gnsAmerigue (Vol. I), Eyma describes and praises this model community. He gives statistics on employment and salaries: the number of girls trained: appearance and dreSS. He notes that France would never conceive of separating girls from their families, yet these American girls are scrupulously tended .. by reSponsible matrons. In sum, Eyma finds unique advantages in this peculiarly American enterprise, and recommends it to his own countrymen. Finally, l notice as the land heroines of the P1 iortune, so Betz‘! dreans. His atti‘ expectations turn, to be a rich farm. French reader's r fortune! Either is indeed the Pro litii'iorld, the la possibility. The nneri Village" is esser Iraits are univei ML. . “We 18 univer: QQVEl‘Qped in a Di he i . LC“: 311% gr! willored to Amer 108 Finally, the American West again receives tacit notice as the land of the future. Just as the heroes and heroines of the previous tales had gone West in search of fortune, so Betzy's brother goes to Texas to realize his dreams. His attitude illustrates American hopes and expectations turning westward. For this young man eXpects to be a rich farmer within five years. One can imagine the French reader's reaction to the prOSpect of such rapid fortune: Either American Optimism is incurable, or the West is indeed the Promised Land. Given the prosperity of the New world, the latter may have been the more tenable possibility. The American setting of “L'Epopée de Betzy et d'un village" is essential to the tale. Though Betzy's character traits are universals--which is only to say that human nature is universal--these traits find outlets andare developed in a peculiarly American manner. Because Betzy is American, she grows up in a rising American community: is tailored to American standards of womanhood: is apprenticed in Lowell. Consequently, Eyma has opportunity to eXplicate certain American customs and conditions. He creates an image of the typical American village and its growth: American tenacity and will: the new western frontier, the rSle of environment in the formation of the American woman: a model American enterprise: the American attitude toward fortune, work, and misery.‘ This conflux of images emerges pleasantly, through the story of a young man's confidence in a woman‘s stren in a distinctly An Several cc the image of men these five tales. rr L m m lack artistr stock characters, artificial diction noted considerabli appropriately sin. Significant detai 0: the tales cont 13599 which emerc reactions are Stc insolent-les h I . L1“ met one eases-Ct ‘ different: name, Zions. This el ‘ H The rapport be Distance doesn \ \ ilegres, comme \ _ I \ opprimees, ont l where they may I \ \ carried back a (63) For they qui se tra I inoffensii \ \ brin d'hel LES v’ariat hYSterieu: The Negro cons incoherehensii Of 594 ”96' He lov. un caract ne renCOn 1 Sthtre'es, I ., :epaYSels l y , Eggs: F0 \ ’ ulr Eli’llreci E’s 139 \ dans’les tehebres, cette influencegius ou moins magnetique diSparaissant, il se sentait plus a l'aise. (173-174) The rapport between Negro and Negro is another matter. Distance doesn't interrupt their relationships. “Les NEgres, comme toutes les races, comme toutes les sectes oppriméEs, ont entre eux une affiliation." (68) No matter where they may be, in a free or slave state, orders are carried back and forth "par quelque fil electrique invisible." (68) For they possess their own language I qui se traduit par les signes exterieurs les plus inoffensifs. par 1' echange le moins apparent d'un brin d' herbe, par l'envoi de tel on tel objet. Les variations de l' atmosphEre meme entrent dans ce mysterieux et lugubre alphabet. (68- 69) The Negro constitutes an American sub-culture, mysterious and incomprehensible to the white. Of special interest is the Virginia Negro, a Special type. He loves Virginia: it is for him a homeland, and hence he has un caractEre particulier de melancolie que l'on ne rencontre pas chez les negres des autres cgntrees. Hors de la Virginie, ils se trouvent depayse’s partout. Ce sont, d'ailleurs, des hommes robustes, pien constitues, sains, faciles a conduire, consequemment fort recherches et fort apprébiés. Voila pourquoi, sur toutes ces horribles boutiques d'esclaves ou dans le Sud on tient (ou tenait) debit de cette marchandise humaine,...on lit toujours cette enseigne allechante et parfois menteuse: Beaux Negres de la Virginie a Vendre. (910) A class of white man, also, is characterized in E; SiEEfiag‘é_§fEsclave, that of the slave hunter‘perhaps the most ignonuinious of all whites. The search for Francine's sister, Betzy, provid< this class, wj Grandes bc jusojr'aux couleurs e portaient ’ le frac m \ blame: a depenailh \ qu'ils po; le double ‘ I I en outre < Their absolutl eVidenced in ‘ Les douze ‘ ‘ ' té‘te alla; \ a9'96 pein enomes d gueules b en main, travers d d‘une lar cheval, o les’mains laceré de miserable: in These their only Inc 111 whom One 1 and therefo r e hunter States ll Les abo' $15 Séme- a c°nqu€ 140 Betzy, provides opportunity for a rhetorical description of this class, with their varied costumes: Grandes bottes ou guetres de cuir montant jusqu'aux genoux, vestes en drap de toutes couleurs etAde toutes formes: quelques-uns portaient meme, peu coquettement il est vrai, le frac noir- chapeau de feutre gris, noir, blancs au total, une tenue completement depenaillee. L' uniforms était dans le rifle qu 'ils portaient tous en bandouliere, et dans le double revolver autour de la ceinture, armee en outre d'un long couteau. (115) Their absolute indifference to the humanity of the Negro is evidenced in several gothic tableaux such as the following: Les douze cavaliers marchaient deu; par deux: en tete allait un negre, veritable geant, tenant avec peine en laisse un groupe de six chiens enormes de l' espece de bouledogues, et dont les gueules bavaient du sang...sur un cheval conduit en main, pendait le cadavre’d'un blanc place en travers de la selle...inondes du sang qui coulait d'une large blessure a la poitrine...Sur un autre cheval, on vo ait le torse nu d'un vieux negre, les mains liees a la hauteur des reins, et le dos laceré’de coups de fouet recents... (130-132) Such are the horrid methods of the slave hunter: such is the miserable, inhuman lot of the American Negro. These men are even more reprehensible than the slave traders because they are absolutely unprincipled. Money is their only motive: they will side with any cause for profit. This implication emerges through the attitude of the hunter, in whom one would expect to find segregationist principles, and therefore Opposition to abolitionists. Rather, as one hunter'states, "Les abolitionistes sont nos pourvoyeurs naturels, Ils semept, avec 1‘ eSperance d'une liberte difficile a conquerir, les idees bien plus pratiques et bien plus re’alisables < bois et les 9212.5. j'ai donc un gram besoin, je 195 em sait si un jour c‘ To persecute the iiegrc for profit, encouragil variance with one's ox Another unpr11 of "game" basis, are 1 business and profit a: relevance to action. now to slaves, later ' nothing to please the. S'ilsAassurent, \a l Sglquete d'un can ontie 'h A rs l ..osp prinCiDle T l and treat at “5718, Brower: the i te Stow th . e TeV Y are nu _ are neither Segr bus lnesmen. Their n- ing 141 plus realisables du marronnage. Ils peuplent les bois et les gangs du gibier qui nous fait vivre; j'ai donc un grand reSpect pour eux, et, au besoin, je les encourage dans leur industrie. Qui sait si un jour ce ne sera pas mon salut?“ (140) To persecute the Negro on principle is one thing; to do so for profit, encouraging even those whose ideology is at variance with one's own, is another, and worse. Another unprincipled class, and operating on a sort of “game" basis, are the inn—keepers. Like thefihunters, business and profit are their only concern: theory has no relevance to action. Thus it evolves that they give refuge now to slaves, later to their pursuers. They neglect nothing to please their clientele. S'ils assurent, a l' occasion, la fuite d'un nEgre en quete d'un gan no, si meme ils lui donnent volontiers l‘hospitalité’, et repondent de lui sur leur t3te, d'une autre part ils garantissent aux chasseurs d‘esclaves la securite de leurs prisonniers. Chasseurs et negres savent le double metier des aubergistes, et par un pacte tacite, ils tolerent cette duplicite, favorable aux uns et aux autres. On peut meme dire que les chasseurs consomment le wiskey vendu aux aubergistes par les negres marrons qui sont leur pourvoyeurs. (135 Money, then, provides the backdrop to the American slavery issue. Men such as Fabrice are segregationist in Principle, and treat their “possessions" kindly. Men such as Tatsms, Brower, the inn—keepers and the slave hunters—-and in the Story they are numerous--0perate on the profit motive. They are neither segregationist nor abolitionist, but businessmen. Their method of selling is that of merchandis— ing; even advertising is used. Le 23 de’cembre 18- Saint-Louis, par 3 nulStre Peter, 39:: bon cocher, bon dc cuisinier; pleina comptant, . . (48) The indignities to wh: merchandising techniqi Les ventes \a l'en‘ faveur aux Etats-i aient negligé de , esclaves. Ce svs l'humiliation inf. florissait dans ti l'ancienne Union. o'ailleurs, sans aucune de ses oer certain romans: eneut pas plus cu quelques minutes donne lieu ‘a cruel “'Y a guére pris eux ou trois per The reflectio dev e ' “dung. The nar of d - . Olng bllsmess. 142 \ Le 23 decembre 18--, 11 sera vendu, a la Bourse Saint-Louis, par Wild Larder, encanteur: 1e mulatre Peter, 3gé'd'environ vingt-quatre ans, bon cocher, bon domestique de maison, un peu cuisinier: pleinement garanti. Conditions: au comptant...(48) The indignities to which the Negro is subjected through this merchandising technique are narrated. Les ventes a l'encan jouissent d'une Erop grande faveur aux Etats-Unis pour que les Americains aient negligé de les pratiquer'a 1'égard des esclaves. Ce systéme, supreme degré'de l'humiliation infligée‘a l'eSpece humaine, florissait dans tous les Etats‘a esclaves de 1'ancienne Union. Ces encans d'esclaves se font, d'ailleurs, sans aucun de ces scandales, sans / / aucune de ses peripeties dont on a tant parle dans certain romans. Le nEgre, mis a l'enchEre, ne s'en emeut pas plus que le boeuf ou le mulet vendu quelques minutes avant lui. Si ces ventes ont donné’lieu‘a quelques scEnes émouvantes, 1e public n'y a guEre pris part;--c'était un secret entre deux ou trois personnes... (47-48) The reflection cast on the American character is devastating. The narrator explains the usual American method -of doing business. Deux Americains traitant d'affaires rendraient des points aux plus madres Normands. Chacun sent un piége dans la parole de son interlocuteur, tout en lui tendant une embfiche. C'est une parade perpetualle accompagnée d'une riposte incessante. (91) This cleverness is insupportable when human life and dignity are at stake, but it exists, it is implied, in all business dealings. Combine this with American indifference to the source of fortune: Peu de gens savaient lJorigine de la ortune de Tatsms: ce n'est pas la ce qui inquietait l'opinion publique, peu scrupuleuse a cet endroit en Amerique. (112—113) l | s | Add the narrator's obs and is intensified by seize “avant tout un 1 has a highly-seasoned thinks next in terms C encountered Rosenwallé this with European cor can assume that the F: ugly indeed. It is notable some effort to distim and those of its inha' hnerican Constitution outlawed the importat no Negross were to be Emu“. Si bien faite I W.“ (15) individu EV c~ ery wort t0 oreve 143 Add the narrator's observation that slave trading coincides i and is intensified by the American's native propensity to seize “avant tout un benefice,” as previously quoted, and one has a highly—seasoned but distasteful potpourri. If one thinks next in terms of the Eyma reader who had previously encountered Rosenwallen in Le Egggg Q'Argent, and couples this with European conceptions of American materialism, one can assume that the French image of American business was ugly indeed. It is notable, however, that the narrator does make some effort to distinguish between the nation's principles and those of its inhabitants. He points out that in 1808 the American Constitution (Section IX, Article 1, he footnotes) outlawed the importation of slaves from Africa. Officially, no Negroes were to be admitted. But "clandestinement et par fraude, si bien faite que fut la police maritime a cet I egard," (15) individuals broke the law. The government made every effort to prevent this. Toutes les fois que les batiments americaine preposés E.cette police ont surpris des batiments en flagrant delit de traite’, ils 1es ont impitoyablement saisis, et leur cargaison humaine a été’reconduite, aux frais dy gouvernement, sur la Cate d'Afrique, a la colonie de Liberia. (16) The official American position is clear. The narrator attempts, also, to balance the scales of condemnation of individual attitudes. He attributes such attitudes to the customs of the country, to a sort of in-breeding which has habit. “En Bumpe. 0 . I . enfants; en Amerique, (55) That is just “t Moreover, the institu contradiction in law removed it from the d Ala longue, on s peut dire que le l‘esclavage, ses aUquel il donne l l'indignation. C institution doit. I duree. (12) Slavery is not justii‘ story supports abolii degree, by the Ameri< former slave, is infl notable that, as the as white, and has ma, endured the crueltie l saves. In other we institution, but the institution Env' imment permeate 144 in—breeding which has less to do with conscience than with habit. "En EurOpe, on donne les poupées et des joujoux aux I ' I . . . , enfants; en Amerique, on leur fait cadeau d‘un petit esclave.“ ; (55) That is just ”the way it is" in the United States. Moreover, the institution can be attributed, in Spite of the contradiction in law and action, to its longevity, which has 'removed it from the domain of conscience. A la longue, on s' y accoutume, a ce point qu‘on peut dire que le spectacle oontinuel de l' esclavage, ses pratiques etranges, le langage auquel il donne lieu finissent par emousser l'indignation. C'est a cela que cette institution doit, incontestablement, sa si longue duree. (l2) Slavery is not justified: the overwhelming evidence of the story supports abolition. But it is explicated, to some degree, by the American milieu. And everyone, even the former slave, is influenced by his milieu. For it is notable that, as the story ends and Betzy has been recognized as white, and has married Fabrice; this Betzy who has herself endured the cruelties and indignities of slavery, owns slaves. In other words, she herself questions not the institution, but the miscarriages of justice within that institution. Quant aux douze jeunes servantes que Fabrics avait achetées pour sa soeur, elles passerent naturellement au service de Betzy, qui trouva tree—original de posseder a son tour des esclaves. Les bruits publics ne 1' ont jamais accusee d'avoir ete une maEtresse severe pour ses negres. (280— 281) Environment permeates everyone! With the exce characters in £3 EELS than that Eyma attrib we have come to assoc here is the concept c whites. The Negro, 1 aspirations, loves ar inheres in action of Of special In This instinct is strr W2: or escap< Should the slave be AS Brower eXplains t1 ll T11 parles de 56 formidables que TWO“. nos cha unissent toujou coup de fusil ‘a me er un escla gagnent la prime Yet “Ch gangs are n escape I a ' n 66d, fre thmilgh Francine 145 With the exception of Fabrics, all of the humane \ characters in L3 Chasse a l‘Esclave are Negroes. It is to them that Eyma attributes the attitudes and sentiments which we have come to associate with heroes and heroines. Implicit here is the concept of the innate equality of Negroes and whites. The Negro, like the white, is human: his drives and aspirations, loves and fears, are the same. This concept inheres in action of the story. Of Special note is the slaves‘ desire for freedom. This instinct is stronger than security, or life itself. Marronnaoe, or escape, brings with it horrid consequences should the slave be recaptured; more often than not, he is. As Brower explains to Francine: "Tu parles de securite...et tu sais bien que si formidables que soient les gangs des negres marrons, nos chasseurs d'esclaves et leurs chiens finissent toujours par les decouxrir, et qu' un cou de fusil a tirer ne leur coute rien pour arreter un esclave dans sa fuite, pourvu qu ‘ils gagnent 1a prime qu'on leur paie.“ (66—67) Vet such gangs are numerous; slaves continue to attempt escape. Indeed, freedom speaks in their souls, as we see through Francine. In her case, as she enters the forest in search of Flora and Betzy: Le parfum de ces bois ou soufflait le vent de la liberte, ces dangers eux-memes qu 'elle evitait et bravait en meme temps, avaient rallume dans son coeur ce gout du marronnage qui revient toujours aux. esclaves qui ont passe’par 1a, et qui est instinctif chez tous en géheral. (166) As for security versug freedom, an escaped slave, Tommy (note the name!), tells the tale. "11 n‘y a pas de maison en ville l \ Gilli vaille une case 6 chase of Francine's l the depth of this ins he’roique dont les de/t terreur." (70) Bill “Laissez-moi.‘ laisse vivant entre les mail wounded and bleeding hours, so great is B; inalienable right, a In a woman, freedom is that for Francine's imputed w 30v. About to die, entr'ouvrit les 1ntelligible:-—c F‘ille blanche, i J'aimey esclave“ serais morte de Prononca le nom I Southern law prohibi And 1°” is a woman' A Negro mot] er lnStlnct to pro h . . er, 1s unwersal a- 146 qui vaille une case dans les bois.“ (166) The escape and chase of Francine's lover, Bill, is a dramatic instance of the depth of this instinct. It is the record of a “lutte heroique dont les details justifieront les sentiments de terreur.“ (70) Bill plunges into a river, hollering “Laissezemoil laissez-moi! J'aime mieux me noyer que tomber vivant entre les mains de mon ancien maitre." (72) He is wounded and bleeding, yet the pursuit continues for ten hours, so great is Bill's thirst for freedom. Freedom is an inalienable right, a universal instinct. In a woman, the only desire greater than that for freedom is that for union with the person she loves. Francine's imputed white blood causes her as much sorrow as joy. About to die, she entr'ouvrit les yeux, et d'une voix‘a peine intelligible:-—Oh' Je suis heureuse de mourir. Fille blanche, Je n 'aurais pas pu epouser celui que 1' aime: esclave, je ne suis pas digne de 1ui.Je serais morte de chagrin tot ou tard' Et Francine prononca le nom du jeune mulatre Bill. (271) Southern law prohibited marriage between white and mulatto. And love is a woman's greatest passion. A Negro mother has the same sentiments as a white. Her instinct to protect her child, to do all possible for her, is universal and profound, as witnessed by Flora. She knows Betzy is white; yet she prefers injustice to a negation of motherhood, and represents her mulatto daughter, Francine, as white. Her motherliness is evidenced in typically senti- mental gestures. Flora covers Francine with "larmes et de — baisers 1es mains, 1e ' - _ . (186) The profundity \ - " . 3 the mystery question stinct is uncontrolla Francine's blood is 1: dying girl, Flora - poussait des génie . ' , *' fibres du coeur. 1 u l . ca’resses qu elle 1: ’- desespoir, qui aug s'approchait de la d'une violente at u, vifs ettrop nature ‘ . ' Brower et Betzy. . ' = V ' Betzy is white, Franc I is that of a mother. In the Negro, tegrity, resides a p: ing the kindness of 1 his plan to murder t1 ‘ , . -‘ , 3 . - Le ntgre demeura I ' x . - de tous les bien: \ d'énume'rer a son - coutelas, se jet; il embrassa les 1 L ‘. 4 ' ' ' ‘ ' - Note the sentimental - _ anniversality of va less of color. In structuri the plot to its reso “hues which we have ‘ \ _ , , . .‘ ' generally sense thei those of their own I 147 baisers les mains, 1es genoux, 1es joues de la jeune fille." (186) The profundity of Flora's motherly instincts solves the mystery question of parentage, in fact. Flora's in- stinct is uncontrollable, and in the resultant gestures, Francine's blood is betrayed. On her knees alongside the dying girl, Flora poussait des gémissements‘a ébranler toutes les fibres du coeur. Ses cris, ses larmes, les caresses qu 'elle prodiguait a Francine, son deseSpoir, qui augmentait a mesure que la mort s' approchait de la jeune fille, tous ces signes d'une violente et sincere douleur etaient trop vifs ettr0p naturels pour n' avoir pas frappe Brower et Betzy. (270) Betzy is white, Francine mulatto. For surely Flora's reaction is that of a mother. In the Negro, as well as in the white of any in- tegrity, resides a profound sentiment of gratitude. Recall- ing the kindness of his master and mistress, a Negro rejects his plan to murder their son, Fabrics. Le nEgre demeura comme anéanti devant 1e souvenir de Htous les bienfaits que la nourrice venait d'enumerer a son coeur. Il laissa tomber son coutelas, se jeta aux genoux du Jeune enfant, dont il embrassa 1es mains et les pieds avec reSpect. (29) Note the sentimental posture. Note, too, the implications of a universality of values possessed by the good man, regard- less of color. the plot to its resolution, Eyma employs concepts and tech- niques which we have previously noted. Eyma characters generally sense their parentage or a mysterious liaison with those of their own blood. In Lg Chasse Eyma plays off this — intuition against the ‘ . . a clue that Betzy, ra ' I . - - 11 us sanhlait pa ' attachment filia ses illusions per involontaire, mal . avait 1e secret I ‘ ' ' on la faisait vie se traduisaient ; ’ ‘ corps, par les s: ‘ ' de sa poitrine, 1 ‘ ses bras. (198) The ”secret pressent: I betrays: of emotion : Francine and Flora as ‘ ‘ acc‘es de rage; elle ' And a grass coincidences. When and Betzy, arrive at ‘ I escaped slave who he named Tom!) who had Moreover, it so happ as Betzy and Flora, \ abouts. Coincidenta . Francine, happens tr Eyua manages to tie the plot. \ The story 1 of gothic elements, flfllest. In so doi ‘ 0f gothic horror, 0 148 intuition against the mystery of Betzy's race, thereby giving a clue that Betzy, rather than Francine, is white. 11 ne semblait pas qu'elle trouvat dans son attachement filial une compensation suffisante a ses illusions perdues. Elle ressentait une haine involontaire, mais profonde....0n eut dit qu 'elle avait 1e secret pressentiment de l'ambition dont on la faisait victims. Les emotions qui l' agitaient se traduisaient par de violents soubresauts de son corps, par les sanglots bruyants qui s' echappaient de sa poitrine, par les contorsions nerveuses de ses bras. (198) The “secret pressentiment" is typical: physical reSponse as betrayer of emotion is sentimental and Eymaesque. When Francine and Flora arrive, “Betzy se sentit prise d'un accES de rage- elle poussa un cri et tomba evanouie." (199) coincidences. When Francine and Brower, in search of Flora and Betzy, arrive at the forest inn, hunters bring in an escaped slave who happens to be the same Tom (every slave is named Tom!) who had murdered the wife and son offTatems. Moreover, it so happens that this Tom was in the same "gang" as Betzy and Flora, and can therefore reveal their where- abouts. Coincidentally, one Bruskin, who is the father of Francine, happens to be in the woods at the same time. Thus Eyma manages to tie together and resolve the complexities of the plot. The story lends itself beautifully to the insertion of gothic elements, and Eyma utilizes the possibility to the fullest. In so doing, he not only follows in the tradition of gothic horror, once so pOpular, but intensifies the — impression of the ugl marked the tableau cottage. No less gr: tween escaped slaves . Le sol etait labt ! de distance en di ‘ noire et immobil: ' ‘ ' c'etait un cadav: ' bataille. Le co: branches d'un ar] géfendu sa vie e’i ’ . etait ravage”, de' ' ' d'un dani-mille . The use of dogs comp. scenes, emphasizing opportunity for furt . / s'etaient couches a haletant...Les chien The dogs have a func they are used to mis Francine is indeed t soit lassitude c' ‘ qu'aucun des Spé expliquer, s'ils ce moment, les < la vue d'un negi ' \ ‘ ' pas a la vue de l They have deceived l more reliable. . In a sentim appears a failure 1 forcing all charact ' d I depths of family ti 149 impression of the ugliness of slavery. We have already remarked the tableau of Tatem's slaves chained in a burning cottage. No less grotesque is the scene of the battle be- tween escaped slaves and their pursuers. Le sol etait labouré par les pieds des chevaux: de distance en distance, on apercevait une masse noire et immobile tremoant dans une mare de sang: c 'etait un cadavre de nEgre reste sur ce champ de bataille. Le corps d'un de ces négres pendait aux branches d'un arbre, du haut duquel il avait défendu sa vie et ch 11 avait trouvé'la mort. Tout etait ravage, devastation et sang sur cet espace d'un demi-mille d'etendue. (159-160) The use of dogs compounds the gothic effect of many of the scenes, emphasizing the cruelty involved, and providing Opportunity for further horror. "Les chiens harassés s'étaient couches a plat ventre et tiraient la langue en haletant...Les chiens grognaient autour de Flora..." (133,209) The dogs have a function in addition to their gothic aSpect; they are used to mislead the reader, to suggest that Francine is indeed the Caucasian. Soit lassitude de leur part, soit pour une cause qu' aucun des Spectateurs presents n' eut pu eXpliquer, s 'ils avaient pris garde‘a ce fait en ce moment, les chiens habitues a donner 1' aboi a la vue d'un negre ou d'un sang mele ne bougerent pas a la vue de Francine. (133) They have deceived us, of course: their gothic traits are more reliable. In a sentimental passage in the novel's denoupemant appears a failure in verisimilitude. Eyma seems intent on forcing all characters in all stories to reSpond to the depths of family ties, or some evidence of them, even when — such is utterly incoi . ' ~ ‘ _ _ and Brower have comm: ‘ treatment of Negroes: yond human endurance, forcibly dragged fro: moved. .. Brower et Bruski , .. i 2. .3 . 1e coeur tendre - - . ., sentirent anus d x . _ . _. Flora, et des 1a ‘. ,‘ , ' . .. t. One would have thoug , V - a , “ cry; but not when tr. Conventions in Ea M as in t ' ascene the narratoi pu rendre l'effet p: awkward rhetorical : witness the followi1 _ I I has no evenene‘ et lieu lui ouv facilement et la l'eSperait. (10 ‘ - a " , - ' ‘ H , 2 Such inartistic for mark Eyma's weaknes , . , especially noted fc Flora, Brower, Bru: . ‘I 1 they dream of free logically sound, 1. 4. ‘ A ‘ l .- ~‘ , but it is also eff 0f action in the r 150 such is utterly inconsistent with characterization. Bruskin and Brower have committed every possible atrocity in their treatment of Negroes; beatings, bloodshed, harrassments be— yond human endurance. Yet when Francine dies and Flora is forcibly dragged from her dead daughter, the two men are moved. Brower et Bruskin qui n 'avaient, certes, jamais eu le coeur tendre a l‘endroit des esclaves, se sentirent emus des cris dechirants qui poussait Flora, et des larmes monterent a leurs yeux. (274) One would have thought such men too calculating and cold to cry; but not when they are Eyma's creations! Conventions of the eighteenth-century novel appear in La Chasse as in the rest of Eyma‘s fiction. In describing A a scene the narrator states, “Le pinceau de Callot eut seul pu rendre l'effet pittoresque de cette salle...“ (155) And awkward rhetorical interjections appear here as elsewhere, witness the following: _ I I Ma1s un evenement que nous raconterons en temps et lieu lui ouvrit la voie beaucoup plus facilement et beaucoup plus vite qu' il ne l'esPerait. (109) Such inartistic foreshadowing and obvious use of conventions mark Eyma's weakness. One scene, however, should be especially noted for its artistic effectiveness. As Francine, Flora, Brower, Bruskin, and Betzy walk through the forest, they dream of freedom and wealth. This is not only psycho- logically sound, lending great verisimilitude to the scene, but it is also effective as a subtle method of uniting threads of action in the reader‘s mind. (Indeed, he sorely needs — then, given the story with his personal pos r -‘ deception be discover qu'elle ne l'avait e1 - ‘ ,_ i , 3 ool‘ere et sa jalousi¢ Brower plots to local narrator is unable t1 Nous allons voir acoomplis dans 1 1 . . renverser toutes ‘ , ‘ ' , ' ' In the main, however t ‘ -- , , ' ‘ functional. . Though the r. PM are indefe they do provide addi , f / , ' _ - " States. The reader system of justice 1: a consequence: steal numerous problems; . are largely indiffe From the ma Prancine's parentag . ' 4 ‘ l ' of the Anerican juc' La mani‘ere doni .. . faits que nous , , - * ' . paraitre bien I . ~ -‘ Etats~Unis. M; . , a ‘ inimaginable or ‘ . ' - investigations \ , ' ' obtenir son mu‘ ” ‘ .i les plus simpl 151 them, given the story‘s digressions!) Bruskin is preoccupied with his personal position; Flora is anxious lest her deception be discovered; “Betzy, plus sombre et plus morne qu'elle ne l'avait encore éeé) rongeait 1e frein de sa colEre et sa jalousie;” (205) Francine dreams of freedom; and Brower plots to locate Francine's family. Unfortunately, the narrator is unable to leave "well enough" alone; he adds, Nous allons voir que les évéhements qui s'étaient accomplis dans l'intervalle etaient de nature's renverser toutes les combinaisons de Brower... (207) In the main, however, the scene is both artistic and functional. Though the numerous digressions of L3 Chasse é l'Esclave are indefensible from a critical point of view, they do provide additional images and concepts of the United States. The reader is given to believe that the American system of justice is ineffective and vigilance committees are a consequence; steamboats are prov0cative of crime and numerous problems; Americans are adventuresome; Americans are largely indifferent to others. From the machinations of Brower and Bruskin over Francine's parentage arises an image of the ineffectiveness of the American judicial system. .\ .. I . I . La maniere cont s‘etaient passes les derniers faits que nous venons de raconter...pourrait paraitre bien légére dans tout autre ays qu‘aux Etats-Unis. Mais quand on sait la negligence inimaginable que la justice y apporte dans ses investigations, la facilité’avec laquelle on peut obtenir son mutisme et son ignorance des faits les plus simples, on ne s'étonnera plus que Brower ait com?t pour calmer leS this 1e sement (203-204) Though the narrator enforcement and vigi might well assume th of lax law enforcene one way or another. une des curiosit leur justice est censtituent dam: on l'auto’rite’ le soit materiellen The methods of such terribleS, souvent ; (263865 is laid at t) encouraged by the l (E'est le relach ou - ’oouvolr . ! qu Rértlculier sur me: We montr ”heure l'indiv 152 Brower ait compte sur le maniement de ses dollars pour calmer 1es inquietudes de Bruskin...aux Etats- Unis 1e serment domine en quelque sorte la loi... (203-204) Though the narrator draws no conclusions regarding law enforcement and vigilance committees, a perceptive reader might well assume that vigilance committees are an outgrowth of lax law enforcement; an effort to implement “justice" in one way or another. The narrator terms vigilance committees I une des curiosités de la vie sociale en Amerique... leur justice est toujours sommaire: ils se constituent dans toutes les occasions extraordinaires ou l'autorité'legale est on se montre impuissante, soit materiellement, soit moralement. (227) The methods of such committees are, however, “quelquefois terribles, souvent impitoyables." The blame for these ex- cesses is laid at the doorstep of American individualism as encouraged by the law itself. I C'est la relachement de l' autorite, la faiblesse du ouvoir, consequence obligee des institutions am ricaines, qui ont encourage ces usurpations du articulier sur la loi. Le reSpect exageré'peut- etre, que montre celle-c1 our 1' individu, a conduit 1' individu'a supleer la loi dans son insuffisance ou dans son exces de res ect. De la est venu 1e principe, adOpt comme un acte regulier en Amerique, que la defense et la justice individualles sont de droit pour les citoyens; et necessairement on en abuse. (227) Following this eXplication, the narrator gives a brief history of American methods of self-defense: the duel; gun- toting; the bowie-knife. He comments that in the South and West, the sword and revolver ”sont comme une partie . I integrahEe de la toilette des hommes." (239); that “comites sont armee jusqu'aux dents“ (249), and encourages readers to draw their own aconclusions with, 0n s'imagine...C ou plut’at les ac doctrine de la 1' se croit autoris le doit\ de 1aAle chacun a la tete vulgaire, ou Che poche clans laque um revolver on t One wonders if any I emigrate to the Unit 0n the other to one another, and justice; as when tra transit to the Unitt killed by one Baker one question Koenig overboard without s< sists, this est tellement o guotidiennenent limerique, one o Clf‘son esprit t ‘1 luvraisenblan S vch an event revea boats l. ' I hit. ls‘iaCCOI r< . ELleCtion of emeri \ 0“ l'inairfe’rer 153 On s' imagine...ce que peuvent etre 1es incidents, ou plutot les accidents, qui resultent de cette doctrine de la jusEice individuelle, que chacun se croit autorise a appliquer, et qu' on appelle le doit de la legitime defense, dans un pays oh chacun a la tete pres du bonnet, selon 1e dicton \ \ , \ vulgaire, ou chacun a surtout la main pres de,1a poche dans laquelle dort d'un sommeil fort leger un revolver ou un bowie-knife. (236) \ One wonders if any reader of Lg Chasse a l‘Esclave would emigrate to the United States: On the other hand, however, Americans are indifferent to one another, and thereby overlook mudh crime and in- justice: as when travelling by steamboat. Betzy was in transit to the United States with her uncle, Koenigs; he is killed by one Baker, who sells Betzy to Bruskin. Why did no one question Koenig's absence? How could a man be pushed overboard without some repercussions? Yet, the narrator in- sists, this est tellement conforms..:a ce qui se passe quotidiennement a bord des steamboats en’ Amerique, que nous prions le lecteur d‘ecarter de son esprit tout idee d'exageration et d'invraisemblance de notre part. (102) Such an event reveals not only the circumstances on steam- boats, but isgaccording to the narrator, a very accurate reflection of American society, on l'indifférence la plus complete sur la sort de son voisin est le caraCEEre dominant. Personne peut-etre ne connaissait Baker a bord; personne he s' inquieta meme de savoir qui i1 etait. (103) The narrator makes no attempt to account for this indifference He merely states that it exists, and thereby justifies one of the peripities of Betzy's life. i l l Finally, the as an adventuresome formed, and the fror I‘ \ Les gens prets a ne manquent pas le Sud. Les uns sont les autres n‘om qui trouve une ( eSprit d'aventu: jeunesse de ces The American is, in: TO Smmnariz mutually the no an excess of the we :iction, The major Central plot and at so eXtensiVE. and 5 ad" . altlon, the novel tr ' Etppln(35“per1'1aps able when awkwardh Emot‘ , Ions 0: the re; rhet . Char . , actenzatlon f, The Value ileiC' . lt 5 . this IESpect the n e Xaggeration of se American image. E 154 Finally, the reader receives an image of the American as an adventuresome sort. Thus vigilance committees are formed, and the frontier is pushed toward the Pacific. Les gens prats‘a des eXpeditions de toutes sortes ne manquent pas aux Etats-Unis, et surtout dans le Sud. Les uns sont guides par 1' appat d'un salaire: les autres n 'ont d'autre mobile que leur bravoure qui trouve une occasion de 5' exercer, ou cet eSprit d'aventures qui est le prOpre de la Jeunesse de ces pays. (218) The American is, indeed, a breed unto himself. artistically the novel is one of Eyma's poorer, suffering an excess of the weaknesses we have noted in his other fiction. The major offense is the lack of unity between the central plot and appended incidents which are so numerous, so extensive, and so tenuously related to the novel's central issue as to be justifiably considered separate tales. In addition, the novel is weakened by the usual sentimental trappings--perhaps acceptable in themselves, but unaccept- able when awkwardly and obviously employed to arouse the emotions of the reader. Present, too, are superfluous rhetoric, offensive coincidences, and contradictions in characterization for the sake of sentimental values. The value of Ea Chasse‘é l}§§g;§gg rests in its implicit and eXplicit information on slavery in America. In this reSpect the novel's artistic weakness, its tendency to exaggeration of sentiment and gothic horror, reinforces the American image. From the action of the story emerges the concept of Negro and of human nature as e values. Heroes and instincts, sense of are akin on all leve one‘s skin doesn‘t a In the Unite equality and brother But the institution cruel individuals a1 on principle but on as applied to slave most malignant aspe: character, and dram The novel In Individual acts and cOihcide. Cultural out reflection. In ship is not intenti herican historv. habit has made it i obviously did not c its "raison d'Etre‘ not the United Stat hilt does not condor The date 0: suggests that it f < 155 concept of Negro and white equality, based on the universality of human nature as evidenced by sentimental response to values. Heroes and heroines are Negroes; their maternal instincts, sense of gratitude, love, and thirst for freedom are akin on all levels to that of a Caucasian. The color of one's skin doesn‘t affect the interior man, his human nature. In the United States, however, the Negro is denied equality and brotherhood; he suffers horrifying injustices. But the institution of slavery is not the real issue: rather, cruel individuals are to be condemned. Such men operate not on principle but on profit motives. American materialism, as applied to slave trade, is the central issue. Here the most malignant aspersions are cast upon the American character, and dramatized in the action of the novel. The novel makes some gesture toward balance, however. Individual acts and the Constitution do not necessarily coincide. Cultural patterns and habits promote slavery with— out reflection. In other words, the master-slave relation— Ship is not intentionally malicious, but results from American history. The American conscience lies dormant; habit has made it impervious to the institution. Eyma obviously did not condone slavery pg; s37 yet he understood its “raison d'etre" in America. He blames injustice, but not the United States; he understands individual motives, but does not condone individual actions. The date of publication of E3 Chasse7a l'Esclave, 1866, Squests that it found a wide audience. It appeared one Year following the c interest in the me] factors make the as: Harriet Beecher Stov in 1866; and two, t1 history in French 1: very popularity. Q works of the same 9 In 1824, Ma 1%, delineating sequent pain of den novel, but a portra law, and the injust 1826, Servais Etien generous Negroes re Merimee's Tamanqo v hm“ itias} The SllCcess in 1831. ] M‘E appeared, slave Owners by rei Alexander Dtimas pul with a tale of a W “11847 appeared p, 01an domestic 0V8 bu OKs were tasted and wh°se "Sine S 156 year following the close of the Civil War, when French interest in the American slavery issue was high. Two other factors make the assumption of popularity reasonable: one, Harriet Beecher Stowe's influence in France was still viable in 1866: and two, the slavery question enjoyed a fairly long history in French literature, accounting in part for Stowe's very popularity. Eagle 22mlg,ggbig (1852) joined many other works of the same genre. In 1824, Madame la Duchesse de Duras published Ourika, delineating a Negress' educational progress and con- sequent pain of deprivation. This was not an abolitionist novel, but a portrayal of the cruelties inherent in French law, and the injustices and obligations of society. In 1826, Servais Etienne's Sources ggyggg-Jargal, depicting generous Negroes revolting in the Antilles, appeared. PrOSper Merimee's Tamango was published in 1829--and filled with horror itwas: The élE§£'§2£L of EugEne Sue was a tremendous success in 1831. In 1835 Louis de Maynard de Queilhe's Qgtggeflgg appeared, presenting atrocities and exonerating slave owners by reference to their philanthrOpic qualities. Alexander Dumas published Georges in 1843, rending hearts with a tale of a mulatto's love for a white girl. Finally,' in 1847 appeared Paul Féval's Mendiant Epig, depicting a black domestic overflowing with devotion. All of these books were tasted by a public for whom justice was "2 la mode,“ and whose "ame sensible" yearned for the triumph of the persecuted. The the: the ills of slavery novel theme6 Nor was the France. America was Tocqueville had take judged that the Neg: institution of slave a3 Mai—ling (1835 the contradiction be and the institution French criticism in entitled ReconseE 3 other words, when t roll from the Frenc' cultivated ground.7 Moreover, s herself. In 1848 I question de l'escla 157 persecuted. The theme of the virtuous Negro, suffering from the ills of slavery and color prejudice, was a well—worn novel theme.6 Nor was the issue of American slavery a novelty in France. America was a great curiosity to the French. Tocqueville had taken up the American slavery issue and judged that the Negro profited, rather than lost, by the institution of slavery. Beaumont's Marie, pg 1'Esc1avage aux Etats-Unis (1835) enjoyed great popularity, and criticized the contradiction between the American doctrine of equality and the institution of slavery. America was defended against French criticism in 1837 by Eugene A. Vial, in a brochure entitled Reponse é quelques imputations contre les gtagg—gnis ’ I I , . / enoncees dans les ecrits g; dans les journaux recents. In ~ other words, when translations of Upgle TQELE 98212 began to roll from the French press in 1852, they fell on fertile, cultivated ground.7 Moreover, slavery was a political issue in France herself. In 1848, slavery was abolished in French colonial possessions. "AprEs 1848 les francais envisageront 1a question de l'esclavage du c8té politique...le roman de \ 6Edith Lucas, L3 Litterature Anti—Esclavagiste a3 lge Eiéglg (Paris, 1930). Miss Lucas notes, also, that the Negro theme was used extensively in the French theater, witness Le Eégrg (1830), Le Code Noir (1842), 1,2 Docteur Noir (1846), and finally, Lamartine's Toussaing Louverture (1850), which enjOYed twenty—five perfonnances. 7Lucas, p. 50. l 3 1 i i Madame Stowe a surtc mode.“8 And so it 1 1860's, as evidence .\ . . EWfi la Low L— 2'. oirs and Esclaves 5' Bianca 1' Esclave in ——.—_ I m in 1872. One reasona' a yggiw reached predecessors, it wa slavery than the in and acceptable. It the political and l 1866. These facts, Civil War, suggest t " a 0 the trench image 158 Madame Stowe a surtout pour effet de maintenir 1e sujet a la mode.“8 And so it remained in the 1850's, and well into the 1860's, as evidenced by the appearance of Madame Emery '5 Le Négrg de la Louisiane in 18647 Denance's yeux'ghasseurs Ngirg and Esclavgg Affranchis in 1865; Madame Grandsard's Bianca 1'§§clave in 1866; and Madame de Stolz's Blanche g; Neige in 1872. One reasonably assumes, then, that Eyma's La Chasse E l'Esclave reached a wide audience. Like so many of its predecessors, it was more concerned with the excesses of slavery than the institution itself; its content was familiar and acceptable. It is likely that many read the novel, given the political and literarytradition viable in France in 1866. These facts, coupled with the interest Sparked by the Civil War, suggest that Eyma made a significant contribution to the French image of slavery in America. STUDIES 05‘ AM Between 185 quartet of studies mm in 1853:1 lg Rgugg in 1854;3 an volumes deal with t mixture of tales ar. strictly to the Uni The structure of ea as Eyma's comments latest published oi treated first, and \ l . (P . Louis Xav; 182nm “rand, 18‘ o‘hl‘ _ ereafter, L erwise indicate 2 . Paris: 81 3 Paris: G1 CHAPTER V STUDIES OF AMERICAN POLITICAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE Between 1853 and 1857, L. Xavier Eyma published a quartet of studies of the New World: Les Femmes d3 Nouveau— I , Monde in 1853,-1 Les Deux Ameriques in 1853;2 Les Peaux Rouges in 1854,-3 and Les Peaux Noires in 18574,. These volumes deal with the entire American hemisphere: they are a mixture of tales and commentary. The material related strictly to the United States, however, concerns us here. The structure of each of the four volumes will be evident as Eyma's comments on the United States are examined. The latest published of the four volumes, Les Peaux Noires, is treated first, and for two reasons. One, the author l . Louis XaV1er Eyma, Les Femmes g3 Nouveau-Monde (Paris: Giraud, 1853: Paris: Michel Levy Freres, 1860 and 1861.) Hereafter, works cited are those of Eyma unless otherwise indicated. 2Paris: Giraud. 3Paris: Giraud,- Paris: Michel Le’vy, 1860. 4Paris: Michel Léoy, Eyma states in the introduction to this study that he planned three other volumes:’ Leg _Pe__aux Blanches: Les Por.tr.a...it_s_ see W Q'Eiei W. and Les Chronigues g3 Nouveau—Monde. However, I found no indication that these volumes were published. 159 _..__ a," ,1, .._.-.. ..1 F‘v: nai- delineates his intei in the introduction question of slavery discussed in the pr Eyma explai a series of studies iiouveau—Monde. . . une 13 I'OiS. "5 Race is Americas because th ne sont has set (3' un gtat polit elles subissent in: luences de 1 dElimitation er moeurs, ses ha} prelugezs ASES c dans le m’éne m: aEl‘irgoit les cl recOnnait le p, ‘ 6t devient une \ I The essence of the \ I r \ racial phenomena w stand the herniSphe \ I _ - ' Though each has it Side the 0th er ,. en ChaquE Jour, des t ml devouement. II (V) r \ _ ‘ the unifying alone I - r ' " n Les Es . , _ ’ ’ \ - , . . a Vie priVe’e in sera {111% EM; discus: Std SfO. 160 delineates his intent and conception of the entire quartet in the introduction to Les Peaux Noires: and two, the discussed in the previous chapter. Eyma eXplains that Les Peaux Noires is the fourth in a series of studies "sur la vie politique et domestique du NouveaueMonde...une oeuvre de patience et de conscience‘a la fois."5 Race is essential in considerations of the Americas because the races of the New WOrld ne sont pas seulement soumises aux influences d‘un etat politique variable selon 1es latitudes, elles subissent en meme temps et avant tout les influences de la couleur de la peau...cette delimitation entre les races, ayant chacune ses moeursa,ses habitudes, ses antipathies, ses prejuges, ses superstitions, et vivant isolement dans le meme milieu: c ‘est a la longue qu' on . A aper901t 1es chaines\qui 1es rattachent, et qu‘on reconnait 1e point ou leur existence se confond et devient une. (v) The essence of the Americas is intimately related to the racial phenomena within their borders. In order to under~ stand the hemiSphere, one must understand its peeples. Though each has its own customs, each is forced to live along- side the other “en haine et en guerre, et se donnant cependant, chaque jour, des témoignages reciproques d'affection at de devouement.“ (v) Skin color, and the tensions it creates, are the unifying elements of the quartet. In Les Peaux NOires Eyma attempted to penetrer plus avant (sic) dans les delicatesses de la vie privee et de mettre davantage en lumiere les ‘— 5 Les Peaux Noires, v. Hereafter, page numbers are cited in parentheses following quotations. and refer to the work discussed. i 161 elements qui rapprochent les deux races par 1' education et par des sentiments nes de leur antagonisme meme. ..ces causes de sympathie et de discorde...1es luttes de la vie domestique americaine se produisent 13 sous la forme du drame. J' y ai taché du moins. (vi) The states of the New World combine two essentially con- tradictory elements, liberty and slavery, which, oddly enough, 3 'allient merveilleusement dans cette societé’ qu' on ne connait et qu' on n 'apprecie bien qu' apres 1‘ avoir longtemps pratiquee, et y avoir vecu, en dehors de tous prejuges et de tout parti pris. (vi) Eyma consistently attempted to assume an American point of view, thus obviating the weakness of judgments based on irrelevant standards--the standards of the 01d world. Eyma's approach to Negro culture and the institution of slavery is predicated not only on observation, but on his own experience as a slave owner in Martinique. Ayant vu.1'esc1avage de pres, l' ayant pratique moi—meme dans des conditions de bonte et d' humanité'qui ne laissent aucun regret a ma conscience, je l' ai toujours considere com.e un etat de transition utile'a l'esclave lui-meme. J' ai toujours pense qu' au bout de tout esclavage, de tout asservissement, devait venir necessairement la liberte. Les pays qui ne le comprennent pas et qui ne voient pas que 1' esclavage, sous quelque forme que ce soit, est fini dans le siECle ou nous sommes, se preparent de dures calamites. Que les fureurs de la liberte conquise par les armes épargnent donc les Etats-Unis' C'est le souhait que je forme pour un pays que j' aime et que 1' admire sincerement. (viii) On'the basis of observation and experience, then, Eyma saw slavemy as a transitional institution designed to acclimate, than free, the Negro. From these grounds, he proceeds to a Conaideration of the Negro in the Americas. 162 Les Peaux Noires contains eight chapters, three of which are related to the United States and indicate Eyma's position on the question of American slavery.6 ”L'Epitaphe de l'Esclavage“ precisely delineates Eyma's attitude toward the institution. "Le Code Noir" presents the root and sum— mation of all elements in the life of a slave. "La Traité’ des Negres" unmasks the conditions and methods of slave traffic from Africa to America. "L'Epitaphe de l'Esclavage“ treats the misunderstand- ing of the role of the institution of slavery, its place within civilization. A I /\ . .. ’/ Le role reserve a cette institution n'a ete malheureusement compris, ni de ceux qui l'ont appliquee, ni de ceux qui ont gemi sous ses lois, ni de ceux qui ont travaille a sa g destruction. (5) Abolitionist, master, and slave have reduced slavery to odious proportions, to inconceivable brutalities, thereby encouraging the attack against the institution itself. . / L'esclavage est une institution cpndamnee par 3a.civilisation et par l‘humanite. C'est un mot a rayer du dictionnaire de la langue des societes modernes...c'est une affaire de temps et ‘d'accident: la plume et la pensee n‘ont plus rien a y voir, plus rien a y faire. (4-5) . , I. "Madeleine Jeremie," 6The remaining six tales are: and pivoting on the set in Basse-Pointe, Martinique in 1820, love of a white man for a mulatto woman: "Les Borgias *NOirs,“ delineating Negro use of poisons and including a recipe.for sang—gris, a Specialty of Martinique: ”Lisa la Cabresee,“ set in Martinique,and a tale of vengence gig poison; "Les Créolesdes.Mornes,: another story of a slave‘s revenge;.“Mademoiselle de Surgy," a tale of promiscuity émong Negro women: "Les Doublons.du Commandeur,“ set in 1835 in Saint-Domingue and exonerating the good master; and finally, "Tobine," a sentimental tale set in Havana, Cuba, in 1834. is. ..-_._._... '1 ('f’ 163 But slavery did have a place in human progress. There were monstrous happenings, but these have been exaggerated by abolitionist tracts which, Eyma says, he could not read A A \ . . “sans etre pret a crier au mensonge, me faisant fort de -I I . . . ..../ demontrer la faussete de pareilles accusations, l'impOSSibilite de pareils actes.“ (5) How, then, can Eyma justify the publication of La \ Chasse a l'Esclave? In that novel Eyma presents not only the crimes of the cruel master, but the beneficence of the kind Fabrice. Through dramatization he indicates that Negro and white share the same nature; both races love, aSpire and are subject to the same emotions and dreams. Therein is the justification of the novel, for in "L'Epitaphe" Eyma states, J‘ai pris le négre pour ce qu'il est,—-un homme, au bout du compte, et ressemblant au reste‘des hpmmes, I1 n‘est pas du tout le vase d'election ou Dieu a concentré’toutes les vertus...son coeur n'est pas non plus l'antre de tous les vices\et de toutes les perversites de ce monde. Le negre a recu sa part de bon et de mauvais,/de vertus et de vices. 11 a, comme les autres creatures humaines, des passions dont toutes les gammes sont indiquées sur le clavier de son ame et de son intelligence. (7 Each tale of Les Peaux Noires dramatizes the humanity of the colored man; he is, above all, a human being. This is the \ burden of the entire study, and of La Chasse a I'Esclaveas well. Negro passions and immoderation are "la fruit de sa nature et de son origine premiEre.“ (7) But the climate of ' I the New World, “sous lequel germent et se developpent ces 164 passions, (7) is also reSponsible. All men of the New WOrld, regardless of skin color, are distinct from the "grande famille humaine par bien des points.“ (7) They are comme les avant—postes et les tirailleurs d'une armée, s'eparpillant sur les ailes, un peu au caprice et au hasard des rencontres, s'aventurant, sans souci des regles et des 1015 de la guerre, en des routes oh la masse des troupes ne pourrait pas aller sans compromettre le sort commun. (8) The extraordinary conditions of the New World produced extra- ordinary men: the institution of slavery bound white to black in inter-dependence, in a mutual effort to tame a savage wilderness. The excesses of the Negro are those of the North American, white or black, and the product of the harsh conditions of life in the American hemiSphere. Unfortunately, the literary significance of the American climate and the men it produced has been ignored or distorted. The peculiarities of this new civilization are a mine of dramatic material, a source of "sujets d'etonnement et un intergt exceptionnel." (8) Because slave territories V have not had "un romancier a proprement dire...romanciers doctrinaires ou systematiques“ (7) have produced distorted visions of slavery. Thus a fertile literary terrain has been defiled. Impartial writers would find that les moeurs resultant de l'esclavage ont un date. curieux et interessant‘a étudier et'h raconter, en les ramenant aux prOportions du drame et du roman. Par leur originalitef par la nature des rapports etranges existant entre les maitres et les esclaves, ces moeurs, ces habitpdes sont} incontestablement une source feconde d'emotions,de peripéties, de combinaisons dramatiques, neuves a coup sur. (6) 165 \ La Chasse a l'Esclave and the tales of Les Peaux Noires are ——.._—_.~__._——. efforts in this direction, attempts to indicate, through dramatization and the nuances which it alone can suggest, the basic nature shared by white and black, and the dis— tinction of both races from those of the Old world. In “Le Code Noir," Eyma considers the foundations of the slavery drama. I Tous les drames que presente la vie des esclaves dans le Nouveau—Monde; tous les sentiments que peut inspirer ce Spectacle de l‘ omnipotence d'un A cote et de la soumission absolue de 1' autre- toutes les émotions, toutes les accusations, / toutes les injustices, toutes les pities, tpus les abus de pouvoirs, toutes les generosites, toutes les revoltes, tous les crimes, toutes les larmes, se resument dans la loi qu' on a appellee le Code Noir. (287) Obviously, one cannot understand the slave or the master if one fails to understand the basis of their relationship. The code has been misunderstood, Eyma states. It is believed that “chaque mot met aux mains du maitre un instrument de torture." (287) This is but one side of the coin. I Le Code Noir n' est qu' une loi protectriceA protectrice pour l' esclave, et pour le maitre a la fois. L'esclavage etant donne, le Code Noir a du exister- ce n' est pas le Code Noir qu ‘il faut condamner, mais l‘esclavage. Les abolitionistes ont beaucoup déclamé'contre le Code Noir, sans trop savoir ce qu' ils disaient. Ils ont bataille contre un mot, et rien deplus. (287) The black code is a positive statement. It gives the master no extraordinary power over the slave. (SOCiety has given him this). Rather, it imposes 166 des devoirs au.maitre, définit et limite ses pouvoirs, ses droits. Ce n'est pas contre la Code Noir que 1' esclave se revolte, c' est contre 1' esclavage. L'esclavage a rabaisse une race humaine, 1' a degradée, asservie: la loi a pris le negre en cet etat, et 1' a convert de son bouclier protecteur, en prevenant les abus, mais en le tenant toujours dans une condition I inferieure au blanc: l'esclavage a fait le negre la propriete du blanc, prOpriete intelligent, active, susceptible consequemment de toutes les passions- passions d'homme libre d'abord, puis passions d'esclave Sans une loi egalement protectrice, le maitre pouvait commettre autant de crimes sur la personne de l'esclave que l'esclave sur la personne du maitre. (288) The code in no way justifies the institution of slavery; rather, it keeps it within more or less reasonable bounds. and the acts of individuals were distinguished, so here Eyma separates the law governing both slave and master from indi- vidual distortions of the law. 11 est bon que le lecteur prenne une idee de ces Egggg ggigg: il aura ainsi la cle de bien des faits que j'ai consignes dans le coute de ce volume. (289) Comprehension of the law provides a basis on which the actions of states and individuals can be evaluated. Because all slave territories have a code of some sort, Eyma presents an exemplary code of twenty-one articles, each limiting either the slave or the master. Significantly, the former is subject to greater regulation. As Eyma states, "partout 1e nEgre est l'esclave et le blanc est le maitre... partout l'esclavage porte‘h ses rameaux des fruits aners." (289) But he urges the reader to distinguish law from individual practice; the code is so ingrained in the public 7167 , conscience that infractions raise public indignation. 3 Atrocities are condemned; offenders are prosecuted.7 F Yet, because the code does exist and forms part of the public conscience, one must heavily condemn l' impunité'et surtout lindifférence publique\en ‘ presence d' infamies ui s' abriteraient derriere un texte de loi dont l' elasticite serait exageree. (296) In other words, and in sum, if slavery exists, the Egg; N21; must exist for the good of all concerned: yet one cannot, in conscience, blink away American indifference to distortions of the Code. One cannot gloss the attitude of the public; in this Americans are culpable. The facets of the slavery argument in Les §§§E§ Noires provide another illustration of the relationship of perSpective and reflection to Eyma's perception of the American scene. Les Peaux Noires appeared in 1857; it presents no hypothesis for the longevity of slavery in America. La Chasse é l‘Esclave was published in 1866; it explains the institution by reference to the effects of custom and time upon conscience. In no work, early or late, does Eyma condone the institution of slavery. Yet perspective seemingly 7I'o illustrate the consequences of ppblic indignation, Eyma tells the story of Tatems of La Chasse _ ll Esclave and his maltreatment of slaves discovered in a burning hut. How_ ever, in Les Peaux Noires the evil— —doer is a woman, who is subsequently banished from the United States. This aside, the Story was evidently transferred, verbatim, from Egg Peaux Noires to the later La Chasse a l' Esclave. _a_—W...— «next an 1n. 168 contributes a new dimension to the issue. By 1866 Eyma had more thoroughly penetrated and assimilated his American experience: he was able to perceive American motives in terms of history, institutions, and a broad cultural context;. He could, given perSpective, condemn the sin while forgiving the sinner. The American press plays a definitive rgle in the slavery issue, Eyma notes. It presents philosophical dis— cussions and factual evidence in support of abolition. Ils sont plus/habiles...c'est par le drame qu'ils font des proselytes, par le récit habilement arrangé'de faits, faux le plus souvent, mais appropries a la vie douloureuse des esclaves, en presentant toujours un cote vraisemblable. (298) Harriet Beecher Stowe is relevant to any consideration of American slavery, for she drew much of her material, according to Eyma, from the American press.8 A vrai dire le roman de Madame Beecher Stowe est une reproduction adroite et ingenieuse djune multitude de petites histoires disseminees dans les journaux americains, On sait le succes prodigieux du livre célébre auquel je fais allusion, livre ou, pour les besoins d'une cause toute agnée devant le coeur, mais perdue devant les interets des . I . I \ propr1eta1res,’l'auteur a fausse le caractere/d9 negre, imagine des cruautes impossibles, exagere et mébonnuiles rapports entre maitres et esclaves. (298) It would seem that, though personally an abolitionist, Eyma would not admit false evidence in pleading the cause. The end BEyma relates here the story of Bill and his escape to Canada, another tale transferred directly from ggs Peaux Noires to EE Chasse a l'EsclaVe. Here, however, Eyma states thag"£he story was drawn from a newspaper account, which may have been taken from EESLE EQELE 922127 or H°B' Stowe may have borrowed the novel's episode from the neWSpaper account, 169 does not justify the means, even in the case of H.B. Stowe. But in her, and more particularly in the American press, Eyma saw a powerful weapon serving abolition. "La Traité des NEgres,“ the final section of concern to us in bps Peaux Noires, is already familiar. It is and discussed in the previous chapter. In Les Peaux Noires, however, we learn that the episode is based on an article which appeared in a California newSpaper, the Evangelist, in 1855. In fact, Eyma merely translated the article, inserted This suggests that Ea Chasse is at least as intellectual as experiential, based on reading as much as upon observation. It suggests further that Eyma's major concern, as noted previously, was information rather than creation. Even in the case of fiction, drama functions in the service of informa- tion, evoking attitudes and nuances which are impossible and inappropriate to straight reporting. And attitudes and nuances create emotion , which may in turn catalyze real-life action, just as H.B. Stowe's novel was designed to ”toute gagnée devant 1e coeur" by obliterating all materialistic concerns which pleaded in behalf of slavery. Egg Egggx Noires, then, tells us that Negro and white share the same nature, rendered peculiar by the climatic and environmental conditions of the New World. Slavery, from the author's point of view, is to be condemned: yet judgment must be tempered by knowledge of the American cultural context. 170 The Black Code is, and must be understood as, a containment of slavery, limiting both slave and master. Nonetheless, the American indifference to inhumane excesses is inexcusable. In sum, Les Egagx Noires attempts to establish without equivocation, but with reference to factual data, a balance in the judgments passed by foreign observers on the institution of slavery in the United States. Egg Femmes d3 Nouveau-figpgg saw three editions; 1853, 1860, and 1861. For this reason alone, it is important as a potential image-maker. Like Egg EEEEE Noires, it deals with the entire American hemisphere, but treats the United States, exclusively, in certain chapters. The first forty-two pages of the study are devoted to North American questions, I a . ‘ - I 1 including “Premieres Impre551ons“ and "Les Tr01s Races Blanches,“v Next, life in the Antilles and in Central America is considered.9 Our major concern reappears with "Americaines et Creoles," and with two chapters entitled “Types de femmes.-—Lora Cameron.——Catherine Geerts." [These two tales were discussed in Chapter III, and hence will be ignored here.) American modes of travel are treated in "Les Voyages et les hotels,” and four chapters later, the _ 9Chapters in this section are entitled: “Une Nichée de Venus, " treating three types of women found in the Antifles;."Christine et Meala, " set in the Antilles an- other tale of a white man' 5 love for a Creole woman: "Les Postillons d‘ebene, les serenos et les fleuves de diamants, “ a story of the indolence of Cuban Creoles. #L k aU 171 United States again appears in a section entitled ”Quelques Traits dermoeurs americaines."lo Egg Femmes d2 Nouveau—Mgngg, dedicated to Eyma's sisters, is unified by the social habits and customs of women. Characteristically, Eyma wanders from his theme, but always to our advantage; his digressions further illuminate the United States. It would seem, in fact, that Eyma thought these digressions amply justified. For he states, “pas de pays sur le compte duquel on commette plus d'erreurs et sur le compte duquel on se fasse plus d'illusions." (l) Eyma hoped to rectify misconceptions of the United States, and in "Premibres Impressions“ he outlines the proper approach needful for the observer—traveller. To understand a people, one must surprise them dans le secret de ses moeurs, et des institutions qu'il faut etudier dans le milieu de leur influence pour s'en faire une idee exacte. (l) Failing to do so, l‘on s'expose a.voir la tyrannie, le despptiSme, l‘horrible meme, au lieu de’cette liberte et de cette grandeur dont les Americains du Nord sont si fiers. (1) Once within America, however, the observer—traveller faces distinct problems because of the very individuality, the uniqueness, of the United States, which tends to loThe three chapters omitted are entitled: "Miss Catt et le Royal Fusilier,” a sentimentaltale set in. Martinique; “Le Champagne et le Volcan,“ a story of the creation of a society element in Martinique: and “La Calenda,“ an explication, with peripities, of the dance and other social customs in the American hemisphere. 172 paralyze him and invalidate all previous norms. Therefore he must / \ renoncer \a la retention de retrouver la-baa ce qu' on a laiss chez soi; il faut y chercher, au contraire, precisement ce que 1' on ne posSéde ni a Paris, ni a Londres. Autrement, quoi sert de se deplacer? t.quoi sert de voyager? (3) This done, in what manner does one proceed to assimilate and recount his eXperience of this New World? For after all, ”la comparison est la morale de tout voyage, je le sais." (3) The proper Spirit must be brought to such comparison. One must proceed avec intelligence, impartialite...un eSprit libre de prejuges, ardent %,1' etudMe, accessible a toutes les impressions...L'egoisme est le pire bagage avec lequel un voyageur puisse se mettre en campagne. Il allonge la route, 11 assombrit le plus beau ciel. C'est l' eteignoir de l'observation. (3) Having created a prOper Spirit, an impartiality and Openness to the novelty of America, the observer-traveller must equip himself with knowledge of customs and institutions-- not only generally, but Specifically. For les moeurs, les habitudes, les races d' hommes elles-memes changent, de la maniere la plus absolue, d'un Etat a l‘autre, je puis presque dire d'une ville a une autre ville. (11) Life in New York varies radically from life in the South, for example, and generalizations on the United States eXpose the \ . commentator "a porter les jugements téméraires." (11) As we shall see, Eyma accuses his countrymen of this fault. In order to approach American culture Openly, and positively, one must “donc de se péhétrer de l'eSprit / ' .r/ americain." (14) One must realize that "la soc1ete, aux a. C. .1... my . 2 no are cult 173 Stats-Unis d'Amerique, est essentiellement morcelée” (14) in seemingly contradictory, yet basically unified, elements. ”Des impressions differentes et des jugements completement OpposéS" (15) result from the observer's failure to perceive the variety within this unity: to fractionate his judgments just as American society is fractionated. Each state, and in fact each city, of the United States is alone reSponsible for its actions, progress, and well—being. ”Comment raisonnablement Stablir, alors, de solidarité? Comment raisonnablement l'exiger?” (16) Yet previous traveller- observers have demanded exactly such solidarity—-or more aptly, have premised its existence to support their own theories which are, consequently, distortions of the real America. Two other pitfalls Open to the foreign commentator are the imposition of European standards upon New World culture, and the confusion of personal failure with failures in the culture under observation. Tocqueville, generally to be admired, erred in comparing “les institutions americaines aux institutions constitutionnelles qui florissaient en France au moment oh il a accompli son voyage.” (2) Indeed, "presque tous les ecrivains qui traitent les questions americaines dans la presse francaise“ (2) are guilty of the same. The novelty Of America creates confusion, and false judgment. Madame Trollope and another female writer, left anonymous (but probably Harriet Martineau), perpetrated ”calomnies‘a l'endroit des Etats—Unis" (4) because of personal I 174 commercial failures experienced there. Moreover, "tous les livres systematiquement hostiles a l'Amérique du Nord...ont une cause identique." (4) Though women are generally sensitive in their judgments, any “nuage d‘amour—propre blessé: d’orgueil, de susceptibilité’ou de convenance de position" (15) impairs their vision and impartiality. This is especially ironic, given ”1e respect profond que l'on prodigue aux femmes dans ces pays si cruellement outrages par deux Européennes.“ (4) Eyma here wields a two—edged sword: he has nullified the criticisms of Mrs. Trollope and friend, and has simultaneously indicated a weakness in woman‘s nature. To whom, then, can the curious man turn for factual information on the United States? Eyma recommends Tocqueville, AmpEre, and Chevalier: men who observed America without financial motivation. Ils allaient etudier un pays dont 1e developpement donne 1e vertige a le suivre: un pays eleve aujourd‘ hui au rang des premieres puissances’ du monde, ou la population augmente chaque annee dans les preportions colossales, ou l' activite commerciale et industrielle atteint des limites prodigieuses. (5) From such expectations, followed by Observation, came books I ; of the stature Of pa Democratie pp Amerigue, Lettres sur I. .I. ‘ \ l'Amerlgue g2 Nord, and Promenade pp Amerigue, "tr01s succes / . , . desormais inseparables.” (6) When one judges America impartially, one is convinced que tout est pour le mieux dans 1' Amerique du Nord...dans cette societe encorp en travail sur quelques points, toutes les idees solennelles qui agitent le coeur’des hommes et le coeur des nations y ont trouve des representants dignes d'elles. (6) n» «O 4 < 175 AmpEre treated myriad details of American life in the capacity Of poet, philosopher, and scholar. He brought the novelty Of America to life: he juxtaposed the European treasures Of creative genius, before which one stOpS to “raver et remonter...le courant des ages" (8), with “les reSultats immenses du preSent, que l'on constate...les mystEres et les eSpérances de l'avenir“ (8) which are the Soul Of America. Tocqueville studied America from a political and social vantage point: Chevalier concerned him- self with American business. All brought openness and impartiality to their task: all saw the quality of American eXperience as radically different from that of Europe. In America, the present and future captivate, and identify the land of promise, the New Eden. Indeed, to Eyma as well as to Americans, the United States is a second paradise, a land destined tO prOSperity by Divine Providence. The American peOple have confidence "dans la mission divine qu'il dit avoir recue,de faire pousser sur ce vaste sol l'arbre du bon sens et les fleurs de la raison.“ (17) The assimilation of immigrants, "cette puissante domination de l'eSprit americain" (l7), Speaks for the providential breath which sustains the New World. In America, all is but a question "de temps et de patience:" equilibrium will follow oscillation and eXperimentation as I night follows day. Another proof of the workings of Providence in America is her obvious rale as cradle of democracy and liberty. C . . .2 ‘1. v A .C — 4 « C < C». . r ._. . . . ..t T r S at ..u -C mi. At “a e u xi 6 u nu C u 4 a e . 1 1 kn C a «.1. 3 mt e ..u D. 1... am.» . 1..-. t C . Q mi .. r r ..U . 81 a. ll .. -. )1) )1 I )1) 111 176 La Providence, a qui nous devons attribuer dans ce fait un role puissant, a cree ce pays pour les hommes qui 1' habitent, et les hommes pour le pays qu'ils exploitent. (18) Immense rivers and lakes witness the Divine Plan to indiquer au genie de 1' homme que partout ou il voudra penetrer 1a route lui est aisee;...lui prescrire d'accomplir ce pelerinage de la civilisation, en lui interdisant tout pretexte d‘impuissance...n‘ est— —ce pas rs un beau defi et une magnifique tentatipn lances a la hardiesse de 1' homme' L' esprit du peuple americain a accepte ce defi at s' est jete dans cette tentation avec un audacieux courage. (18—19) \ The American temperament, "froid, calculateur, positif a tout prévu, tout combine“ (19), encourages the movement from calm to storm, from civilisation to disorder. For the American believesin himself and his mission. 11 a dans ses propres forcps une confiancetElle qu‘ il sait bien que sa presence seule et son exemple rameneront le calme a la Olace de la tempete, qu' il assoiera la prOSperite sur les ruines et la misere, et qu' il etouffera 1e desordre‘ sous l'influence du travail. (19) Thus Eyma articulates the American myth of the New Adam, in a New Eden wherein Providence has given man opportunity to rectify the errors of EurOpean civilisation, by diligently running order through the virginal chaos Of the New WOrld. As though to illustrate the necessity to judge the United States sectionally, “Les Trois Races Blanches“ treats Americans in three categories: the Yankee, the Virginian, and the Westman. Generically American, these peOple nonetheless se divise en trois types bien tranches, Opposes les uns aux autres par le caractere, par les moeurs, par les habitudes morales, comme par les conditions physiques djexistence, d'attitude et d'education. 11 en results que trois jugements egalement vrais, egalement faux, peuvent etre portes sur les Americains par ceux qui n 'auront vu, etudie’ ou rencontré’qu' un seul de ces trois types isolement. (23) 177 The Yankee is the direct descendant Of the pilgrim who was "une sorte de missionnaire religieux, politique, industrial, commercial.“ (27), and has conserved his temperament. He is . 1 Ame’ricain froid, defiant,guinde’ d'eSprit et d'allure, peu communicatif, reflechi, taciturne, calculateur a l' exces. 11 a peu d'elans sympathiques: rarement il laisse dominer sa tete par son coeur, pas plus en politique qu' en affaires, non plus que dans les actes de la vie privee. (27) The Yankee is a “Robinson volontaire;“ he has opened vast territories; he is the father Of public education, Of consummate business techniques; a "fourmi travailleuse, jamais Oisif. Ce qu 'il fit donc par calcul d'abord, devint peu peu une'pente naturelle de son caractere: il est reste souverainement superieur aux autres populations dans toutes les choses pratiques. (28) The Yankee has, however, his faults. Though proud Of his American heritage, he lacks "d'enthousiasme et de Chaleur nationals." (29) Significantly, only two American presidents have been Yankee: "C'est fa une preuve incontestable du peu de sympathie pOlitique dont jouit 1e Yankee en Amerique." (29) His excessive conservatism and austerity are reflected in the towns of New England - cold, uniform, and monotonous: in the condemnation Of games and I pleasure, even the dance, considered "un fleau et une cause ' I de déeordrey" (30)11 in Yankee dress, of "une Simplicite ll C'hevali er. Eyma here credits and paraphrases Michel 178 n- n ’0 I rigide qui 1nd1que 1e mepris qu'il professe pour tout ce qui / est luxe, apparat, etalage. Jamais un bijou ne brille sur » lui." (30) Given his character, I . A ~ A I,/ I1 a be501n d'etre connu a fond pour etre apprecie, 1 jamais comme un etre divertissant, par exemple; mais é comme un homme capable d; toutes les choses pratiques, prOpres a creer un pays, et'a le pousser dans des voies de prOSpérité inouie. (31) Eyma characteristically penetrates appearances to arrive at their foundations, character and temperament. Not cities themselves, but the Spirit which animates them is his primary concern. The Yankee spirit, ”dans toute sa purete nationals," can be seen in the architecture and atmosphere Of Boston, ”1e soleil des Etats—Unis,” (31-32) Boston is a vast academy, its citizens academicians; Philadelphia is an American monastery. In both cities, a multiplicity of churches, giving "une idee bouffonne de l'esprit religieux des Americains,“ reveals a strange but sincere combination of "moeurs religieuses et spétulatrices des Americains." Church architecture, because adaptable for public entertain- ment, suggests the American propensity to mingle finance and profit in all areas of life. The second Americain "race,“ the Virginian, is ”l'antipode du Yankee. C'est'l'Américain par excellence pour ceux qui 1e connaissent bien.“ (34) The Virginian is eXpanSive, gregarious, witty, open, relaxed, and “ne manque pas de laisser percer de petites velléités d'aristocratie, quoique la democratie ait son foyer le plus ardent dans les Etats du Sud." (34) He relishes games and dancing, and is .npathique, chaud de coeur, enthousiaste, g serviable, hospitalier jusgu' a la vanite. ll 1 n ‘aime pas les demi—mesures en rien, il a mgme- une tendance marquee a l'exagération. (34 Jefferson, in his flexibility and broad-mindedness; his enthusiasm tempered by good sense; his intuition of the just and practical, was the prototypical Virginian. "Quoiqu‘il - .._ —~— :-=.—.__...— 4.,- ....__.L-.—.-.‘.,. en soit, 1e type virginien est devenu 1e type dominant aux Etats—Unis,“ (36) and has contributed many distinguished sons to the service of his country, witness Monroe, Madison, Henry,Lee, and Caw. Eyma preferred the Virginian, and for obvious reasons. The warmth and "joie de vivre" of the Virginian, in OOmbination with aristocratic, yet democratized tastes, is naturally agreeable to any Eurooean Observer— traveller. The Virginian might be said to combine the best of both worlds. The Westman, Eyma's third American "race,“ is an exaggeration of the Virginian. He . . l . en a tous les bons c8tes, m01ns l'urbanite, m01ns 1e raffinement, moins 1e luxe et l'attrait sympathique de la premiére rencontre. Les gra.ndes et excellentes qualites de 1‘ homme de 1' Quest sont cachees sous une enveloppe rude et grossiere meme. (36) The harsh exterior of the Westman is understandable, and in fact to be eXpected. For he is an agglomeration Of all , , I American types; he has Withstood "les epreuves cruelles... I s . leur corps etait brise aux fatigues de toutes sortes; leur . I . I . - _ . espr1t s‘etait depol1 Ea ce genre d'ex1stence." (37) in him, civilization has receded into dream and memory: hostile conditions have been his reality. Hence self—defense has r\ 180 become his principle and the pistol his Bible. "Une colonie militaire, moins la discipline,“ (37) resulted from the difficulties of daily life. The Westman, then, ”est sans gene, rude, grossier, independent, fier de son individualitef et pourtant fanflier a 1' exces...1e sentiment d'egalite...est pousse aux dernieres limites. " (38) General Jackson, who even when president drank with statesmen and woodamen, is the prototypical Westman, this "race" which is peu soigneux dans sa mise...il s'habille comme les fermiers, de drap epais, et ses vetements ont toujours 1es formes les plus commodes. (39) Beneath his rude exterior is a heart of gold: ”11 est en effet genéreuxma l'exces, grand dans son hOSpitalité: devoué' jusgu‘a la mort, obligeant sans calcul.“ (39) The closing of ”Les Trois Races Blanches" summarizes Eyma's entire approach to the United States. The Observer— traveller must make distinctions, avoid generalizations, and probe the heart of a culture before delivering judgment. Because there are three American “races,” 0n ne pput plus 5 'etonner...que les opinions’ formulees par les Voyageurs sur cette societe soient si d.ivers es et souvent si opoosees. Il est arrive, en effet, que beaucoup d‘entre eux se sont contentes de l'examen de 1'un de ces types, le premier rencontre, et qu'ils aient pris 1a partie pour le tout. (40) One must accept the United States in its startling multi— plicity; in its infinite variety. Then, and only then, a true but paradoxical conclusion is possible. For having probed American diversity, one finds at bottom 181 une unite parfaite entre elles en ce qui concerns 1e but ou elles tendent. A des moments donnes, Yankegs, Virginians et Westmen sont avant tout Americains, et c 'est la ce qui concourt la plus a donner de la force et de la securite a la nationalite et aux institutions des EtatS-Unis. (41) "Americaines et CréOleS“ is a thirty-four page essay on two "races" of American women, Louisiana Creoles and Americans "proprement dites." Valid judgment, once again, demands prOper categories of thought. It would seem that Eyma's fascination with the distinctions between American women can be attributed to a culturally-oriented interest in Louisiana women; they are of French extraction, and they live in New Orleans, as did the Eymas. The woman Of New France forms I . \ . \ en Amerique un type a part qui commence a se perdre cependant, par suite de l'envahissement des habitudes et des moeurs exclusivement americaines, et des unions qui se font depuis quelques annees entre les deux races. (107) Eyma may have wished to preserve this vanishing breed for posterity. In any case, New Orleans society reveals the woman and her traits. Louisiana women are shown to best advantage at the theatre. They are fra1ches, eclatantes, ont 1a peau fine, tranSparente et veloutee...aux charmes du corps, les Louisianaises joignent les graces de l'eSprit. Elles sont passionneeSpour le plaisir, les bals, les Spectacles; elles cherchent toutes les occasions de briller et de conquerir. Seraient- elles femmes sans cela? (106-107) Louisiana women contribute a poetic aSpect to traditions, such as the "loves me, loves me not“ custom Of plucking the petals Of flowers, which acquire in NeW'Orleans 182 I "ainsi 1'immortalite...d'un amour.“ (111) The Spanish tradition of serenading beneath a woman's window is “une maniere d'etablir a l'avance 1a bonne harmonie dans les I manages," (112) and delightful. The American woman “proprement dite" has un caphet tout particulier. Ce n'est plus ni 1a grace, ni la pureté'dss lignes des Louisianaises; ce n‘est plus ni la frqideur compasses des Anglaises, ni 1a dignite des Hollandaises, mais C'sst un ensemble de tout cela. (113) The ensemble is protected by tradition, the first of which I demands formal introductions. Without it, "une Americaine I , vous rebutera par son aspect roide et dedaigneux;" Once introductions are made, \ . \ tout a coup son Visage change, ses layres s'ouvrent au sourire, sa main se pose dans la votre, 11 y a tout de suite vingt ans que vous vous connaisssz: (113) And immediately a stimulating conversation may develop, for ”l‘education des femmes...est une interessante chose‘a Observer...elle est plus Sérieuse, plus solids, plus etendu qu'en aucun pays du monde." (118) Thus equipped, the American woman is permitted great liberty and precocious con— tact with the world, which in turn broadens her experience and her conversational abilities. Ce n'est point chez elles une théOrie, C'est une pratiqus dont elles ont appris 1es secrets’ au milieu de l'immense, et trop immense liberte dont elles jouissent. (119) Capping the American woman's freedom is her respectable 183 residence in hotels.12 Un tres- -grand nombre de jeunes filles, meme ssparees de leurs familles, adOptent la vie commune d'hotsls, tout comme 1es hommes. (119) One must, of course, relate this custom to the nature Of the American hotel, wherein “tout ce qui est celibataire se refugie...et y prend gite et table." (119) Fortunately, in hotels the sexes are separated. ‘ The American woman travels fearlessly without male escort. Hence gentlemen along the route assume the rSle of protector. Indeed, Spontaneous relationships between the sexes are encouraged in the American home, where young women receive "toute visits qui leur convient, sans que les parents S'en préOccupent st yassistent." (121) The chaperone, in other words, is superfluous in America. Oddly enough, such liberty produces “des spouses exemplaires.“ Having acquired a broad range of eXpsrience before marriage; having been “ardentes aux plaisirs de leur sexe pendant leurs annéss de liberte: elles deviennent tout ‘a coup d'austeres reclusss." (112) Moreover‘women are an Object Of profound respect: no other country is “plus Severe, \ dans le principe, contre toutes les atteintes poctéss a son honneur et‘e.sa dignitél" (132) The law is very severe in 12These comments appeared earlier in two articles entitled “L'Hotellerie aux Etats-Unis, " L'Illustration, XXII (July 16,1853), 43. and L'Illustration, XXII (July 23, 1853), 62. 184 cases of adultery: the authority of the law reinforces “une position exceptionnelle pour la femme. Elle est reSpectée, mais rarement adulée." (133) The reSpect paid women promotes a ridiculous Spirit of "sects, pour lequel les femmes montrent une ardeur plus intraitable peut—etre que les hommes.“ (133) The Quakeress exemplifies this Spirit which promotes religious intolerance. Aux Stats—Unis, cs pays 51 froid, si calme en I apparence, si tolerante pour toutes les idees qu 'elles soient, 1' esprit religieux, a, de tout temps, produit 1e fanatisme 1e plus violent. C'est la seul point peut— etrs sur lequel 1a liberte soit meconnue et outragee comme elle 1' est, et plus particulierement dans les Etats de 1' Estl et du Nord, ou cela est de tradition. (134)l Given the persecution which Quakers suffered, their in- tolerance is doubly strange. But “on en faisait des martyrs, c'etait assurer leur triomphe," (135) and the Quakeress has perpetuated religious deSpotism. As she spread her sect, so she "se montrait tyrannique." (136) Her austerities were many; her ridiculous puritanism (covering piano legs, for example) frequent. Nonetheless, the Quaker sect has had a salutary influence on the American masses, and has given eminent men to the service of the country. \ I Would Eyma raise his daughter ”a l‘americaine?” He answers in the negative. 13These comments appeared earlier in an article entitled “Quakers et Quakeresses,“ L' Illustration, XIV (September 8,1849), 185 Car si le corps sort pur de ces luttes quotidiennes, Si la raison s 'y fortifie pour 1' avenir, 1e coeur ‘laisse sa chastete. Et 1'Europeen, habitue a chercher et a rencontrer dans la jeune fille 1a candeur, la naivete, la poetique pudeur des anges, est cruellement desappointe. (121- 122) The liberty Of the American female contains certain advantages, but the EurOpean product is preferable. ”Les Voyages et les H3tels" presents an aspect of . . . . . . 1 14 American life which obv1ously captivated Eyma. Because aux ll Stats—Unis, voyager est une chose serieuses, (188) every possible accommodation is available, and described by Eyma. Yet here, as elsewhere, the physical realities of America are not in point. Rather, Eyma is concerned with the spirit and temperament illuminated by these realities; the American character as expressed in physical surroundings. In navigation, Eyma finds ”l'audace des Americaine du Nord se deploie dans toute son excentricité...cette audace, cet esprit d'aventure finit par vous subjuguer...“ (189)15 On steamboats and tow—boats, an ”absence complete de tout commandement, de tous cris, de tout bruit" (192) reflects the 14These comments appeared earlier in an article entitled ”Souvenirs d‘ un voyage aux Etats- Unis en 1847. Les hotels, 1es auberges et les cafes, " L' Illustration, XI (August 12,1848), 355— 358. . 15These comments appeared earlier in an article entitled “Bateaux a vapeur et autres, " L‘Illustration, XI (June 10, .1848), 235— 238- and in another entitled "Chemin ae fer, routes, voiturss, etc. ,“ ;' Illustration, XI (July 22 1848), 316— 318. It'll}! l'lIIl 186 a American system of government, wherein "l'on ne retrouve nulle part 1e pouvoir, et 5h l'on sent partout son action.” The thrust of the American spirit is amazing; it realizes that "tout progres a son cote fatal,” and hence lunges forward in spite of accident and error which, Eyma adds, have been exaggerated in the case of steamboats. Land transportation, too, is daring but happy. The pace of drivers expresses another aspect of the American temper. ”Ses chevaux sont tout aussi americains que lui sous ce rapport. Ils vont toujours, toujours.“ (195) Railroads have been constructed through vast forests in ordertto “appeler des populations nouvelles...créer des villes et des villages...semer la fortune...repandre la civilisation." (198) The New World thus expands and prospers. Having reached his destination, the American finds sumptuous accomodations at his diSposal. For he "aime, par nature, ses aises." (203) He expects to find the comforts of home “partout ob il s'arretera.“ (203) Luxurious hotels are the result of American mobility, and hence demand; conversely, their existence promotes travel. Hotels are, in fact, a Sort of national monument in America, because “en toute chose, le caractEre distinctif des Americaine du Nord est d'avoir emprunter son ampleur a la nature au milieu de laquelle ils vivant." (207) American taste dictates vast and imposing buildings (often an unfortunate imitation of the Greek orders). These, in turn, impress travellers, who receive every possible service from the innkeeper. And this l87 is a source of national pride. The French, Eyma judges, I “la peuple le moins avance“ in hostelry, should take a lesson from the Americans Nous avons le prejuge de croire que, pourvu qu' un homme ne soit pas eXposé a la pluie, au vent, B la neige; pourvu qu‘ on lui loue tres— cher une chambre et un lit, cela suffit, et que toutes les conditions que le voyageur est en droit d'exiger ont été'remplies. Grave erreur' (205) American hotels provide every comfort, from libraries to bars, to barbers. They deserve imitation The amplitude of the American system of travel and hostelry is a reflection of the American Spirit Dans l abime qu‘a produit l'extraction des racines d'un arbre centenaire, il faut jeter les fondations d'une maison eternelle, et non point les bases d'une cabane...au milieu de ce chaos d‘ou 11 s‘ agissait de tirer un monde...placez une civilisation a l' eau de rose, des hommes aux habitudes paisibles et polies, vous assisterez ’ incontestablement e une decadence Il est entre dans les desseins de Qieu, qui a voulu faire des Etats—Unis une oeuvre a part, de leur imposer ces orageuses jeunesses traversées de tempetes et d'éclairs. Le calme est toujours revenu peu a peu et en son temps. (217) entitled "Quelques Traits de moeurs americaines As the t1tle indicates, matters of custom are considered but again With an eye to the spirit which created them. The liberty of women their education and attitudes, result from the ex- aggerated independence of both men and woman- the “vanite extr" - " ( 290) ame que domlne dans le pays. "Leap year," and the consequent freedom of women to propose marriage, is exemplary of woman's liberty. It is SYmptomatic of a deeper problem, that of education The 188 American woman is taught only to “danser et flirter, voile la base de leur education...on ne leur enseigne p01nt autre chose depuis l‘enfance.” (289) So judges an American source which Eyma quotes. But our observer—traveller defends the badgered female and American soc1ety, which is guindee au milieu meme de l' extreme licence. Elle se montre severe a qui parait faire fi du qu‘ en dira—t—on. / Il n' y a pas de pays 0% l‘on pratique la debauche sur une plus large échelle et ou le monde soit moins indulgent pour ceux qui ont le tort ou la maladresse de se laisser surprendre. (290) One must distinguish principle and practice And the American woman must be credited with a certain Simplic1ty and lo naivete’, 1n Spite of her extreme independence rooted in national pride. Because of the attitude of women toward Negroes, a d1gress1on on Negro problems can be just1f1ed A white woman refuses even to view a play of Negro authorship, indicating once again that "d'un bout‘e l'autre des stats—Unis, 1e prejuge contre la classe de couleur est intraitable." (295) Thus the volume ends, having woven a pattern of American customs and attitudes as related to women, and having established rules for the just and impartial observation of a foreign culture. Eyma made every effort it would seem, to Pract1ce his preachments He presented not only superficial observations, but penetrated the motives and Spirit which the face of America manifests. Les Eggx Amerigues is fundamentally a study of the Origins and character of the North American people, as Opposed 189 to the Central American states. By way of contrast, Eyma attempts to indicate the need for a monarchical, rather than democratic, form of government in Central America. The bulk of material in the study relates purely to the United States, however, and is of considerable relevance to this study. The volume is divided into eleven chapters, ten of which treat North America almost exclusively. Eyma considers imperialism, democracy, the founders of the American republic, public instruction, arts and letters, industrial and commercial America, political habits, impressions, the American temperament, travel, and a bit of American history. Because some of this material appeared in gee Femmes Q3 Nouveau—Mgggg, and because other material appears in volumes to be later discussed, only certain sections of £35 223g Amerigues are of interest here. Eyma's basic love and admiration of the United States are the predominant impressions left in the mind of the reader. As the study Opens, one finds Eyma highly critical of American imperialism, and its designs upon Central America. This criticism, however, is soon placed in context. Eyma‘s strongest sentiment toward the United States is celui de la gratitude d'abord, et...de 1‘admiratipn. J'ai vébu aux Stats-Unis, j'ai beaucoup ecrit sur ce pays. 11 n'est pas une ligne que je me repente...et qui ne soit l'eXpression sincére de la profonde impression qu'ont produite sur moi ce pays, cg peuple, et ces institutions,--difficiles et meme impossibles partout ailleurs, mais parfaitement adaptéés aux pOpulations de l'Union. (38—39) 190 i Industry, domestic prOSperity, public establishments——all are indicative of the success of the American experiment. But the circumstances of the United States differ from those of Central America, and these very circumstances are requisite to the success of democratic forms. First, the American immigrant was impregnated with virtue, austerity, and reason: these have been perpetuated in the United States. Secondly, a religious spirit, moral principles, a persistently progressive thrust, an energetic will to become a great peeple, and pride in his cause have sustained and protected the American. Thirdly, Americans have dared, in their success, to defy and challenge the Old world. An absence of these three precedents sounds failure for other states which imitate the United States. Requisite, also, to the democratic way of life is a system of public instruction as found in America, correcting the faults to which democracies are prone. In America, ideas quickly penetrate the Spirit of the people and win sympathy. Moreover, American institutions ease the burden on the poor: large associations and public education expand the principles Of ”haute moralité: les idéES d‘ordre, l‘amour du travail.“ (47) Le mal qui tourmente les masses en France y est inconnu, parce qu' au lieu d'impoisonner le breuvage intellectuel destine au peuple, les eSprits eclaires qui se donnent 1a mission sublime de le conduire, ne presentent a ses levres que la coupe de la raison et du bon sens. (47) 191 Certain forces are reSponsible for the happy success of the United States. She is favored with immense resources; honor is paid the worker: dishonesty is unprofitable, and therefore almost non-existent. Dans un pays, sous une forme de gouvernement ou tout homme est pass a sa juste valeur, ou cette valeur seule lui assure une position privee et publique, ce n'est point par de tels moyens qu' on parviendrait‘h se créer une popularite’ ou un parti. (48) Were all peeples so fortunate; had all nations the foundation and Spirit of the United States, democratic forms would be universal. Unfortunately, Central America is without the necessary precedents. American democracy and its success, though admirable and laudable, is not the universal solution to the problems of man. In Egg 2325 Amerigues Eyma presents his credentials as observer and recorder of the American eXperiment. First, his father‘s residence in New Orleans has given Eyma a base from which to observe and Speak. Secondly, a universal interest in America encouraged and stimulated his interest. Thirdly, the United States has provided a fruitful example for other nations, and France in particular. Finally, Eyma was sent to America for the very purpose of observation and subsequent reporting: hence he saw the country at first hand, and learned the language of the peOple. Je n 'ai point entrepris de commenter les institutions politiques de 1' Amerique du Nord, ni d'en etudier 1es rouages. Ces pages sont une Simple etude de moeurs; c 'est le dehors et la pratique des institutions: je prends les faits tels qu 'ils sont, je constate des resultats, rien de plus. (156) 192 / Les Deux Ameriqueg, then, is not intended to render judgment; it simply reports the observer's superficial impressions. On this basis Eyma moves to his delineation of aSpects of American life. The political process in the United States receives considerable attention.16 Of first note are the political parties, which Oppose one another though divided by no radical principle. Rather, like husband and wife, they are unified by the very process of disagreement. Through con- stant political agitation the peOple eXpress their will, needs, and thoughts. And Americans accept this agitation with complete equanimity — unlike the French, who regard each election with a sort of terror - and see in it an essential guarantee of liberty. As election day approaches, weak or undesirable candidates fall by the wayside, and “il n'y a plus alors que deux partis face‘h face, que deux candidate en presence.“ (150) Candidates debate and implore in barrooms, gambling houses, banks, theaters, and steamboats. "Il a recours E tous les moyens, aux banquets, aux meetipgs, aux journaux." (151) Next come parades, solemn processions, and finally 16Four chapters separate Eyma's.political commentary from the first sections of peg Deux Ameriques. These four treat the founders of the American republic, education, arts and letters, and commercial and industrial genius. They are transferred verbatim to later volumes (a practice with which we are now familiar), and will later be considered. 193 the election itself, which produces neither hate nor envy in defeated candidates. Because democracy itself is not threatened by political agitation, and because personal, selfish interests play no part in the ambitions of candidates, calm and equanimity immediately follow the “brouhaha” of elections. France, Eyma judges, should profit from the example of the American electoral process. Rather than teach universal suffrage, France has porté'atteinte‘h ce droit sacré; que nos reunions ,i dans la rue avaient pour mot d'ordre l'emeute: qu’au lieu de discuter les titres des candidate en plein i vent ou dans les clubs, nous sapions l'existence ’ d‘une forme sociale qu' une revolution venait de nous donner; que les comités d'elections avait usurpe des pouyoirs que la confiance leur deniait, et , precisement dans un interet mesquin de coteries et de proscriptions arbitraires; enfin, que nous avions fait , du droit d'association politique une conSpiration permanente, en elevant dans chague centre'de reunion une sorte de gouvernement illicite a cote du gouvernement de tous; en dressant sans raison, sans reflexion, intempestivement autel contre autel. La- bas, au contraire, ni les meetings, ni les reunions du dehors ne meconnaissent leur caractere, je dirai leur mission, et ne se compromettent'h mettre en peril l' etat social non plus que 1' ordre public. (154) A _—. __ Because Eyma suggests that France imitate the United States, he must have seen, in France, the prerequisites necessary to the successful functioning of democracy ”a l‘américaine.“ ’ America as “melting pot“ renders the exercise of) political rights more solemn. Scores of immigrants under- take life in the United States with small notion of their liberties. Seulement 1es nouveaux venus se fa onnent avec une rapidite que j‘ appellerai providen ielle, aux moeurs, aux lois, aux necessites du pays. En posant le pied sur le sol americain, il semble qu' ils y soient nes. (155) 3 194 The develOpment of the United States seems providential. Article II of the Constitution provides for presidential elections, Eyma eXplains. He eXplicates the function of the electoral college and the president, who is “reSponsable de la maniEre dont il exébute les lois que dicte la majoritef“ (169) The functions of the Secretary of State and the cabinet are delineated, and Eyma again calls to France to heed the American example, thus insuring the broadest liberty and most rapid prosperity through the absolute separation of the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers. Obviously, Eyma admired the American political construct. I Chapter VIII of Les Deux Ameriques, entitled "Premieres Impressions," reads rather like the section of the same name in Les Femmes g3 Nouveaufiflggg§& Eyma stresses once again that, in observing America, “Il vous faut un guide sGr, ou vous vous fourvoyez sans ressource." (189) But to the comments of Les Femmes are added an interesting simile and a touch of humor. Eyma compares the New World to an old coquette who hides her wrinkles to disguise her age. A 11 semble s'attacher‘h faire diSparaitre du'sol tout ce qui pourrait £appeler sa naissance, separant qu'ainsi il paraitra toujours nouveau et decouvert d‘hier. (186) Hence Americans have erected no monument to Columbus, and "se revoltent meme contre leur origins.“ (187) Only Independence Day is honored; Williams Penn‘s home is in ruins, but the Pennsylvania state house, the home of the Declaration of Independence, is judiciously preserved. Also, though American life is extremely flexible, Americans 195 rigorously observe Sunday as a day of rest. In fact, "Si l'on pouvait retarder 1es decES et les naissances qui arrivent le dimanche, on 1e ferait a coup sfir." (193) From a literary point of View, Eyma's comparison and this touch of humor contribute a pleasant reSpite from the seriousness of his comments. ._ ..4‘ . I s I ”we l'bSprlt americain,“ the ninth chapter of Les Deux Ameriques, repeats observations of Les Femmes g3 Nouveau-Monde, but in a more direct and concise manner. The chapter presents political rather than private habits, Eyma states; yet one reflects the other. The American variety (i within unity is again stresSed, as is the great reSpect paid liberty. Of particular note are the ardent cult of democratic institutions: the love of labor; serious ambition to honestly elevate oneself to high public positions; desire for education: guiding religious principles: availability of _a_ fortune and luxury; and the universal penetration of the light of progress. Ainsi se realisent les plus belles conquetes de l'ordre sur l'anarchie; ainsi s'obtiennent les plus sfirs triomphes de la civilisation sur la barbarie. (200) The American Spirit is tailored to the establishment of the New Eden. ‘ La Providence, 3 qui nous attribuons, dans‘pe fait, un r81e qu'on ne doit point oublier, a I . . cree ce pays pour les hommes qui l'habitent, et les hommes pour le pays qu'ils eXploitent. (201) In Eyma's canon, the American myth is inescapable. It appears again in the chapter entitled “Profile de Moeurs.“ hm 196 Discussing duels and turmoil in America, Eyma writes, 11 est entre dans les desseins de Dieu, qui a voulu faire des Etats— Unis une oeuvre a part, de leur imposer ces orageuses jeunesses traversees de tempetes et d'eclairs. Le calme est toujours revenu peu a peu et en son temps. (246) Though portions of this chapter are repetitive of material which appeared in Les Femmes g3 NouveaueMonde, some features are fresh. The American is essentially “actif, travailleur, commerpant; desirant toujours beaucoup diargent, et se prépccupant des moyens d'en gagner.“ (216) In fact, “aux Stats-Unis on passe toujours pour un sot quand on neglige les moyens de gagner de l'argent." (250) Yet the American assumes a new posture in his leisure time. Les instincts intellectuels s'éveillent en lui; il sait alors raver, aussi bien que qui que ce soit, devant un beau Spectacle de la nature, at l' apprecier dans toute sa valeur. (217) This is a happy inclusion: All Americans are not of the Rosenwallen breed of L3 Trgne ngrgent. Eyma waxes eloquent in his description of the Fourth of July in New York. Ce jour, dont le‘poleil levant redhauffa de ses rayons 1e sol americain pour en faire eclore l' independance et la liberté' ce jour si fecond en résultats pour le peuple qui en salua l' aurore, Si plein d'exemples et de legons pour les autres nations, ce jour occupe une place vraiment sacrée dans le coeur de tous les citoyens. Le souvenir de l' heroique drame que jouerent ses aieux est devenu pour ce peuple une religion... Cette conscience de soi-meme, ce sentiment de sa valeur, cette eXperience de sa dignité’donnent a 'tout citoyen l'intelligence exacte de la somme d'actions de graces qu 'il doit a la Liberte, et de la forme dans laquelle il doit lui payer ce tribut. (259-260) 197 Eyma's tone reveals his love and admiration of this nation and its peOple. He judges them accordingly. Les Deux Ameriques concludes with “Une Page d'Histoire," which sketches the trials of the United States during the revolution. Republican principles were certain to triumph because based on reason, and because 11 faut’qu'ils (Americans) arrivent au but que leur a marque le Providence...Dieu avait inSpire avec intention au peuple americain 1'élan des premiers jours, et que Si 1e peuple etait assez insensé pour le compromettre, il etait de leur (the leaders) devoir de ne pas laisser inaccompli un decret de la Providence. L'avenir devait leur donner raison: (271) Before other peoples imitate the United States, they must consider the sacrifice, political faith, and the will-power u’ - . A necessaires pour poursuivre cette oeuvre apre et ouverte aux tempetes de toutes les passions." (272) Divinely guided, the American people have accomplished a notable, exemplary task. Eyma translates and presents the Declaration of Independence, with an explanatory preface. Americans did not desire separation from England. Rather, tyranny and Oppression forced it upon them. Fifteen months separated the beginning of the Revolution and the Declaration. England fired the first shots: the Declaration called for an end to a war already in progress, a war viewed by Americans as fratricide. Eyma next translates the American Constitution, the product of Divine guidance. "Une si grande tache n'arrive 198 pas au but sans un secours surhumain.“ (297) Appended to this is a listing of American presidents, their” terms of office, and their margin of victory in elections. A translation of Washington's farewell address, illustrating both his civic-mindedness and devotion to his country, characteristically American and requisite to the efficacious functioning of the democratic system, ends the volume, Les Deux Ameriques attempts an objective portrayal of American institutions and the people who sustain them. It emphasizes, by contrast with Central America, the necessity to tailor government to the heritage and temperament of individual nations. It reveals Eyma's love, reSpect, and admiration for the American experiment. Eyma's Les Peaux Rouges is a fourteen-chapter study of Indian problems in the United States: evaluation of the methods of the American government in eliminating this problem; and biographies of Indian chiefs substantiating Eyma's conclusions.17 The major contention of the volume is striking. As opposed to Rousseau, and eSpecially to Chateaubriand and the tradition of the noble savage, Eyma 17The subjects treated in Egg Peaux Rouges follow those treated in George Catlin's Manners 32g Customs pf Eh; American Indian. Eyma reviewed and translated sections of Catlin's study (“Les Peaux Rou es par M. Georges Catlin," L'Illustration, v’Tfiay 24, 1845), 202-205; (June 7, 1845), 231-234; (June 21,1845), 263-266.) In all probability Eyma drew much information from Catlin. ‘y— .. 199 insists that the Indian is depraved and his civilisation barbaric. The Indian as ”noble savage“ is sentimental nonsense. I ‘ The Far West, the home of the Indian when Eyma wrote, is first described. It was “l'inconnu, 1e mystere, l'oeuvre et la conquete de l'avenir.” (2) Its settlement was a glorious expression of the American Spirit which takes possession “aussi promptement que possible de tout sol qui est son bien,“ (10) and believes that patience, work, and time guarantee success. Because the West and Far West “sont couverts de forets epaisses et de prairies immenses," (12) the Indians migrated there when chased from their native soil. They were given these lands “pour toujours, disent les traités.“ But these words are best translated: these are your lands V until we take them from you, at de vous refouler d'année en année juSqu'aux confins de la mer, ou 1es debris de votre race, s'il en spbsiste encore, seront reduits a se noyer ou a se civiliser. (12) Contrary to the contentions of many, Eyma states, this American attitude is not reprehensible. To know the Indian is to approve the American stance. Rather than conform to civilized life, the Indian aflempted to destroy it; therefore “1e but forcé'de 1a politique des Americains envers les Indiens est la destruction radicale de ces indigEnes." (43) The settlement of the West and the advance of civilization necessitated the elimination of the Indian. .C AV ..-1 A: «no ‘u uu. a me 200 This implies, of course, that the American will to civilize and dominate the land, to forge prOSperity from the wilderness, supersedes all things. The end justifies the means. In this case, Eyma accepts this as perfectly reason— able and desirable.18 True that ambition may have dictated the conquest of the Indians, Eyma states: yet "la question a une origine plus elevée et plus morale, elle par de plus loin.“ (49) From Eyma's point of view, the Indian question is one of "1a civilisation et la Barbarie...le Christianisme et 1'Idolatrie en presence et en lutte.“ (49) Hence the destruction of the Indian, his forced retreat westward,.was justifiable, des quejfapre et unique ardeur du gain fit place pux preoccupations d'une organisation serieuse et a l'implantation au milieu de ces tribus sauvages des grandes doctrines sociales et chrétiennes. (50) Indians were offered the choice of war or peace: they chose the former, blindly opposing the advance of civilization. And civilization is the primary value. C'est 1a cause de l'humanité'tout entiére qui est en question. Prendre parti contre les peuples conquérants charges de réduire 1es barbares, c'est se prononcer contre la morale, contre la religion, contre la civilisation. (53) The American government and people are reSponsible for the advancement of humanity. Allowing the coexistence of 18Note that, with reSpect to H.B. Stowe, the American press, and the institution of slavery, the and did not justify the means. 201 barbarians with civilized institutions “C'est dechoir de sa grandeur, de son rang: c'est abdiquer sa mission." (54) The reSponsibilities of the American government and people, their mission as dictated by the American myth, justified the measures taken. Ces mesures ont souleve d'ardentes critiques, et 1' on a crie a la persecution comme si un’ gouvernement pouvait hesiter entre l'independance d' un peuple civilise et l'independance de tribus barbares. (55) Had the Indians shown a desire for Christianity and civiliza- tion, the situation would be different: But Rien, en tout cas, dans leur mise en pratique, n' a revele 1e moindre penchant a s' assimiler 1es vertus chretiennes et les conditions sociales qui sont 1e mot d' ordre de la civilisation morale, religieuse et politique. (56) The Indian is a child, incapable of governing himself, of producing anything worthwhile. His is depraved by nature, for Prenez 1‘ Indien d'origine pure, arrachez-le aux deplorables examples qu 'il avait sous les yeux, élevez—le au sein de la civilisation, il ne perdra aucun des instincts féroces de sa race. (63) The Indian is a lost cause: the Americans were justified in hastening his demise. The critics of American Indian policy were motivated by sentimentality and the fascination of the bizarre. Ces critiques, je ne crains pas de le dire, ont etp inspirees par un acces de sentimentalite’ bien plutot que par la raison et la reflexion. (43) One must remember that travellers tend, by nature, to sentimentality because of the novelty which engulfs them. 202 . I I I . L etrangete et la nouveaute du Spectacle, auss1 bien que l'excentricité des caractEres et des hommes qu'il observe, deviennent pour lui 1e beau idéal...Les erreurs qu'il propage, 11 y croit fermement: elles dominant ses souvenirs et sa conscience, comme elles ont ebloui ses yeux et son imagination. (66) A chapter entitled “Caractéres Generaux" delineates the Indian character, and substantiates Eyma's conclusions regarding the Indian's essential depravity. Significantly Eyma's criticism is usually based on the Indian's failure to conform to European values and conceptions of honor. Though sympathetic to Central and North American peculiarities, Eyma abandons his own standards of observation and evaluation when treating the Indian. He superimposes his own standards and values upon the Indian, finds a complete lack of correspond- ence, and hence condemns the Indian. Eyma in no wise considers the Indian in terms of a unique civilization. Rather, the Indian has no culture, no civilization. This suggests that Eyma was unwilling to extend himself beyond certain limits. Western and Christian values were his absolutes: idiosyncracies are acceptable within that frame- work. Remove it, and the very concept of civilization or culture no longer exists. Eyma describes Indian women as small, with large and ungraceful features: Indian men as large, vigorous, hirsute. \ Mentally, "les Indiens ont l'eSprit completement inculte: ' ./ aussi leurs idees sur toutes choses sont-elles presque toujours fausses.“ (69) What else can be eXpected in a society lacking 1‘. 203 religion and moral principles? His passions are uncontrolled, undirected, and violent. The Indian is ferocious. His single virtue is courage, and that is utilized only in war. Moreover, he is a hypocrite. women hold an abject position in Indian "civilisation.“ They are paid no respect. Par contre elles ne remplisgent aucun de’ces roles dominateurs que la grace, 1a beaute, l‘intelligence, 1e devouement, assurent aux femmes des pays civilises et chretiens. (77) They are slaves to men: they have no special virtue, not even chastity. From this one must conclude que le coeur, l'ame, et l'intelligence de la femme sont rabaissés 5 un niveau qui ne lui permpt aucun de ces élans de devouement, de pitie, de tendres faiblesses, que lui donnent dans nos societes chretiennes une superiorite si grande sur l'homme. (80) Eyma thus implies that such a radical departure from Western civilization and concepts constitutes depravity, and hence justifies condemnation.lg “La Chasse a l'Homme,“ the Sixth chapter of Egg 2§§E§ BEEEgg, is the story of one Davidson who was raised by Indians, yet retained an instinct for his native white civilisation. His case illustrates not only the 9Ulf between the nature of the Indian and the white, but the essential hatred of the Indian for the white man. 19The chapter which follows is a straight translation of Irving's Rip Van Winkle. Its relationship to Les Peaux BREEEg defies reasonable Speculation. a E. r e .C 204 Toutes les fois qu' en Amerique j' ai parle: de la douceur et de l'amenite des Indiens, on m' a repondu en me citant quelques traits horribles de cruaute de leur part, meme envers 1es gens avec lesquels ils semblent dans les meilleure rapports. (110) The murder of Davidson's parents is offered as illustrative of such cruelty. 0 One has only to observe the Indian to be repelled. To see him is to have “devant les yeux 1e Spectacle d'etres ignobles, laids, sales, puants.“ (111) His clothing is “de degofitants haillons.“ (111) lioreover, Eyma insists that nothing remains of the primitive simplicity attributed to the Indian. He drinks, he scalps: he is superstitious. In a word, he is a barbarian. C'est la...cps Indiens sur le sort desquels des philanthrppes s' apitoient a leurs heures de loisir et de sentimentalite: comme si‘la civilisation n' avait pas son oeuvre de conquete a fooursuivre, en 1es ramenant sous la loi par des moyens infinement plus moraux que ces actes de barbarie quotidiens qu' on ose appeler 1e droit sacre de la defense du Sol et de la nationalite' (35) In "L'EpOpée d'un Jongleur,“ Eyma further betrays his relatively provincial standards of judgment. For here he describes Indian burial customs, and finds therein “profound reSpect" and a “touching cult.“ This positive judgment seemingly results from the correSpondence beteeen Indian and :European customs. The cemetery is found in the center of 11ndian villages: a future life, last judgment, and Ibesurrection of the soul are articles of Indian faith. But e:specially commendable is the fact that 205 Tous les jours 1es peres,1es maris, les femmes, les enfants, courbes sous 1es sarCOphages, le front dans la poussiére, prient,p1eurent, et se mortifient jusqu' au sang pour apaiser les esgrits g2 lg £953. (161) This is, of course, a solid, sentimental gesture: it is praiseworthy. "Le Chef Blanc" delineates a number of Indian habits: buffalo hunts, the ceremony of “trois jours," an antilOpe chase; the relationship of Indians to white traders. The story of a white man, Richard, raised among Indians and made a chief, is threaded miscellaneously through the chapter. Richard discovers he is white and has in fact scalped his own uncle. Yet “la philanthropie larmoyante des amis des Indiens trouvait moyen de colorer d'une excuse ou de nier au besoin.“ (165) 'The familiar story of "John Smith and Pochahontas" occupies Chapter IX. Eyma's rhetoric reveals, once again, the bias with which he judged the Indian. He states that the story is interesting because On y trouve cette astuce et cette mauvaise foi que 1' on est en droit de reprocher aux Indiens, leur enthousiasme naif pour les choses les plus simples, leur haine de la race blanche--masquee sous des semblants d'amitie. (209) .Moreover, Pochahontas is an interesting figure. Cette figure, mariee sentimentalement a 1' energique caractére du capitaine Smith, reSpire quelque chose de sympathique qui ne veut pas qu 'on 1a laisse ensevehe dans le linceul de 1' oubli. (209) P<3Chahontas is as a woman should be: When Smith is condemned t4 In 1876 Lg Revue Politigue g; Litteraire reviewed Lg Vie l Etats-Unis. Ce sont 1es impressions d' un voyageur qui regarde... conclusions favorables...reconnaissent 1es energiques qualite’s d.e cette race agite’e, exhuberante, qui manque de grace,...cette liberte, parfois voisine de la license, est feconde en grands resultats. \ - , ”E.G.” was diSpleased with Scenes de Moeurs et de voyages, but concludes that ”1e livre de M. Eyma, s'il n'est pas de I 6 r mieux faits, il est du moins 1nteressant.” Phe Revue g2 Monde Catholique praised the same study as tout plein de charme et de variete...qui denotent dans 1' auteur de 1' esprit et de la facilite... arfa.itement inoffensif, 1e livre de M. Eyma peut etre laisse aux mains de tout 1e monde.7 4J. Barbev d'Aurevilly, Les Oeuvres g3 Les Hommes. X (Paris, 1888), 378. "Causerie Litteraire,‘ La Revue “378. Max1me baucher, Politique g1; Litte’raire, W11 (April 15,1876), 6E G. in Revue Critiqug deg Livres fipuveau, J (August, 1862), 336. 7A Vaillant, "Bulletin Bibliographique," Lg Revue du Monde Catholidue, III (May 10, 1862): 34 343 . . ___ I The same journal reviewed Les Poches gg mon parrain: ngendes, [5 I . _ __ . fantomes, et nec1ts du Nouveau-Monde: and La Vie dans Lg n . O m. - . . . - Nouveau—Monde. Lyma's Amer1can stud1es are rev1ewec, also, . .. ._ . . 9 - . 1 10 . 1n the Revue sritannigue, and 1n Lg torrespondant. Eyma, _ in other words, received the critical attention of his contemporaries. 1His critical reception, added to the several other factors supporting the availabilty and pOpularity of his works, invites the conclusion that Eyma's comments reached a wide audience. Eyma's entire concept of America is dominated by two myths: that of the American Adam, and that of the “great man.“ America is the New Eden, the land of promise, providentially sustained and directed. In certain customs, such as parades and national airs, Eyma perceived a naiveté’and innocence which he considered characteristic. In accordance with the myth of the American Adam, American innocence has confronted eXperience——tria1s, suffering, and the chaos of the wilder- ness-—and achieved a transcendent innocence, proving both the providential design and the guaranteed success of the 8A. Vaillant, "Bulletin Bibliographique,” Lg Revue gg,Monde gatholiggg, III (July 10, 1862), 73; III (January 10, 9Rnon” Revue Britannidue,(hpr11, 1876), p. 570. 10?. Douhaire, “'La Vie aux Etats—Unis'," Lg Qgrrespondant, CIII (ns.67) (April—June, 1876), 334-341. ¥ 344 democratic experiment.ll America, as the cradle of the hepes and aSpirations of the whole of mankind, has a divine mission; failure cannot be countenanced. The success of the American eXperiment concerns all men. The American myth is embodied in representative men such as Washington and Jefferson. Their virtues, aSpirations, and values represent those of the nation. History, from Eyma's point of view, is propelled and dominated by great men. Eyma was centrally concerned, not with events them— selves, but with the men who caused and directed them. Predictably, his works, in approaching American institutions, probed the surface in search of the Spirit and temper which animated them. Such was the pattern of French observers of America: Eyma's considerations were culturally determined in part. Eyma‘s concerns and values were, of course, French. His interests were largely those of his contemporaries. Like other historians of the period, Eyma gave mythical propor- tions to great men. And predictably, those sections of America associated with France and French history were in— vested with a certain romantic grandeur and nostalgia, rein— forcing a vision of America as the land of dream and promise. Eyma's values are consistent throughout his literary canon, both fictional and factual. The heroes and heroines of his novels and tales embody imitable bourgeois values. They are devoted to family, labor, honor, and the Christian M _fl llSee R.W.B. Lewis, The gmerican Adam (Chicago, 1955), on the American myth and American innocence. _¥ 1 ( .ri 345 virtues. Their innocence confronts eXperience in plot situations tailored to the diSplay of virtue. Characters are both romantic and sentimental: Neo-classical and bourgeois. Gothic horror and melodrama enhance their courageousness, their virtue, and their intensity. In sum, Eyma's fiction is a potpourri of the French literary tradition. 47—- Eyma's fiction, in rhetoric and characterization, supports those values he lauds in the American people. Eymabs esthetics demanded a didactic literature. Biograp hies, too, a serve a didactic end; American history is a source of lessons and example for other nations. Eyma's works consistently point to the same end: instruction, and the consequent in— culcation of values. Eyma, the man, is revealed to some extent in the values and concerns of his fiction and studies. He was seem— ingly conservative and bourgeois, yet retained a certain enthusiasm and thirst for life and eXperience. Eyma obviously admired the United States, and tempered his comments accord— ingly. His imagination, Spurred on by romantic nostalgia, contributed a certain grandeur and retrOSpective melancholy to some of his observations. Because convinced of America's divine mission, and of the reality of the myth of the American Adam, he reprimanded the New World in a Spirit of hOpe and eXpectation. Because Eyma saw great potential and the hOpe of mankind in the American peOple, he criticized their faults, much as a father reprimands a child for the child's own good. He firmly believed in the perfectibility of man, whose future H—“ i ' U ~46 ( resides in the success or failure of the democratic eXperiment. Eyma made every effort to deliver objective, impartial judgments based on a penetration of the thrust and Spirit of the New world. He saw no conflict between French patriotism and praise of America; rather, he urged France to imitate America in accordance with French needs and traditions. And Eyma was obviously a prodigious reader, and a scholar: he utilized numerous sources in his studies. Certain generalizations emerge from Eyma's treatment of the New WOrld. First, in Spite of a sincere desire for objectivity, Eyma brought preconceived notions and his own cultural standards to bear in his evaluation of American peOple and institutions. secondly, he sought the extraordinary in American culture. Because perSpicacious and sensitive, he penetrated the surface of customs and mores, yet tended to praise the familiar and acceptable, and blame the idio- syncratic insofar as it deviated from his own norms. Thirdly, Emma‘s choice of literary form affected the image of America he presented. From the dramatization inherent in the novel and short fiction, nuances and attitudes emerge, and are imperceptibly impressed on the reader's mind. In tightly organized historical studies, prejudices and opinions are directly stated, and are therefore Open to rejection or acceptance. In the loosely-knit, impressionistic, travelogue form, more personal prejudice appears, suggesting that form and structure controlled thought and forced a certain objectivity upon the writer. Fourth, Eyma was attracted to art and ¥ 347 literature which satisfied his preconceived and culturally~ inherited notions of the nature of art and literature. Fifth, Eyma's proximity, in time and Space, to American culture affected his judgment of that culture. The retro— Spective glance, allowing penetration, reflection, and per— haps mellowing, modified his evaluations. Finally, factors completely unrelated to America provoked Eyma's initial interest in her. His works satisfied domestic French needs and desires completely unrelated to America. Numerous variables, often seemingly extraneous, encouraged Eyma's american studies, and hence his presentation of an image of America——an image which partially formed, reinforced, and perpetuated the French image of America in the mid-nineteenth century. T3133 :«p RKS OF LOUIS xxx/Ira snaps. .. _, I . . -. .1 Lee ”.oureix me a demoiselle. Paris: n. uentu, 1877. Aventuriers et Corsaires. Iaris: Michel Levy, 1861. e Canal Maritjm me du Tarieg, Etat d 1, Question. Parir: Scniller dines 1361. .. a \ M . .1 Lo ghassg g 1' sclav-. saris: a. prunet, 1866. De la Circulation libre des coupons g revenu fixe. Paris: Lacroix, Verboeckhoven, 1864 _. -. I a "P- o - (M. u (a Les Deux emegggugg. saris: D. wiraud, l053. ,_ I _ Les neug 13301rs. R Le,r1va1n et Toubon, 1860. mmanvc] Earls: 3071er 1811. \ . . I I . . . ,.. . z , “ Paris: MlChel Levy, 1860. Lxcentrgcites americaines. _ __ I Les Femmes du fleuve u—fionae. Paris: Michel Levy, 1860, . . .\ r ., . es samineries dg madame R1v_ere. raris: L. l8f75. t’ Le Grand Cordon et a gorde. // .IC .0 Introduction a une politique ggnerale. Preiace. Paris. Percepied, 1842. L 1:antbmes et recits du Nouveau Monde. Paris: I ecrendes, R. Lacroix, 7erboeckhoven et Cie, .:.63. I . . . Paris: Lecrivain et Toubon, 1860. !_. Ea ad.emoi selle Iooaze. 5 Paris: A. Faure, 1867. ~.—-— I-H—i f H Ma“ arde fig v—v-rm- _— l 348 DJ 49 \ . \ Le ya oue blanc. Paris: Imor. de Preve, 1853. . I. Paris: Chretien, 1840. IE I D b \ LU H. I-J |._-l o s 0 Nice et les Aloes-Iggitimes. Paris: H. Charoentier, 1864. Ii e et Savoie. Paris: H. Charoentier. 1864. botice Diocranhinue sur William Prescott," Fssais 6’ Biogranhie et oe Criticue by W. H. Prescott, 2 vols. Paris, 1864. . H . ., . .,. / Les yeaux ROires. raris: MlChel Levy, 1857. Les Peaux flouces. Paris: D. Giraud, 1854. Les Pocnes de mon narrain. Paris: E. Maillet, 1863. "‘ ’p " n ' ' l " ' ‘ " ° ' “rrc:ace," Les garigsites oe P.ris oy Lnarles Vinnaitre. v‘ :)V*'i F: 1,32,11,13 . _.., ._. 1’ , . ’, . . . . . La beflUQllflflg arericaine, ses institutions, ses hommes. Paris: 1861. q - o a up. I f‘ Le Roman og glavi_. Paris: nichel Levy, 1802. . . . ,p I , o_Roi ces Trooicue_. Paris: Richel Levy, 1800. ’am .— '1 0 W q- o ’0 I 0 Les Trente-Quatre btoiles oe l'Union americaine. Paris: ‘0. ‘ I n..- micnel Levv, 1502. 1 a ‘D ' $00 ’ " }_one g'aroent. Paris: Richel Levy, 1800. Vie aux Etats-Unis. Paris: 3 Plon, 1876. Vje dans lg Eouveau—Monde. Paris: Poulet-Malassis, 1868. igrks of Louis Xavier Evma with co-authorship: . -l . . . . '1 .. . . hith Rmecee de Gallais. Caoitaine...0 Ouol? POlSSY‘ 6e Arbieu, 1849. e Renard et les raisins. Paris: Beck, 1851. With Arthur de Lucy”, Ecrivains et artistes vivants, frangais et etrancers Paris: Bureau de journal “Outre-Mer," 1840. 2v» 350 I- With Saint—Yves. Lg Mariaqe a; baton . Paris: D. Giraud, 853. Correspondance of Louis Xavier Evma: __1___._.___1__1,_.___,_____________ 1. . 1 \ . . - bibliotheque Nationals: ”Nouvelles acquisitions francaises“ collection, no. 21.014. Translations bv Louis Xavier Evma: . . . . l I- . . 81ess1ngton, M.G. Max1mes, Pensees, gt Rerlex1ons. Paris: 1840. Catlin, Georges. "Les Peaux Rouges,” L'Illustration, V (1845), 202—205, 231-234, 263—266. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. Les Lois Q3 la vie. Paris, 1865. . Nature. Paris, 1865. Irving, washington. “L'th de fabriquer les livres,“ L'illustratigg, XII (February 3, 1849), 358—359. A 1 . . Histoire g; 1; conquete ge Grenade. raris: R. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven, 1865. Articles: " Lg Nouvelliste, No. 187 (July 6, 1874), 1. M ”L'Rbdication, “L‘Rffolement,” Le Nouvellistg, No. 141 (May 22, 1874), 1. ”Rh! Tant Mieuxl,” Le Nouvelliste, No. 127 (April 30, 1874), l. ”Rnoel aux Conservateurs,” Le Nouvelliste, No. 167 (June " 16, 1874), 1. ”Rttaouer oour etre forts,” Le fouvelliste, No. 183 ” (July 2, 1874), 1. “L'Attitude des imoérialistes,” LN (June 10, 1874), 1. Nouvelliste, No. 161 .. I n . ”Le Bas—Mississinni et la Nouvelle—Orleans, Lg Courrier du Dimanche, VI (August 16, 1863), 5—6. " L'Illustration, XI (June 10, \ "Bateaux a vapeur et autres, 1848), 235—238. 351 ”Les Bavards,“ Le Houvelliste} No. 124 (Rpril 26, 1874), 1 Un Eon et un mauvais F ancais,” Le Nouvelliste, No. 134 1" (May 14, 1374), 1. 10 1a 8onne 8esogne,“ 4m fleuvelliste, No. 122 (April 24, 1874), 1. “Les 8ououets a Cloris,” Le gouvelliste, 80. 156 (June 5, 1874), 1 I. . " -111 de la Vle americaine, .e L'gllustration, XXVI (1855), 174—175, 190—191, 206. ”(3.106112‘1110171 “ 14'311L1Q’t‘1’8t-_0- :{V (3a nuarv 26,1850), 54-55. . 1 s Catherine et W1111am-6cen ”Ce one n us voulons,“ Le Nouvelliste, No.121 (April 22, “ Courrier QR Dimanche, VI n et Galveston, 3 Le 1ruary 22, 1863), 3 \ . \ H . .1. . ’KJT'K "" ”Chasses imoeriales a Comnleqne: E'IllUStrathQ' “AL bJanuary'Es 1.853), 21—22. I IIIH ‘ II “ I“ . . gemin de fer, routes, v01tures, etc., 8 illustratlon’ KI (July 22, 1848), 316-318. ‘7 iort,” Le Nouvelljste, No. 171 (June “Les Chevaux de rt Mé21a,“ L' 111ustration, XIII (1849), 298—299, 1 ~ 7 3” 'i‘ffav J 8 . . . . .. n 7.. o 1..._ - ”La Chute du Ministere, L- §Ouvelli5tei ”0 l O ( - r e 1' ste No. 35 3(June 2, <1 . . I) ”Les Convoitisees, ME _Wp 1,974.) IJ-o '1 l I: . .,... . -._-‘ A H 35. 11V) Corr/38 171011qu ..nt ano ‘j'\71'1j‘ge, H £3157: biouvelllSte, 140. l ..7 (318.17 27,1874), .1 . _ fl - T RC *1. 1874 1. ”Le Conn 89 sonce,“ Le nouvelliste, no 103 (Uhhe 7, )7 ./- v1 ” 7e fiouvelliste, No. 140 (May 20, 1874), 1. JV ‘1 "La Crise continue, I ' 1"x 9 "f " " isterielle,” Le Nouvelliste, do. 139 (hay 19, m ”La Crise :ni 1874)n 1. ‘ ‘ EV November 20 1852), ”Daniel Webster,“ L'lllustratiqn, in ( , 352 ”4 1 r - 4 1- ~- - »- La. aeraite ces raeicaux,“ Le Nouvelliste. NO. 165 (June 14, 1874), 1. “4. 44. ‘1 :F’ La UlUQe truiree, 1874), ll 1 Le Nouvelliste, 40. 126 (April 28, 5 .un-In. ”Discours sur discours,” Lg gouvelliege, No.149 (May 29, 1a74),1. ”Dissolutionnistes et revolutionnaires,” Le gouvelliste, 60. 128 (May 2, 1874), l. ”4 )roite? on a gauche?, ' Le Nouvelliste, No. 180 (June 29, 18 74) 1. 1 1 I7 I 1, . ”Les Droite et les devoirs des nretendants,“ Lg mguvelliste, 60. 130 (May 6, 1874), l. : “De 1'Elau dams 1e Vin, " EE figuvelliste, 30- 129 (May 3: --4374‘) , lo ”L‘Bcheveau 6e Iiuxu1” L'Illustration, :<.IV (1849), 54~55, 70, 94~95, 106-107, 122—123, 134. ”do 4c1a1rc153ement,” Le Nouve lligge, No. 177 (June 26, 1874), l. W6'.oooeg 6e Regine,“ L'Illustration, LXKV (June 30, 1860), 419. zcentricites americaines-~4 Prooos des Femmes,” '111ustration,XIXI' (October 29,1859), 314. I / _ 4 T 4, 4 ”3vcentr1C1tee am erica ines,” L' Illustration, 4A~IV (bOmefler .V o 5, 1453), 3 0. I . . . . ‘1centr1cwt‘g americaines-~40eurs intimes de la presse -' ll ' ' “U": ; “W; dans les .6tats oe l'Union, L'illustration, AKKlf (Decemberl7, 18 59), 426—427. / l. .. n d/contr1c1teq americaines, ‘Illustration, 4:4 {XIV (December 24, 1859), 4%9-440. . . .nb '01 s~—Ia. “ExcentriC1tée americaines——Les Lonc510nil?: iiégfon I 'Vie 0011L1oue——L@S Elections, L' LS : “VXV (weoruary 18, 1:9 50): 1027103' ..‘k’L. - ’ ’ - ' H '“ 1 ' xxxv ”ExcentriC1tes americaines, “LwillueraELQE, (April 14, 1860), 239 1 I 4 ' No. 146 ”Lee Frontieres volitioues, Lg nouvelliste, \.4- 5.4 _. - ,0 (May 26, 1874), l. 4 g. I) Te Nouvellisgg, No. 143 (May 29, 1874) 1. N I Au Gaulois,” 4 3 353 ”Go Ahead and No Mind! ou Le Mouvement industriel, commercial et maritime aux Etats—Unis," L‘Illustration, XVII (1851), 354—355, 370—371. ”L‘Eeure du combat,” Lg gouvelliste, No. 160 (June 9, 1874) 1. \ 1 1. . -1 ”Bier a la Gare ce l'Ouest,“ Le Nouvelliste, no. 163 (June 12, 1874), 1- ”Histoires vraies,“ L'gllustration, LIII (1869), 86, 106—107, 155. ”L'hosoitalite aux 6tats—Un1s,” L'lllus61at1on, JV11I (Rovember 6-13, 1851), 298—299. str.t'on, XXII (1853) {3 O) I -o ..-h I "7‘ a . .‘- ”L'aotellerie aux 6tats—Ln15, E'ill 43 67 -. I a O ”Les Egtels, 1es auberges, et 1e ca 11 (Audust 12, 1943), 355—358. ? ' '~ ’ ' r r: , ”Les Hommes de la guerre d'hmerique——MacC1ellan, JuElcr, 1e Contre—4miral David Porter, Lg Courrier g3 Mimancue, v (lfifovember 16, 1862), 1. ./. ,.. , “Leg mommes de la muerre d'Amer1que——Les veneraux Hall ck, e -u Dimahchg, V m Beaureqarfl, Fremont,” Lg gourrier (December 14, 1862), 2-3. / . 4 ll Qq 'F-"qumec: (76‘ 1a Guerre d' EEmerJ'..CIue--9anksr Grant! .—d;_ J... ..: .J 7‘ I M I. #1 . ,1 “- | —‘ 1; - C“ ' 1’ Pemberton,” L§_§ourr1er gg plmanche, 71 (oeptemoer 6, 1863), 4—5. U .. x. ,1 T 1 ”We“ ”omfies fie la Nuerre @Fwner1GUe——aooker, he?de, hobert “w” 11 W-‘ “ cu Dimanche, VI (November 15, Lee,“ 44 99411141 1.8633) ’ 3-4:. . \ Al\ " _M “d ll H1’,’:E-rmoerat.rice Joseph1ne et la grand—mere u Wbcue 3:64} , "fl ’ February 11, 1454 , ,J—Qa. L'11J11strggion, 264111 ( 172 (June 21, . .' 0 - 'i "3 “WW Imoot nouveau,” EE gouvelllste, ”O' i 1374), 1 -... .., 4, . | ‘ “,7 ‘ 7) T l- 6 ”L'Thcident oarlementaire o'n1e1,' L 'flwpvelliste, “0° 2 (June 11, 1874), 1. “i (1) x o - a“ "‘ - - ' d ' 31m erinUC—B et :n- I? ' 1 1oue aux Etats Un1s . 1 3e 1 lustruct1on puhl _ YTTT (March 17, 1849), en France,” L'Illugggggggg, “11_ :54 \‘w .\ .9 . ~ . , 7. o v I o “Me l'instruction nuclicue aux ntats-dnis d'wmerique et on France,“ L'Illustraticn, XIII (March 24, 1849), -55. "jaheq Benj_m0re Sooner, ” é' :11u stration, XVIII (Octoaer 2— 9, 18 51 ), 223- 221 1 .. ‘ . / .. . ”-5 wi7r=1rie a men carche en wnqleterre,” ;' llustragion, ”cv (.* av 25, 1555), 334—335. I - o w “-‘acnine a1-,_ca ‘w your 1e pliade des gournaux et ces livre s,”L "l‘uctration 4721 (January Bl—Eebruary 7, 1.c51), 60-67. NO. 173 (June 22, 1374), 1. L3 m U) 3) W t D H 9 <1 8 in W L’D “A Mes I;cteurs,” ge gcuvelliste, IO. 192 (July 11, 1874), 1. ”Les Ministres 5e l'Orflre social," Le ficuvelliste, N0. 165 (June 15, 1974), 1. “Le fqaveau Ca b1 _net," Le Xcuvelliste, 30. 144 (Ray 24, l“7‘-.‘), l. I “La Youvelle-Orleans,“ E'Illustraticn, KI (May 27, 1848) 203—296 . . \ . . __. “Les Onsecues ce Fuad-Pacha,” Qflllnstration, LIII L?enruarv 27, 1f“??), 130. ”La Parole du Harechal, Le Ionvelliste, E0. 182 (Ju1y1,1874), 1. figgvelliste, E0. 131 (May 9, “mg—v...- - _ . , / W1e Eclcnarc et l‘gje1," L, lQ74), l. , ' - r O -" 'V 52: ”Les Preludes," g3 gguvelliste, no. 155 (way 13, 1374), 1. a vaneur “onstre 5u journal 1e Sew—York Sun, 'Illfistrati 11cue n' esn has hroclamee " Le mouv411xs 30.163 (June 17,1874), 1. “Recoect aux Princes," L :jLuvellis'teL No. 136 (May 16, 1874), 1. I “Une Revolution," L Bouvelliste, No. 189 (July 8, 1874), 1. “La nhctori~ue oolitioue," Le NouvelIiste, KO. 125 (Anril 27, 1874), 1. ”Rien 5e blue," Le Houveliiste, No. 150 (May 30, 1874), l. “Un Scandale," Le Uouvelliste, Ho. 123 (Aoril 25, 1874), 1. \ “Les services transatlantiques a vaneur," Le gourgger gu Dimanche, V (February 9, 1862), 6. “Les Sous-Secretaires d'Etat," Le Nouvelliste, No. 145 (May 25, 1574), 1. “80vons Francais,” Le Nguvellisge, No. 132 (May 10, 1874), 1. , IS “Jne Temnete dans un verre d'eau,“ Le Do avellisteL No. 133 (Hay 13, 1874), 1. ”La Timbale d'ardent," L3 Kouvelliste, No. 141 (May 20, 1874), l. _, In 1 ’, , _, “Le Theatre 0e 1a auerre en Amerique,“ Le Courri r ou Eifléflche, V (October 5, 1862), 3:2. ——u_. "Le The tr 5 '2" OJ; \0 la 5uerre en Amerique——La Virginie, ri e Co er 5u LDimanche, V (October 12, 1862), 3. ”_a_- I. “Le Tn éatre 5e 1a Guerre en Americue--Le Kentucky et La Bataille 5e Cynthiana," Le Courgie; du Dimanche, V (Fovember 2, 1862), 3. n ’A <5 ’ ' II Le Theatre 5e 1a guerre en Amerique--Le Tennessee, Le Courrier du Dimanche, V (November 9, 1862), 3. l I ‘ 1“ 0 Q | 0 I G “Une Troisiene nouveraine originalre de la Martinique, L'Illustratiog,a XX II (F rebruary 25, 1854), 128. ”Troo Eelle et troo laide," L'Illustration, LXVI (1875), 230-231, 245,255-257, 278, 295-298. "Vicksburg," Le Courrier du Dimanche, VI (February 1, 1863), 2. "fiashington Irving," L'Illustration, YVKIV (December 24, 1559), 435. . | \ r 1‘ \ \ ‘. x \ ' . . x . » \ ~ 1 \ \ \ ‘\ l \ , . x . 1 ‘ \ . v \ , I . 1 \ “ ‘ ' \ I . \ 1 1 ' V 1 x k \ - \ \ \ ‘» \ - . \ \ \ \ 1 ' 1 V \ \ a \ Av ' - I \ \ \ General Bibliogranhv: Review of Evma's works: Anon. Rev. in Lg Journal fies Thégtres, No. 717 (June 1, 1850), 3. ' A. P. “'La Vie aux Etats—Unis,'" La Revue Britanniaue, April, 1876, 570. Aurevilly, J, Barbey 5'. Les Oeuvres at Les Hommes, X. “m“..— Paris, 1888. 351—366. “Bibliographie.” Anon. rev., Le Courrier du Dimanche, w—.___——~_—— XXXKVI (November 16, 1862), 7. “'Caoitaine...5e quoi?' No. 724 (June 26, 1850), 1. ., _. I A “ Anon. rev.,_JournaL des Theatres, “‘Capitaine...de quoi?'“ Anon. rev., Journal des I .— TheStres, No. 725 (June 29, 1850), 2. Cuvillier—Fleury. Historians, Poétes, g; Remanciers, II. Paris, 1863. 265-267. Douhaire, P. ”'La Vie aux Etats-Unis'“ Lg Corresgondant, C"II (April—June, 1876), 334-341. E.G, ”'SoEnes de moeurs et de voyages dans le Nouveau Monde'” Revue Critique des Livres, V (August, 1862), 333—336. \ . . . ”'Les Gamineries 5e Madame Riviere,'” La Revue Britannioue, August, 1874, 553. Gaucher, Maxims; "Causerie Litteraire,“ La 3_vue Politigue g; Litteraire, XXXKII (April 15, 18 6), 378. Harbin, Victor. Le Théstre, II (February 9, 1851), 2. Horn, J.—E. “Eibliograohie,” Lg Courrier gu Dimanche, V (February 2, 1862), 5. “‘Le Mééailler, Simoles Histoires,‘“ L'Illustration, XXVI (October 27, 1855), 278. IA RaniEres, Edmond 5e. "Le Mariage au Baton,'" Lg Theatre, II (March 2, 1853), 3. Vaillant, A. "Bulletin Bibliographique,” Lg Revue g3 Monde Cathqgiaug, III (May 10, 1862), 33—34. 357 Vai llant, 8. "Bulletin Bibliographioue, " La Revue Lu MonLe Catholicue, III (July 10, 1862), 73. ”8u11_etin Bibliographique, ” La Revue du Monde 3at1olicue, VIII (January 10, 1864), 489- 490. gelectgye List of Secondarv Sources: l‘i‘l ~l'torica1 Writings, Norman, rifi 8a rnes 8.8. L. Mistorv o w. 8r_w 2.3. The sentimental Novel in America, 1789—1860. Duke, 1940. . . I I . . 1e 1a ooc1ete listor15ue e; 4arch§ H1011 _1oue Lu ‘ I “ebruary 5, 1914), 104—105. histor rioues et litteraires. I. 1- (D Cuvillier—Fleurv. 5tud Paris, 1854. 7 w H The finglish 80ve1 in France, 1850—1870. ““V1onst . I . - - I u -v 0 ~ c '1 Rene. L'310059 Realiste et naturaliste. Earls, 1 . 7-17 Murand. Mirage in the Nest, Princeton, 1957. as-de-Cuir. Paris, 1927. tr.“ ‘hb, mnrcaret M. Le Roman £8 .- .. ’ n ' a minictV, Raul. be meloerame- Earls! S°Q° Gooch, G.P. Mistorv and Mistoria ns Lg Nineteenth Centurv, Lon5on, mew Eork, 1952. LLa Grande Encvclooaedie. 31 vols. Laris: I. Lamirault, s.5. ~n.-. 1 van, ramene we. -19 .or 1118 119171-21 _.:._-- ..ran.c.5=_ , 184r 8eneva, Paris, 1961. o -,- . . ‘— n ‘The_ p511.1551 fleactlon, 1515-_1 a. 7'“""“""‘"“'" " " . I I 1:, ' _T‘ 1’) Loom-<1 _‘i are (5.0.9? fiber-ch 151.1:13 52:3: ('ilj‘v‘l A11”. :..:.&.L 4 ‘* ‘7’“"77777—777 77'7'777777 74‘7"...““777 ,3 777777 ( ovemaer 30, 1895), 51. ‘ 7 5' r1 1" IV?” (fWeCGMflaer‘ i) {1' l_pqt omswzr 3 a to C'ES CI 9 9.1.1161de at CU" ___(§_.:1_31. 11---». -.~. , . I 1914), 20. 3arnabooth. raris. .Teune, 3 . . _‘ .' q 7,7 ~, c; 7.7.3103] a rd I") . 91:11 er 1 9a. SE35; v. .,. -‘ ..fi . --, . o I o ’FOUIOE, rierre. u'xxotisne flans 1a 11tterature francaise -—.._...~.._—..-... 5391.139 €13.31saubriapié. l-iontoellier, 1956. ' . .- ,1, . \ - _ . parqusse 92 fig arec1-, ed. Paul nuge. Paris, 1923. Levin, David. History as figmantic Art: Bancroft, Prescott, ma? figtleg, and Parko a. $tanfor5, 1959. Lewis 3.3.3. Egg gperican 35am. Chicago, 1955. 1 .--., ’ _ , e _\ LUCES 101th. Lg Litterature antL-ggg1avaa1ste an 19_ s1que. 1 1930. 71cGhee, Dorothy M. The Cult of SEQ 'ante Mora1." St. Paul, 1960. - . . , . \ Morillot, Haul. Le Roman en Erance deouis lolO 1usau'a nos fours. Paris, 5.5. ' .1 fine Oyforfi ngganign tg fimerggan ‘LiteratUre, e5. J.D. flart, 81” York, 1956 - I - _ - _ . . _ *enond, wete. LQQ ntats—unis cevant l'oninion Lgan aise, 1915—1852. Earls, 1962. o 1 D LT. h 3 m i d o H 3 HJ (D n n :y :1} 0 F3 91 s {717 lo I ...l rt. f (o [W 1m ,5 c i H .0 O 11nker, 8.L. Les Mcrits 5e la Lanque franqaise en Louisiane an {1&3 siecle. Paris, 1932. ‘1"! “jeonen, 9au1. “Le Roman Sentimental en munooe 5e Richardson.e Rousseau,” Revue fig 1a Litterature Comnaree, ?% (Amril—June 1940), 38—48. .uL-~ Vanereau, Gustave. Dictionnaire universel fies contemporains. (fit III: ..I WW1.II.I‘ .———_V" _‘- ~—-.-’-" 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111|