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THE ADMSMSTRAHVE STRATEGEES

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Marginal Man With a Marginal M‘,

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Ambrose Caliver, Black Adminis 1

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Peyton S. Hutchison

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ABSTRACT
MARGINAL MAN WITH A MARGINAL MISSION: A
STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE STRATEGIES
OF AMBROSE CALIVER, BLACK ADMINISTRATOR
OF NEGRO AND ADULT EDUCATION, THE

UNITED STATES OFFICE OF EDUCATION,
1930-1962

BY

Peyton S. Hutchison

This research is an inquiry into the administrative
and survival strategies of Dr. Ambrose Caliver, a Black
United States Office of Education mid-level official
responsible for two marginal causes, Negro and adult edu-
cation. Committees, commissions, conferences, workshops,
programs, surveys and projects which were organized,
directed or chaired by Dr. Caliver, resulted in improved
educational opportunities for Negroes and adults, two
marginal missions. Among Dr. Caliver's many activities
and responsibilities were the radio program "Freedom's
People," the National Commission on Literacy, the National
Advisory Committee on the Education of Negroes, the
National Survey of Vocational and Educational Guidance of
Negroes, the National Commission for Adult Literacy, the

Project for Literacy Education of Negroes and the

Peyton S. Hutchison

presidency of the Adult Education Association, United
States of America.

Special attention was devoted to Dr. Caliver's
administrative behavior during his tenure with the USOE
from 1930 to 1972. One of his unique contributions
related specifically to strategies of value to members of
minorities who seek legitimate goals within established
bureaucratic organizations.

Dr. Caliver was the first Black professional
person to be appointed to a permanent position in the
USOE. As a pioneer, he not only contributed to Negro and
adult education, but he also employed a variety of strate-
gies which enabled him to survive for over 31 years as a
Federal bureaucrat. The result of his experiences, and
the methods he employed to surmount obstacles to his
survival and success, have significant implications for
racial and other minorities who seek specific but legiti-
mate goals.

This study investigated: (1) the role of Dr.
Caliver in the improvement of Negro education during the
years 1930-1962, (2) his role in the development of adult
education programs during the same period, (3) problems
encountered by Dr. Caliver and his general behavior toward
them as a racial minority employee serving in a large,
majority group controlled, racially biased bureaucratic

governmental institution, and (4) strategies employed by

Peyton S. Hutchison

Dr. Caliver necessary for his survival for a 31 year
period in the USOE.

Data for the inquiry was obtained principally from
Dr. Caliver's publications, addresses and correspondence;
from interviews and correspondence with his former associ-
ates and acquaintances, from his wife, from government
documents and from library and archive sources.

Aside from his contributions to the fields of
Negro and adult education, the primary contribution of
Dr. Caliver toward the achievement of equal opportunities
for minorities seeking legitimate goals was the series of
strategies necessary for minority leadership which he
devised and employed and which enabled him to work within
an established governmental institution for an extended
period with noticeable success. While Dr. Caliver was a
mid-level administrator assigned to enhance Negro and
adult education, he realized that it was essential,
because of his marginality and marginal mission, that he
develop and implement special methods and techniques to
overcome obstacles in order to achieve desired goals.

Dr. Caliver developed a variety of special strat-
egies to c0pe with different circumstances. He had the
skill and desire to work with people and organizations
to resolve issues and problems. He demonstrated many
qualities and characteristics necessary for effective

leadership. As a Black man, Dr. Caliver recognized that

Peyton S. Hutchison

special leadership qualities and characteristics would be
required for success and survival.

Although Dr. Caliver occupied a unique position
in the USOE for many years, originally having been
appointed to the position of Specialist in the Education
of Negroes, he made other contributions to the Federal
education agency. They are (1) education for the aging,

(2) public school desegregation, (3) literacy education,

(4) life long education, (5) contributions to international
education and (6) contributions to secondary and higher
education.

The results of this inquiry should lead to an
increased awareness of the many significant contributions
of Dr. Caliver to the establishment of effective strategies
necessary to survive in a seemingly untenable environment.
It should provide information essential to minority indi-
viduals and groups which are desirous of achieving legiti-
mate goals through effective and quality leadership.

The evidence discovered as a result of the inquiry
determined that a minority individual who wishes to realize
Specific goals can, with the implementation of effective
strategies, provide leadership to obtain sought goals.
Through his training, experience and superior ability,
coupled with his unusual talent for discovering, developing

and implementing appropriate strategies, Dr. Caliver was

Peyton S. Hutchison

able to cope with difficult situations which resulted from
his race and his mission.

Many of the problems created by the lack of ade-
quate minority leadership could be resolved, and more pro-
gress realized, if knowledgeable and qualified minority
leadership, determined to work within the established
system of government, were prepared and available to fur-
nish that leadership.

Among the conclusions resulting from this inquiry
are: (1) that minorities must work within the established
system of government if their goals are to be achieved,
(2) that minorities must realize the consequence of their
action, (3) that minorities need to develop special strat-
egies to improve the likelihood of achieving goals,

(4) that minorities need support from within and outside
the organization, (5) that minorities have a clear under-
standing of the possible cost or personal penalties of
performing such roles, (6) that minorities require more
latitude than their white counterparts, (7) that white
administrators who hire minorities should have a clear
recognition of problems and concerns of minority personnel,
(8) that white administrators should attempt to delineate
where changes could be made andwhere difficulties are
likely to be encountered, and (9) that white adminis-
trators, not wishing to change the existing structure,

should not hire minority personnel.

MARGINAL MAN WITH A MARGINAL MISSION: A
STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE STRATEGIES
OF AMBROSE CALIVER, BLACK ADMINISTRATOR
OF NEGRO AND ADULT EDUCATION, THE
UNITED STATES OFFICE OF EDUCATION,
1930-1962

BY

.95
Peyton ST Hutchison

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
College of Education

1975

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writer is deeply indebted to his Doctoral
Committee Chairman, Professor Russell J. Kleis. His
patience, graciousness, concern and wise counsel are very
much appreciated.

Gratitude is also due the members of the Doctoral
Committee: Doctors Clyde Campbell, Richard Featherstone
and James B. McKee, for their confidence, support and
encouragement.

Gratitude is extended to Dr. Edward Warner Brice,
former USOE administrator, and Dr. John F. Holden, Director
of the Graduate School, 0.8. Department of Agriculture,
for their valuable assistance. He wishes to express appre-
ciation to Mrs. Mary Jane Kruse and Mrs. Frances Chambliss
of the Adult Education Office, Detroit Public Schools, and
to Mrs. Faye Johnson and Mrs. Lauretta Travis of the
Chicago Urban Skills Institute, City Colleges of Chicago,
for their assistance in many valuable ways.

He is indebted to Mr. Ray Ferrier, Divisional
Director, Department of Adult Education and Summer Schools,
Detroit Public Schools and to Mr. Oscar Shabat, Chancellor,

City Colleges of Chicago, for their interest and

ii

encouragement. The author is also indebted to the Mott
Foundation which awarded him a graduate study fellowship.
To his late parents, who were interested in his
educational success, the writer is deeply appreciative.
Most importantly, the writer is grateful to his
wife, Betty, for her confidence, encouragement, under-
standing and sacrifices. He also wishes to thank his
three children, Peyton, Jr., Allison and Jonathan for their
numerous sacrifices while Daddy was busy with school and

home work.

iii

CHAPTER

I.

II.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . .
The Problem . . . . . . . . . . .
Questions Investigated . . . . . .
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . .
Definition of Terms . . . . . . .
Significance of Study . . . . . .
Limitations of Study . . . . . . .
Structure of Dissertation . . . .

smary O O O O O O O O O O O I 0

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . .

Formal and Informal Organizations--

An Overview . . . . . . . . . .
Organizational Theory . . . . . .
Role Theory . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary of Role Theory . . . . . .
Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . .
Concept of Marginality . . . . . .
Marginal Mission--Adult Education
The Case of E. Frederick Morrow .

iv

Page

a u: re H

U'l

10
12
13
14
16

16

16
19
24
27
28
39
44
48

CHAPTER Page
Cases of Other Blacks . . . . . . . . . . 52

The Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

III. BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF DR. AMBROSE CALIVER . . . . 59
The Caliver Family . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

The Early Life of Caliver . . . . . . . . 60

Marriage and Early Professional Years . . 63
A Career of Leadership . . . . . . . . . . 66
Awards and Recognition . . . . . . . . . . 67
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

IV. THE TENOR OF THE NATION: 1930-1962 . . . . . . 70
The Pre-Roosevelt Period . . . . . . . . . 70
The Roosevelt Years, 1933-1945 . . . . . . 73
The Truman Years, 1945-1952 . . . . . . . 81
The Eisenhower Years, 1952-1960 . . . . . 88
The Kennedy Years, 1960-1963 . . . . . . . 94
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
V. THE UNITED STATES OFFICE OF EDUCATION . . . . 100
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
The USOE 1867-1930 . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
The National Advisory Committee . . . . . 104
Other Agency Cooperation . . . . . . . . . 109

Placement of the USOE in Federal
Government 1867-1962 . . . . . . . . . . 110

Federal Government Involvement in
Negro Education Prior to 1930 . . . . . 112

CHAPTER

VI.

DR.

Page

Negro Education in the USOE,
1930-1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119

The USOE--Finances . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Leadership in the USOE . . . . . . . . . . 124
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
CALIVER, THE ADMINISTRATOR . . . . . . . . 130
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
Brief Review of Dr. Caliver's Life . . . . 131
The Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Decisiveness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
Sense of Purpose and Direction . . . . . . 139
Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Integrity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Teaching Skills . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Technical Mastery . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
Faith . . . . . .'. . . . . . . . . . . . 161
Friendliness and Affection . . . . . . . . 166
Energy and Enthusiasm . . . . . . . . . . 169
Initiative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Empathy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Responsibility and Perseverance . . . . . 180
Courage and Creativity . . . . . . . . . . 183
Imperturbability . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
Conflict Management . . . . . . . . . . . 189

Loyalty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194

vi

CHAPTER Page
Intelligence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201

VII. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS . . . . . . 204
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204

Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210

Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220

APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . .4. . . . . . . . . . . . 233

vii

CHAPTER I

OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

Introduction

 

For many years the writer has been concerned with
interpersonal and intergroup problems, especially those of
a racial nature, which confront the citizens of this
country. He feels that broad and representative leader-
ship, specifically leadership from both minority and
majority groups, is essential to national harmony. At
the same time, he is aware of the many inequities and
injustices of our society which have usually negatively
affected the country's largest racial minority, its
Negroes. The writer, it should be made clear, does not
advocate a separate or special set of rules or regulations
to which Negroes or any minority should adhere. He does
believe, however, that all minorities should have equal
opportunity in every phase of the nation's life.

Quality and effective leadership in social insti-
tutions is most essential in achieving this goal; however,
it must be recognized that historically and traditionally,
America has been negligent in using the leadership serv-
ices of qualified minority citizens. It has been common,

1

moreover, that when a minority person was employed in such
an institution he has been expected, and probably has been
accustomed, to act out roles which tended to denigrate

and dehumanize him. Because only limited numbers of
Americans of minority status have occupied leadership
positions, and because of the frequent denigration of
those who have done so, minority groups have become the
victims of prolonged and unjustified inequality and under-
representation.

Currently there is considerable concern regarding
the seemingly militant demeanor prevalent among almost
every stratum of minority cultures. Careful and unbiased
examination suggests that members of these subcultures are
attempting, through sometimes legitimate and sometimes
illegitimate means, to secure the elusive American dream
of freedom, human rights, respect and equal opportunity.

The problems of how people, differing in race--or
in religion, sex or nationality--can live together amicably,
creatively and on an equal basis, either as members of
the community or in institutions, is one of several vital
questions American society must resolve if the country is
to experience reasonable tranquility. That minorities
should be given equal opportunities to participate in the
commonplace activities of the day, as well as have a

voice in decision and policy making, is a major concern of

sensitive public officials, professional educators, ordi-
nary laymen and social scientists.

The ubiquitous problem of minorities has special
significance to national, professional and public insti-
tutions. Therefore, this study has investigated the long
career of Dr. Ambrose Caliver, a Black professional man in
a Federal government agency. Its focus has been upon
administrative and position-related strategies of a Black
leader. It has sought answers to several questions of
-theoretical importance and of special interest to the
investigator and, hopefully, to those persons interested
in minority-majority relationships in major American

institutions.

The Problem

 

The task of this study has been to investigate the
adaptive and leadership strategies employed by Dr. Ambrose
Caliver, a Black administrator of Negro and adult edu-
cation in the United States Office of Education from 1930
to 1962. The study has been based on an assumption that
his strategies have implications for other minority per-
sons who are employed in similar hierarchies. It has been
an attempt to understand Dr. Caliver's behavior and, based
on that understanding, to observe what was unique about
his behavior and how he functioned as a minority persons in
a majority (white) dominated Federal establishment. The

central purpose of the study has been to draw from a

minority person's (Caliver's) adaptive and leadership

strategies lessons which may be of worth to minority per-

sons, and those who may be interested in minority persons,

who occupy similar positions in institutional hierarchies.

were:

Questions Investigated

 

The primary questions investigated in this study

What adaptive and leadership strategies did Dr.
Caliver utilize in his role as Specialist in the
Education of Negroes, as well as in related roles,
during his tenure as an administrator in the
United States Office of Education?

Which of the strategies (adaptive and leadership)
employed by Dr. Caliver seem to be directly
related to his minority status?

What kinds of administrative strategies employed
by Dr. Caliver appear to have been most successful?
What lessons can be learned from this study of

Dr. Caliver's tenure as a minority professional
person in a majority dominated hierarchy which
would have value to other minority persons in
similar situations, and to those who are inter-

ested in these problems?

Procedures

 

This was a descriptive and analytical study of the
life and work of Dr. Ambrose Caliver during his 31 year
career as a United States Office of Education middle
echelon administrator. It was partly historical, partly
behavioral and partly biographical in character since the
investigator viewed Dr. Caliver from several perspectives
during his long tenure at the Office of Education in order
to better understand the man, his contributions and his
administrative strategies. It was a case study of leader—
ship behavior, of how a man functioned in an organization.
It was a study of a minority man dealing with minority
problems, Negro and adult education, in a majority domi-
nated formal organization devoted principally to other
problems.

To complete this study required that data be
secured principally from Dr. Caliver's papers and pub-
lications, from interviews and correspondence with his
former associates, his wife and other persons in whom he
confided and anumber of other persons with whom he was
acquainted. Additional data were secured from the Office
of Education Library, the Library of Congress, the Michigan
State University Library, the National Archives and other
appropriate sources including government documents and

newspaper articles.

A review of the literature in appropriate fields
and subjects was undertaken in order to provide a proper
theoretical and practical background for the study. That
review also yielded a set of twenty qualities and character-

istics which gave structure and direction to the study.

Definition of Terms

 

Requisite to an approach to the study was the
necessity to define several terms which appeared in the
study. The terms requiring definition are "Negro,"
"Black,” "socially tolerable,” "minority," "strategy" and

"United States Office of Education."

Negro

The importance of determining race did not become
important until the Colonial period, when questions arose
regarding both the social and legal status of offspring
resulting from unions of whites and Negroes. These unions
usually took place outside marriage and, therefore, were
illegal.

Many attempts have been made to define the term
"Negro." For example, in 1910 the State of Virginia con-
sidered a person with one-sixteenth (1/16) Negro blood to
be legally a Negro. In 1930 the same State considered any

person "where there is any ascertainable quantum whatever

of Negro blood as legally a Negro."1 Pettigrew posits that
in the United States the social definition of the term
"Negro" is "anyone with one known Negro ancestor regardless
of how Caucasian one's genes may be in origin."2 "The
category 'Negro' as used in census publications . . . is
merely a rough estimate of the person's social identity in
his local community."3
Although race can be defined legally, biologically
and anthropologically, the term "Negro," as used in this
study, refers to the ”general conception of a Negro in the
United States . . . (a person) with enough African blood
to be identified on sight as not being white, or one who,
although fair enough to be thought white, identifies him-

self as a Negro."4

Black

Although the term "Black” seems to be of more
recent vintage as well as being more popular at this time,
the definitions which apply to "Negro" are also applicable

to the term ”Black;" the latter term is used here as

 

1Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago: William Benton
Publisher), Vol. 16, p. 1681

2Thomas Pettigrew, Profile of the Negro American
(New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1964), p. 71.

3Johh P. Davis (ed.), The Amerigan Negro Reference
Book (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966). P. 96.

4Ebony Editors, The Negro Handbook (Chicago: John-
son Publishing Company, Inc.), p. 3.

 

 

 

synonymous and interchangeable with the designation of

”Negro."

Socially Tolerable

In the struggle for fairness in American society,
minorities have sometimes found it necessary to resort to
unconventional strategies in pursuit of their goals. In
this study the term "socially tolerable" refers to those
activities and behaviors of minorities which are designed
to obtain equity, which are generally not favored or
approved by the majority of society, but because of the
legitimacy of the objectives, are reluctantly tolerated by

the majority.

Strategy

The term "strategy," is conceived in operational
terms. The goals or anticipated results become, therefore,
the target at which a strategy is directed. "Strategy
involves the art of executing an overall design for
action."1 Whether strategies are spontaneous, preplanned
or calculated, an essential element in their success is
the ability of the planner to adapt them to the environ-
ment, which may not be stable. In this study the term
"strategy" refers to "any specific utilization of the

resources under the control of the planner" or

 

1James A. Geschwender (ed.), Black Revolt: Strat-
ggies of Protest (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,
71), p. v11.

 

 

". . . plans chosen by the decision-maker as a means of

obtaining the objectives, in spite of the obstacles."1

United States Office of
Education

In this study the term "United States Office of
Education" (USOE), refers to the Federally established
governmental agency that is responsible for the collection,
analysis and dissemination of such "statistics and facts as
shall show the condition of education,"2 as well as provide
leadership and consultative services to qualified educa-
tional agencies and organizations. The definition which
applies to "United States Office of Education" is appli-
cable to the abbreviations "USOE" and "OE," which are used
here as synonymous and interchangeable with the term

"United States Office of Education."

Minority

The term "minority" or "minority group" refers to
an individual or group who is distinguished in one or more
respects from most members of a population. Such persons
and groups, by reason of their distinguishing character-
istics, are frequently not permitted to belong or fully

participate in processes or activities available to other

 

1Franklin H. Sweet, Strate ic Plannin (Austin:
Bureau of Research, University 0 Texas, , p. 4.

2Harry Kursh, The United States Office of Edu-
cation (Philadelphia: Chilton Books, 1965), p. 10.

 

10

segments of the population. The term "minority" implies
that there is a designated larger group; it also implies
that the minority individual or minority group is, or may
be, subject to discrimination and prejudice based solely

on the minority status.

Significance of the Study

 

There is considerable literature written by cur-
rent Black and white writers who have examined the prob-
lems, status and concerns of Americans of minority posi-
tion: however, although the writers address problems of
import, it appears that relatively little has been pro-
duced by these writers which addressed the area of minority
leadership. Stated differently, current writers seem to
have not spoken to the important issue of how members of
minorities may attempt, through widely acceptable means,
to provide leadership within the system or establishment,
as opposed to unacceptable means, of securing positions of
leadership and power.

In view of this situation, coupled with phenomenal
changes which are occurring in our society, produced
partly by minority demands for a share of society's bene-
fits and power as well as recognition of these omissions by
some persons able to correct unjust situations, a logical
outcome was to emphasize the need and value of a study of

this nature.

11

One of the problems in almost every facet of
American society today including education, government and
industry, is: How do minorities obtain substantive and
meaningful participation in the decision making processes
of our society. Crucial decisions, which significantly
affect the lives of all the nation's minorities, not to
the exclusion of the larger society, are being reached
constantly. Therefore, if all segments of American society
are to obtain legitimate goals within the framework of
existing democratic and societal structures, it becomes
imperative that a significant number of the justifiable
interests of minorities be represented by skillful,
capable Negro leadership.

This study has attempted to discover how a member
of a racial minority survived for 31 years in a Federal
establishment and was able to advance, resolve major prob-
lems and make a valuable contribution to American edu-
cation.

The results of this investigation should lead to a
greater appreciation, and a more intelligent understanding,
of the multiple problems which confronted minority leaders
between 1930 and the early 19603. In addition, enlighten-
ment regarding strategies and techniques employed by
Dr. Caliver as a bureaucrat for more than three decades
should, from a practical point of view, benefit future

leaders of minority status for it was assumed that the

12

strategies employed by Dr. Caliver may, with modification,

be useful to them in their pursuit of personal and official

goals.

Further, the study has sought to provide data of

value regarding the life of an outstanding Negro educator

and pioneer since, to the writer's knowledge, there are no

comprehensive studies of Dr. Caliver's life and contri-

butions.

(1)

(2)

(3)

Limitations of the Study
The study was restricted due to the death of many of
Dr. Caliver's peers and acquaintances. Further, an
inability to contact certain persons acquainted with
Dr. Caliver or the failure of others to respond to
written communications limited the availability of
personal testimony, a very important source of data
for such a study.
The writer recognizes that a modicum of authenticity
and reality may have been lost due to the differences
in the sociotemporal setting of Dr. Caliver's life and
the life span of the writer.
Although Ordway Tead's list of leadership qualities
was employed as the primary model against which to
analyze Dr. Caliver's behavior, neither his or a
similar list would be totally conclusive. Further,

it is recognized that any attempt to compare a Black

13

administrator's qualities to a list of characteristics
not specifically developed to address Black leadership

qualities will limit the study.

Structure of the Dissertation

 

This chapter has identified a conceptual framework
as well as several specific questions which form the basis
for subsequent chapters.

The remaining chapters focus on Dr. Caliver, the
setting within which he worked, and his 31 years as a Black
administrator in the United States Office of Education. In
Chapter II a review of organizational literature, role
theory, leadership and related written material is pre-
sented and a set of more specific research concerns are
presented. Chapter III presents a brief biographical
sketch of Dr. Caliver. A review of the nation's major
problems and concerns, emphasizing those events which were
of particular significance to Negroes between 1930 and 1962,
are addressed in Chapter IV. Chapter V presents a review
of the development of the United States Office of Education
from 1867 to 1972. It discusses a number of the problems
experienced by the educational agency during that period.
The chapter also discusses the appointment of Dr. Caliver
to the position of Specialist in the Education of Negroes,
and many of the problems Dr. Caliver experienced as a

Black Federal employee.

14

Chapter VI provides a model of a Black adminis-
trator in the context of a Federal agency. Consideration
is given to several characteristics of Dr. Caliver and
the strategies be employed during his long Office of Edu-
cation career which enabled him to survive and contribute
to his major concerns, Negro and adult education. Chapter
VII contains a summary of the paper, conclusions reached
and implications for minorities, for other leaders and for
further research. In addition, the chapter considers
several matters which seemed to have created problems for
Dr. Caliver during his tenure with the United States Office

of Education.

Summary

It was pointed out in this chapter that effective
minority leadership, traditionally lacking in most social
institutions, is essential for the national welfare.

Several questions have been posed relative to the
leadership strategies of Dr. Ambrose Caliver, a Black
administrator of Negro and adult education in the USOE
from 1930 to 1962, on the assumption that his leadership
and position-related strategies might have implications
for other members of minorities.

It was felt that although problems and concerns of
minorities had been addressed in the literature, there
appeared to be a dearth of material that dealt with the

important issue of how minorities may attempt, through

15

widely acceptable means, to provide leadership from within
government and other institutions.

This study has viewed Dr. Caliver from several
perspectives in order to better understand the total man.
Data were secured from several sources which included

interviews, correspondence, his papers and publications and

from other sources.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

 

The review of the literature for this investigation
centered on organizational theory, role theory, effective
leadership characteristics and marginal enterprises.
Searches were made into related literature for the purpose
of enabling the investigator to understand the role and
behavior of a minority person pursuing marginal missions
in a large organizational structure.

Formal and Informal Organizations--
An Overview

 

Organizations are social units (or human groupings)
deliberately cogstructed and reconstructed to seek
specific goals.

To attempt to examine an individual or his behav-
ior apart from his environment might be termed an unreal-
istic task for it is known that neither an individual nor
a social phenomenon exists or occurs in isolation. There~

fore, the social environment as well as the individual

must be studied if the examination is to be reality based.

 

1Talcott Parsons, Structure and Process in Modern
Societies (New York: The Free Press, 1960), p. 17.

 

16

17

Dr. Ambrose Caliver, the subject of this study,
was employed for over 31 years in the USOE, a formal orga-
nization, which, as are all organizations, is a social
grouping. We shall first briefly discuss the formal
organization. This will be followed by a few remarks
relative to informal organizations and social groups.

Formal organization is interpreted to mean a group
of persons who "perform distinct but interrelated and
coordinated functions in order that one or more tasks can
be completed."1 They are characterized as havingfour
dimensions which are (1) specialization, (2) a hierarchy
of authority, (3) a system of rules and (4) a system of
impersonal relationships. Griffiths adds that the product
or service of a formal organization, to maintain its
existence, must be perceived by the larger public as being
of value to society.2

The assumption that formal organizations, because
of their structure, have within them no other social
systems is grossly misleading. All formal organizations
have within, and often between them, informal organizations
which can be described as "systems of interpersonal

relations."3 These systems coalesce not only to affect

decisions and conduct within the formal organizations but

 

1Daniel E. Griffiths, Administrative Theory (New
York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1959), p. 81.

2 3

 

Ibid., p. 77. Ibid., p. 84.

18

also to influence broader social policy. The informal
organization is powerful and does affect the behavior of
some or all of the persons working in any formal orga-
nization. These informal organizations, or "whirlpools"
as Daniel Griffithsl terms them, are in constant change
and, as an internal or external force, do affect the
functioning of an enterprise. Further, in formal orga-
nizations, people sometimes voluntarily come together
purely for social purposes and from these associations
informal groups may develop.

We have attempted to point out that no organiza-
tion can, nor can its personnel, exist in isolation or in
a vacuum, that social forces are always present and affect
the production or behavior of that membership. Chapin
sums up the essential character of a social organization
in this manner:

A social organization is an organized pattern of the
attitudes and behaviors of the members of the group
that stands out as a configuration against a field

of culture. It consists of segments of individuals'

behaviors organized ingo a system, and not of whole
individuals or groups.

1Ernest S. Griffiths, The Impasse of Democracy
(New York: Harrison-Hilton, 1939). p. 182.

2F. Stuart Chapin, Contemporary American Insti-
tutions--ASociological Analysis (New York: Harper and
Brothers Publishers, 1935), p. 412.

19

Organizational Theory

 

The concepts ”power" and "authority" have been
defined in various ways and are frequently used to convey
meanings identical to the notions of ”control" and "influ-
ence."

Weber defines power as, "The probability that one
actor within a social relationship will be in position to
carry out his own will despite resistance," while he
defines authority as "the probability that certain specific
commands from a given source will be obeyed by a given
group of persons."1

Etzioni2 agrees that power is primarily the
capacity or the ability to obtain or exercise control and
further, it is the influence of one person to insure
actions or behavior of others which are in agreement with
his individual objectives.

Coleman, in Resources for Social Change, claims

 

power to be ". . . position in society having as much

power over one's own life and over community and national

3

actions as other citizens." The latter definition is con-

siderably broader than those previously discussed.

 

1Max Weber, The Theory_9f Social and Economic Orga-
nization, A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (trans.) and
TaIcott Parsons (ed.) (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1947). p. 152.

2Amitai Etzioni, A Comparative Analysis of Complex
Organizations (New York: The Free Press, 1961).

3James 8. Coleman, Resources for Social Change
(New York: Wiley Interscience, 1971). P.41}

 

 

 

 

20

Reinhold Niebuhr noted that:
It may be possible, though it is never easy, to
establish just relations between individuals within
a group purely by moral and rational suasion and
accommodation. In inter-group relations this is
practically an impossibility. The relations between
groups must therefore always be predominantly political
rather than ethical, that is, they will be determined
by the proportion of power which each group possesses
at least as much as by any rational and moral appriisal
of the comparative needs and claims of each group.
Fiedler has noted that the leader's relationship
to the membership depends to a significant extent upon
the power he utilizes over his members by virtue of his
rank. Position power infers the "degree to which the
position itself enables the leader to get his group mem-
bers to comply with and accept his direction and leader-
ship."2 Position power here is related to the concept of
legitimate power; therefore, it is recognized as the
available power provided by the organization for the

leader's use in accomplishing his assignment or task.

In her book, Creative Experience, Follett contends

 

that control or power should not be sought over others.

. . . . . 3
”Genuine control is activ1ty between, not influence over."

 

1Reinhold Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society:
A Study in Ethics and Politics (New York: Scribner Pub-
lishing Company, 1960) as quoted in International Encyclo—
pedia of the Social Sciences, p. 312.

2Fred E. Fiedler, A Theory of Leadership Effective-
ness (New York: McGraw-Hill Bock Company, Inc., 1967),

pp. 22-23.

3Mary Parker Follett, Creative Experience (London:
Longman's, Green and Co., 1924). p. 86.

 

 

 

 

 

 

21

Further, states Follett, ". . . the only genuine power is
that over the self--whatever that self may be."1 For
example, Follett contends that because one pays for ser-
vices rendered does not give him power over the doer. Con-
versely, because one provides the service does not give
him authority or power over him who pays. Ideally, when a
problem arises, both parties should decide together how
best to resolve it; ". . . power with, not power-over, is
what democracy should mean in politics or industry."2
Gross is of the opinion that authority normally
begets more attention than power for he contends that:
Authority is more conspicuous: the head of an orga-
nization or unit is a man with authority whereas
his power may not be so clear . . . . One of the
major classifications in modern administrative thought
is the differentiation between authority and power and
that there seems to be widespread consensus that
authority is a source or form of power, but that
power gannot be understood in terms of authority
alone.
Power, as interpreted by Gross, is that quality which
affects to some degree various situations by the behavior
or conduct of people, whereas authority is viewed as the
legitimate responsibility to become involved in appro-
priate actions because of one's position. Gross clarifies

the concepts by explaining that some persons enjoy much

authority, but in reality have little influence, and that

 

1 2

Ibid. Ibid., p. 187.

3Bertram M. Gross, The Managing of Organizations
(New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), p. 293.

 

‘A

hi

in

GP

22

power must be secured through their individual efforts.
He recognizes also that situations exist in which power
greatly exceeds one's authority. Somewhere between these
extremes, contends Gross, a reasonable amount of authority
is warranted as a source of power of administrators.1
Etzioni contends that "the power of an organization
to control its members rests either in a specific position
(Department Head) or a person (a persuasive person)."2
Personal power, according to Etzioni, is always normative
power while positional power may be normative, coercive
or utilitarian. Etzioni classifies organizational controls
in these ways: fiscal means (money); material means (goods
and services); or symbolic means (prestige, esteem,
3

acceptance).

Coyle, in Social Process in Organized Groups, main-

 

tains that "no collection of individuals can act together
without the establishment or recognized powers and respon-
sibilities among its members."4 As soon as organization
has begun, however, active centers of concentrated power
are set up in those delegated or elected leaders upon whom

the group confers it.

 

11bid.

2Amitai Etzioni, Modern Organizations (Englewood
Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964).

3

 

Ibid., p. 59.

4Grace Longwell Coyle, Social Process in Organized
Groups (New York: Richard R. Smith, Inc., 1930). p. 103.

 

 

. v
in

CO'

55’

‘w
as:

o
o

‘3
:f‘

tn
rt! 1 /

23

In view of the nature of this study the concept of
powerlessness should be addressed. It appears that a
person's sense of being powerless in organizations has
its origin in early experiences and attitudes which were a
crucial part of the socialization process and subsequently,
the attitudes and experiences became an important part of
the individual's personality.1

Powerlessness is normally associated with a sense
of social isolation which usually results in feelings of
frustration and futility and in most instances, one feels

that he has little or no control over his person or his

destiny. Parsons and Clark, in The American Negro, dis-

 

cuss the psychological effect of being powerless.

“Negroes realize that, as a minority in the white man's
country, they do not set the rules of the game."2 Negroes
(as well as other minorities) are attempting to secure

goals but ". . . they can attain these goals only if the
white majority sanctions them as legitimate and desirable."3
Consequently, regardless of his life style, education,

personality, culture or other factors, in essence, the

Negro, in many situations, is powerless to determine his

 

1Gerald Moeller and W. W. Charters, "Relation of
Bureaucratization to Sense of Power Among Teachers,"
Administrative Science Quarterly 10 (l967):444-65.

2Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark (eds.),
The Negro American (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1960),
pp. 35-36.

31bid.

24

fate or mobility unless first approved by the majority
group.

Various conceptualizations of power and authority
have been reviewed, and one can conclude that typically
power implies the capacity of an individual, group or
organization to control the actions or behavior of other
persons. Power associations are usually somewhat complex
and hard to compare or determine due primarily to major

differences in conceptualization.

Role Theory

 

The purpose for this limited section is to provide
a theoretical background for the problem being investigated
in this study.
Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr. defines the term "role"
as follows:
The role is the organization of habits and attitudes
of the individual apprOpriate to a given position in
the system of social relationships . . . . There is
no conception of role . . . without a reference to
what action is expefted in the situation of which
the role is a part.
Role, as defined by Brookover, is relative to one's

status and he explains his concept of the term via the

following model:

 

1Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., "The Adjustment of the
Individual to his Age and Sex Roles,” American Sociological
Review 7 (1942). Reprinted in Theodore Newcomb and Eugene
Hartley (eds.), Readings in Social Psychology (New York:
Henry Holt and Company, 1947), p. 617.

 

 

25

Actor
An individual and his particular personality
brought to a situation (previous experience,
needs, etc.).

Self-Involvement
An actor's image of the ends anticipated from
participation in the status. A projection of
his self-image into the role.

General Status
Other‘s expectations of any actor in a broadly
defined position, i.e., teachers.

Situational Status
Other's expectations of any actor in a particular
situation.

 

 

 

Role
Other's expectations of a particular actor in
a particular situation.

Definition
An actor's definition of what he thinks others
expect of him in a particular role.

Behavior in Interaction
An actorngbehavior in interaction with others
in which definition and role are continually
redefined.

 

"The expectancies of a particular social situation, as
interpreted by the actors in the situation, we term
'role'."2

Newcomb employs the term "prescribed role"3 which
encompasses the whole range of sanctioned methods of

executing the necessary functions demanded or required of

a person occupying a specific position.

 

lWilbur B. Brookover, ”Research on Teacher and
Administrator Roles," Journal of Educational Sociology
29 (September 1955):3.

2Wilbur B. Brookover, Sociology of Education (New
York: American Book Company, 1955), p. 231.

3Theodore M. Newcomb, Social Psychology (New York:
Dryden Press, 1950). P. 280.

 

26

It is recognized that differences in role per-
ceptions and expectations do arise and should the expec-
tations of one group frequently be incompatible with those
of another, a condition known as role conflict results.1

Role conflict, according to Stodgill, arises when
a minority or subgroup member finds that his role defini-
tion varies to some degree from role expectancies as
defined by the primary group or conflict sometimes results
when a minority or subgroup member elects to define his
actions or behavior in keeping with personal values without
concern for previous role expectations considered normal
by the group.2 According to Stodgill, conflict may be
created due to a lack of clearly defined roles, different
and conflicting expectations regarding the role, or dif-
ferences in role perception by role occupant and other
group members.3

Regarding role ambiguity, Kahn and his associates
maintain that "a different pattern of inadequacy in role
sending constitutes role ambiguity: ambiguity in a given

position may result either because information is

 

lWilbur B. Brookover, Sociology of Education,

 

p. 284.

2Ralph M. Stodgill, Individual Behavior and Grqpp
Achievement (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959),
p. 128.

 

31bid.

27

nonexistent or because existing information is inadequately

. 1
communicated."

Role ambiguity is conceived as the degree to which
required information is unavailable to a given orga-
nizational position. To the extent that such infor-
mation is communicated clearly and consistently to a
focal person, it will tend to induce in him an expe-
rience of certainty with respect to his role require-
ments and his place in the organization. To the
extent that such information is lacking, he will
experience ambiguity.

Status may be defined as a designated position in
a social system with specific rights, privileges, obli-

gations and roles as perceived or expected by others.

Summary_of Role Theory

 

It is apparent that there are differences of
Opinion regarding definitions which apply to role as the
behavior of persons occupying the various positions in
the social system. Although several role definitions were
mentioned, there is agreement that role exists in a social
setting, and that it consists of an individual's behavior
which is conditioned or influenced by the expectations of
other persons.

Limited attention was paid to role conflict, role
ambiguity and role theory. Role expectations were

classified as being obligations of a normative nature but

 

1Robert Kahn, et a1., Organizational Stress:
Studies in Role Conflict and Ambi uit (New York: John
wesley and Sons, Inc., 1964), p. 2 .

2

 

 

Ibid.

28

with the realization that individuals occupying a specific

position may not adhere to the expected role.

Leadership

 

Leadership has been defined in various ways.
Combs defines a leader as ". . . one who assists, encour-
ages, or facilitates people in the process of changing
their perceptions.”1 The leader's major responsibility is
to assist with or facilitate the acquisition of a goal
through a ”helping relationship" which Rogers characterizes
as ”one in which one of the participants intends that
there should come about, in one or both parties, more
appreciation of, more functional use of the latent inner
resources of the individual."2

Lippitt, in the article "What Do We Know About
Leadership," bases his definition of leadership around
decision making as he contends that "the leadership
function resides in the leader in the autocratic group,
in the individual in the laissez-faire group, and in the

group in the democratic situation."3

 

1Arthur W. Combs, et a1., "Syracuse Studies, Part
1,” Journal of Social Issues 10, 2 (l954):55.

 

2Carl Rogers, On Becoming a Person (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1961), p. 40.

3Gordon Lippitt (ed.), ”What Do We Know About
Leadership," Leadershipin_Action: Selected Readings Series
Two (Washington: National Training Laboratories, National
Edfication Association, 1961). p. 7.

29

The function of leadership, according to Donald C.
Pelz, is determined by the situation:

Empirical studies, as shown in reviews of the litera-
ture by Gilb, Jenkins and Stodgill, have failed to
find traits that are universal in successful leaders.
In different studies, different or contradictory
traits in leaders are found related to whatever
criterion of success is used. Differences in the
situations or in the groups, from study to study,
seem to be partly responsible. Gilb concludes that
"leadership is relative to the situation."1

Lippitt asserts that:

Over the past 50 years, there have been hundreds of
studies made comparing physical, intellectual, or
personality traits of leaders and followers. Fre-
quently, these studies come up with a list of traits
that make for "good" leadership. On the whole, this
approach to leadership has been disappointing. Only
5 percent of the traits in over 186 such studies
appeared in four or more studies.

We see, therefore, that Lippitt supports Pelz's beliefs
about individual leadership characteristics.

Ordway Tead suggests that there are several kinds
of leadership and he provides the following as examples:

. . . an author's or artist's leadership in his field,
meaning his individual eminence, . . . leadership in
the scientific, philosophic or other intellectual
realm . . ., . . . leadership as a more direct rela-
tionship of a man or a woman to large groups . . .

or to smaller units where the directive or inspira-
tional effort is more immediate and face to face.

 

1Donald C. Pelz, "Leadership Within a Hierarchical
Organization," Leadership in Action: Selected Readings
Series Two, Gordon L. Lippitt (ed:)(Washington: National
Training Laboratories, National Education Association,
1961), p. 43.

 

2Lippitt, op. cit., p. 7.

3Ordway Tead, The Art of Leadership (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1935), p. 21.

 

30

Tead is in agreement with the final example of leadership
since it is ". . . the fruitful relation of those who
direct to those who are directed and of those who are
acknowledged guides of others in groups . . . ."1
Tead poses the question, "What, then, is the common
factor which runs through . . . diverse leadership activ-
ities?"2 and in response to the question has arrived at this
definition: "Leadership is the activity of influencing
people to cooperate toward some goal which they come to find
desirable."3
Tead recognizes that there are several kinds of
leadership, and Jennings recognizes the same; however,
he (Jennings) describes leadership styles in terms of the
autocratic, the bureaucratic and the democratic. The
autocratic style of leadership had its origin in the era of
the self-made or self-developed man who probably was the
proprietor of his own enterprise. Due to business expan-
sion the autocratic leader discovered that it was impos-
sible to maintain control of the complete operation and
this expansion led to the establishment of the bureaucratic
structure.4

Although bureaucracies have been considered by

some persons as red tape oriented, they are viewed somewhat

 

1 2 3

Ibid. Ibid., p. 20. Ibid.

4Eugene Jennings, The Executive (New York: Harper

 

 

 

31

differently by Blau, in Bureaucracy in Modern Society. He
maintains that if it were not for the bureaucratic struc-
ture, very likely democracy would not exist. Blau points
out that bureaucracies appear to be somewhat incongruous
since "in theory bureaucratic superiors are expected to
exert strict and impersonal controls over subordinates";
however, in actuality, "supervisors and foremen frequently
'play ball' with their subordinates and let them 'get away
with' infractions of many rules."1

Demoik defines leadership as "all the means by
which individuals are motivated to achieve group goals."2
As used by Demoik, leadership is not confined to the person
appointed to occupy the position, but it also means the
energizing of the workers by the groups' superiors for
the realization of the goals of the organization.

Petrullo and Bass caution that there are few
absolutes in the field of leadership. "The tools of
leadership can be discovered, catalogued, and studied,
but don't try to apply them across the board--don't try to

find all of them in every leader."3 These two authors have

 

1Peter M. Blau, Bureaucracy in Modern Society (New
York: Random House, 1956), pp. 28-33.

2Marshall Edward Demoik and Gladys Ogden Demoik,
Public Administration (New York: Rinehart and Company,
Inc., 1953), p. 231.

3Luigi Petrullo and Bernard M. Bass, Leadership
and Interpersonal Behavior (New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, Inc., 1961), p. vi.

 

 

 

32

provided the following list of ten leadership functions
which appear to be representative of behavior in estab-
lished industrial organizations:
Dealing with subordinates:
1. Developing responsibility and team work in
employees.
2. Helping employees improve their job performance.
3. Giving employees reasons and explanations for
actions.
4. Alertness to employees special problems.
5. Seeing that employees are treated fairly.
Performing management functions:
6. Planning and scheduling work.
7. Showing judgement and resourcefulness in
getting work done.
8. Checking quantity and quality of work done.
9. Taking responsibility and initiative.
10. Cooperating with staff and others in higher
management.
Bell, Hull and Wright refer to Kurt Lewin's attempt
to define ethnic leadership which led to the development
of the "periphery theory” of ethnic leadership. Lewin con-
tends that there are certain forces acting on a minority
person, if he is to achieve status within the community
at large, which tend to move him from the core to the
group's periphery. If he is to realize status or success,
Lewin maintains that he will be required to depress his
identification with ethnic low status persons. As a
result, identification with the majority group decreases
his identification with the lower status persons. The

desire to be successful increases the minority group

 

lIbid., p. 277.

 

33

leader's wish to remain, if possible, distant from the
minority group masses.1

The successful minority leader appears to be
oriented toward the value system of the larger society as
well as appearing to separate himself to some degree from
the minority group.

According to Fiedler, leadership behavior refers
to those acts in which a leader engages as he directs and
coordinates the activities of the group. The leadership
role may involve such acts as reprimanding, criticizing,
expressing appreciation or indicating interest for indi-
vidual or group welfare.2

Ordway Tead agrees with Gilb, Jenkins, Stodgill,
and Petrullo and Bass on the subject of leadership since
he too recognizes that the same qualities do not appear
in all leaders, nor, he states, are they equally required

of every leader. However, Tead lists what for him are the

ten most generally desirable leadership qualities as:

 

1. Physical and nervous energy.
2. A sense of purpose and direction.
3. Enthusiasm.
4. Friendliness and affection.
5. Integrity.
6. Technical mastery.
7. Decisiveness.
l

wendell Bell, Richard J. Hull and Charles R.
Wright, Public Leadership--A Critical Review with Special
Reference_to AdultIEducation (SanFFrancisco: Chandler Pub-
lishing Company, 1961), p. 88.

 

 

2Fiedler, op. cit., p. 36.

34

8. Intelligence.
9. Teachigg skill.
10. Faith.

Tead maintains that an effective leader must have
a "generous and unusual" amount of physical and nervous
energy since the role of leader is a very demanding role
which normally requires excessively long working hours,
unusual concentration and sometimes unexpected demands on
this time. At times a leader is faced with disappointment
and opposition, and it may seem that he will not attain
his goal. At such times, states Tead, he must have the
capability to continue his pursuits regardless of the
nature of the obstacles; he must remain courageous, and
this requirement demands energy, the ability to snap back
after seeming failure.2

The second quality of good leadership, according
to The Art of LeaderShip, is a sense of purpose and
direction. "The leader . . . knows with greater than aver-
age conviction what he wants to get done and where he
wants to go."3 The leader, then, is clear and precise as
to his personal and group goals and is capable of articu-
lating them so that doubt is erased.

The third quality of leadership is that of enthu-
siasm. The presence of a sound purpose "must be 'felt' to

be sound at all,"4 and there must be vigorous emotion with

 

1Tead, op. cit., p. 83. 2Ibid., pp. 82-92.
31bid., p. 94. 41bid., p. 98.

35

h0peful anticipation to lend enthusiasm to such a pur-
pose. Normally, a high energy person who had his purpose
and direction clearly in mind will be amply endowed with
enthusiasm. It is recognized that a leader should be
intellectually competent, but that a good leader feels
deeply, that he is enthusiastic, ". . . for out of the
heart are the issues of leadership."1 The outstanding
leader is aware of the necessity for enthusiasm; he recog-
nizes also that his fervor regarding his role in large
measure determines his influence.2

The fourth quality of leadership, as detailed by
Tead, is that of friendliness and affection. "There is
warmth and directness and sympathetic understanding which
quickly creates a rapport with others."3 Affection is
essential because it tends to create receptivity to
influence. ". . . the friendly attitude is the influencing
attitude."4 In addition, friendliness and affection are
usually reciprocal and further, the practice of friendli-
ness and regard for the welfare of others helps the
leader deve10p real feelings of human interest.5

The fifth quality of leadership as perceived by

Tead is that of integrity which implies that the individual

 

2 3

lIbid., p. 99. Ibid., p. 100.

5

Ibid., p. 102.

41bid., p. 104. Ibid., p. 107.

36

or group must be able to trust its leader. There are many
implications for the leader in the term "integrity" and
among them are: (l) confidence that they will not expe-
rience betrayal, (2) that their concerns are secure in the
leader's hands, (3) that he (leader) will not offend them,
and (4) a sense of honesty and reliability.1

Technical mastery is listed as the sixth quality
of a leader. Tead mentions that in most instances the
executive's primary responsibility is to direct an orga-
nization or one of its parts, but also in most organizations
technical mastery is required which the executive or leader
may not possess. Such requirements call for the employment
of technically trained experts and it is the leader's
responsibility not only to coordinate the various tasks
performed under his supervision but to know at first hand
about the various techniques employed by those responsible
to him. Further, a leader should be able to counsel with
his followers in order to facilitate the purposes of the
group as well as adopt policies and plans of action which
will assist with their achievement.2

Seventh among the ten leadership qualities is that
of decisiveness which is necessary to action and results.
A skilled leader is capable of making those decisions which
affect performance as well as turn skepticism of possibil-

ities into realizable objectives. The leader should be

 

lIbid., pp. 111-112. 21bid., pp. 114—120.

37

wary that decisiveness not be exercised as an arbitrary
or dogmatic quality, but failure to decide an issue is an
abdication of leadership responsibility.

The quality of intelligence, according to Tead, is
probably more innate than the other qualities and adequate
intelligence is necessary in order "to appraise situations
readily, to see their significance in the total setting of
present and past experiences, and to get the cue as to the
likely line of wise action."1 Because of the many demands
placed upon leaders which include intelligent resourceful-
ness, the ability to select objectives, capacity to coor-
dinate processes and activities, skill at reaching the
point plus other important leadership responsibilities, a
leader must be aware of his actual qualifications in terms
of intelligence to reasonably assure adequacy in meeting
these demands.

The ninth quality of leadership has been termed
by Tead as teaching skill since, in order to be a good
leader, one must be,a good teacher.2 The good leader,
not unlike the good teacher, sets up goals, poses problems
and guides future activities for the attainment of specific
goals. Tead contends that the good teacher attempts to
develop, as early as possible, a condition in the learner
that he is involved in a project which is significant for

him. Further, he reminds us that it is important for the

 

1 2

Ibid., p. 127. Ibid., p. 140.

 

38

leader to know where the group stands mentally and
emotionally in relation to the purpose at hand. Learning
does not take place in a vacuum or in isolation; therefore,
to be successful as a leader one must involve the whole
person--his intellect, emotions and motor behavior.1 The
good leader, whenever possible, tries to enable his
followers to go through experiences similar to those which
led him to support specific objectives.

The leader can most surely count upon the sustained

support of the led when they have been through expe-

riences sufficiently like his to have brought them

to the same conclusions about what they yant and

how in general they shall try to get it.

It is also incumbent upon the leader and teacher
to ensure that each group participant benefits from "an
active experience of participation in a favorable result
...."3

The final quality of leadership is referred to as
faith. Here faith has meanings which are of import in the
leadership role. Leadership, at the elementary level,
implies that efforts must be made to retain the loyalty or
commitment of followers sometimes over extended periods.
Further, when occasions arise in which increased work and
personal sacrifices are required to realize a goal, a

leader in whom the followers have faith and confidence is

likely to be successful in influencing them to continue

 

lIbid., pp. 142-143. 21bid., p. 144.

31bid., p. 151.

39

their efforts to reach the goal. The leader must be con-
vinced that the objects sought are of value and he must be
able to transmit this faith to his followers. The best
leaders, contends Tead, have faith
in some meaning of human living, . . . faith in the
world as a place where there is a real, better and
worse, where these are somewhat ascertainable, and
where efforts toward the good can yield appreciable
results. Only when a leader has such a faith does
he possess the essence of the deepest inspiration
which people crave to gain from him.
Finally, all leaders sometimes experience occasions when
they stand alone, when they are ignored or when they are
betrayed by their supporters. These occaSions "demand
. . . a spiritual faith (that) has always been realized

by the greatest leaders."2

Concept of Marginality

 

Since it is probably difficult for a minority
person, especially if he is racially different, to fit
well into the predominant social structure, it could very
easily be assumed that the minority individual would be
faced with a serious conflict. Because of the situation
he is faced with being a part of two social worlds whose
values very likely are different and may often be mutually
exclusive. When this situation is, in reality, the case,
we have what is known as the marginal man. Stonequist, in

his book, The Marginal Man, suggests that this kind of

 

 

11bid., p. 259. 21bid., p. 266.

40

dualism may not constitute a personal problem or conflict
since man is born with a multiple personality which
enables him to fit into different cultural and social
patterns.1

It is conceivable that the marginal man may reject
his racial associations or group, but it is also likely
that he will not be fully accepted by the group to which
he aspires. A person in this position, not belonging to
either group, may suffer psychological conflict which may
be shown in several ways including increased ambivalence
and self-consciousness. Regardless of how the marginal
man behaves, he will find it impossible not to violate
some or all of the norms of one or both groups, since
group values may be mutually exclusive and the groups may
view situations from different perspectives.

It is possible that a man of a racial minority in
a marginal situation would be able to adjust without
seriously injuring his personality, but a resolution of the
conflict calls for a "rational solution"2 to the psycho-
logical conflict which initially was created by the dif-

. 3
ferences in culture.

 

1Everett Stonequist, The Marginal Man-~A Study in
Personality and Culture Conflict (New York: Russell and
Russell, 1961). P-44}

2Judith R. Kramer, The American Minority Communipy
(New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1970), pp. 17-18.

3

 

 

 

Ibid.

41

Judith Kramer states:

There has always been an affinity between the position
of the marginal man, who lives in two mutually exclu-
sive worlds, and the perspective of the intellectual,
who stands apart from any social world. The shared
values of intellectuals provide the basis for communi-
cation, if not community; they associate with each
other, finding emotional release while sustaining the
tensions of detachment necessary for their perspective
on the world. They are part of neither the minority
community nor the dominant society. The social sup-
port of informal circles founded upon shared tastes
affords them sufficient stability to live without the
conformity of community.

In view that intellect per se may be considered marginal
to all communities, it is not the sole possession of any
particular race, profession or ethnic group: in this sense
intellectual marginality may be considered an interpersonal
relations matter.

Hughes sums up marginality in this manner:

In the process of change from one role to another there
are occasions when other people expect one to play the
new role before one feels completely identified with

it or competent to carry it out; there are others in
which one over-identifies oneself with the role, but

is not accepted in it by others. These and other pos-
sible positions between roles make of an individual
what is called a marginal man: either he or other
people or both do not quite kngw to what role (identity,
reference group) to refer him.

Stonequist's definition of marginality is similar
to that of Hughes.
When standards of two or more social groups come into

active contrast or conflict, the individual who is
identified with both groups experiences the conflict

 

11bid., p. 112.

2Everett Cherrington Hughes, Men and Their Work
(Glencoe: The Free Press, 1958). p. 120.

 

42
as an acute personal difficulty or mental tension. He
may be compelled to choose between two . . . loyalties.
It is conceivable and very likely that Negro leaders
are in the process of changing their behavior, but it is
interesting to speculate if, and if so, to what degree,
Negro leaders' behavior meshed with the following view by

Whitney Young in his book, To Be Equal:

 

In the past, Negro leadership was identified by the
white community as those persons whose value systems
most closely paralleled their own. In fact, there was
clearly an inverse ratio, or Uncle Tom's Law, in white
evaluation of Negro behavior: The Negro whose values
were closest to their own was the most responsible;
the Negro whose values diverged most from their own
was the most irresponsible. What they wanted, of
course, was someone safe, flexible, not a "trouble-
maker," preferably someone in a vulnerable position so
that he could be managed.2

Kardiner and Ovesey3 contend that the subjective
aspect of social discrimination not only is ever present
but is also a permanent "irritant" in the life of a Negro;
consequently, he is subject to a negative self-esteem which
results from the behavior of others toward him. ”In
order to continue functioning, he must also maintain some

4

sort of social facade." The authors maintain that, ”this

 

1Stonequist, op. cit., p. 4.

2Whitney Young, To Be Equal (New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, 1964), p. 217.

3Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of,
O ression (Cleveland, Ohio: World Publishing Co.,
Mer1 1an Books, 1962).

 

 

4Ibid., pp. 302-303.

 

43

fact in itself, the necessity to exercise control, is
distractive and destructive of spontaneity and ease."1
The American Council on Education conducted a

study of Negro youth in the 19305, and it was concluded
that no Negro youth escaped the consequences of his cate—
gorical or minority role status. Sutherland points out
that some of the upper class Negroes attempted to "cover
up . . . resentment about humiliating experiences."2 He
goes on to say that:

Upper-Status Negroes . . . may compensate by being

excessively concerned about their status within the

group. Those who are successful may even deny the

existence of any conflict, because its effects are
so subtle they can't see the consequence for their

own personality.

4 John Dollard5 and Hylan

Hortense Powdermaker,
Lewis6 describe the Negro's ”dual personality" as one in
which Negroes are aware that they are pressured into play-

ing with whites, and have learned to conceal their actual

 

lIbid., p. 81._

2Robert L. Sutherland, Color, Class and Personality
(Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1942),
pp. 52, 74.

31bid., p. 75.

4Hortense Powdermaker, After Freedom (New York:
Atheneum, 1968), p. 325.

5John Dollard, Caste and Class in a SoutherppTown
(Garden City, New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1957),
pp. 257-260.

6Hyland Lewis, Blackways of Kent (New Haven:
College and University Press, 1964), p. 153.

 

44

feelings. Further, this group, for survival purposes,
learns "to get along with whites by outwitting them."l
Accommodation, considerably more in vogue in pre-l950 as
opposed to 1970, to white expectations was a survival
technique which permitted Negroes to get along with
whites.

Although the Negro learned to conceal his feelings,
and to accommodate whites in order to survive, Stonequist
maintains that while the "white man speaks his mind freely

. . . (but) the colored man listens and observes, but

answers nothing. His reserve is his protection."2

Marginal Mission--Adult Education
In the previous section attention was given to the
concept of the marginal man. Specific areas of education
also may be considered marginal. In former years one of
the most marginal areas of education was, and to some
extent remains, adult education. Burton R. Clark, in
Adult Education in Transition--A Study of Institutional

Insecurity,3 employing the State of California as a model,

 

summed up the plight of adult education. It is assumed

 

1John Dollard, op. cit., pp. 257-260.

2Stonequist, op. cit., p. 109..
3Burton R. Clark, Adult Education in Transition--

A Study of Institutional Insecurity (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1956).

 

45

that adult education received comparable attention in the
majority of other states.

Traditionally, education administrators, as well
as others in positions of authority, made rational deci-
sions not to support adult education endeavors at a level
comparable to other levels or areas of education, or at a
level commensurate with its importance. Clark offers
several reasons for the marginal status of adult edu-
cation. He maintains that different levels of public
school education were considered legitimate and, as a
result, warranted public financial support. The existence
and financial support of elementary, secondary and junior
college institutions, according to Clark, were legitimatized
because of their grade sequence. These levels of education
were guaranteed support since they came under the authority
of an official or authorized state body.

Adult education, in contrast to established and
recognized levels of instruction, was considered a

1 since it served persons beyond com-

”peripheral activity"
pulsory school age and further, once an adult education
program had been introduced, it was required to compete
for funds with established programs. Therefore, the degree

of adult education acceptance was dependent upon persons

and groups within and outside the school system.

 

lIbid., p. 59.

46

Clark offers as evidence other reasons why adult
education occupies a non-central position. Initially,
adult education did not enjoy the constitutional status of
elementary or high school districts, which were legally
recognized units for the financing and administration of
education. Adult education did not have the same status
and therefore existed because of permissive legislative
as opposed to mandated education. Further, the adminis-
tration of adult education programs became a secondary or
tertiary responsibility of school administrators, with
most administrators serving the program on a part-time
basis, which was another indication of the field's marginal
status.

Adult education was a marginal activity because
it lacked ”separate plant facilities and . . . fixed
capital,"1 therefore, the adult school was unable to "pro-
tect itself against retrenchment; it can be . . . con-
solidated or discontinued,"2 and as a result, adult edu-
cation programs were conducted in unsuitable facilities
such as elementary schools and non-school locations. It
appears, according to Clark, that adult educators had
little hope of obtaining public funds for adult education
activities. Clark claims that "economy-minded interest
groups"3 had a tendency to recommend curtailing program

content as well as to reduce the number of persons who

 

1 2 3

Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.

 

 

47

might benefit from adult education services. These factors
lend credence to the assumption that adult education was a
marginal enterprise.

The need to convince the public and educators of
the program's value, according to Clark, was the most
significant indicator of the marginality of adult education.
Adult educators felt that not only was the field not
accepted by other school personnel, but it was felt that
state legislative officials held a comparable View of
adult education. "The search for acceptance is a struggle
for security."1

Finally, Clark maintains that since adult education
tended to be financed by states through formally estab-
lished districts, a considerable amount of its financial
support had been both "derivative and unanticipated."2 He
suggests that until local school districts financially
supported adult education programs with more local dollars,
thereby reducing the need for state aid, adult education
would retain its marginal status.

It appears that the independence of adult edu-
cation rests upon its acceptance by school system and
government decision makers as well as the field of adult

education being perceived as warranting status comparable

to other levels of education.

 

lIbid., p. 60. 21bid.

48

The Case of E. Frederick Morrow

 

E. Frederick Morrow's biography, Black Man in the

 

White House,1 warrants brief attention since he, too, was

 

a minority pioneer, having served in the Republican
administration under President Dwight D. Eisenhower as the
first Negro presidential assistant in the nation's history.
Attention to his experiences as a high government official
may provide some insight into the life and behavior of

the late Dr. Ambrose Caliver and the other minority persons
who may have occupied, or inevitably will occupy, similar
positions in organizational hierarchies.

Morrow's rationale for accepting a position on the
President's executive staff was to attempt to convince the
President and other high government officials that
Negroes, if provided an opportunity, would perform exec-
utive duties in a very satisfactory manner.

Upon accepting the position he was aware that he
would be observed by Blacks and whites and that pressures
from both sides would be likely.

During his tenure in the position, he rarely had
an opportunity to meet with the President; he did have
occasions to meet with high level administrators during

which meetings he provided information regarding such

 

1E. Frederick Morrow, Black Man in the White House
(New York: Coward-McCann, 1963).

 

 

49

matters as race problems and ". . . what the Party would
have to do . . . to win the Negro vote."1
Morrow recalled that he was frequently treated as
a second class citizen, subjected to humiliating acts and
upsetting racial remarks, which he accepted, he maintains,
because “. . . I remembered that I am supposed to be
impervious to these things."2 One of the difficulties in
being a member of the President's staff is that I must
always keep myself under control in situations . . . which
are sensitive or related to race . . . ."3
An important part of his job, as he perceived it,
was ”to make the President and the administration look
good in the eyes of Negroes,"4 as well as put out "brush

fires"5

around the country (presumably problems concerning
race).

Morrow contends that he was not fully accepted
either socially or professionally. At times he found
himself fighting not only for opportunities to be an inte-
tral part of the organization, but also to make a favorable
impression that would "erase the resentment aroused by my
original efforts to belong . . . ."6 "The President . . .

can give the opportunity to serve . . . but (he) cannot

 

control the minds and thoughts of the . . . staff."7
1 . 2 . 3 .
Ibid., p. 28. Ibld., p. 285. Ibld., p. 101.
4Ibid., p. 251. 5Ibid., p. 182
61bid., pp. 42-43. 71bid.

50

Nevertheless, Morrow was pleased when they gave him a smile
and warm handshake while telling him he had done his job
very well.

Socially, after frequent affronts, including being
addressed as "boy" and being ignored at functions because
of race, he and his wife refused to accept invitations or
attend such functions. Mr. Morrow posits that "when one
is a Negro pioneer he has the severe responsibility of
doing the kind of job that will open opportunities to
others of his race without their having to go through all
of his difficulties."1

Morrow's life as an administrator in the White
House was a storm of personal conflict and dissension. His
primary conflict, he maintains, was that

I am an appointee of the administration, with loyalty
to . . . party and the President, but I am also a
Negro who feels very keenly the ills that afflict
my race in its efforts to secure 2 . . allzthe privi-
leges and responSibilities of Citizenship.
This position was emphasized when the President refused to
speak out on civil rights. This, Morrow maintains, "was
the greatest cross I had to bear . . . in Washington."3
He became "more and more conscious of the great personal
problem of having to resolve the conflict of being two

personalities at once--a Negro and an American."4

 

2 3

lIbid., p. 42. Ibid., p. 48. Ibid., p. 299.

4Ibid., pp. 218-219.

51

Many Negro leaders looked upon Morrow as a "symbol
of disloyalty and a kind of traitor"1 or as "window-
dressing."2 There were times, he revealed that he re-
gretted going to the office because of the many letters
and phone calls from irate friends and citizens, and he
admits that at times he felt somewhat ridiculous defending
the administration's civil rights record while Southern
Negroes were being denied equal rights.

Officially recognized organizations, such as the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,
constantly applied pressure regarding race and civil rights
matters, and they expected Morrow to bring these matters
to the attention of the President, when in fact, he rarely
had access to the Chief Executive. Morrow found it neces-
sary to work through the President's key administrator,

Mr. Sherman Adams, who was admired and respected by Mr.
Morrow. Of him he states, "the top man must have character,
decency and courageous spirit otherwise it would have been
impossible for me to remain."3

Mr. Adams frequently interceded on behalf of
Morrow and his concerns but, upon Adams' departure, he had
to resort to other techniques such as conveying his
thoughts via letter or through the connections of a

trusted fellow administrator.

 

1 6

Ibid., p. 266. Ibid., p. 17.

3Ibid., pp. 110-111.

52

Although there were many serious problems, Morrow
feels that his presence on the staff prevented some anti-
Negro acts, provided a "pipeline to . . . members of

government"1

and gave him an opportunity to work behind
the scenes for Negro causes with key people in higher
positions.

Finally, he revealed that at times he felt a sense
of powerlessness since the President's advisors failed to
solicit his opinions on matters of importance to him or
his race and on which he had some expertise.

Morrow, who had difficulty securing a secretary
because of his race, resolved to stay in his position.
"For a minority member in this kind of spot anywhere,
there is always the haunting spectre that to quit gives
delight and comfort to your enemies and oppressors and to
put personal difficulties above even a little good that
might flow from this relationship is cowardice."2

Morrow's experience illustrates that minorities
in key positions in hierarchies are confronted with prob-

lems which would not normally be faced by members of the

larger society.

Cases of Other Blacks

 

In White Collar Blacks, we have an opportunity to

 

see how middle class Blacks, most of them under 40 years of

 

1 2

Ibid., p. 183. Ibid., p. 184.

53

age and employed in white organizations, perceived their
roles in their respective places of employment. These
perceptions may help us better understand employment
attitudes of Negroes and other minorities who served in
professional capacities during the generation of Dr.
Ambrose Caliver.

An engineer states:

The Negro manager or professional has to appear to
be white or else completely faultless.

A Ph.D. states:
Acquire the best possible education now.2
A manager states:

Characteristics for success:

. Self confidence;

. Intelligence;

Aggressiveness;

Ability to get along with others;

Verbal dexterity;

Creativity;

Overwhelming desire to be successful;
Learn as much as possible about the field,
work hard, and swallow a lot of guff.

demwaH

A calibration technician states:

Since there are so few Negroes in this field, the
ones who maks it are expected to be top-notch

superpeople.

An engineer states:

. . . it is apparent that most employers want thege
black people to be 'acceptable' in white society.

 

1John Smith Morgan, White Collar Blacks (New York:
American Management Association, 1970), p. 124.

3

 

2Ibid., p. 129. Ibid., p. 122.

5

4Ibid., p. 127. Ibid., p. 119.

54

Any remark that implies 'black pride' is usually
interpreted as a bent toward militance and can be
detrimental to professional advancement.1

The white professional is usually judged solely
on the basis of his accomplishments and potential.
I do not believe that evaluation of the white is

nearly as squective or severe as that of his black
competition.

Other characteristics are:

determination;

perseverance;

positive attitude;

ability to get along with peOplg;
genuine belief in Christianity.

U'InhWNH
O

A manager states that:

. . . competence, aggressiveness, preparedness--
these characteristics are important for anyone 4
regardless of race but Negroes must be more so.

He goes on to say:

one should be demanding of self and your superigr
to win advancement if you believe you merit it.

A public relations department supervisor states:

There . . . is the invisible ceiling everywhere, a
limit as to how far a Negro can go.

An education specialist states:

Characteristics essential to success are:
1. persistence;
2. optimism;
3. willingness to learn and the
4. ability to accept setbacks.

 

1 2 3

Ibid. Ibid., pp. 119-120.

5 6

Ibid.

4Ibid., p. 117.
7

Ibid. Ibid., p. 115.

Ibid.

55

It can be assumed that many of these character-
istics are not indigenous to Blacks only, but are common
to all persons who occupy similar positions in similar

organizations.

The Model

 

A series of models emerged as a result of the
review of the literature. As an initial guide for the
inquiry into Dr. Caliver's performance and related ques-
tions, Ordway Tead's model of leadership qualities and

characteristics, as reported in The Art of Leadership, was

 

employed. Tead's model notes ten factors which distinguish
effective leadership. They are:
1. Physical and nervous energy
2. A sense of purpose and direction
3. Enthusiasm
4. Friendliness and affection
5. Integrity
6. Technical mastery
7. Decisiveness
8. Intelligence
9. Teaching skills
10. Faith.
Other qualities and characteristics of effective leadership

emerged as the study of Dr. Caliver progressed.

56

Summary

This chapter was devoted to a review of literature
as it related to formal and informal organizations, role
theory, leadership characteristics, marginality including
the peripheral status of adult education, and related
literature with emphasis on experiences of other Blacks.

A review of organizational literature reveals that
an individual cannot be studied in isolation because he
is a member of a social group. These groups or informal
organizations, frequently affect one's work and behavior.
This is especially so as it relates to minorities who are
employed in formal organizations. In organizational
theory, attention was given to the concepts of control and
authority. In this respect it was determined that an
individual may be in position to exercise control over
another person.

Further, this chapter pointed out that a leader's
relationship to the membership of the group depends to
some extent upon the power that he maintains over members.
It was pointed out that control may be exercised either
by persuasion or by virtue of one's position.

The concept of powerlessness was discussed; it
was reported that the lack of power was associated with
social isolation which sometimes leads to feelings of
frustration and futility. This concept has particular

significance as it affects the behavior of minorities.

57

Attention was also devoted to a discussion of
role theory. In essence role is related to an individual's
status and interaction with others.

The concept of marginality as it relates to an
individual and to the field of adult education was ad-
dressed. Marginality generally refers to failure to fully
accept another individual, or an idea, or a plan or a
program.

Attention also was given to appropriate related
literature on minorities, especially Blacks, in bureau-
cratic situations. In each case, minority persons were
found facing problems in employment which were uncommon to
the majority group. They found it necessary to be aware
of special expectations, both personal and imposed, which
affected their work life.

The literature revealed that formal organizations
have several dimensions which include a hierarchy of
authority and a system of interpersonal or informal rela-
tionships. These systems affect decision-making within
the organization; they also affect social behavior in the
group.

In this chapter several models of administrative
leadership have been discussed. A model (Tead's) has
emerged and it, along with qualities and characteristics
displayed by Dr. Caliver, form a composite model against

which to examine the functions of Dr. Caliver, a Negro

58

administrator of Negro and adult education, two marginally

accepted areas of education in the Office of Education.

CHAPTER III

BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF DR. AMBROSE CALIVER

The Caliver Family

 

Ambrose Caliver was born on February 25, 1894, in
a humble home in Saltville, Virginia, a little company
town noted for the production of limestone, soda and salt.
In 1966 the small town, located in the southwestern region
of the state, just a few miles from the Virginia-

1 Ambrose

Tennessee border, had a population of 2,844.

joined Bolden H. and Irene, brother and sister respectively.
Very little is known about Caliver's family. It

is known that his father, who was employed as a saltwell

man (a man employed in the salt mine), served as an

officer in the Methodist church in Saltville and was

characterized as "a Christian gentleman and great church

worker." His mother, a Presbyterian, attended Knoxville

College in Knoxville, Tennessee, a Presbyterian-related

institution which was founded in 1875. Similarly, little

is known about his paternal grandfather outside of his

interest in religion and that he was highly skilled with

 

1World Book Encyclopedia (Chicago: Field Enter-
prises Educational Corporation, 1966), p. 319.

 

59

60

his hands. It is reported that he made his family's
cooking utensils by hand from slate and copper.1
Unfortunately his father never knew the boy who
was to become an outstanding educator, for the elder
Caliver was instantly killed when buried under an avalanche
of dampened clay which was used by a company located near
his place of employment to manufacture bricks.2 His
father's death severely limited the family's income and a
few years later his mother, the former Cara Saunders,
took the family to West Virginia to be with her mother.
The Caliver family continued to experience misfortune.
While Ambrose was still a very young child, his
mother, still grieving over the death of her husband,
died. Later, when Ambrose was only 11 years of age, he,
Bolden and Irene were sent to Knoxville, Tennessee, where

they were under the guidance of an elderly aunt.

The Early Life of Caliver

 

Young Ambrose, because of several changes in resi-
dence precipitated by the death of his parents, attended

elementary and secondary schools in Virginia, west

3

Virginia and Tennessee. It appears that religion and

 

ers. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 23, 1970.

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

3Information from the United States of America
General Services Administration, National Personnel
Records Center, St. Louis, Missouri, January 19, 1971.

61

religious activities played an important part in the form-
ative years of his life, for not only did he serve as a
deacon in the Congregational church before reaching man-
hood, but he also held a church office for 15 years while
a Federal Government employee.l

Ambrose became acclimated to the world of work
when, at 12 years of age, he secured a job in a coal mine
to help his elderly aunt support the family.2 It was then
that Ambrose, as if to portend his future success, demon-
strated his leadership ability when "a guard usually
stationed at a rail intersection was not there and he
(Dr. Caliver) took over the post and directed the coal
cars to their destination."3

In 1911, Ambrose enrolled at Knoxville College in
his home town, and in 1915 that institution granted him
the Bachelor of Arts degree.4 In response to the question,
"Are you a professing Christian,"5 which appeared on the
College Registration Card, Dr. Caliver answered, "No."

A study of his college transcript revealed that in the

 

1Journal of Negro Education 31 (Spring 1962):

 

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

3Walter G. Daniel and John B. Holder, Ambrose
Caliver--Adult Educator and Civil Servant (Adult Edu-
cation Association of the U.S.A., 1966), p. 1.

4Information from transcript from Registrar,
May 14, 1971.

5

 

Ibid.

62

category "Deportment," Dr. Caliver received a "100" at
each card marking.l

Following his graduation from Knoxville College,
there is evidence that Dr. Caliver briefly attended the
University of Chicago.2 Mrs. Caliver confirms that Dr.
Caliver attended this institution.3 A letter from Mr.
Albert H. Hayes, however, indicated that there is no
record of his having attended the institution.4 Dr. Caliver
continued his college education at Tuskegee Institute,
Tuskegee, Alabama, and in 1916 that institution awarded
him a diploma in cabinet making.5 While a student at
Tuskegee, Dr. Caliver had an opportunity to become well
acquainted with the famous Negro scientist, Dr. George
Washington Carver, as well as to develop valuable skills
under his tutelage.

After having earned a B.A. degree at Knoxville
College and a diploma from Tuskegee Institute, Mr. Caliver,
at twenty-one years of age, accepted as his first profes-
sional assignment, the position of principal of Colored

High School in Rockwood, Tennessee.

 

lIbid.

2Roger Axford, Adult Education: The Open Door
(Scranton, Pa.: International Textbook Co., 1969). p. 53.

3Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, November 14, 1970.

 

4Albert M. Hayes, Registrar, University of Chicago,
letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, May 17, 1971.

5Information from General Services Administration,
January 19, 1971.

63

Marriage and Early Professional Years

Love for Ambrose and Rosalie blossomed when they
were six years of age and sixteen years later, in 1916,
they were married on the campus of Fisk University. Mrs.
Caliver was a powerful influence as well as a constant
supporter of her husband of 46 years.1 Mrs. Caliver had
also attended Knoxville College, but her attendance was
interrupted for she was needed at home to care for her
parents who were in poor health. Later she had briefly
attended Battle Creek College in Michigan and the A and I
College in Nashville, Tennessee. Although Mrs. Caliver
attended several colleges she did not earn a degree;
however, her training did prepare her for service as a
teacher and as a social worker in Knoxville, Tennessee.2

In 1917, after a year of marriage and work in edu-
cation, the young couple moved to El Paso, Texas, where he
served in the dual capacity of assistant principal and
teacher at the Douglass High School. It was there that
Caliver conceived the notion that he might one day become
a member of the Fisk University staff when a recruiter
for the University discussed that possibility with him.

In 1917 Caliver accepted the first of several
important positions at Fisk University. During his four-

teen years at the institution, he served as teacher,

 

1Daniel and Holden, op. cit., p. 1.

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

64

professor, director of summer school and later, as the
first Negro dean to be appointed at Fisk University.
Starting with the summer session of 1917 and continuing
each summer term thereafter through 1920, except that of
1918, Caliver attended the University of Wisconsin from
which he was granted a Master's degree in educational
administration.1

During the summer of 1918, while on leave from
Fisk University, the U.S. Army sent Caliver to Harvard
University where he participated in a Personnel Management
program. At Harvard he was awarded a diploma in Employ—
ment Management and Personnel Direction.2 Upon the com-
pletion of his assignment at Harvard, Caliver was directed
to report to the American Rolling Mills Company in Middle-
ton, Ohio, where he served as a personnel officer. Dr.
Caliver remained with Armco for a period of two months.3
With the close of World War I in the fall of 1918, the
Calivers returned to Fisk University.

In the late 19203 Caliver began studies which led

to the Doctor of Philosophy degree in Administration of

 

1Information from transcript from Registrar,
University of Wisconsin, May 13, 1971.

2The Fisk_University News, 1924; Adult Education:
The Open Door by Roger Axford and Mrs. Ambrose Caliver
provided evidence that Dr. Caliver attended Harvard Uni-
versity.

 

 

 

3American Rolling Mills Company, Middleton, Ohio
letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, January 15, 1971.

65

Higher Education at Teachers College, Columbia University,
New York. The USA General Services Administration National
Personnel Records Center records indicate that Caliver

was awarded the Ph.D. degree in 1930.1 He completed the
degree "within the minimum time three summers and one full
academic year."2 The new Dr. Caliver was the first Negro
to earn a doctorate in his major and only the third Negro
to be awarded the Ph.D. from Columbia University.3 Dr.
Caliver's dissertation "A Personnel Study of Negro College
Students," was selected for publication by the Bureau of
Publications of Teachers College.

In 1925, after nine years of marriage, the Calivers
adopted a daughter born October 25, 1925. Jewel Altamae,
now Mrs. Richard Terrell, was educated at Howard Univer-
sity, Washington, D.C., and the Merrill Palmer Institute
in Detroit, Michigan. Daughter Jewel followed in her
father's footsteps for she too entered the field of higher
education; currently she is a member of Howard University's

faculty.4

 

1Information from USA General Services Adminis-
tration National Records Center, January 17, 1971.

2Columbia University, Press Release, April 17, 1931.

3Ibid.

4Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

66

A Career of Leadership

 

Dr. Caliver held five positions1 during his 31
years as a Federal employee. His original assignment,
that of Specialist in Negro Education, extended beyond
fifteen years, while his second position, Specialist for
Negro Higher Education, was held for more than four years;
therefore, for approximately twenty years, Dr. Caliver
devoted the major portion of his time to Negro educational
concerns. In 1950, Dr. Caliver was promoted to the posi-
tion of Educationalist Assistant to the Commissioner and
five years later he was advanced to the rank of Assistant
to the Commissioner of Education and Chief, Adult Edu-
cation Section. Five years later and until the time of
his death January 29, 1962, Dr. Caliver was Education
Research and Program Specialist and Chief, Adult Education
Section.2

In addition to his formal USOE assignments, Dr.
Caliver was involved in numerous special assignments such
as the Works Progress Administration (WPA) of the Great
Depression years, the 1954 Supreme Court trial regarding
the unconstitutionality of racially segregated schools and

. 3 .
several national surveys. Further, Dr. Caliver was an

 

1For official copy of Dr. Caliver's employment
record and salary range, see Appendix A.

2Information from USA General Services Adminis-
tration National Records Center, January 17, 1971.

3Daniel and Holden, op. cit., p. 19.

67

active participant in the field of international education.
He visited Europe in 1949 at the request of the Displaced
Persons Commission and he later submitted "A Report of
Study of Orientation of Displaced Persons" for the United
States Displaced Persons Committee.1 He was a member of
educational study teams which assisted the Virgin Islands
and Mexico City. There are, of course, many other evi-
dences of his involvement in international affairs.

Not only was Dr. Caliver concerned with inter-
national education, but a study of his records reveals that
he had held visiting professorships at the University of
Colorado, Howard University, Miner Teachers College,

Houston Junior College and Hampton Institute.

Awards and Recognitions

 

That Dr. Caliver was a servant of men, regardless
of race, is verified from a study of the many awards and
recognitions bestowed upon him both during his lifetime
and after his death.

Among the numerous honors accorded him were first
prize of $500 in a nationwide essay contest in 1924, four
honorary degrees from Tuskegee Institute from which an
M.A. degree was received in 1936, honorary Doctor of Laws
and Doctor of Letters degrees from Virginia State College

and Knoxville College respectively, and in 1956 Morgan

 

1Federal Security Agency, News Release, April 6,

1949.

68

State College recognized him with an Honorary Doctor of
Laws degree.1 He was given a Testimonial Banquet in
recognition of 20 years service in the Office of Education
and further, he was the recipient of the American Heritage
award for his role in arranging a series of educational
television debates.

One of his most cherished recognitions was, after
many years of dedicated service, his election to the
presidency of ABA-USA. This was probably one of the big
things in his life. Dr. John Holden provided much of the
planning, encouragement and success in Dr. Caliver's
attainment of the presidency of AEA. As recalled by Dr.
Holden, three persons competed for the position, and there
was no opposition to his running because of his race.2 To
further support his admiration of ABA, upon his death
Mrs. Caliver requested that in lieu of flowers, contribu-
tions be sent to AEA to continue its literacy education
work.3

Subsequent to his death, Dr. Caliver was memorial—
ized and recognized by official organizations, including

the AEA.

 

1For Morgan State College Citation, see Appendix B.
20r. John B. Holden, Interview, August 19, 1970.

3Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 22, 1970.

69

Summary

Dr. Ambrose Caliver was born in Saltville, Virginia.
Although his father was killed in a mining accident before
his birth, and his mother died while he was still a young
boy, Dr. Caliver earned three higher education degrees
including the Ph.D. degree from Teachers College, Columbia
University.

Dr. Caliver, a religious man, held several posi—
tions during his long work life. Among those positions
were mine worker at the age of 12, teacher, personnel
officer, professor, college dean and USOE official. Dr.
Caliver also served in many other capacities and accepted
many other assignments, both national and international in
scope.

During his long USOE career, Dr. Caliver received
awards and recognitions from several professional orga-
nizations. In 1962, the year of his death, Dr. Caliver
was president of the Adult Education Association of the

United States of America.1

CHAPTER IV

THE TENOR OF THE NATION: 1930-1962

The Pre-Roosevelt Period

 

In 1930, the year of Dr. Caliver's appointment by
President Hoover to the United States Office of Education,
Negroes and other minorities were experiencing social
injustices not common to the lives of white persons. To
better understand the 31 year period of the nation's
history during which Dr. Caliver was associated with the
USOE, this chapter sketches the positions of the several
presidents regarding the emerging struggle for civil
rights and the equalization of employment, housing and
educational opportunities for all races, especially
Negroes.

Dr. Caliver's tenure with the Office of Education
spanned the administrations of Presidents Herbert Hoover,
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Dwight D.
Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy. During this period many
changes were occurring which affected the Negro. He
assumed this position in the Office of Education during the
second year of President Herbert Hoover's administration.
At that time the nation was seriously affected by the

70

71

depression which began in rural America in 1921. The
harmful effects of the economic collapse persistently
plagued families engaged in agriculture. According to
Rollins, by 1930 four million persons were unemployed; two
years later over twelve million persons, estimated to com-
prise one-fourth of the nation's manpower resourses, were
out of work.1 At the close of President Hoover's tenure,
not only had millions of persons lost their jobs, but
Leuchtenburg reports that more than a quarter of a million
families were forced to sacrifice their homes for lack of
financial resources.

Based on information in Franklin Delano Roosevelt
3

 

and the New Dealy 1932-1940, more than fifteen million

 

persons were in need of employment. These out-of-work

persons created major problems for local governments which
lacked the financial resources to meet unemployed workers'
survival needs. In some counties as many as 90 percent of

the people were on relief.4 Davie, in Negroes in American

 

Society,5 notes that urban unemployment during the

 

1Alfred B. Rollins, Jr. (ed.), Franklin D. Roose-
velt and the Age of Action (New York: Dell Publishing
Company, 1960), p. 11.

2William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin Delano Roose-
velt and the New Deal (New York: Harper and Row, 1963),
p. 53.

 

 

 

 

3Ibid. 41bid., p. 52.

5Maurice R. Davie, et a1., Negroes in American
Society (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, Inc., 1949),
p. 88.

 

72

depression had a particularly devastating effect upon
Negro workers since most were poorly educated or held
unskilled jobs. Many Negroes, who had migrated to the
North and to urban centers in search of economic oppor-
tunities and more social acceptance, soon experienced
conditions comparable to those from which they had attempted
to escape.1

That President Hoover attempted to lessen the
effects of the economic decline is obvious. Several months
after he assumed the office of President, the nation expe-
rienced the stock market crash of 1929. The President
instituted or established new measures and programs, such
as the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and the Home
Loan and Farm Loan Banks, to reduce the devastating effects
of the Great Depression. He advocated an extensive public
works program to aid business as well as to furnish employ-
ment opportunities to the millions of unemployed persons.
These attempts to stem the serious recession proved futile,
and his failure to authorize relief for the millions of
indigent persons played a crucial role in his unsuccessful

attempt to retain the Presidency.2

 

1August Meier, Negro Thought in America, 1880-1915,
Racial Ideolggies in the Age of Booker T. Washington
(Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1963),
pp. 274-275.

 

 

2Reader's Digest Almanac, 1966, First Edition
(Pleasantville, New York: ReadefTs Digest, 1965), p. 108.

 

73

The Roosevelt Years, 1933-1945

 

Her spirit was near breaking, her institutions deeply
shaken. No facet of American life escaped the scars
of the economic collapse.

Thus Rollins briefly describes the conditions that
affected the nation and which confronted Franklin D. Roose-
velt when he assumed the presidency in March of 1933.
Millions of unemployed adults and other millions of young
people were out of school and jobless. Industries and
businesses, both large and small, were either compelled
to discontinue their services or functioned below capacity.
Lending institutions were either declared bankrupt or
verged on bankruptcy.

Muzzey and Link2 state that upon assuming the pres-
idency, Roosevelt was confronted with three challenging
problems:

(1) Relief: Sixteen million unemployed and all their
dependents were threatened with cold, hunger and
despair.

(2) Recovery: Business, industry and agriculture were
prostrate and in dire need of getting back on
their feet.

(3) Reform: The evils which caused or worsened the
depression needed to be remedied if the next
generation was to be free from a like disaster.

Problems created by the depression were not easily

surmounted. It should be noted that during the presidential

 

1Rollins, op. cit., p. 11.

2David Muzzey and Arthur Link, Our Country's
History (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1965).

3

 

Ibid., p. 549.

74

campaign of 1932, Democratic nominee Roosevelt refrained
fron discussing specific corrective measures to reverse
the downward economic trend such as large Federal works
programs, deficit spending, Federal housing or slum
removal. Nor, according to Leuchtenburg, did he mention
increased taxes on persons with substantial incomes, the
National Recovery Administration, Federal relief programs
or development of programs such as the Tennessee Valley
Authority. During his campaign it seems he did not dis-
cuss the organization of a National Labor Relations Board
or the institution of collective bargaining legislation.1
In his acceptance Speech at the 1932 Democratic Convention,
Roosevelt seems to have alluded to novel programs, ideas
or schemes for resolving some of the critical national
problems, and it would appear that he had given considerable
prior thought to those plans. "Let us now and here enjoy
resolve to resume the country's uninterrupted march along
the path of real progress, of real justice, of real
equality for all of our citizens, great and small . . . ."2
When Mr. Roosevelt took office the nation responded
primarily to ". . . the white anglo-saxon, Protestant

3

property holding class," but under the New Deal many new

groups were recognized for the first time. Such previously

 

1Leuchtenburg, op. cit., p. 12.
2Rollins, op. cit., p. 25.

3Leuchtenburg, op. cit., p. 332.

75

overlooked groups not only were the recipients of benefits
which had been denied them but they were recognized as
having a rightful place in the commonwealth.1

The period from 1933 to 1938 marked one of the
greatest upheavals in American government and American
institutions. It was initiated primarily by President
Roosevelt in an attempt to end ". . . the devastation
wrought by the depression and (to create) remarkable
improvisation of new political and social institutions to
cope with it."2 The depression notwithstanding, the "New
Deal committed itself to economic justice and set the
stage for the present drama and movement toward racial
justice."3

Although the New Deal patiently led toward more
social and economic equality for Negroes, Harry Golden in

Mr. Kennedy and the Negroes, reports that President Roose-

 

velt was never an open advocate of Negro rights but, he
maintains, he championed the cause of the ". . . minorities,
ethnic, economic, and social and among these minorities

was the Negro."4 That Mr. Roosevelt believed in equality

of opportunity for Negroes is further supported for he

 

1 2

Ibid. Ibid., p. xvi.

3Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark (eds.),
The Negro American (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1966), p. xiii.

 

4Harry Golden, Mr. Kennedy and the Negroes
(Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1964), p. 71.

 

76

appointed more of them to high positions than had all three
of his immediate predecessors.1

At the initiation of the New Deal programs in the
period from 1933 to 1935, a large number of laws were
passed by the Congress to strike at the depression-
created conditions. New instrumentalities of government
were born. Among the new agencies were the Civilian Con-
servation Corps, the National Recovery Administration,
the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, and the
Federal Emergency Relief Administration. Other newly
created agencies were the Works Progress Administration,
the Public WOrks Administration and the Tennessee Valley
Authority. These and other programs, which were outgrowths
of Federal efforts to address and attack problems resulting
from the Great Depression, provided a method of simul-
taneously addressing a variety of problems which had
impeded social progress and economic recovery.

This approach to problem resolution was character-
ized by a philOSOphy that assumed that government must be
responsible for assuring each citizen a respectable mini-
mum standard of living.2 Roosevelt, as noted by Leuchten-
burg, was skilled in providing to all persons "the sense
of sharing the Presidency . . . (and) even the most humble

citizen (felt) a lively sense of belonging."3

 

1Ibid. 2Leuchtenburg, op. cit., p. 165.

3Ibid., pp. 331-332.

77

Social conditions, especially as they affected
the lives of the nation's Negro population, were extant
long before the administration of President Franklin D.
Roosevelt. Although these conditions were obvious for
many years, the Federal government, as well as state and
local units of government, had long histories of failure
to react affirmatively to, or seriously consider, the
dilemmas of this group. One of several obligations of
New Deal reformers was a commitment to serve the forgotten
man. The New Deal sought to achieve a more just society.
In such a development, particular ethnic groups, including
the Negro, would have representation. For example, the
"Black Cabinet"1 served as the voice of the Negro. This
institution will be considered in a later chapter.

Although much of the credit for improved social
conditions can be traced to President Roosevelt, other
leaders, congressional and non-governmental, were working
to improve the status of Negroes.2 Parsons and Clark
point out significant developments in the nation's legal
system which ultimately worked to the advantage of
Negroes.3 The Roosevelt administration began to consider

problems and conditions which militated against racial

 

1Samuel Krislov, The Negro in Federal Emplcyment
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1967),
p. 24.

 

2Leuchtenburg, 0p. cit., p. 337.

3Parsons and Clark, op. cit., p. xxi.

78

minorities for not only did Roosevelt recognize the many
problems of race, he also recognized the need to ". . .
emphasize social justice and the conquest of poverty."1
Harry Golden argues that much of the credit for Negro pro-
gress can be attributed to Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, who was
a pioneer advocate of racial equality.2

In 1933, racial segregation was widely practiced
not only in Federal offices in Washington but also in
other cities and states, both North and South. In 1934,
for example, the congressional restaurant, according to
the Congressional Record, remained segregated while the
basement grillroom was reserved for Negroes.3 Also indi-
cative of the treatment and job opportunities for Negroes
during the early 19303 was the employment of Negro
elevator operators in the Washington, D.C. Post Office,
presumably for the first time.4 It is evident that with
the implementation of New Deal ideas regarding the treat-
ment of minorities, beneficial changes toward Negroes
became more commonplace. Since the early part of the

19303, the larger society began gradually but successfully

 

1Leuchtenburg, op. cit., p. 42.

2Golden, op. cit., pp. 73-74.

3Congressional Record, Seventy-Third Congress,
Second Session, March 21 and 23, 1934, pp. 5048-5255.

4Ibid.

79

to reverse the repressive predicament that Negroes were
forced to tolerate.

Because Roosevelt believed that government could
be used as a vehicle to improve the lives of the under-
privileged, a number of his programs proved to be of great
assistance to Negroes. For example, the New Deal instituted
new social and economic programs which were not related to
civil rights but which were beneficial to unemployed and
low income groups in which Negroes were conspicuous.1
Parsons and Clark contend that the New Deal represented the
first significant

governmental entry into the field of guaranteeing the
social components of citizenship through labor and
social welfare legislation, esta-lishing a trend
which could readily be extended into the field of
protecting minority groups. Further, they contend
that although the government's role has been a bone
of political contention ever since, this trend was a
necessary prelude to the role now assumed by the
Federal government in civil rights matters as well
as its support of large-scale education and anti-
poverty programs.

The intervention of Federal authority into many
new facets of American life suggested that existing social
patterns would be markedly changed. Negroes, reluctant

to be aggressive due to many years of subjugation and

slavery, saw their hopes revitalized as a result of a

 

1Harold C. Fleming, "The Federal Executive and
Civil Rights: 1961-1965," in The Negro American, ed.
Parsons and Clark, p. 373.

 

2Parsons and Clark, op. cit., pp. xx—xxi.

80

number of Mr. Roosevelt's innovative programs for not
only did they benefit from relief and recovery programs,
but they also became aware of a new assault on the insti-
tution of racism.1

Because of the President's many programs which
granted relief to Negroes, and even though Negroes con-
tinued to experience more hardships than other groups
which were affected by the depression, most Negroes began
to give him support.2 According to Parsons and Clark,
Negroes developed a strong allegiance to the depression
era President even though he failed to clearly define
civil rights goals.3 It was evident, however, that the
President was seriously concerned with civil rights. In
1935, President Roosevelt, in his Annual Message to
Congress, launched the Second New Deal with social justice
as the new goal.4 Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, the President's
wife, continued as a vocal advocate of Negro rights.5
President Roosevelt, with considerable pressure from
Negroes and other civil rights advocates, particularly

Mr. A. Phillip Randolph, demonstrated the sincerity of his

 

lJohn Hope Franklin, "The Two Worlds of Race, A
Historical View," in The Negro American, ed. Parsons and
Clark, pii6l.

 

 

 

2Leuchtenburg, 0p. cit., pp. 186-187.

3ParsOns and Clark, op. cit., p. xiii.

4Rollins, op. cit., p. 139.

5Leuchtenburg, op. cit., p. 192.

81

concern for the civil rights of Negroes and other minor-
ities when on June 25, 1941, he issued Executive Order
8802, establishing the Federal Fair Employment Practices
Commission.1

Because of the obvious role played by President
Roosevelt, and based on a number of the New Deal programs
to assist many segments of society, particularly Negroes,

. . . . . . 2
a new trend toward SOClal amelioration was initiated.

The Truman Years, 1945-1952

 

I have received a great heritage from my lamented
predecessor. I shall strive to obtain the ideals
for which he fought and am strengthened by the
assurance of your support in that effort.
Harry S. Truman to Walter
White, April 25, 1945
President Harry S. Truman succeeded President
Franklin D. Roosevelt as Chief Executive of a nation that
was confronted with national and international problems.
The problems associated with prosecuting the war to a
successful conclusion, the resolution of perennial and

sometimes critical racial problems which affected almost

every phase of American life, and the many everyday

 

1Executive Order 8802, Federal Fair Employment
Practices Commission, June 25, 1941.

2Krislov, op. cit., p. 23.

3Harry S. Truman to Walter White as quoted in
Barton J. Bernstein (ed.), Politics and Policies of the
Truman Administration (Chicago: Quadrangle BooEs, 1970),
p. 264.

 

 

82

pressures connected to the presidency were some of the
new President's concerns.

Mr. Truman promised not only to continue but also
to extend the New Deal. In keeping with this promise, he
requested welfare measures which included full employment,
higher minimum wages and increased unemployment benefits.
These recommendations were looked upon favorably by civil
rights leaders, for they saw additional benefits to
Negroes through such legislation. Although Negro leaders
were of the opinion that full employment was of utmost
importance, they felt increased unemployment compensation
would be desirable for Negro workers during the expected

1 In the 19305 Negroes had gradually

postwar depression.
abandoned the Republican party to support Franklin D.
Roosevelt since the New Deal had rescued them from extreme
hunger and total poverty. It was apparent that President
Truman was cognizant of, and wished to maintain, Negro
support.

Long before Mr. Truman became President, he had
arrived at a personal philosophy regarding Negro rights,
though his views toward Negro Americans were not constant.
His views appeared to become increasingly more liberal.

In an address to a Negro Convention in Chicago, the then

Senator Truman remarked:

 

lIbid., p. 273.

83

I wish to make it clear that I am not appealing for

social equality of the Negro. The Negro himself

knows better than that, and the highest type of Negro

leaders say quite frankly they prefer the society of

their own people. Negroes want justice, not social

relations.
During his early years as a politician, Mr. Truman advo-
cated erasing discrimination; he did not campaign against
segregation. "I believe in the brotherhood of man, not
merely the brotherhood of white men but the brotherhood of
all men before the law."2 Considered moderate, Senator
Truman evidenced concern for minorities by not only
endorsing an anti-lynching bill but also by voting to
establish the Fair Employment Practice Commission which
had been recommended by President Roosevelt.3

According to Bernstein, President Truman was of

the opinion that the Negro race was not vitally concerned
with segregation. They were, he felt, only concerned with
inequality based on race.4 This view was not shared by
all Negroes for many had long advocated the elimination of
both discrimination and segregation. For example, A.
Phillip Randolph and the Reverend Grant Reynolds, director
of the Committee Against Jim Crow in the Military Service

and Training, in testimony before the Senate Armed Services

Committee, threatened to organize and conduct a massive

 

1Jonathan Daniels, The Man of Independence (Phila-
delphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1956), p. 338.

 

21bid., p. 339. 31bid., pp. 271-272.

4Bernstein, op. cit., p. 272.

84

crusade of civil disobedience to correct discrimination
and segregation. They maintained that Negroes should not
shoulder arms, but they should be prepared for any con-
tingency, including internment in concentration camps.1
There are indications that President Truman, not unlike
his predecessor, was not willing or prepared to risk his
popularity or power by appearing eager to assist the
Negroes' struggle for full equality.2

Although Mr. Truman inherited some of the Negroes'
loyalty, he often sought civil rights legislation which he
was reasonably certain the Congress would not enact.‘ At
the same time, according to Bernstein, President Truman
frequently refused to use his executive power to advance
or secure the rights of minorities.3 President Truman
appeared to maintain credibility with the Negro race by
continuing to appeal for a permanent Fair Employment
Practices Commission. In addition, like President Roose-
velt, he also appointed a few Negroes to high govern-
mental offices, thus symbolically declaring his position
regarding the equality of the races. Regarding the
Negroes' quest for equality, Bernstein suggests that per-
haps President Truman, "By kindling hope . . . may have
also prevented rebellion and restrained or delayed

impulses to work outside the political system."4 In a

 

lIbid., p. 286. 21bid., pp. 270-271.
31bid., p. 13. 4Ibid., pp. 303-304.

85

limited sense, according to Bernstein, President Truman
was supportive of Negro reform efforts by yielding partly
to their pleas and by granting them frequent opportunities
to visit with him. Further, Bernstein contends that
through similar expressions, President Truman ". . . dig-
nified them (Negroes) and their methods."1
President Truman took a more liberal view toward
the civil rights of Negroes as his stay in office
increased. He began to publicize charges that the larger
society treated its Negroes as second class citizens.
National and international concerns probably persuaded
Mr. Truman in 1947 to appoint the Commission on Civil
Rights, for as Bernstein states, ". . . nor could America
neglect the growing international implications of civil ri
rights violations."2 Included in the Committee's recom-
mendations were the abolition of discriminatory practices
through Federal government action, the development of a
better and stronger Civil Rights Division in the Department
of Justice, the institution of anti-lynching laws, the
enactment of permanent Fair Employment Practice Commission
legislation and the termination of Jim Crow practices.3
In December of 1947, the President's Commission on Higher

Education assailed the "separate-but-equal doctrine"; it

 

2

lIbid., pp. 303-304. Ibid., p. 280.

3Daniels, The Man of Independence, p. 342.

 

86

advocated the elimination of segregation in institutions
of higher education.1

Negroes were again greatly encouraged in 1948 when
the President, in his State of the Union address, promised
a message on Civil Rights. Simultaneously, the President
summoned the Department of Justice to take a more active
role in the struggle against Jim Crow. The Department of

Justice began to enter amicus curiae briefs regarding such

 

matters as housing and education. Also of import to
minorities were the decisions of the United States Supreme
Court which began to rule against discrimination based on
race.2 For example, the Court, in Sweatt versus Painter,
ruled that segregated but equal-graduate facilities were
illegal. In the same year, the Court, in McLaurin versus
Oklahoma, ruled that a specially devised system of segre-
gation interferred with the education of a Negro graduate
student.3

There is evidence to indicate that President
Truman made concerted efforts to assist in the securing of
full civil rights for Negroes. His conviction regarding

the importance of racial equality, according to Bernstein,

was more earnest than Mr. Roosevelt's and many white

 

1Bernstein, op. cit., pp. 281-282.
21bid., pp. 296-297.

3Golden, 0p. cit., p. 96.

87

Americans but he nevertheless remained cautious in this
area.1

Overt efforts by President Truman to obtain
equality for Negroes were again obvious when on July 26,
1948, he issued orders which prohibited discrimination in
Federal employment and established a board to review all
complaints stemming from charges of such discrimination.2
Further evidence that the President fully supported equal
rights for minorities was his 1948 order to the Secretary
of Defense to terminate discrimination in the armed forces
". . . as rapidly as possible."3

It may be said that the President's sentiments
regarding the rights of minorities were very similar to
those of the Commission on Civil Rights which called for
the complete ". . . elimination of segregation, based on
race, color, creed, or national origin, from American
life."4 Ions states that ”Truman certainly deserves to
have the cause of civil rights cited among his purposes

. . . ."5 White states even more emphatically,

 

1Bernstein, op. cit., p. 13. 2Ibid., p. 290.
3Ibid., p. 284.
4Parsons and Clark, op. cit., p. 62.

5Edmund S. Ions, The Politics of John F. Kennedy
(New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967?, p. 179.

 

88

No occupant of the White House since the nation was
born has taken so frontal or constant a stand against
racial discrimination as has Harry S. Truman.1

Walter White, 1952.

The Eisenhower Years, 1952-1960

 

Dwight D. Eisenhower ". . . a man whose personal and
political philosophy was antipathetic to strong
leadership, particularly on such an issue as civil
rights."2
In January, 1953, Dwight D. Eisenhower succeeded
Harry S. Truman as President of the United States. Pres-
ident Eisenhower, who completed his second term if office
in January, 1961, characterized himself as being "basically
conservative"3 and consistent with his beliefs, advocated
personal thrift, honest work and self-reliance. He gave
little leadership in the area of racial equality, though
as we shall see later, a prominent Negro political figure
of the 19503 credited President Eisenhower as being entirely
supportive of civil rights efforts and programs.
Mr. Eisenhower, upon taking office, was pre—
occupied with important international issues, such as the

increasing influence and power of mainland China and the

Korean War, while a primary domestic problem was that of

 

1Walter White as reported in Barton J. Bernstein,
Politics and Policies of the Truman Administration, p. 302.

2Harold C. Fleming, "The Federal Executive and
Civil Rights: 1961-1965," in The Negro American, ed.
Parsons and Clark, p. 376.

3Dean Albertson, (ed.), Eisenhower As President
(New York: Hill and Wang, 1963), p. 41.

 

 

89

maintaining a realistic national budget. Although civil
rights advocates continued activities in the interest of
minorities, especially Negroes, the administration seemed
to give little or no serious thought to, or recognition
of, the specific concerns and problems of Negroes. Inter-
ests and concerns of Negroes received little attention
from the Eisenhower administration, as from many earlier
presidential administrations, because of their political
sensitivity.l It was during this period in the nation's
history, when Negroes were seeking to be recognized as
full citizens, that civil rights efforts appeared to lack
even a modicum of support or sanction by the President.
Bernstein maintains that very likely Mr. Eisenhower and
his associates will be remembered for their failure and
lack of vision in the realm of civil rights.2

To substantiate the above viewpoint, an August 8,

1955 editorial in the Washington Post reported that,

 

"Perhaps the weakest of the four major areas of action
cited by the President is equality of opportunity, on
which relatively little has been done."3 Mr. Eisenhower,
in spite of his pOpular appeal, according to Norman A.

Graebner, ". . . affected so negligibly the historic

 

1Robert J. Donovan, Eisenhower--The Inside Story
(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1965), p. 154.

 

2Bernstein, op. cit., p. 302.

3Washington Post, August 8, 1955.

 

90

processes of his time. Never has a President . . .
avoided so assiduously all the direct challenges to the
status of individual civil rights."1 It must be recog-
nized that the President's entire behavior and attitudes,
as are those of all individuals, were determined by his
era, culture and experiences. It is possible also that
the nation's economy during Mr. Eisenhower's early years
in the office created the illusion of tranquility and
satisfaction among the citizens which led to the belief
that very serious stress issues, such as civil rights,
were no longer consequential.2 There are indications that
the President and his administration, recognizing prac-
ticality as opposed to administrative preference, moved
from extreme conservatism to a less conservative posture
regarding civil rights.3

Although a conservative, and as such opposed to
compulsory measures such as the Fair Employment Practices
Commission, the President was committed to the principle
that Federal monetary assistance should not be provided to

4 While

support segregated facilities and institutions.
advocating the withholding of Federal funds from segregated

governmental facilities and proclaiming non-segregation in

 

1Norman A. Graebner as reported in Eisenhower
as President, p. 147.

21bid. 3

 

 

Ibid., p. 42.

4Donovan, op. cit., p. 155.

91

Federal institutions, the President, through the efforts
of Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, learned that some
officials were disobeying his rules. The President took
immediate steps to correct these situations.1 That
Eisenhower was prepared to adhere to his constitutional
responsibilities was again clarified in 1957 for he main-
tained that he had a sworn duty to uphold the decision of
the Supreme Court and he would take all necessary and
proper steps to fulfill his obligations.2 He demonstrated
his sincerity in this regard when, in 1957, he ordered
Federal troops into Little Rock, Arkansas to enforce
school integration.

There is some evidence to indicate that the civil
rights events of the period, as well as a more thorough
understanding of the needs of all segments of society,
particularly the underprivileged, caused a modification
of the President's former attitude regarding individual
thrift, self-reliance and hard work. In his message to
Congress in January, 1954, the President made it clear
that the national government would be prepared to meet the
problems of health, education, housing and social security.
"Banishing of destitution and cushioning the shock of per-
sonal disaster on the individual are proper concerns of

all levels of government, including the Federal government."3

 

lIbid., p. 156. 21bid., pp. 389—390.

3Albertson, op. cit., p. 151.

92

Throughout his tenure, however, Mr. Eisenhower frequently
maintained his position of non—interference regarding civil
rights. He felt that matters of this nature must be
resolved at the municipal level and at an "evolutionary
pace."1
The most significant landmark in the civil rights
domain during Mr. Eisenhower's terms in office cannot be
credited to his administration. On May 17, 1954, the
United States Supreme Court decided unanimously that
racial segregation in the public schools of the nation
was unconstitutional. To his credit it should be noted
that on May 18, 1954, the day succeeding the Court's
ruling, the President demonstrated his desire to uphold the
Court's decision for he summoned the District of Columbia
Commissioners and conveyed to them his desire for the
Capitol to become a model for the States as the prOper
atmosphere for the integration of public schools.2
Mr. Eisenhower took further steps in response to
Negro group's pleas for recognition. In 1955, he appointed
E. Frederick Morrow to his own administrative staff.
Morrow thus became the first Negro to be appointed an

administrative officer in any Presidential administration.3

In a similar move, Mr. Eisenhower named a Negro to the

 

1Fleming, op. cit., p. 374.
2Donovan, op. cit., p. 162.

3Ibid., pp. 154-155.

93

position of Assistant Secretary of Labor, a sub-Cabinet
post.1

Another example of changes which occurred in
American society during Mr. Eisenhower's administration
was the elimination of segregated public facilities,
including theaters, in Washington, D.C. This action was
initiated by the United States Department of Justice and
ruled upon favorably by the United States Supreme Court.2

Negro Representative Adam Clayton Powell (Demo-
crat, New York), frequently critical of Mr. Eisenhower's
position regarding civil rights, reported to the House of
Representatives that, "No one has done more than the
present Chief Executive in the field of civil rights."3
There are indications that Mr. Powell voiced the statement
in an effort to secure more Presidential support and
thereby enhance the struggle for Negro rights.

In his final address to the American people, the
President made an implicit overture to either appease,
plead for understanding or beg toleration on the part of
the nation's citizens.

We pray that all people of all faiths, all races, all
nations may have their great needs satisfied; that
those denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to

the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience
its spiritual blessings . . . that all people will

come to live together in4a peace guaranteed by . . .
mutual respect and love.

 

lIbid., p. 160. 21bid., p. 160.

31bid., p. 161. 4Albertson, 0p. cit., p. 164.

94

The Kennedy Years, 1960—1963

 

The late President Kennedy had one hope which he
expressed to every visitor, white or Negro, who came
to see him on civil rights matters. The hope was to
leave the White House with thi racial question sub-
stantially alleViated . . . .

As Mr. Kennedy assumed office in January of 1961,
there was little doubt that he was sincerely committed to
equal rights for all citizens. Had there been uncer-
tainties regarding his personal or his administration's
position regarding the sensitive civil rights issue, they
were quickly made known, for at his first Cabinet meeting
Mr. Kennedy issued orders that forceful action be taken
to promote equality of opportunity for all employees of
the Federal government.2 According to Alexander B.
Bickel, President Kennedy felt that the office of Presi—
dent was ". . . above all a place of moral leadership."3

In 1960, while campaigning as the Democratic
nominee for the Presidency, it was apparent that Senator
Kennedy was ". . . an aggressive fighter for Negro

4 After his election to the Presidency, Mr.

Kennedy, maintains Louis Koenig, became the first Commander

in Chief to assume leadership of the civil rights

 

1 2

Golden, op. cit., p. 34. Ibid., p. 136.

3Alexander M. Bickel, Politics and the Warren
Court (New York: Harper and Row, 1960-1962), pp. 49-74.

 

4Ions, op. cit., p. 209.

95

movement.1 Negroes, as well as others, contend that Mr.
Kennedy was rightfully the leader in the struggle for
minority rights since, as President, he fully supported
both the group's purposes and its techniques, including
sit-ins, freedom rides and non-destructive street demon-
strations for the attainment of their legitimate aspira-
tions.2 Furthermore, the President's appeals by radio

and television called the public's attention to his stance
regarding full civil rights for all citizens, with specific
reference to the Negro race.

Not only did President Kennedy provide moral
leadership at a time in the nation's history when it was
sorely needed, but he and his administration demonstrated
to all Americans that concrete action would be taken to
secure equal rights for minorities. For example, between
enactment of the Civil Rights Act in 1957, and the close
of 1960, the Civil Rights Department of the Department of
Justice had filed but six voting rights suits to obtain
the franchise for Negroes. The same Department, under the
Kennedy Administration, filed approximately 50 such suits
in less than a year.3 Further, the Kennedy administration

employed many Negroes in important government jobs. Public

 

lLouis Koenig, The Chief Executive (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and World, 1964), pp. 322-329.

 

2Ions, op. cit., p. 209.

3Aida Di Pace Donald, John F. Kennedygand the New
Frontier (New York: Hill and Wang, 1966), p. 149.

 

96

accommodations, such as rail and bus facilities, were
desegregated as a result of cooperation between the
Justice Department and the Interstate Commerce Commission.1
During his second presidential year, Mr. Kennedy proposed
the establishment of a Department of Urban Affairs and
Housing; however, the bill died in the House Rules Com-
mittee because, it was reasoned, the President had indi-
cated his intention of appointing Dr. Robert Weaver, a
Negro, as its first Secretary.2 To demonstrate to the
country's business world his intention of enforcing the
concept of fair employment, President Kennedy issued an
Executive Order on "Equal Employment Opportunity." The
order provided for sanctions and penalties for dis-
criminatory employment practices in all organizations
holding government contracts.3

Ions characterizes the Kennedy Administration,
known as the New Frontier, as being many things including
new ideas, policies and attitudes. Many of these ideas,
policies and attitudes were of major benefit to the

nation's Negro population.4

Summary

In previous chapters evidence was presented which

reflected the country's official lack of commitment to

 

1Ibid., p. 279. 2Golden, op. cit., p. 161.

3Ibid., p. 82. 4Ions, op. cit., p. 63.

97

civil rights for minorities, particularly Black people.
This chapter reviewed the efforts for educational equality
and civil rights for Negroes during the 31 year period

Dr. Caliver served the USOE. Specifically, attention was
devoted to some of the important factors which led toward
the equalization of civil rights for Negroes. Attention
also was given to the attitudes of Presidents Hoover,
Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy during their
tenures as Chief Executive toward the emerging civil
rights movement.

Dr. Caliver accepted a position with the USOE when
the nation was experiencing the Great Depression. The
catastrophe affected the lives of all Americans. It was
especially hurtful to the Negro population, since most
Negroes were poorly educated and held jobs that provided
meager incomes.

Although President Hoover attempted to reverse the
negative effects of the depression, his efforts were
unsuccessful. There is little evidence that he was con-
cerned with civil rights. His successor, Mr. Roosevelt,
author of the New Deal, instituted programs intended to
alleviate the problems created by the depression. Some
of his programs were of specific assistance to Negroes for
they led to a nearer equalization of civil rights and a
recognition of a significant lack of education of this

group. He also sought the advice of influential Negroes,

98

which sometimes led to government positions for members
of this group. A major accomplishment of the Roosevelt
administration was the enactment of legislation estab-
lishing the Fair Employment Practices Commission for the
New Deal was, at least, marginally committed to economic
and social justice.

While the New Deal sought a more equitable society,
including civil rights for Negroes, the United States
government became more involved in the field of social
welfare legislation which was a prelude to specific
Federal involvement in education.

President Truman advocated following and extending
New Deal programs. At the beginning of his political
career, Mr. Truman had been considered a moderate regard-
ing civil rights issues, but during his tenure as Presi-
dent, his views and philosophy became more liberal. During
this period, for example, he was successful in desegregat-
ing the military services.

Other positive indications of President Truman's
interest in civil rights were his appointment of the
Commission on Civil Rights, the enactment of a permanent
Fair Employment Practices Commission and the President's
Commission on Higher Education which recommended that
segregation in higher education be eliminated. During
this period the Federal courts began to take a more pro—

nounced role in promulgating civil rights issues.

99

Although Mr. Eisenhower considered himself polit—
ically conservative, he nevertheless demonstrated his
belief that the Constitution and Supreme Court decision,
even those decisions related to school integration, should
be enforced. Toward the end of his second term in office,
Mr. Eisenhower advocated not only equal rights for all
persons but also the involvement of the Federal government
in programs to enhance the lives of the nation's less
fortunate citizens.

In 1960 John F. Kennedy was elected President and
immediately he assumed the leadership of the civil rights
movement. It was his Opinion that the office of President
should provide moral leadership. Under President Kennedy
the nation began to feel revitalized and many minorities
felt that after many years of subjugation, equality,
including full civil rights, was within reach.

It is evident that Dr. Caliver, a pioneer in Negro
education, served under five significantly different
national leaders as he attempted to provide educational
programs to enhance the lives of the nation's citizens,
particularly Negroes, and thereby help them gain in their

efforts to realize full civil and educational rights.

CHAPTER V

THE UNITED STATES OFFICE OF EDUCATION

Introduction

 

Chapter IV was devoted to discussion of the tenor
of the nation as it related to Negro life, during the
Presidential administrations from Herbert Hoover through
John F. Kennedy. Because this study is concerned with the
leadership qualities and educational contribution of Dr.
Ambrose Caliver, and since leadership, as a quality,
cannot be studied out of context, this chapter is devoted
to a brief review of the United States Office of Education
(USOE) with particular reference to that period covering
the Presidential terms of Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Truman, Mr.
Eisenhower, and Mr. Kennedy. Further, Federal involvement
in education for the benefit of Negroes, prior to and
after the establishment of the USOE, also was considered
in this chapter. This 31 year period time-frames the work
of Dr. Caliver within the one hundred and eight year life

of the Federal education agency.

100

101

The USOE 1867-1930

 

Many noteworthy causes, which if realized, would
greatly improve the welfare of many of the nation's citi-
zens, sometime appear to require a prolonged period to
reach fruition. The developmental work necessary to
establish the United States Office of Education was not an
exception. Mr. Henry Barnard, with constant encouragement
from Horace Mann, is credited with much of the work leading
to the establishment of a national education agency.
During a visit to Washington to determine if reports and
statistics relative to education were available, he dis-
covered that not only were these items not available, but
there was little, if any, sentiment at the national level
for creation of a national education body.

Barnard persuaded the U.S. Bureau of Census to
include a few questions regarding education in the 1840
Census. Interest in a Federal education agency increased
during the 1880s but opposition continued to flow from
advocates of states' rights and religious groups, as well
as from those who opposed Federal support for general
education and a Federal educational agency. Nevertheless,
Barnard, his small coterie and powerful groups such as the
Association for the Advancement of Education and the
National Association of State and City School Superin-
tendents, persuaded Congressman James A. Garfield to intro-

duce a bill ". . . to establish a department of education

102

for the purpose of collecting such statistics and facts
as shall show the condition of education."1

On March 2, 1867, President Andrew Jackson signed
"An Act to Establish a Department of Education."2 After
more than a year of independent status the Department was
placed under the jurisdiction of the Interior Department
and at that time the name was changed to the Office of
Education. Two years later Congress designated the agency
as the Bureau of Education.

The Bureau of Education was only marginally toler-
ated. For example, its requests for funds were frequently
rejected and, further, the first Commissioner of Education
was forced to suffer a reduction of $1,000 in his author-
ized annual salary of $4,000. At one point, the Secretary
of the Interior, in whose Department the agency was
assigned, advocated the repeal of all legislation relative
to the "department of education."3

The initial Office of Education was housed in two
small rooms in a rented facility and until the office
found its permanent home in 1953, it had been moved at

least eleven times. Bailey and Mosher observe that "Over

the decades Congress has virtually ignored the USOE . . .

 

1Kursh, op. cit., p. 10.

214 Stat. L. 434, March 2, 1867.

3Kursh, op. cit., p. 14.

103

criticizing it for 'meddling' if it showed initiative;
for ineptitude if it did not."1
After three years of dedicated service as the
first Commissioner of the Bureau, during which he laid
the groundwork for growth, Barnard resigned to be followed
by John Eaton.2 Eaton, a former Civil War general, was
a fine and politically astute person. He proved to be a
strong Commissioner who won friends among Congressmen.
The USOE expanded from three to 38 staff members during
his tenure, while the USOE library increased from 100 to
18,000 volumes. During his administration, educational
specialists were hired as "clerks" and Office of Education
financial support increased markedly.
Major changes in the organization did not occur
in the Office during the tenures of succeeding Commissioners
Dawson, Harris, Brown, Claxton, or Tigert. In 1930 the
agency was again designated the United States Office of
Education.
The USOE, as did other Federal agencies, suffered
reduced Congressional appropriations with the onset of the
Great Depression. The 1932 Office of Education Annual

Report contends that it suffered more than other bureaus

 

1Stephen K. Bailey and Edith K. Mosher, ESEA: The
Office of Education Administers A Law (Syracuse: Syracuse
University Press, Syracuse University, 1968), p. 18.

 

 

2Names of U.S. Commissioners of Education and
their terms of service are listed in Appendix D.

104

because the nature and practical value of educational
research was sometimes misunderstood and, as a result,
public confidence was lost.1

During the entire developmental period questions
frequently were raised, but without satisfactory answers,
regarding the extent of the Federal Government's involve-
ment in educational affairs. As recently as the latter
part of the 19205 it was impossible to accurately ascertain
the number of formal educational activities in which the
national government was involved, and it was apparent that
the USOE was neither prepared nor authorized to gather

these data.2

The National Advisory Committee

 

President Herbert Hoover, in his annual message
to Congress on December 3, 1929, said,

in view of the considerable difference of opinion as

to policies which should be pursued by the Federal
Government with respect to education, I have appointed
a committee representative of the important educational
associations and others to investigate and present
recommendations.

The Committee's primary purpose, according to the

Report, was to study and analyze the various activities of

 

1United States Office of Education, Annual Re ort
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, I§32$.
2National Advisory Committee on Education, Report
of the Committee, Federal Relations to Education, Part I,

Committee Findings and Recommendations (Washington, D.C.:
National Capitol Press, Inc., 1931), p. 5.

3

 

Ibid.

105

the Federal Government in the field of education.1 One

of the major problems under consideration by the Committee
concerned the perpetual disagreement between State and
Federal governments over responsibility for education.

The Advisory Committee recommended that a Department of
Education, to be under the administration of a Secretary of
Education, be established as an official part of the
Federal Government.

The Committee also gave considerable attention to
the educational conditions and opportunities for Negroes
since most public school systems in the Southern States
maintained racially segregated schools. The Committee
pointed out that in 1930, 79 percent of the nation's
Negro population of 11,891,143 resided in the South.2 It
was generally known that educational expenditures for Negro
children failed to approximate the funds allocated to
educate whit children. In 1930 expenditures per Negro
educable child in the 17 Southern States ranged from $4.48
to $53.40, with a median expenditure of $14.86 per child.
Under identical circumstances, expenditures for each

white child ranged from $21.15 to $75.07, with a median

of $45.45. Significantly less expenditures by States and

 

11bid., p. 111.
2National Advisory Committee on Education, Federal

Relations to Education, Part II, Basic Facts (Washington,
D.C.: National Capitol Press, Inc., 1931), p. 159.

 

106

municipalities for the education of Negroes than for whites
practically guaranteed Negroes an inferior education.l
Although funds with which to support the USOE had

been reduced because of the Depression, while at the same

time the role of the Federal Government in education was

under study, the Committee nevertheless recognized that

the solution to important Negro education problems would

likely be advanced provided that the government authorized

grants to improve Negro education. Throughout the Report

there was evidence that the education of Negroes was of

the utmost importance.
Negroes are American citizens and as such are entitled
to such schooling as will give each his utmost chance.
The Committee views with admiration the impressive
advances made by the colored people largely by their
own effort in their steady progress up from slavery,
and their steadily igcreasing attendance at high school
and college . . . .

The Committee voted to adopt the Report, but dissenting

votes were cast by both the Catholic and Negro representa-

tives. Although basically in agreement with the full Com-

mittee report, Negro committee members submitted a

Minority Report in which they strongly recommended that

the Federal Government increase the extremely low per pupil

expenditures to improve the education of Negro children.

Also included in the Minority Report was a recommendation

 

lIbid., p. 160.

2National Advisory Committee on Education, Part I,
p. 25.

107

that, in view of the disparity in the distribution of State
and Federal funds between white and Negro children, the
Federal Government should ". . . stimulate the autonomous
powers of the States concerned in such a way as gradually
to overcome the wide disparity between the disadvantaged
and the advantaged majority."1 Further, the Report claimed
that the "federal Government stands in unique moral, his—
toric and practical obligation to rectify a wrongful situ-
ation which had existed for an extended period."2

As previously noted, the first Commissioner of
Education suffered a reduction in salary. According to

the 1930 USOE Annual Report salaries not only remained

 

small that year, but personnel turnover was significant.3
During the same year the USOE was reorganized. In the
reorganization the Division of Special Problems was
created. It incorporated work previously done in the
Division of Rural Education and it was also made respon-
sible for the education of atypical groups. Mrs. Katherine
Cook, administrator in charge of the new division, declared
that:

Developments in the field during the year were con-

cerned with contemplated projects in the education
of indigenous people and in informational service

 

1 2

Ibid., p. 109. Ibid., p. 108.

3United States Office of Education, Annual Report
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930),
p. 34.

108
concerned with special needs and problems in negro
(sic) education in the United States.
In recognition of the necessity to expand services

to better serve the Negro race, the 1930 USOE Annual Report

 

indicates that funds were provided for a specialist in
Negro education. "We hope to secure an outstanding edu-
cator of the Negro race to fill this regular place on our
staff,"2 wrote the Commissioner. Later, in the same
Report, the Commissioner revealed that "tentative plans

for the organization of an information service in negro
(sic) education have been made and a trained specialist

in the field has been selected who will begin work in
September."3 The employment of a Negro in the USOE on

a full-time basis followed by one year the employment of
another Negro who was hired on a part-time basis to partic—
ipate on the Secondary Education Survey staff. His respon-
sibility was to study the curriculum in Negro schools.4

The 1931 USOE Annual Report of Commissioner CoOper

 

stated that:

The division of special problems was organized in
recognition of the fact that the efforts of our
schools to provide equality of educational oppor-
tunities "to all the children of all the people"
necessarily brings into being special problems in
dealing with certain groups which have not readily

 

1 2

Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.

109

fitted into our regular educational scheme of things,
and which are of sgch urgent importance as to deserve
special attention.

Other Agency Cooperation

 

The USOE, in keeping with one of its purposes,
provided consultative services to many organizations
during its existence. In 1929, for example, the USOE
cooperated with the American Library Association and the
National University Extension Association in an effort to
reduce illiteracy.2 Later, in 1932, the USOE assisted
the National Association of Colored Schools as it devoted
its resources and attention to the matter of reducing
illiteracy.3 During the New Deal era the USOE provided
consultative services as well as a member of its staff to
assist in the development of education programs for the
Works Progress Administration. At the same time the
Civilian Conservation Corps benefited from the advisory
services of the USOE.

Throughout its long history the USOE continued to

provide consultative services to public, private and

 

1United States Office of Education, Annual Report
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1931),
pp. 21-22.

2United States Office of Education, Annual Report
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1929).

3United States Office of Education, Annual Report
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932).

 

 

 

110

international educational organizations. For example,
the USOE, at the request of the Displaced Persons Com-
mission, provided that Commission the services of one of
its administrators.1 It also established relationships
with other Federal departments. For example, the USOE
worked with both the United States Military Services and
the Immigration and Naturalization Service.

Cooperation with other agencies also extended to

the communications field. The USOE Annual Reports,

 

beginning in 1930 and extending through most of the 19403,
reveal that the USOE not only became involved in conferences
relative to radio in education, but it also conducted radio
surveys and supported educational uses of the medium. At
one time during the period, the USOE employed a specialist
in radio education.

Placement of the USOE in Federal
Government 1867;1962

 

 

The USOE has not only undergone several name
changes, but it has also been transferred to different
departments of the Federal Government. Its independent
agency status was of short duration. After little more
than a year of independence, it was placed under the juris-
diction of the Interior Department and at that time its

name was changed to the Bureau of Education. In 1930 the

 

1Study of Orientation of Displaced Persons for the
United States Displaced Persons Commission (Washington,
D.C.: National Archives, June 30, 1949).

111

name was again changed to the Office of Education. Nine
years later, on July 1, 1939, the Office of Education was
placed under the administration of the Federal Security
Agency since President Roosevelt ". . . felt it necessary
and desirable to group in a Federal Security Agency those
agencies of the Government, the major purposes of which
are to promote social and economic security, educational
opportunity and the health of the citizen."1
The Office of Education remained under the admin—
istration of the Federal Security Agency until April 11,
1953, at which time that body was officially reorganized

as the Department of Health, Education and Welfare

(HEW).2 According to the 1953 Annual Report of the

 

Department of HEW, it was the first time that the word
"education" appeared as a part of the title of a Cabinet
level department.3

The rationale for the creation of the new Depart-
ment of HEW was the desire to join what had been rather
loosely associated modules that had comprised the Federal
Security Agency. In addition, Congress as a result of the

reorganization, guaranteed ". . . permanent and continuing

 

1Federal Security Agency, Annual Report (Washing-
ton, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1947), p. x.

2

 

Kursh, op. cit., p. 11.

3Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1953), P- 159.

 

112

representation of the agency's programs at the highest

councils of the Executive Branch of Government."1

Federal Government Involvement in
Negro Education Prior to 1930

 

 

That members of the Negro race had been denied
opportunities to obtain educational benefits comparable
to those available to whites has been established. The
denial of equal educational opportunities to this group
was a major reason why Negroes could not extricate them-
selves from conditions which forced them into the position
of second class citizenship.

Erickson, Bryan, and Walker contend that probably
the greatest single issue in our tradition concerns the
belief that all persons are entitled to equal opportunities
to share in society's distribution of rewards. Further,
they contend that "the educational system represents one
of the few remaining avenues of vertical mobility."2 If
minorities are to receive equal benefits from society,

"the first race relations responsibility of government . . .
is to put its own house in order and to insist on minimum

standards of decency among those who act as its agents."3

 

1Ibid., p. 1.

2Edsel L. Erickson, Clifford E. Bryan, and Lewis
Walker, "The Educability of Dominant Groups," Phi Delta
Kappa 53, 5 (January l972):319.

3Robert Sensor, Primer on Interracial Justice
(Baltimore: Helion Press, 1962), p. 100.

 

 

113

One of the first government efforts to aid the
education of Negroes was the establishment of the Freed-
man's Bureau1 in 1865. The primary purpose of the Freed-
man's Bureau was to provide aid to former slaves of all
ages who, because of both their past experience and lack
of formal education, were educationally handicapped. The
Bureau staff, consisting largely of Northern missionaries
and Union Army officers, organized schools soon after the
Union military established themselves in a given area. It
is assumed that the organization was largely responsible
for the establishment of free public schools for Southern
Negroes. The Bureau was partially financed by the U.S.
Government.

In 1872 the Bureau's services were discontinued
due to the failure of the U.S. Government to extend its
support. Professor Russell J. Kleis has compared the
Freedman's Bureau Act of 1865 to the present Economic
Opportunity Act, whose primary purpose is to assist people
who have been left out of the American mainstream and,
therefore, had little or no control over their destinies,
and axiomatically, had no voice in the government. Support
for the Bureau, claimed Professor Kleis, was "gradually

choked off . . . simply by lack of appropriation"2 because,

 

1Freedman's Bureau, 13 Stat. 507-509 (1865).

2Russell J. Kleis, Professor, Michigan State Uni-
versity, address at Northern Illinois University Adult
Basic Education Institute, DeKalb, Illinois, August, 1971.

114

he contends, the Bureau was upsetting the status quo.
Persons formerly not a part of the system conceived the
notion that they, too, ought to have a voice in the affairs
of the country and this assumption, at least to a segment
of those in authority, was not viewed with favor.

The original Morrill Act was approved by Congress
in 1862. Under the Act, each of the several states received
30,000 acres of public domain for each Congressman for
the express purpose of developing "at least one college
. . . to provide for the liberal and practical education
of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and

1

professions in life." The Second Morrill Act, however,

authorized funds to "colleges separately for white and
colored students."2

It is evident that among the membership of the
Congress were several enlightened individuals who were
sincerely concerned, and in sympathy with the Negroes'
need and desire for education. The literature reveals that
the Hoar Bill of 1870 proposed a national system of schools
to provide education to all children between six and 16
years of age in those states failing to provide them edu-

cational services. The bill was designed specifically

to go into effect in the Southern States. Unfortunately,

 

lMorrill Act, 12 Stat. 503-505 (1862).

2H. R. White, Foundations of Education: Historical,
§9ciological Philosophical (New York: David McKay, Inc.,
1968), p. 25.

 

 

115

one of the major reasons for its defeat was that it would
have included educational programs not only for white
children but for Negro children as well.

The Blair bills (S. 185, S. 194, S. 371, S. 398.
S. 3241, 48th-Slst Congress (1884-1890)) met identical
fates for they too were intended to provide funds to
states to educate illiterates and, of course, illiteracy
among Negroes was extremely high, but nevertheless, there
was an awareness by several high officials of Negro Edu-
cation problems.

During the period of the New Deal, and continuing
to the present, the Federal Government provided educational
opportunities for Negroes through such programs as the
Civil Works Administration,1 the Public Works Adminis-

3 Each of

tration2 and the Civilian Conservation Corps.
these programs was initiated in 1933; in 1934 the Works
Progress Administration4 came into existence.

Although the USOE was established in 1867, in
reality, it contributed very little in its deve10pmental

and middle years to the education of Negroes. Dr. Caliver,

writing in The Southern WOrkman, reports that in 1867

 

Congress directed the Commissioner of Education to

 

1Civil Works Administration established within
FERA by Executive Order No. 6420-B, November 9, 1933.

2p. L. 73-67. 3p. L. 75-163.

4Works Progress Administration established by
Executive Order No. 7034, May 6, 1935.

116

ascertain the condition of the public schools in the

District of Columbia, and to submit a report on the

relative efficiency of the system now in force, and

on such additional legislation as he may deem neces-

sary to secure the advantages of said system to all

the children of the district.
The addendum to the main report, states Dr. Caliver,
included a "History of Schools for the Colored Popu-
lation."2

The literature reveals that the USOE made periodic
studies and reports on the condition of Negro education,
and in some cases outstanding Negro educators and sociolo-
gists made significant contributions to these reports.3
In 1913 the Division of Negro Education was estab-

lished in the Office of Education with the cooperation of
the Phelps-Stokes Fund. It seemed that finally the
Federal Government was prepared to seriously address the
educational problems of the race. By 1914 four specialists
served in the Department. This Division was antecedent
of the unit which was to be headed by Dr. Caliver in
September, 1930. The purpose of the Division of Negro
Education was "to study the work of the negro (sic)
schools of the country, gather data, and disseminate

information . . . ."4 According to Smith, this cooperative

 

lAmbrose Caliver, "The United States Office of
Education and Negro Schools," The Southern Workman 62,
5 (May 1933).

2

 

Ibid. 3Ibid., p. 221.

4Darrell Hevenor Smith, The Bureau of Education:
Its History, Activities and Organization (Baltimore:
John Hopkins Press, 1923), pp. 36-37.

 

 

117

arrangement with the Phelps-Stokes Fund was the first of
several similar plans "which utilized the voluntary effort
of associations . . . (which were) interested in various
phases of education,"1 without increasing costs to the
Office of Education. In 1916 the name of this Division
was changed to the "Division of Education of Racial
Groups," but its activities remained unchanged. Persons
and associations who wished to donate gifts to support
Negro education usually contacted the Bureau for needed
information. These funds supplemented the large contribu-
tions by the Phelps-Stokes Fund.

On July 1, 1919, the Negroes' optimistic expecta-
tions again were suddenly dashed when Congress declared
that voluntary arrangements, such as that between the
Office of Education and the Phelps-Stokes Fund, would be
illegal after June 30, 1919, and since funds were not
appropriated by Congress to continue the work, the Depart-
ment was discontinued.

As reported earlier in this chapter, on September 2,
1930, more than 63 years after the establishment of the
U.S. Office of Education, the first Negro professional
educator with the title of ”Specialist in the Education
of Negroes," was added to its staff. Dr. Caliver, at that
time a recent Ph.D. graduate of Teachers College, Columbia

University, New York, was selected for the position.

 

lIbid.

118

On September 11, 1930, the Department of the
Interior issued the following press release:

A new position of considerable importance has recently
been created in the United States Office of Education
and a Specialist in Negro education has been assigned
to the office. Its specific and immediate function is
to serve as a clearinghouse of information concerning
Negro education; to conduct, direct, and encourage
educational research; to stimulate interest in the
present status and future possibilities of Negro edu-
cation; and to assist in coordinating the various
researches, activities, and interests of Negro schools
and of persons concerned in Negro education and related
matters. ‘

In realizing these purposes the office will
endeavor to collect facts of all kinds bearing directly
and indirectly on Negro education; and make periodic
digests of educational literature dealing with or
which may be of use to Negro education. The specialist
in this office will visit schools and communities
throughout the country; make contacts with school
officials and others who are interested in Negro edu-
cation; attend and address meetings of educational
and other organizations on topics relating to his
specialty; and will act as consultant on Negro edu-
cation with educators and others desiring his services.
In performing his duties the specialist will endeavor
to confer with and utilize the services of specially
qualified persons in the various fields throughout
the country; and will attempt to focus on the problems
of Negro education all of the expert knowledge, tech-
niques, and educational forces available to the
Nation.

Because of its unique and strategic situation it
is felt that the position offers large opportunities
for service to the Negro race and to the Nation.
Although the major emphasis will be on public ele-
mentary and secondary education, any question or
problem relating to Negro education in general will
receive careful and interested attention. The new
office is located in the U.S. Office of Education in
the Department of the Interior.1

 

1Department of the Interior Press Release,
September 11, 1930.

119

Thus, with this announcement the man who was to devote more
than 31 years to Federal service, began his career in the
USOE.

The Missionary Review of the World, in the article

 

”The U.S. Government Recognizes Negro Education," appeared
to be somewhat critical of the Federal Government when it
revealed that the various religious denominations of the
American church had for many years recognized the special
problems and educational needs of emancipated slaves and
had taken intelligent action to serve them.
The Federal government, on the other hand, has lagged
behind the churches in fulfilling its educational
obligation to this handicapped population group. Yet
there seems to be a new spirit moving in Washington,

for . . . the Commissioner . . . hap appointed a
Director of Negro Education . . . .

Negro Education in the USOE, 1930-1962

 

Although the Office of Education had demonstrated
only occasional interest in the education of Negroes
between 1867 and 1930, having allocated very limited time,
resources and personnel to the education of this group, a

review of USOE Annual Reports indicates that educational

 

programs specifically for Negroes began to show a signifi-
cant increase in 1931 at which time special studies were

conducted and new programs were developed.

1"The U.S. Government Recognizes Negro Education,"
{Phe Missionary Review of the World 53 (December 1930):953.

 

120

In 1931 the Commissioner of Education stated:
In connection with the Survey of Secondary Education
and . . . (also) a study of elementary rural schools
. . ., (that) the specialist in Negro education
visited 97 rural and city schools in 12 states. The

purpose . . . was to obtain first-hand information
concerning the schools and educational conditions

Efforts in this area continued and each year from
1939 through 1942, USOE personnel conducted the National
Survey of Higher Education of Negroes.2 That the USOE
attempted to correct to some degree the failure of edu-
cational systems to provide adequately for Negro
is evident for the 1945 USOE Annual Report reveals that a
member of the Office of Education staff either partici-
pated in, or served in a consultant capacity to, several
programs of direct importance to Negroes, Among the pro-
grams were the Commission on Higher Education of the
Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools for Negroes
and the Hampton Institute Curriculum Organization.3

The education of Negroes received much public
attention just prior to the 19505. It is presumed that

emphasis on the education of Negroes was not only the

 

1United States Office of Education, Annual Re ort
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1531),
p. 37.

2Federal Security Agency, Annual Report (Washing-
ton, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), p. 42.

 

3Federal Security Agency, Annual Report (Washing-
ton, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1945). P- 46.

121

result of law suits but also was partly a consequence of
Negroes' and sympathetic public officials' efforts to
bring about the goal of equality of educational opportunity.
One effort of this new thrust was the renaissance of the
National Advisory Committee on the Education of Negroes.l

It should be noted that the Office of Education,
while developing programs geared to improve the education
of Negroes, also directed its efforts toward the field of
adult education. In 1955, after many years of giving but
little attention to adult education, the Office of Edu-
cation established the Adult Education Section as an
official and special unit. The new Section was not only
charged with addressing the problems and needs of adult
education, but it was also held responsible for developing
educational programs for, and publishing data on, the
nation's aging population.2 The following year, the
Adult Education Section, in c00peration with state,
regional and national associations, was involved in pro-
moting conferences and programs relating to health, human
relations and vocational education.

At the same time the USOE continued to work in

concert with other key organizations such as the Section

 

1Federal Security Agency, Annual Report (Washing-
ton, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office,41940),
pp. 77-79.

 

2Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1955), pp. 156-156.

 

122

on Fundamental and Literacy Education of the Adult Edu-
cation Association and the National Council on Naturali-
zation and Citizenship.1 Interest in adult education
increased for the relatively new field was beginning to
be recognized as important by influential bodies such as
the National School Boards Association, the President's
Science Advisory Committee and the National Education
Association.2 According to the 1961 Office of Health,

Education and Welfare (HEW) Annual Report, the Adult Edu-

 

cation Section's domain was expanded to include migrant
education and civil defense3 as normal parts of its oper-
ation.

During this period other programs had not been
neglected for concurrent with general adult education and
education for the aging, the Adult Education Section con-
tinued to provide leadership in the field while it
attempted to professionalize persons engaged in various

adult education programs.4

 

1Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1956).

 

2Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1959), p. 174.

 

3Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1961), p. 279.

4

 

Ibid., p. 243.

123

The USOE--Finances

 

The USOE has, historically, had difficulty in
securing adequate financial support. As previously indi-
cated, the agency received reduced Congressional appro-
priations at the outset of the Depression. However, its
responsibilities and appropriations were increased under
the New Deal and in the 19405 annual appropriations for
the USOE were increased due to additional World War II
related responsibilities.1

In the 19505, according to Bailey and Mosher, USOE
obligations were expanded but even then it continued to
receive insufficient authorization and Congressional
appropriations for needed personnel and program functions.2
An example of the standing in which the USOE was held by
the House of Representatives Was that body's vote to
decrease 1952 USOE funds by more than $425,000. The
Federal Security Agency Administrator, Mrs. Oveta Culp
Hobby, who later became the first Secretary of HEW, in
opposing the reduction in funds, argued that educational
programs, should the reduction be upheld, would be very

3

seriously affected. With the intervention of President

Eisenhower, a large portion of the reduction was restored.

 

1Federal Security Agency, Annual Report, 1942-43.

 

2Bailey and Mosher, op. cit., p. 8.

3Donovan, op. cit., p. 138.

124

That the USOE continued to receive inadequate
funding is supported by the remarks of Commissioner of
Education Sterling McMurrin, who, in his farewell address
of September 8, 1962, stated, "I feel that very often
Congress is inclined to withhold funds from the Office of
Education, those very resources that are necessary to make
it possible for the Office of Education to do the things

that Congress rightly expects of it."1

Leadership in the USOE

 

The Office of Education experienced periods of
leadership that, from the perspective of advocates of
Negro education, ranged from inadequate to excellent.
Harold Ickes, Secretary of the Department of the Interior
under President Roosevelt, made it a practice to employ
Negroes when other governmental agencies and departments
refused to do so. Action of this nature should not have
been surprising in view of the Secretary's background for
Mr. Ickes, classified as a political progressive, had been
president of the Chicago, Illinois branch of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).2
Not only did Secretary Ickes employ members of the Negro

race, but he also initiated procedures to end segregated

lunchroom facilities for employees in his department. The

 

1Kursh, op. cit., p. 22. (Identical statement may
also be found in Bailey and Mosher, op. cit., pp. 18-19.

2Leuchtenburg, op. cit., p. 186.

125

decision to eliminate racially segregated facilities was
noteworthy at that time since most departments of govern-
ment refused to act accordingly.1

The problem of attracting and retaining qualified
personnel was a major concern during and prior to the
19305, partly because of unfavorable salary levels. One
reason the Office of Education failed to secure the ser-
vices of the best qualified persons for organizational
positions, according to Bailey and Mosher, was due to poor
management in the Office as was common throughout much of
Federal Government. "There was no overall manpower plan-
ning for the office; no system of career development; and
no effective personnel evaluation system."2 The same
authors intimate that the Office would have provided
improved leadership had it not favored almost exclusively
persons with extensive professional experience in preference
to those with energy and imagination.3

As the Office of Education was given more respon-
sibilities it began to attract younger personnel to fill
newly created positions. Further, improved personnel
management procedures allowed for the uncovering and utili-
zation of the talents of older but experienced Office of

Education employees.4 Regardless of improved circumstances,

 

1Krislov, op. cit., p. 23.

2Bailey and Mosher, op. cit., p. 73.

3 4

Ibid. Ibid., p. 209.

126

the Office of Education was not able to provide the quan-
tity or quality of leadership warranted since it was
habitually understaffed. Nevertheless, the Office of
Education did not lay dormant. It provided leadership in
the development of several valuable programs. For example,
in the early 19405 the Office became involved in the inter-
cultural education program for the foreign born since it
was felt that the failure to immigrants to fully support
World War II efforts was partially due to that group's
inability to understand the English language. Also during
this period the Office of Education began to provide gui-
dance to both industry and individuals as they planned
programs for the post-war readjustment period.1

Bailey and Mosher contend that until the early
19605 the USOE, because of ". . . institutional character-
istics . . . (was considered) . . . an old line bureau."2
Not until Commissioner Francis Keppel's administration,
according to these authors, did the Office of Education
begin to function as a modern, efficient organization.
"Keppel," according to Bailey and Mosher, "sensed the need
to turn the USOE from a series of country stores into a

3

modern supermarket." It appears that President Kennedy,

/

 

1Federal Security Agency, Annual Report, 1942-43.

 

2Bailey and Mosher, op. cit., p. 19.

31bid., p. 75.

127

partly to effect this change, appointed Dr. Keppel to the

position of Commissioner of Education.1

Summary

The Office of Education was created as the result
of the laborious groundwork of persons and organizations
who were vitally concerned with the establishment of a
national educational agency. The necessity for such an
agency was clearly demonstrated by statistics which were
gathered in the U.S. Census of 1840. Further, the U.S.
Census of 1860 verified that 6,000,000 persons were
engaged in common school education, occupying roles as
teachers, administrators, or students.2

In 1886 a bill to establish a Department of Edu-
cation was introduced by Representative James A. Garfield;
it was passed on March 1, 1867, and signed by the Presi-
dent the following day.

Although the original charge to the USOE was that
of collecting statistics and other appropriate data, it
now has, in addition, the responsibility for the adminis-
tration of programs resulting from an increase in Federal
involvement in educational matters.

It is evident that the Office of Education expe-
rienced considerable difficulty in being accepted by

Washington decision and policymakers and further, because

 

1Ibid., p. 35. 2Kursh, op. cit., p. 10.

128

of the manner in which it was perceived, it was frequently
relocated, usually understaffed and perpetually under-
financed.

Presently the USOE is involved in numerous pro-
grams as well as performing many leadership roles related
to Federal involvement in nationwide educational programs.
However, as late as January, 1972, the USOE was faced with
another money crisis. To remain solvent, the Commissioner
authorized the release of over 300 temporary employees.
Further, he declared a hiatus in the filling of present
and future vacancies. To further reduce expenditures, the
use of consultants and staff promotions were suspended.1
The USOE appears to be experiencing some of the same
problems it faced during its infancy and developmental
years.

During the early years of the USOE, Negro education
received but meager attention. Once it was recognized as
being deserving of attention, it was cursory in nature. In
their despair Negroes retained a semblance of hope of
Federal educational assistance due to efforts of the
Freedman's Bureau and several political officials.

The Division of Negro Education heightened the
hopes of Negroes, but in July of 1919, their expectations
and aspirations were frustrated when financial support

for the Division, as in the case of the Freedman's Bureau,

 

1"The Washington Report," Phi Delta Kappa 53,
50 (January l972):335.

 

129

was ordered discontinued by Congressional action. Hoped
for progress in Negro Education took a major step forward
in 1930 with the appointment of a Negro, Dr. Ambrose
Caliver, to the USOE staff. His specific responsibility
was to improve education and educational opportunity for
members of the Negro race. For twenty years the term
"Negro" appeared in his title. I

Adult education was developed under the leadership
of Dr. Caliver. From 1867 to 1955, a period of 88 years,
adult education received but little attention from USOE
administrators. Since Dr. Caliver's first assignment did
not limit the scope of his activities, he became involved
in education for children, youth and adults. Because of
Dr. Caliver's involvement in literary education projects
and programs for Negro adults, he recognized the white
race's need for similar programs. Further, his research
and publications, coupled with his leadership position on
adult education committees and commissions, and to which
he assigned persons sympathetic to his goals, eventually
led to the establishment of the Adult Education Section

of the Office of Education.

CHAPTER VI

DR. CALIVER, THE ADMINISTRATOR

Introduction

 

The major intent of this chapter is to report the
findings of an inquiry into the career of Dr. Ambrose
Caliver, a minority administrator assigned to a middle
echelon position in a large, formal, majority group con-
trolled government institution. Dr. Caliver's career was
that of a Black leader for Negro and adult education within
an established bureaucratic system, the United States
Office of Education. The inquiry has explored how Dr.
Caliver survived and contributed to the Federal education
agency for more than 30 years even though he was a minority
group member responsible for marginal causes for primarily
marginally accepted persons.

Historically, racial minorities have had but little
voice in the affairs of government, and as a result, most.
members of these groups have not shared equitably in bene-
fits from the country's government-controlled services and
opportunities. This situation can be attributed partly to
the lack of effective minority leadership; therefore, the
professional career of Dr. Caliver, a Federal bureaucrat

130

131

for over thirty years was studied for clues it might offer
to other minorities, not necessarily racial minorities,
concerned with more effective performance as administrators

in bureaucratic government organizations.

Brief Overview of Dr. Caliver's Life

 

Dr. Caliver, the third of three Caliver children,
was born in Saltville, Virginia several months after the
death of his father in a company accident. His mother
died while he was still a young child. After the death
of his mother Ambrose was raised by an elderly aunt.

Before he reached his teenage years, Dr. Caliver was
employed at a coal mine to help support the family.

After having received his elementary and high
school education in Virginia, West Virginia and Tennessee,
Dr. Caliver attended Knoxville College, Tuskegee Institute,
Howard University, the University of Wisconsin and Teachers
College, Columbia University, which awarded him the Doctor
of Philosophy Degree.

As a professional educator Dr. Caliver served as
teacher, assistant principal, principal, professor, dean
and government worker. In 1930 he began his 31 year
career with the U.S. Office of Education as Specialist in
the Education of Negroes. Other positions held there were
Specialist for Negro Higher Education; Assistant to the
Commissioner; Chief, Adult Education Section and Education,

Research and Program Specialist.

132

Dr. Caliver also authored many published articles,
participated in national and international education pro-
grams, and served other Federal departments. He was also
involved in many other important affairs, including
research and the preparation of documents related to the
1954 Supreme Court decision concerning the unconstitu-
tionality of-public school racial segregation.

In addition to Office of Education responsibilities,
Dr. Caliver taught part-time at several universities and
participated in many other activities which were intended
to improve the lives of Negroes and other disadvantaged
persons.

Dr. Caliver, a victim of racial discrimination and
segregation as a Federal employee, served the Office of
Education during the administrations of five Presidents and
during periods when the nation was in a depression which
affected the lives of millions of persons. Negroes par-
ticularly were victims of the depression because most mem-
bers of the race were poorly educated and held menial
jobs. With the passage of time the plight of Negroes
improved. The improvement in the quality of Negro lives
can be attributed to several factors including improved
Black leadership, favorable court decisions, beneficial
Federal legislation and more awareness by administrators
and others of the problems, concerns and conditions of

Negro citizens.

133

The Model

 

The remainder of the chapter will examine signifi—
cant qualities of Dr. Caliver as a person, his associ-
ations as a minority member of a bureaucratic agency and
his unique performance as a Federal bureaucrat.

A series of models emerged as a result of a review
of the literature. As an initial guide for the inquiry
into Dr. Caliver's performance and related questions,
Ordway Tead's model of leadership qualities and character-
istics, as reported in Chapter II, was employed. Tead's
model was selected because it was assumed that he was an
authority in the field of administrative leadership. That
model postulates ten factors which distinguish effective
leaders. It is recalled here:

1. Physical and nervous energy

2. A sense of purpose and direction
3. Enthusiasm

4. Friendliness and affection

5. Integrity

6. Technical mastery

7. Decisiveness

8. Intelligence

9. Teaching skills
10. Faith

As the inquiry progressed, however, other qualities

and characteristics of leadership emerged as important in

134

relation to Dr. Caliver. Thus, beginning with Tead's

ten factors and using others from later authors as well

as still others observed in the unique personal and pro-

fessional style of Dr. Caliver himself, an expanded list

of twenty factors was developed. That list provides the

framework for this report. It includes:

1.

15.
16.
17.
18.
19.

20.

Decisiveness

Sense of purpose and direction
Perspective

Integrity

Teaching skill

Technical mastery

Faith

Friendliness and affection
Energy

Enthusiasm

Initiative

Empathy

Responsibility
Perseverance

Courage

Creativity
Imperturbability

Conflict management
Loyalty

Intelligence

135

Decisiveness

 

In view of the second class status accorded Dr.
Caliver during much of his career, he was clearly cog-
nizant of the discriminatory setting in which he worked,
and he recognized that the acquisition of civil rights
was evolutionary in nature. He discovered that the art of
compromise was essential to survival, but he made certain
not to compromise his principles. Evidences of his
decisiveness were numerous. His decision to become for-
mally associated with the Office of Education required a
rational and courageous decision in view of the fact that
racial segregation and discrimination existed in the
agency before his formal association. Early in his col-
lege career Dr. Caliver appears to have made a decision
to serve the Federal education agency. In 1912, while a
freshman at Knoxville College, he remarked to his future
wife, "I'm going to be your Commissioner of Education

1 When the

. . . because I think I can do a better job."
opportunity to join the Office of Education was presented,
Dr. Caliver immediately contacted Howard University, with
whom he had accepted a position after severing his rela-
tionship with Fisk University, and requested a release

from his contracted position with the school.2 Howard

University was pleased to honor his request.

 

ers. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

2Dr. Walter Daniel, Interview, August 19, 1970.

136

The difficult decision to function as a Black
administrator in a racially biased organization was renewed
on many occasions. Dr. Caliver declined numerous offers
of professional positions which would have involved less
direct racial segregation and discrimination. Each time
he made and remade the decision to remain.

His decisiveness was fully dramatized when he

responded to a request from the Editor of the Washington

 

Tribune regarding the invitation to assume the office of
President of Lincoln University. He wrote:
My election to the presidency of Lincoln University
was unexpected to me. I had previously declined
this office, giving as one of my reasons the belief
that some of the projects that had been recently
undertaken by the Office of Education, and which will
not be completed for two or three years, were of such
importance to the race, that it seemed altogether
inadvisable to make a change now.

In addition to the opportunity to serve as the
president of Lincoln University, Dr. Caliver declined
opportunities to fill chief administrative positions at
seven other institutions of higher education.2

Dr. Caliver's determination to remain in the Office
of Education position was, from the point of view of
acquaintances and associates, irrevocable since, in his

judgement, very little could be accomplished for members

of his race, or for other unfortunate persons, unless he

 

1Dr. Ambrose Caliver, letter to the Editor,
Washington Tribune, April 21, 1931.

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 19, 1970.

137

played a key role. Dr. Walter Daniel is of the Opinion
that Dr. Caliver "accepted (the position) and endured for
the sake of those who needed him,"1 while Mrs. Betty Ward
claimed that "Dr. Caliver elected to associate himself
with the Office of Education because of his desire to
serve the little people, both Black and white."2

Dr. Caliver was determined to serve the Federal
education agency even though his promotions were few.

Dr. Edward W. Brice supports the strong belief that Dr.

Caliver was a decisive individual. He said that Dr.

Caliver
. . . wanted to be recognized on his merit and this
didn't happen . . . he had Spent over 28 years in
Federal service and he was still a GS 15 . . . and
in all those years he served . . . in key positions
saving face for the agency, spearheading projects
that sometimes he didn't even get credit for doing
. . . (and) very often this Black man . . . had to
work under people inferior to himself . . . .

Dr. Spaulding pointed out that Dr. Caliver's
promotion to Assistant to the Commissioner "was not as
prestigious as simply assistant or associate (commissioner)
might have been."4

Very early in his career Dr. Caliver's first

supervisor, a Mrs. Katherine Cook, requested that he eat

 

Daniel, op. cit.
Mrs. Betty Ward, Interview, August 19, 1970.
Dr. Edward Brice, Interview, August 17, 1970.

Dr. Seth Spaulding, letter to Peyton S.
, November 11, 1970.

3 15 u N H

Hutchiso

138

his lunch in the cafeteria that had been set aside for
Negroes.1 Toward the end of his career, segregation in
the Office of Education still existed. In 1961, according
to Dr. Samuel Halperin, "the unit headed by Dr. Caliver
was essentially all Negro . . ."2
As observed by his associate, Dr. Edward Brice,
"he could have fought against segregation in the Office of
Education and have been separated from Federal service,
but he felt that the presence of a Black in the office
. . . to be unique and historically necessary."3
These and other items of evidence strengthen the
assertion that Dr. Caliver did, in fact, make a rational
and irrevocable decision to accept second class treatment,
in order to maintain contact with policy and decision
makers. As revealed in a previous section, E. Frederick
Morrow, the first Black presidential assistant, arrived
at a conclusion comparable to that of Dr. Caliver's for
in spite of the serious problems he frequently confronted,
he felt that his presence on the staff of President
Eisenhower prevented some acts which would have been detri-
mental to the Negro and also provided a "pipeline to the

members of the government."4

 

1Brice, op. cit.

2Dr. Samuel Halperin, telephone interview,
January 5, 1971.

3Brice, op. cit. 4Morrow, op. cit., p. 183.

139

It is obvious that Dr. Caliver did not agree with
his total role; it is apparent that he adjusted his per-
sonality to reach a "rational solution"1 which permitted
him to function in his capacity as a marginal man who
served what his agency saw as marginal goals.

In spite of the problems he was forced to confront
and in spite of many other professional opportunities which
would have brought relief from the intensive segregation
and discrimination to which he was subjected, Dr. Caliver
elected to devote his life, from 1931 until his death in
1962, to a professional career with the United States
Office of Education. A decision of this magnitude required
decisiveness, which according to Tead, is a necessary

quality of leadership.2

Sense of Purpose and Direction

 

Dr. Caliver was a man with a definite sense of
purpose and direction as he pursued his marginal but very
important Office of Education responsibilities. His pri-
mary purpose was to help his fellow man and the nation
through education. That he intended to serve his fellow
man by providing educational guidance, instruction and
leadership was apparent when, as an undergraduate he

decided to make a career of education. He realized the

 

lKramer, op. cit., pp. 17—18.

2Tead, op. cit., p. 83.

140

value of education and chose academic training which pre-
pared him to serve minority as well as majority group per-
sons.

Dr. Caliver was concerned with the education of
Negroes and the education of adults. Although his original
Office of Education assignment directed him to work for
the improvement of Negro education, he accepted the position
with the idea of helping the little man regardless of
color.1 He reasoned that the world is confusing even to
the educated segment of the population; therefore, it would
be considerably more perplexing to functionally illiterate
persons, regardless of color, for they are ill equipped to
cope with the multitude of every day problems related to
employment, citizenship and home and family living.2 Dr.
Caliver, like Carl Rogers, intended "that there should
come about . . . more functional use of the latent inner
resources of the individual,"3 and he set about developing
programs designed to realize literacy in the adult popu-
lation. In an article, "Vocational Guidance of Negroes,"
he recommended that professional guidance workers attempt

to discover talent whether it be in "white skin, brown

 

1Ward, op. cit.

2Ambrose Caliver, "Illiteracy and Manpower Mobili-
zation: Manpower Needs in Present Emergency," School Life
(April 1951).

 

3Rogers, op. cit., p. 40.

141

skin, or black skin."1 That Dr. Caliver elected to serve

all undereducated people was reported by Mrs. Betty Ward.
"Dr. Caliver was not working as a Black; he was working
as an American, but he knew that if he did a good job as
an American he would serve Blacks."2

Dr. Caliver's concern for the education of adults
extended beyond the shores of the United States. In August
of 1945 he wrote that fundamental and literacy education
could benefit "55 percent of the world's population." In
the United States, as recent as 1948, over four million
native whites, over three million foreign-born whites and
nearly three million Negroes lacked the most basic
literacy skills. Dr. Caliver's purpose in pursuing edu-
cational programs to benefit society can best be summarized
when he said, ". . . an active program is needed to cope
with the 'undereducated' of all races and nationality back-
grounds."3

Dr. Caliver's purpose and direction were clear.
He was desirous of assisting the little people and to do
so he used all the avenues at his disposal. In addition
to writing, speaking and conducting conferences and

developing projects to enhance his cause, some of his work

 

lAmbrose Caliver, "Vocational Guidance Problems of
Negroes," School and College Placement l (1944).

2

 

Ward, op. cit.

3AEA-USA Committee on Literacy and Fundamental Edu-
cation, AASA Meeting, Atlantic City, February 16, 1954.

142

was presented to Congressional Committees. For example,
the article, "Needed: Another Crash Program," which was

published in Adult Leadership,1 was one of several exhibits

 

presented to the Select Subcommittee on Education of the
Committee on Education and Labor of the U.S. House of
Representatives.2

Consonant with his desire to assist the little
man, it should be noted that in addition to his involvement
in national and international literacy education programs,
Dr. Caliver supported programs for the older citizens and
programs for persons displaced by World War II. In addi-
tion, he demonstrated his concern for the little people by
serving as a consultant to the Task Force on Low Income
Groups of the President's Council of Economic Advisors
regarding illiteracy.3

Although Dr. Caliver felt a deep sense of commit-
ment to support and encourage educational opportunities
for all disadvantaged people, he served as a special

protagonist for the education of Negroes.

 

lAmbrose Caliver, "Needed: Another Crash Program,"
Adult Leadership (August 1958).

2Dr. Ambrose Caliver, Exhibit, General Subcom-
mittee on Labor and Select Subcommittee on Education &
Labor, U.S. House of Representatives, 87th Cong., 2nd
Sess. on H.R. 10143 and H.R. 10191, 1962 (Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962).

3Ambrose Caliver, "Activities of the Chairman of
AEA-USA, Section on Fundamental and Literacy Education,
National Archives.

 

143

There is ample evidence to show that Dr. Caliver
was aware of the educational problems and lack of adequate
opportunities for members of his race. He accepted the
Office of Education position especially because of his
desire to improve educational Opportunities for Black
children, youth and adults for he recognized the signifi-
cant differences between educational Opportunities for
whites as opposed to Blacks. Since he was an "incurable
optimist . . . (he) felt he could bring about some
improvement in Negro education . . . ."1

Dr. Caliver had a purposeful career. His initial
Office of Education years were devoted to improving Negro
educational institutions, to teacher training and to the
preparation of a series of bibliographies since there
appeared to be very few accurate listings of books and
other publications available to persons interested in
Negro education. He was also concerned with the develop-
ment and improvement of secondary and higher education
institutions for Negroes.2

That Dr. Caliver was concerned with education and
equality of Opportunity for Negroes was further demon-
istrated by many of his publications, his involvement in
certain projects and his service on committees and com-

missiOns. For example, in his article "Vocational Guidance

 

1

Daniel, Op. cit. Ibid.

144

1 he recommended that guidance workers

Problems of Negroes,?
give particular attention to the poor conditions in many
Southern Schools, most of which were segregated according
to race. The schools and their equipment were inadequate,
the terms were short, the schools were overcrowded and
teachers were poorly trained and poorly paid, said Dr.
Caliver.

Dr. Joseph Douglass reported that Dr. Caliver
"wrote profusely in professional educational journals
. . . largely on the national scene, to indicate gaps
between the colored and white institutions, particularly
in the context of what he termed 'education for democ-
racy."'2 There is substantial evidence to support Dr.
Douglass' claim. For example, hardly a year passed without
the Negro administrator writing for professional journals
on several subjects of importance to his position and to
his race. He wrote on issues such as the aging, inter-
national education, intergroup education, literacy edu-
cation, vocational education, public school integration
and life long education. He wrote for publications of

general circulation as well as for Negro organs such as

 

lAmbrose Caliver, "Vocational Guidance Problems
of Negroes," Op. cit.

2Dr. Joseph Douglass, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, February 1, 1971.

145

The Crescent,1 which was published by a Black social

 

fraternity, The Tuskegee Messenger,2 published by Tuskegee

 

Institute and the Pittsburgh Courier.3

 

Dr. Caliver's influence and views also contributed
to the historic Supreme Court decision which held that
public school segregation was unconstitutional. Dr. Ellis
D. Knox, Professor Emeritus, Howard University, revealed
that Dr. Caliver played an active role in the development
of the case that led to the Court's decision.4 It is
probably typical of his low-key operation in such matters
that although Dr. Caliver and Supreme Court Justice
Marshall were professional acquaintances, Justice Marshall
wrote this author that he did not "remember in any detail
the contribution he (Dr. Caliver) made to the research
prior to the school case arguments."5

Dr. Edward Brice insists that Dr. Caliver was

deeply involved in the case. Brice reported that he

 

1The Crescent, published by Phi Beta Sigma
Fraternity.

 

2The Tuskegee Messenger, published by Tuskegee
Institute, Tuskegee, Alabama.

3The Pittsburgh Courier, published at Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania.

4Dr. Ellis O. Knox, Professor Emeritus, Howard
University, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, May 12, 1971.

 

 

5Thurgood Marshall, Justice, United States
Supreme Court, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, January 26,
1971.

146

knew most of the persons associated with the case, and
said,
I think I am in a position to evaluate their con-
tributions. I was that close to it. No person in
the U.S. made a greater contribution . . . than
Ambrose Caliver. He . . . did most of the research,
if not all of it, on the education background state-
ment, which was submitted by the United States in 1
support of the 1954 Supreme Court Decision . . . .
Additional evidence that Dr. Caliver was centrally
associated with the case was found in a letter to Dr.
Caliver from Mr. Will Alexander, who wrote: "I have been
thinking of our recent talk with the Assistant Attorney
General about the possible reaction in the South to a
Supreme Court decision setting segregation . . . ."2
Dr. Caliver's deep sense of purpose and commit-
ment to Black peOple consumed much of his time and energy.
He served as a member of the Citizens' Commission on Inte-
gration of Negroes into the National Defense Programs;
he headed literacy education projects; he served as chair-
man and member of the committees and commissions; and he
responded to numerous letters and requests of Negroes.
Both in his Official capacity and in his personal prior-

ities, he was devoted to improving the status of Black

people.

 

1Brice, op. cit.

2Mr. Will Alexander, letter to Ambrose Caliver,
September, 1953.

147

Perspective

 

Dr. Caliver saw the interest of Blacks and little
people within a larger perspective. He believed in an
equal and integrated society, but he realized that Black
people and others who were similarly disadvantaged, would
have difficulty attaining equal status if programs
appeared to be intended or designed solely for the bene-
fit of racial groups or other special interests. As a
minority person serving in a sensitive capacity in the
Office of Education, he realized the importance of casting
the welfare of Blacks and others in the context of the
greater society rather than in the context of special
interests.

Dr. Caliver's purposes and his manner of Obtaining
his goals were kept clearly in mind. As a Black person he
felt it imperative to maintain, if at all possible, con-
tact with the white race. Regarding his relationship with
Dr. Caliver, a white associate said:

. . . our personal relationships were very close and
I was often at his home in Washington or at his beach
cottage on the Bay (in those days) a kind of black
(sic) beach resort because of segregation that still
persisted, but in retrospect we seemed to ignore race
problems since we had so much in common professionally1
and we both enjoyed the other Without thought of race.
Further evidence that Dr. Caliver correlated the improve—

ment of the welfare of Blacks and other minorities with

the greater society can be supported. For example, he

 

lSpaulding, op. cit.

148'

stressed the importance of eliminating illiteracy because
of its threat to the nation generally, to national defense,
and to utilization of human resources regardless of race.
He rarely supported programs for the sole benefit of his
racial group. For example, regarding the Project for
Literacy Education of Negroes, Dr. Caliver wrote that a
bill (S. 2801) had been introduced in Congress to provide
funds to help eradicate illiteracy. Although the project
was designed to assist Negroes, he noted in his report
that illiterates were to be found in every State and among
all segments of the population regardless of color. Not
only was the project of potential value to illiterates in
the United States, but it was recognized by the United
Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization
&UNESCO) for its potential worth in other countries where
illiteracy among adults was significant.

In keeping with his goal of a literate adult
society, Dr. Caliver, in a speech drafted for Senator
Kilgore, wrote that "this (illiteracy) is not a local
problem, not a Southern problem. It is national in scope

1 Every opportunity to focus

and non-racial in its reach."
attention on the need for adult literacy was taken by Dr.
Caliver. In 1948 Commissioner Studebaker directed Dr.

Caliver, who at that time was Specialist in the Higher

 

1Dr. Ambrose Caliver, "Relation of Literacy to
Civilian and Military Needs," Draft of Speech for Senator
Kilgore, August 12, 1954.

149

Education of Negroes, to prepare for his review an opinion
regarding S. 2801. The bill was intended to remove illit-
eracy from the adult population. His response indicated
that such a law would increase the nation's manpower
potential in times of peace and war, it would help to
reduce poverty with a commensurate reduction in welfare
expenditures and it would reduce illiteracy without regard
to race or residence.

Our democratic way of life is weakened and becomes

vulnerable to attack from foreign ideologies and

native demogagues to the extent that our citizens

are uninformed and lack the fundamentalltools of

learning with which to become informed.

That Dr. Caliver's purpose was the eradication of
illiteracy among adults was revealed in his draft of a
letter to Senator Irving Ives in which he presented his
customary strong case for literacy education. He said:

". . . over a half million . . . men . . . 60 Army
divisions, were rejected during the last World War because

2 Also memoranda

they were functionally illiterate."
regarding literacy education legislation originated in the
office of Dr. Caliver. For example, on several occasions,

he drafted memoranda related to literacy education as an

administration measure. These recommendations, had they

 

1Dr. Ambrose Caliver, Draft of opinion on S. 2801
prepared for Commissioner Studebaker, June 14, 1948.

2Dr. Ambrose Caliver, letter to Senator Irving
Ives, March 6, 1952.

150

been enacted, would have served all adults in need of
literacy education.

In 1940 the Specialist authored "Secondary Schools
for Negroes" which was published in the July issue of

School Life. In it he wrote that with improved education

 

of Negroes, the general health and welfare of the nation,
including military service, would be improved.1

Concerned with the education of Negroes and the
elimination of illiteracy, Dr. Caliver again attempted to
capitalize on the perspective of the cold war. In April,
1951, in the article "Illiteracy and Manpower Mobilization:
Manpower Needs in Present Emergency," Dr. Caliver wrote:

With the extent and complexity of the nation's man-
power needs, illiteracy can neither be justified nor
tolerated since the machines necessary to make war as
well as to promote peace require the skills, flexi-
bility and understanding usually associated with
literacy.

Dr. Caliver had definite purposes in mind when he
accepted the Office of Education position. In addition,
he had charted a mental course which he felt would lead to
the fulfillment of his goals as a minority administrator.
Dr. Caliver had a definite sense of purpose, direction

and perspective which seems to have been one of his

important qualities of leadership.

 

1Ambrose Caliver, "Secondary Schools for Negroes,"
School Life (July 1940).

2Ambrose Caliver, "Illiteracy and Manpower Mobili-
zation: Manpower Needs in Present Emergency," op. cit.

 

151

Summary

Upon entering Federal service Dr. Caliver set out
to achieve two major goals. They were the improvement of
Negro and adult education. Further, he developed plans
which assisted him in the realization of his purposes.
Dr. Caliver pursued Negro and Adult education interests
by publishing in professional journals, by speaking to
organizations which were interested in these fields, and
by directing attention to Negro and adult education con-
cerns through interviews, newspaper articles and by
collaborating with other professionals who were interested
in these areas of education. Dr. Caliver rarely sought
goals or developed programs solely for the benefit of
Negroes. He sought to help persons regardless of racial,

cultural or national differences.

Integrity

 

Dr. Caliver was a man of the highest integrity
whose reputation and behavior remained untarnished through-
out his career. Evidences of his integrity are many and
they fully demonstrate his honest views regarding the
relationships among people regardless of race or color.
Also, he expected quality performance from those who
served under his supervision. Dr. Caliver did not openly
criticize the established system of government even though
he did not believe in many of the accepted practices which

negatively affected the race.

152

Cognizant of harm caused by racial discrimination
and segregation, Dr. Caliver deliberately but discreetly
focused attention on the problems created for Negroes by
members of the majority group. He attempted to do it
without arousing majority group antagonism. He demon-
strated his desire for racial equality by employing com-
petent Negro and white persons to serve in his department.

He was just human enough to want to get the best
person he could . . . . It is just possible that

. . . he probably would want to lean over backward
(to hire white persons) because "I am not going to
make this a Negro division: I am going to integrate.
I am going to do this by example." On Dr. Caliver's
biographical sketch he referred to himself as being
the first Negro to be hired in a professional capacity
and I said (to him) I was going to put on mine that

I was the first white person to be hired by the first
Negro to be hired.1

Regarding his staff, Dr. Spaulding, currently
Director of the Department of School and Higher Education,
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Orga-
nization (UNESCO) and a former associate of Dr. Caliver,
wrote that he "had an eye for young men with bright ideas,
no matter what their color." "Further," wrote Spaulding,
"he always selected a person because of his unique
ability."2

Interesting observations were made by Black and

white associates of Dr. Caliver. Dr. Brice, a Black and

Dr. Caliver's successor, claimed that Dr. Caliver was more

 

1Dr. John B. Holden, Interview, August 19, 1970.

2Spaulding, op. cit.

153

demanding of Negroes than of whites because he understood
what it meant to be a racial minority. Further, noted
Brice, Dr. Caliver had to struggle due to a background of
poverty and his efforts to improve himself. "He was the
toughest task master I ever had to work with . . . ."1
Mrs. Betty Ward, also Black, revealed that Dr. Caliver
frequently said, "you have to persevere, Betty. You're
Black; you aren't going to get anywhere Betty, unless you
persevere."2

Dr. Holden confirms Mrs. Ward's observation that
Dr. Caliver demanded considerably more of Blacks than he
did of whites. Dr. Holden feels that because of their
situation in life, Dr. Caliver was of the opinion that
they "must work harder, must study more, and must be
above reproach . . . must be perfect . . . ." He adds,
"I sometimes felt a little bit sorry because he was very
demanding. He was a perfectionist of himself and others.
He would demand more of a Negro than of me."3

Another Dr. Caliver associate lends credence to
Holden's and Ward's perception of Dr. Caliver's expectations
of Negroes. "He was harder on his secretary, Mrs. Dorothy

Latham, than on whites . . . ."4 According to Ward and

 

1Brice, op. cit. 2Ward, Op. cit.

3Holden, op. cit.

4Dr. Roy Minnis, telephone interview, August 23,
1970.

154

Brice, a job was not well done until he gave his approval.
In essence, Dr. Caliver established personal limitations
beyond which he would not yield. He would "draw the line"
if, in his judgement, he was being pushed too far.

Dr. Caliver demonstrated his integrity very early
in his career when he elected not to use the Office of
Education dining facility that had been set aisde for
Negroes even though he had been requested to do 50.
Instead, he elected to bring his lunch from home and eat
in his Office because of a viable option available to
him.1

Dr. Caliver demonstrated on many occasions that
he was fully aware of the problems which confronted
Negroes. Therefore, he used his professional office to
address some of the problems which impeded the progress
of the race. There were times when he admonished Black
professional educators and students to prepare well and to
perform well.

Consistent with this notion, Dr. Caliver assisted
the American Teachers Association (ATA), a Black profes-
sional group, to improve its professionalism. Based on his
professional publications regarding Negro education, it
can be assumed that Dr. Caliver believed that the National

Education Association (NBA) was more advanced than the ATA.

 

1Brice, Op. cit.

155

Therefore, Dr. Caliver attempted to promote ATA causes and

to develop its work to a level equal to that of the NEA.1

Dr. Caliver also maintained his candidness and
honesty with the race when he wrote:

Not only do Negro adults need special training in
production and service occupations, but they also
need such training in the distributive occupations,
particularly in the organization and management of
small businesses. For example, in keeping proper
accounts, in purhcasing, in displaying and advertising
and in salesmanship . . . . Cardinal virtues of
accuracy, dependability, industry, and a sense of
responsibility . . . personality, qualities of coop-
eration and good manners . . . should not be over-
looked . . . . While Negro students are being given
the principles and techniques for success in present
day American life, and being taught to accept the
values in American culture, they must also be taught
to admire the worthwhile values in their own race and
to appreciate the contributions which these values may
make to the general culture and welfare. And above
all, they must be helped to understand that the prob-
lems which have resulted from their minority group
status cannot be solved overnight . . . .

As a man of integrity who, whenever feasible,
expressed himself in an honest fashion, Dr. Caliver wrote
that "Negroes themselves should take some initiative . . .
and better prepare themselves for new demands . . . (and)
parent-teacher associations, churches and civic organi—
zations (should) increase the interest of Negro adults in

their self-improvement."3

 

1Ambrose Caliver, "Education of Negroes," School
Life (June 1939).

21bid.

3

156

A study of these statements demonstrates Dr.
Caliver's unique role. He felt it imperative not to
offend the white decision makers. He also found it
imperative to maintain his integrity and his loyalty to
members of his race. His ability to be faithful to both
of these imperatives, especially that of integrity, pro-
vides one major explanation of his durability and effective-

ness.

Teaching78kill

 

Ordway Tead lists teaching skill as a necessary
quality of leadership. It is clear that Dr. Caliver was
exceptional in this area.

Dr. Caliver was an exemplary model of the profes-
sional administrator and teacher. Because he maintained
the highest professional standards and because the tasks
for which his unit was responsible, most of which were
marginal to the principal commitments of USOE and required
an inordinate amount of time and energy, Dr. Caliver
expected each person in his division to be well prepared
and to work to his maximum capacity to achieve desirable
goals in Negro and adult education.

Dr. Caliver conveyed his beliefs through his
behavior. For example, he was a demanding supervisor who
expected the best from colleagues and he demanded no less
of himself. He exemplified his belief in integration by

employing competent persons regardless of color. Two of

157

the outstanding white persons hired by Dr. Caliver were
Dr. Holden and Dr. Spaulding.

Dr. Caliver believed that it was imperative that
Blacks work within the established system of government
to achieve the group's goals and that for an individual
to be obtrusive was defeating to himself and to group
goals. According to Dr. Brice "he had the speech, the
mannerisms, the composure . . . to blend into . . . the
mold of a white professional who was sophisticated, suave
and always in possession of himself. He was a very
reserved and professional person."1 Brice also revealed
that Dr. Caliver appreciated people who were "intel-
lectually sharp, alert, responsive and responsible."2

According to Holden and Daniel, Dr. Caliver was
"diligent and assiduous in his workmanship."3 A profes-
sional educator, Dr. Rufus Clements, wrote that Dr.
Caliver steadfastly refused to participate in parties or
scheduled periods of relaxation until he had "finished
all of his assignments and until his work was well
done . . . ."4

Dr. Caliver was a man who knew where he wanted
to go; he charted a course he felt would lead to a given
goal. For example, he believed in literacy education for

adults and he worked extremely hard to establish and

 

2

1Brice, op. cit. Ibid.

3Daniel and Holden, op. cit., p. 24. 4Ibid.

158

improve such programs. There was never any doubt regarding
Dr. Caliver's dedication to Negro and adult education and
he prepared persons who would determine the fate of pro-
grams in these important areas. He did his teaching in

a number of ways including publications, supervisory
leadership and other personal contacts, and by using com-
mittees and commissions as learning groups. Through these
and other methods, Dr. Caliver sought to develop workers
and decision makers both inside and outside his unit who
would contribute to the betterment of education for his
race and for all adults.

That Dr. Caliver had sufficient and practical
teaching skills was demonstrated by his performance in a
variety of teaching and administrative positions he held
at the common school and higher education levels and in

his work with the Federal education agency.

Technical Mastery

 

Dr. Caliver possessed the technical mastery to
accomplish most of the tasks he set for himself. However,
when he recognized that he lacked the expertise to accom-
plish a certain task, he sought assistance from qualified
persons.

Evidence to support this assertion is plentiful.
Dr. Caliver directed parts of a large bureaucratic orga-
nization for many years. For twenty years he served as

head of the division of Negro Education. This was later

159

followed by seven years as Chief of the Adult Education
Section of the Office of Education.

In addition to his ability to supervise the work
of two divisions of the USOE, Dr. Caliver demonstrated
his technical mastery by serving as chairman of a number
of committees, commissions, conferences and projects. For
example, he served as the Chairman of the Project for
Literacy Education of Negroes from 1946 to 1950. This
project was sponsored by the USOE in cooperation with the
National Conference on Adult Education and the American
Association for Adult Education.

Very early in his career the National Advisory
Committee on the Education of Negroes was organized on
the recommendation of Dr. Caliver. At that time he was
appointed the Committee's chairman. During the second
World War the Committee was inoperative but in 1948, Dr.
Caliver received Commissioner Studebaker's approval to
revive the committee. Once approval was obtained, he began
making contacts with various associations concerning the
Committee's composition.1 The revived Committee also was
headed by Dr. Caliver. Implied in the term "technical
mastery" is the recognition of other individuals who pos-
sess the skills necessary to realize success in an under-

taking. In the case of the revived National Advisory

 

1Ambrose Caliver, memorandum to Commissioner
Studebaker, January 23, 1948.

160

Committee on the Education Of Negroes, Dr. Caliver speci-
fied the details regarding the body's personnel, the
duration of terms and the associations from which members
might be selected. He was appointed also to the chair—
manship of the National Survey of Vocational and Educational
Guidance of Negroes. As chairman he conceptualized the
survey and organized and directed all of its activities.
Further, he served as Chairman of the National Conference
on Fundamental Problems in the Education of Negroes.

Dr. Caliver enlisted and worked with persons of
superior qualifications and experience in given areas.
Dr. Paul A. Witty, who had served as Chief of Special
Training for the functionally illiterate men in the U.S.
Army, was invited by him to assist in the development of
programs for functionally illiterate civilians.l This was
because of the specific talent he had acquired as a result
of his armed services literacy education work. Dr. Seth
Spaulding, as reported earlier in this chapter, emphasized
that Dr. Caliver sought persons for positions in his orga-
nization who were talented and uniquely qualified. Not
only did he seek such persons for official professional
assignment within his unit, but he also capitalized upon

the expertise of acquaintances and associates wherever

 

1Dr. Paul A. Witty, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
November 20, 1970.

161

they were. He sought, when necessary, the counsel of
persons qualified to provide it.

In 1952, while serving as Chairman of the AEA-USA
Fundamental Education Committee, Dr. Caliver was informed
that his request that a coordinator be assigned to assist
him was denied. However, he was given permission by
Mr. Paul H. Durrie to make changes in personnel of the
committee and to continue to develop plans and activities
related to the work of the body. In a subsequent letter
to Mr. Durrie, he wrote that Robert Luke and Lee Bradford
would very likely have suggestions to make concerning
personnel and activities of the Committee. Once again it
was obvious that Dr. Caliver recognized technical mastery
where it existed and he requested the assistance of others.

The evidence demonstrates that Dr. Caliver was
technically qualified, both in himself and in his ability
to recognize and enlist the technical abilities of others,

to master his many assignments.

m
The quality of faith is necessary for leadership
for it implies commitment to followers and to causes,
sometimes over an extended period. Faith requires sacri-
fices on the part of the leader. There are occasions,

according to Tead, "when leaders must stand alone. These

162

occasions require spiritual faith . . . ."1 Dr. Caliver

had extreme faith in God, in himself, in his causes and
in members of his racial group.
Dr. Caliver, as was pointed out in Chapter III,
was born into a religious family; he retained his religious
connections and convictions throughout his life. For many
years he served as an Officer in the Congregational Church.
In addition, Mrs. Caliver revealed that when circumstances
were somewhat difficult, or at times when there was illness
or when decisions were difficult to make, she and Dr.
Caliver would say, "have we told God about it?"2
He had a very large measure of hopeful anticipation
about his causes. He was of the opinion, according to Mr.
Robert Luke, that one day Federal literacy education
legislation would be enacted by the Congress.3 Toward the
end of his career, the Chief of the Adult Education
Section refused to lose his enthusiasm or to abandon hope

of realizing a national adult education program. On

July 7, 1961, the Urbana Courier reported that Dr. Caliver

 

predicted that there would be a national effort to eradi-

cate functional illiteracy among the nation's 10 million

illiterates within the near future.4

 

lTead, op. cit., p. 259.

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, interview, August 27, 1970.

3Mr. Robert Luke, dictaphone recording, March 4,

1971.

4Urbana Courier, Urbana, Illinois, July 7, 1961.

 

163

He recommended that Negroes prepare themselves
well for the day when more appointments would be available
to them. In his judgement, the most important ingredient
necessary for Negro success was education. He believed
that there were members of the race who were educationally
prepared to accept much greater responsibility both in and
out of government.

He had confidence in Blacks, he seized opportun-
ities to open doors for those who made themselves qualified.
He assisted worthy Black youth to get an education. The
fact that Negroes were victims of circumstances in many
ways served as the incentive for him to provide as much
assistance and service as possible to this group.

In 1936 Dr. Caliver was selected by Dr. Stude-
baker to serve as the Director of the National Survey of
Vocational Education and Guidance of Negroes. Before he
began the project he realized that, due to his heavy
schedule, he would need the services of an administrator
to provide leadership in the field. To obtain cooperation
in identifying and selecting a well qualified person,

Dr. Caliver proceeded to contact several influential edu-
cational administrators. In addition to indicating the
necessary job qualifications, his statement to the admin-
istrators read in part:

I am writing to request your assistance . . .

He or she should be acceptable to the public school

authorities as well as to the colored citizens in
the community . . . . The person selected must be

164

acceptable, also, to the State Department of Edu—
cation . . . we should prefer a colored person
inasmuch as the primary purpose of this studylis
to put to work "white-collar" Negroes . . . .
Dr. Caliver was concerned with the staffing of
Office of Education administrative positions whenever
possible, with qualified Negroes. Dr. Caniel recalled
that Dr. Caliver recommended him for a position in the
Division of Higher Education, Office of Education, a
position in which he served for several years.2
He took advantage of numerous opportunities to
employ Negroes as Office of Education consultants. Mrs.
Ward revealed that since Dr. Caliver could not hire an
adequate full-time staff, he made certain that Negroes
received a fair share of these special and part-time
positions.3 In addition, Dr. Caliver was responsible for
placing Negroes in many other leadership positions, both
in and outside of education. As a Black man with great
faith in his fellow Blacks, he realized the importance of
his role in assisting members of his race who were pre-
pared to assume responsible roles.
Believing in the ability and talent of Negro youth,
and recognizing their difficulty in securing higher edu-
cation, Dr. Caliver was not willing to relax in his secure

position and refuse to assist those who were academically

 

1Ambrose Caliver, letter to Mr. Edwin A. Lee,
March 31, 1936.

2Daniel, Op. cit. 3Ward, op. cit.

165

qualified and willing to devote the required number of
years of study to become prepared professionally. He
"accommodated many Southern students by arranging for
them to attend (colleges and universities) in the North

1

and such places as Iowa and Nebraska." Not only did he

direct Negro students to institutions of higher education,
but he and his wife paid the educational expenses of
several Negro students who, without financial assistance,
would not have been able to afford college or university
training. They always referred to these young people as
"our sons and daughters." Mr. Caliver stated that "we
gave eight different children, not related to us, college
“educations."z

Toward the end of his Office of Education career,
he realized that he had not seriously considered anyone as
a successor. Once he fully recognized this problem, he
began to search in earnest for that person. Mrs. Caliver
said that Dr. Caliver sought a man who had the "training,
the integrity and the desire to work with him in order to
thoroughly learn the job . . . (and he) must be a Negro."3

Dr. Caliver selected and recommended Dr. Edward Brice as

 

1Holden, Op. cit.

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

3Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 23, 1970.

166

his successor.1 Former Commissioner McMurrin disclosed to
this author that:

. . . sometime before Dr. Caliver's death I appointed
an outstanding Negro, Mr. Edward Bryce (sic), to a
rather high position in Dr. Caliver's division. This
was Dr. Caliver's recommendation. When Dr. Caliver
died, three of the top ranking men in the Division,
all of them white and all of them outranking Mr.
Bryce (sic) came to me and requested that I appoint
Mr. Bryce to Dr. Caliver's position.

In this case, as no doubt in others, his faith

seems to have been justified.

Friendliness and Affection

 

During most of Dr. Caliver's career he was known
to be friendly with his associates and others. There were
occasions, however, when he elected not to be overly
friendly. There were occasions when situations made it
extremely difficult for this quality to be noticeable.

Mr. Loy LaSalle, an acquaintance of Dr. Caliver,
recalled that the Negro specialist loved people and con-
stantly exhibited a sense of brotherly love. "When I was
introduced to him I felt I had known him for years. His
warm humanity was evident in his friendly handclasp and

his beaming smile . . . ."3

 

llbid.

2Dr. Sterling McMurrin, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, December 21, 1970.

3Mr. Loy LaSalle, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
December 12, 1970.

167

Dr. Caliver's association with some of the Com-
missioners of Education were on very friendly terms.
Former Commissioner Studebaker wrote that Dr. Caliver was

1

"a delight to be associated with," while Dr. Samuel

Brownell recalled that he was "cOOperative, open-minded,

2 Former Commissioner

Objective, effective and friendly."
McGrath noted that Dr. Caliver "got along well with all
kinds Of people, even with those with whom he did not
agree. He had a kindly spirit and his quick intelligence
and general ability were infused with a desire to advance
the human enterprise in any way possible."3 These assess-
ments of Dr. Caliver were in keeping with his admiration
for former Commissioners Studebaker, McGrath and Brownell.
Mrs. Caliver revealed that these were three of the several
Commissioners under whom her husband believed that he had
made his greatest contributions.4

Mr. Lloyd E. Blauch concurs that Dr. Caliver "was

most gracious in his personal relations"5 when working with

other USOE employees. Dr. Holden contends that Dr.

 

1Dr. John M. Studebaker, letter to Peyton S.

Hutchison, October 15, 1970.
2Dr. Samuel M. Brownell, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, September 11, 1970.

3Dr. Earl J. McGrath, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
September 17, 1970.

4Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 18, 1970.

5Mr. Lloyd E. Blauch, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
February 20, 1970.

168

Caliver's friendly disposition prevented many difficult
problems which might have arisen due to his race and role.

At the outset of Dr. Caliver's career it appears
that he was very formal in his behavior. Dr. Minnis
recalled that when Dr. Caliver entered Federal service
he was addressed by his first name, which he appeared to
resent. After rapport had been established, a more infor-
mal atmosphere prevailed.1 Minnis is of the opinion that
initially Dr. Caliver perceived the informal greeting as
being somewhat demeaning.

There were other occasions when Dr. Caliver was
not considered a friendly administrator. Dr. Brice
recalled that Dr. Caliver was a man of strong likes and
dislikes. With persons he liked, reported Brice, "he
would permit liberties and was quite tolerant; however,
he had a very low boiling point for the educated 'un-

2 O 0
There were other occa5ions when Dr. Caliver

bright'."
elected not to be the friendly Black administrator. "Dr.
Caliver didn't cotton to people . . . who tended to slight
him or downgrade him by word or deed or practice."3
Further, Dr. Caliver resented paternalistic treatment, and

at times it was difficult for him to mask his true

feelings.

 

lMinnis, Op. cit. 2Brice, op. cit.

31bid.

169

Although most of Dr. Caliver's relationships during
his career were friendly, there were times when it was
not appropriate, nor was it realistic, to expect him to
act in this manner. For example, Mrs. Ward revealed that
some of Dr. Caliver's relationships were not amicable
since the USOE was dominated during much of his career by
white people who were antagonistic toward Negroes generally
and more specifically toward those who thought that they
were equal to whites or who were considered well educated.1
It can be concluded that the degree of Dr.
Caliver's estrangement from whites can be attributed to
the fact that as a Black man he had to tread a narrow line
in these relationships for fear of violating the cultural
mores of society. Dr. Caliver carefully selected the kind
of behavior which, in the context of the nation's history
regarding race relations, enabled him to raise Blacks to a
position of respectability. It is clear that the quality
of friendliness and the cultural symbols of our society
which determined Dr. Caliver's behavior are, Of necessity,

intertwined.

Energy and Enthusiasm

 

Ordway Tead, in his book The Art of Leadership,
maintains that effective leaders have a "generous and

unusual" amount of physical and nervous energy. In his

 

lWard, op. cit.

170

judgement the role of leader is very demanding and at
times requires extremely long working hours. This quality
of leadership was not lacking in Dr. Caliver, who was, as
reported earlier, a demanding and exacting administrator.

Dr. Caliver normally approached his work with tre—
mendous energy and personal enthusiasm because of his
belief in the value of his assignments. On a few occasions,
problems resulting from his race and his marginal goals
caused a temporary diminuation of these qualities but his
reduced energy and enthusiasm for a given program or pro-
ject was soon rejuvenated because they were efforts in
which he believed. There were times during the latter part
of Dr. Caliver's career when physical ailments affected
his energy level but not his enthusiasm. There were
times when his enthusiasm was deliberately crushed by
professional colleagues.

His high energy was evident by the manner in
which he travelled to distant cities and states to fulfill
commitments and responsibilities. Because of racial
segregation and discrimination, he usually found it diffi-
cult to locate suitable hotel accommodations and, accord-
ing to Dr. Holden, he was reluctant to request assistance
from white associates. Therefore, he would complete an
assignment and, if possible, immediately return to his
Washington, D.C. home. This required over night travel on

many occasions. COping with problems created by racial

171

segregation and discrimination demanded energy that could
have been better spent on concerns more beneficial to his
programs.

The uncertainty of necessary support for his
goals and lack of adequate finances for programs and pro-
jects also required an inordinate amount of attention and
energy. His minority status, coupled with his marginal
tasks, required more sustained energy in order to achieve
success than white persons were required to expend on
behalf of other programs which were more acceptable to
persons in authority.

The ability and desire to pursue goals which seem
distant or sometimes unobtainable, as discussed by Tead
in Chapter II, mark the outstanding leader. This insati-
able desire is an indication also of one's energy or
capacity to accomplish a specific objective.

Dr. Caliver spent many years working within the
system to secure Federal support for adult education and
equal educational opportunities for Blacks. Although pub-
lic school segregation was declared unconstitutional in
1954, millions of Negroes still were not recipients of
educational opportunities comparable to those of whites
at the time of Dr. Caliver's death in 1962. The first
Federal support for public school adult education, after
Dr. Caliver's many years of working toward it, became a

reality two years after his death.

172

There were some occasions when Dr. Caliver was
greatly disappointed. For example, a high ranking Office
of Education official frequently opposed him and the pro-
grams he recommended on grounds which were not justified.
Dr. Holden referred to this administrator as the "spokes-
man and leader for the segregationists in the Office of
Education . . . ."1 During this period, such attitudes
were rather common in most branches of the Federal Govern—
ment.

That Dr. Caliver was required to face both dis-
appointments and opposition was not unusual for Tead
claims that at times all leaders confront such problems.
However, Dr. Caliver's problems were compounded by two
factors. The first was his minority status as a Black.
The second was that matters with which he was concerned
were regarded as being marginal in importance to the
institution in which he worked.

The many disappointments experienced by Dr. Caliver,
the lack of needed support for goals, the unnecessary
Opposition he confronted, the extra effort demanded to
sustain marginally accepted programs for which he was
responsible and the ever-present necessity to "take a
back seat when talking to people"2 required unusual energy
and the ability to manifest resiliency after what often

appeared to be failure. This recuperative desire, the

 

1Holden, op. cit. 2Ward, Op. cit.

173

capacity not to succumb to major problems, is another
characteristic of outstanding leadership which Dr. Caliver
modelled.

Dr. Caliver's ability to fulfill many roles and to
honor requests for his services further indicates the
measure Of his energy. He served on numerous committees;
he lectured at colleges and universities; he taught gradu-
ate courses at institutions of higher education; he
addressed many groups and official organizations; he was
a prolific writer; he was the originator of a number of
innovative programs; he was widely travelled; and he met
the special requirements imposed by his role and his race.
Clearly he was endowed with an abundance of energy.

Toward the latter part of his career he was
plagued by ill health. He was hospitalized several times
at the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Also during
his final years at the Office of Education his sight
began to fail. Although Dr. Caliver was vitally concerned
with the success of his department, his poor health and
reduced energy level did not permit him to work to the
capacity to which he had become accustomed. It was during
this period that an increasing amount of the Adult Edu-
cation Section's work became the responsibility of his
successor, Dr. Brice.

A study of Dr. Caliver's many roles as an Office

of Education administrator, the fact that he was devoted

174

to the develOpment of programs for disadvantaged segments
of the population, the fact that he confronted expected
and unexpected opposition and disappointment, and the fact
that he dealt with programs which required inordinately
long periods before the realization of progress, illustrate
Tead's contention that leadership required unusual con-
centration skills as well as the desire to persevere.

Dr. Caliver's enthusiasm was exemplified when in
January, 1955, he appointed Dr. Homer Kempfer, Director
of the National Home Study Council and three other persons
to plan a commission to direct attention to the problems
of illiteracy. Dr. Kempfer's letter to the committee
members indicated Dr. Caliver's driving enthusiasm, his
high expectations, his confidence of success and his
ability to surround himself with persons who accepted
responsibility. Its first sentence read, ”Dr. Caliver said
for us to come up with a plan for a commission by

March 1."1

Dr. Kempfer's letter conveyed both the serious-
ness and urgency of Dr. Caliver's charge and a number of
his ideas and plans relative to the establishment of a
National Commission on Literacy.

Even though he was hospitalized he continued to

work on projects and programs which he considered essential.

While he was recovering from a serious illness at the

 

1Dr. Homer Kempfer, Chairman of the Committee to
Plan Literacy Advisory Commission, Memorandum to Committee
Members, January 31, 1955.

175

National Institutes of Health (NIH) he called a conference
of 24 outstanding men to discuss an idea he had been con-
sidering privately for quite some time. The idea and the
meeting with this group led to the "Great Debate"1 which
later led to the "American Forum Series."2

Dr. Eva C. Mitchell, Professor Emeritus, Howard
University and a former associate of Dr. Caliver, said that
he was "so ebullient and optimistic . . . that co-workers
seemed willing to expend extra effort to achieve a stated

3 Dr. Caliver's deep interest in, and eager-

objective."
ness to pursue his commitment to Negro and adult education
led him to write extensively, to organize conferences and
commissions and to develop projects related to his goals.
Perhaps the most revealing episode which attested

to Dr. Caliver's enthusiasm and concern for his work
occurred the day prior to his death. Dr. Brice and he
were preparing supporting documentation for a piece of
literacy legislation which was to be presented to a Con-
gressional subcommittee. Brice recalls,

It was Saturday and getting on to four or five

o'clock and I was in my office across the fall,

and I could hear him clearing his throat and

trying to say something to me and his voice
started to collapse, so I went over to his office

 

1For Great Debate brochure, see Appendix D.
2 . . .
Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, InterView, August 17, 1970.

3Dr. Eva C. Mitchell, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, February 5,1971.

176
and said, "Dr. Caliver, why don't you go home and let
me finish up?
Dr. Brice assured him that he would remain at the office
as long as necessary to complete the work and, if Dr.
Caliver wished, he would deliver the work to his home that
evening.

Although Dr. Caliver's condition was deteriorating
to the point where he could "barely speak above a whisper,"2
he still refused to go home. Sometime later Brice looked
up from his desk to see him standing in his office door-
way.

"Ed," said Dr. Caliver, "I think I'll take your
advice and go home."

"All right, Dr. Caliver," said Brice, "I think
that's being wise. You know I have to get on you from
time to time to make you do the right thing . . . . I was
just getting ready to call Mrs. Caliver to tell her to
make you come home."3

Upon leaving the office, Dr. Caliver's last words
to Brice were, "I leave it with you."4

Mr. Halperin talked with Dr. Caliver as he left
his office that day before his death, for he relates,

I think that I am possibly the last person who
worked in the Office of Education ever to see Dr.
Caliver alive. I was working on a Saturday and
when I left the office to go home . . . he was also

leaving and we chatted briefly. During that meeting
Dr. Caliver encouraged to "to keep working on these

 

3 4

1Brice, Op. cit. 2Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.

177

bills because they have been around a longltime but
they are going to pass one of these days."
Both his faith and his enthusiasm, if not his full

energy, persisted to the very end.

Initiative

 

Dr. Caliver was a man of considerable initiative.
He voluntarily and independently initiated projects and
activities for the benefit of Negro and adult education
and more generally for the Office of Education.

Since the United States Office of Education was
consistently underfinanced, and since these particular
programs were not of first priority, money with which to
support essential Negro and adult education activities
and programs was never adequate. In order to supplement
his severely limited funds, Dr. Caliver used his initiative
and ingenuity to secure funds or services for several
important projects. For example, the radio program
”Freedom's People"2 was granted free air time by the
National Broadcasting Company (NBC) at the request of Dr.
Caliver. Funds with which to prepare the programs were

contributed by the Julius Rosenwald Fund and the Southern

 

lHalperin, Op. cit.

2For copies of actual "Freedom's People" programs,
see Appendix E.

178

Education Foundation.1 Program participants, as indicated
earlier, were selected by Dr. Caliver.

In 1945 Dr. Caliver again requested financial
assistance from the Rosenwald Fund to underwrite a pub—
lication related to post-war education of Negro veterans
and war workers. Funds were also requested for consultant
services. Mr. Edwin R. Embree, President of the Rosenwald
Fund, informed Dr. Caliver that while the Fund probably
could not provide money for consultants, it would "without
attempting to appraise the bulletin . . . contribute up
to $400 toward its publication as you requested."2

Lack of money was not, in Dr. Caliver's judgement,
a valid reason not to pursue a worthy project. In 1945,
the first year of the Project for Literacy Education of
Negroes, he requested financial support from the Carnegie
Corporation. According to Miss Florence Anderson, the
Carnegie Corporation of New York made two grants totalling
$49,940 to support the literacy education project.3

For many years Dr. Caliver and other concerned
persons encouraged the establishment of a National Com-

mission on Adult Literacy. He and Dr. Holden approached

 

er. Harold Queen, National Broadcasting Company,
letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, January 20, 1971.

2Mr. Edwin R. Embree, letter to Ambrose Caliver,
April 7, 1945.

3Miss Florence Anderson, Carnegie Corporation,
letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, January 19, 1970.

179

Mr. Murray Lincoln, President of the Nationwide Insurance
Company who agreed to provide several thousand dollars to
underwrite the commission.1

Dr. Caliver's initiative was evidenced in other
substantial ways. For example, the revision Of the
National Advisory Committee on the Education of Negroes,
the many conferences, projects, and committees he estab-
lished and his voluntary and independent pursuit of goals
that were paramount to him, though marginal to his agency,
are indications of initiative which is a necessary quality

of leadership.

Empathy

Dr. Ambrose Caliver survived and contributed to
the Office of Education because he had a high level of
empathy which extended to the majority group, the skill
necessary to identify with that group, and orientation
toward its value system.

Successful minority leaders, as noted in Chapter II,
tend to be oriented toward the value system of the larger
society. Also, it seems that they tend to separate them-
selves, to some degree, from the minority group. Dr.
Lloyd Cofer reported his understanding that during the
period when Dr. Caliver was associated with Fisk Univer-

sity, Black staff members voiced the opinion that he

 

1Holden, Op. cit.

180

tended to dialogue and associate more with whites than
Blacks.

Dr. Brice and Mrs. Ward feel that Dr. Caliver "was
more popular before white audiences than he was before
Black audiences because he was the intellectual . . . ."1
Chapter II suggested that to be successful, a minority
leader's identification with lower status persons decreases
consequently, the minority leader's tendency is to remain
distant from minority group members.

Given the above information, evidence suggests
that Dr. Caliver related well to most whites. It suggests
also that he remained distant but not unaware of the
group's concerns. Dr. Caliver was an empathic man. He
possessed the unusual ability to view images through the
eyes of others, both Black and white. The role performed
by Dr. Caliver, because of his position, raised problems
for him. Dr. Caliver's capacity to cope with those prob-
lems, to see whites as Blacks saw them and Blacks as
whites saw them, and to build foundations of understanding

and cooperation between them, was one of Dr. Caliver's

great strengths as a leader.

Responsibility and Perseverance

 

Dr. Caliver accepted the responsibility to work

for two very unpopular causes. To advance his causes,

 

1Brice, op. cit.

181

Negro and adult education, required patience and per-
sistence. Dr. Caliver was amply endowed with each of
these qualities.

As a Black man, who was considered marginal with
marginal responsibilities, Dr. Caliver realized that slow
but appreciable progress in his endeavors would require
patience coupled with persistence. Dr. Joseph Douglass
recalled that Dr. Caliver was "a most perceptive, keen,
clear thinking, dedicated human being who never compromised
the ideals for which he stood, but frequently was forced
to face the fact that it was simple impossible, under the
circumstances, to accomplish but little . . . ."1
Regarding his plans and proposals, Dr. Douglass recalled
that Dr. Caliver frequently was very sad due to unwarranted
Opposition to his plans and goals.

Even though he faced substantial opposition, Dr.
Caliver continued to seek his chosen goals though the
likelihood of their attainment appeared remote. For
example, Dr. Caliver worked for the enactment of literacy
education programs for many consecutive years; hills which
addressed this matter were introduced; and although each
bill failed to gain approval by the Congress, he continued

to work for their enactment.

 

1Dr. Joseph Douglass, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
August 19, 1970.

182

Dr. John Holden recalled that Dr. Caliver "would
wait for years with an idea . . . to keep from antagonizing
anybody."1 Similarly, Dr. Brice disclosed that "I used to
get irritated sometimes because be (Dr. Caliver) would con-
sider an idea . . . for a long period and refuse to turn it
loose."2

Mrs. Betty Ward pointed out that it would not have
been to Dr. Caliver's advantage, nor would it have pro-
moted his causes, if he had been too aggressive. He had
to wait for the right opportunity to attempt to achieve a
given objective otherwise opposition or failure would have
been assured. In essence, Dr. Caliver elected to wait for
the most propitious opportunity to pursue legitimate
goals for Negroes and adults.

Dr. Caliver's patience and persistence eventually
resulted in positive dividends for, shortly after his
death, the Congress enacted national literacy education
legislation.

According to Robert S. Laubach, Dr. Caliver was
asked to write the "literacy bill."3 Many people believed
that Congress should have named it "the Caliver Bill"
because of the many years he sought its enactment. Of the

same opinion is Dr. Malcolm Knowles who stated that "no

 

lHolden, op. cit. 2Brice, op. cit.

3Robert S. Laubach, News for You, February 21, 1962.

 

183

doubt Dr. Caliver was the father of adult basic education
in this country."1 Dr. Roy Minnis said:
. . . it is sad that Dr. Caliver was not alive
when Adult Basic Education became law. He created
it, he knew the central idea, the content. Others
may wish to take credit for it but it was primarily
Dr. Caliver's idea.

Burton R. Clark speaks of the marginality of adult
education. He sees it as a "peripheral activity" because
traditionally it is poorly financed and of little concern
to society at large.3 Education for Blacks has also been
a peripheral activity for the same and other reasons.
Inadequate financial and societal support failed to lessen

Dr. Caliver's interest and confidence in either field or

his responsibility for them.

Courage and Creativity

 

The goals which Dr. Caliver sought were Of such
importance that he felt totally responsible for their
attainment. He knew that their realization would require
creative approaches as well as personal courage. Given
the history of Negro and adult education in the Office of
Education and the nation generally, it can be understood
why it called for a person dedicated and responsible to

see that they were accomplished.

 

lDr. Malcolm S. Knowles, Interview, October 28,

1970.

2Minnis, op. cit. 3Clark, op. cit., p. 59.

184

Dr. Caliver felt it his responsibility to publish
articles and monographs on issues which were extremely
unpopular, especially to a large segment of the white
population. A number of these publications concerned the
inadequacy of public schools and public school programs
for Negro children and the need for adult literacy edu-
cation. He continually stressed that Black people, chil-
dren and adults, were not provided educational opportun-
ities comparable to those of white people.1 Further, he
expressed a courageous attitude when he wrote articles
relative to the desegregation of the public schools.
Further, he spoke to some of the real concerns of both
Blacks and whites. For example, he considered some of the
problems that might be experienced by both races should
school desegregation become a reality. His goal was to
benefit both groups. -Dr. Caliver was a courageous indi-
vidual. He sought and attained the presidency of the
Adult Education Association (AEA-USA) even though no other
Negro had held that office. As noted earlier, he adhered
to his convictions regarding the use of the Office of
Education's racially segregated dining facilities. Rather
than eat in the segregated facility he took a courageous
stand; he elected to eat in his office. He set out to

to select his own successor within the USOE and he

 

1For copy of Dr. Caliver's notes to Washington,D.C.
Junior High School Class, see Appendix F.

185

insisted that he be a Black man. Subsequently, Dr. Edward
Brice, a Black man, did succeed him in the position.

At other times Dr. Caliver appeared not to be a
very courageous man. He often declined to speak out on
issues. It is difficult to know whether he feared Oppo-
sition and perhaps ostracism, or whether he was watching
and waiting for more propitious moments. In view of the
socio-temporal milieu in which he performed his services,
it could have been either. Success for most outstanding
leaders, requires creative talents. It may be that out-
standing Negro leaders find creative ability more important
for success in white controlled organizations than do
white leaders in similar organizations. Dr. Caliver was
heavily endowed with this talent.

As an example of his creative leadership, state-
ments and positions ostensibly drawn up by committees
were often circulated in educational journals and other
organs. Dr. Caliver, according to Dr. Daniel, usually
prepared these statements and suggested that they be
released "as kind of platform from which to launch, dis-
cuss Or bring to the attention of the public matters of
importance . . . ."1 This tactic was employed because
unpopular issues, such as equality of educational Oppor-
tunity for Negroes and adult literacy education, could be

addressed without identifying them as authored by a Negro.

 

1Daniel, op. cit.

186

Dr. Caliver developed a number of other creative
and effective methods of disseminating pertinent infor-
mation. He initiated the American Education Week Program
on the Education of Negroes. This radio broadcast origi-
nated in 1930. Its purposes were to encourage Negroes,
especially high school and college students to become more
knowledgeable about the race's contributions, and to
encourage them to strive for success, and to call attention
of the majority group to the accomplishments of Negroes.

He also initiated "Freedom's People" and the "American
Forum Series."

Dr. Caliver took advantage of most opportunities
to gain support for his causes. He recognized the need
for allies if his goals were to materialize; therefore,
he involved educators and others who were sympathetic to
his causes in conferences as panelists, committees and
commissions and in projects. He felt a deep responsibility
to his causes; therefore, he used all of his skill and

talent to achieve Negro and adult education goals.

Imperturbability

 

Dr. Caliver was invulnerable and resistant to
affronts to his person and to his role. A minority person,
especially a member of a racial minority in a majority
group controlled organization, in order to serve and con-
tribute to that organization for an extended period, must

have the personality to withstand unnecessary and

187

potentially harmful affronts on his person. In most
instances of this nature, Dr. Caliver elected not to react
in a typical fashion. For example, Dr. Roy Minnis recalled
that at a meeting Dr. Caliver was seated between two white
persons, both from the South, who were engaged in conver-
sation during which one of them used the term "nigger."

Although Dr. Caliver was not oblivious to the statement,

he chose not to respond or react.l

He not only faced affronts to his person, he also
faced affronts to his unit at the Office of Education.

Mrs. Betty Ward recalled that the Office frequently was

referred to as the "Nigger Section."2

Earlier reference was made to the difficult times
experienced by Dr. Caliver in securing hotel accommo-
dations. He had difficulty arranging for transportation,
also. Mr. C. W. Hayes, recently retired Director of
Negro Schools for Birmingham, Alabama, wrote that:

Dr. Caliver was a very serious minded man, but had
a sense of humor. Many years ago, when he was on
a professional visit to Birmingham, I went with
him to purchase a railroad ticket and pullman
reservation. The latter was hard to come by at
that time because of "the law." When Dr. Caliver
presented his government travel credentials, the
agent looked them over and said, "Dr. Caliver, we
are letting you have these accommodations because
of Prof. Hayes." As we walked down the street . . .
Dr. Caliver said, "Hayes, please take me to a hat
store." I asked him if he needed a hat and he
said, "No, but I do want to buy you one because

 

1Minnis, op. cit. 2Ward, op. cit.

188
what that ticket agentljust said has probably given
you a big head . . . .

Dr. Caliver's ability not to become overly per-
turbed by such incidents very likely aided his survival as
a public official. Occasionally, however, he expressed
his opinion without regard for his welfare. These occasions
appeared to be very infrequent. Dr. Brice recalled that
Dr. Caliver had once asked his supervisor why people who
had joined the Office of Education more recently than he
and with less experience and education than his, were
being promoted. His purpose was not to request an increase
in salary or a promotion. The supervisor said that he
had never seen a Negro in all his life who was worth more
than $5,000 a year.2

There was some ambivalence among whites regarding
the acceptability of Dr. Caliver on a social basis. Dr.
Caliver was told by an Office of Education administrator
that he was not expected to attend a picnic for Office of
Education personnel. Pursuing the matter Dr. Caliver
discovered that the affair had been arranged for the next
day, but he had not been informed of the plans. His

response to the administrator who "suggested" that he not

 

er. C. W. Hayes, letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
December 19, 1970.

2Brice, op. cit.

189

attend the picnic was, "I am particular with whom my
family and I associate."l

A close associate, Dr. John Holden, is of the
opinion that Dr. Caliver "was reluctant to admit he was
discriminated against."2 This is in keeping with the
belief of Kardiner and Ovesey that successful racial
minorities may deny the existence of conflict (discrimi-
nation). Apparently Dr. Caliver conducted himself much
like his contemporary E. Frederick Morrow, who reported
that when treated as a second class citizen and subjected
to humiliating racial remarks, "I remembered that I am

supposed to be impervious to these things."3

Conflict Management

 

Dr. Caliver developed strategies which included
skill in diplomacy and the ability to maneuver in order to
survive and contribute to Negro and adult education. As
a Black man facing sometimes unreceptive and unsympathetic
administrative superiors and associates with goals and
aspirations considered by the majority group as being
marginal, Dr. Caliver learned that it was essential that
he develop and employ strategies which would enable him

to overcome or circumvent obstacles.

 

ers. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, November 14, 1974.

2Holden, op. cit. 3Morrow, Op. cit., p. 101.

190

One of the common strategies employed by Dr.
Caliver was that of not publicly debating controversial
issues. The rationale for this kind of decision was that
the issue under discussion could very likely concern an
unpopular cause which would have meant that he would have
but limited support. Dr. Holden revealed that Dr. Caliver
would not seek out controversy, even on crucial matters,
for fear of arousing antagonism.

When controversial issues were discussed and agree-
ment could not be reached, Dr. Caliver attempted to avoid
conflict through intellectual means as opposed to argument
and demonstration.2 He made certain that dogmatic
exhortation was avoided. Further, he avoided extremism;
he was a middle of the road advocate.3

Other associates and acquaintances described Dr.
Caliver's behavior in different ways. Dr. Holden observed
that Dr. Caliver attempted to resolve problems "in a very
charming way. He was friendly, affable, honest and Open."4

Mr. C. W. Hayes revealed that Dr. Caliver resolved
conflict

. . . through his calm, gentlemanly ways and his

rather quiet and unobtrusive personal nature; he
sought to persuade--on an individual basis . . .

 

Holden, Op. cit.
Dr. Lloyd Cofer, Interview, January 30, 1972.

Ibid.

hWNI—J

Holden, op. cit.

191

(persons) he was associated with to work in any way
that they could for his overall ideals.

"He would visit people who disagreed with him . . . ."2
"He resolved conflict situations . . . in a quiet, peace—
ful and scientific way."3 One strategy usually resorted
to by Dr. Caliver, revealed Dr. Douglass, was that he would
very often write profusely in professional educational
journals through which he hoped to build support for his
ideas and positions on issues of importance to Negroes.4
On some occasions, when serious problems were being dis-
cussed and agreement seemed unlikely, Dr. Caliver would
suggest that the parties get together and talk about it.5
Dr. Caliver "tried not to rock the boat"6 (upset
the status quo) for he recognized that Negroes, and he as
a Black Office of Education administrator, were practically
powerless to make or cause significant changes in con-
ditions unless they were sanctioned by the majority group.
Dr. Edward Brice reported that Dr. Caliver's

"chief methodology was that of a supreme negotiator . . .

he might best be characterized as an educational mediator

 

lHayes, op. cit. 2Holden, Op. cit.

3Dr. Walter Gaumnitz, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, January 12, 1971.

4Dr. Joseph Douglass, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, February 1, 1971. (For partial listing of
publications, see Appendix G.)

5Daniel, op. cit.

6Dr. Lloyd Cofer, Interview, January 3, 1972.

192

and negotiator."l Dr. Holden claims that Dr. Caliver used
a problem solving approach; he would ask, "what is our
problem, where are we in agreement, where are we in dis-
agreement?"2

A major plan employed by Dr. Caliver was that of
circumventing, if possible, unwarranted opposition. For
example, if he determined that some of his colleagues
had strong feelings regarding some of his plans and pur-
poses, "he could find some other way to go around, to make
an oblique rather than a direct attack . . . if he could
not succeed there or ran into opposition elsewhere, he
would retreat and form at another place, and again he
might withdraw . . . ."3

There were times when Dr. Caliver became resigned
to accomplishing little or nothing. His attitude, as
indicated earlier, was "well, I have to be here, I'm
going to look forward to better times so I'll just ride
this one out."4 At other times, according th Mrs. Ward,
Dr. Caliver elected to "take a back seat when talking to
certain people; he'd have to go slowly on what he did."5

Dr. Caliver, as a Black man, "took a great deal . . . (he)

had to select . . . times to be humble and he had to

 

select times to Speak."6 "The necessity to exercise
1 . . 2 .
Brice, op. Cit. Holden, Op. Cit.
3Ibid. 4Daniel, op. cit.
5 . 6 .
Ward, op. Cit. Ibid.

193

control" according to Kardiner and Ovesey, "is distractive
and destructive of spontaneity and ease."1

Mrs. Caliver revealed that Dr. Caliver, on numerous
occasions, had a note on the Commissioner's desk before
his arrival for work. This strategy made it unnecessary
for Dr. Caliver to express his views before audiences
which might be unreceptive or antagonistic; they kept the
Commissioner abreast of matters of importance to Dr.
Caliver so that when discussions were held, the essential

facts would be available.2

This strategy was also used
by Dr. Caliver when it was essential to keep other
parties in decision making capacities aware of pertinent
information.
As a Black administrator with marginal assignments,

Dr. Caliver develOped contacts with political officials
as well as with important persons from other professions.
Brice said,

He (Caliver) knew, on a personal basis, most of the

important political figures, educators and civic

leaders all over the country. He introduced me to

Presidents Eisenhower and Truman, Vice President

Nixon, Senators Russell, Sparkman, Ellender . .3.

Adam Clayton Powell . . . and a host of others.

Dr. Caliver was known for establishing task forces

and commissions. Groups of this nature could "lay your

 

lKardiner and Ovesey, op. cit., p. 81.

2Mrs. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 22, 1970.

3Dr. Edward W. Brice, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, March 12, 1971.

194

groundwork and thereby your support for goals and programs
and in the process public and official attention would not
be focused on the individual who created the idea."1

Dr. Caliver, to be successful, was required to

outwit and out plan his opposition. Had he not done so,

he would not have been a success.

Loyalty

Dr. Caliver was a cooperative, loyal and devoted
worker whose survival can be attributed in part to these
qualities. The fact that he served more than thirty-one
years at one Federal agency is testimony to this assertion.

One of the major reasons Dr. Caliver remained
effective in his position is that he was a moderate who
believed in working within the established system. He
believed that needed changes could occur only if they were
Obtained through means that society considered legitimate.

Upon accepting the Office of Education position,
Dr. Caliver recognized that were he to elect unacceptable
means, moderate or extreme militancy, for example, to
achieve his ends, his tenure with the Federal education
agency would have been terminated. Dr. Seth Spaulding
wrote that Dr. Caliver was of the opinion that the proper
way to resolve problems was to do so "within the tent of
the ruling elite"2 as opposed to alternative kinds of

action.

 

1Ward, Op. cit. 2Spaulding, op. cit.

195

A review of his assignments1 and publications are
indicative of Dr. Caliver's loyalty to the Federal insti-
tution. For example, Dr. Caliver, a Black man concerned
with improving educational Opportunities for mankind but
especially for members of his race, was requested by the
U.S. Government to conduct a three—month study for the
Displaced Persons Commission. The request for an Office
of Education representative to undertake the study was
made by Mr. Ugo Carusi, Chairman of the Commission. Dr.
Caliver's study, during which he visited Germany, Austria
and Switzerland, resulted in a comprehensive report on an
orientation program for persons qualified for admission to
the United States.2 This responsibility was undertaken
by Dr. Caliver despite possible repercussions from Negro
spokesmen, a matter which he apparently considered, because
of the Negroes' situation in this country. It is likely
that Dr. Caliver, given a choice, would have elected not
to reject this assignment because he had arrived at, as

Kramer discussed in The American Minority Community, a

 

rational solution to any conflict he might have had over
his role and his race.-
Another indication of his loyalty to the Federal

Government was recalled by Dr. Brice who said that Dr.

 

1For example of special assignment, see Appendix H.

2Oscar R. Ewing, Administrator, Federal Security
Agency, Office of Education, Press Release, April 6, 1949.

196

Caliver served for many years in "key capacities saving
face for the agency and spearheading projects . . . he
didn't even get credit for . . . ."1 Not only did he
"save face for the agency," but he was also expected to
"represent a more moderate point of View. Had they (his
supervisors) thought he was going to be too aggressive he
would not have been chosen (for the position)."2 Further
evidence that Dr. Caliver was a devoted employee was
Offered by Dr. Gaumnitz, a former colleague who wrote:
Although we both condemned these evils (segregation
and discrimination) . . . we did all we could to
break them down . . . (but) as government servants
and under Civil Service injunction, we would have
felt disloyal to be too partisan and too aggressive.
Dr. Caliver's position regarding institutional
policies was similar to that of E. Frederick Morrow's who,
regardless of the problems resulting from his race and
his assignment, felt that since he was an appointee of the
Eisenhower administration, his loyalty belonged to the
President and to the administration. Very likely there
were occasions when Dr. Caliver felt some consternation

over his role in view of the second class treatment Negroes

were accustomed to receiving.

 

1Dr. Edward W. Brice, Interview, August 17, 1970.

2Daniel, Op. cit.

3Dr. Walter H. Gaumnitz, letter to Peyton S.
Hutchison, January 12, 1971.

197

It would have been very difficult for Dr. Caliver's
peers and administrative superiors to see him as being
anything but loyal to the Federal government. Whenever
he made an unflattering statement about the government
in relation to Blacks, he counterbalanced it with an
appropriate remark about the race. For example, during one
of his addresses he criticized the government for many of
the Negroes' problems, but at the same time he chastized
Negroes for creating some of the problems which retarded
their progress.

That he believed in the rational process to resolve
differences was demonstrated in his address to the gradu-
ates at Tuskegee Institute. He admonished the graduates
"not to be radical . . . (but) they should be bold,

1 Although Dr. Caliver

adventurous and determined."
believed in equal rights for all citizens, he Opposed
violent or radical means through which to achieve these
full rights and privileges. He informed his audience that
the principles of democracy should be utilized in the
guidance of the races.

The loyalty of Dr. Caliver to the Federal govern-
ment was demonstrated in other ways. For example, just

prior to the 1954 Supreme Court Decision regarding the

unconstitutionality of racial segregation in the public

 

1Dr. Ambrose Caliver, "The Power Within," The
Tuskegee Messenger (May-June, 1936).

 

198

schools Dr. Caliver wrote two articles regarding the issue.
In the article, "Education of Negroes--Segregation Issue
Before the Supreme Court," he reviewed the history of
public education in this country as it related to Negroes.
Additionally, he discussed the probable obstacles that
might arise should the Court rule racial segregation in
public education unconstitutional.l

In "Education of Negroes: Some Factors Relating to
Its Quality," Dr. Caliver and Dr. Douglass, also a Black
professional, considered a number of problems related to
the integration of Negroes into the mainstream of American
life, specifically the integration of Negroes into the
educational life of the country.2 Dr. Caliver probably
felt obligated to address the subject due to its impor-
tance to the large number of professional educators,
boards of education, state officials and others who would
normally be involved in matters related to the issue.

Dr. Caliver was spokesman for the Office of Edu-
cation in matters concerning Negro affairs also. He
received correspondence from colleges, foreign countries
and private citizens. Letters sent to the President of the

United States were frequently forwarded to him for reply.

 

lAmbrose Caliver, "Education of Negroes--Segregation
Issues Before the Supreme Court," School Life 36, 5
(February 1954).

2Ambrose Caliver and Joseph H. Douglass, "Edu-
cation of Negroes: Some Factors Relating to Its Quality,"
SchoolLife (June, 1954).

 

 

199

His loyalty to the Federal government was recog-
nized in 1955 when Secretary of the Department of Health,
Education and Welfare, Oveta Culp Hobby, recognized him,
as one of a few outstanding men and women of the Depart-
ment, for superior service. That he was faithful to his
profession was recognized when Howard University honored
him at a banquet for his loyalty and contributions to
education generally but particularly to Negro higher

education.

Intelligence

 

Dr. Caliver was an extremely sensitive, perceptive
and intelligent Black man who thoroughly understood his
unique role in the United States Office of Education.

That Dr. Caliver was a highly intelligent person does

not require voluminous supporting data. Without consider-
ing other training and experiences, the fact that Dr.
Caliver was only the third Negro to be awarded the Doctor
of PhilOSOphy Degree from Teachers College, Columbia Uni-
versity, attests to this assertion. Further, the fact
that he survived for more than thirty-one continuous years
as an USOE official, despite Opposition and other impedi-
ments, speak to his ability to satisfactorily cope with
difficult situations. He was able to circumvent as well
as outwit and outmaneuver many contemporaries who were not
supportive of him or his goals. He knew and understood

the perspectives or views of others.

200

Earlier in this chapter were listed nineteen other
qualities and characteristics necessary for leadership.
Each of these qualities and characteristics could very
easily be placed under the canopy of "intelligence."
Evidence to support this assertion may be found in preced-
ing parts of this chapter. Without the quality "intel-
ligence," or knowing and understanding, Dr. Caliver would
not have been able to effectively and advantageously meet
the qualities and characteristics necessary for leadership.

It can be assumed that without Dr. Caliver's
superior intellect, Negro and adult education, in all
probability, would not be as advanced nor would they enjoy
their current status.

Among the many programs and activities initiated
by Dr. Caliver to enhance his major causes and which
reflect intelligent approaches were:

1. His serving as a member of the Black Cabinet;

2. His support for Negro institutions of higher
education;

3. His objective and constructive criticism of Negro
institutions of higher education;

4. The conceptualization and development of the radio
program "Freedom's People" for which he selected
outstanding participants including Dr. Mordecai
Johnson, an educator; Mrs. Marion Anderson and

Mr. Roland Hayes, concern artists; Dr. John

201

Studebaker, Commission of Education; and Dr.
George Washington Carver, a scientist.1
5. His initiation and development of the Project for.
Literacy Education of Negroes; and
6. His numerous professional publications on the
subjects of Negro and adult education.2
Dr. Caliver recognized that regardless of the
legitimacy of Negro and adult education, they could not
be achieved unless thoughtful and intelligent approaches

were utilized in pursuit of these goals.

Summary

This chapter has provided insight into how a
Black, marginally accepted administrator conerned with
marginal assignments, Negro and adult education, was able
to survive and successfully contribute within a large
white dominated organization, the USOE. The chapter
examined the unique qualities and skills which were dis-
played by Dr. Caliver. These qualities and skills were
essential and made him and his role unique models of
successful, competent Black leadership.

Dr. Caliver demonstrated that he possessed each of
the qualities of leadership as outlined by Ordway Tead

in The Art of Leadership. He was a decisive individual

 

 

ers. Rosalie Caliver, Interview, August 22, 1970.

2For Presidential recognition of Dr. Caliver's
contributions to adult education, see Appendix I.

202

who made a rational decision to become formally associated
with the USOE. This was a crucial decision in view of the
manner in which Negroes were perceived in the 19305. The
primary reason for Dr. Caliver's decision to serve within
the USOE was that he would be in an advantageous position
to provide services to Negroes as well as to other under-
educated persons.

Dr. Caliver was an honest man who taught by
example the philosophy in which he believed even though
he did not, on many occasions, receive democratic treat-
ment. Further, he had faith in himself, in the United
States and in members of his race. His faith was demon—
strated in many ways including activities as a church
Official and by his financial assistance to support young
Negro scholars at various colleges and universities.

Normally Dr. Caliver was a very friendly indi-
vidual. There were occasions when he elected not to be.
friendly with either Blacks and whites. Dr. Caliver assumed
assignments with tremendous enthusiasm and energy, although
at times these qualities were somewhat diminished due to
illness as well as to opposition to him as a Black man and
to the causes he supported.

Many of the Obstacles which confronted Dr. Caliver
and many of the programs and projects undertaken by him,
required the application of his superior intelligence and

strategies that would not create unnecessary conflicts.

203

Other qualities or characteristics essential to
competent Black leadership and which were displayed by
Dr. Caliver, though not discussed by Ordway Tead, were
considered in this chapter. Due to Dr. Caliver's initiative
a number of programs to enhance both Negro and adult edu-
cation were begun and provided with financial support.

Part of his success can be attributed to his
empathy with both majority and minority groups and to his
highly re5ponsible behavior. He was a persevering person.
He was imperturbable. He developed strategies for coping
with many other problems which he confronted as a USOE
official.

Despite the many problems he experienced as a
marginal man with marginal missions, he provided an
unusually long term of service as an administrator within
the Federal agency. Throughout 31 years he remained loyal
to his race, his cause, his associates and to the United
States Government.

Dr. Caliver left a legacy for the continuing
support and advocacy of adult education. He provided
considerable leadership in the field. He was the first
Black president Of ABA-USA. Two of his colleagues and
administrative subordinates, Dr. John Holden and Mrs.
Betty Ward, were elected to the presidency of the same

adult education organization.

CHAPTER VII

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Summary

This study has been an investigation of the career
of Dr. Ambrose Caliver, a Black man and first adminis-
trator of Negro and adult education in the United States
Office of Education. It has inquired into the setting in
which he worked and the leadership traits with which he
survived and contributed throughout more than thirty-one
years. Its special focus has been upon Dr. Caliver as a
minority person in a middle level administrative position
with an institutionally marginal mission, Negro and adult
education, in a white controlled, racially biased Federal
institution. It was undertaken within the context of
expanding national interest in interpersonal and inter-
group relationships and in adult education. It is based
on four assumptions: first, that members of ethnic, racial
and other minorities can provide qualified and effective
leadership both within their respective groups and in
society as a whole; second, that such leadership will
enable minority groups to secure a more equitable share of
the nation's resources, have a greater voice in the affairs

204

205

of government and contribute to the quality of life in the
entire United States; third, that the most logical and
acceptable method to bring about necessary changes and
improvements in the status of minorities is to work within
the established system of government and other bureauc—
racies; and fourth, that adult education is a major instru-
ment of both social equity and social progress.

Literature related to formal and informal orga-
nizations, role theory, qualities and characteristics of
leadership, the concept of marginality as related to
adult education and to racial minorities and the special
experiences of Blacks as administrators was reviewed.

The organizational literature emphasized that an
individual leader is a member of a social group and
therefore cannot be studied in isolation. Although Dr.
Caliver functioned in a formal organization, the informal
organization, or interpersonal relationships aspect of his
work, greatly affected his behavior. This is especially
so as it applies to racial minorities who are employed in
bureaucratic organizations. Attention was given to the
concepts of control and authority. Control, it was
pointed out, may be expressed by virtue of one's position
or by persuasion. Racial minorities, however, have tra-
ditionally had virtually no authorized control or author-

ity over others and have therefore been considered

206

powerless. The concept of "powerlessness" is usually
associated with social isolation.

Role theory was also considered as a basis for
understanding an individual's status and interaction with
others. Although a substantial amount of literature con—
cerning Blacks as leaders was not uncovered, it was
observed that minorities in leadership positions fre-
quently suppress their identification with low status mem—
bers of their respective races.

In the course of the inquiry a list of twenty
traits was developed. Ten of these traits were drawn
from Ordway Tead who posed them as essential to effective
leadership. The others were drawn from the study of Dr.

Caliver. The complete list follows:

1. Decisiveness

2. Sense of purpose and direction
3. Perspective

4. Integrity

5. Teaching skill

6. Technical mastery

7. Faith

8. Friendliness and affection
9. Energy
10. Enthusiasm
ll. Responsibility
12. Empathy
13. Responsibility

l4. Perseverance

15. Courage

16. Creativity

l7. Imperturbability
18. Conflict management
19. Loyalty

20. Intelligence

207

Dr. Caliver was born in Saltville, Virginia in
1894. His father was killed in an accident before his
birth; his mother died while he was a very young boy. Due
to these circumstances, he and his brother and sister were
reared by an elderly aunt. He attended common school in
Virginia, West Virginia and Tennessee. Before reaching
his teenage years, he worked full-time in order to supple-
ment the family's income. He earned his high school
diploma in 1911, a baccalaureate degree from Knoxville
College in 1915, a masters degree from the University of
Wisconsin in 1920 and his doctorate from Teachers College,
Columbia University in 1930. He married his childhood
sweetheart, Miss Rosalie Evelyn Rucker in 1916.

Prior to his formal association with the USOE, Dr.
Caliver held teaching and administrative positions in
public schools and in institutions of higher education.
During his USOE career, he held five positions, published
numerous articles, participated as chairman or member of
various committees and commissions, and directed several
literacy education projects. He also received many awards
and other forms of recognition, including election as
president of the Adult Education Association-USA. He
died, still in Office, in January, 1962.

He entered Federal services at a time when the
nation was experiencing the Great Depression. The

Depression seriously impinged upon the lives of all

208

Americans, but it was especially devastating to the
country's Negro population since most were very poorly
educated, and many were unemployed or held low level jobs.
Important steps were taken, however, and much progress
was made toward achieving educational equality and civil
rights for Negroes and other minorities in the United
States during the period of Dr. Caliver's association with
the USOE. Though the progress was not highly visible at
the time, it laid the foundation for the more visible
improvements which immediately followed his death.

President Hoover, under whom he first served, took
little action to advance civil rights, but his successor,
Mr. Roosevelt, originated programs which were designed to
lessen social inequities as well as the effects of the
Great Depression. Some of his programs were of specific
value to Negroes for they reduced the employment and civil
rights disparities between Negroes and whites. In addition,
Mr. Roosevelt's New Deal programs recognized that members
of the Negro race lacked significant educational opportun-
ities. Mr. Roosevelt sought advice from influential
Negroes, and during his administration the United States
government became more involved in social welfare legis-
lation.

President Truman was a forceful proponent of civil
rights. During his term in office he appointed the Com-

mission On Civil Rights and the President's Commission on

209

Higher Education recommended the desegregation of insti-
tutions of higher education. His successor, President
Eisenhower, though politically conservative, insisted that
the Constitution and Supreme Court decisions should be
honored. Before he completed his second term as President,
Mr. Eisenhower came to believe that all persons should
enjoy equal rights and much progress was made during his
administration. Mr. Eisenhower's successor, President
John F. Kennedy, was a staunch advocate of civil rights.

It was during Mr. Kennedy's administration, just before
some of his long-time goals were achieved, that Dr. Caliver
died.

The United States Office of Education was estab-
lished in 1867. The need for such an agency had been
clearly demonstrated by statistics which were gathered
in the U.S. Census of 1840. In 1860 the U.S. Census Bureau
verified that 6,000,000 persons were engaged, in some
capacity, in education.

In recent years the USOE has been charged with
managing many Federally supported programs; it has also
provided much more leadership in the field. As late as
1972, however, the USOE faced another financial crisis.

The concern, in the USOE, for adult education was developed
under the leadership of Dr. Ambrose Caliver. His first
title, "Specialist in the Education of Negroes,” did not

limit his work to children and youth. Very early in his

210

USOE career, he recognized the significance of continuing
education for both white and Negro adults. The major task
of this study has been a search for insight into how Dr.
Caliver, a Black marginally accepted USOE official who was
responsible for Negro and adult education, both marginal
causes, survived and contributed within a large bureau-
cratic institution.

The declared purposes of the USOE, from its
inception until very recently, were to collect statistics
and facts relative to the status of education in the nation.
From its beginning, the Office of Education was just
marginally tolerated as an agency of Federal government.
On several occasions there have been recommendations that
it be abolished; and it has generally been understaffed
and under-financed. Education, as a Federal concern and
as demonstrated by the Congress, has been a marginal
enterprise throughout most of American history. Negro
and adult education have, until recently, been doubly

marginal.

Conclusions

 

This study has revealed that Dr. Caliver performed
the classical functions that are expected of administrators
and did, in fact, possess each of the traits of effective

leadership as noted by Ordway Tead in The Art of Leader-

 

ship. Several of Tead's ten qualities and characteristics

of leadership appear to have had more applicability to

211

Dr. Caliver's behavior than have others. For example, the
inquiry indicates that Dr. Caliver felt, more than nor-
mally, an extremely deep sense of purpose and direction in
his quest for expanded Negro and adult education. His
insatiable quest for these two causes was supported by

his unrelenting determination and enthusiasm which were

no less extensive than the goals themselves. Because of
the nature of his major assignments, Negro and adult edu-
cation, Dr. Caliver determined that it was necessary and
advantageous to present both charges in a broad social
context and he avoided the suggestion that either field
would be of benefit to a particular group. He elected

to demonstrate and emphasize the notion that society and
the nation would be the ultimate beneficiaries of improved
education for each of these groups. That Negro and adult
education goals would come about required more than the
usual amount of faith and confidence. Throughout most of
Dr. Caliver's life there were firm indications that he

was a person of extreme faith, for he had faith in God,
faith in his fellow man, faith in the worthiness of his
mission and faith in himself.

In addition to Tead's qualities of leadership,
there were other traits which distinguished Dr. Caliver
from his contemporaries, especially those with whom he
was associated at the USOE. Dr. Caliver was a man of

unusual empathy. He was able to conceptualize and

212

appreciate the significance of perceptions of both

majority and minority group members. Further, very likely
more so than other administrators, Dr. Caliver was talented
in managing conflict situations which seemed to occur in
varying degrees throughout much of his career. Also, his
race and his marginal mission required that he be imper-
turbable, to biased attitudes, slighting remarks and other
forms of negative behavior.

The determination to persevere to achieve his
goals appeared to help mold Dr. Caliver into an unusual
administrator. The pursuit of two unpopular causes without
a substantial base of power, coupled with a lack of funds
with which to adequately support his mission, required
the ability and the desire to pursue his goals, confident
that they would materialize in the future.

A sense of purpose and direction, a sound and
realistic perspective, undaunted enthusiasm, the utmost
faith, sincere empathy, determined imperturbability, able
conflict management skills and unmatched perseverance are
the traits which best describe Dr. Caliver. These traits,
or qualities and characteristics of effective leadership,
were essential to his success as a minority administrator
during his more than thirty-one year career as a USOE
Official. It is realistic to assume that non-minority
administrators would not have been required to possess

these several traits, at least to the degree that they were

213

possessed and practiced by Dr. Caliver, to be effective
leaders.

Although Dr. Caliver possessed each of the ten
qualities and characteristics of effective leadership
as outlined by Ordway Tead, there are two qualities of
leadership which were not fully realized simply because
of Dr. Caliver's race. They were the qualities of friend-
liness and decisiveness. The fact that Dr. Caliver was a
Black man had a tendency to restrict the manner in which
he associated with others, especially whites. His expe-
rience taught him that his role and race would not allow,
at times, for extreme friendliness. Also, the fact that
he was Black determined those occasions when he could
realistically be as decisive as necessary; there were
occasions when being decisive would have been injurious
to the attainment of his causes.

The inquiry into the professional career of this
minority edministrator has resulted in several con-
clusions relative to minority persons functioning within
bureaucratic organizations. Based on the evidence, it is
concluded that members of such groups who are desirous of
realizing reforms in institutions, must make clear and
decisive decisions regarding where they will work to
achieve changes considered desirable. They must also

realize the consequences of their actions and it is

214

essential that they have a realistic conception of what
can and cannot be accomplished.

Such persons, as administrators desirous of orga-
nizational changes, may elect one of several approaches
in an attempt to realize those changes. They include
radical as well as more socially acceptable means. How-
ever, persons who attempt to change any complex insti-
tution will be required to function within that insti-
tution's framework.

If there is a clear intent to either reform
organizational structures or to realize chosen ends
within organizations and through them, minorities will need
to develop special tactics and strategies to assist in
their attainment. This is very essential when minorities
feel uncomfortable with established procedures or rules
of the game.

To be successful in creating changes in institu-
tions or bureaucracies, minorities will need to learn
how to marshall supportive services both within and out-
side of the organizations. For example, Dr. Caliver
maintained close contact with Black institutions of higher
education which were supportive of his goals.

Further, it can be concluded from this study that
the environment in which minorities, especially racial
minorities, served in the 19605, varies greatly from that

of the 19305. The general attitude of the larger society

215

toward racial minorities, Federal civil rights legislation
and improved Negro education are a few of the factors which
distinguished the above periods. The study indicated that
Dr. Caliver contributed substantially, as measured by
standards of the 19305 and 19405, to the acquisition of
minority rights. His work in Negro and adult education

and his work in helping to eliminate educational segregation
are among his major contributions. Further, his ability

to know when to tolerate second class treatment as well

as his contributions in terms of developing survival
strategies for minorities are also major contributions.
Finally, it can be concluded that efforts to improve

Negro rights, by Dr. Caliver and others, eventually led

to Dr. Caliver playing a more obvious role in the area of
Negro rights as noted by his becoming more aggressive as
his tenure in office increased.

Minorities who function in administrative capac-
ities in formal organizations must have a clear under-
standing of the possible cost or personal penalties of
performing such roles. For example, restricted or slow
professional advancement and being subjected to inap-
propriate and derogatory terminology in reference to race,
are indicative of the cost to minority group members in
past years and in many cases, at present.

Minorities who function in bureaucratic organi-

zations may emphasize the value of their efforts and

216

goals to their own races or other minority groups, but to
survive and be successful they will need to demonstrate
that their efforts will benefit the larger society.

The inquiry into the professional career of Dr.
Caliver had led to several conclusions regarding white
administrators who employ, supervise or interact with
Black administrators in formal organizations. It is clear
that it is not sufficient merely to hire minorities to
serve in white, bureaucratic institutions. It is neces-
sary that white administrators should have a clear recog-
nition of the problems and legitimate concerns of minOrity
personnel if maximum success and survival are to be
achieved. Administrators who are supportive of, and sensi-
tive to, the problems of minorities in formal organizations,
should attempt to delineate where changes could be made
and where opposition to minorities and their services may
lead to unwarranted difficulties.

White administrators, who supervise or perform
services with minority administrators, should realize that
members of this category will require more latitude than
majority group administrators for effective functioning.
Administrators who elect not to initiate changes in the
status quo of bureaucratic organizations or who are
desirous of not changing the existing situation, should not

bring minorities into the organizational structure.

217

Implications

 

The conclusions derived from the study of Dr.
Ambrose Caliver have serious implications for Blacks as
well as other minorities, racial or otherwise, who aspire
to leadership positions and who wish changes in bureau—
cratic systems. Minority persons who espouse minority
causes normally work to achieve their goals within the
established legal and governmental system. To do other-
wise is likely to result in failure regardless of the
merit of the mission or goals. The larger society is not
likely to allow minorities to survive in a formal, bureau-
cratic agency if normal and established procedures are
disregarded. Although the goals or Objectives of a
minority may be legitimate and warranted, the larger
society must conceive the end product as being both
legitimate and socially tolerable, though not necessarily
desirable.

Further, a marginal person, or a group with a
marginal mission, very likely will not realize the
maturation of sought Objectives forthwith. Patience is
necessary. Adversity and lack of support should be antici-
pated. Advocates should develOp appropriate strategies to
overcome or circumvent illegitimate and unwarranted
obstacles.

Such persons and organizations seeking recognition

must not only persevere, but they may expect and be willing

218

to work harder and longer than their counterparts in pur-
suit of their goals.

Finally, minorities seeking legitimate goals would
profit from the leadership of persons of Dr. Caliver's
qualifications for he was intelligent, qualified and pre-
pared to accept a leadership position. It would behoove
aspiring leaders to become familiar with the twenty qual-
ities and characteristics of effective leadership, as
exemplified by Dr. Caliver, and to cultivate them in the
quest of their own goals and objectives.

Dr. Caliver was a major forerunner in the gen-
eration of leaders who sought equality of education and
civil rights for minorities. He was a leader also in the
pre-dawn period of Federally supported general adult edu-
cation in the United States. Dr. Caliver's many years of
dedicated work and contributions were the precursors of
what was to become Federally enacted legislation for
important new developments in adult education. Dr.
Caliver's work was usually performed in a semi-hostile
environment for neither Negro or adult education were
viewed as being of major import to society by many of the
nation's leaders.

Dr. Caliver was a marginal man with a marginal
mission. He was an extraordinary person with extraordinary
qualities of courage, independence, intelligence and sensi-

tivity. His highly developed sense of self led him to

219

assume for many years a modest but highly effective role

in government and to work for the changes within the estab-
lished system which he knew had to come about for the
advancement of minorities and the well being of the whole
society. His race was well represented and both his race
and his cause were well served by his long and faithful

tenure in the United States Office of Education.

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Negro Handbook. Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company,
Inc., 1966.

 

Newcomb, Theodore M. Social Psychology. New York: The
Dryden Press, 1950.

 

News for You. Edition B. Syracuse: New Readers Press,
February 21, 1962.

 

Niebuhr, Reinhold. Moral Man and Immoral Society: A
Study in Ethics and Politics. New York: Scribner
Publishing Company, 1960, as quoted in Inter-
national Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences.

 

 

 

 

Parsons, Talcott. Structure and Process in Modern
Societies. New York: The Free Press, 1960.

 

 

229

Parsons, Talcott, and Clark, Kenneth B. (eds.). The Negro
American. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1960.

 

Pelz, Donald C. "Leadership with a Hierarchical Organi-
zation." In Leadership in Action: Selected Read-
ings Series Two. Edited by Gordon L. Lippitt.
Washington, D.C.: National Training Laboratories,
National Education Association, 1961.

 

 

Petrullo, Luigi and Bass, Bernard M. Leadership and Inter-
personal Behavior. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, Inc., 1961.

 

 

Pettigrew, Thomas. Profile of the Negro American. New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1964.

 

Phi Delta Kappan. "The Washington Report." 53, 50
(January 1972).

 

Pittsburgh Courier.

 

Powdermaker, Hortense. After Freedom. New York:
Atheneum, 1968.

 

Queen, Harold. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, January 20,
1971.

Reader's Digest Almanac, 1966, First Edition. Pleasant-
ville: Reader's Digest Association, Inc., 1965.

 

Rogers, Carl. On Becoming a Person. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1961.

 

Rollins, Alfred B., Jr. (ed.). Franklin D. Roosevelt and
the Age of Action. New York: Dell PfiBlishing
Company, 1960.

 

Sensor, Robert. Primer on Interracial Justice. Balti-
more: Helion Press, I962.

Smith, Darrell Hevenor. The Bureau of Education: Its
History, Activities and Or anization. Baltimore:
The John Hopkins Press, 19 3.

 

Smith, Robert M. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, June 14,
1972.

Spaulding, Seth. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
November 11, 1970.

230
Stewart, Ward. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, September 28,
1970.

Stodgill, Ralph N. Individual Behavior and Group Achieve-
ment. New York: Oxford University Press,il959.

 

Stonequist, Everett. The Marginal Man - A Study in
Personality and Culture Conflict. New York:
Russell and Russell, I961.

 

 

Studebaker, John M. "Letter to Persons Particularly
Interested in Negro Life." February 15, 1941.

Sutherland, Robert L. Color, Class, and Personality.
Washington: American Council on Education, 1942.

 

. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, October 15, 1970.

Sweet, Franklin H. Strategic Planning. Austin: Bureau
of Research, University of Texas, 1964.

 

Tead, Ordway. The Art of Leadership. New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, 1935.

 

The Crescent. Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity.

 

The Southern Workman. Hampton, Virginia: Hampton Insti-
tute 62, 5 (May 1933).

 

The U.S.‘Office of Education Handbook: Organization and
Function. Washihgton, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1968.

Tuskegee Messenger. May-June 1936.

 

United States Displaced Persons Commission. "Study of
Orientation of Displaced Persons." Washington:
National Archives, June 30, 1949.

 

United States General Services Administration. National
Personnel Records Center, St. Louis, Missouri.

United States Office of Education. Annual Report.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office,
1929.

 

. Annual Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1930.

 

. Annual Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1931.

 

231

. Annual Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1932.

 

University of Wisconsin. University Transcript to Peyton S.
Hutchison, May 13, 1971.

Urbana Courier. July 7, 1961.

 

U.S. House Of Representatives General Subcommittee on
Labor and Select Subcommittee on Education and
Labor. 87th Cong., 2nd Sess., on H.R. 10143 and
H.R. 10191, 1962.

Ward, Betty Arnett. Interview with Peyton S. Hutchison,
August 19, 1970.

Weaver, Robert C. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, April 1,
1972.

Weber, Max. The Theory of Social and Economic Organization.
A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (Trans.) and
Talcott Parsons (ed.). Glencoe: The Free Press,
1947.

 

White, H. R. Foundations of Education: Historical,
Sociological, Philosophical. New York: David
McKay, Inc., 1968.

 

 

Wilkins, Theresa Birch.- Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison,
December 5, 1972.

Witty, Paul. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, October 5,
1970.

. Letter to Peyton S. Hutchison, November 20,
1970.

World Book Encyclopedia. Chicago: Field Enterprises
Educational Corporation, 1966, Vol. 19.

 

Young, Whitney. To Be Equal. New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, 1964.

 

Laws, Statutes and Executive Orders
Morrill Act, 12 Stat., 503-505 (1862).
Freedman's Bureau, 13 Stat., 507-509 (1865).

14 Stats. L. 434, An Act to Establish the Department of
Education, March 2, 1867.

232

U.S. Office of Education, 15 Stats. 106 (1867).
P. L. 73-67.

P. L. 75-163.

39 Stat. L 1070, March 3, 1917.

Executive Order 6420 establishing Civil Works Administration
within FERA, November 9, 1933.

Executive Order 7034 establishing Works Progress Adminis-
tration, May 6, 1935.

Executive Order 8802 establishing Federal Fair Employment
Practices Commission, June 25, 1941.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

GENERAL SERVICES ADMINISTRATION RECORD
OF DR. CALIVER'S FEDERAL SERVICE

APPENDIX A

GENERAL SERVICES ADMINISTRATION RECORD
OF DR. CALIVER'S FEDERAL SERVICE

Date: January 19, 1971

Reply to
Attn of: NCPCR

Subject: Dr. Ambrose Caliver

Mr. Peyton S. Hutchison
Project R.E.A.D.

Board of Education

Room 301 Stevenson Bldg.
Detroit, MI 48204

This refers to your January 13 letter requesting a copy of
the employment record of Dr. Ambrose Caliver, a former
employee of the Office of Education.

Dr. Ambrose Caliver, date of birth February 25, 1894, was
appointed in the Office of Education on September 2, 1930,
and was continuously employed until his death on January 29,
1962. During this period he served in the following
positions:

9/2/30 - 5/19/46 Specialist in Negro Education,
$3800 P/A to $6020 P/A

5/20/46 - 7/13/50 Specialist for Negro Higher Edu-
cation, $6230 P/A to $8000 P/A

7/14/50 - 4/23/55 Educationist (General) Assistant to
the Commissioner) $8800 P/A to
$10,200 P/A

4/24/55 - 10/31/59 Assistant to the Commissioner of

Education and Chief, Adult Education
Section, $10,200 P/A to $12,555 P/A

233

234

11/1/59 - 1/29/62 Education Research 8 Program
Specialist and Chief, Adult Edu-
cation Section, $13,070 P/A to
$14,380 P/A

Under present rules of the U.S. Civil Service Commission,
we are not permitted to furnish copies of any employment
documents. Dr. Caliver's personnel folder does contain
a biographical sketch with list of published articles.
Enclosed is a COpy which may be of some assistance.

M. D. Davis
Chief, Civilian Reference Branch

Enclosure

APPENDIX B

MORGAN STATE COLLEGE CITATION

APPENDIX B

MORGAN STATE COLLEGE CITATION

Citation of Ambrose Caliver

 

Ambrose Caliver, teacher, administrator, author
and public servant. Your career in the Federal service
epitomizes the rapidly changing social scene in the area
of race relations. When you began your work in the United
States Office of Education, just a quarter of a century
ago, as Senior Specialist in the Higher Education of
Negroes, you were the only Negro on the professional level
in the entire classified Federal services. You have pro-
gressed from a position designed to render specialized
service to a minority group to the high positions of
Assistant to the Commissioner and Chief of the Adult
Education Section of the United States Office of Education,
where you are responsible for a broad, nationwide program.
By your efforts and your achievements you have attained
a recognized position among the top educational leadership
of this nation.

As an author you have published more than seventy
books, monographs and articles. As an administrator you
have directed a number of important surveys and studies

235

236

including the National Survey of Vocational Education and
Guidance of Negroes, the National Survey of Higher Edu-
cation of Negroes, the Literacy Education Study and the
Intergroup Education Project. You have served as consultant
to the United States Displaced Persons Commission, as edu-
cational advisor to the United States Delegation to the
United Nations' Special Committee on Non-self—governing
Territories, as chairman of the Secretariat of the Edu-
cation Section of the National Conference on Aging, as a
member of the United States Office of Education staff to
study the educational system of the Virgin Islands, as a
member of the United States delegation to the Inter-
American Cultural Council held in Mexico City, and as
chairman of the Adult Education Association Section on
Literacy and Fundamental Education.

Through these achievements you have played an
important role in the development of education not only in
this nation but throughout the world.

For your life, your example, and your achievements,
and by authority of the Board of Trustees of Morgan State
College, I now confer upon you the degree, Doctor of Laws,
with all the rights, duties and privileges thereto apper-

taining.

Morgan State College
June Fourth
Nineteen Hundred and Fifty-Six

APPENDIX C

UNITED STATES COMMISSIONERS OF EDUCATION
1867-1962

UNITED STATES COMMISSIONERS OF EDUCATION

Henry Barnard

John Eaton

N. H. R. Dawson
William T. Harris
Elmer E. Brown
Philander P. Claxton
John James Tigert
William John Cooper
George F. Zook

John W. Studebaker
Earl James McGrath
Lee M. Thurston
Samuel Miller Brownell
Lawrence G. Derthick

Sterling McMurrin

 

1

APPENDIX C

1867-1962

3/14/67
3/16/70
8/6/86
9/12/89
7/1/06
7/8/11
6/2/21
2/11/29
7/11/33

10/23/34

3/16/49
7/2/53

9/16/53

12/19/56

4/4/61

3/15/1870
8/5/86
9/3/39
6/30/1906
6/30/11
6/1/21
8/31/28
7/10/33
6/30/34
7/15/43
4/23/53
9/4/53
8/31/56
1/20/61.
9/9/621

The U.S. Office of Education Handbook: Organi-

 

zation and Function (Washington: U.S. Government Printing

 

Office, 1968).

237

APPENDIX D

SAMPLE COPY OF THE "GREAT DEBATE"

APPENDIX D

SAMPLE COPY OF THE "GREAT DEBATE"

THE GREAT DEBATE
NIXON-KENNEDY DISCUSSIONS

A Project to Realize the Civic Adult
Education Potential of the Debates

Sponsored by
The Adult Education Association of the USA in

cooperation with other Educational Organizations

Purpose of Project

 

--To encourage, promote, and organize listening and view-
ing groups throughout the nation.

--To follow up the debates with discussion of the issues,

facts, arguments and proposed action presented by the
candidates.

§pecific Objectives

 

--To encourage citizens throughout the land to consider
the problems and issues of our times.

--To encourage citizens to discuss the problems and
issues as they are presented by the candidates.

--To relate conclusions of the discussions beyond per-
sonal concerns to the welfare of the community, nation,
and the world.

--To develop in citizens that sense of personal commit-
ment to good and responsible government which will
motivate them to choose and vote wisely.

 

238

239

How The Project Will Operate
--National Organizations will
-—alert their local units concerning the Project.

--encourage local members to form and/or join viewing
or discussion groups in homes, schools, churches, etc.

--urge their locals to request newspapers to carry the
study outline and news stories.

—-National news services have been requested to carry the
stories over their wires on the days of the debates.

--Radio and TV networks have been asked to carry spot
announcements concerning the Project.

--Each individual is asked to write letters to the editor,
and invite their friends and acquaintances to join or
form a discussion group.

A study outline to guide the discussions has been developed.
Hopefully, all local papers will carry it on the days of the
debates, and each participant will use it.

What Leaders Say

 

Leaders in every walk of 1ife--from the founding of the
Republic to the present, have emphasized the need for civic
education.

George Washington
"In proportion as the structure of Government gives
force to public Opinion, it is essential that public
opinion should be enlightened."

Herbert Hoover
"Self Government can succeed only through an instructed
electorate."

Dwight D. Eisenhower
"SO, this campaign is nothing less than a vast edu-
cational endeavor--presenting to the citizens the
evidence needed in order to arrive at their individual
judgements on the issues and the candidates."

240

Eleanor Roosevelt
"Here at home, Education that is known as adult edu-
cation, is most important. It is needed by people
who are going to be leaders in every community."

For further information about this Project or to purchase
a booklet for $.60 on how to organize and lead a discussion
group write:

The Adult Education Association of the USA
743 N. Wabash Avenue, Chicago 11, Illinois

APPENDIX E

SAMPLE "FREEDOM'S PEOPLE" RADIO SCRIPTS

APPENDIX E

SAMPLE "FREEDOM'S PEOPLE" RADIO SCRIPTS

Program Title:

FREEDOM'S PEOPLE
Starting Date: April 21, 1941

Closing Date: April 19, 1942

Program Description:

RED 9/21/41
12:30-l:00 PM

RED 10/19/41
12:30-1:00 PM

‘Program dedicated to, and conceived by the

American Negro--presented by NBC in coop-
eration with the U.S. Office of Education
in the Federal Security Agency. The pro-
gram showed how negro spirituals originated.
Heard on the program were: Paul Robeson;
Joshua White, famous singer of negro
spirituals, who sang, accompanying himself
on the guitar; V. W. Handy, author of the
St. Louis Blues, who was interviewed;
Noble Sissle and his orchestra; the de
Paur chorus.

Today's program was devoted to Science and
Discovery. It showed a picture of the
outstanding Negro scientists in this
country from before the Revolution to the
present day. Dramatizations were done of
the stories of Matt Hensen, who was with
Perry's expedition to the North Pole, and
of Dr. George Washington Carver, one of
today's most distinguished research scien-
tists. From Tuskegee, Alabama, Dr. Carver
spoke briefly, and there was music by the
Tuskegee

241

RED 2/15/42
12:30-l:00 PM

3/15/42
12:30-l:00 PM

242

Today's program devoted to the development
of educational facilities for Negroes from
pre—Civil War days to the present will be
traced by "Freedom's People." The story
of the Negro's attempt to acquire educa-
tion and learning prior to the Emancipation
Proclamation; the formation in 1832 of
Oneyney Teacher's College, oldest insti-
tution of higher learning for the Negro;
the beginning of many other famous uni-
versities and the story of Booker T.
Washington and Tuskegee College, all
dramatized.

Dorothy Maynor, colored SOprano, guest

Howard University Women's Glee Club
(from Washington 1 1/2 min)

John W. Studebaker, United States Com-
missioner of Education (from
Washington)

*Program presented with the assistance of
the Julius Rosenwald Fund and the Southern
Education Foundation, in cooperation with
the U.S. Office of Education.

Today's program entitled "The Arts" features
the rise and flowering of Negro art in
America, with special emphasis on litera-
ture, painting and sculpture and Henry 0.
Tanner, negro painter whose works are
exhibited in the Louvre; WEB DuBois, former
editor of "The Crisis," Richard Wright,
author of "Native Son”; and James Weldon
Johnson composer of anthem "Lift Ev'ry
Voice and Sing." Dramatization of life of
Phyllis Wheatley, a negro poetess kidnapped
from Africa at the age of 7, during the
18th century and educated in Boston.
Artists were: Lawrence L. Whisonant,

baritone

Hazel Harrison, negro
pianist
Raleigh N. Carolina A & T

College Chorus-—from Raleigh

N.C. also the 12 voice De

Paur Chorus and the 25-

piece NBC Concert Orch.

APPENDIX F

DR. CALIVER'S NOTES TO JUNIOR HIGH
SCHOOL CLASS

APPENDIX F

DR. CALIVER'S NOTES TO JUNIOR HIGH
SCHOOL CLASS

 

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74/(1’461 (jqfli/Jcc/l.’

243

APPENDIX G

PARTIAL LISTING OF DR. CALIVER'S PUBLICATIONS

APPENDIX G

PARTIAL LISTING OF DR. CALIVER'S PUBLICATIONS

Ambrose Caliver Revised
July, 1957

 

Articles

. Journal of Negro Life. "Some Tendencies in
Higher Education and THeir Application to the Negro
College.” Vol. 6:6; January 1928.

 

Crisis. "Deans and Registrars.” Vol. 36:304, 332; April
1928.

Biennial Survey of Education, 1928-30. "Education of
Negroes." U.S. Office of Education, Bulletin 1931,
No. 20, Chap. 17.

National Education Association. Bulletin of the Depart-
ment of Rural Education. "Some Phases of Edu-
cation Among Negroes in Rural Communities."
February, 1931.

Bulletin (American Teachers Association). "The Inte-
gration of Secondary and Higher Education."
Vol. 12:7-8, October 1931.

School Life. "The Largest Negro High School." Vol. 17:
73-74, December 1931.

 

School and Society. ”Progress of the National Surveys
of Education Among Negroes." Vol. 35:894, Feb-
ruary 13, 1932.

 

School Life. "Negro Education in the Depression." Vol.
18:111-12, February 1933.

 

The Broadcaster. ”Some Unseen Problems and Obligations
of Education." Vol. 5:50-54, May 1933.

 

Southern Workman. "The Office of Education and Negro
Schools." Vol. 62:218-31, May 1933.

 

244

245

The Journal of Negro Education. "The Negro Teacher and a
Philosophy of Negro Education." Vol. 2:432-47,
October 1933.

 

The Journal of Negro Education. "Negro College Students
and the Need of Personnel Work." Vol. 2:359-78,
July 1933.

 

School Life. "Negro Education and the Emergency Educa-
tional Program." Vol. 19:101, January 1934.

 

Talladegan (Supplement of May Issue--The College and the
Social Process). ”Liberalizing the Liberal Arts
College for Negroes." April 3-4, 1934.

 

School Life. "Negro Education." Vol. 19:165, April 1934.

 

School Life. "The Outlook for Negro Education." Vol. 20:
40-41, Octiber 1934.

 

The Journal of Negro Education. "Some Problems in the
EducatiOn and Placement of Negro Teachers.”
Vol. 2:99—112, January 1935.

 

School Life. "Federal Aid and the Negro." Vol. 21:40,
October 1955.

 

The Journal of Negro Education. ”The Role of the Teacher
in the Reorganization and Redirection of Negro
Education." Vol. 5:506-16, July 1936.

 

Fifty Years of Programsfiin Public Education of Negroes.
(Reprintedfrom Pittsburgh Courier,Il950.)

 

Literacy Education--A Series of Reprints. (School Life
articles, l951-52.)

 

 

Literacy Education, Circular No. 376, June 1953. National
Statistics and Other Related Data.

 

Fundamental Education. The What, How, Where and Why of It?
(In cooperatiOn with the Committee on Literacy
and Fundamental Education of the Adult Education
Association of the USA.) Reprinted 1958.

 

Guide for using a kit of materials on Intergroup_Education.
Prepared by Sub-committee on Intergroup Education
of which Dr. Caliver was Chairman, 1951. (Joint
Committee, ATA-NEA.)

246

Leaders'_Guide to use and study of materials on Intergroup
Education. Prepared by Joseph H. Douglass under
the supervision of Ambrose Caliver, 1954. (ATA-
NEA, Joint Committee, OE.)

 

 

 

School Life articles on School Segregation:

 

"Education of Negroes: Segregation Issue Before the
Supreme Court. February 1954.

"Education of Negroes: Successful Transition From
Segregated to Non-segregated Situations." (Co-
author, Theresa Wilkins) May 1954.

"Education of Negroes: Progress and Present Status in
the Segregated Pattern." (Co—author, Emery M.
Foster) March 1954. ~

Education of Negroes: Some Factors Relating to the
Quality of Education of Negroes.” (Co-author,
Joseph H. Douglass) June 1954.

Pittsburgh Courier. ”Negro Educational WOrker." In four
installments, beginning October 16, 1954.

 

The Crescent. "Education, the Key to Freedom.” (Official
organ of Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity) June 1955.

 

"Services and Resources of Federal Agencies Relating to
the Education of the Aging." In Education for
Later Maturity, a handbook compiled by Wilma
Donahue, 1955.

 

 

"The National Concern for Adult Education." School Life,
May 1957.

 

"Government's Concern for Adult Education." School Life,
June 1957. (Co-author, John B. Holden.)

 

"_________Learning for a Changing World." Adult Leader-
ship. September 1957.

 

"Needed: Another Crash Program.” Adult Leadership.
October 1958.

 

"Adult Education Activities of Government." Adult
Leadership. June 1959.

 

The Fisk College: Its Aims and Its Work. Nashville,
Tennessee. Sunday School Union, the Fisk
University Bulletin, Vol. 2, No. 2, March 1957,

40pp.

247

Orientation (Mimeographed). Ann Arbor,
Michigan, Edward Brothers, 1928.

 

A Study of Negro College Students. Doctor's
Thesis, 1956, Teachers College, Columbia Univer-
sity, New York City, l46pp.

Bibliography on Education of the Negro. U.S. Office of
Education Bulletin, 1931, No. 17, 34pp.

Negro Schools and American Education Work. U.S. Office of
Education. Circular No. 43, 1931, lOpp.

Rural Elementary Education Among Negroes Under Jeanes
Supervisors. U.S. Office of Education Bulletin,
1933, No. 5, 57pp.

Secondary Education for Negroes. U.S. Office of Education
Bulletin, 1932, No. 17, Monograph No. 7, 121pp.

Background Study of Negro College Students. U.S. Office
of Education Bulletin, 1933, No. 8, 133pp.

Education of Negro Teachers in the United States. U.S.
Office of Education Bulletin, 1933, No. 12, Vol.
IV, 123pp.

Fundamentals in the Education of Negroes. U.S. Office
of Education Bulletin, 1935, No. 6, 90pp.

Availability of Education to Negroes in Rural Communities.
U.S. Office of Education Bulletin, 1935, No. 12,

86pp.

Statistics of the Education of Negroes, 1929-30 and 1931-32
(joint author). U.S. Office of Education Bulletin,
1935, No. 13, 47pp.

Negro High School Graduates and NoneGraduates. U.S. Office
of Education, 1940. Pamphlet No. 87, 19pp.

Education of Negroes: A Five-Year Bibliography, 1931-1935.
U.S. Office of Education Bulletin, 1937, No. 8,

63pp.

Vocational Education and Guidance of Negroes. U.S. Office
of Education Bulletin, 1937, No. 38, 137pp.

Statistics of the Education of Negroes, 1933-34 and 1935-36

(joint author). U.S. Office of Education Bulletin,
1938, No. 13, 67pp.

248

Good Reference Bibliography on the Education of Negroes.
U.S. Office of Education Bibliography, 1940, No.
68, l3pp.

Supervision of the Education of Negroes as a Function of
State Departments of Education. U.S. Office of
Education Bulletin 1940, No. 6, Monograph No. 11,

45pp.

National Survey of the Higher Education of Negroes: A
Summary. U.S. Office of Education Bulletin, 1945,
Misc. No. 6, Vol. IV.

Education of Teachers for Improving Majority Minority
Relationships. U.S. Office of Education Bulletin
1944, No. 2, 64pp.

Teacher Education of Negroes. U.S. Office of Education,
1945, 71pp.

Sources of Instructional Materials on Negroes. U.S.
Office of Education, 1946, 23pp.

Education of Negro Leaders. U.S. Office of Education
Bulletin, 1948, No. 3, 61pp.

APPENDIX H

CERTIFICATION OF DR. CALIVER AS ADVISOR TO
UNITED STATES DELEGATION TO UNITED NATIONS
SPECIAL COMMITTEE OF INFORMATION

APPENDIX H

CERTIFICATION 01'. DR.

CALIVER AS ADVISOR TO-

UNITED STATES DELEGATION TO UNITED NATIONS

SPECIAL COMMITTEE OF INFORMATION

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249

APPENDIX I

LETTER FROM FORMER PRESIDENT TRUMAN

APPENDIX I

LETTER FROM FORMER PRESIDENT TRUMAN

HARRY S TRUMAN
INDEPENDENCE . MISSOURI

February 22, 1971

Dear Mr. Hutchinson:

In reply to your letter, I regret that I can be of no
help to you on the subject of your thesis.

I have had no occasion to meet with Dr. Ambrose

Caliver, but know of his important work in Adult
Education.

Smcerely you1}3/,/.---'

/ . . S ' 7.1;" ,
/~7/-A/u7 6’,“ (Ill L [ "WV" 1"

t

I.

Mr. Peyton S. Hutchinson
Administrative Assistant
Project R: E. A. D.
10100 Grand River Avenue
Detroit, Michigan 48204

250

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