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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

A Thematic Analysis of Speeches
on Foreign Policy of senator
J. W. Fulbright

presented by
Calvin Wharton Downs

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

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AN ABSTRACT

A THEMATIC ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES

ON FOREIGN POLICY OF SENATOR

J. w. FULBRIGHT ,/

by

Calvin W. Downs

As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas wields considerable
influence over the relations of the United States with other
countries. His position often focuses the national spot-
light upon him, and he has been the object of much conflict-
ing criticism.

Twenty—four of his speeches on foreign policy
between February, 1959, and April, 1962, were analyzed in
order to ascertain objectively and quantitatively the Sen-
ator's basic ideas concerning foreign policy and to examine
the structure in which these ideas combine to form his
ideology. Whenever possible, the conclusions of this anal-
ysis were then related to his biographical development as

an outstanding statesman.

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Calvin W. Downs

Quantitative content analysis was the principal
research methodology. First, forty themes were abstracted
from the total number of speeches and were tested for relia-
bility by independent coders. Second, the frequency with
which each theme appeared in the total group of speeches
was computed. Third, a symbol coding analysis gave a sensi-
tive indication of the Senator's attitudes toward concepts
within the nine themes which appeared most frequently.

With the paragraph being used as the recording unit, fif-
teen symbols were coded according to Fulbright's associa-
tion of (l) morality-immorality, (2) strengtheweakness,
and/or (3) desirability—undesirability with them.

Fourth, a contingency analysis indicated which
pairs of themes tended to occur together more frequently
than by chance. Fifth, elementary linkage analysis out-
lined the significant cluster relationships among themes,
and ten theme clusters appeared.

Sixth, the twenty-four speeches were divided into
four groups according to the type of audience to which
they were delivered--i.e., academic, business and profes-
sional, political, and international—-and the speeches with-

in each group were then analyzed to determine significant

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Calvin W. Downs

emphasis or de-emphasis of any particular theme for that
audience type. For this analysis and the one following,
significance was tested by comparing a theme's actual per—
centage of occurrence in a particular group with its expec-
ted percentage <1E occurrence in that group. The standard
deviation from the expected percentage was calculated by

Cp =1/éér , and a ninety—five per cent level of signifi-
cance was regarded as being two sigmas in either direction
from the expected percentage.

Seventh, a comparative frequency analysis determined
whether or not any themes were significantly emphasized or
de-emphasized in the speeches delivered during the Eisen-
hower and Kennedy administrations.

These seven analytic steps revealed that Senator
Fulbright tends to be an internationalist in his approach
to foreign policy, and that he conceives of American for-
eign policy as basically revolving around the American-
Soviet competition. In his speeches, he concentrates heav-
ily on areas of American national life, such as education,
which he thinks need to be improved. A prime concern of
his is the governmental structure of the United States, and
he tends to favor greater centralization of government as a

means for achieving a more pragmatic foreign policy.

Calvin W. Downs

Finally, the Senator adapts his thematic content to
the type of audience that he faces. Before academic groups
he concentrates significantly on themes about government
structure, but he significantly omits this topic when speak-
ing to both political and business and professional
audiences. He stresses the importance of foreign politics
to the business and professional audiences and stresses

interdependence to the international audiences.

A THEMATIC ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES

ON FOREIGN POLICY OF SENATOR

J. W. FULBRIGHT

BY

Calvin Wharton Downs

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Speech

1963

 

 

Copyright by
CALVIN WHARTON DOWNS

1963

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation is a product of cooperation among
many people to whom the author is deeply indebted. Fore-
most among them is the author's close friend and major
professor, Dr. David C. Ralph. The author wishes to express
to both Dr. Ralph and the other members of his Guidance
Committee--Dr. Kenneth G. Hance, Dr. Malcolm MacLean, and
Dr. David Moore--his sincere gratitude and appreciation for
their interest, guidance, and academic stimulation.

Others whom the author wishes to acknowledge and to
'thank for their assistance are: Mr. Jack Prather and Mr.
.Ianes Clark of the Communications Research Center for

lnelping the author program the data; the Communications
Research Center for processing the data; and Mr. Parker
Westbrook and Mr. Patrick Fleming, members of Senator
EHJLLbright's office staff, for their cooperation in the
gathering of data.

Finally, this dissertation is dedicated to the
axrtluor's parents, Mr. and Mrs. C. R. Downs, for their con-
tiIltuDus and unfailing assistance, encouragement, and
inspiration.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vi
Chapter
I. AN OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . 1
Introduction . l
Purposes of This Study 4
Limitations 5
Materials and Resources 7
Plan of Organization 10
II. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SENATOR J. WILLIAM
FULBRIGHT INTO AN "INTERNATIONALLY-
MINDED INTELLECTUAL" . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Early Years 13
Advanced Education 15
An Academic Career 19
Election to the House of Representatives 21
Election to the Senate 24
Emphasis on Education 25
Record of Independence and Political
Combat 29
Conflict with Eisenhower 33
Chairman of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee 34
Personal Characteristics 36
Current Images 41
III. WHENTHISMANSPEAKS............ 46
Content Analysis 50
Statement of Themes 58
Conclusion 80

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Chapter

IV. METHODS OF ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . .

Step
Step
Step
Step
Step

to
Step

One: Frequency Analysis

Two: Symbol Coding Analysis

Three: Contingency Analysis

Four: Elementary Linkage Analysis
Five: Analysis of Theme Adaptation
Audience Type

Six: Analysis of Theme Treatment

During Different Presidential
Administrations
Conclusion

V. PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION OF
ANALYTIC RESULTS . . . . . . . . . .

Frequency Analysis

Symbol Coding Analysis

Contingency Analysis

Elementary Linkage Analysis

Theme Adaptation to Audience Type

Theme Treatment During Different
Presidential Administrations

Conclusion

‘7I. CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Summary
Suggestions for Further Study

BIJBJLIOGRAPHY

Page
81
81
84
87
93

96
100
103
104
104
107
111
112
128

136
137

139

149
150

151

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Chapter Page

IV. METHODS OF ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Step One: Frequency Analysis 81
Step Two: Symbol Coding Analysis 84
Step Three: Contingency Analysis 87
Step Four: Elementary Linkage Analysis 93
Step Five: Analysis of Theme Adaptation
to Audience Type 96

Step Six: Analysis of Theme Treatment

During Different Presidential

Administrations 100
Conclusion 103

V. PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION OF

ANALYTIC RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Frequency Analysis 104
Symbol Coding Analysis 107
Contingency Analysis 111
Elementary Linkage Analysis 112
Theme Adaptation to Audience Type 128

Theme Treatment During Different
Presidential Administrations 136
Conclusion 137
VI. CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Summary 149
Suggestions for Further Study 150
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

v

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. List of Speeches Analyzed . . . . . . . . . 8
2. Author/Coder Percentages of Agreement . . . 57
3. Rank Order of Terms 82
4. Symbols Coded . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5. Raw Data Matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
6., Contingency Matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
7. Sample Contingency . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
8. Audience Classification . . . . . . . . . . 98
9. Theme Occurrence Before Audience Types . . 99
.10. Theme Occurrence Under Different
Administrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
11.. Symbol Coding Results . . . . . . . . . . . 108
LL2.. Contingent Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
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CHAPTER ONE
AN OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Introduction

As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,

J3 William Fulbright, junior senator from Arkansas, occu-

pies one of the most powerful and influential positions in

the present government of the United States. Furthermore,

the role of the United States in world affairs dictates

that his decisions affect the entire world; and his state-

rnents, therefore, may well influence the course of history.

Eiuch potential power concerning foreign relations is unique
tc> the senatorial position held by Fulbright and is sur-
pmrssed only by the power of the President and Secretary of
Eltaite. Inherent within this position of power, however,
airs: great responsibilities and close public scrutiny.

Like all other senators, Fulbright faces the diffi-
culty of partitioning his responsibilities between the
representation of interests for a local geographical
eniljfity'and the framing of national and international poli-
Cies—-two roles which are frequently difficult to reconcile.

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"This is no small task in a state where the most successful
politicians in recent years have been the loudest advocates
of state's rights."

His situation is made even more precarious because
he occupies the chairmanship of the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, which is a position concerned primarily
with policies of international significance. Local critics
frequently use his position as a means for adding fuel to
their fires of disagreement with Fulbright. A rather com-
mon criticism is that he has greater concern for the mul-
tiple foreign attachments of the United States than for the
.representation of his home state.

The concern over Fulbright, however, spreads much
ffarther than the boundaries of Arkansas. Because of his
cxanmdttee position, he has also become a national issue, a
man of national concern; and of great importance from the
national point of view are the nation-wide comments that
231:6: directed toward him. Despite the fact that he is widely
regarded as a man of great intellectual capacity with deep

insights into foreign affairs, his approaches to foreign

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J. B. Starr, "Fulbright Campaigns Against P0851b1e
C)ppOSition," Shreveport Times, December 3, 1961, p 2-F.

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relations are often the objects of severe attack from
nationally organized opinion groups. The sources and enorm-
ity of such criticism are suggested by a recent memo to the
Senator from his administrative assistant Lee Williams:
As a result of your Senate speeches, press conferences,
television appearances and other public appearances in
the last two weeks, you have succeeded in arousing the
ire of practically every organized segment of world
opinion. This is reflected in the mail you have
received during this period [from]. . .John Birchers,
McCarthyites, Goldwaterites, Thurmondites, Dixiecrats,
militarists, isolationists, Zionists, Germans, Catho-
lics, Chinese Nationalists, Koreans, NAACP-ers, ADA—

ers, Communists, private powerists, veterans, farmers
cooperativites.2

On the other hand, supporters of Fulbright are
equally numerous and are often just as vocal as the critics.
IND doubt variations in the support of, and attacks on, the
fienator arise from differences in political philosophy.
lflevertheless, a quick glance at the critical groups listed
jdn‘the memo would suggest that Fulbright's statements have
IDeen particularly susceptible to contradictory interpreta—
tlions. Ambiguous symbols such as "liberal," "conservative,"
Eind "constitutionality" are bandied about in political con-

tr'OVersy, creating a certain amount of confusion. Perhaps
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E. W. Kenworthy, "Fulbright Becomes a National Issue,"
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the Fulbright case exemplifies R. Nelson's statement that
"much political propaganda is completely meaningless when

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subjected to rational ana1y51s."
Purposes Qnghis Study

In view of the disparity among the multifarious
views attributed to Fulbright, it seemed worthwhile to sub:
ject his speeches to an objective analysis in order to
isolate his ideas from those merely attributed to him by
Iboth.critics and supporters. Consequently, the primary
Enxnpose of this study was to ascertain objectively and
cquantitatively the Senator's basic ideas concerning foreign
Enolicy as set forth in his speeches and to examine the
Eitructure in which these ideas are combined to form his
ideology. While there are many ways of performing rational
Einalyses, this study focused on: (1) an identification of
thethemes about which he speaks, (2) the comparative fre-
cIuencywith which they appear, (3) contingency and cluster
patterns which exist among the themes, and (4) the atti-
tudinal direction toward certain concepts representative of
Inajor themes.

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Cratic ProcesseS," Quarterly Journal Q£_SpeeCh, XLIV (OCt..
1958), p. 237.

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A second purpose of this study was to consider the
Senator's development as an outstanding statesman, as one of
America's foremost molders and critics of foreign policy,
and as a speaker in much demand throughout the nation.

Fulbright is somewhat unique in that he is frequently
considered to be internationally minded, whereas Arkansas
is considered to be rather provincial; and yet Arkansans
return him to the Senate time after time to represent them.
Consequently, a third purpose of this study was to relate
Iris biography with his political ideology. He is a unique
Ioroduct of his particular family, social status, education,
atui jobs; and all of these can be studied to facilitate an
landerstanding of, and possible explanation for, the phenom-

ena found in the ideological analysis.
Limitations

Four major limitations were placed on this study.
IFirst, it was concerned with only those speeches dealing
FPrimarily with foreign policy. From a practical standpoint,
51 Content boundary had to be drawn if any generalizations
Vvere to be made from the study; and this particular subject

matter area was chosen in accordance with Senator Fulbright's

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committee position and the author's interests. The author

was permitted to examine the Senator's speech files, making

ids own selection.

Second, the time span covered was regulated by the

beginning of Fulbright's term as Chairman of the Foreign

Relations Committee in February, 1959. This starting date

was selected because greater significance is attached to
statements of the committee chairman than would be attached

tn: foreign policy statements of the same man before he occu-

pieui this position. In other words, the position itself is

symflmolic of authority. Moreover, before he became chairman,

there was "little in his public statements of the past to

annv what course he would take." April, 1962, was selected

afiS'Ehe concluding date for the collection of speeches in

erder for the author to begin to analyze his data.
Third, only three speeches delivered on the floor of

tihe Senate by Fulbright were included. Most Senate speeches

thend to be rather specific in subject matter-—i.e., pertain

tLO Specific legislation—-and may not encompass general

lihemes concerning foreign policy. These three exceptions

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4"As Fulbright Sees U.S. Policy Abroad," g.§, News
1113.1”. Orld Report, XLVI (February 13, 1959), p. 87.

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included a general overview of foreign policy and an out-
line of basic objectives of the United States in foreign
affairs.

Fourth, the study was limited to those speeches for
which manuscripts were available. Although Senator
Fulbright does not prepare manuscripts for all of his
speeches, manuscripts were obtained from his office for
twenty-four speeches delivered between February, 1959, and
.April, 1962, which met all of the above requirements.

CThese twenty-four speeches are listed in Table 1.)
Materials and Resources

Three categories of resources were used in this
EStudy; The first category included manuscripts of twenty-
1Eour speeches supplied by the Senator's office for analysis.
UThe second category included biographical information col-
lected from periodical literature about the Senator and
ifrom interviews with members of the Fulbright staff. The
third category included basic books and articles in commun-
ication which were used to develop the methodology. Fore—

Ihost among these were Pool's Trends ig_Content Analysis,

 

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TABLE 1

LIST OF SPEECHES ANALYZED

 

 

NO.

Date

Title and/or Description

 

Feb. 28, 1959

Apr. 16, 1959

Apr. 18, 1959

May 7, 1959

Sept. 9, 1959

Nov. 3, 1959

Nov. 16, 1959

Speech at Democratic Victory Din-
ner, Sheraton Park Hotel, Washing-
ton, D.C.

"What Makes United States Foreign
Policy," Overseas Press Club, New
York City.

Speech before the American Society
of Newspaper Editors, Washington,
D.C.

"Our Responsibilities in World
Affairs," Gabriel Silver Lecture
on International Understanding,
Columbia University.

Speech in Senate just before
adjournment.

"America's Responsibilities in
International Affairs," 73rd Annual
Convention of the Iowa Bankers
Assoc., Des Moines, Iowa.

Speech at United States Delegation
Dinner Honoring Delegates to the
Fifth Annual NATO Parliamentarians
Conference.

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No.

Date

Title and/or Description

 

10.

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17

Jan. 31, 1960

Feb. 23, 1960

Mar. 22, 1960

Sept. 1, 1960

Oct. 31, 1960

Nov. 1, 1960

Mar. 10, 1961

Apr. 20, 1961

Apr. 21, 1961

May 5, 1961

"Report from Congress," Downers
Grove Village Forum, Inc., Downers
Grove, Illinois.

"The Role of Education on the Pros-
perity and Political Maturity of a
New Nation," West Indies.

Speech at the 77th Annual Dinner
of the Harvard Club, Washington,
D.C.

"Some Aspects of American Foreign
Policy,” American Bar Assoc.,
Washington, D.C.

Speech at World Affairs Council,
Los Angeles, California.

Speech at the World Affairs Coun—
cil of Northern California, San
Francisco, Calif.

"Some Aspects of Foreign Relations,‘
Indiana University, Bloomington,
Ind.

"In Need of a Consensus,” Penrose
Memorial Lecture, American Phil-

osophical Society, Philadelphia,

Penn.

"The Role of the Senate in Foreign
Affairs," Doherty Lecture, Univer-
sity of Virginia.

"The Formulation of American For—
eign Policy," Cornell Law School.

 

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No. Date Title and/or Description

 

18. May 20, 1961 "The First Four Months of the New
Frontier," Jr. Chamber of Commerce,
Little Rock, Ark.

19. June 29, 1961 "Some Reflections Upon Recent
Events and Continuing Problems,"
Senate.

20. July 24, 1961 "U.S. Foreign Policy," Senate.

21. July 28, 1961 "National Goals and National Con-
sensus," Summer Cubberly Confer-

ence, Stanford U. (This speech was
pre-recorded on sound film for
actual delivery.)

22. Sept. 30, 1961 "Toward the Greater Security of
Free Peoples," 7th Commonwealth
Parliamentary Assoc. Conference,
London, England.

23. Nov. 8, 1961 Speech before Arkansas Chamber of
Commerce.
24. Apr. 12, 1962 "Toward a Concert of Free Peoples,"

Merchandising Corp. Convention,
Greenbrier, W.Va. (This speech was
delivered over the phone.)

Plan gf_0rganization

 

In alignment with the three primary purposes of this

stUdY, its development was divided into three major sections.

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The first furnished the biographical information about

Senator Fulbright. The method of research for this section

yes the historical integration of biographical and histor-

ical facts into a continuous setting.

The second section supplied the definition, analysis,

and interpretation of the speech themes. The research meth-

od consisted of twelve procedural steps in thematic analy-

(2) isolation of categor-

sis: (1) selection of materials,

(4) coding, (5) reliability

ies, (3) definition of themes,

testing, (6) frequency analysis, (7) symbol coding, (8)

(9) elementary linkage analysis, (10)

contingency analysis,

aanalysis of theme treatment to four audience types, (11)

(ramparison of theme treatment under the Eisenhower and

Pfiennedy administrations, and (12) tabulation and interpre—

tation of the results.

A third section stated the conclusions and related

tihem to the biographical information.

o—l

CHAPTER TWO

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SENATOR J.
WILLIAM FULBRIGHT INTO AN
"INTERNATIONALLY-MINDED

INTELLECTUAL"l

Through the years, many people have assumed the
state of Arkansas to be at or near the cultural nadir of
the United States. During the 1920's, for example, news—
man H. L. Mencken complained that there was not "one first
rate man in the entire state."2 Arkansas' reputation suf-
fered even more by the ominous publicity it received dur-
ing the Little Rock segregation crisis.

A bad reputation, once gained, is difficult to
erase, but few Arkansans have contributed greater challenges
to this reputation than has Arkansas' junior senator J.
William Fulbright. Probably because his state's reputation,

one of his pet peeves is, in fact, the popular idea

 

1..A Day to Remember," Newsweek, LIII (February 9,

1959), p. 29.

2
Edgar Kemler, "The Fulbright Fellow," Nation,
CLXXVIII (February 20, 1954), p. 147.

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concerning his home state that an Arkansas politician "must
be an unshaved ignoramous who chews tobacco, and, when home,
sleeps in front of a cabin in the sun, surrounded by razor-
back hans and hound dawgs, while his wife sniffs snuff and
chops wood."3 Fulbright's character and ideas directly
contradict these popular conceptions, and it seems almost
paradoxical that the only Rhodes scholar ever to sit in the
Senate, and he an "internationally-minded intellectual,“

represents Arkansas.

Early Years

 

Senator James William Fulbright, the fourth of six
children in his family, was born onApril 9, 1905, in Sumner,
Missouri. The following year the family moved to Fayette-
ville, Arkansas, where he still makes his home. Although
his father, Jay Fulbright, continued to raise corn and hogs
on his farm for awhile, he seems to have developed a shrewd
business sense that led him to invest in a number of small
local enterprises. The investments were profitable, and in

a few years he had accumulated financial interests in a

 

3 . .
Jerome Beatty, "Washington's Cleanup Man," American
Magazine, CLI (June, 1951), p. 105.

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14

sawmill and lumberyard, a "softdrink" bottling plant, a
local bank, a wagon factory which later was changed into a
furniture store, and a Fayetteville newspaper, the Ngrthf
west Arkansas Times.

The Senator's mother, Roberta Fulbright, was an
industrious and independent woman who possessed tremendous
enthusiasm for her family and its enterprises. The high
priority that she placed on education is reflected in the
life of her son. While the family lived on the farm, young
Bill rode horseback to attend the Fayetteville public
schools, graduating at the age of sixteen. This was not
due to precocity, he says, but to the fact that "My father
thoughtefll youngsters should work in the summertime. I
preferred taking summer courses and credits, to the tough
jobs he had in mind."

Mrs. Fulbright was determined that her son not be
permitted to neglect his education. Consequently, after
graduating from high school he enrolled immediately in the

University of Arkansas.

 

4Beverly Smith, Jr., "Egghead from the Ozarks,"
Saturday Evenigg_Post, CCXII(May 2, 1959), p. 116.

 

.-

A.

15

Advanced Education

Bill Fulbright's college career was reminiscent of
that of an "All—American boy.” He majored in political
science, and his excellent grades ranked him among the
honor students. He was also active in many extracurricular
activities. In the social realm, he was initiated into
Sigma Chi Fraternity. When he assisted in the development
of the University's first student government, the student
body elected him president. Thus, he obtained his first
taste of politics.

Athletics, however, seemed to be his forte. In
football he played halfback on the varsity team for three
years. Because of his speed and versatile ability he
became a star broken-field runner, punter, and passer.
Furthermore, in tennis he played so adeptly that his team-
mates elected him their captain.

Such a college record is indicative not only of his
native ability but also of his congeniality and the esteem
in which his peers held him. Although his father's death
interrupted his college career briefly during his junior

year, he returned to the University to receive his B. A.

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16

degree in February, 1925, two months before he became
twenty years old.

During his senior year at college, an event occurred
which changed the destiny of young Bill Fulbright's life.
At the suggestion of a friend, he took the competitive
examination for a Rhodes Scholarship and won. Consequently,
rather than going into his father's business, he continued
his study of history and political science at Pembroke
College, 0xford,University, taking what was known as the
"Final Honour School of Modern History."

Going from the Ozark Mountains to Oxford University
was quite an "eye-opener" for this young man who had never
seen Washington or New York. Of this experience, he says,
"I loved it from the beginning."5 He spent three years at
Oxford, studying history six months out of each year. The
other six months he described as follows: "You settle down
and study somewhere in Europe--say, at a pension in Tours.
You settle down and read. You do that more or less accord-

ing to your dispOSition." In addition to his aVid reading

 

5"Senator Fulbright," New Yorker, XXXIV(May 10:
1958), p. 31.

6Ibid.

 

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17

of multifarious materials, he was also exposed to students
from every continent; and, for the first time, he "began to
understand something of the world's vast variety of politi-
cal and religious beliefs."
Being young and physically vigorous, he could not
resist a return to the athletic fields. Not only did he
join the soccer, rugby, and tennis teams, but he became so
proficient in lacrosse that he was selected to join the
Oxford-Cambridge team which toured the United States in
1926. This participation in athletics led to other extra-
curricular activities. He says,
You know, if you play on an English university team,
they immediately ask you to join a literary society. I
was asked to join the Johnson Society. Samuel Johnson.
It soon became apparent that I would have to justify
the invitation, so I began to study literature, which
I'd never done very much.8

He also joined a debating society.

In 1928 he received a B. A. degree from Oxford with
a B-plus grade average. Deciding to spend another year in

Europe, he moved to Vienna, where he attached himself as a

voluntary helper to M. W. Foder, an experienced correspondent

 

7Beverly Smith, Jr., loc. cit.

 

 

8 . .
"Senator Fulbright," loc. c1t.

 

 

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for the Philadelphia Public Eagle. Together, they toured
most of Eastern Europe and the Near East; and through
Foder young Fulbright was introduced to the ”seamy nether
side of international maneuver" by meeting top politicos
and "shadier underlings. . .who worked for Stalin, for
Mussolini, or for. . .Hitler."9 Furthermore, although he
was not a newspaperman, he was permitted to attend the
gatherings of American correspondents at the Cafe Louvre
in Vienna.

These experiences gave him a rather confused first-
hand knowledge of the political ferment in Europe. Reflec-
ting upon the situation, Senator Fulbright confesses, "I
didn't know a darn thing about the United States. . . and
very little about Europe. I had just had fun.”10 Oppor—
tunity's door had been opened, however, and Fulbright
returned in 1931 to receive an M. A. from Oxford. Later,
in 1953, the University awarded him an honorary doctor's
degree in one of the few occasions when an American has
re ceived the honor .

Having spent three years studying and traveling in

Europe, Fulbright returned to the United States in 1929.

 

 

9Beverly Smith, Jr., pp, cit., p. 31.

10Jerome Beatty, pp, cit., p. 106.

19

His appetite for education, however, was still not satiated,
and he enrolled in George Washington University to study
law. At the age of twenty—nine he received the LL.B. degree
with distinction in 1934. In his customary scholastic excel-
. . . ll
lence, he had finished second in a class of 135.
Although the LL.B. was the last academic degree that

he earned, he has been awarded eight honorary degrees as a

result of his outstanding political career.
Ap_Academic Career

After his admittance to the District of Columbia
Bar, Fulbright worked one year as special attorney in the
Anti-Trust Division of the Department of Justice. Then he
accepted a position as an instructor in law at his alma
mater, George Washington University.

In 1936 Professor Fulbright returned to Arkansas to
help his mother who needed assistance in managing the family
businesses. The academic life still beckoned, however; and
1J1 addition to raising beef cattle, practicing law, and

1K£lping with the family businesses, he became a lecturer in

¥

llBeverly Smith, Jr., pp, cit., p. 116.

 

 

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20

law at the University of Arkansas. After he had taught
three years, his status was suddenly changed in 1939 when
Dr. John Futrall, president of the University, was killed
in an automobile accident. The Board of Trustees appointed
Fulbright as Futrall's successor. At thirty-four, he was
the youngest president of a university in the entire United
12 . . . . .
States. His administration was satisfactory, and Ful-
bright became one of the most popular people in town. His
career seemed set.
Gregarious and unassuming, the new president was an
immediate success. Playing ping pong in the freshman
social hall and going fishing with the faculty, he man-
aged to imbue the campus with something of his own
democratic faith.l3
His academic career was interrrupted in 1941, however,
when a second unexpected event occurred, changing the direc-
tion of his life again. When Homer Adkins defeated Carl
Bailey in the 1940 gubernatorial contest, Fulbright's
mOther disgustedly charged in a newspaper editorial that

"the voters of Arkansas apparently preferred a handshaking,

backslapping politician to a statesman.”l4 An annoyed

‘

12Gerald Kloss, "The Senate's Mr. Scholarship."
Milwaukee Journa1(Feb. 6, 1959).

13Edgar Kemler, loc. cit.

 

 

 

4 . .
Beverly Smith, Jr., loc. Cit.

21

Governor Adkins began to make demands of the University's
president. When Fulbright refused to comply with the
deamands, the governor fired him for political reasons on
Commencement Day of 1941.

Election pp_the House
pf.Representatives

 

 

Fulbright's being fired marked the end of what had
been a promising academic career, and the former university
president returned once more to the management of his fam-
ily enterprises. This activity, however, was short-lived.
Later that same year Representative Clyde Ellis, a former
student of Fulbright, decided to retire from Congress and
persuaded his former instructor to campaign for his seat in
the House of Representatives in 1942. Fulbright yielded.
Quick to learn the art of politics, he set up an organiza-
tion with friends and former students. ”I hadn't been in
half of the ten counties in my district. I knew nothing of
practical politics——but here was a chance of a lifetime and
I went in to win."15 He stumped the district to get

acquainted in any way he could-—speaking on street corners

 

15Jerome Beatty, loc. cit.

 

 

 

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22

and elsewhere, visiting stores and homes, and shaking
hundreds of hands. This initiation into politics soon sup—
plied him with the following philosophy about voters.
They want candidates to stay around and talk--not talk
about politics, just talk. Quick visits lose votes,
and the greatest art in campaigning is not to make a
persuasive political speech, but to say, "Hello. How's
the family.?"16
This philosophy worked well in practice, and in 1942 Ful-
bright represented the Third District of Arkansas in the
Seventy-eighth Congress.

Fulbright compares his taking a seat in Congress to
his initiation into Sigma Chi Fraternity at the University.
He stated, ". . .the other members were helpful, but they

17
never let me forget I was a freshman." The new Congress—
man, however, performed more like a seasoned upperclassman
than like a freshman.

Although new congressmen rarely receive much atten—
tion, Fulbright cracked the barrier to fame quickly. After
being assigned to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs,

he attracted the attention of both the House and the Senate

by introducing a fifty-five word resolution in which Congress

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23

hereby expresses itself as favoring the creation of
appropriate international machinery with power adequate
to maintain a just and lasting peace among the nations
of the world, and as favoring participation by the
United States therein.18
The Fulbright Resolution passed both Houses of Congress
overwhelmingly in 1943, becoming an historic milestone both
for the nation and for the Congressman. For the United
States it marked the end of a foreign policy traditionally
dominated by isolationist philosophy and the official begin-
ning of the organizing of the United Nations. For Fulbright
the resolution-—renamed the Fullerbrighter Resolution by
his opponentslg--estab1ished his credibility as a man of
foresight and deep interest in international matters. It
is probably safe to assume that his observations of the
ferment in Europe which led to World War II convinced him
that international organizations were necessary to preserve
peace.
Although the final organization of the United Nations
did not meet his expectations in that he thought no nation

should have veto power, Fulbright was encouraged by this

step toward international law.

 

lBIbid.

9Edgar Kemler, loc. cit.

 

 

-v

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24

Election pp_the Senate

 

In terms of Fulbright's contribution to the House
and to his own personal ambitions, his first term as a
Congressman had been highly successful. In 1944, however,
he recognized an opportunity for advancement. One of
Arkansas' senatorial positions was vacated, and Fulbright
decided to campaign for it. Among his four opponents in
the Democratic primary was the governor who had fired him
from the presidency of the University of Arkansas. Revenge
must have been sweet for Fulbright as he beat Governor
Adkins by 32,000 votes.20

In 1945, soon after his election to the Senate, the
academic world beckoned once more with an offer of the
presidency of Columbia University; but the new Senator
refused the position in order to pursue his political career.
Since that time his political fortunes have been rather
secure. In 1950 he was re-elected without opposition; in
1956 no Democrat opposed him in the primary, and he defeated

the Republican candidate solidly; in the election of 1962,

 

OBeverly Smith, Jr., pp. cit., p. 118.

 

 

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25

he defeated his opponent in the Democratic primary by a
two-to-one margin and once again soundly defeated the

Republican candidate.

Emphasis pp_Education

 

One of the primary concerns of "the Professor," as

Fulbright is sometimes called on Capitol Hill, has been
the improvement of education.21 Probably because of his
background as scholar, professor, and university president,
he seems more impressed than others with the realization
that knowledge leads to understanding, which, in turn, is
the prime factor in the successful conduct of foreign
affairs. Believing that the products of their respective
educational systems will ultimately decide the challenges
between Russia and the United States, he seems greatly dis-
turbed over what he considers to be major weaknesses in the
American approach to education. He would change it as
follows.

Mathematics, languages, natural science would be the

core of a new. . .type of American education, in which
somehow or other the student would be inspired to

 

21E. W. Kenworthy, "The Fulbright Idea of Foreign

Policy," New York Times Magazine(May 10, 1959), p. 10.

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26

learn, and the nation would rebuild the sources of its
knowledge and cultural values.22

Consequently, he has frequently "carried the lance.
against what he calls the swinish blight so common in our

. 23
time, the blight of anti-intellectualism."

The Senator has not only issued verbal clarion calls,

but he has also activated his ideas through law. His major
contribution has been the introduction of Public Law Number
584 in 1946. This act provided for foreign exchange schol-
arships and has probably made Fulbright's name more widely

known in more countries than the name of any other American
legislator in decades.

The idea for the scholarships may have stemmed from
his own experience as a Rhodes scholar and the wish that
others might have similar opportunities to study abroad.

To him, lack of contact with other societies permitted
rather provincial thinking, and he thought that studying
abroad would increase international understanding. This is
suggested in the preface he wrote for the book Toward p_

Permanent Peace, printed by the American Nobel Center.

 

2"Revival of Learning," Commonweal, LXVII (Feb 7.,
1958), p. 475.

3Gerald Kloss, loc. cit.

 

27

Americans will find it difficult to work harmoniously
with other nations of the world. Our experiences, and
our most cherished prejudices, are opposed to the assump-
tion of responsibility in conjunction with other nations.
Our political ideals, and our sense of moral values, are
sure to be offended by our associates, whose standards in
many instances are so different from ours. But we must
have patience and understanding to work together in
peace, as we have in war.24
The Fulbright scholarships had economic benefits as
well as educational benefits since they were to be financed
from the proceeds of the sale of American surplus war
materials. Stored in foreign countries, these materials
were useless; and although the countries wanted to buy them,
they lacked dollar exchange. Fulbright reasoned, therefore,
that if each country were allowed to buy the materials in
its own currency, the money could finance scholarships for
selected Americans who wished to study in that country, or
it could pay travel expenses for the other country's own
students who wished to study in the United States.
The Fulbright Act was passed by Congress; and before

1960 more than 37,000 students had received its benefits.

In 1956 Secretary of State John Foster Dulles praised it as

 

24J. William Fulbright, "Role of the Peace Pact,"

Toward p_Permanent Peace Umh Nobel Center, June 6, 1945),
p. 9.

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"the most fabulously profitable investment ever authorized
"25 . .
by Congress. Fulbright himself says,
The exchange program is the thing that reconciles me
to all the difficulties of political life. It's the one
activity that gives me some hope that the human race
won't commit suicide—~though I still won't count on it.26
In order to promote greater understanding and to decrease
the likelihood of the human race committing suicide, he
would like to see the communist block included in the
program.

As a part of his crusade for education, the Senator
has attempted to increase the use of the nation's educational
facilities by government. As chairman of committees and
subcommittees, he has invested about $500,000 in twenty-one
"studies" of pertinent subjects by private organizations

. , , , 27
and educational institutions.
Currently, he is "carrying a lance" for federal aid

to education. Believing that the nation's educational sys-

tems need a boost toward greater improvement, and a rapid

 

2 . .
5Arthur Krock, "The Rise of a Young Man With Ideas,"

New York Times(Feb. 3, 1959).
26

 

"Senator Fulbright," loc. cit.

27 .
Holmes Alexander, "Senator Fulbright: Importer

of Ideas," Los Angeles Times(February 8, 1960), p. III-5.

 

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one at that, he insists that the federal government is the

only institution with enough resources to encourage the

measures that are needed.

Record p£_Independence and
Political Combat

 

 

One of Senator Fulbright's outstanding characteris-
tics is his unrelenting stand for principles or actions in
which he believes; and despite his tendency toward intel-
lectual contemplation, his record of political combat is
probably equalled by few of his colleagues. On numerous
occasions his high degree of independence has led him to
the brink of political suicide. "Fulbright is not a conten-
tious man, and he does not seek controversy. But he is.

'intellectually unterrified,‘ and he does not fear or shun
it."28

Two early demonstrations of independence occurred
during and immediately after the Dewey—Truman election of

1948. First, he refused to join Southern Democrats in an

Anti-Truman campaign, stating, "They're too emotional for

 

28 .
E. W. Kenworth, "Fulbright Becomes a National

Issue," New York Times Magazine(0ctober 1, 1961), p. 89.

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30

me."29 Second, after the election, he astounded the nation

-—especially President Truman-~with a tongue-in—cheek recom-
mendation that the President resign. The reason for this
suggestion was that Fulbright believed that government works
most effectively and progressively when the same political
party controls both the legislative and executive branches
of government. Since a Republican Congress had been elected,
he quipped that Truman, a Democrat, ought to appoint Sen-
ator Vandenburg, a Republican from Michigan, as Secretary

of State and then resign, leaving Vandenburg to become
president. This suggestion embittered President Truman
toward Fulbright, and the breach was never completely
eliminated.

During his first term, the Senator was placed on
committees for (l) banking and currency and (2) foreign
relations—-ultimately becoming chairman of each. As a mem-
ber of the former, he led successful endeavors to repeal
discriminatory taxes on colored margarine and was instru—
mental in securing passage of the Small Business Investment
Act, an act designed to assist small businesses in obtain—

ing equity capital.

 

9Jerome Beatty, loc. cit.

 

 

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During the Truman administration, Fulbright was
made chairman of the Senate Banking and Currency Subcommit-
tee. Traditionally, the position had been a rather routine
job of looking over reports from the Reconstruction Finance
Cooperation (RFC), and Fulbright said, "Nobody else wanted
it. . . .So they gave it to me."30 The complacency of for-
mer chairmen was not characteristic of Fulbright, however;
and he once again stirred the wrath of President Truman in
1950 when he announced that the committee would investigate
charges of favoritism and corruption within the RFC. Evi-
dence was gathered that revealed rather widespread use of
political influence and favoritism in the lending of money,
but a Truman aide was promised that the evidence would not
be publicized if the situation was corrected. Truman, how-
ever, dismissed the accusations as "assinine" and referred
to Fulbright as an "overeducateci Oxford s.o.b."31

After the findings were made public, Fulbright asked
the Senate: "Is it too much to ask of them, the favored few

of our country, that they behave with simple honesty, with

that honesty which looks not to the letter of the law, but

 

301bid., p. 26.

31Edgar Kemler, pp, cit., p. 2.

 

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to its spirit?"32 A few critics sneered at what they con-
sidered to be political amateurism. The aged Senator
McKellar, for example, asked, ”Who does Fulbright think he
. . 33

is—-Moses or Martin Luther?” 0n the other hand, an out-
raged public opinion praised his efforts toward the stimu-
lation of honesty in government.

In the early 1950's principle and independence led
the Senator down another lonely path. His hostility toward
Senator McCarthy and his investigating committee had never
been kept secret; and on the day that the Senate was con-
sidering renewal of the appropriation for McCarthy's sub-
committee, Fulbright chose to speak against it.

When public men indulge themselves in abuse, when they
deny others a fair trial, when they resort to innuendo
and insinuation, to libel, scandal, and suspicion, then
our democratic society is outraged and democracy is
baffled.34

Marquis Childs described it as "a reasoned and at times a

deeply moving argument," but it won no support.35 That

 

32Jerome Beatty, pp, cit., p. 27.
33
Edgar Kemler, pp, £13., p. 148.

4
"Accent of Greatness,” Nation, CLXXVIII (February
20, 1954), p. 142.

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33

same day Fulbright found himself completely alone as he
cast the only vote against the $214,000 appropriation. As
a result, anti-Fulbright sentiment became strong in some
areas. Among the many that he received was the following
vicious letter:
You, Sir, are not worthy of being a human being. I
would spit on you if I could, but you would not be
worthy of my saliva.36
Senator McCarthy referred to his critic as "Senator Half-
bright."37 Now, a decade later, Fulbright is praised for
his stand; but, at the time, he was most unpopular. This

incident indicates rather dramatically the lengths to which

he will go to defend what he believes to be right.

Conflict with Eisenhower

 

After 1952, Senator Fulbright occasionally found him-
self at odds with a new president. To him, Eisenhower
seemed to be feeding the nation "a sugar-coated diet of

38
half-truths" about the Russians and to be creating a

 

6
"Sickness," Time,LXIV(December 13, 1954), p. 14.

37Beverly Smith, Jr., 92, cit., p. 115.

 

8 . . .
"ReVival of Learning," loc. Cit.

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34

lethargic "Twentieth Century Babylon" out of the United
States.39

Furthermore, he and Eisenhower disagreed over the
amount of power the president should have. Believing the
administration should make long range plans in foreign
policy, Fulbright, along with Senators Kennedy and Humph-
rey, fought for rather permissive legislation to strengthen
the administration's power. In one instance, the Develop-
ment Loan Fund was to be given a five year authorization.
Eisenhower, on the other hand, refused the five year plan
'as an unnecessary extension of power. Fulbright inter-
preted this attitude as a flight from responsibility and
continually criticized the President for it.

Chairman p£_the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee

 

 

On February 9, 1959, Senator Fulbright was appointed
chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He was
the second Arkansan to hold that position, the other being
Senator Sevier in 1848. He succeeded Senator Theodore Green

of Rhode Island, who at ninety-one was the oldest senator

 

9 . .
DaVid Broder, "Fulbright Spurs Senate to Wee Hours
Debate," Washington Star(March 5, 1960), p. A—l.

 

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35

in the history of the United States. The new chairman, on
the other hand, was only fifty-three and was the youngest
senator to hold this position in the twentieth century.
Nevertheless, "it was widely commented that he brought to
the post the most thorough background of any senator in
recent memory."40

His appointment was greeted with varied emotions.
On the one hand, his reputed intelligence and his well—
known interest in foreign affairs earned for him eager
acceptance. As was pointed out earlier, however, many cit-
izens did not accept Fulbright's ideas; therefore, they
were reluctant that he be placed in one of the most influ-
ential posts in Congress. Furthermore, he had been a
severe critic of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, and
many thought it unwise to have a chairman who was antagon-
istic to the Secretary of State. It was evident that Ful-
bright had a low regard for Dulles personally. "He
believes that Dulles is incapable of admitting error and is

4
intellectually dishonest," l and that Dulles' foreign

policy was

 

4OBeverly Smith, Jr., pp. cit., p. 116.

"A Day to Remember," loc. cit.

36

inadequate, outmoded, and misdirected.

It is hard for me to accept the idea that it isn't pos-

sible to make some gradual adjustment with the Russians

that would be to our mutual benefit.42

After he assumed the chairmanship, the criticisms

between Dulles and Fulbright became less and less open. As
a mere senator, Fulbright could speak freely without irrep-
arable damage; but restraint was necessary for him as chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Committee because his words
might be interpreted as representing a large portion of the
Senate or the nation. Nevertheless, he set out immediately

to decrease the rigidity in the administration's foreign

policy.

Personal Characteristics

 

As a brilliant, introspective, original-thinking man,
Senator Fulbright does not fit many of the political stereo-
types.

First, he seems to lack a fierce drive for power and
personal ambition. In his role of chairman, he exhibits a

deliberate, urbane manner which is conducive to work. When

 

42 .
"As Fulbright Sees U. S. Policy Abroad," 2, §_ News

and World Report, XLVI(February 13, 1959), p. 87.

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the committee is in session, "he is an orderly and effi-
cient presiding officer and a penetrating inquisitor."43
Although he likes for the President and Secretary of State
to keep him informed on foreign relations, he does not seem
overly eager for power. In fact, he seems to take a rather
detached view of his career which he recognizes has been
produced by a series of accidents rather than by conscious
design. In 1960 speculators pointed to him as a possible
choice for Kennedy's secretary of state, but Fulbright
calmly assured people that the Senate is the end of his
ambitions.

Consonant with his restrained ambition is his dis-
dain for mere personal publicity. He will cultivate it
when it helps him put a point across--such as promoting
federal aid to education--but merely keeping his name in
the news has no appeal. He says, "If all I wanted to do

was to get my name in the papers, I could stand on my head

at the hearings."44 This attitude toward publicity prompted

 

43E. K. Lindley, "Senator Fulbright," American Oxonian

(April, 1960), reprinted in Congressional Record, CVI (1960),
p. A5551.
44 . .
C. B. Seib and A. L. Olten, "Fulbright: Arkansas
Paradox," Harpers (June,l956), p. 62.

38

one of his constituents to remark that Fulbright "tried to
45
be a work horse and not a show horse.”

In like manner, Senator Fulbright cannot be classed
as an organization man. As a member of the Democratic
Party, he believes in its basic principles and usually votes
toward its objectives. Nevertheless, he cannot be consid-
ered a "regular” because he will place his own views above
the party stand, and his independence of party regularity
is lamented by Democratic Party officials. Fulbright
explained his attitude as follows:

I don't like machines, I don't like party organization,
and I don't like patronage. I want to be free to vote
as I please on every issue--and the conflicts that
result tear me apart.46

Although his Senate colleagues respect him, Ful-
bright has not been initiated into the "clublike camara-
derie of the Senate"--nor does it appear that he has wanted

. 4 .
to be a member of the inner club. 7 He has remained rather

independent and aloof. "He is more studious, more

 

5"Senator Fulbright Gives Report," Camden News
(September 30, 1959), p. l.

 

6Jerome Beatty, gp, cit., p. 109.

 

4 . .
7Beverly Smith, Jr., loc. Cit.

 

 

 

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39

reflective, less gregarious than most of his colleagues.
He spends much time in reading which others devote to

. . . 48 . .
politicking. . . ." Senator Paul Douglas explained this
characteristic as follows:

He's a child of the Eighteenth Century, a throwback

to that age of enlightenment, trust in reason, temp—

erate argument, and slightly aristocratic tendencies.

That, I think, explains why he seems a little aloof,

a little different from the rest.49

Fulbright is usually classified as a liberal in
foreign relations, but the Senator tends to be somewhat
conservative on the home front. In civil rights questions,
for example, he labels himself as a "constitutional tradi-
. . n 50

tionalist and has taken a moderate stand. Arkansas
newspapers still receive and print letters criticizing him
for not lending stronger support to the Southern cause in
the integration controversy. Northern Democrats, on the
other hand, cannot understand his justification for his

position that the Supreme Court erred in its attempt to

change an entire social pattern with one decision. He

 

481bid.

49C. B. Seib, pp, cit., p. 60.

0Gerald Kloss, loc. cit.

 

 

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approached the problem as a "legacy of an ancient and
melancholy history" rather than as a matter of conscience,
asking not that the Southern mind be understood but only
that its existence be recognized.51 In rebuttal to his
party leaders, he cautioned, "There's no prejudice so
strong as the prejudice against the South."

Perhaps this mixture of domestic conservatism and
international liberalism is one reason why Fulbright is
thought to be a Southern paradox. He does not always fit
these labels, however. For example, even though he is repu-
ted to be conservative in domestic affairs, he supports
federal aid to education, a movement usually identified
with liberal elements of United States society. The comment
has been made that "Few members of the United States Con—
gress walk both sides of the street as successfully" as
he.53

Senator Fulbright is also an extraordinary man in

terms of the amount of work he accomplishes, but he appears

 

51E. W. Kenworthy, "The Fulbright Idea. . .," 92,
913., p. 78.

52
3, 1960).

53

p. 25.

"Hits Party Platform," Kansas City Times (August

 

"On the South Side," Time, LXV (April 18, 1955),

41

unhurried with his
warm Ozark drawl, the casual walk, the mind furnished
from history and law, and the prose style still gov-
erned by the old-fashioned notion that sentences should
be grouped in paragraphs. In fact, Fulbright could not
appear to be less busy.
In addition to attending to his Senate responsibilities, he
incorporates many extracurricular activities into his
schedule. At home in Fayetteville, for example, he is a mem-
ber of the Rotary Club and the Disciples of Christ Church.
He is a member of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian
Institution and has been a frequent delegate to meetings
such as the Canadian—American and NATO Parliamentary confer-
ences. Furthermore, he still maintains his interest in

athletics, and golf and frequent workouts in the Senate gym-

nasium keep him physically fit.

Current Images

 

Just as his appointment was greeted with varying
degrees of enthusiasm, the evaluations of his performance
as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee have
been varied. On the favorable side, Holmes Alexander said

in the Los Angeles Times:

 

 

54E. W. Kenworthy, QB, cit., p. 10.

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42

Of the Foreign Relations chairmen since World War II
(Vandenburg, Wiley, Connaly, George, Green) Fulbright

is not the most colorful, nor the most popular, nor

the most revered, nor as yet the most famous. But

he is making a record which seems to say, "I'd rather

be right. . ." and that is distinction enough.

Today Senator J. William Fulbright holds the same

amoral, unflinching, unsentimental stethoscope to the
heart of international affairs. He tries to find out
what the situation truthfully is. After that-—whatever

works is right.55
Lyndon Johnson paid him great tribute with the

remark: "Of all the committee chairmen, Bill Fulbright

is

56 . .
the best. He delivers on time." A member of his commit-

tee staff also praised him highly, commenting:

Fulbright reads. We haven't had a chairman for years

who reads. I've watched him. . .and I think he is the
greatest man of principle I ever dealt with. He's got
nerve. Several times I have suggested that he not go
out on a limb for something but he insists, "Well, if
it's right, let's go.57

Senator Mike Mansfield, Senate Majority Leader, is

among the most avid admirers of his Arkansas colleague.

On

numerous occasions Mansfield has praised Fulbright on the

Senate floor and asked that a complimentary newspaper or

magazine article about him be placed in the Congressional

 

 

55

Holmes Alexander, "A Senator Who Does Right as He

Sees It," Los Angeles Times (August 27, 1960).
56

Elizabeth Carpenter, "Fulbright: Man of Principle

. .," Arkansas Gazette (September 27, 1959).

57Ibid.

43

Record. Two of his statements about Fulbright follow, the
latter being a reference to a speech which Fulbright made

in the Senate on June 29, 1961.

[Fulbright] is a scholar and educator of the highest
caliber. He is one of the best informed Americans on
the international problems which confront the nation.58

His knowledge of foreign relations is unexcelled in
this body and in this government. He thinks deeply.
He thinks wisely. He thinks with the highest sense of
patriotism, and when he expresses himself on foreign
policy. . .he contributes greatly to our understanding
of the international situation and to policies which
will safeguard the interests of the nation.59

Comments about the Senator, however, are not always
so favorable. Unfavorable mail reflects a host of critics:
John Birchers, McCarthyites, Goldwaterites, Thurmond-
ites, Dixiecrats, militarists, isolationists, Zionists,
Germans, Catholics, Chinese Nationalists, Koreans,
NAACP-ers, ADA-ers, communists, private powerists, vet-
erans, farmers cooperativites.6O

Specifically, newsman Bob Considine says Fulbright is "over-

rated,"61 and Walter Reuther once called him "a.personal

 

58Congressional Record, CV (1959), p. 2057.

59Congressional Record, CVII (1961), p. 11234.

60 . .
E. W. Kenworthy, "Fulbright Becomes a National

Issue," op, cit., p. 21.

61Bob Considine, "Considine Says Fulbright is Over-
Rated," Tulsa World (September 18, 1960).

44

political, national and international insult."62 Criti-
cizing Fulbright's advocacy of collective security, H. J.
Taylor wrote:

That fixation is typified by Senator J. W. Fulbright,

of Arkansas, and he is as wrong as a summer oyster.
But ideas can get into men's minds and all circum-

stances and history does [sic] not seem to be able to
blow them out.63
He has been accused of "speaking out of both sides of his
mouth," and many Americans have found his liberality a bit
wearying. "Seen from the viewpoint of a Constitutional
Conservative, the most dangerous man in America may well be

Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas," said George Todt

. 64 .
in the Los Angeles Herald and Express. The Baltimore Sun

 

even suggested that he resign at one time because his criti-
cism of Eisenhower might make him a handicap in the exercise
of foreign affairs.

Whether one agrees or disagrees with, admires, or

resents, Senator Fulbright, his experience and his authority

 

2 . . .
6 Victor Riesel, "Reuther-Fulbright Feud Shapes Up,"
Kansas City Star (December 1, 1960).

63
H. J. Taylor, "The Fulbright Fixation," Washington

Daily News, reprinted in the Congressional Record, CVII
(1961), p. A6465.

 

 

4
George Todt, "Give Me Liberty. . .," Los Angeles
Herald and Express (August 2, 1961).

 

 

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45

make his judgments well worth consideration. On a number
of occasions when he has challenged the popular mood--
opposing Senator McCarthy, opposing an invasion of Cuba,
and opposing the rightist anti-communist forums of the Pen-
tagon--an elusive public opinion has reversed itself,
rewarding him with agreement and praise. Such is the theme
of an article about Fulbright in Nation:

The fact is that if Fulbright had been listened to for
the past eight years, the U. 8. would not be the frus-

trated and insecure country it is. The basic trouble
with Fulbright is that he is right in advance of the
event, not after it. . . .Fulbright warned Eisenhower

against the interference in Laos which has put our

whole position in Southeast Asia in jeopardy. He warned
Kennedy about Cuba. . . .On the great issues of war and
peace, he consistently exhibits the qualities of the
founders of the United States and applies them to
instant situations. He deserves no mercy, and from the
orators of the Right, he will certainly not get any.65

Whether or not his counsel will prove correct in future
situations, history will record. In the meantime, his past
performance is likely to insure that a vast segment of the

American people will continue to listen when he speaks.

 

Supenalties of Virtue," Nation, CXCIII (OCtOber 14,
1961), p. 238.

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CHAPTER THREE
WHEN THIS MAN SPEAKS

"When this man speaks, the nation—-the White House
--the world listens."l Several factors contribute to the
magnetism Fulbright manifests as a speaker.

First, peOple listen because he is exceptionally
skillful in adapting to his audience in order to involve
them in a lively communication situation. When Senator
Fulbright first entered the political arena in 1942, he
made an observation which still colors his behavior. As it
was pointed out earlier, he said that voters

want candidates to stay around and talk-—not talk
politics, just talk. Quick visits lose votes, and the

greatest art in campaigning is not to make a persua-
sive political speech, but to say, "Hello. How's the

family?"2

In accordance with this philosophy, his method of campaign-

ing is extemporaneous and rather informal.

 

1C. A. Brown, "Fulbright: World Affairs are Ours,"

Memphis Press—Scimitar (December 17, 1960).

Jerome Beatty, "Washington's Cleanup Man," Amer-
ican Magazine, CLI (June, 1951), p. 108.

46

47

For example, when speculators forecast strong compe-
tition for Fulbright in the Democratic primary of 1962, he
stumped the state of Arkansas in the last few months of
1961. He chose, however, not to make formal speeches from
extensive manuscripts. Instead, aides prepared for him a
detailed data sheet for each community that he was to visit,
enabling him to make reference to that community's princi-
pal interests in his greeting. Then he would address his
audience for ten or fifteen minutes, hardly a political
harangue. The remaining time allotted to him was spent in
answering questions from the audience, a procedure resem-
bling that of a press conference. This seemed to be the
Senator's method of establishing a healthy rapport while
making certain that he enlarged upon those subjects about
which members of the audience were interested. This same
procedure is used frequently when the Senator is asked to
address groups visiting the Capitol or Senate Building.

Second, people listen because Senator Fulbright has
a reputation for being a scholar of the highest caliber and
a good speaker. His speech at the close of the Senate in

1959 was "widely considered to be the best Senate floor

48

speech" of that year.3 A standing ovation preceeded and
followed a speech that he delivered at Memphis in 1960;4
and "so successful was he at stirring things up at 2:30
a.m." during a Senate filibuster in early March, 1960, that
"150 spectators were treated to the sight of four Senators
on their feet clamoring for the floor--not a usual fili-
buster performance."5

One reason that Fulbright is so effective as a
speaker is that he works hard at their preparation until
the speeches are "well-organized, thoughtful, thought-
provoking, and highly literate."6 He does have ghost-
‘writers, such as his assistant Jack Yingling, with whom he
confers; but Fulbright himself spends much time in the

preparation of speeches. Although he may consult with sev-

eral members of his staff, "he has been known. . .to write

 

3Alexander Holmes, "Senator Fulbright: Importer of
Ideas," Los Angeles Times (February 8, 1960), p. III-5.

4C. A. Brown, Ibid.

5David Broder, "Fulbright Spurs Senate to Wee Hours
Debate," Washington Star (March 5, 1960), p. A-l.

6

 

E. K. Lindley, "Senator Fulbright," American
Oxonian (April, 1960), reported in Congressional Record,
cv1 (1960). p. A5551.

 

49

a speech himself and go on the floor and deliver it with—
out even telling his staff or having copies sent to the
press gallery."7

The Senator still has his warm Ozark drawl which
C. B. Seib describes as having the "dead beat of a metro-
nome;"8 but his voice is far overshadowed by the noble
thought expressed in highly literate fashion by a strikingly
handsome man with blue eyes and an athletic physique.

Third, people listen because of Fulbright's posi-
tion. As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
he is recognized as potentially one of the most influential
men on the contemporary American scene. His importance is
enhanced by current national awareness and emphasis of
international relations.

Fourth and perhaps most important, people listen
because of their interest in the ideas which Senator Ful-
bright expresses. These ideas deserve attention because of
his position, his scholarship, and his understanding already

demonstrated by his voting record.

 

7E. W. Kenworthy, "The Fulbright Idea of Foreign

Policy," New York Times Magazine (May 10, 1959), pp. 10—11.

8 . .
C. B. Seib, and A. L. Olten, "Fulbright: Arkansas

Paradox," Harpers (June, 1956), pp. 61.

50

Since Senator Fulbright has written no books and
few articles for periodicals, the ideas that form his polit—
ical ideology are revealed primarily on the Senate floor,
committee hearings, and in his speeches throughout the
nation. In order to ascertain these ideas objectively and
quantitatively, a select sample of his speeches was subjec-

ted to the methodology of content analysis.

Content Analysis

 

Content analysis is a research technique which
measures features of a text for inference. Irving L. Janis
refers to it broadly as:

any technique (a) for the classification of the sign
vehicles (b) which relies solely upon the judgments
(which, theoretically, may range from perceptual dis-
crimination to sheer guesses) of an analyst. . .as to
which vehicles fall into what categories (c) on the
basis of explicitly formulated rules, (d) provided that
the analyst's judgments are regarded as the reports of
a scientific observor.

 

According to Berelson, content analysis can be assumed to

be valid when four criteria are fulfilled. It must be (1)

 

9 . .
H. D. Lasswell, N. Leites, and Assoc1ates.

Language gf_Politics (Cornwall, New York: Cornwall Press,
Inc., 1949), p. 55.

51

objective,10 (2) systematic, (3) quantitative, and (4)
applied only to syntactic and semantic dimensions of

11 . . . .
language. Thus, descriptive quantitative data on con-
tent variables are derived by a statistical technique.

The first step in this study was the selection of
an appropriate unit for study. Such units may be any
"space-time distribution of any symbol or symbol cluster"

2
such as words, concepts, or themes.1 The theme was selec-
ted as the unit for study so that this analysis is con-
cerned with the relationships among thematic concepts. It
is variously known in the literature as:
"assertions" and "statements" by Leites and Pool, 1942;
"Proposition" by Lerner, 1942; "idea" by Kris and
Spencer, 1943; "issue" and "argument" by Waples and
Berelson, 1941; and "thema" by Child, Potter, and
Levine, 1946.13
Berelson further describes it as "a summary or abstracted

sentence, under which a wide range of specific formulations

can be subsumed."

 

10In this context, the word "objective" implies that

fairly specific rules are defined and followed.

1 . . . .
B. Berelson, Content.AnalySis in_Communication
Research (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1952), p. 15.

 

 

12H. D. Lasswell, 92, cit., p. 34.
13B. Berelson, gp, cit., p. 135.
14

Ibid., p. 138.

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Thematic analysis as a research technique is useful
in that "it takes the form in which issues and attitudes
. 15 . . .
are usually discussed." Janis, for example, describes it
as the most productive type of content analysis inasmuch as
the "thematic content" corresponds most nearly to the
overall signification of a communication. . . .The
assertions. . .are the primary content indicators of the
intentions and motives of the communicator. Similarly,
the effects which a communication produces on an audi—
ence are primarily due to the assertions content.l6
Like Osgood's study of W. J. Cameron's speeches on the Ford
Hour, this study of Fulbright's speeches is concerned with
the structure of an ideology. Consequently, this thematic
analysis is designed to reveal a compilation of basic ideas
that compose Fulbright's philosophy for guiding United
States relations with other countries.
The second, and perhaps the most important, phase of
thematic analysis consists of the isolation and rigorous
definition of the themes. Berelson emphasizes the importance

of this step, saying, "content analysis stands or falls by

. . l7 . . . . .
its categories." Meeting this requirement and establishing

 

15Ibid., p. 139.
16 .

H. D. Lasswell, 92, c1t., p. 67.
17

B. Berelson, 92, cit., p. 47.

 

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meaningful categories involves two procedures: (1) the
rigorous definition of the themes by this investigator and
(2) the employment of independent coders to check the reli-
ability of the theme definitions.

First, each speech was read several times, enabling
the author to extract those categories which seemed to
emerge. The goal was to refine the categories so that they
would clearly and accurately represent the content of the
speeches. This step resulted in the compilation of sixty-
eight themes noted in the composite sample of twenty-four
speeches by the Senator. The use of such §9_hoc categor-
ies may be questioned since the analyst forms and validates
his categories out of the same raw materials; but Pool
defends this as an acceptable research procedure.

To some of us it seemed quite legitimate, in the
absence of prior theory, to make up the theory as one
went along, grouping together symbolic elements which
seemed in some sense to go together. If one is struck
by a predominance of a certain kind of symbolic behav-
ior in a text, it seems an abnegation of one's critical
intelligence to refuse to note that behavior as a cate-
gory because one has not started out realizing its
significance. . .One can only agree that this is not so
good a scientific procedure as getting one's hypothesis

first from one set of data or experiences, and then
validating them on another. But it is by no means an

 

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54

unknown or totally invalid procedure. There are indeed
situations where one has no choice.18

For this study, such §9_h99_categories seemed to be
justified.

Second, an attempt was made to test the reliability
of the categories by employing independent coders. This
concept of reliability involves consistency among analysts
through time and is measured by the percentage of agreement
on specific entries by various coders.

Five independent coders, working at different places
and at different times, were given the definitions of the
themes; and each coder worked with a different set of eight
speeches, listing the themes which, in their judgment,
occurred in each.19 These coders were: (1) Mrs. Gladys
Strahl, a teacher of speed reading with an M. A. degree in
Speech, (2) Mr. Brad Lashbrook, director of forensics at

the University of Florida, (3) Mr. Carroll Hylton, an

 

181. de Sola Pool, Trends ig_Content Analysis

(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1959), p. 215.

19 . .

Each coder received a set of eight speeches for

study. The combinations were changed each time, however,
so that no two coders studied the same combination of
speeches. Not only did this system ensure that each of the
twenty-four speeches was read by an independent coder, but
it also facilitated overlap of reading so that most speeches
were read by more than one coder.

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instructor in Speech at San Jose State College, (4) Dr.
John Dietrich, assistant professor of Chemistry at Roches-
ter Institute of Technology, and (5) Mr. Dan Costley,
assistant instructor in the Department of Communication,
Michigan State University.

The percentage of agreement between the author and
each of these coders approximated fifty to sixty per cent,
too low to be useful. Conferences with the coders revealed
two primary reasons for the low percentage of agreement.
First, sixty-eight themes were unwieldy in that it was
difficult to remember all of them. Second, a few of the
themes were so closely related that distinction between
them was difficult. Steps were taken to remedy each of
these deficiencies. The remedy for the first was the
removal from the list of any theme not listed by both the
author and the compiled results of the coders as being
present in at least twenty per cent of the speeches. The
second deficiency was remedied by combining themes that were
related. The final result was a new list of forty themes to
represent the basic ideas of Senator Fulbright.

Four new coders were employed to work with the list

of forty themes under the same conditions as the previous

 

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56

coders. They were: (1) Miss Alice O'Daniel, instructor in

Music at Abilene Christian College, (2) Dr. Jim Throneberry,
assistant professor in BiolOgy at Abilene Christian College,
C3) Mr. John Price, former instructor in Speech at the Uni-

versity of Rhode Island, and (4) Mr. Fred Copple, an engi—

. . 20
neer in Michigan's Highway Traffic Research Department.

Each of the first three coders worked with an entirely dif-
ferent set of eight speeches, and the fourth studied four
speeches, selected randomly to overlap the other coders.
(The percentages of agreement between each coder and the

author are included in Table 2.)

\

20The question may be asked why the author did not

ch“>ose only people with backgrounds in the Speech discipline

E13 This independent coders. Persons of varied backgrounds

were deliberately selected, and the following is his reason-

HKJ. These speeches were delivered for the citizenry at
aIli‘g'e, containing people of every profession and training.

cc’hsequently, the author felt that if the themes were

defined well enough, people from any discipline should be

:le to recognize them.

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TABLE 2

AUTHOR/CODER PERCENTAGES OF AGREEMENT

 

 

 

Coder Percentage
l. O'Daniel 95.0%
2. Throneberry 77.0
3. Price 79.5
4. Copple 84.5
Average 84.0%

 

Since all of these percentages are greater than
sevwanty per cent, the forty categories can be considered
Satxisfactorily reliable, according to Lasswell's criteria.
E‘urthermore, the author had occasion to discuss with coders
Thrxoneberry and Price the discrepancies between his own
1181:.and each of their respective lists. When either the
autflnor or the independent coder listed a theme for a speech
tTfiit the other had not listed, they both reexamined the par-
tiCililar speech to be certain that the theme had not been
merely overlooked. Neither the author nor the coders made
aJEY attempt to persuade the other of the presence or absence
(3f (a theme; but after the discussions, the percentages of

\

21
H. D. Lasswell, D. Lerner, and I. de Sola Pool,

§;E§_Comparative Study 9f_Symbols (Hoover Institute: Stan—
Ctrd University Press, 1952), p. 62.

 

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58

agreement for these two coders had risen to ninety-three
and ninety-five per cent respectively.

After such high percentages of agreement had been
obtained as to the designation of the separate themes, the

study could continue.

Statement 9f_Themes

 

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.-

The following are the forty themes which emerged
from the twenty—four speeches on foreign policy by Senator
Fulbright. As a matter of stylistic preference and in order
to facilitate quick identification, the thematic categories
are listed here only in subject-title form with the state-

ment of each theme being included in its definition.

1. American Moral Ineptness

The gravest crisis confronting the United State is
within its people. "If any people in human history had the
means to win out over a willful adversary, yet failed to
use its natural strength, we are that people." Preoccupied
with molding an environment, "Americans have failed to
develop a philOSOphical and cultural base" to sustain it.

Lacking a sense of purpose, therefore, "we are not able to

 

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put our enormous productive capacities to the needs of the
nation." This lack of purpose combined with considerable
apathy toward the rest of the world has created a political
and moral deficit. Nevertheless, if Americans can once
again become outraged about themselves, the apathy and

moral deficit can be supplanted with an exhibition of moral

 

courage to meet challenging tasks, and their character as a

people can be revitalized. :3

2. American Revolution

The American Revolution gave "an example to the
world of a successful nationalistic revolution against
colonial control," but the conditions and issues are not
applicable today. While it is desirable "that the spirit
and intelligence that inspired America's revolution will
animate American foreign policy," the revolutionary example
itself does "not offer any guidelines for today's complex
policies, complicated by technological and scientific

questions."

3. Berlin
Berlin is a trouble spot over which could begin

World War III. Although little progress has been made,

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60

discussions concerning this city must continue. Time
favors Russia, not the United States, however, and the lat-

ter may need to revise its negotiations.

4. Colonialism
Colonialism has become unfashionable despite the
progress which it facilitated. "It is quite true, of
course, that many abuses, and intolerable exploitation, .J
J
occurred under colonial rule. However, it should also be
remembered that many of the most advanced nations. . .were
originally developed as colonies."
In this respect, western colonialism was quite dif—
ferent from Soviet colonialism. The former supplied culture
and social institutions to underdeveloped areas. In the lat-
ter, "there 99£9_existing societies superior in nearly every

respect, except power, to the Communist master."

5. Communist Imperialism

In contrast to the reluctant approach to power of
the United States, the communist countries aspire to unlim-
ited imperialism, boldly grasping at every opportunity to
expand their empire. "Their tactics most often are a brew

of terror, subversion, and saturation propaganda, mixed

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with promises of which a number are translated into meaning—

ful assistance."

6. Conservatism

The "new wave of conservatism" is distressing because
the label "conservative" is applied to those who "have dif—
ficulty in bringing their reason to act and on all occasions
use their memory first." Such ultra-traditionalists offer
deceptively simple solutions and "are inclined to go numb
with horror in the face of any query that breaches the sanc-
tity of constitutional scripture." Some seem to want to
"repeal the twentieth century," and their irresponsible
charges sow fears that weaken this society.

On the other hand, the "9;99_conservative is one who
wishes to conserve the historic traditional values of our
society" while recognizing that the world does not stand
still. Spokesmen for such "rational conservatism" are needed
to help educate the people toward a consensus on foreign

affairs.

7. Cuba
To overthrow Cuba "by American force, or by some com-

bination including American force, would be self—defeating

 

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and would create more problems than would be solved." Not
only might the rest of Latin America be alienated but it
might also prejudice the American cause in the entire hemis-
phere. The real issue is to locate the reasons why the
United States lost its preeminent position in Cuba and to
prevent the development of similar situations in other
countries.
8. Democracy: A Difficult Form
of Government

Democracy is a demanding experience that requires
work and education lest it result in national paralysis and
mediocrity. The diffusion of ideas to all people deter-
mines whether or not it flourishes, and it becomes "more
evident every day that illiterate, destitute peoples do not
have the background, the civic consciousness, the resources,
to apply successfully such a system to the conditions which
confront them." When it works well, it offers an invita—
tion to excellence; but when it does not, the result can be
"equality at the lowest common denominator."

Democracy is particularly difficult in the area of
international relations because "foreign politics demand

scarcely any of those qualities which are peculiar to a

 

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democracy; they require, on the contrary, the perfect use

of almost all those in which it is deficient."

9. Diplomatic Service

The United States lacks mass interest in, and a
professional development of, diplomacy. Ambassadorships
continue to be given as rewards for party contributions,
and foreign service personnel are sent abroad with inade-
quate language and cultural training. Consequently, we
have neither a "trained foreign service, nor the respect for

government service necessary to attract able and gifted

men." This is unfortunate because diplomatic style reflects
national style. "It is one thing to enunciate policies and
another to make them credible. It is style, our perform-

ance as a nation and a great power, that determines the
credibility of our policies. . . .Style is as important as

power."

10. Education

The most urgent need of this country is improved edu-
cation because "civilization is a race between education and
catastrophe." The strength of a nation depends more than

anythinggelse on the strength of its educational system, and

 

 

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"many of the afflictions from which our country is suffering
today are attributable to our neglect. . .of education."
Recognition that education "will be the most important sin-
gle factor to influence the foreign. . .relations of this
country" demands that it be given a higher priority. A
large scale initiative is needed to cultivate wisdom, imag-
ination, maturity of judgments, and freedom from "Shibboleth

and blind tradition."

ll. Eisenhower

The Eisenhower administration lacked energetic
leadership, and world confidence in the United States was
diminished during it. At every opportunity he fled from the
worries of the White House. Thus, living a "dangerously
sheltered life as Chief Executive," he concocted tranquil-

izers that numbed the critical faculties of the nation.

/ 12. European Federations

Europe must "federate or perish," and the newly
formed Common Market is developing practical measures of
cooperation in specific functional areas. Their 300,000,000
people "will not only be the largest trading unit in the

world, but its economic and financial power will be

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virtually equal to that of the United States." Although
current divergent political opinions among European nations
frequently create difficulties, "so powerful an economic
community is bound in time to become a political as well as

economic force in the world."

13. Foreign Aid

Not only does foreign aid contribute to the develop-
ment of the receiving country but it also provides markets
for American products while contributing ultimately to
American security. Although it has the support of both par-
ties and all government branches, it poses a psychological
problem for Americans because other nations have come to
expect aid as a matter of course. Furthermore, administra-
tion of the programs has been difficult because of a scarc-
ity of trained personnel and an antipathy in Congress to
long-term planning. Nevertheless, the United States must
reconcile itself to the giving of aid for many years to come.
14. Frustration in International

Relations

Americans have developed a growing frustration grow-

ing out of their international relations. At least a part

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of this frustration originates with the "discovery that we
are not able to fix things up quickly, that in spite of our
prodigious efforts, a peaceful, free, secure, and prosperous

world has not resulted."

15. Great Britain

The British nation is quite uniquely "attuned to the
compelling realities of the twentieth century." Histori-
cally, her genius has achieved progress without violence or
wrenching upheaval. On the operational level, her foreign
policy has distinct advantages over that of the United
States which suffers from an "institutionally predestined
amateurism." Consequently, only Britain "has the long
experience, the ancient institutions, and the overall polit-

ical maturity for leading Europe into a new era."

16. Importance of Foreign Relations

Foreign relations are the most important aspects of
public affairs today. Out of them spring construction and
destruction, peace and war. Already eighty per cent of the
tax dollar is spent on them. "It is clear. . .that the deci-

sions of the greatest importance will occur in this area.‘I

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17. Inadequate Governmental Machinery
for Foreign Relations

The governmental machinery of the United States for
implementing foreign relations is cumbersome and antiquated.
"This divided, competitive machinery usually shifts gears
with a minimum of speed and a maximum of sound." In the
first place, bureaucratic structures menace prompt and
orderly conduct of business. Furthermore, thousands of
separate decisions combine to create a national policy which
nobody has consciously willed. Finally, the checks and bal-
ance system itself builds a potentiality for conflict in the
conduct of foreign relations.

In time, the "overriding requirements of foreign
policy may require basic, perhaps radical, changes in our
traditional policy machinery. . . .The question we face is
whether our basic constitutional machinery, admirably suited
to the needs of a remote agrarian republic in the eighteenth
century, is adequate for the formulation and conduct of
foreign policy of a twentieth century nation, pre-eminent in

political and military power. . . ."

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68

18. International Interdependence

The United States has at times followed a policy of
isolation, and even today many Americans dislike being in
the center of world affairs. They consider international
relations as a "rather troublesome excrescence upon the body
politic.” Such an attitude has resulted in many mistakes.
At present, isolation as a foreign policy for the United
States is impossible.

"Interdependence is the rule of the day," and the
building of multinational mechanisms is the natural course
for the United States to follow. Such internationalism will
tend to diminish the growth and persuasiveness of extreme
ideological doctrines. Moreover, the non-communist peoples
need to be brought closer together economically, politically,
and militarily into a "concert of free nations" that is
rooted not only in "common peril but also in common values
and aspirations."
l9. Inseparability between Domestic

and Foreign Affairs

Domestic and foreign affairs have no meaningful dis-

tinction. "The line is now wholly erased." Each affects

the other, and each is but one aspect of national policy.

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69

In fact, foreign policy could be defined as the "summation

of all our policies."

20. Kennedy

The leadership of President Kennedy has begun to
move the United States and to stir its people with hope. He
is "an articulate and vigorous advocate of the national in-
terest," and "strong leadership and direction have been

returned to the conduct of foreign affairs."

21. Khrushchev

The United States underestimates Premier Khrushchev.
With a more sophisticated approach than that of Stalin, he
is "extraordinarily healthy, able, quick, and a bold and
dangerous man." His primary concern is outproducing the
United States, and he thinks it ridiculous not to believe

in the superiority of the communist system.

22. Local Interests in Congress

Although a "senator must conciliate local interests
as well as frame national and international policy," "more
broad vision and less local politics are needed in Congress."

". . .preoccupation with local matters and with the mechanics

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70

of political machinery is virtually bound to prevent him

from. . .depth of knowledge in the field of foreign affairs."

23. Long-range Policy

"As a nation, we are understandably prone to be more
responsive to dramatic events than to the hard continuing
struggle itself." Because of this susceptibility which is
common to free societies, the importance of specific events
is often exaggerated. Long-term policies are the answer to
the problem. Against them, "we can properly evaluate our
initiative and our responses to critical events." Yearly
programs are no longer adequate; they ricochet from crisis
to crisis. National goals should be "conceived in terms of
the advancement of a process rather than the achievement of

finite objectives."

24. National Consensus

"National consensus is an elusive goal." The geo—
graphical, social, and organizational diversity within the
United States is unified ordinarily only in times of national
crisis. Loyalty to "an infinite of special interests" is
frequently placed ahead of loyalty to nation. While the

nation has performed well in reconciling these diverse

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elements, more union is needed. Individuals and organiza-
tions must identify their best interests with national in-
terestand voluntarily subordinate their wishes to national

urgency.

’25. Nuclear War

The most crucial current problems are to control the
nuclear arms race and to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war.
Although such a war is unlikely, it could happen, for there
are "vital interests for which we would have to go to war if
there were no alternative but surrender.” Consequently,
neither the United States nor Russia must ever be confronted
with such a choice. Until international agreements are
reached, however, security against surprise attack warrants
the improvement of both conventional and nuclear weapons.
26. One Party Responsibility for

Government

The responsibility of government should rest in the
hands of one political party at a time. "It is contrary to
human nature to expect that men and women elected as members
of one party should. . .exert themselves to the limit of

their capacity to insure the success of the opposite party's

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72

policies." Consequently, this nation will be courting dis—
aster "unless we give the control of both the legislature

and the executive branches. . .to the same party."

27. Presidential Power

"The fountainhead of an effective foreign policy is
presidential power," but a niggardly grant of power has
hobbled the American president. His power is not commensur-
ate with his responsibility in the initiation and administra-
tion of foreign affairs; and the power needs to be reunited
with responsibility. "It is disagreeable and dangerous to
vest the Executive with powers unchecked and unbalanced. My

question is whether we have any choice but to do so."

28. Previous Democratic Administrations

In previous Democratic administrations, Wilson,
Roosevelt, and Truman maintained the confidence of the world
in the United States. Wilson's idealism and compelling elo-
quence inspired people throughout the world. Roosevelt was
an innovator who drew inventive ideas from the academic world
to charm the American people with "confidence and compassion."

Truman, too, in many respects was a "forceful and imaginative

 

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73

head of government," but his failure to symbolize the dig-

nity of the nation damaged his foreign policies.

29. Priority of Values

The United States must revise its assignment of
priorities in order to erase a ”submission to the irrele-
vantJ' Domestically preoccupied with self-indulgence, its
people "have become immersed in the crass delights of extrav-
agant consumption, puerile faddism and callow amusements."
Its foreign policy also suffers because of national deci-
sions on the allocation of resources. Attention focuses on
money rather than policy. The question is asked, "How much
money ought we to spend?" rather than the truly vital ques-

tion, "What kind of policy ought we to have?"

30. Red China

With the world's largest labor force and a rate of
growth greater than that of Russia, the power of Communist
China is becoming ominous. Within a foreseeable time, she
can become a major industrial power and may attempt to domi-
nate the rest of Asia. Although she is the "largest anthill
slave state men have ever known," opposition to her admit-

tance to the United Nations is gradually decreasing.

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74
jg3l. Relation of U. S. to Underdeveloped
Countries

The United States should identify its interests with
those of the changing societies and "become a pivotal force
in enabling well—intentioned governments of individual coun—
tries to bring about the economic and social reforms"
desired. In each case, she should avoid direct involvements
as much as possible, yet take the "leadership in attempting

to alleviate conditions which cause trouble."

32. Relativity in Foreign Policy

In international relations as in other social areas,
there are no absolutes and, hence, no place for moralizing.
Yet, one of the basic problems in American foreign policy is
the failure to recognize fully that there are no final and
complete solutions, that western principles do not "repre-
sent the common aspirations of all peoples" and are not,
therefore, necessarily applicable to the entire world.
American judgments are not infallible, and "we can hope to
do little more than mitigate our problems as best we can and

learn to live with them."

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75

33. Resistance to Change by Americans

America has been "passive in the face of a changing
world," reacting with "pathological petulance." ". . .any
significant change in our traditional methods. . .is grudg-
ingly considered and reluctantly accepted, if not rejected
outright."

"It is the duty of our schools and universities to
provide our citizens with the intellectual equipment for
devising and accepting major changes where they are neces-
sary for advancement toward our national goals." Otherwise,
apathy toward change can destroy the United States just as
it did the Roman Empire. As Lincoln said, "The dogmas of
the quiet past are inadequate for the stormy present."

34. Role of the Senate in Foreign
Policy

The role of the Senate in foreign affairs is an
advisory one to "advise and consent." Structurally, it is
not adequate to pursue specific foreign policies, but it can
offer broad guidelines for implementing long—range policies.

It may also explain and rationalize policies in order to

"contribute to the establishment of a national consensus."

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76

35. Russian Challenge of Cold War

Russia's challenge to the United States is a total
one involving almost every aspect of national life. Politi-
cally, the communists have managed to consolidate and to
stabilize their empire so that no violent upheavals have
occurred since Hungary. Disputing the validity of the west—
ern concept of society, they are "vigorously pursuing a
course designed to destroy free democratic, capitalistic
communities." Militarily, their power is comparable to that
of the United States. Ideologically, "communism appeals to
men largely because it invites the individual to get beyond
his immediate self and to find meaning in a larger whole,
in a sweeping historical determinism, in an exhilarating
sense of riding the wave of the future." As such, its pre-
cision and social comprehensiveness have produced "social
engineers"--a phenomenon unacceptable and threatening to a
democracy. Economically, Russia has begun a world trade
offensive aimed directly at the United States, and in the
future the competition between the two countries will be
primarily economic. Finally, perhaps the most dangerous
challenge is intellectual. Unlike the United States, the

Russians have given their first priority to education.

77

An indication of the totality of the Russian chal-
lenge is the fact that "scarcely any measure is debated in
the Senate that is not in some way related to the struggle
with the Soviet Union." A long cold war is certain, and
"the challenge to freedom. . .is grave and is likely to
remain so throughout the lifetime of the present generation
of Americans." Nevertheless, if it will, the United States

can meet this challenge adequately.

36. Trade and Tariff

The tariff reduction proposed in the Trade Expansion
Act "represents a wise and farsighted plan." The experience
of previous large-scale reductions disputes the myth that
American industry cannot compete and shows that the damage
is likely to be far less than expected while the benefits
will be greater than expected. "Our creditor position
demands that we give our debtors a chance to buy in our
markets by selling their own products here more readily."
Furthermore, only one-fourth of the imports are in direct
competition with American products. Stimulating a freer
flow of gold among nations, the tariff reduction will invig-

orate the American economy.

78

37. U. S. Survival as a Nation

The survival of the United States is not inevitable.
"Nature is concerned with the survival of the species, not
with some segment of it, not even with the survival of
Americans." The American people fail to realize that the
same principles of evolution and survival of the fittest that
apply to plants and animals also apply to the human world.

"If we should perish, it will not be for lack of
warning but for lack of the will to survive.” Americans
should consider, however, that survival against aggressive
totalitarianism may hinge upon the sacrificing of some dem-

ocratic luxuries of the past.

Q38. U. S. as a Leader in World Relations

"The leadership of the free world has been thrust
upon us," leaving the United States no alternative but to
accept. Nevertheless, this nation has partially defaulted
in the leadership role by thinking it sufficient to live on
the "fat of good will" accumulated during World War II.
"It has moved from an era when there was no question about
the eminence. . .in military power, in industrial power,

and in moral influence to an era when our military power is

”\

79

in doubt, our industrial growth is seriously lagging, and
our moral influence is in decline."

With fifty per cent of the world's wealth, "America
has a tremendous reserve of strength that would outstrip the
Russians in any competitive realm." But in order to lead
toward a way of life consonant with man's highest purposes,
the American people must mature in foreign relations and
foster a national resurgence of self—awareness about where

they stand, not only in the world today, but in history.

39. Western Alliance

- Despite its great power, the destiny of the United
States is closely related to that of an entire Western
coalition. Whereas the Western nations presently lack com-
mon purpose and are thus divided, agreement upai common mar—
kets, defense, and research and the close coordination of
political policies would develop a strength greater than the
communist world can muster in the near future. Consequently,
Western Europe will continue to receive high priority in
American foreign policy because "whatever strengthens West-

ern Europe strengthens freedom."

80

40. World Change

The twentieth century has seen the world change its
complexion at a fantastically rapid rate. Presently, it is
in an era of transition in which "old colonial empires are

liquidated, numerous new countries are formed, and ruthless

empires are growing." Such ferment is likely to continue,
F
and "the only predictable thing about it is that the velocity ‘
i
and violence of the change is likely to increase." These N

unprecedented changes would occur even if communism did not
exist, and the American goal must be to foster these revolu-
tions along constructive lines in order to preserve the
"value system which constitutes the core of our national

interest."

Conclusion

 

After the foregoing thematic definitions were estab-
lished as being satisfactorily reliable, these forty themes
were accepted as representing the basic ideas contained in
Fulbright's speeches and served as the basis for the quanti-
tative thematic analysis described in Chapters Four and

Five.

CHAPTER FOUR

METHODS OF ANALYSIS

The purpose of this chapter is to describe the
several procedures which were employed in analyzing the
themes digested from the speeches of Senator Fulbright.
The results of these analyses will be presented and inter-

preted in Chapter Five.

Step One: Frequency Analysis

The first procedure was to compute the frequency
with which each theme appeared in the total group of
speeches. In these computations each speech was considered
as a separate recording unit, and the appearance of a theme
was counted only once for each speech regardless of the
number of times that it may have been repeated within a
given speech.

Percentages of occurrence were used as indexes of
attention and were computed by comparing the actual number
of times that each theme occurred in the total group of

speeches with the possible number of occurrences

81

82

(twenty—four). On the basis of these percentages, a rank order
of themes was composed. (The rank order of themes is illus-

trated in Table 3.)

TABLE 3

RANK ORDER OF TERMS

 

—:
-

Number of Per Cent

 

 

 

Speeches of 3:2:r
Theme Theme Title in Which Speeches of
No. the Theme in Which
Appears the Theme Appear-
ance
Appears
35 Russian Challenge 22 92 1
38 U.S. as Leader in World
Relations 18 75 2
10 Education 14 58 4
l9 Inseparability Between
Domestic and Foreign
Affairs 14 58 4
40 WCrld Change 14 58 4
23 Long-Range Policy 13 54 6 1/2
25 Nuclear War/Armaments 13 54 6 1/2
5 Communist Imperialism 12 50 8 1/2
13 Foreign Aid 12 50 8 1/2
1 American Moral Ineptness ll 46 10 1/2
29 Priority of Values 11 46 10 1/2
16 Importance of Foreign
Relations 10 42 13
31 Relationship of U.S. to
Underdeveloped Nations 10 42 13
39 Western Alliance 10 42 13
18 International Inter-
dependence 9 38 15 1/2
21 Khrushchev 9 38 15 1/2
8 Democracy: A Difficult
Form of Government 8 33 18 1/2
17 Inadequate Governmental

Machinery for Inter-
national Relations 8 33 18 1/2

83

TABLE 3--Continued

 

Per Cent

 

Number of Rank
Speeches Of Order
Theme Theme Title . . Speeches -
in Which . . of
NO' the Theme in Wthh Appear-
Appears the Theme ance
Appears
27 Presidential Power 8 33 18 1/2
36 U.S. Survival as a
Nation 8 33 18 1/2
9 Diplomatic Service 7 29 22
ll Eisenhower 7 29 22
32 Relativity in Foreign
Policy 7 29 22
6 Conservatism 6 24 26
20 Kennedy 6 24 26
22 Local Interest in
Congress 6 24 26
28 Previous Democratic
Administrations 6 24 26
34 Role of the Senate 6 24 26
12 European Federations 5 21 31 1/2
7 Cuba 5 21 31 1/2
14 Frustration in Inter-
national Affairs 5 21 31 1/2
24 National Consensus 5 21 31 1/2
26 One Party Responsibility
for Government 5 21 31 1/2
37 Trade and Tariff 5 21 31 1/2
30 Red China 4 16 35
2 American Revolution 3 12 37
15 Great Britain 3 12 37
33 Resistance to Change
by Americans 3 12 37
3 Berlin 2 08 39

4 Colonialism 1 04 4O

 

84
Step Two: Symbol Coding Analysis

In order to understand better in quantitative terms the
themes of Senator Fulbright, symbol coding analysis was
employed to give a more sensitive indication of the Senator's
attitudes toward certain concepts.

First, the symbols to be coded were selected in the
following manner. In the rank order of frequency, nine
themes occurred in more than half of the speeches. Assuming
frequency to be a measure of attention and, therefore, as-
suming these nine themes to be among the most important to
Senator Fulbright, the analyst selected fifteen symbols on
the basis of their relevance to these nine themes. Each
symbol was then defined in terms of synonyms in order to
standardize the coder's entries. Thus, a symbol was coded
only if it or a synonym was explicitly stated. (The fifteen
symbols and their synonyms are listed in Table 4.)

Next, the paragraph was selected as the recording unit.
Alternative units were: (1) the speech unit, (2) the three-
sentence unit, and (3) the sentence unit. These alternatives
were discarded for the following reasons. Both the sentence
and three—sentence units yield differentiated information

but are slow and laborious. The speech unit is fast but

85

TABLE 4

SYMBOLS CODED

 

 

 

Symbol Synonyms

1. Americans American people

2. Change Revolution; changing world (society);
upheaval

3. China Chinese; Chinese Communists

4. Communism Communist; Communist party (system)

5. Democracy Democratic country (state, system); demo-
cratic principles (ideology); democratic
form of government

6. Education

7. Eisenhower*

8. England Great Britain; British Commonwealth;
Britain; British

9. Foreign Aid Technical assistance; American (our) aid;
economic aid; foreign assistance

10. Governmental Bureaucracy; checks and balances; decision-
Machinery making process, governmental system; system

of government

11. International Rule of law among nations; United Nations;
Law internationalism; WOrld Court

12. Kennedy*

13. Khrushchev

14. Russia Soviets; U.S.S.R.; Soviet Russia; Russians

15. United States America

 

*"The President" was also used as a synonym for both
Eisenhower and Kennedy during their respective administrations
if it was clear that Fulbright had reference to the person

and not merely the position.

86

does not yield much differentiated information about the
symbols coded. The paragraph unit, on the other hand,
facilitates relative speed in coding while still yielding
information consistent with analyses by each of the alter-
native units. Consequently, expediency led to its selection.

In the collection of data, every paragraph of every
speech was read carefully, but only one entry for a symbol
was made per paragraph. For example, if the symbol "Russia"
appeared three times within a given paragraph, it would be
coded only once. Consequently, the frequency per symbol is
equal to the number of paragraphs in which it or a synonym
appeared. 2

Each time one of the fifteen symbols or a synonym
was explicitly stated in a paragraph, the coder classified
it under the following categories. (1) The morality-
immorality category indicated the speaker's judgment as to
the "referent's conformity or non-conformity to norms of
morality."1 Reference to decency and the pursuance of a
moral cause came under this classification. (2) The strong-

weak category was used to classify a symbol according to the

power imputed to its referent. (3) A desirable-undesirable

 

l . .
H. D. Lasswell, N. Leites, and assoc1ates, Language

9: Politics (Cornwall, New York: Cornwall Press, Inc.,
1949); p. 55.

87

category referred to Fulbright's favorable or unfavorable
disposition toward the symbol's referent. (4) A neutral
category was available if the symbol was ambiguous or if
the above classifications did not apply..

Each entry for the symbol could be coded under any
combination of the first three categories. Consequently,
the analyst was able to discover Fulbright's mixed va-

lences as well as his one-sided attitudes.

Stgp Three: Contingency Analysis

The frequency analysis revealed those themes which
occurred most often, but it ignored important contextual
matters within the speeches. Consequently, the third
procedure was to submit the themes to a contingency analysis,
a research method designed to reveal those themes which tend
to occur in specific relationships to other themes-—i.e.,
association of concepts. The resulting information permits
the indexing of symbolic associational structures. Osgood
suggests:

If there is any content analysis technique which has a
defensible psychological rationale, it is the contin-
gency method . . . it seems reasonable to assume that

greater than chance contingencies of items in messages
would be indicative of association in the thinking of

88

the source.

Similarly,
a contingency below chance is treated as evidence for
disassociation in the thinking of the source--these
ideas are related, but in such a way that the occurrence
of one is a condition of the non-occurrence of the
other.3

First, a raw data matrix was prepared. Twenty-
four rows in the matrix represented the twenty-four speech
units, and forty columns represented the forty themes.
Presence of a theme in a speech unit was scored by one (1)
whereas absence was scored by a zero (0). (Table 5 presents
the Raw Data Matrix.)

A contingency matrix was then prepared in order to
compare the chance association of themes with the obtained
association of themes. Such a comparison was made for every
combination of two that was possible for the forty themes.

First, the chance probability of an association be-
tween two themes was computed by multiplying together the
percentage of occurrence of one theme with that of the sec-

ond. For example, if the percentage of occurrence of theme

A were 25% and the percentage of occurrence for theme B

 

2 .
I. de Sola Pool, Trends ig_Content AnalySis (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1959), p. 55.

3Ibid., p. 65.

TABLE 5

RAW DATA MATRIX

 

Themes

 

Speeches

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1112 1314 15161718 19 202122 23242526272829 30313233343536 373839 40

 

0 0 0 0 0 0 O 0 0 0 1 0 O 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 O 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 O 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0

l
2
3
4

l 0 0 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 O l 1 1 0 0 l 0 0 1 0 l 0 0 0 l O 0 l l 0 0 1 l 0

l O 1 0 0 0 O l l 1 O 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 l O 1 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 1 l 0 0 1 0 l

l l 1 O 0 0 O l 1 1 O 0 0 O 1 0 l 0 l O 1 1 l l 0 0 1 l 0 l l l l 1 l l 1 l 0 l

1 0 O 0 0 0 O 1 O 1 1 O l 0 O O l 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 l O 1 0 0 1 0 0 l 0 0 l O 0

5
6
7

1 0 0 O 1 l 0 0 l l O 0 l O 0 1 O O 1 0 l 0 l 0 1 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 l 1 0 0

0 0 0 O 0 0 O l 0 0 O 0 0 0 O 0 l O O 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 l l

0 0 O 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 O 0 l 0 l O 0 O l l 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0

8

0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 l 0 0 1 O l l O 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 O 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 O 0 0 l

9
10
11

(D
KO

1 0 0 0 l 0 O O 0 1 1 0 0 O 0 0 l 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 l 0 0 1 l 0 1 0 0 l 1 0 l 0 1

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 l O 0 0 l 1 l 0 1 O l 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 O 0 1 l 0 0 1 l 1 l 1 l

1 0 0 0 1 1 l O 1 1 1 O 1 0 O l 1 0 l O l 0 0 0 0 1 0 l l 1 0 l l 0 1 0 0 l O 1

12

0 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 l l 1 0 l 0 0 0 0 1 l 0 0 l 1 1 0 l l 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 l 0 0 l l

13

0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 l O 1 1 0 O l O l 0 l l 0 1 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 O l l 1

14
15

1 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 l l O 1 O 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 l 0 1 l 0 0

O O 0 0 0 l l l 0 l 1 0 O 0 0 1 0 0 l 1 0 l 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 O 0 0 0 0

16
17

0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 1 O l 0 l O 1 l l 0 0 0 l l l l 0 O 0 1 1 1 O l 0 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 l 0 0 l 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 l l 0 0 l l

18
19
20
21
22

0 1 0 0 l 0 1 0 l 0 0 0 l 1 O 0 0 1 0 O O 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 O 0 O 1 0 0 1 O 0

0 0 0 0 l l l O 0 0 0 0 0 0 O 0 0 O 0 0 O 0 1 O 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 l 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

l 0 0 0 0 0 0 l 0 1 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 l 0 0 1 1 l 0 0 1 1 0 l 0 0 1 1 l

0 0 0 O l O 0 0 0 0 0 l 1 O 1 0 0 1 0 O 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 l l l

1 0 0 0 l 1 0 0 O 1 O 0 0 l O 0 O 0 l 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 l l 0 1 l 0

23

0 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 0 0 0 l 1 O O O 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 l 0 0 0 1 0 l l l 1

24

 

4612080450241332958292150211242333858 2438245421542133 244616 42291224923321 754258

96

 

90

were 50%, then the probability of their occurring together
in a speech would be 12.5%. The percentages of chance as-
sociation were then entered into the upper right half of the
contingency matrix.

Next, the obtained association of two themes was
computed from the Raw Data Matrix; it is the percentage of
the twenty-four speeches in which the two themes actually
occurred together. These percentages were entered in the
lower left half of the contingency matrix. (The completed
Contingency Matrix is illustrated in Table 6.)

Finally, the percentages of obtained association
were compared with the percentages of chance association for
each combination of two themes. If the former contingency
was greater than the latter, then the themes appeared to-
gether more often than by chance. A significant deviation
of any obtained contingency from the chance contingency was
54

N

detected by means of a standard error of percentage: Op =
P represents the probability of chance association; q is
1 - p; and N equals twenty-four, the total number of speeches.
"This gives us an estimate of how much an obtained percentage
may be expected to vary about its expected value," and a

difference of two sigmas is significant at the ninety-five

 

4Ibid.

91

TABLE 6

CONTINGENCY MATRIX

 

 

Chance Contingencies

 

l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 l2 13 14 15 l6 17 18 19 20

1. --.06.04.03.23.ll.10.15.13.27.13.10.23.10.06.l9.15.17.27.11

2. 04 -- 01 01 06 03 03 04 03 07 O3 03 06 03 01 05 04 05 07 03

3. 08 04 -- 00 04 02 02 03 02 05 02 02 04 02 01 05 03 03 05 02

4. 00 04 00 -- 02 01 01 01 01 02 01 01 02 01 00 02 01 02 02 01

5. 25 08 00 04 -- 12 11 17 15 29 15 11 25 ll 06 21 17 19 29 12

6. 13 00 00 00 17 -- 05 08 07 14 07 05 12 05 03 10 08 09 14 06

7. 04 04 00 00 13 13 -- 07 06 12 06 04 ll 04 03 09 07 08 12 05

8. 25 04 08 00 O4 04 04 -- 10 19 10 07 17 07 04 14 11 13 19 08

9. 21 08 08 00 17 08 08 08 -— 17 08 06 15 O6 03 12 10 ll 17 O7
10. 33 08 08 04 25 17 13 21 21 -- 17 12 29 12 07 24 19 22 34 14
ll. 13 00 00 00 08 13 08 08 08 21 -— 06 15 06 03 12 10 11 17 07
12. 08 04 00 04 17 00 00 08 00 04 00 -- 11 04 03 09 07 08 12 05
13. 21 08 00 04 38 08 13 97 21 29 13 17 -- 11 O6 21 17 19 29 12

m 14. 13 04 00 00 13 04 04 08 04 08 O4 04 08 -- O3 09 07 O8 12 05
'2 15. O4 O4 04 00 04 04 00 04 04 04 04 O4 04 00 -- 05 04 05 07 03
U 16. 21 04 04 04 25 13 13 l3 17 33 08 08 29 04 00 -- l4 16 24 10
5 17. 25 04 08 00 08 08 04 21 13 21 17 04 08 00 08 08 -- 13 19 08
8 18. 13 08 00 04 25 00 04 13 08 17 04 21 29 13 04 13 04 -- 22 09
E 19. 38 04 08 00 25 21 08 25 25 42 21 08 29 O8 08 33 25 13 -- l4
8 20. O8 04 00 04 13 04 08 08 04 08 04 08 17 04 00 17 00 13 08 --
U 21. 21 08 O4 04 21 17 O4 O4 13 29 17 04 13 08 08 17 17 04 25 04
B 22. 13 04 04 00 04 08 04 l3 13 13 13 04 08 00 08 O8 13 O8 25 08
.g 23. 29 13 08 04 29 l7 l3 17 21 38 13 08 25 17 08 21 17 21 29 13
B 24. 13 04 04 00 04 04 04 13 13 13 08 00 08 04 04 08 04 08 17 13
8 25. 25 O4 04 04 29 13 08 21 08 33 04 17 29 08 O4 29 17 21 33 08
26. O8 00 00 OO 08 04 O4 00 08 17‘17 00 08 04 00 04 08 04 13 00
27. 21 04 04 00 04 08 04 21 17 21 17 04 13 04 08 08 l7 13 29 13
28. 13 04 04 00 04 13 08 13 08 17 17 00 04 08 08 08 13 04 17 08
29. 29 00 04 00 21 13 04 13 17 33 21 00 21 O8 04 25 21 08 33 08
30. 13 04 04 00 08 08 04 04 08 13 13 00 04 00 08 04 17 00 13 00
31. 17 13 04 04 29 04 13 13 13 13 00 17 29 08 04 21 08 25 21 17
32. 25 04 04 00 17 08 08 17 08 21 13 04 13 08 04 08 17 08 17 08
33. 13 04 04 00 04 04 04 08 08 13 04 00 04 04 04 04 08 04 08 04
34. 13 04 08 00 04 08 04 17 13 17 13 04 04 04 08 08 17 O8 21 04
35. 46 13 08 04 46 17 13 29 29 54 25 21 50 25 13 38 33 38 54 21
36. 17 04 04 00 17 08 04 08 08 21 13 08 17 08 13 08 13 13 21 04
37. 17 04 04 00 17 04 00 08 13 08 00 08 17 04 04 13 04 08 17 08
38. 46 13 08 O4 42 17 08 29 25 38 21 21 38 21 13 25 33 29 38 17
39. 17 O4 00 O4 21 O4 04 13 04 21 04 21 25 13 04 08 O8 29 17 17
40. 25 08 08 04 29 O8 08 21 17 38 l7 17 33 08 13 25 25 29 29 17

92

TABLE 6--Continued

 

 

Chance Contingencies

 

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

l. 17 ll 24 10 24 10 15 ll 21 07 19 13 06 ll 42 15 10 35 19 27

2. 05 03 06 03 06 03 04 03 06 02 05 03 01 03 ll 04 03 09 05 07

3. O3 02 04 02 04 02 03 02 04 01 03 02 Ol 02 07 03 02 06 03 05

4. 02 01 02 01 02 01 01 01 02 01 02 01 00 01 04 01 01 03 02 02

5. 19 12 27 11 27 11 17 12 23 08 21 15 06 12 46 17 11 38 21 29

6. 09 O6 13 05 13 05 08 06 ll 04 10 07 03 06 22 08 05 18 10 14

7. 08 05 ll 04 11 04 07 05 10 03 09 16 03 05 19 07 04 16 09 12

8. 13 08 18 07 18 07 ll 08 15 05 14 10 04 08 30 11 07 25 14 19

9. 11 O7 16 O7 16 06 10 07 13 05 12 O8 03 O7 27 10 06 22 12 17

10. 22 14 31 12 31 12 l9 14 27 09 24 17 O7 14 53 19 12 44 24 34

11. 11 O7 16 06 16 06 10 07 13 05 12 08 03 07 27 10 06 22 12 17

12. 08 05 ll 04 ll 04 07 05 10 03 09 06 03 05 19 07 O4 16 09 12

13. 19 12 27 11 27 11 17 12 23 08 21 15 06 12 46 17 11 38 21 29

m .14. 08 05 ll 04 ll 04 07 05 10 03 09 06 O3 05 19 O7 04 16 O9 12
”2 .15, 05 O3 06 O3 06 03 04 03 06 02 05 03 01 03 11 04 03 09 05 07
fig :16. 16 10 23 09 23 09 14 10 19 07 18 12 05 10 39 14 09 32 18 24
g; :17. 13 08 18 07 18 O7 11 08 15 05 14 10 04 08 30 11 07 25 14 19
:3 .163. 14 09 21 08 21 08 13 09 17 06 16 11 05 09 35 13 08 29 16 22
:3 1:9. 22 14 31 12 31 12 l9 14 27 O9 24 17 07 14 53 19 12 44 24 34
8 20. O9 06 13 05 13 05 08 O6 11 04 10 O7 O3 06 22 08 05 18 10 14
T: :31.. -- 09 21 08 21 08 13 09 17 06 16 11 05 09 35 13 08 29 16 22
2:) 22. 08 -- 13 05 13 05 08 06 ll 04 10 07 03 O6 22 08 05 18 10 14
‘r-i 23. 25 13 -- ll 29 11 18 13 25 09 23 16 06 13 50 18 11 41 23 31
13 3341. O4 l7 l3 -- 11 O4 07 05 10 03 09 O6 O3 05 19 O7 O4 16 09 12
8 25. 17 04 29 00 —- 11 18 13 25 O9 23 16 06 13 50 18 ll 41 23 31
;3€5. 17 04 08 04 04 -- 07 05 10 03 09 06 03 05 19 O7 04 16 O9 12
3377. O8 25 17 21 08 04 -- 08 15 05 14 10 04 08 30 ll 07 25 14 19
‘2383. 17 13 13 13 00 08 17 -- 11 04 10 07 03 06 22 08 05 18 10 14
:3‘53. 25 08 21 08 21 17 17 17 -- 07 19 13 06 11 42 15 10 35 19 27
3O. 17 O8 13 04 00 08 08 13 13 -- 07 05 02 04 15 05 13 12 O7 O9
53.1.. 04'13 25 08 25 00 13 O4 08 04 -- 12 05 10 39 14 09 32 18 24
:3;23. 13 04 21 08 13 08 13 13 17 13 08 -- 03 O7 27 10 06 22 12 17
53:33.. 08 04 08 08 00 O4 O8 13 08 O8 O4 13 -- 03 ll 04 03 09 05 07
:3‘<l-- 08 21 17 13 08 04 21 13 08 08 08 04 04 -- 22 08 05 18 10 14
:3‘55 - 38 21 50 17 50 21 29 21 46 17 38 25 13 21 -- 30 19 69 39 53
:3‘63'- 17 13 29 08 l7 18 13 08 O8 13 14 13 O4 13 33 -- O7 25 l4 19
:3'77 - 08 08 13 08 08 00 04 04 08 04 17 08 04 04 21 08 -- 16 09 12
:3'53.- 33 21 42 13 38 13 25 21 38 17 29 25 13 17 75 25 21 —— 32 44
:3'53 - 08 O8 25 08 29 04 13 04 04 00 21 08 O4 08 42 17 08 33 -- 24
‘4LC3 .. 21 13 38 13 29 13 l7 17 25 17 25 21 l3 17 58 29 13 46 33 --

93

per cent level of a two-tail test. Since the number of

units was a constant twenty—four, a table of significant

differences at a ninety-five per cent level of confidence

was prepared to show the size of differences necessary for

various magnitudes of p.

Step Four: Elementary Linkage Analysis

Although the contingency analysis revealed signifi-

cant associations between themes, little was still known

about the structural way in which these themes fit together.

Consequently, the data were analyzed for structural signifi-

cance by elementary linkage analysis, a research method

developed by Louis L. McQuitty for the rapid and objective

Clustering of variables. The clustering is accomplished by

the isolation of associational linkages, defined as "the

largest index of association which a variable has with any

OJ: all the other variables . . . [or] with a composite of all

the characteristics of the cluster."

The linkage analysis method yields results quite

S imilar to those of factor analysis; but it has the advantages

\

5Ibid.

6L. L. McQuitty, "Elementary Linkage Analysis for
Isolating Orthogonal and Oblique Types and Typal Relevancies,"
@ucational and Psychological Measurement, XVII (l957),p.208.

94

c>f (1) being faster and (2) isolating typal structures
riather than the simple structure discovered through factor
aanalysis. A typal structure is one
in which every member of a type is more like some other
member of that type (with respect to the data analyzed)
than he is like any member of any other type.7
In terms of thematic analysis, every theme in a given type
(cluster) has a higher correlation with other themes in the
type (cluster) than with themes not included in its type.
Thus, frequency of a theme becomes significant only in re-
spect to its highest index of association.

The following hypothetical model and discussion will

ifillustrate the method of linkage analysis.

TABLE 7

SAMPLE CONTINGENCY

 

 

A B c D E F G H I

2A —- 38 45 57 37 35 26 50 08
13 38 -- 60 49 24 43 3o 39 01
c 45 Q —- 6_l_ 46 50 39 52 00
D 51 49 6_l -- 39 91 33 69 08
E 37 24 46 39 -- 52 32 50 g;
F 35 43 50 57 52 -- 32 46 09
G 26 3o 39 44 32 32 -- 37 25
H 50 39 52 60 50 46 37 -- 07
:l: 08 01 oo 08 g; 09 25 07 --

\

 

7Ibid., p. 209.

95

Efiirst, the highest occurrence of each theme should be under-
snzoredf-i.e. underline the highest percentage in each column.
Iflor this example, the highest percentages are: A-57, B-60,
<3-6l, D-6l, E-53, F-57, G—44, H-60, and I-53. In selecting
the highest entry in the matrix, the occurrence of 61 medi-
ates between themes C and D. Since these are reciprocals--
that is, they have the highest correlation with one another--
they constitute the basis of the first cluster. They might

be diagrammed as follows:

Imext, the themes occurring most often with the reciprocals
Eire selected. These are found by noting the underscored
\ralues on rows C and D. A, F, G, and H occur most frequent-
er with D, while B occurs most frequently with C. wa the

Irelationship becomes more complex.

This process is continued until the relationships

'VV'erthin the C-D cluster cannot be carried farther. If there

96

ajre still themes not classified, an analogous process will
Chevelop additional clusters. In this case, for example,
tflnemes E and I are reciprocal and, therefore, create a dif-
ferent cluster.

In order to avoid an unduly laborious and time con-
suming task by hand, data for the linkage analysis were
,programmed through the MISTIC computer at Michigan State
University. Assistance in designing the program and in the
coding process was obtained from Mr. Jack Prather and Mr.
.James Clark, assistant instructors in the Communication
JResearch Center, Michigan State University.

Step Five: Analysis 9: Theme Adaptation
£9_Audience Type

In his Rhetoric, Aristotle reflected awareness of three
- .Elrincipal elements in speech making-~speaker, subject, and
'tihe audience. Up to this point, the study has revolved
Eauround the speaker and the subject. Nevertheless, "a speaker
irleeeds to develop a sensitivity to listeners that will guide
IjuiJn as he makes various decisions about selecting . . .

. 8 . . . .
materials," and this particular portion of the analySis
\

Loren Reid, First Principles 9f Public Speaking
(.ihxzrtcraft Press: Columbia Missouri, 1962), p. 71.

 

97

iJnvestigated how Fulbright adapted to particular types of

erudiences in his treatment of the speech themes.

First, the twenty—four speeches were classified

according to the type of audience to which they were de-

livered. Four rather distinct types seemed evident: (1)
academic, (2) business and professional, (3) international,
and (4) political. (This classification is presented in
Table 8.)

Second, the speeches within each group were analyzed

to determine which themes tended to be emphasized or de-

¢emphasized within each particular group. The percentage of

(occurrence of each theme for a particular group was computed
13y dividing the number of that group's speeches in which the
tzheme appeared by the total number of speeches within the
gyroup. For example, suppose there were~eight speeches in

<3roup One. If theme B occurred in four of them, its percen-

tzage of occurrence would be fifty per cent.
On the assumption that each theme could be expected
1:4) occur equally in the four groups, the percentage of oc-
<:=Llrrence within an audience grouping was then compared with
'tlikie percentage of occurrence of that theme for the total

‘thhrenty—four speeches. The standard deviation from the

expected percentage was calculated by Op a“? , and a

<1-

98

TABLE 8

AUDIENCE CLASSIFICATION

 

 

Audience Speech Specific
Type Number Audience
1. Academic 4 Columbia University
10 Harvard Club
14 Indiana University
15 American Philosophical Society
16 University of Virginia
17 Cornell Law School
21 Stanford University
2. Business and 2 Overseas Press Club
Professional 3 American Society of Newspaper
Editors
6 Iowa Bankers Association
8 Downers Grove Village Forum
11 American Bar Association
18 Little Rock Jr. Chamber of
Commerce
23 Arkansas Chamber of Commerce
24 Merchandising Corporation
Convention
:3. International 7 Fifth Annual NATO Parlia-
mentarians Conference
9 west Indies
12 WOrld Affairs Council, Los
Angeles
13 World Affairs Council, San
Francisco
22 Seventh Commonwealth Parlia-
mentary Association Conference,
London
.. Political 1 Democratic Victory Dinner
5 Senate
19 Senate
20 Senate

99

ruinety-five per cent level of significance was regarded as

txaing two sigmas in either direction from the expected

9
percentage .

(occurrence before the four audience types.)

TABLE 9

THEME OCCURRENCE BEFORE AUDIENCE TYPES

(Table 9 presents the percentages of theme

 

Audience Type*

 

Theme A B I P
1. American Moral Ineptness .57 .63 .20 .25
2. American Revolution .28 .00 .00 .25
3. Berlin .14 .13 .00 .00
4. Colonialism .14 .00 .00 .00
5. Communist Imperialism .43 .50 .60 .50
6. Conservatism .28 .25 .20 .25
'7. Cuba .14 .13 .20 .50
£3. Democracy: A Difficult Form
of Government .43 .38 .20 .25
‘9. Diplomatic Service .28 .25 .40 .25
10. Education .72 .63 .60 .25
Jul. Eisenhower .43 .00 .40 .50
.1M2. European Federations .14 .38 .20 .00
JLIB. Foreign Aid '.28 .50 .80 .50
JL¢4. Frustration in International
Affairs .14 .25 .00 .50
ll 5. Great Britain .28 .00 .20 .00
$1.61. Importance of Foreign Relations .43 .63 .40 .00
l '7. Inadequate Governmental
Machinery for International
Relations .43 .25 .40 .25
51-53.. International Interdependence .28 .38 .60 .25
'JL‘53.. Inseparability Between
Domestic and Foreign Affairs .57 .75 .60 .25
2 O - Kennedy .57 .25 .00 .00
\

 

9Pool, ibid.

100

TABLE 9--Continued

 

 

Audience Type*

 

 

Theme A B I P
21. Khrushchev .57 .38 .20 .25
22. local Interests in Congress .57 .13 .20 .00
23. Long-Range Policy .72 .50 .20 .50
24. National Consensus .57 .00 .20 .00
25. Nuclear war/Armaments .14 .88 .60 .50
26. One Party Responsibility for
Government .14 .13 .40 .25
27. Presidential Power .72 .13 .20 .25
28. Previous Democratic
Administrations .57 .00 .20 .25
.29. Priority of Values .57 .38 .40 .50
.30. Red China .43 .00 .20 .00
.31. Relationship of U.S. to
Underdeveloped Nations .43 .50 .20 .50
132. Relativity in Foreign Policy .43 .13 .20 .50
33 . Resistance to Change by
Americans .28 .00 .20 .00
34. Role of the Senate .43 .25 .‘20 .00
3 5. Russian Challenge . 86 l. 00 l. 00 . 75
36. Trade and Tariff .28 .38 .00 .00
13'7. U.S. Survival as a Nation .43 .38 .40 .00
3 8. U. S. as Leader in World
Relations .86 .75 .60 .75
3 9. Western Alliance . 28 . 63 . 60 . 00
41(3. WOrld Change .72 .50 1.00 .00
*Audience types are represented as follows: A-aca-

‘Cieemic, B-business and professional, I-international, and
-£>-5political.

Step Six: Analysis 9; Theme Treatment During
Different Presidential Administrations

Since thirteen of the twenty-four speeches occurred

C.i‘l._‘11:"ing the Eisenhower administration and eleven were

 

 

101

delivered after President Kennedy took office, the analyst

used this opportunity to contrast Fulbright's treatment of

themes during these two administrations. The objective was

to determine whether or not any themes were significantly

emphasized or de—emphasized in the speeches of one adminis-

tration and not those of the other.

The percentage of occurrence of each theme in the
speeches of a given administration was computed by dividing
the number of speeches of that administration in which it

actually appeared by the total number of speeches delivered

during that administration. The percentage of occurrence

Of a theme in the total group of speeches was used as the

eXEected percentage that each theme would occur in the speeches
The standard deviation from the
Pq

N

under each administration.

expected percentage was calculated by the formula 0p ‘

At a ninety-five per cent level of confidence the actual

percentage of occurrence would not differ more than two
8 tandard deviations from the expected percentage. Significant

differences were determined by contrasting the actual per-

Qentage of appearances in the speeches of a given adminis-

tration with the expected percentage. (The percentages of

a"C-Titual occurrence are presented in Table 10.)

102

TABLE 10

THEME OCCURRENCE UNDER DIFFERENT ADMINISTRATIONS

 

 

 

 

Administrations
Theme Eisenhower Kennedy
.1. American Moral Ineptness . 62 . 27
.2. American Revolution .08 .18
3 . Berlin . 15 . 00
4. Colonialism . 00 . 09
5. Communist Imperialism .38 .63
6. Conservatism . 15 . 36
'7. Cuba . 08 . 36
£3. Democracy: A Difficult Form of
Government .46 .18
9 . Diplomatic Service . 38 . 18
l O - Education . 70 . 45
l l - Eisenhower . 38 . 18
l 2 . European Federations . 15 . 27
l 3 - Foreign Aid . 46 . 54
14- - Frustration in International Affairs .15 .27
l 5 - Great Britain . 08 . 18
16 . Importance of Foreign Relations .46 . 36
17 . Inadequate Governmental Machinery
for International Relations .54 .09
l 8 . International Interdependence . 31 . 45
l 9 . Inseparability Between Domestic and
Foreign Affairs .77 .36
2 O . Kennedy . 00 . 54
2 l . Khrushchev . 46 . 27
2 2 . Local Interests in Congress . 23 . 27
2 3 . Long-Range Policy .46 . 63
2 4 . National Consensus . l 5 . 27
2 S . Nuclear War/Armaments .62 .45
2 €- . One Party Responsibility for
Government .38 .00
2 '7 . Presidential Power .31 .36
2 g . Previous Democratic Administrations . 23 .27
2 3 . Priority of Values .62 .27
E: 0 Red China .23 .09
1 Relationship of U. S. to Under-
3 developed Nations . 31 . 54
2 Relativity in Foreign Policy . 38 . 18

103

TABLE lO——Continued

 

 

 

 

Administrations
Theme Eisenhower Kennedy

3 3. Resistance to Change by Americans . 15 . O9
34. Role of the Senate . 31 . 18
3 5 . Russian Challenge 1 . OO . 81
3 6. Trade and Tariff . 23 . l8
3 7 . U. S. Survival as a Nation . 31 . 36
38 . U. S. as Leader in World Relations . 77 . 72
3 9. Western Alliance . 31 . 54
4O . World Change . 62 . 54

 

Conclusion

In this chapter, six procedures were described by
which Senator Fulbright's treatment of his speech themes was
analyzed. The first four procedures—-frequency analysis,
symbol coding analysis, contingency analysis, and elementary
linkage analysis--analyzed the data for possible generaliza-
tions about thematic treatment within the total twenty-four
SPeaches. Sub-groups of the speeches, however, were also
analyzed for theme frequency in order to investigate possible
Significant differences in thematic treatment (1) in speeches
delivered to four different types of audiences and (2) in
sPaeczhes delivered during the presidential administrations

of Eisenhower and Kennedy.

The significant results of these six analyses are pre-

8
erlted and interpreted individually in the following chapter.

CHAPTER FIVE

PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION OF

ANALYTIC RESULTS

The objectives of this chapter are to set forth the
results of the individual analyses described in the previous
<3hapter and to offer an interpretation of them. In this
section, the analyses are considered independently; however,
the discussion in Chapter Six will be based on the combined

results of all six analyses.

Frequency Analysis

Out of the forty themes which seemed to be basic in
£3enator Fulbright's speeches, the frequency analysis dif-
ifierentiates among nine themes which appear in fifty per cent
cxr more of the speeches studied. These nine themes are listed
iJn rank order as follows:

Russian Challenge

United States as Leader in World Relations
Education

Inseparability Between Domestic and Foreign Affairs
WOrld Change

Long Range Policy

Nuclear War

Communist Imperialism

Foreign Aid

m<n~JG\UIbcuhob4

104

 

 

105

Thus, 22.5% of the themes studied occur in at least half of
the speeches studied, and these most frequent themes tend to
emphasize the American-Soviet competition. They divide into
two rather natural groupings.

If frequency of occurrence is regarded as an index
of attention, then the Soviet aspect of the competition
seems to be uppermost in Fulbright's mind. The most preva-
lent theme describes the totality of the Russian challenge,
and this preoccupation is consistent with his statement in a
speech that "scarcely any measure is debated in the Senate
that is not in some way related to the struggle with the
Soviet Union." As an example of the Soviet challenge, Ful—
bright emphasizes the theme of Communist Imperialism.

In another grouping, five of the most frequent themes
are concerned with the American role in the struggle with the
Communists. The emphasis is different, however, Whereas he
concentrates on Russian strength, each of these themes re-
wihes around a weakness on the part of the United States--
weaknesses that enhance the Soviet challenge. These weak-
nesses are: a default in world leadership, less emphasis on
Education than that of the Soviet Union, a failure to recog-
nize that domestic and foreign policies must fuse together,

a hesitancy to make long-range plans, and a psychological

106

aversion to the idea of other nations taking American for—
eign aid for granted. It is noteworthy that the weaknesses
about which he speaks do not concern material wealth or
strength. In fact, he says, "America has a tremendous re—
serve of strength that would outstrip the Russians in any
competitive realm." Instead, each of them emerges from a
psychological set or mental attitude imputed to the Ameri—
can people, and these psychological sets, in turn, are
responsible for the structural weaknesses that discourage
long-term planning while permitting a foreign policy to
evolve out of thousands of unrelated domestic decisions.
Despite the fact that the Senator paints a vivid
picture of the Russian challenge while criticizing American
weaknesses, he does not display a resignation to defeat.
Each theme also describes an opportunity for improvement,
and, combined, they offer a very broad and very general
guideline for repulsing the Soviet challenge. He calls for
greater maturity in foreign relations through: the careful
exercise of leadership in world relations, and increased
emphasis on basic education; the meshing of domestic and
foreign policies into a consistent national policy; the
making of long-term plans; and a concerted effort to thwart

Poverty and communism through the continuation of foreign aid.

107

The theme of Nuclear War receives great emphaSis
probably because it represents a possible outcome of the
American-Russian conflict and, therefore, points out the
seriousness of this conflict.

The final theme which receives great emphasis is
that of World Change. Its emphasis probably stems from the
great influx of changes throughout the world which Americans
tend to regard as crises. He attempts to explain the rela-
tionship between American foreign policy and these processes
of seemingly eternal transformations. Although he explains
change as a natural course of events that operates regardless
of the ideologies influential in the world, he does not
completely divorce it from the American-Russian ideological
conflict, because this conflict influences the direction of

the changes.

Symbol Coding Analysis

Fifteen symbols relating to the nine most prevalent
themes were coded on continuums of morality, strength, and
desirability. The results of this symbol coding analysis
further illustrate the magnitude of the opposing forces in
Fulbright's estimation of the Cold War. (Table 11 presents

the results of this coding process.)

 

108

TABLE 11

SYMBOL CODING RESULTS*

 

 

 

 

Fre-
. quency
Symbol 5:2; Morality Strength ::::::_ of
Occur-
+ - + - + - rence
Americans 27 3 0 7 l2 l7 9 75
Change 13 0 0 25 0 l4 3 50
China 2 0 2 6 0 0 ll 14
Communism 2 2 ll 22 4 0 65 72
Democracy 11 3 0 7 0 20 l 32
Education 7 0 0 21 7 45 2 59
Eisenhower 8 2 0 1 l6 4 16 31
England 5 0 0 ll 0 l6 0 24
Foreign Aid 3 l 0 7 2 12 l 20
Government
Machinery 4 0 0 l 7 1 7 15
International
Law 9 0 0 4 0 10 0 19
Kennedy 7 3 0 l4 0 24 0 31
Khrushchev 8 0 l 12 0 0 17 28
Russia 8 0 2 63 3 0 77 105
United States 42 9 0 48 ll 52 10 123

 

*Each time one of the symbols was explicitly stated in
a paragraph, it was classified under the categories listed in
the columns above. The numbers in each column, therefore,
represent the number of paragraphs in which the symbol was
classified as falling in that category. Since a given appear-
ance of a symbol might be coded under any combination of the
Morality, Strength, and Desirability categories, the frequency
of occurrence is n93 the row total.

Fulbright uses the symbol "United States" more fre-
quently than any other of those analyzed. It is generally

discussed in contexts that attribute morality, strength, and

109

desirability to it. Nevertheless, about one—sixth of the
references are to weaknesses and undesirable traits of the
nation. Furthermore, a favorable disposition toward the
referent of the symbol "Americans" does not keep him from
referring more frequently to their weaknesses than to their
strong points. These mixed valences are consistent with

the findings of the frequency analysis in which Fulbright
recognized the strength of the United States but also stressed
serious weaknesses that needed to be overcome.

The American ally "England" is also considered to
be strong and desirable, and there is no mixed valence in
Fulbright's attitude toward it.

For America's opponents in the Cold War, Russia and
China, Fulbright's attitude seems to be that they are im-
moral, strong, and undesirable. His references tend to
emphasize their strength and undesirability.

This same pattern follows for the other elements of
opposition in the Cold War. Both ideologies are referred to
as being strong, but references show "Democracy" to be much
more desirable to Fulbright than "Communism." In judgments
of morality, there are references to both ideologies as
having moral aspects, but he refers more often to the immoral

aspects of "Communism" than to its moral aspects.

110

Fulbright's attitudes toward the principal men in-

volved in the American—Soviet conflict are all one-sided

rather than being characterized by mixed valences. He refers

to "Khrushchev" as being strong but undesirable, but he as—

sociates both strength and desirability with "Kennedy." In

contrast, his attitude toward the symbol "Eisenhower" seems
to be that the referent is both weak and undesirable.

Two of the symbols border on the periphery of the

Soviet-American controversy. These are "Education" and "For-

eign Aid," and Fulbright's attitude toward each of them has

a mixed valence. While his references were primarily to the

strength and desirability of the symbols' respective referents,
the mixed valences indicated that he thinks there are areas
for improvement in each.

Finally, Fulbright's attitude toward "Change" is that
it is a strong force to which he is favorably disposed. He
3130 considers "International Law" to be strong and desirable.
These two evaluations lead the analyst to surmise that the
Senator might hope that future change in the world will be

guic3ed through international channels.

111
Contingency Analysis

Analysis of the data revealed twelve significant con-
tingencies among the forty themes of Senator Fulbright. All
of these contingencies indicated association in the thinking
of the Senator whereas no significant disassociations were

noted. (These twelve contingencies are listed in Table 12.)

TABLE 12
CONTINGENT THEMES

 

 

 

Theme Contingent Theme

Number Number

11. Eisenhower 26. One Party Responsibility for
Government

12. European Federations 18. International Interdependence

15. Great Britain 36. U.S. Survival as a Nation

22. Local Interests in
Congress 24. National Consensus

22. Local Interests in
Congress 27. Presidential Power

22- Local Interests in

Congress 34. Role of the Senate
24° National Consensus 27. Presidential Power
27' Presidential Power 34. Role of the Senate
28' Previous Democratic

Administrations 30. Red China

2 . .
8‘ Prev1ous Democratic
Administrations 33. Resistance to Change
30
’ Red China 17. Inadequate Governmental
32 Machinery

Relativity in
\Foreign Policy 33. Resistance to Change

 

112

These contingencies are inherent in the typal
structures revealed through the elementary linkage analysis;
consequently, they are discussed in the following section

with the typal structures.

Elementary Linkage Analysis

Ten basic typal structures (theme clusters) were
revealed among the forty themes by the elementary linkage
analysis. Each of these types is illustrated and discussed
belcnn. The correlation between themes is listed in paren-
theses. When a theme is included in a cluster through a
negatdye correlation, the themes with which it has the
Strongest positive correlation are listed. Since such asso-

ciations were not strong enough to be added to the cluster,

they are demonstrated by broken lines.

Type One

The concept of American structure of government is
Central to Type One, and it offers an interesting problem-
solution. The themes cluster around the reciprocal themes:
Local Interests in Congress (22) and Presidential Power (27).

The problem is stipulated in two different sub-clusters.

113

16. Importance of Foreign Relations

(+.371)

(+.487)
34. Role of the Senate

ft \(+.777)

‘\\“r-—22. Local Interests in Congress
I (+.8l6)

l
I
(+.527) 1 q

x 27. Presidential Power

\\ i\\(+.725)
‘ \
x \2

i
K
(19. Inseparability Between Domestic and Foreign Affairs

. Berlin \ -\24. National Consensus
\( (+.464) \\ (+.414)
\( 9. Diplomatic \ 20. Kennedy

\ Service \\ (+.438)
\ (-.577) \
\
5. Communist \
Imperialism“‘\\\\\\\\\\:;:\
(+.500) (—.530)

\
8. Democracy: A

13, Foreign Aid 1 Difficult Form
of Government

\ (+.438)

\

17. Inadequate
Governmental
Machinery

The first of these centers around a preoccupation with Local
Interests in Congress (22), and references to it tend to
cluster with references to the Role of the Senate (34), In-

separability Between Domestic and Foreign Affairs (19), and

114

the Importance of Foreign Relations (16). With these last
three themes the Senator seems to be stating the case against
the weaknesses that result from a preoccupation with local
interests by emphasizing the greater importance of foreign
affairs to the nation generally over the importance of local
interests. The problem is further illuminated in a second
sub—cluster in which Fulbright maintains that Democracy is

a Difficult Form of Government (8). This theme is positively
associated with the theme of Inadequate Governmental Ma-
chinery (17). Thus, in this sub—cluster Fulbright seems to
pin-point one of the difficulties of the democratic form of
government as being a structural inadequacy for the most
efficient implementation of foreign affairs.

Contingent with these themes are the themes of
Presidential Power (27) and National Consensus (24). Having
discussed a problem, the Senator seems to be suggesting a
solution to it through these two themes. The association
seems to be as follows. The president needs greater authority
in foreign relations for two reasons. First, presidential
authority currently lags behind presidential responsibility.
Second, the president is the only one who speaks for the

nation as a whole, and only he can reconcile the many diverse

115

local elements toward a national consensus. The theme of
Iflannedy (20) is connected with that of National Consensus,
suggesting that the Senator thinks President Kennedy is
especially adept at eliciting a national consensus.

The above themes relating to American governmental
stnructure, especially the theme about the Role of the Senate
(3‘1), correlate negatively with the theme of Communist Im-
Exalrialism (5). Furthermore, when he talks about Democracy
being a Difficult Form of Government (8) , he tends to avoid
tfiil;king about Communist Imperialism (5). This relationship
SUlggests, perhaps, that the Senator does not associate the
AInearican governmental structure with the threat of commu—
rkisst imperialism. Within the cluster, the theme of Foreign
Ikidi (13) is associated positively with Communist Imperialism
(55) , and this relationship might be expected because the

aid is used as a means of combating communism.

Type Two

18. International Interdependence

(+.662)

 

 

12. European Federations
(-.398)
10. Education
(+.37l)

l6. Importance of Foreign Relations

116

The reciprocals of Type Two are the themes of Euro-
pean Federations (l2) and International Interdependence (18).
Their association seems to stem from a specific application
of a basic assumption which the Senator believes. The as-
sumption is that "interdependence is the rule of the day,”
and the specific application of this principle is that the
European nations must “federate or perish."

The association in Senator Fulbright's thinking be-
t‘Meen the Importance of Foreign Relations (16) and Education
(10) is understandable in consideration of his statement
that education "will be the most important single factor to
influence the foreign . . . relations of this country." On
the other hand, the disassociation between Education (10)
and European Federations (12) is not readily ascertainable.
He supports both strongly. Perhaps the reason for the dis-
association then is that the latter theme does not directly
involve the American nation whereas the former theme is

directly concerned with the United States.

117

Type Three

32. Relativity in Foreign Policy

k (+.589)
33. Resistance to Change

}(+.654)

 

28. Previous Democratic Administrations

k (-.627)
25. Nuclear War

4)
ll

;\ \12. European Federation

1 \ (+.269)
| \
\

) (+.266)
\

\16. Importance of Foreign Relations

\ (+.269)

\.139. western Alliance

When Senator Fulbright speaks about American Resis-
tiilice to Change (33), he also tends to talk about the appli-
Cuat:ion of Relativity in Foreign Policy (32). Apparently, this
association in his thinking is based on a cause and effect
realationship. The effect is that Americans resist change
Partly as a result of their failure to acknowledge relativ—
‘itiy—-i.e. that there are no final and complete solutions and
that.Western principles do not "represent the common aspira-
tions of all people."

This theme of Resistance to Change (33) is reciprocal

vvl‘t:}1 the theme of Previous Democratic Administrations (28).

118

Since he is favorably disposed toward the latter but not to

the former, it seems that he is developing a contrast be—

tween the concepts expressed in these themes. Apparently,

when he thinks about his appraisal of the current attitude

of Americans toward change, he immediately tends to asso-

ciate it with periods of American History noted for their

changes .

The disassociation between the Democratic Adminis-

trations (28) and Nuclear War (25) may be plausibly explained

by the fact that it was not until the Truman Administration--

the last Democratic Administration considered in theme num—

ber 28--that Russia perfected atomic weapons and Nuclear

War (25) became a possibility. Therefore, this time factor

might account for the disassociation.

No themes cluster strongly enough with the theme of
Nuclear War (25) for this association to be depicted in Type
Three. The themes, however, with the highest correlations

Wi th the theme of Nuclear War (25) are: European Federa—

tions (12) , Importance of Foreign Relations (16) , and Western
Alliance (39) . Thus, there appears to be a slight tendency
for Fulbright to regard the possibility of a nuclear war as

a . . . .
reason for increaSing concern for foreign relations and the

n
936 for alliances within the free world to repel the opposition.

119

Type Four

21. Khrushchev

(+.577)
30. Red China
t(+.622)

l7; Inadequate Governmental Machinery

\ (-.362)
14. Frustration in International Relations

'1
}\ (+.265)

\
l ‘23. Long-Range Policy
) (+.296)

\
\

\t38. U.S. as Leader in World Relations

Two of the relationships in Type Four are difficult

tc> explain. The first is the reciprocal association between

tflie themes of Inadequate Governmental Machinery (l7) and Red

Cliina (30). On the one hand, the Senator describes the po-

teuitial power of the Chinese Communists and the ominous

tfllrweat which this power might pose. In this connection, the

association between the themes of Khrushchev (21) and Red

culiana.(30) is understandable since they are both antagonists

if) ‘the Cold War against the United States. On the other hand,

tljea Senator calls for a re-evaluation of American governmenn

tIE‘J- Imachinery which "usually shifts gears with a minimum of

£3 .
‘Ebeaeid.and a maXimum of sound." Therefore, the Senator

 

 

120

appears to be pitting strength against weakness by referring
to a specific strong threat to the United States in the form
of China in order to stimulate more serious evaluation of
the American governmental structure. While this explanation
may appear plausible here, it is not consistent with Type
One in Which the Senator disassociates the threat of Com-
munist Imperialism (5) from his discussion of specific as-
pects of the American structure of government.

The second relationship which is difficult to under—
stand is the fact that when he tends to talk about Inade-
quate Governmental Machinery for Foreign Affairs (17), he
tends not to talk about Frustration in International Rela-
tions (14). On the surface, it would seem that the former
would be a cause of the latter, and that these themes would
appear concurrently. In the definition of the theme about
frustration, however, the cause of the frustration is reputed
to be the fact that American efforts have not solved inter-
national problems. Again, he is concerned with a mental
state imputed to the American people, and perhaps this is
the reason why this theme does not occur with his discussion
of governmental machinery. The themes with which the theme

of Frustration in International Relations (14) has the

121

greatest associations also revolve around mental states of
the American people: an unwillingness to make long—range
plans (23) and a default by the United States in its role

as leader in world relations (38).

Type Five

,,1. American Moral Ineptness

// (+.328)
/ /,11, Eisenhower
l/ (+.329)

\\ 26. One Party Responsibility for Government

.\ k
\\\g\ (+.352)
\\\ \
\\\‘::—2 29. Priority of Values

1.--, 1

39. Western Alliance

fi>\\ (+.607)
\ \\ “t "-12. European Federations
\
'\ (+.567)
\

\“~18. International Interdependence

The reciprocals of Type Five cluster through a disas-
sociation. When Senator Fulbright speaks about the need for
Americans to change their Priority of Values (29), he tends
not to talk about—-i.e. disassociate it from-—a Western Al-
liance (39). On the one hand, he criticizes the attitudinal

state of the American people as being quite weak and

122

undesirable; on the other hand, he forecasts great strength
through concerted effort. Since he could not draw a picture
of the American people as being simultaneously weak and
strong, these two ideas seem to be disassociated in his
thinking.

Each reciprocal theme is further illuminated through
the themes with which it has the highest positive associa—
tions. He suggests two areas, for example, where the Ameri-
can people must examine their values. The first of these
concerns Moral Ineptness (l) or an apathetic attitude, and
Fulbright regards Eisenhower (11) as a man who cultivates
this attitude in America. The second area concerns govern-
mental structure, and Fulbright maintains that Americans
must review their values here and perhaps adopt a system of
government which permits one party to lead both the legis-
lative and executive branches of government at a given time.

The themes with which the other reciprocal has the
highest correlations are European Federations (12) and Inter-
national Interdependence (18). The association of these is
based on Fulbright's idea that the free nations of the world
are dependent on one another for security and economic

progress.

123

Type Six
+.4
7. cuba ‘F-- -— —~. 1‘ 15)
\ \
(-.587) 4K////;:6. Conservatism
-.522
35. Russian Challenge ( )
(+.522)

38. U.S. as Leader in World Relations

The relationships among all of the themes in Type
Six are relationships of disassociation. The apparent dis—
association in Fulbright's thinking between the reciprocal
themes of Cuba (7) and the Russian Challenge (35) was un-
suspected by the analyst until it appeared in the linkage
analysis. In the theme of Cuba (7) he advocates a policy of
non-intervention, and the Cuban situation is never discussed
in terms of being a part of the Cold War struggle which is
described in the theme of the Russian Challenge (35). One
plausible reason for this disassociation might be the fact
that many of the speeches analyzed were delivered before
Premier Castro announced his Communist leanings and actively
sought ties with the Soviet Union.

The theme of Conservatism (6) is associated with
Cuba (7) but is disassociated with the Russian Challenge (35).

Each of these themes contain elements of distress for

124

Fulbright. Perhaps the association is based on Fulbright's
charge that the conservatives offer "deceptively simple

solutions,‘ and one of these solutions was to eliminate the

Cuban problem' by American force,‘ a solution he considered
unwise.

The theme most highly correlated with the Russian
Challenge (35) is that of the United States as leader in
WOrld Relations (38). These are also the themes about which
he talks most frequently. Since the basic issue of American
foreign policy is American-Soviet competition, it is under-

standable that when he talks about one of the major sides in

this competition, he will also talk about the other.

Type Seven

26. One Party Responsibility for Government
((+.573)l

ll. Eisenhower

\(-.542,

31. Relationship of U.S. to Underdeveloped Nations
(+.398)
37. Trade and Tariff

References to the theme of One Party Responsibility
for Government (26) were significantly contingent upon

references to the theme of Eisenhower (11). References to

125

the theme of the Relationship of U.S. to Underdeveloped
Nations (31) were associated with references to the theme
of Trade and Tariff (37) but were disassociated with
references to the theme of Eisenhower (ll). Such negative
correlations are at least suggestive of repressions on
Fulbright's part so that he does not talk about the
Eisenhower administration when he talks about the relation-
ship of the United States with developing nations.

One reason for the association between Eisenhower
(11) and One Party Responsibility for Government (26) is
suggested by the following facts. Senator Fulbright be-
lieved quite strongly in the European principle that the
executive and legislative branches of government should be
controlled by the same political party in order to facili-
tate the smooth exercise of power. President Eisenhower's
occupancy of the White House concurrently with a Democratic
Congress conflicted with this belief. Consequently, it is
plausible to believe that the actual circumstances were
responsible for this association. Furthermore, the apparent
validity of this supposition is heightened by the fact that
the theme of One Party Responsibility (26) appears signifi-

cantly more frequently in the speeches delivered during the

126

Eisenhower administration than in those delivered during

the Kennedy administration. During the Kennedy administra-
tion” of course, there was no reason to stress the One Party
Responsibility theme because the Democratic party controlled

kmyth.the legislative and executive branches.

Type Eight

2. American Revolution

, (+.551) l

4. Colonialism

There is an inherent association between the con-
CEREths described in the themes American Revolution (2) and
Ct>l1.c>nialism (4), since the former describes a nationalistic

rea‘v’calution against colonial control.

Type Nine
15. Great Britain
I(+.534) l
36. U.S. Survival as a Nation
(+.473)
23. Long-Range Policy
(+.418)

40. WOrld Change

127

When Fulbright refers to the theme of U.S. Survival
as a Nation (36), he also tends to refer to the themes of

(areat Britain (15), Long—Term Policy (23), and World Change
(40).
Two primary inferences might be made from this
(zlxuster. First, Fulbright seems to suggest a particular
LLiJnk between the welfare of the United States and Great
firtitain. warning that American survival as a nation is not
iziesvitable, he proposes in his speeches that international
Cooperation, especially with Europe, is the key to national
Preservation. He says, "Whatever strengthens Europe,
Strengthens freedom," and he then asserts that this strength
3rea‘vwolves around England, which alone has the "political
I“Eitl‘urity for leading Europe.” Consequently, he seems to
asScnciate the national well-being of the United States to a

Strong Europe, which, in turn, is based on the leadership of

Eng land.
6““
3 Second, the Senator seems to suggest that the sur-

5&7 -

lval of the United States hinges upon the nation's accom-
Hl .

QCiation to the constant changes of the world, an accommo-

d
at ion that must be implemented through long-term planning

1:
1i§~t does not ricochet from crisis to crisis.

128

Type Ten
1. American Moral Ineptness

I (+.531) l

38. U.S. as Leader in World Relations

The association between the reciprocal themes of
American Moral Ineptness (l) and U.S. as Leader in World
LReLlations (38) might be based on a cause and effect rela—
1zix3nship. The principal idea in the former theme is that
Auneericans lack purpose and maintain an apathetic attitude
tCDVmard the rest of the world. The principal idea in the
latter theme is that the American nation has defaulted in
311253 world leadership role. Since these ideas tend to occur
together, it is reasonable to assume that Senator Fulbright
:reafiEIEards the moral ineptness as being partially responsible

for the nation's default in leadership.
Theme Adaptation tg_Audience Type

The themes of the Russian Challenge (35) and the U.S.

Ei . . . .

£3 ZIeader in world Relations (38) were emphaSized in the
as

I;"E=<eches to all four audience types: academic, business

a: ,
:r1<5i- professional, international, and political. Significant

3113
:ferences, however, occur in the emphasis accorded some

129

other themes in the speeches to specific audience types.

These differences are presented and discussed below.

Academic Audiences
Seven themes are significantly emphasized in the
sgxeeches to academic audiences. These themes are as follows:
15. Great Britain
20. Kennedy
22. Local Interests in Congress
24. National Consensus
27. Presidential Power
28. Previous Democratic Administrations
30. Red China
34. Role of the Senate
Five of these themes were shown to be associated in
5D§KE>€a One of the elementary linkage analysis. They are:
Kennedy (20), Local Interests in Congress (22), National
CC>JTl£sensus (24), Presidential Power (27), and the Role of the
sealrléate (34). The unifying concept of Type One is the Ameri-
can structure of government, and the cluster seems to con-
t:Ei~jL—In discussions both of weaknesses in this structure and of
S . .
‘:’:1—1utions for these weaknesses. The fact that Type One is
es
IIKI;>]nasized significantly before academic audiences suggests
t.
:klisl‘t the Senator may feel that the best place to stir a re-
55\r
ESLlluation of the nation's governmental machinery is amid

t.
:k1‘53 intellectual challenges of the colleges and universities.

130

Somewhat related to the five themes discussed above

is the theme of Great Britain (15), which is also emphasized

in the speeches to academic audiences. The British, he says,

are more "attuned to the compelling realities of the twen-

tiety century" than are the Americans, and he uses the Bri-

tish governmental system as a model in contrast to the
" structurally predetermined amateurism" fostered by Ameri—

can governmental institutions .

Finally, significant emphasis is accorded the themes

of Red China (30) and the Previous Democratic Administrations

of Wilson, Roosevelt, and Truman (28).

To these academic audiences, the Senator signifi-

c=a.J:'1‘l:ly refrains from discussing the themes of:

2. American Revolution

13. Foreign Aid
25. Nuclear War

The se omissions, however, are consistent with the general

trends of association of themes for the total group of

SEQ eches. Type One reveals that Fulbright always tends to

tie \emphasize the theme of Foreign Aid (13) when discussing
1:

he themes concerning the American structure of government,
a

116. Type Three reveals that the theme of Nuclear War (25)

i
3 generally not discussed when the theme of Previous

D
QItlocratic Administrations (28) is emphasized.

131

Business and Professional Audiences
In the speeches to business and professional audi-
eences, Senator Fulbright significantly accents the foreign
tzies of the United States. The themes significantly empha-
sized are:
16. Importance of Foreign Relations
25. Nuclear War
39. Western Alliance
These themes did not cluster together in any of the types
revealed through the elementary linkage analysis.

From an interpretive standpoint, the themes he de—
53n01>hasizes to these business and professional audiences are
HHCDJTG significant than the ones he emphasizes. He tends to
reErifrain from discussing six themes, five of which deal with
domestic politics:

11. Eisenhower _

24. National Consensus

27. Presidential Power

28. Previous Democratic Administrations

30. Red China
IP5i~Itrst, he avoids two themes which propose greater centrali-
2:isl‘tzion of government: National Consensus (24) and Presiden-
1:‘j~JEal Power (27). Second, a discussion of partisan politics
JLEE‘ minimized since he refers neither to the theme of Previous

EsFlirluocratic Administrations (28) nor to the theme about the

FiestlEpublican President Eisenhower (11). It is particularly

132

interesting to note that despite his intense opposition to

Eisenhower, the theme of Eisenhower (11) does not occur in

ainy'of the speeches to the business and professional audi-

ermces. This type of audience is the only one to which he

draes not criticize the former President.
The patterns that tend to evolve in speeches to the

loiisiness and professional groups, then, are: (1) an avoid-

ance of certain themes which deal with Red China and domestic
IPC>Jritics and (2) a significant emphasis on themes relating

'tCD the multifarious relations of the United States with

0 ther nations.

I nternational Audiences

In the speeches before international audiences,

three themes occur with significant frequency. They are:

18. International Interdependence
26. One Party Responsibility for Government

40. WCrld Change
7D33‘SEE first and third themes present descriptive generaliza-
t::i-<:>ns that Senator Fulbright makes about the world in
CJEa:1'1eral—«interdependence and change—-and, therefore, empha-
81 g on them might be expected for an audience composed of
hearll's‘hresentatives from many countries. The theme of One

13
Eivn=7ty Responsibility (26), however, concerns the internal

133

workings of the American government, a subject which, on
the surface, seems less likely to occur in a speech to such
aan audience. Perhaps the significant emphasis of this theme
Simggests that the Senator may have been trying to promote
uJiderstanding of the structure of the American government.
The following five themes are significantly de-
eanuphasized in the speeches to international audiences:
l4. Frustration in International Affairs
23. Long-Range Policy

20. Kennedy
31. Relationship of U.S. to Underdeveloped

Nations
37. Trade and Tariff

Ith Inay seem strange that when the Senator addressed inter-

r1Eartional audiences, he tends notto talk about the themes

c>15 the Relationship of the U.S. to Underdeveloped Nations

(33.3L) and Trade and Tariff (37), themes which directly concern
131t1sssrican relations with foreign countries. This de-emphasis,
h<:>'\n7ever, is consistent with the pattern of theme cluster
<1‘E==Escribed in Type Seven of the elementary linkage analysis.
uplillils type suggests that, generally, these two themes are not
cii~=sscussed when the theme of One Party Responsibility for
c;<:"“~J"ernment (26) is emphasized--as it is in the speeches to
1 r1 ~Iternational audiences .

Senator Fulbright also abstains from discussing the

134

themes of Frustration in International Affairs (14) and
Long-Range Policy (23) before these audiences. These two
themes are highly critical of the United States, and it is
plausible to believe that the Senator prefers to discuss
American weaknesses with American audiences while project-

ing a stronger image of the United States to an international

audience .

Po 1 itical Audiences

Four themes are significantly emphasized in the
Senator's speeches to political audiences. They are:

7. Cuba
11. Eisenhower
l4. Frustration in International Relations
32. Relativity in Foreign Policy
No two of these themes appear in the same theme cluster of
the linkage analysis so there seems to be no significant
associations among them. All of them, however, might be
e3":.E>ected to appear in a speech to a political audience. The
theme of Cuba (7) concerns a specific foreign policy problem
t . . .
hat could be assumed to be of high interest to any political
a . .
1'16. lence. It may be noted, however, that no such emphaSis
i
e accorded the theme about Berlin (3) , a similar specific

NOthing in the analysis suggests a reason for this

a -
l :E ference.

135

The theme of Eisenhower (11) contains criticism of
a president, an appropriate and expected subject for a speech
to a political audience.

Frustration in International Relations (14) is a
theme which describes an American reaction to the nation's
experiences in its relations with other countries; and the
theme of Relativity in Foreign Policy (32) suggests the
adoption of a pragmatic approach to the formulation of
foreign policy--i.e. the recognition that there are no final
solutions and that western principles are not necessarily
applicable to the entire world.

The themes which are significantly de—emphasized in
his speeches to political audiences are as follows:

12. European Federations
l6. Importance of Foreign Relations
19. Inseparability Between Domestic and
Foreign Affairs
20. Kennedy
22. Local Interests in Congress
24. National Consensus
30. Red China
34. Role of the Senate
36. U.S. Survival as a Nation
37. Trade and Tariff
39. western Alliance
40. WOrld Change
A notable observation about the lack of emphasis on certain

themes is that five of them are associated in the theme

cluster of Type One. These five themes are: Inseparability

136

Between Domestic and Foreign Affairs (19), Kennedy (20),
Local Interest in Congress (22), National Consensus (24),
and Role of the Senate (34). Consequently, it seems that
Senator Fulbright refrains from discussing the machinery of
the American government with his political audiences.
Theme Treatment Durinngifferent
Presidential Administrations

Three themes occur with significantly more frequency
in the speeches delivered during the Eisenhower administra-
tion than in those delivered during the Kennedy administra-
tion. These themes are: Inadequate Governmental Machinery
(l7), Inseparability Between Domestic and Foreign Affairs (19),
and One Party Responsibility for Government (26). These
themes are all related to the general subject of the Ameri-
can structure of government.

Thus, the analysis indicates that Senator Fulbright
was more concerned over the inadequacies of the American
governmental machinery during the Eisenhower administration.
This concern may have stemmed from (1) his evaluation of
Eisenhower as a very weak president and (2) the fact that
the Senator believed the then-existing situation of one

party controlling the executive branch of government with

137

a different party controlling the legislature was a major
weakness of government. The reason for emphasizing the
theme of One Party Responsibility for Government (26) was
alleviated when President Kennedy, a Democrat, was inaugu-
rated. Furthermore, the symbol coding indicates that
Fulbright believes Kennedy to be much stronger than Eisen—
hower, and perhaps this is another reason for the apparent
decrease in the Senator's concern over governmental ma-
chinery during the Kennedy administration.

The only theme which occurs with a significantly
greater frequency in the speeches delivered during the
Kennedy administration is the Kennedy theme (20). This
emphasis obviously stems from the fact that Senator Kennedy
did not figure more prominently than any other senator until
his candidacy and election to the presidency in the latter
part of 1960. Thus, this theme would not be expected to
appear frequently in the speeches delivered during the

Eisenhower administration.

Conclusion

This chapter described and interpreted the results
of six analytic procedures: (1) frequency analysis, (2)

symbol coding analysis, (3) contingency analysis, (4)

138

elementary linkage analysis, (5) an analysis of theme adapta—
tion to audience type, and (6) an analysis of theme treat-
ment during different presidential administrations.

The interpretations of these analyses are inferences,
and there may well be alternative interpretations possible

as to why particular phenomena occur--such as the linking

‘L‘b‘il
-—..._‘I

F; _ [imam

of themes in a particular cluster through positive or nega-

tive correlations. "But the inferences have the advantage
of resting on demonstrable verbal behavior which may even
be unconscious to the source. They do not necessarily de-

pend upon explicit statements of relation by the source."

1
I. de Sola Pool, Trends ig_Content Analysis (Ur-

bana: University of Illinois Press, 1959), P. 71.

CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUS I ONS

In Chapter One, three purposes were proposed for
this study. They were: (1) to consider the development of
Senator Fulbright as an outstanding statesman and an influ—
ential speaker, (2) to ascertain objectively and quantita-
tively his basic ideas concerning foreign policy as set
forth in his speeches, and (3) to relate these political
ideas with his biographical development. The first pur-
pose is accomplished in Chapter Two in that it provides a
brief summary of Senator Fulbright's life. The second pur-
pose is accomplished in Chapters Three, Four, and Five;
they not only define his basic ideas in terms of forty
themes but also demonstrate the cluster relationships
between these themes. The aim of this present chapter,
then, is to accomplish the third objective by stating the
basic conclusions which can be drawn from this analysis
and to relate them, wherever possible, to various aspects
of Fulbright's life.

Nine major conclusions were digested from the anal-

yses of Senator Fulbright's speeches. These are listed and

139

 

140

discussed below.

First, Senator Fulbright tends tg_b§_an_internation—

 

alist in_his approach t9_foreign policy. In 1959, Newsweek

 

 

described him with the adjective "internationally-minded,"
and the appropriateness of this label is substantiated in
this analysis.

In the first place, it was the Fulbright Resolution
in 1943 which proposed the creation of an organization for
international cooperation: this proposal ended the United
States' traditional foreign policy of isolation and paved
the way for the nation's entrance into the United Nations.
Furthermore, he perpetuates this "internationalist" image of
himself in his speeches. Stating that domestic and foreign
affairs cannot be separated, he advocates international
interdependence and stresses the need for alliances among
the western nations. In Type Nine, for example, the theme
of United States Survival (36) is positively linked with
that of Great Britain (15). Finally, the symbol coding for
"international law” reveals that he is favorably disposed

toward its referrent and considers it to be strong.

 

luA Day to Remember’ " Newsweek, LI: (February 9,
1959), p. 29-

 

 

141

To maintain that his international leanings are a
direct result of his travel and study abroad would probably
be a gross oversimplification. Nevertheless, it is plausi-
ble that this factor might have generated attitudes condu—
cive to such an approach to foreign policy.

Second, the Senator tends tg_conceive g§_American

 

II
.J

foreign policy a§_revolving around the competition between

 

 

 

iib- 'i‘fiL’ :‘

the United States and the Soviet Union. In one speech he

 

states that scarcely any measure is debated in the Senate
that is not in some way related to the struggle with the
Soviet Union." Consistent with this statement is the fact
that the nine themes which occur most frequently in his
speeches seem to stress this competition. The theme of the
Russian Challenge (35) occurs in ninety-two per cent of the
speeches and is further enlarged through the themes of Com-
munist Imperialism (5) and the threat of Nuclear War (25).
The theme of United States leadership in world relations
(38) occurs in seventy-five per cent of the speeches and is
related to three additional themes which extoll the Ameri-
can aspect of the struggle: Education (10), Foreign Aid
(13), and the need for Long Range Policy (23). Within
these themes he maintains that the struggle pervades every

aspect of national life.

142

Third, Senator Fulbright concentrates heavily pp_
the weaknesses within the United States, constantly remind-

ipg the American people p§_areas p§_national life which

 

 

should p§_improved. Only occasionally does he enlarge upon
the nation's strength. He seems to fear that satisfaction

with the status quo might lead to complacency and

 

stagnation.

In the symbol coding analysis, approximately six-
teen per cent of his references to the strength of the
"United States" associates weakness with this symbol; and
almost sixty per cent of his references to the strength of
"Americans" associates weakness with its referent. Further-
more, the themes of American Moral Ineptness (l) and Prior-
ity of Values (27) state these weaknesses explicitly.
Several other themes also are developed around areas for
improvement. Thus, the importance which he attaches to
these weaknesses is suggested by the great attention which
he gives to them. This importance is also suggested in
Type Ten of the cluster analysis when he associates the
theme of American Moral Ineptness (1) with the theme of the
United States as Leader in World Relations (38). In this

relationship, he seems to depict the psychological weakness

 

143

inherent in the former theme as the cause for a default in
world leadership by the United States.

This conclusion is not intended to imply that Ful-
bright is a prophet of doom. On the contrary, he nearly
always suggests the possibility that Americans can cope with
their problems adequately--if they will. Nevertheless, his
desire seems to be to ward off any development of compla-
cency on their part by assuring them that their survival is
not inevitable and that to fail to improve is to stagnate.

Fourth, concern about the governmental machinery pf_

the United States i§.evident ip_the Senator's speeches, and

 

 

p§_tends pp_favor greater centralization pf_government ip_

 

 

the framing p£_foreiqn pplicy.

 

Six themes are directly concerned with the problem
of improving the governmental structure of the United States
and its distribution of power. These themes are: Democracy:
a Difficult Form of Government (8), Inadequate Governmental
Machinery (17), Local Interests in Congress (22), One Party
Responsibility (26), Presidential Power (27), and the Role
of the Senate (34). These themes, which cluster in Type
One, maintain that the current governmental structure hampers

an effective implementation of foreign relations. They

 

144

propose that the problems be solved by; (1) increasing the
power of the President in making foreign policies and (2)
providing that the legislative and executive branches of
government be controlled by the same political party at a
given time. He compares the American structure of govern-
ment with that of Great Britain and seems to favor certain
aspects of the latter.

Fifth, Fulbright tends pp_propose a_praqmatic for-

 

eign ppligy that i§_based pp_a_theory pf_relativity. The

 

Senator advocates this principle of relativity as a basis
for developing foreign policy and criticizes the American
people for their reluctance to accept change and situations
which are different from those to which they are accustomed.
That he himself acts on the basis of such a princi-
ple is suggested in the statement by Holmes Alexander that
was quoted earlier:
Today Senator J. William Fulbright holds the same amoral,
unflinching, unsentimental stethoscope to the heart of
international affairs. He tries to find out what the
situation truthfully is. After that--whatever works is
right.2

That he tends to hold an "amoral. . .stethoscope to the

heart of international affairs" is suggested by the symbol

 

2 -
Holmes Alexander, "A Senator Who Does Right as He
Sees It," Los Angeles Times (August 27, 1960).

(A)

(T)

1

145

coding analysis which indicates a reluctance on the Sena-
tor's part to associate judgments of morality with symbols.
Perhaps one contributing factor to this restraint is his
experience as a Rhodes Scholar when his travels taught him
"something of the world's vast variety of political and
religious beliefs."3

Furthermore, this idea of relativity must also be
predicated on the acceptance of continuous change. Ful—
bright not only regards change as an inevitable process but
he also considers it to be a strong and desirable force, as
is shown by the symbol coding.

Sixth, Senator Fulbright tends pp_talk about broad

 

 

philospphical gpidelines pp_which foreign policy should p§_

founded rather than pp_ta1k about specific incidents and

 

specific contemporary ppoblems. He raises many questions.
He may suggest a general direction for answering the ques—
tion. But he seldom offers a specific solution.

One reason for this phenomenon is that he distin-
guishes quite carefully between the roles of the executive

and the legislature in the exercising of foreign relations.

 

3 .
Beverly Smith, Jr., "Egghead from the Ozarks,"
Saturday Evening Post, CCXII (May 2, 1959), p. 116.

146

The president has the prerogative, and the responsibility,
of initiating specific policies; the role of the legisla-
ture is to advise and to offer guidelines on which specific
policies can be formulated. Consequently, he refrains from
elaborating on specific problems. Of the forty themes,
only two--Berlin (3) and Cuba (7)—-deal with specific prob-
lems, and these rank thirty—ninth and thirty-first respec-
tively in the rank order of frequency of occurrence.
Seventh, Fulbright advocates a_much greater empha-

sis on education than i£_presently receives ip_the United

 

 

 

States. His emphasis might be expected in view of the fact
that most of his early career was spent in the educational
arena-~i.e. as Rhodes Scholar, teacher at George Washington
University, and professor and president of the University
of Arkansas. Another reason for this emphasis is that his
chief concern in foreign policy seems to be the struggle
with Russia, and he states that the main challenge of
Russia is intellectual.

Furthermore, Type Two exhibits a positive associa-
tion between the themes of Education (10) and the Importance
of Foreign Affairs (16). This association of themes and

his proposal of the Fulbright Scholarships demonstrate his

 

 

A

147

belief that education facilitates the international under-
standing necessary for the successful pursuit of coopera-
tive international relations. To the Senator, it is the
restraining force which can prevent the committing of sui—
cide by mankind.

Eighth, the Senator from Arkansas seems pp_p§_very

 

 

much pro-British. According to the results of the symbol
coding analysis, he is favorably disposed to Great Britain
and estimates that country to be very strong. He maintains
that the British are politically mature and that their for-
eign policy is frequently more attuned to the realities of
the twentieth century than is that of the United States.
In a comparison of governmental structures, he advocates
that the United States adopt some aspects of the British
system, such as one party control over both the legislature
and the executive branches. Finally, the theme cluster in
Type Nine indicates that he associates Great Britain with
the survival of the United States as a nation.

Ninth, Senator Fulbright adapts the content p£_hi§
speeches pg particular audience types. His technique for

doing this in campaign speeches is to let the audience ask

148

questions. In more formal situations, he decides exactly
what will be his subject matter.

In this study, his audiences were divided into four
classifications, and the content of the speeches for each
type was analyzed. While the major themes of the Russian
Challenge (35) and the United States as Leader in World
Affairs (38) are emphasized in the speeches to all groups,
subtle differences in emphasis before particular groups do
appear.

For the academic audiences, the Senator signifi-
cantly concentrates on discussions of the governmental
structure of the United States. For the political audi-
ences, however, such discussions are significantly omitted.

The importance and ramifications of foreign policy
are the focal points in the speeches to the business and
professional audiences. Themes about domestic politics and
the structure of government were deemphasized significantly.

Finally, interdependence in a rapidly changing
world is the underlying idea which is stressed before the
international audiences; and Fulbright refrains from dis-
cussing internal American weaknesses with this audience

type.

149

Summary

The focal point of this study was an analysis of
the themes in twenty-four speeches on foreign policy by
Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas. In order to imple-
ment this thematic analysis, six analytic procedures were
utilized. (1) A frequency analysis indicated which themes
tend to appear in most of his speeches. (2) A symbol coding
analysis revealed his attitudes toward important concepts
in the themes. (3) A contingency analysis revealed signi-
ficant associations between any two themes. (4) Elementary
linkage analysis exhibited the cluster patterns among
themes. (5) Frequency analysis indicated Fulbright's rela-
tive stress and de—emphasis of particular themes to each
of four audience types--i.e. audience adaptation. (6) A
final frequency analysis showed differences in his treatment
of themes under the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations.
The end result was a clarification of Senator Fulbright's

basic ideas concerning foreign policy.

 

150

Suggestions for Further Study

 

Suggestions for further study lie in two areas.
The first concerns Fulbright himself. Since he has just
been reelected to the Senate, his ideas will continue to be
important in regard to foreign policy, and later analyses
of these ideas will be appropriate. Furthermore, having

examined Fulbright's ideas as they are expressed in his

 

speeches, an analyst may wish to examine the manner in
which Senator Fulbright implements these ideas into action.
Finally, the language and rhetorical style of Fulbright's
speeches are rich and would merit extensive study.

The secondauea for further research concerns the
method of thematic analysis as an instrument for the anal-
ysis of speeches. Audience adaptation is one of the focal
points in the teaching of public speaking; yet little
quantitative investigation has been done in this area. This
study has indicated that the method of quantitative thematic
analysis can be useful in studying the differences in the-
matrc'treatment before different kinds of audiences. Perhaps
this method can be enlarged and refined to add to current

knowledge about audience adaptation by speakers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Berelson, Bernard. Content Analysis ip_Communication
Research. New York: American Book—-Stratford
Press, Inc., 1952.

de Sola Pool, Ithiel. Trends ip_Content Analysis.
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Key, V. 0., Jr. Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups.
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Lasswell, H. D., LerneL,David, and de Sola Pool, Ithiel.
The Comparative Study pf_Symbols. Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1952.

Lasswell, H. D., Leites, N., and associates. Language pf_
Politics. New York: The Cornwall Press, Inc.,

1949.

Lerner, D" and Lasswell, H. D. The Policy Sciences.
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Reid, L. First Principles p§_Public Speaking. Columbia,
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Alexander, Holmes. "A Senator Who Does Right as He Sees
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151

152

"As Fulbright Sees U. 8. Policy Abroad," g, g, News and
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Beatty, Jerome. "Washington's Cleanup Man,“ American
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"Fulbright's Five Year Plan," Christian Science Monitor
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Kloss, Gerald. "The Senate's Mr. Scholarship," Milwaukee
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Unpublished Material

Broadhurst, A. R. "A Thematic Analysis and Rhetorical Study

of the Sermons of Dr. Norman Vincent Peale." Un-
published Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State Univer-
sity, 1961.

Interviews on several occasions with Parker westbrook,
Patrick Fleming, and other members of the Fulbright
staff.

ICHIGAN STATE UNIV. LzaRnRIEs
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