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AN ABSTRAGII Suhnitted to the College of Advanced Graduate Studies Elohigan State Unlvere 1ty of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of moron OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthmpology 1956 'h‘» (/ /f/ n" George Lamar Maddox, Jr. This is an exploratory study of the pattern, social context and func- tional significance of the use of beverage alcohol among 1,962 students in the eleventh and twelfth grades of the public schools of a middle-sized Aler- ican city. Literature on the use of alcohol has concentrated predominantly on 'problu" aspects, particularly on the compulsive drinking of the alcoholic. This study approaches drinking as a form of social behavior which, like other social behavior, is culturally defined and socially structured. Functional analysis and symbolic interaction provide the methodolOgioal and theoretical orientations of the research. The principal research instru- ments were a pre-tested questionnaire and focussed interviews. The question- naire was administered to all students in the study population. From these, the 177 self-designated “drinkers“ were chosen for analysis. Then, a random sample of 179 self-designated "non-drinkers“ were drawn. "Drinkers“ and 'non-drinkers"were compared in terms of a wide range of characteristics with special attention being given to factors of age, sex, socio-economic position, normative Judgments about teen-age drinking and to imputed.motives for drinking. The principal statistical measures employed were Chi Square and Kendall's coefficient of rank.order correlaticn (Tau). Fer depth.in analysis, a randomly selected sample of fifty-five students were intensively interviewed. These interviews were tape recorded and later transcribed for detailed analysis. Conclusions of the study include the following: 1. Drinking among high.school teen-agers in the community studies is neither frequent nor intense. Although nine in ten of the sample reported having had at least one experience with alcohol, only one in ten designated himself as a "drinker” and only about one in four reported a pattern of con- sistent even though generally infrequent drinking. Less than one percent would be classified as "heavy" drinkers. Among those reporting drinking, George Lamar Maddox, Jr. beer. was the only widely used alcoholic beverage. 2. Placing the "drinker" in the social structure, one finds that this person is most likely to be i) male; ii) older; iii) playing or expecting soon ' to play adult-like roles; iv) preferring adult models for behavior; v) least active in organized teen-age activities; vi) in the upper or lower strata of socio-economic status and vii) among those reporting a preference and expecta- tions for upward occupational mobility. 3. Although one in ten students was a "drinker," almost half of them conditionally approved of drinking by their age peers. Only one in five un- conditionally disapproved. There were shared definitions among all students about the appropriateness and inappropriateness of the ma__t_, E9322, m, 113! 939;; and gith when of drinking. 1.. The functions of teen-age drinking suggested by the analysis are i) status-conform (e.g., some drinking serves as an inprovised rite of pas- sage between the adolescent age grade, perceived as predominantly abstinent , and the adult age grade, perceived as predominantly non-abstinent); 11) group identification (e.g. , identifying oneself and being identified as a member of a group oriented to playing adult-like roles); iii) anticipatory socialization (e.g. , parentally approved but controlled exploration of adult drinking be- havior by adolescents; and iv) legitimat ion of unconventional behavior (e.g. , behavior which is tolerated because one "does not know what he is doing" so tkat the projected irresponsibility is sometimes fulfilled even when the behavior cannot be explained by the actual ingestat ion of alcohol). The significance of the data for sociological theories of symbolisn in relation to action, age grading in relation to social structure , social norms in relation to behavior and motivation are briefly explored. .‘ VITA George Lamar Maddox, Jr. candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Final Examination, October 6, 1956, 9:00 P. M. , 109 Merrill Hall Dissertation: A Study of High School Drinking: A Sociological Analysis of a Symbolic Act Outline of Studies Major subject: Sociology Minor subject: Labor Economics Biographical Items Born, July 2, 1925, flcComb, "ississippi Undergraduate Studies, Millsaps College, 1946-49 Graduate Studies, Boston University, 1949-52; Michigan State University, 1954-56 EXperience: Member of the United States Army, 1943-46; Assistant Professor of Sociology, Iillsaps College, 1952-54; Graduate Teaching Assistant and Graduate Research Assistant, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Michigan State University, 1954-56 Member of Omicron Delta Kappa, American Sociological Society; Fellow of the National Council on Religion in Higher Education A STUDY OF HIGH SCHOOL DRINKING: A SOCIOIDGICAL ANALYSIS OF A SYMBOLIC ACT by GEORGE LAMAR WI, JR. A THESIS Suhnitted to the College of Advanced Graduate Studies Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial mlfillmmt of the requiranents for the degree of mCTOR OF PHIIDSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1956 (7/). 4//5’7 :r / :3"/ ,2: A CKNOW LEDGMEN T S Especial gratitude is expressed to my thesis adviser. Dr. John'Useem, for the continual stimulation of his criticism and in- sight and for the pleasure of the hours spent with him as a student and friend. Appreciation is acknowledged to Dr. Charles P. Loomis, Head of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology and Chairman of my Advisory Committee, and to the other members of the committee--Dr. William H. Form. Dr. Duane L. Gibson. Dr. Charles R. Heifer. Dr. John C. McKinney of the Department and Dr. Jack Stieber of the Labor and Industrial Relations Center of the University--for their ex- ceptional generosity in reading and criticizing the manuscript while it was in preparation. Indebtedness is espressed to Dr. Christopher Sower and Dr. Bevode McCall of the Social Research Service of the Department, directors of the project of which the data reported here are a part, for counsel and for financial and other assistance. Thanks are also due to ad- ministrative officials and students in the public high schools of the research site. and to Mr. Ralph Daniel, Executive Director of the State Board of Alcoholism, Lansing, for their cooperation and assistance. Finally, to Evelyn Godbold Maddox. whose generosity of time and patience contributed so much to the completion of this work. both gratitude and appreciation are due. TABLE OF CONTENTS mmowmm Ts . O O . C O O O O O O O O C O 0 LIST OF TABI-Es O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF FIGURE 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chapter I II III IV A socxonocmu. sum or ram-AGE DRINKING . . . . The "Social Problem“ Orientation to Drinking . . Drinking as a Sociological and Social Psychological PrOblan e e e e e e e e e e e The Problm of This Research . . . . . . . An Overview of the Presentation of the Research . RESEARCHDESIGNANDPROCEDUBE . . . . . . . . Scolologyt Pure and Applied e e e e e Methodological and Theoretical Orientation Hypotheses of the Study . . . . . . Techniques Used in the Research . Sampling Procedure and Reliability The Research Site and Population Analysis and the Design of Proof DRINKINGASSOCIALBEHAVIOR . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . A Description of Teen-age Drinking Behavior . . . Community Social Structure and Teen-age Drinking Relevance of Social Stratification for Drinking Behavior. Summary. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e DRINKING AS SOCIAL BEHAVIOR: NORMATIVE ASPECTS . . A Theory Of 50cm Norms e e e e e e e e 0 Drinking and Social Nome . . . . . . . . The Norms of Drinking: A Student View . Nomative Judgnents and Perceptions of Drinking in the Community e e e o e Normative Judgments and Placanent in a Social System . ii Page 0 O O O O O O S 106 123 eeeee ‘1 m . 126 126 e 132 'E . Chapter Page Normative Judgnents and Organized Religion . . 163 Teen-age Drinking and Law . . . . . . . . . . . g. 169 Summary e e e e e e e e e e e e ‘ e e e e e e 170 V DRINKING AS SOCIAL BEHAVIOR: MOTIVATIONAL ASPECTS . . . . 175 A Sociological Theory of Motivation . . . . . 175 Some Manifest and latent Functions of Teen-age Drinking . . 183 3‘11“er e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 205 VI CONCLUSIONSOFTHESTUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 me Hmthesos 1n Rev1“ O C O O O O O O O O O 0 2% Some Theoretical Implications . . . . . . . . . . 216 Sue Limitations Of the Reseamh e e e e e e e e e 222 Problems for Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . 223 “FWD“ ‘ O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 226 B IBL IOGRAPH O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 2 38 iii Table l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 12. 13. 15 . 16. 17. 18. LIST OF TABLES Student Estimates of Frequency of their Drinking............... Student Estimates of Personal Consumption of Beer in an ‘vemge "“kOOOOOOOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOOOOO......OOOCOCOOO0.0 Student Estimates of Personal Consummion of Wine in an heme weekOOO..0000.0.0000000000000000000000000.00.0000... Student Estimates of Personal Consummion of Whiskey in an Average WBGROOOOOOOOOOOO...............OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Student Estimates of Personal Consumption of Mixed Drinks in an ‘Vemge 'eekOIOOOOOOOOIOOOOOO00....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... Most Likely Occasions for Drinking by High School Students"... Drinking Situations for I'Drinkers" in High School... ... .. ...... "Tasting" Situations for "Non-drinkers“ in High School......... Places for Drinking by High School Students.................... Designation of Self as "Non-drinker“ or "Drinker" by Sex....... Student Estimates of the Proportion of Adults Who Drink "Sometimes“...uu....o......o..o.o.................o....... Student Estimates of the Proportion of Adults Who Drink “Regularly"...uuuu...................................... Most Likely Occasions for Drinking by Adults................... Places for Drinking by Adults.......u...................o..... Student Estimates of the Fraportion of High School Students 'ho Drink "metm68"0000000.0.0.000.......OOCOCOOOOOQOOOOO. Student Estimates of the PrOport ion of High School Students Who Drink “Regularly".OOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOOOCOO Age of Male and Female "Non-drinkers“ and "Drinkers"........... Students' Kinship Relationships to Persons With Whom They L1VGOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO............OOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOO0...... iv Page 65 69 71 71 '73 74 '71. 76 81 9O 91 93 94 9/. 96 Table 19. 20. 30. 31. 32. 33. 31.. 35. 36. 37. Student Experience in Earning Money by Working at Home or A'ay rm HomGOCOOOO......OOOIOOOOOOOOCOOO......IOOCOCOOOOOO. vocational Expectations of High School Students Not Planning to Attmd con-386.000.0000.....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.00.0.0000... StUdent 01101068 or “Odels for Behawior...o...o.................. Student Participation in High School Organizations.............. Student Participation In "on'whOOJ. Aot1V1ties.................. Total Nunber of Team Henberships, Organizations and Activities haired by Students......o.................o......”...-”... Father's Occupation, Census Classification.....o................ Father's Occupation, Warner Occupational Index.................. Father's Social Class, Warner Index of Status Characteristics... Student Estimates of Acceptability of Father's Occupation for self or Smu88000.00..0.0.0..........COOOOOOOOOOOOOCO00...... Students' Occupational Preferences, Census Classification, for self or Spouaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeoeeeeee Students' Occupational Preferences, Warner Occupational Index, for Self or swusoOOOOOOOCOOO.OOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOCO0.......0... Students' Occupational Expectations, Census Classification, for Self or Spouseeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Students' Occupational Expectations, Warner Occupational Index, for Self or Spouse..............................o.....o....o. Relationship between Preferred and Expected Occupational Nobility Of Students...nnoo...........................u... Students' Expected Social Class, Warner Index of Status Characteristics.............................................. Normative Judgments by Students of Drinking by Age Peers........ Normat ive Judgnents about Drinking in Relation to Estimates 0f the Proportion Of Huts Who Drink "Regularly”n e e eee ee eee Normative Judgnents about Drinking in Relation to Estimates of the Proportion of High School Students Who Drink "sometimes"0000000000000......00.0.0.0.........OOOOOOOOOOO..0 Page 98 101 101 101. 104 105 111 111 114 114 116 116 118 118 121 121 137 11.0 11.1 1+5. 1+6. 1.7. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 51.. 55. 56. Normative Judgnents about Drinking in Relation to Estimates of the Proportion of High School Students Who Drink “Regularly" Normative JUdgments abOUt Drinking and Ageeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Normative Judgnents about Drinking and Grade in School......... Normative Judgments about Drinking and the Median Amount of Spending Money Reported Available during an Average Week” . Normative Judgments about Drinking and Particth ion in High knoOI organizationBOOOOOO0...........OOOOOOOOOOO0.0.00.0... Normative Judgments about Drinking and Participation in ”on-3°h001 Activities....................................... Normative Judgnents about Drinking and Choices of Models for BOhflVioreeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeOeeeeOeeeeeeeeeeeee Normative Judgments about Drinking and Reasons for Choice of BOhflVior Models..........o...................oo..o..o......o Normative Judgments about Drinking and Father's Occupation, Census Classification.......o..o............................ Normative Judgments about Drinking and Father's Social Class, Warner Index Of Status Characteristics...................... Normative Judgments about Drinking and Student Occupational Expectations, Census Classification, for Self or Spouse..... Average Monthly Church Attendance of High School Students by Sex and Self-designation as "Non-drinker" or 'Drinker"...... Student Assesanent of Parental Family's interest in Religious Activities by Sex and Self-designation as "Non-drinker" or "Drinker“.........OOO........COOCOOOOCOOOC0.00.00.00.00.0... Normative Judgments about Drinking and Average Monthly ChurCh Attendance......p...................o.............o.. Normative Judgnents about Drinking and Student Assessnent of Parental Family's Interest in Religious Activities.......... Student Conceptions of Adult Motivation for Drinking........... Student Conceptions of Student Motivation for Drinking......... Self-assessment by “Drinkers" of Motives for Drinking.......... Self-assessment by "Non-drinkers of Motives for ”lasting“ AlCOhOleoeeeeeeoe000.000.000000000000000...0.000000000000000 vi Page 143 11.6 151 152 154 156‘ 159 161 162 165 165 167 167 181, 187 196 196 Figure I II LIST OF FIGURES A.Paradigm of Anticipatory Interaction from the Standpoint of a Single Actor............................... A.Paradigm of Significant Social Interaction.................. vii Page 32 33 CHAPTERI A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF TEEN-AGE DRINKING Acceptance of the idea that drinking is culturally defined and socially structured behavior has emerged only recently in the United States. This has tended to be the case even among those who have been most interested in ob- jective study of drinking behavior. Attention has characteristically been directed to the negative aspects of drinking-social problems, medical prob- lems, legal problems, personal problems and other related problems. alphasis has been placed on what alcohol does to; the individual and _t3_ society. The ' idea that drinking could have for individuals positive symbolic significance has been largely ignored. The possibility that drinking could. have positive Significance, could do someth $93 individuals and groups as well as to; then, has been left unexplored until recently. There are several reasons for this truncated approach to the study of drinking behavior and for the increasing awaremss of its inadequacy which are relevant to discuss as buckemund for a sociological study of teen-age drinking- The "Social Problem” Orientation To Drinkin One primary reason why drinking has not been studied as social be- honor is that research attention has typically been directed to the neg- ative “In.“ of the compulsive drinking of the alcoholic. Drinking behav- 1” 1'1 general has frequently been thought of as only a. prelude to alcoholism .80 that the primary distinction between drinking and alcoholism has been reduced to a matter of degree and duration. Since two basic characteristics or the alcoholic in America are that he is an adult and socially isolated, the focus of investigation has tended to be on the individual compulsive 1 adult drinken—his personal problems, his rehabilitation and the social prob- lens he creates. This limited focus has placed a decisive stamp on orienta— tions. to the study of drinking, the formlation of research questions and the types of emplanations of drinking behavior which have been advancedn The personal and social disfunctions of drinking have been emphasized almost to the exclusion of any broader consideration of drinking as a form of social behavior. The penchant which many Auericans in their public discussions have for equating all drinking with pro-alcoholism and all "excessive” drinking with alcoholism derives in part from a dual tradition about the use of alcohol which is part of the American cultural heritage. 0n the one hand there is the tradition of "the Protestant Ethic," to use lax Weber's well knoen phrase. The characterization of the relevance of this ethic for drinking nade by Edwin I. Leanertl warrants presentation here: It is entirely possible that persons strongly indoctrinated with the Anglo—Saxon, middle—class drinking ethic, or perhaps with that which is called the "Protestant Ethic," symbolizes drinking in this kind of context as evidence of loss of (a man's) control over the self, which is a cardinal sin in the Protestant Iiddle- class value system. Each drink is a symbolic "giving in" to a hated impulse; failures and inadequacies of all sorts become symbolized as consequences of a basic character weakness, center- ing around and corroborating an internal picture of the self as a sot and a drunkard, which lust be erased or escaped by further intoxication. Each return to sobriety etches the self picture in sharper relief and renews the stilulus to drink. The tradition of tanpersnce-dnterestingly, defined as total abstinence by the teeperance movement in the United States—has concentrated attention on ‘ 1$90!on and the Northwest gggg‘tgdians (Berkeley: University of ornia Publications in Culture and Society, Volume 2,. lo. 6, University of California Press, 1954), 366; see also "Philosophy of the Telperance Movement: A Panel Discussion," in A100 1 Science and Society (New Haven: Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 191.55 . what some individuals believe to be the madamental immorality of all drink- ing. an the other hand, even the casual observer of the nerican scene could hardly an to note that host Americans drink at sole time and that this drinking at least gives the appearance of being institutionalized behnwinr.2 But even apart from the contradictory traditions about drinking in the interim cultural heritage, there has often been a non-partisan concern ear- pressed over the increasing social costs of excessive drinking and alcohol- in. The estimated four nillion alcoholics in the United States, for example, are said to constitute a major health problel.3 Ioreover, in a highly con- pleat, sechanized society, the demnstrable depressant effect of ingested al- cohol on human response aechanisls has implications for safety and for per- ’ sonal and social responsibility Ihich are only partly reflected, for example, in statistics indicating the nulber of auto-obile or industrial accidents directly or indirectly attributable to intoxication. Alcoholisn and intoxi- cation do create practical probleas of health, safety and responsibility which can only speculatively be converted into dollars and cents, though the zsee, for example, 8. E. lacrory, "he Tavern and the (:oemunity,a garterlz Journal of Studies on cohol 13 (1951) , 609-37; John Dollard, "Drinking [ores and the Social lessee,“ gcoholh Science and Societ, op. cit.; and J. l. Riley and C. !. harden, "The Social Pattern 0 Alcohol Drinking," Qua rterlz Journal of Studies on Alcohol 8 (1947) , 265-73, for one of the best concise historical statements on the use of beverage alco- hol in the United States, see a. G. lcCarthy and I. I. Douglass, Alcohol and Social Resgnsibilitz (lee Iork: Crowell, 191.9) , Chapters l-S. 3There were an estimated four nillion alcoholics in the United States in 191.8; this nusber constitutes a rate of approximately four alcoholics for every one thousand adults in the pepulation. in alcoholic is defined as “an excessive drinker whose dependence upon alcohol has attained such a degree that it shows a mental disturbance, or an interference with bodily or mental health, his interpersonal relations or his smooth social func— tioning; or who shows prodroaal signs of such developments.“ See E. I. Jellinet and Iark Keller, 'Rates of Alcoholics in the United States of 3%“, 1940—1948, 92% :4; Journal of was on Alcohol, 13 (1952) . 4 dollars and cents cost in itself is estimated to be high.‘ Both the noral and social cost orientations to drinking in a say pecul- iarly characteristic of American society “have dram attention to the urgency of 'doing something about alcohol." But shat this "something to be done" should be has nest generally been reflected in an intensification of the negative problea orientation. Ioralistic pleas for total abstinence or legal prohibition, for exasple, ilply that the explanation of drinking is to be found in alcohol itself or that in the absence of drinking the various prob- lems associated with the use of alcohol Iould disappear. Fro- this point of view the aphasia tends always to be on the effects of drinking rather than the w of drinking. Ioreover, such of the scientific research focusing ' on the rehabilitation of alcoholics has supported,tho\gh in large part unin- tentionally, this orientation to drinking behavior. Interest in the physiological effects of drinking on the isolated in- dividual alcoholic has been atimlated by the practical demands of rehabili- tating the alcoholic physically and by a physiological interpretation of the addiction process. lundanental to any progra- of rehabilitation of the al- - coholic has been the deter-motion of shat happens to the hn-an body when alcohol is ingested and m. A large and precise body of information is now available to answer such basic questions.5 Alcohol has been found to be an anesthetic with decided depressant effects on the pmsiological and ‘ror an statement which estinates that the direct economic costs of hospitalization, wage loss and property loss attributable to intoxication and alcoholic! alone to be in excess of three-quarters of a billion dollars a year see Benson I. Landis, "Sane Economic Aspects of Inebriety," in Alcohol, §£ience and Society, op. cit. 5hr brief smaries of these data see L. A. Greenberg, I'T‘he Concentration of Alcohol in the Blood and its Significance," ibid.; H. I- Haggard, “The Physiological Effects of Large and Snell Alounts of Alcohol,“ ibid.; E. I. Jellinek, “The Effects of Small Aaounts of Alcohol on Psychological Motions,‘ ibid. psychological ftmctions of the lumen body. There has been no convincing evidence, however, that alcoholic addiction can be expldned in physiological and pharmacological terns alone; Istthere has been a persistent popular tendency to explain alcoholisa, and by implication all drinking, in just these terns. Popular reference to alcoholis- as an “illness," when left un- elaborated, has also suggested and called attention to organic problems to the neglect of other relevant aspects. his emphasis appeared in extrene for. in publicity originally given to antabuse, a drug incompatible with al- oohol in the human body and productive of ertrene nausea for the drinker who has previously ingested the drug. Antebuse was at one tile popularly referred to as a "cure" for alcoholic. The nore cautious evaluation of antabuse by Indical scientists is in- structive and relevant for an understanding of the emergent interest in drink- ing as social behavior. Antabuse treatment alone has never I'cured" an aloe-I holic; “therapy" has been recognized as indispensable to the “social recovery. P6 A major problen in this traatlent, for example, proved to be an explanation of how antabuse contributes to the “cure" of an alcoholic. Significantly, scle explanations have concentrated on the factor of conditioning: The drinker learns that he cannot drink with ispunity. 'Social recovery,‘ therpay and conditioning are clearly only partly related to the physiological aspects of compulsive drinking. Increasingly it has been recognized even by physio- logists that attenpts to “cure" the compulsive drinking of the alcoholic by .— 6G. T. Brosn and E. c. Knoblock, “Antabuse Therapy in the Army,“ U. S. Arned Forces Iedical Joumal, 2 (1951), 191-202; also Erik Jacobson and 0. “Iartensen-Larsen, "Treatment of Alcoholics with Tetraetheylthiuran ('A‘ntabuse'),' Ea Journal of the gerican ledical “socisggh 139 (1949), 91 22. scans of drugs alone treats a synpton rather than a cause. But a synptoa of that? ‘ Again the answer has quite generally been phrased in terns of the in- dividual but this time in terns of the dynamics of personality. The relevant pychiatric literature has concentrated primarily on the use of alcohol by dis- turbed personalities and specifically on the personality disturbances appar— ently resulting tron drinking. 'Anxiety reduction," “reduction of super ego dasnds,‘ “regression; "latent honosuuality,‘ I'negatien," and similar phrases fill the pages of this literature.7 There is, of course, no objection to charting the personality dynalics involved in certain types of drinking just as there is no objection to the specification of the pharlacological and physiological aspects of the use of alcohol. However, the 'preblen" orien- tation in each instance has concentrated on the individual in a say that has tended to ignore the social aspects of this behavior. It has not been appar- ent free psychiatric data, for exasple, shy alcohol rather than some other depressant should be used by disturbed individuals or thy all disturbed in- dividuals or all “excessive“ drinkers are not also alcoholics- The recog- nition of these problens alone has led at least one psychiatrist to conclude that the problem of alcoholisn really belongs to "social psychiatry. '8 7 For exaaple, fillies Fleeson and B. r. Gildea, 'A Study of the Person- elities of 289 Abner-Isl Drinkers,” wry Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 2 19‘2). 433-653 Paul Schilder, “The Psychogenesis of Alcoholism," ibid., 2 1941). 277-93; 3. A. Stecker, “Chronic Alcoholism A Psychological” 'Sur- vey,‘ 1pm., 2 (1941), 12-18. . “a. s. rho-pace, u Psychiatric Formulation of Alcoholisl,' garter-91 Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 7 (191.6), 1.6-56. See also 0. S. Hall and Gardner Lindsey, "Psychoanalytic meory and Its Application in the Social Sciences," in Handbook of Social {aetiology (Cambridge: Addison-Wesley, 1951.), for a discussion of the extent to which the social dimensions of psychiatry have been increasingly emphasised. . Elli-2L“ A Balm And §gcial gamma much An increasing awareness both of the inadequacy of individualistic physio- logical and psychiatric explanations of drinking behavior and of the cusulative evidence that drinking is culturally defined and socially structured behavior has led one scientist originally trained in physiology but experienced in in- terdisciplinary research to conclude that / . L. ’ The use of alcoholic beverages by (the members of) society has primily a synbolic naming, and secondar ily it achieves “function.“ Cultures which accept this custom differ in the nature and degree of the "functions" which they regard as legitimate. The differ- ences in these “functions" are determined by the general pattern of the culture, e.g., the need for the release and for special con- trol of aggression, the need and the ways and scans of achieving identification, the nature and intensity of anxieties and the sodus of their relief and so forth. The sore the sylbolic character of the custo- is preserved, the less roo- will be granted by tha cul- ture to the 'functions" of drinking.- Any drinking within the accepted ways is synptonatic of the culture of which the drinker is a neuber. Within that franc of cultural synptonatology there say be in addition individual sylptons expressed in the act of drinking. The fact that a given individual drinks a glass of beer with his seal say be the synpton of the culture which accepts such use ,as a refreshment, or as a “nutritional supplement. " That this individual drinks at this given nonent say be a synptos of his fatigue, or his elation or sees other mood and thus an individual synpton but if his culture accepts the use for these purposes it is at the ease tine a cul- tural symptom . In this salsa even the snell or moderate use of alcoholic beverages is synptonatic and it say be said that all drinkers are culturally symptomatic drinkers, or at least, started as such. The vast majority of the users of alcoholic beverages stay with- in the limits of the culturally accepted drinking behavior and drink prilarily as an expression of their culture and while in- dividual expressions say be present in these behaviors, its role remains insignificant. 9!. I. Jellinek, ”Phases of Alcohol Addiction,” Quarterly Journal of Studies on genital, 13 (1952) , 675. This point of view is comparable to that deveIOped by A. R. Lindesnith [Opiate Addiction (Bloomington, Ind.: Principia Press, 1947)] with regard to the synbolic aspects of the use of opiates; though Lindessith spcifically excludes a consideration of alcoholics in this study, he does suggest the possible social psycho- logical similarities between the use of opiates and sole use of alcohol. The ideas presented in this passage constitute a fundamental reorientation to the study and understanding of drinking behavior. The particular phras- ing of the ideas which reflect the author's training is of secondary ill- portence. The priaary point is that attention is shifted from the indivi- dual to the socio-cultural context in which he operates. Attention is shifted fro- the co-pulsive drinking of the alcoholic to the sore basic con- sideration of the sysbolic significance of drinking as a type of social be- havior. If the cited passage reflected only the considered judgment of a single individual, this reformlation of the probles and this shift in orientation would be interesting but of limited significance. However, in a way this passage actually sullarises the conclusion drawn fros a decade ‘ of research on the uses of beverage alcohol in large part stisulated by the Isle Center of Alcohol Studies. Pros its foundation in 191.0 the Tale Center of Alcohol Studies has aphasized the research utility of approaching drinking as behavior which must be studied within the framework of many disciplines and not any single discipline alone. Single factor causal explanations consistently have proved to be inadequate. The initial problem of the Center, then, was to accumlate and systeeetise existing evidence fros relevant disciplines and to guide fumre research in terns of filling gaps in the data. One of the nest ob- vious of these gaps was the scarcity of anthropological and sociological data on am.” There was a recognised need, articulated particularly by the sociologist Seldon D. Bacon, for sociological and anthropological studies concentrating on representative seaples of the drinking population rather 108.1). Bacon, “Sociology and the Problems of Alcohol," Qu_arterl1. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, I, (1941.), 402-45. than on the clinical study of a minority of abhor-a1 drinkers and.on the culturally defined and socially structured aspects of drinking behavinr. A long range progran designed to report existing sociological and_anthropologi— cal data and to coordinate continued research was proposed as early as 1944. this proposed progran of the Isle Center has natured in two directions. the first has been the accumulation of cooperative data on the drinking be- havior of peoples around the world. This research, done primarily by anthro- pologists, has enphasized the cultural relativity of drinking behavior. The second direction has been toward the accululation of data about drinking be- havior in the United States. This research, done primarily by sociologists, has been confined largely to surveys from which descriptive statistical SHIP series of drinking behavior have been compiled.11 There are several reasons for reporting here brief summaries of some of the more inportant of these studies which concentrate on drinking rather than on slcoholisn. m. First, until the present tins the data of these studies have not been systenatically surveyed. Second, these studies pro— vide a relevant.background for a basic proposition in the sociological study of drinking: Drinking is culturally defined and socially structured behav- ior. An awareness of the variety’of'neanings imputed to the use of alcohol and to the situations in which alcohol is used by the peoples in different societies provides a better perspective.for viewing the drinking behavior in our’own society. ‘Attention, therefore, will be directed first to brief sun- naries of several significant anthropological studies of drinking and than “no official publication of the tale Center-ans Mrterlz Journal of Studies on Alcohol-is the best single source of published sociological and anthropological research on drinking since it carries both original articles and sun-arias of (Cambridge, lassachusetts: Addison-Wesley,rl9545. 9d. Gardner zqy. ~ 1"'1'he following discussion of symbolism in relation to action draws pri- ‘arily'on Talcott Persons, '3 Theory of Symbolism in Relation to Action,” Wbrking_ggggg§;yg‘the 22°05! of’Action, (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1953}. 'ed‘ 8. Talcott Parsons, a. r. Bales and Edward sane; and lilford n. iro, "Culture and Personality: The Natural History of a False Dichotomy,‘ W 14 (19507. 194.6. 43 symbolic reference involves l) the recognition of a sign, 2) the association of the sign with a normative description of legitimate or appropriate re— sponse and 3) the association between the sign and its significance for the validation of the individual's self and social identity (act of identi- fication). As has already been indicated, an individual typically does not in- vent-a system of significant symbols but rather discovers it in the process of interaction with other individuals in a persisting social system. The basic-elements of a shared symbol system are transmitted from generation to generation in the process of socialization.15 lbet occurs in this process is that individuals internalize a shared system of symbols. Interrelated symbols come to be bound up with patterns of cognition, evaluation and emotions which constitute the essence of the self-identities of individuals. lhat objects of the environment “are," who individuals "are,” and what ob- jects and individuals mean in terms of appropriate modes of interaction are learned through interaction. The individual learns what signs-in-situation denote. He also learns what they connote. One aspect of the connotative significance of certain symbols in inter- action contexts involves the normative specification of appropriate behav- ioral response of individuals to the objects or other individuals denoted by the symbols. This normative aspect is specified in the organisation of roles in a social system. A second connotative aspect of certain symbols- N 15If a.system of shared symbols is considered as abstractable from con- crate social systems it becomes essentially what the anthropologist refers to 38 culture, or better; ideal culture; the process of transmitting the 8ylbol system from generation to generation might as well be called an- culturauon. See Spiro, 02. cit. u. in-situation involves their motivational significance, the emotional signifi- cance which the symbol has for the individual.16 Language as one type of significant symbol provides an illustration of the interrelation between significant symbols and behavior. One facet of this relationship has been stated by B. L. lhorf:17 The one to a certain line of behavior is often given by the analogies of the linguistic fonula in which the situation is spoken of, and by which it is analyzed, classified and alloted its place in that world which is to a large extent built upon the language habits of the group. . . .PeOple act about situations in ways which are like the ways they talk about them. The point here is that the meanings of symbols which grow out of social in- teraction to become traditional in turn structure the analysis, classification and placement of subsequent events in experience. If individuals in groups do in fact act in situations the way they talk about them, it is because the symbols which they use to denote various elements of the situation connote both the appropriate behavioral response and the motivational significance which the elements denoted by the symbols should have for the individuals involved. A single illustration may be useful in concretizing this idea. 168. I. Lasert ggcohol and the florthwest Qoast Qdians (Berkeley: University of Cali ornia Publications in Culture and Society, Volume 2, No. 6, pp. 303-406, 1954) , 3043 refers to pgbolic values which he defines. as "the ideational and affective qualities of behavior as they relate to the public and self image (of an actor)." this is essentially what is meant here by the motivational significance of a symbol. 17%. Relationship of Habitual Thought and Behavior to Language," in Language, Culture and Personaliél (Ienasha, Wisconsin: Sapir memorial Pub- lication Fund, 191.1), ed. L. Spier, 77ft. no use of this quotation does not imply an endorsement of the full range of hypotheses developed by lhorf. For a critical discussion of lhorf's point of view, see Harry Hoijer, "The Relation of Language to culture," is: Anthropglogy goday (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), ed. A. L. Kroeber. ' 45 In current American fiction and non-fiction, in the mass media of communication and in observable speech and behavior patterns in day to day activity, drinking (the use of beverage alcohol) is handled in two quite distinct ways. 0n the one hand, the use of beverage alcohol appears to de— note the use of a drug which does something undesirable to individuals. Drinking connotes anti-social, immoral behavior which must be avoided if an individual is to avoid a sense of personal guilt, if not the degradation of alcoholism. Drinking connotes personal weakness and sinfulness. On the other hand, drinking also appears to denote the use of a social beverage which does something £93 as well as _t_o_ individuals. Drinking connotes social, amoral behavior in which the individual must engage if he is to be identified as a fully accepted member of certain groupings of his peers. Drinking con- notes nonliness, conviviality and sociability. In Whorf's terms, the symbol ferrule chosen to speak about drinking reflects the language habits of dif- ferent groups. But more, the symbol formula is based on the selective use of symbols from those which are available. Therefore, the ways in which peeple consistently talk about situations may well provide an indication of the way they will act in those situations in which the symbols appear. This is the case to the extent to which the choice of symbols also suggests the appropriate behavioral response in the situation described and the emotional significance of this behavior for the individual. ' The implication of the connotative significance of symbols, then, is both normative and motivational. Individuals learn through social inter- action the symbols-in-situation which M motivate them. The investment of a symbol with motivational significance for the self involves the mechanism 46 of identification.“ Identification implies that the normative connotations of certain symbols are applied reflexively by the individual. The action connoted as appropriate in response to the presentation of a sign is felt to be‘contributory to the maintenance of the self-identity or social-identity of the individual. It is on this basis that significant symbols-in-situation provide clues to the behavior of interacting individuals. A system of signi~ ficant symbols shared by the members of a social system is integrally re- lated to the~organization of social roles and the internalization of certain combinations of these roles by individuals in the form of self and social identities}9 So much, then, for the basic concepts to be used in this study. The next consideration is how the methodological and theoretical orientations of the study are incorporated into a research procedure and design. gmtheses Of The Study Both the relevant literature surveyed and the theoretical orientation which has been outlined provide a basis for develOping a number of specific 20 hypotheses. It should be explicitly emphasised that these hypotheses are 18See Nelson Foote, "Identification as the Basis of a Theory of native-- tion," American Sociologcal Red“, 16 (1951), 14-22; also 0. N. 11118, "Situational Actions and Vocabularies of lotives,‘ American Sociological Re- 71“ 8', 5 (191.0),904-42. 19mg: point has been made in another context by both lerton and Kitt, op. cit., and S. I. Eisenstadt, “Reference Group Behavior and Social Inte- gration: An Exploratory Study," American Sociological geview, 19 (1954) , 175-85. They point out that institutional definitions of social structure focus attention of the individuals in a social system upon certain reference grogps as more significant than others for the determination of appropriate act on . 20A clear distinction between hypotheses and empirical generalizations may be difficult to make in exploratory research. In some cases what are designated as hypotheses are in fact statements of conclusions. The design of this research was not specifically formulated to test these hypotheses 47 to some undetermined extent culture relative and limited to the pepulation of teen-agers under study. In the first, instance, then, a number of empiri- cal generalizations about the individuals under study are predicted by these hypotheses. The general theoretical significance of these hypotheses will be explored in a later chapter. The basic general preposition under which the various hypotheses of the study are subsumed is that the use and.non-use of beverage alcohol by teen~agers is culturally defined and socially structured behavior. From this general proposition it is predicted that: . l. The male teen-agar is more likely than the female teen—agar to report drinking and to self-designate, that is, to have an image of himself as a "drinker." 2. -Teen-agers, whether self-designating themselves as "drinkers" or "non-drinkers,“ share a similar image of the pattern and social context of drinking in the community. Corollary 1: The ”effects" imputed by teen-agers to drinking tend to emphasise social rather than physiological consequences and to emphasize "socially desirable" rather than ”socially undesirable" consequences. Corollary 2: Teen-agers share a "vocabulary of motives" by which they explain "why" adults and adolescents drink. as they now stand. In this sense the research provides something less than a “crucial" test. Yet these statements of expected relationships are not adequateky designated as empirical generalizations in the present case. lhile some key concepts and some insights into the possible significance.of certain relationships were suggested in preliminary analyses of the data, the hypotheses as they now stand were fbrmulated prior to the final analysis of the data. Consideration of the adequacy of these formulations is found in Chapter VI. 48 3. Insofar as teen-agers share the image of the adult as a drinker and the adolescent as an abstainer, drinking functions to identify the position- role of the adult and abstinence the position-role of the adolescent. Corollary 1: Drinking and self-identification as a "drinker" tend to increase with age and to appear at a maximum among teen-agers who are graduating from high school. Corollary 2: Drinking functions as an improvised rite of passage between adolescence and adulthood. Corollary 3: Teen-agers who are playing or who identify them- selves with adult-like roles are more likely than others to report drinking and to identify themselves as a "drinker.“ Corollary 4: Teen-agers from families in the lower socio—economic strata of the community are more likely than others to assume adult-like position-roles while still in high school or to expect to assume them immediately after graduation; they are, therefore, more likely than others to report drinking and to identify themselves as “drinkers.” 1.. Insofar as teen-agers share the image of the adult as a drinker and the adolescent as an abstainer, drinking, on the one hand, functions as a symbol of peer group identification among self—designated "drinkers" while abstinence, on the other hand, fimctions as a symbol of peer group identifi- cation among self-designated "non-drinkers. " Corollary: Teen-agers who are less active in organized activity for adolescents in the community and especially activities centered in the school are more likely than others to identify themselves as "drinkers." 5. The social norms which teen-agers articulate or which are inferred from their reported behavior as governing their use or non-use of alcohol are situationally relative . 49 Corollary: Teen-agers, whether self-designated "drinkers" or 'non~drinkers,' share a similar image of the differential appropriateness of drinking for males and females, for adults and adolescents and of drink- ing on various specific occasions and in specific places. It should be re-emphasized at this point that the references to the functional significance of some teen-agar drinking does not imply either that the functions suggested are exhaustive or that all teen-age drinking is functional rather than disfunctional for the various sub-systems in which teen-agers are members. Techniques Used I9 The Research The basic techniques used in securing the data of the study were the pro-coded questionnaire and focussed interviews. The research group originally intended to use participant observers among the teen-age popu- lation being studied. This idea was abandoned finally for two basic reasons. first, the observers would be implicated in illegal behavior. In addition, the administration of the public schools in which the research was to be done insisted that anonymity of the high school students be maintained throughout the study. While the use of participant observers might not have prejudiced rapport established with the school administration, their Pr0posed use was abandoned as an unnecessary risk. The general problems of deve10ping a questionnaire that provides reliable and valid data which is relevant to some particular problem of re— n 1 search are well known and need not be reproduced here.‘c One problem, that M 21 J See, for example, Geode and Hatt,.22;_git., Chapter II; also Marie Psh0® , et a1 Research Methods in Social Relations, I (New Iork~ Dryden re“: 19 951, Chapter 6. “MW 50 of maintaining the anonymity of the respondents, does warrant special note, however. The public school administration insisted on anonymity as a matter of policy and the fact that students were asked to indicate their participation in illegal behavior also posed a problem for securing reliable answers to some questions about drinking behavior. At the same time the design of the research called for focussed interviews with individuals whose questionnaires could be identified. To circumvent this difficulty the re— search group proposed to attach to each questionnaire a detachable face sheet-numbered to correSpond with a number identifying the questionnaire. Each student was to write his name on the face sheet, detach it and have it deposited with an official of the school before beginning to answer the questionnaire. In each instance both a school official and a member of the research group were to explain to students that only the school officials would have access to the names of the student reapondents and that only the research group would have access to the completed questionnaires identified only by a number. In this way students to be interviewed later could be re- quested by questionnaire number and school officials could then contact the relevant student. The anonymity of students could be maintained throughout. The school administration agreed to this plan. There was little indication in a subsequent re-test or in the interviews that the reliability of the questionnaire data was adversely affected by lack of confidence on the part of students in the good faith of the research group in respecting the con- fidentiality of information about drinking behavior. The pro-coding of the questionnaire was develOped in pro—testing. This was done in a small agricultural high school of a township in a county adja- cent to the county in which Lansing, Michigan, the principal research site, is located. In 1950 the township had a total pepulatin of 2,804 and no 51 concentrations of population of 1,000 or more. Of the fifty-nine eleventh and twelfth grade students involved in the pre—test, about one-feurth indi- cated that the occupation of the father was farming while half of them speci- fied occupations defined by the census as "operatives" or "craftsmen." An undetermined number of the latter category were known to commute for work to the city in which the principal research was to be done. The pro-test group responded to two roughly identical questionnaires and were later interviewed. The students first responded to an Open-ended questionnaire. These questionnaires were developed in large part from in- fbrmation provided by almost two hundred essays written by students in several introductory social psychology classes at Michigan State University about their drinking experiences in high school. Then the pre-test group responded to a pro-coded questionnaire containing approximately identical questions. This was done to provide a basis for comparing the adequacy of the pre-codes in covering the observed range of Open-ended responses. Sub- sequently, all the students were divided into eight groups for group inter- views in which teen-age drinking in general and student reactions to the questionnaire in particular were discussed. Finally, several individuals from each of these groups were selected for more intensive interviewing. Fbllowing the pre-test, the revised pre—coded questionnaire was ad- ministered en mass to all eleventh and twelfth grade students present in each of the three public schools of the city chosen as the site of the study. A total of 1,962 questionnaires were completed.22 The students were not told M--.— 22Public school records indicate that 2,072 students were enrolled in the relevant grades at the time the questionnaire was administered. Thus, 95$ 0f the students completed questionnaires. 52 in advance of the nature of the research. This briefing was done in broad outline by a member of the research group immediately prior to the distri- bution of the questionnaire. As indicated previously, both a member of the research group and a school official assured the respondents of anonymity and explained how this would be achieved. Research personnel were stationed strategically throughout the auditorium in which the students worked and public school personnel remained primarily in the background throughout. About one hour was required to complete the questionnaire. The focussed interview was conceived as a device for providing depth and coherence to the descriptive material secured by the questionnaires. This type of interview, as discussed especially by Robertrx. Merton and Patricia L. Kendall,23 has been suggested as a useful technique for bridging the gap between "qualitative” and "quantitative” data. The distinguishing characteristics of the focussed interview are that 1) the persons interviewed are known to have been involved in some concrete situation of interest to the interviewer (in this case a questionnaire); 2) there is a set of more or less precise hypotheses about the most relevant points to be covered; 3) an interview schedule provides structure to the interview although the emphasis is on non-directive, respondentocentered intercommunication; and A) in focussing on the subjective experiences of respondents the interviewer is alert to unanticipated responses. In sum, the focussed interview is con- cerned with non-direction, specificity (a “for instance") , depth and range of response. ‘- 23"The Fbcussed Interview," American Journal of Sociology, 51 (1946), 541~£73 see also the application of this technique in Robert K. Horton, et all, less Persuasion (New Iork: Harper, 194.6). 53 Fifty-five focussed interviews of about.one hour in length were com- pleted. These were tape recorded and later transcribed verbatim for analysis. The interview materials, in addition to providing depth and coherence to the interpretation of the questionnaire data, also provided a check on the re; liability of questionnaire responses and illustrative material useful in the presentation of the data. Several weeks after the administration of the pre—coded questionnaire a check was made on the reliability of data secured by this instrument. Thirty-eight eleventh and twelfth grade students in two home rooms chosen at random in one of the schools initially studied completed a questionnaire hav- ing a changed format but containing many questions previously asked and answered. While no attempt was made to check the responses of each student question by question in the initial and the re-test questionnaire, it was possible to check the gross results obtained in the re-test_with those ob- tained earlier. Fer example, differences in the sex distribution of the re- test category and the research population were not significantly different (o5.20. bInappropriate responses to the question, ”If you are a drinker, how frequently do you drink?" om do '0 3 “ drink?" 22:: of the males and 16% of the females who self-designated thems elves as "non-drinkerS" indicated by their inappropriate reSponses that they abfi not abstainers. Meaty-seven percent of a random saunple of two hundr sq students drawn from the total research pepulation3 indicated that they “... ‘\ ‘ 3 \- lati'gi‘ifi suple which is assumed to be representative of the research popu- this 0 is not equivalent to either "drinkers" or "non-drinkers.” It is from “it-harbiginal sample of two hundred that 21 self-designated "drinkers" were aura leaving the 179 "non-drinkers" used in the statistical analysis 66 drink at least "rarely." This means that three times as many students reported that they do not abstain from the use of alcohol as self-designated them- selves “drinkers." Among "non-drinkers” and "drinkers" combined, only 8% of the students reported that they had never tasted alcohol. On the other hand, only 24 of the universe of 177 "drinkers” reported that they drink ”often" 01' "heavily." This is only slightly more than 1% of all the teen-agers studied and about 11.1 of the "drinkers." These data suggest, then, that in answering a question about the ex— tent of drinking, attention must be given to determining what constitutes a drinker, Depending on the criteria chosen, one may summarize answers to the question in several different ways: 1) 92% of the teen-agers studied had drunk or "tasted" alcohol at some time; 2) 27% reported that they are not abstainers and that they drink at least "rarely,” 3) 9% self-designated themselves as ”drinkers," 4) 8% indicated that they had never ”tasted" alcohol; 5) Slightly more than 1% reported drinking subjectively as "often" or ”heavily." ma possible significance of this reluctance of some students to self- desi mat-a themselves as "drinkers" in spite of the fact that they reported drinkj]: 8 on some into r~vi~emed preferred to make rather definite distinctions among "tasters," occasions is suggested in the interview data. The students throu SamplEhQUt the study. Subsequently, when there is occasion to refer to this ’ it will be designated simply as "the sample of two hundred." tion Either this nor the preceding item corresponds exactly with the designa— 1n safar- which has been employed by Robert Straus and s. D. Bacon Drinking mg ~5fig (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953), 46m . User defined jot-Ln as "all students who have used alcohol apart from 1) experimental, experg; or ceremonial use before age 11, and 2) purely incidental, isolated tIce." 67 "social drinkers," and the "drinker/drunkard/alcoholic.” One interviewee Phrased succinctly the objection to the self-designation "drinker" which was frequently encountered, If you asked me if I were a drinker, I would think you would ask me if I go out every night and I'd tell you no, because I don't drink often. But if you ask me if I drink rarely, I'd say yes, because I do. I consider myself a person who drinks but not a drinker. (Interview 33) "Social drinking" for these teen-agers implies ”going out on town, all fixed uP and maybe talking to someone," or being with the crowd. As for distinctions among drinkers, drunkards and alcoholics, there was less clarity beyond dis- tinguishing them from nsocial drinkers." The drinker/drunkard was typically described as a person "who spends most of his time drinking." Emphasis was placed on the extent of, motivation for, and degree of dependence on drink- ing, although none of these points was developed by students with much pre- cision, Major emphasis was placed on distinguishing the "drinker/drunkard/ almholicfi from the "social drinker." While the former was sometimes de- scribed as a person "drowning his sorrow" with alcohol or one who "just can't stay away from it," the latter was never referred to in these terms. Thg decision to center the basic analysis of this study on the self- deSignated "drinker" in contrast to the "non-drinker" rather than on re- ported use of alcohol involved both practical and theoretical °°n31d°mti°n° Basically, the distinction appeared to be inportant to teenagers themselves. From a practical standpoint, the research group assumed that the sponsoring agency Would be more interested in the teen-age student who not only drinks but Q30 considers the act of drinking as integral to his self image. From a menu‘Q‘tical standpoint, exploring the implications of this act of self- dos}~ gmat-ion for both an understanding of self/other interaction and the act of Q bit“ting appeared worthwhile. In the interest of clarity, however, it 68 8hould be re-emphasized that subsequent references to "drinkers" refer to those who self~designated themselves in this way and not to individuals who I'613'01'1; that they drink. As has been indicated, some "non-drinkers" drink. All "drinkers" drink. The focus of interest in this study remains never- ’ theless on the self-designated "drinker," and, implicitly, the ”non-drinker." Theoretically, the act of self-designation is as interesting as the act of drinking. What and how much do teen-age students drink7- Beer is the most fre- Sawfly used beverage for male students who self-designate themselves as "drinkers" (Table 2). Slightly more than half of these teen-agers report drinking one or more bottles of beer in an average week, one in eight of then rePorting six or more bottles consumed.5 Although one in four of the ram“ "drinkers" indicate the consumption of one or more bottles of beer during an average week, the reported amount of their drinking is signifi- cantly less than that indicated by the males. line, the second 1110813 fre- quently ~reported beverage for "drinkers," is reportedly used by approximately the Same percentage of males and females (Table 3). One in three of the femalas in the "drinker" category drank one or more glasses of wine during an average week while one in four of the males used this amount. Among users of wj n 9, however, the male was more likely than the female to drink three or gases of wine during the average week. ..5.\ imaged;1 credibility of reported amounts and frequency of drinking was not “3193 igated since precise accuracy in responses is not crucial in the 810113 :3 . Both the tests of reliability of the questionnaire and impres— geneball‘on interviews with students provide a basis for confidence in the accuracy of responses. Subsequently it should be understood that ref’atc behavigces to student behavior refers to reported behavior, not observed 1‘. 69 TABLE 2 STUDENT ESTIMATES OF PERSONAL CONSUMPTION OF BEER IN AN AVERAGE WEEK“ mannmnfi amen: Winn Rarely or never use beer Between 1 and 3 bottles Bottom 3 and 6 bottles More than six bottles "0 answer or inapplicable Total Nmber of cases f El: '73 l 0 O .21; 100 78 Ennis Percentage 65 U. 73 l 22 15 0 l9 8 O 13 2 .34 _2. .3 100 100 100 101 129 48 '1‘: . . b207' drink beer, how much do you drink in an average week?“ TABLE 3 STUNT ES‘HIATES OF PERSONAL CONSUHPIION 0F WINE IN AN AVERAGE WEEK“ A! manna»: :mmnm BR‘Ny or never use wine B Ween 1 and 3 wine glasses nzt‘em 3 and 6 wine glasses no“ than 6 wine glasses finswer or inapplicable Total umber of cases \ £2 a §hoocs, F Percentage 66 60 O 1.8 0 5 0 3 .24 .14 100 100 101 129 What ale and fuels "drinkers" are compared, 1201 P<.Ol, Includes inapprOpriate responses to the question, "If you 8 .‘ 'lhen male and femle "drinkers” are compared, XZNP>.2O. db Includes innppropriate responses to the question, “If you in]: wine, how much do you drink in an average week?” '70 llhiskey and mixed drinks are the beverage least frequently used among teen-agers. About one in four of the male "drinkers" indicated that they drink one or more shot glasses of whiskey or highballs during an average 'ekk. Only a slightly smaller number of the females in this category drank this amount (Table A). As in the case of using wine, the male was more likely than the female to consume larger amounts. Only one in six of the male "drinkers" had one or more mixed drinks in an average week while almost one in four of the females in this category drink this amount (Table 5). However, the use by males is confused by the failure of 2l$ of them in answering the question. There is no basis in the data for attempting an in- terpretaun of this failure. In brief, about one in two male "drinkers" report the consumption of be" one or more times a week and about one in four of this category indi- cate that. they use wine, whiskey and/or mixed drinks one or more times in the "Stage week. About one in four female "drinkers" reveal a pattern of drinking which includes the use of one or more of these beverages on the a verage or at least once a week. On the basis of interview data the dif- ferences in patterns of usage are at least partially explained by three con- sidemtJ-Ohs: l) the students indicated an awareness that whiskey 13 "“0“ Powerful“ than beer or wine; 2) beer, and to some extent wine, is a common beverage in many homes, is on sale in most grocery 51'0”“ and 18' therefore, easily fiVnnable to them; 3) there 18 a slight but idem-“13b“ “menu“ on the Dart of the students between masculinity and the use of beer and Whiske y. on the one hand, and feminity and the use of wine and mixed drinks, 01’! thg other. de 1 (gig—535m“ “rig.“i‘iéfi" All the students, regardless of their self- 3 , Etifitions as "drinker" and "non-drinker," were essentially agreed that new 4 STUDENT ESTIMATES OF PEESONAL CONSUMPTION OP IHISBEI DI AN AVERAGE W W0 -d W W MW » £19. “6.1.? Equals Percentage never or rarely use whiskey 61. 58 69 Between 1 and 3 shot glasses 0 O 16 17 Between 3 and 6 shot glasses 0 O 5 A lore than 6 shot glasses 0 O 6 2 No answer or inapplicabl _3_§ _A% _2 __§ Total - 100 10 100 100 Nmber of cases 78 101 129 1.8 a When male and fennle "drinkers" are compared, XzNP>.20. ‘9 Includes inappropriate responses to the question, “If you drink whiskey, how much do you drink in an average week?" TABLE 5 3111mm ssrmrss or PERSONAL comsmnon or um namxs m m AVERACE m“ mused” W WW (Percenta a? lever or rarely use mixed drinks 62 55 3 69 Between 1 and 3 mixed drinks 1 3 9 19 Between 3 and 6 mixed drinks 0 O I. 2 lore than 6 mixed drinks 0 O 3 2 No answer or inapplicable j A A 8 Total 100 100 100 100 Huber of cases 78 101 129 48 ‘ Ihsn rows 3 and 4 are collapsed in wig and female "drinker'I columns and these categories are compared, 1 ~.zo>r>.1o. 5 Includes inapprOpriate responses to the question, ”If you drink mixed drinks, how much do you drink in an average week?“ '72 the most likely occasion for teen-age drinking is at a party, particularly a "wild," I'beer" or "unsupervised" party (Table 6). Students were asked to list the three most likely occasions for drinking among teen-agers. The number of times any particular occasion was listed either as first, second or third were summarized and than ranked. When the responses of male and female students in "drinker“ and “non-drinker" categories are compared, there is significant agreement about the top ten ranked occasions.6 Apparently drinking among the teen-agers studied is not closely associated by them with entertaining in the home, with school activities or with occasions on which adults or relatives are drinking. Rather the most likely drinking occasion is found at a party attended by teen-age peers. When attention is shifted from the occasions for teen-age drinking in general to those occasions on which ”drinkers” are most likely to drink, almost half of the males and four in ten of the females believed that drink- ing is most likely to occur when one is with a group of friends or other tesn-agers (Table 7). However, the females in this category were signifi- cantly more likely than males to describe the presence of parents or rela- tives who were drinking as occasions for their own drinking. This reflects one aspect of distinctly different patterns of drinking reported by male and female teen-agers which will be considered in some detail subsequently. Among "non-drinkers," both males (52%) and females (62%) were more likely to have "tasted" alcohol on occasions when adults or relatives were drinking than atnsny other time (Table 8). The next most frequent response 6Beyond the first ten ranks the number of reaponses were likely to be Small and to result in a large number of ties. loreover, Hagood and Price Statistics for Sociolo ists Revised Edition (New York: Holt, 1952), 470! write, ”The sampling distribution of Kendall's Eu converges to nor- mal very rapidly and can be considered normal whenever N is equal to or greater than 10.” 73 IABIE 6 mar mu OOGASIONS roa DRINKING a! HIGH scaoox. armors, am cams (no)a W W W finale his Easels no. RD No. R0 No. no No. BO Dances 7 8 3 12 ~11 8 l 12 Parties 24 3 15 6 ‘36 3 16 4 lild parties 37 2 51 1 56 2 24 1 Beer parties 39 1 1.8 2 ‘66 1 22 2 All night parties 10 7 20 I. 22 5 8 7 Teen -s.ge pert ies 12 6 19 5 ‘16 6 12 5 Gard parties 5 10 3 12 6 11 o 13 Unsupervised gatherings 19 4 Us 3 ‘32 4 17 3 Entertaining at home 2 13 0 ll. 0 16 2 11 Entertaining at e. friend's home 7 8 6 9 7 10 3 10 Daily drinking at home, taverns 0 ll, 0 14 1 15 O 13 lhen with parents, other relatives 0 ll. 5 10 I. 13 4 9 lhen relatives visit 0 ll. 0 1!. 1 15 1 12 Association with older peeple 7 8 7 8 6 11 4 9 Special events, occasions 3 12 4 11 3 ll. 2 11 New Year, Christmas, other holidays 12 5 11 7 ~2 5 10 6 loadings 3 12 5 10 5 10 4 9 After school events 6 9 11 7 ‘13 7 2 11 has, sporting events I. 11 l. 11 5 12 2 11 Hunting or fishing trips 2 13 2 13 10 9‘ . 3 10 leekend recreation 2 13 l. 11 ll 8 7 8 However Jib-".11“ .21."..9» Total umber of responses 234 303 387 14!. ‘ When the ten top ranked ”occasions“ of the male “non-drinker“ are compared with ccnparable items ranked by the Isle ”drinker," Tau (Kendall's coefficient of rank correlsticn)NP< .01; the same procedure applied to the ranking of female responses in each category produces a TOMA/.05)? >.01. b Totals include first, second and third responses to the question, What are the three occasions on which high school students are most likely to drink?" '74 TABLE '7 NURSING SITUATIONS FOR 'DRJNICEBS" IN HIGH SGHOOIP Wb 22mm: Situation 9;; Fannie go Female Percentage 0 ~ When with a group of friends 15 2 23 21 At a party where others are drinking 12 8 23 17 lhen with parents 18 29 14 2!. 'hen with relat ives 6 8 I. 9 At some special event 9 10 7 5 Holidays, moh as New leer, Christmas 31 35 ll. 15 leckend recreation 0 2 ‘7 6 Fishing/hunting trips or vacat ions 9 6 8 2 hywhere, anytime ...Q _Q ...‘5 ..1 Total 100 100 100 100 Ember of responses 33 51 214 95 Huber of cases responding 25 31 106 1.0 ‘ lhen rows 1 and 2; rows 3 and 1.; and rows 5-9 are collapsed in male and foals “drinker" columns, XZNP4.001, T: .313. b Inappropriate responses to the cation, ”If you drink, which of the following best describe the situation s) in which you drink?“ ° Percentages in this instance refer to responses rather than cases. Less than one percent. TABLE 8 «marma- smmmns Ion mos-muss. IN HIGH scuoot‘ W F l e one o Percenta a When with a group of friends 18 7 “v a party where others were drinking 9 2 non with parents 42 57 When with other relatives 10 9 0n Bone special occasion ' 12 16 On a holiday 5 6 0n 9 hunt ing/fishing trip or vacation _4 __1 fatal 100 100 llMasher of responses 77 109 umber of cases responding ‘ 65 90 \ _‘ Ihenmwslsndz; rows3and4; and rows 5-7arecol- 19.ng in each colmn, szp<.01, T: .195. t Percentages in this instance refer to responses rather “In cases. 75 for males in this category was ”when with a group of friends" (23%) . For the females the second most commonly reported occasion for drinking was “on some special occasion" (16%). As in the case of differences ob- served in the reported occasions for drinking by male and female "drinkers," female ”non-drinkers" were significantly more likely than males to report the drinking of parents and relatives as occasions for their own drinking and less likely to indicate peer group situations as occasions for drinking. In sum, the teen—age “drinkers" were more likely than ”non-drinkers" to indicate peer group situations as occasions for their drinking. Con- versely, they were less likely to indicate situations in which parents or relatives are present as occasions for their own drinking. In each of these categories distinct male and female patterns of drinking are identifiable. In each case the female is more likely to report situations in which parents or adult relatives are present as the most likely drinking or ”testing" occasion for themselves. Males are more likely to report peer group sit- nations. {laces for teem-age drinking.- There was essential agreement among both "drinkers" and “non-drinkers” that teen—agers are most likely-to drink at places removed from adult supervision and control. The “unsupervised party," "in secret where others will not know," "in automobiles" and "on back roads" were most frequently indicated as places for teen-age drinking (Table 9). Though students in the interviews also consistently mentioned having their first drinking or ”testing" experiences in the context of the home and in the presence of parents, they emphasized that the most likely places for teen-age drinking are those where adults are absent. The paradox is only apparent. Haterials from the interviews suggest that it may be resolved, at least in part, by recognizing that l) drinking-wor as students typically 76 new 9 PLACES FOR DRmxIING BI HIGH scmox. srmnn's, RANK ORDERED (1:0)“ W " er" Biases. £12 £92.12 _slal Female No. BO No. R0 No. BD No. no it dances and parties 13 6 30 5 36 t. 9 6 it bars, clubs, roadhouses, taverns 2 10 6 9 l 10 0 10 4‘ parks, lakes, similar places 1!. 5 ll 7 25 6 12 5 41: private clubs 3 9 I. 10 1 10 2 9 At home 3 9 6 9 l3 8 6 7 At hone when entertaining 2 10 o 11 l 10 3 s at a friend's home 10 7 19 6 10 9 6 7 At Illssupervised parties 37 1 57 1 62 1 28 2 1n automobiles 31. 2 1.3 3 58 2 29 1 In Secret so others will not know 32 -- 3 1.5 2 29 5 18 4 In the country, on back roads 29 It 33 4 53 3 Z) 3 ‘t Runner cottages 8 8 9 8 20 7 9 6 “‘nmer Jill-'JQr- _'E'-._2- Total nunber of responses 23/. 1’3 387 11.1. I ‘ he the tap ton ranked ”places" of male "non-drinkers" are compared “th the culparable items ranked by male “drinkers,“ Tsuu P<.01; the some pr°°°duro for fueles in each of these categories produces a TauN.05>P> 13°13 the same procedure applied to the rankings of male ”non-drinkers" and “file “drinkers" produces a Tsu~P< .01. ”11:1; Totals include first, second and third responses to the question, I are the three as where h h school students are most 1 to 77 said "tasting'-—-alcohol at home with parents does not necessarily authorize drinking in peer group situations or indicate approval of teen-age drink- ing on the part of parents; 2) parents, if they allow their children to drink in their presence, typically allow them to drink only as "testers" and not 88 their peers; and 3) drinking as well as purchase of alcoholic beverages is illegal for persons under 21 years of age in the State of lichigan and is culturally defined as inappropriate behavior for adolescents. Teen~agers themselves are not in doubt about general parental disapproval of teen-age drinking. Therefore, if the teen-ager drinks with p_e_e_I;_s_, he typically must do 80 in situations not controlled by adults. as may "taste" alcohol in the Presence of adults. 'Sumagz.- The pattern of teen-age drinking emergent to this point in “‘9 anGlycis of the data may be summarized in the following way. Most teen- age ClPirtkers do not use beverage alcohol either frequently or in quantity, “1%th almost all of them have at one time or another had some experience With aleohol. About one out of four reported that they were not abstainers M311 only about one in ten was willing to self-designate himself as a "drinker." Beer is the beverage most frequently reported; yet only one bottle of beer during the average week. .Slight but consistent differences “be t“D‘ted in male and female use of alcoholic beverages. Hales were more likely than females to use beer and whiskey; females were likely to use wine and mixed drinks. For ”drinkers" the most likely occasion for drinking is at a party which is attended by his peers but which is not supervised by “Lute. For "non-drinkers" generally, and for all females to a greater ex- tent tohan for males, drinking occasions are most likely to be special events celebl‘ated in the context of the home or with adults present. The presence of an adult on those occasions when teen-age drinking is permitted does not 78 appear to indicate to the teen-agers themselves that adults approve of their drinking; they do not interpret adult attitudes in this way. This is best indicated by the agreement of both "drinkers" and "non-drinkers" that teen— age drinking is ordinarily surreptitious. It is important to recognize that drinking on the part of adolescents is illegal and that neither parents nor the formal institutions of social control in the adult society at large usually permit the teen-agar to assume adult roles in which drinking or ab— stinence are matters of personal discretion. Teen-agers gave no indication of making the mistake of asstming adult attitudes favorable to their drink- ing. The student's awareness of adult disapproval of his drinking and the consequent pressure to hide his drinking behavior do suggest the importance of peer groups in the adolescent age grade in freeing the teen-age drinker from the dictates of adult standards and in providing support for behavior which is important for the teen-agar even though disapproved by adults. The inplications of this point will become clearer in the discussion of teen- agers and teen—age peer groups in the context of a concrete social system. Community Sepia} Sglructurgeugnd Teen-age may The social interaction of one individual with others is not ordinarily a matter of chance. Individuals typically participate in and are members of concrete social systems whose standardized symbols allow them to position themselves in relation to others and to anticipate probable sequences of behavior in any given interaction situation. Social behavior within social ”Stone is structured and organized to facilitate the accomplishment of those ‘ tasks and the achievement of those goals or values which members in the Systems consider important. Shared rules of behavior or social norms which are associated with the common symbols used for positioning self and others 79 provide a basis for ordered expectations about appropriate behavior within a social system. Individuals may be positioned formally in a social system (e.g., doctor, father), in terms of an informally defined interpersonal relationship (e.g., friend, clique member) and/or in terms of some parti- cular value or disvalue (e.g., patriot, "drinker"). Some of the factors in- volved in this positioning are ascribed at birth (e.g., race and sex) or closely related to the biological development of the individual (e.g., age) while others are primarily achieved (e.g., occupation, education). The join- ing of a position with a definition of appropriate and expected behavior in given situations is conveniently designated by the concept‘gglg_or pgsition- 29.19.- How one comes to recognize and identify himself and others with various. roles is fundamentally a matter of learning. One learns the traditional structure of the social systems which are relevant for him as this is in- terpreted by both the statements and the behavior of others. One learns that all individuals do not play identical roles. The playing of certain roles by various individuals is observed to be required, encouraged, discouraged or prohibited. But even persons who are presumably playing the same roles do not necessarily interpret the expectations identically and persons may sometimes presume to play certain roles in spite of discouragement or prohi- bition from other members of the system. .The teen-age adolescent, fer ex- ample, typically is not permitted to play roles reserved for adults but may only "play at" them. This obviously does not mean, however, that no teen- agers claim the right to play and actually play some adult roles. Some teen- agers do. Drinking is a case in point. One cannot understand the drinking behaviorb-or abstinence for that matter-of the teen-age adolescent without recognition of the position which 80 he occupies in relevant social systems and how he conceives the roles associated with that position. The discussion which follows in the remainder of this chapter will consider specifically how three important aSpects re- latedrto the positioning of an individual-—sex, age and socio-economic status-- are related to patterns of teen-age drinking. The starting point for age-sex. differentiations and the practical justifications for them lie in the differing social potentialities of males and females at every age level. These distinctions involve more than simple biology, however. There are minimum of sex-age categories recognized in all societies-—infant, boy, girl, adult male, adult female, old male and old female. The definitions of appropriate behavior of the boy or girl antici- pate cultural definitions of appropriate adult behavior for males and fe— males. In addition to prescribing certain occupational and behavioral ex- Pectations, membership in a particular age-sex peer group immediately pro- vides an individual with patterns for the behavior which are proper in his relationships with members of other age—sex groups.7 The social systems in the United States in which most teen—age adolescents are likely to hold membeI‘Ship or identify themselves are no exceptions in this regard. Conse- quently, attention will be given successively to those asPects of sex and age in American social structure which have relevance for understanding the reported pattern of teen~age drinking within the framework of the particular “C191 systems in which studmts are memberslme relevance of the socio-economic Status in the comunity of the teen-ager's family and the teen-ager's own Status aspirations and expectations for the reported patterns of drinking ”n...“ \ '7 7 (ISee Ralph Linton, ”Age and Sex Categories,» American Sociolo cal Reviefl, 942) . 589-603. ~ “wills-w: I J. {Ill 81 will also be explored as an intervening variable affecting the signifi- cance of sex and age roles. §§x and drinking.- The importance of sex for the pattern of teen-age thinking is best understood by noting the emphasis which teen-agers them- selves place on this factor. Male teen-agers were significantly more will- ing to self-designate themselves as "drinkers" than were females. Three out of’four of the ”drinkers” are male in contrast to only slightly more than four in ten males among the ”non-drinkers." The distribution of males and females among "non-drinkers” reproduces almost exactly the sex distribution known to characterize the research universe. This distribution is in sharp TABLE 10 DESIGNATION OF SELF AS ”DRINKER" 0R "NON-DRINKER" BY SEXa ~O- "Non-drinker" "Drinkerfi “0-0%--” is (Percentage) Male 44 73‘ Female .52 ..a ' Total 100 100 Number of cases 179 177 a1:2»:P<.001; r = .184. contrast to that observed among ”drinkers" (Table 10). The sex differentials in the pattern of teenéage drinking apparently reflects a basic distinction, of which drinking is only one aspect, between "file and female roles at the adult level in American society. Surveys of adult drinking behavior in the United States consistently report that the female.is more likely than the male to be an abstainer and, if a drinker, 82 to drink less.8 But equally important as the observation that male and fe- male drinking behavior in the United States may be differentiated is the fact that their behavior is expected to be different. With regard to drink- ing, as in other areas of behavior, the American female is subjected to a "double standard": It is less appmpriate for the female to drink than for the male.9 The differential cultural definitions of appmpriate male and female behavior with regard to the use of alcohol observed in the larger society are reflected in what the teen-agers themselves had to say. Though some teen-agers specifically rejected the "rightness" of a double standard for the drinking behavior of males and females, all of them recognized it as operative for teen-agers as well as adults. One adolescent 83. I. Riley and C. F. Harden ["Ths Social Pattern of Alcohol Drinking," Qanrterly Journal of singles on Al_c_o_h_o;l_, 8 (1947), 265-73} 1:8ng data based on a representative sample of the adult pepulation in the United States de- veloped by the National Opinion Research Center, found that one in two fe- males in contrast to one in four males were abstainers. These data have been corroborated by a study in a single state. See I1. A. Maxwell, "Drinking Be— havior in the State of Washington," ibid., 13 (1952), 219-39. Robert Straus and S. D. Bacon [Drinking in College (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953): 1.7] found twice as many female as male abstainers in a" comprehensive study of drinking behavior in Amarican colleges. 9111c notion of “double standard," especially when applied in discussions of morality, frequently implies an unequal treatment of presumed equals. The presumption that males and females are "equal" is consistent with a strong equalitarian bias often encountered in the writing of Americans. It is not the point here to argue whether or not males and females are actually “equal" in some absolute sense. The important point is that the cultural definitions of appropriate male and female roles in our society are defined as different. hem this point of view a "double standard" is more adequately described as a differential cultural definition of male and female roles. See, for exwple, Talcott Parsons, ”Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United States," American Sociolo ical Review 7 (1942), 604-616; and largaret Mead, Hale and Female (New York: New American Library, 1955), 184- 2 "‘ “""‘“"""". ' 83 "drinker" said, for example, I think I would be embarrassed if my girl drank even if I were drinking. And the same way when they smoke. I don't think it looks right. But I think some girls expect their boy friends to smoke. I don't know why but I think that's right because boys-othey expect it—-oh, I don't know whether you would say rugged, go out and do things Just for fun where girls-well, it just doesn't look right for her to do it. (Interview 48) In spite of the difficulty in articulating his feelings, this male student was able to put across his point: Some behavior just "doesn't look right" for the female and drinking is such behavior. Even a female "drinker" with an egalitarian orientation who thought, "if (drinking) is good enough for a hey it is good enough for a girl," nevertheless observed, I think a lot of pe0ple, even the police, don't think it's as bad for a boy as a girl to drink, but I don't know why that is. Maybe they feel that a girl can get carried away too far... (Interview 33) The two points illustrated in these abstracts from the interviews were made frequently by other students. There was a generally shared feeling that it is more appropriate for males to drink than for females even though the stu- dents often added "but I don't know why." Second, there was a tendency on the part of students to circumscribe rather narrowly the situations in which female drinking is appropriate, if at all. As the previous discussion of the places where teen-agers drink has indicated, the female is more likely than the male to associate drinking by females with the home or with situa- tions in which parents or relatives are present. Though the male teen-ager was likely to say that female drinking "just doesn't look right," no com- parable statement was applied by female teen-agers to males in general. more- over, in many of the students' assessments of the differential appropriate- ness of male and female drinking behavior there were overtones associating the willingness of the female teen-agar outside the home with moral laxity. "It's okay,” said one teen-agar, if you are going to pick up girls someplace if they drink 5 but for the one that you really decide to marry-well, they wouldn't go. (Interview 1,2) A female "non-drinker" also observed, Parents are more concerned about girls than boys because they know they expect a certain amount of devil from boys but not from girls...Parents don't even like to see their girls smoke. (Interview 40) In brief, there are definitions of appropriate male and appropriate female behavior with regard to the use of beverage alcohol within the social system in which these high school students participate. The difference in expectations are reflected both in what the students do with alcohol and in what they say about the appropriateness of that behavior. The students' definitions as well as their behavior appear to be similar to and to reflect adult role definitions and role behavior involving the use of alcohol. Age gradingand drinking behavior.- The functions of age grading for social systems have now been explored to the extent that some generalizations are possible which go beyond the rather obvious assertions about relation- ship between biological maturation and related social expectations of behav- ior. S. N. Eisenstsdt, for eprle, in an analysis of certain African societies characterized by age grading concludes that distinct age grades arise and have particular functional significance in situations in which rules of social interaction are not overwhelmingly determined by membership in kinship groups.10 In such situations important integrative functions may be M-— 10"African Age Groups, A Comparative Study," Aft-3.35, 24:2 (1951.) , 100-113, smarized in Raymond Firth, "Motion," in earbook of Anthro lo - 195 (New York: leaner-Gran Foundation for Anthropological Research, 1955), ed. W. L. Thomas, Jr. See also Eisenstadt's more comprehensive documented state— ment in his From Generation_ to Generationgggge Groups and Social Structugg (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956), esp. chapters I and VI. 85 performed by groups composed of age peers in addition to those performed by fmnly groups. These integrative tasks include the provision of continuity mmistability in the socialization process in the absence of stringent kin- ship controls and restrictions. In groups composed of age peers, important aspects of socialization may also be carried on outside kinship groups and important reference groups may be established which provide a bridge between :fimdly groups and the larger society.11 In our own society age grading does not involve formal age categori- zation to any great extent except in the educational system. Nevertheless, age grading is closely related to social structure and constitutes an im- portant point of reference for understanding kinship structure, organization of formal education, occupatinal preparation and community participation. Although in most cases the line separating age grades is not rigidly spcific, this does not lessen the importance of age distinctions.12 In fact, it is this combination of the functional significance of age grading and lack of specificity in delimiting the age grades that is of special interest in American society. Many societies provide rites of passage which clearly de- marcate the passage from one age grade to another. In our society, on the other hand, there are only a few rudimentary equivalents of rites of passage which, for example, provide an individually and socially identifiable transi- tion between adolescence and adulthood. Such rites of passage as there are u‘lhe functions of age peer groups in facilitating the acculturation of the children of foreign born parents in the United States has often been noted. This situation illustrates in extreme form the inportance of peer groups in bridging the gap between family training and acquiring the social skills required for adequate participation in the host society. In court- ship and marriage, social and political beliefs and behavior and in occupa- tional selection the peer group has frequently had a marked influence on the behavior of its members. See, for example, M. B. Seidler and I. J. Ravitz, "A Jewish Peer Group," Angrican Journal of Sociology, LII (1955), 11-15- lZ‘l‘alcott Parsons, op. cit. 86 seen in the coming out party of the upper class female and in such disparate events as high school graduation, being drafted in the Armed Forces, the legal age for voting, taking a full-time job and marriage.13 In the absence of more specific criteria for delimiting age grades, the formal organization of our public school system provides pragmatic guide- lines. Robert J. Havighurst,1" for example, categorizes four stages .of grow- ing up in American society of about equal lengths of six years each. The first period, covering ages one to six, is pre-school; and ages six to 12 correspond to the first six grades in our school system. Havighurst does not label these two periods specifically. The period between ages 12 and 18, however, which correspond to junior high school and high school grades in the school system, he labels as adolescence. Finally, the period including years 18 through lethe period after graduation from high school-u-he labels as young adult. Each of these periods, he maintains, has associated with it certain culturally defined developmental tasks or achievement goals. Though the developmental tasks for each age period which Havighurst postulates are set down in detail, for our purposes here it is sufficient to concentrate on the developmental tasks of the adolescent, the age period which includes the high school students used in our study of teen-age drinking behavior. These tasks are l) accepting one's physique and the appropriate masculine °“ fminine role; 2) achieving new relations with age-mates of both sexes; 3) achieving emotional independence of parents and other adults; I.) achieving £188“Pence of economic independence; 5) selecting and preparing for an ——.._.’____ 1altrabin I. Williams, M $933331 (New York: KnOpf, 1952), '71. ll"'DeveIOpmental Tasks and General Education," Mimeographed syllabus, :iversity of chi-“3°! November. 1943; see also his monograph, velo ental Wfim (Chi-686°: University of Chicago Press, 194%)“. ‘2‘“ 87 occupation; 6) deve10ping intellectual skills and concepts necessary for civic competence; '7) desiring and achieving socially responsible behavior; 8) preparing for marriage and family life; and 9) building conscious values (esthetic, religious, ethical) in harmony with an adequate scientific world- picutre- There will be occasion to return to some of these points in subse— quent discussion. In anticipation of a later discussion, it should be mentioned here that socio-economic status factors are included in the notion of cultural definitions of appropriate age grade behavior. At this point and for present Purposes it is sufficient to note Havighurst's emphasis on both the essentially Dramatic age grading implicit in the formal organization of the public school 3731'“ and the cultural definitions of developmental tasks associated with these pragmatically determined age grades. The coincidence of functionally significant age grades and of non- Specificity in delimiting the age grades has provoked a great deal of dis- . cussion about the ambiguities which result from such a coincidence. This has been particularly the case with regard to adolescence in American society. One example of this aphasia is Talcott Parsons' well known characterization °r ‘1 "youth culture" as a set of patterns and behavior phenomena which in- WI" highly complex combinations of age grading and sex role elements illustrates the conclusions of a large umber of analysts who view this period 0! develOpment as one of storm and stress and as one dominated by a distinct-ive peer group culture. Three major assumptions appear to be im- plicit in this characterization of adolescence.” l) Adolescence is \ 1 We» 11‘ a summary of this characterization and a critique of it, see Alene ck min and W. A. Westley, "The lyth of Adolescent Culture," Q11 ociolo ical Review, 20 (1955), 680-81.. assumed to be a unique period to which the phrase ”storm and stress" is distinctively appropriate, and which results from the adolescents' peculiar age grade position in American social structure. The discontinuity in socialization, the conflict between generations in a changing society and the problems of occupational and marital choice are all said to contribute to the tensions of the adolescent. 2) A second assumption is that a youth culture exists in fact and is a widespread and dominant pattern among adolescents in American life, particularly in urban areas. Those who par- ticipate in this culture are said to experience its demands, accept its dominant elements and not to judge their own behavior by "adult" points of view. 3) Finally, the implicit assumption is that the youth culture of the adolescent is etiologically and functionally linked to the "storm and stress” of the individual. The adolescent in becoming emancipated from his family participates in a peer group which makes demands to which he conforms and that this participation serves to meet his needs for independence and se- curity. Our research data provide a basis for discussing the existence and functional significance of age grading in Anerican society. It should be emphasized immediately, however, that these data are not adequate for reach- ing definitive conclusiorsto the problem which has been posed in the pre- Vious paragraphs of this discussion. lith this limitation in mind it is aPDI’Opriate, then, to inquire both about the significance of age grading for the drinking behavior of teen-age adolescents and, in turn, about the under- 8Winding of age grading in American society contributed by a study of this Particular behavior. 89 Age grades and perceptions of drinking behavior.- Teen-age adoles- cents clearly associate drinking with adult role playing. Their perception of the adolescent role, on the other hand, tends to emphasize abstinence. Regardless of the self-designation of, the respondent, the majority of teen-age adolescents studied indicated a belief that at least half or more adults drink ”sometimes" (Table 11). Three out of four of the students in the random sample of two hundred estimated that half or more of the adults drink sometimes. When estimates are considered in terms of self-designation as “drinker" and “non-drinker” and in terms of sex, the preportion of students in each category making this estimate rnaged from a low of 69% of the female "drinkers" to a high of 75% of the female "non-drinkers.” fifty percent of the students in the random sample of two hundred also estimated that half or more of the adults drink ”regularly" (Table 12). The proportion of students in each category making this estimate ranged from a low of 1.8% of the male "non—drinkers" to a high of 61% of the male "drinkers." The teen- age adolescents in the study, therefore, tended to perceive the adult as a person who drinks at least sometimes. Perceptions of the occasions and places for adult drinking are signi- ficantly similar among the various categories of students. Composite re- sponses to the question, "What are the three occasions on which adults are most likely to drink?” indicate that social situations are consistently ranked high (Table 13). All categories of students ranked "party" high. There was also agreement that adult drinking is most likely to occur 1) on special occasions such as New Iear, Christmas and other holidays; 2) in daily drinking at home, tavern or bar; and 3) when adults are entertaining at home. 90 TABLE 11 srunmr Esrnuras or THE moronrmn or ADULTS mo 1mm: "SOMETIMES" mmrk' 22mm: mm Percentage None 0 O 0 O One-fourth 2!. 2!. 2'7 29 One-half 37 [.2 Z) 34 Three-fourths 29 27 37 29 All/nearly all 6 5 ll. 6 No answer _4 __z _2 _g Total 100 100 100 100 Huber of cases 78 101 129 48 . lhmrwelandZandron 3-5arecollapaed in each colt-m, separate comparisons of males in both catego es and females in both categories produces a I NP>.m. TABLE 12 STUNT ESTIMATES OF THE PROPORTION OF ADULTS WHO DRINK 'REGU'LARH”. WW 213%!” EL? £3512 PO None 6 2 One-fourth u. 43 1.6 One-halt 38 33 41 32 Three-fourths 9 18 17 16 All/nearly all 0 2 3 2 No answer __3 ...Z _3 __2 Total 100 100 100 100 Huber of cases '78 101 129 1.8 " lhm rows 1 and 2 and rows 3-5 are collapsed in each colunn, separate comparisons of males in both cat rice and {males in both outagoriesm pro- dunes a X N. 10 >P>.05 for males andX MN. for rattles. 91 TABLE 13 MOST LIKELY OCCASICNS FOR DRINKING BY ADULTS, RANK ORDERED (MP ‘ __‘-1 'Non-grige}: " er" ca n E2. 2221.: 13.41 ......FOMh Ho. BO Ho. R0 No. R0 No. 30 Dances 4 11 13 8 15 8 5 7 Parties [.1 1 49 1 67 l 23 l lild pit ice 3 12 3 14 6 10 1 11 Beer parties 7 9 l. 13 9 9 ‘2 10 All night parties 1 11. 2 15 3 11 O 12 Teen-age parties 0 15 0 l7 0 l4 0 12 Card parties 8 8 13 8 6 10 2 10 Unsupervised gatherings 2 13 0 17 O 14 O 12 Entertaining at home 19 3 26 3 34 I. 16 3 htertaining at a friend's home 13 6 17 6 21 5 10 6 Daily drinking at home, taverns 19 3 2!. 5 17 6 l7. 2 lhen with parents, other relatives 0 15 1 l6 2 12 2 10 lhen relatives visit 9 7 1!. 7 l7 6 l3 5 Association with older people 1 14 3 14 1 13 O 12 Special events, occasions 7 9 11 9 l6 7 4 8 law Year, Christmas, other holidays 34 2 U. 2 53 2 23 1 leddings 16 5 25 4 1.1 3 13 4 After school events 1 14 0 l7 3 ll 0 12 Games, sporting events 1 14 3 11. 1 13 O 12 Hunting or fishing trips 17 1. 11. 7 21 5 5 7 leekend recreation 6 10 8 12 6 10 3 9 no ans-er -- .a - .45. -- .4. -- Total umber of responses 234 303 387 11.4 -_1 ‘ lhen the top ten ranked 'occasicns' or the male 'nm-drinker' are compared with the emperable itas ranked by the male 'drinker," Tau~ P<.013 the same procedure applied to the ranking of faale responses in each category produces a Tau uP<.Ol; the same procedure amliedto the rankings of male “non-drinkers” and female “drinkers. produces a Tech! P<.01. 9 Totals include first, second and third responses to the question, '1th are the three occasions on which adults are most likely to drink?" 92 when the occasions for adult drinking imputed by teen-agers are com- pared with those occasions most likely to elicit student drinking (see Table 6, above), it is noted that "party” is ranked first in each instance. However, there is a difference. In the case of the teen-agar, the prefix "wild," "unsupervised," or "beer” is added. The relatively low rank ordering of "entertaining at home" and "daily drinking at home, taverns and bars" for students in contrast to adults is evident. Students in all categories are also significantly in agreement that adult drinking is most likely to occur in such public places as bars, clubs or roadhouses or in social activities centering in the home (Table 11.). Non- public places which imply secretive behavior are not associated with adult drinking. This is in contrast to the teen-ager's designation of secret or unsupervised places as the most likely for drinking by students (see Table 9, above). Places for teen-age drinking are most likely to be "at unsupervised parties," "in secret," "in automobiles" or "on back roads." These teen-agers perceived students pimarily as abstainers or at least "non-drinkers." lost of the teen-agers believed that the majority of high school students do not drink even "sometimes" (Table 15). They were even more in agreement that most high school students do not drink "regularly" Cl’able 16). Six in ten of the sample of two hundred estimated that one- fourth or less of the high. school students drink "sometimes.” The proportion of students in each category who made this estimate ranged from a low of 43% of the male "drinkers" to a high of 67% of the male "non—drinkers." Moreover, three in four of the random sample of two hundred estimated that only one-fourth or less of the high school students drink "regularly." The proportion of students in each category ranged from a low of 56% of the female ”drinkers" to a high of 87% of ti- male ”non-drinkers." In brief, 93 TABLE 11, PLACES NR DRINKING BY ADULTS, RANK ORDERED (30)“ _ j w H - ink " gflzmker' Biases e lasts 21: male ~ No. RD No. R0 No. 80 No. RD it dances and parties 21 5 1.0 4 36 l, 21 3 it bars, clubs, roadhouses, taverns u. 1 64 l 77 1 40 1 it parks, lakes, similar places 10 6 8 8 l3 6 7 6 it private clubs 10 6 l3 6 19 5 7 6 At hone 35 2 1.1 3 55 2 20 I. it home she: entertaining 32 3 43 2 54 3 25 2 At a friend's house 26 4 39 5 36 I, 18 5 At \msupervised parties 0 9 1 ll 1 8 O 9 In automobiles 2 8 3 9 3 7 O 9 In secret so others will not know 0 9 l 11 0 9 l 8 1n the country, on back roads 0 9 2 10 0 9 0 9 it summer cottages 9 7 ll 7 l9 5 5 7 However Jabu .27.» .u--___Q- Total umber of responses 23!, 303 387 141. " when the top ten ranked “places” of the male “non-drinker" are com- pared with the comparable itus ranked by the male ”drinker,“ TauNP (.01; the same procedure applied to the rankings of the females in both categor- ies produces a TauNP<.013 the same procedure applied to the rankings of the male "non-drinker“ and the female “drinker" produces a Tau NP 4.01. 9 Totals include first, second and third responses to the question, "mat are the three places where adults are most likely to drink?“ 94 TABLE 15 STUDENT ESTIMATES OF THE PROPORTION OF HIGH £2512 None 3 l O One-fourth 6!, 62 41 u, One-half 23 27 33 37 Three-fourths 5 8 18 15 All/nearly all 1 1 l, 2 No answer __A _J. _2 __3 Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 78 101 129 1.8 9 When rows 1 and 2 and rows 3- are collapsed in each column, for males , l P<.001, T : .237; for tel-ales only. I ~P<.01, = .183. TABLE 16 3mm ESTIMATES OF ms PROPORTION or HIGH SCHOOL 3111mm WHO DRINK ”REGULAR!“ W mam: m apnea Mela Percentage None l9 17 12 I. One-fourth 68 52 51 52 One-half 3 19 23 21 Three-fourths I. 7 6 13 All/nearly all 1 3 6 8 No answer __i ....Z _3 __g Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 [.8 a When rows 1 and 2 and rows 3- are collapsed in each colunn, for males nly, I NP<.OOl, T: .298; for fenales only, I N.10>P>.05; when male and female "drinkers" are compared, 124:?) .m. 95 those high school teen-agers who tended to perceive most adults as at least "sometimes" drinkers also perceived most high school students as ab- stinent or at least "hon-drinkers." Differences in the proportion of drinkers among adult and high school students perceived by the various categories of teen-agers warrant brief additional cement. It has been noted that the male ”drinker" made higher estimates of the proportion of regular drinkers among both adults and high school students than did the male “non-drinkers.” On the other hand, while the female "drinker" made higher estimates of the prOportion of regular drinkers among high school students than did the "non-drinker," she made lower estimates of the prOportion of regular drinkers among adults. In anticipation of the subsequent discussion of the relationship of reference group behavior to drinking, two points can be made. First, these differences in estimates give some indication of the reference groups of the male and female "drinkers" who generally tended to estimate the proportion of persons like themselves to be larger than ”non-drinkers" estimated it to be. Second, among females, while ”drinkers" estimated a proportion of regular drinkers among adults which was slightly lower than that of the "non-drinkers," this relationship is reversed when the 'high school student is considered. The female "drinker" emphasizes in her relatively larger estimates of the pro- portion of high school students who, like herself, are ”drinkers" the im- portance of this group of her age peers as a point of reference. Female "drinkers” made the next to the lowest estimate of the proportion of regular drinkers among adults yet the highest estimate of the proportion of regular drinkers among high school students. Age grading and reference groups.- on the basis of this differential age graded perception of drinking behavior one would expect that the 96 self-identification of the teen-agar as an adolescent or adult would also be related to his own self conception as a 'drinker' or a I'nonndrinker." While the students' selfoidentification with the adult or adolescent age grade was not directly determined, this can be approached indirectly. This say be done with data both on the age of individuals in the "drinker" and "non-drinker" categories and on the extent to which they were currently playing adult—like roles . TABLE 17 AGE or was AND we "NON-DWERS” AND "nmuxsasna I itemima". We; ALB same Hale Female Male Female .(P‘ercentage) ' 15 3 5 0 0 16 23 36 l 6 17 50 43 23 33 18 or over 23 11. 71 5!. No answer _1_._ _2. __2 __2_ Total ‘100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 48 aWhen rows 1-3 in each column are collapsed, for males only, X2 ~P<.001, T = .499, for females only, X2~P<.001, 'r-. 431. Self-designated "drinkers" were found to be older than "non-drinkers." "Drinkers" had a median age of 17.1. years as compared to 16.1. years for the "non-drinkers.” The former also included a significantly larger number of students 18 years of age and older when compared with the latter category (Table 17). This proved to be the case for both males and females. Thus the older teen-age adolescmts who were approaching an age when claims to adult status are feasible were more likely than the younger ones to self— designate themselves as I'drinkers." 97 Havighurst has listed among the important developmental tasks of adolescence the achievement of emotional independence of parents and other adults; the achievement of assurance of economic independence; selection and preparation for an occupation; and the achievement of new relationships 16» If his analysis is adequate, it should follow that those with age~mates. teen-agers who are most advanced in the achievement of these tasks would also be most likely to use adult roles as points of reference. And, insofar as. the adult is perceived as likely to be a drinker, these students should also be more likely than others to be "drinkers." The data appear to indicate that this analysis is correct. Most students, regardless of their self-designation as ”drinker" or "non-drinker,” reported that they live with both biological parents. For our purposes the importance of the biological relationship lies in its possible social implications; that is, the presence of the biological parent suggests the presence of an adult within a culturally defined parent—child relationship with which the child can identify. One might expect that, in the absence of a biological parent of the same sex, a child would have the occasion if not the necessity to play adult-like roles sooner than he might ordinarily; One frequently encounters, for example, stories of adolescent boys and girls in our society who become "little fathers" and "little mothers" in the absence of the apprOpriate parent. When male "drinkers" and "non-drinkers" are compared in terms of the relationship to persons with whom they live, the expected differences are observed even though the dif- ferences are not statistically significant (Table 18). A male teen-agar living in a home in which the biological father is absent is more than twice M -‘~ 1602. 3132. 98 TABLE 18 srunnars' KINSHIP RELATIONSHIPS TO reasons wmx mom THEY ms" flog-firmer "migkez' Egg 2%. Isl Page figmentage 67 Pergon! livg 313;; Both biological parents '78 70 [other or mother/ stepfather 8 21 19 15 hther or father/ stepmother 8 I, 6 6 Other __§ ..Q _2 .13 Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 1.8 A ‘ For both males and fuels. compared separately, 121V P>.20; when only rows 2 and 3 are used for comparison, for males only, 1251.20)? >.10. TABLE 19 simmer summer In ammo nous! BY womcms AT sous AND mu m was" W insistent! W M: "file Lennie Percentages Never or hardly ever 9 25 5 8 Yes, work at home 11. 10 8 13 Yes, work away from home 7'7 6!. 86 77 No mower ___9_ A __;|, _g Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 48 " For males only, 12N.20>P>.10; for females mly, 12A! .lO>P>.05. 99 as likely as others to designate himself as a "drinker." In the case of females, the difference is not so pronounced as for the males; nevertheless, the female "drinkers” are slightly overrepresented in situations in which the biological mother is absent. In each case the absence of the appro- priate adult sex model is more common for "drinkers" than for "non-drinkers." Whether this relationship is to be explained in terms of accelleration of attempts to achieve emotional and economic independence, of pressure to assume adult«like responsibility for self or others or a combination of these cannot be answered from the data. These are only plausible explana- tions for the observed relationship. Money is purchasing power and purchasing power is to some extent discretionary power. This suggests that one facet of the individual's achievement of assurance about his increasing economic independence lies in having access to money not directly subject to parental control. One such source of money for the teen-agar is likely to be provided by earnings from work away from home. The data lend support to this interpretation (Table 19). Male "drinkers” (86%) are more likely than "non-drinkers" (77%) to earn money away from home. Similarly, female "drinkers" (77%) are more likely than "non-drinkers" (6&%) to have access to money not directly subject to parental control. Since the right to make one's own decisions and the availability of the economic resources to implement these decisions is associated with adulthood, the achievement of some measure of financial in- dependence does make independent decisions, including decisions about drink- ing, increasingly a live option for the working teen-agar. It is important to note also that working outside the home, in addition to providing an inde- pendent source of income, provides the teen-agar with experience of -" \. lOO adult-like occupational roles.17 "Drinkers," and particularly male "drinkers," have more immediate and clear-cut occupational expectations than others (Table 20). Among males, six in ten of the "non-drinkers" as compared to four in ten of the "drinkers” expected to attend college or were uncertain about their immediate vocational futures. Of those remaining, "drinkers" were more likely than others to plan for a full time job or to enter the armed services, both of which are associated with adult-like role playing. The same analysis applies in the case of the females though the differences are not so pronounced as in the case of the males. The data also suggest differences in the importance which "drinkers" and "non-drinkers" attach to adolescent peer groups. "Drinkers" are pri- marily adult-oriented. For example, slightly more than half of the male "drinkers" as compared to slightly less than four in ten of the "non-drinkers" designate adults as models for behavior—~well-knomn adults, teachers, tele- vision or movie personalities-—or to be uncertain about their preference. The male "non-drinkers" (61%) were likely to prefer individuals their own age or some type of athlete as models to a greater extent than "drinkers" (Table 21). For the females this pattern is generally reversed. Female "non-drinkers" (33%) show a slightly greater preference for adult models for behavior than do "drinkers" (29%). The female "non—drinker," like the male of the same category, is more likely than the female "drinker" to prefer as a model "some type of athlete"--a type traditionally associated with ab- stinence. This reversal is consistent with and is at least partially ex— plained by the different interpretations of the appropriateness of drinking *0”...- 17The extent to which difference in work experience may be related to socio-economic position will be considered subsequently. 101 TiBLE Z) VOCATIONAL EXPECTATIONS or HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS NOT PLANNING TO ATTEND com "Nogflrinker' 1221.932}: o -h It resale Percentage Take full time job 10 33 l7 [.6 hall time job and night school 5 3 2 6 Business or secretarial school 1 13 2 13 Barber or beauty school 0 2 1 O Technical/vocational school 3 l 2 0 mistment in med Forces 23 7 35 8 Don't know 15 9 9 8 lo answer or inapplicable A} 3 13 _:_|_,2 Ii‘otal 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 1.8 ‘ With ”no answer or inapplicable“ excluded, when rows 1, 6 and 7 use kept intact and rows 2-5 collapsgd in each colmn, for males any, I N.10>P?.053 for fancies only, I ~P>.Z). new 21 stunner CIDIGES or some FOR Bsmvxoa‘ -.. -..—..— .. “Maggy: " e " Web his {fate ms Psncentsbe Some types of high school students 18 19 17 26 Some specific individuals own age 10 22 8 15 Teachers in school I. 6 4 ‘ loll known adults in the community 9 16 10 13 lsll known public offic ills 3 3 4 I. Personalities m T? or in movies 7 8 8 9 Some type of athlete 33 10 21. 4 “Myself" 1 2 O 2 No we"? .15. .16 .22 .33 Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of responses 105 125 141. 53 Nmber of cases 78 101 129 48 ‘ lhenrowslsndz;mws3andl.;rowSandosndrows8end9are collape in each column, for males only, I .20>P>.103 for females only, 1 NP>.Z>. b Percentages in this instance refer to the nuber of responses. 102 fbr males and females in our society. Drinking is consistent with the image of the adult male. It is less so in the case of the adult female. One may speculate, therefore, that the peer membership group is more important in providing models for appropriate behavior involving the use of alcohol for the adolescent female than in the case of the adolescent male. The male may "drink like a man." There is no exact counterpart for the female. What it means to ”drink like a woman (lady)" is less clear. The peer groups in which the female "drinker" participates may function as a locus for defining appropriate drinking behavior. A consideration of the relevance of peer group identification by adolescents is important for several reasons. First, social analysts who emphasize the anomalous aspects of the social positioncf the American adoles- cent tend to emphasize the importance of the peer group as the locus of be« havior antagonistic to adult definitions of appropriate behavior for adoles— cents. This point has been discussed in some detail previously.18 Second, insofar as adolescence is clearly a transitional period between childhood and adulthood in our society, a study of this period offers an Opportunity to study reference group behavior of persons in a structurally marginal position. This interest may be pursued independently of resolving the‘ question about the existence and functional significance of a distinctive "youth culture." It is to these two interests that the next few paragraphs are directed. "Drinkers" and "non-drinkers" participate differentially in organized peer group activity both inside and outside the school. They also state different degrees of preference for participation in such activity. Though “ 18See above, pages 85f. 103 the differences in most instances are not statistically significant, the (fixection is consistent. When males are compared, 44% of the "drinkers" mscompared to 37% of the "non-drinkers" participate in no high school cnganizations. The same pattern is observed in the case of the females. Twenty-one percent of the ”drinkers" as compared to 16% of "non-drinkers" reported that they were not participants in high school organizations (Table 22). When organized non-school activities are considered, "non-drinkers" are again overrepresented among participants in these activities except in the particular categories of community activities and Boy or Girl Scouts (Table 23). Among males, almost half of the "drinkers" as compared to slightly more than three in ten of the "non-drinkers" were not participants in any organized non-school activities. For females, four in ten of the "drinkers" in contrast to only slightly less than three in ten of the "non- drinkers" reported that they were not participants. Hereover, 62% of the male ”drinkers" as compared to 48% of the male "non-drinkers" indicated no desire to expand their present degree of participation in organized peer group activities (Table 24). It should be noted that, while the female "drinker" expressed a pre- ference for teen-age models of behavior, she also reported less participation than the female "non-drinker" in organized peer group activity. This sug- gests again the possibility that a basic distinction may be necessary among various teen-age peer groups with regard to drinking. Since self-designated "drinkers" constitute clearly a minority of students in the research popu- lation and report participating least in organized peer group activity both inside and outside the school, it would be unwarranted to conclude from the data presented here that adolescent peer groups in general are the locus of 104 new 22 STUDENT PARTICIPATION IN HIGH SCHOOL ORGANIZATIONS“ —__._.-..._..—._¢-..-.— ...--..-._.4-_-- .—._-..__ __ None 37 16 u. 2.1 One 2!. Z) 22 23 Two 18 17 12 21 Three 6 22 10 21 Thur 12 15 8 6 Five 0 7 2 1. Six 0 3 1 2 Seven 0 0 O 2 Right or more __3 _9_ A __Q Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 78 101 129 1.8 ‘ when rows 2-1. and rows 5-9 are collapsed in each colum, for both males and fanales considered separately, 12~P>.2O. TABLE 23 STUDENT PARTIOIPATION IN NON-screw. Acrrm'ms‘ '! .1“. All I .42 .49 Total 100 100 100 Number of responses Nunber of cases m: his [PLO Essie Pementage Group sports 30 21 2!. 13 Young peoples' religious group 22 27 10 21 lusical or artistic group 7 8 3 13 Community activities ' 6 ll. 9 10 Boy or girl scouts 2 2 7 3 Nor answer or none J} i 100 91 78 136 11.8 60 101 129 43 —‘ " When rows 1. and 5 are collapsed in ch column, for males only, IZNK.05, T=.1615 for resales only, 1 197.20. Percentages in this instance refer to responses. 105 re~definitions of appropriate behavior with regard to drinking for teen-agers. 0n the contrary, the predominant perception of the abstinent or at least "non— drinking" adolescent shared by se1f~designated "drinkers" and "non-drinkers" alike suggests just the opposite. What the analysis of the data does sug— gest is that in a minority of cases peer group participation may be important in the deve10pment and support of the self and social conception of the in- dividual as a "drinker." But more important, it appears that the more TABLE 24 TOTAL NUMBER or TEAM MEMBERSHIPS, ORGANIZATIONS, AND ACTIVITIES DESIRED BI STUDENTS“ Willi 251.93%1 Male Female Male Female .(Percentagef Total n.umber desired None 1.8 60 62 67 One l7 l7 8 15 Two 13 12 13 10 Three 18 6 ll 2 Four 3 2 3 2 Five or more ___1‘ ___3_ __2 __4 Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 48 ovum-“r7- “when rows 2 and 3 and rows 4-6 are collapse in each column, for both males and females considered separately, ~P>.20. fundamental point is that those peer groups in which the "drinker" partici- pates are composed of those teen-agers who are older, have achieved some fi- nancial independence, have immediate plans for establishing themselves occu- pationally, prefer adult models of behavior and are least involved in the organized teen-age activities either inside or outside the school. In brief, the "drinker" appears most likely to be the teen-ager who is playing essen- tially adult-like roles and whose reference groups are composed either of adults or of other teen-agers whose behavior suggests adult orientations. 106 There was no indication that most teen-agar peer groups were basically antagonistic to perceived adult definitions of the inappropriateness of drinking by adolescents. Nor was there any indication in the interviews that "storm and stress" surrounded the issue of drinking for these older adoles- cents. It is those students who appear to be most advanced in the assumption of adult-like roles that are most likely to self—designate themselves as "drinkers . " ‘figlevange Of Social Stratification For Drinking Behavior19 Socio-economic stratification may be observed as a part of the or— ganized social life in any American community. Though the details vary, power, prestige and life chances are unequally distributed among individuals in any social system. These differences may be reflected in the distribution of such social rewards as income, occupational prestige, social honor, edu- cational opportunity or some combination of these or other factors which re- flect shared values. Differences in socio-economic position may also be re- flected in the selective participation or preference for participation of some individuals with others who have the same or a similar status position in a social system. When categories of individuals have or are thought to have the same or similar socio-economic positions within a social system, “hm 19The discussion of social stratification in the following paragraphs draws especially on the work of Max Weberl-e.g., his "class, Status and Party," in Class, Status and Power (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1953), ads. R. Bendix and S. N. Lipsetjand of Lloyd Warner fa. g., Werner, et a1 Social Class in Merica (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949 See also the criticalm discussion of issues and bibliography in this field in H. W. Pfautz, "The Current Literature on Social Stratification, Critique and Bib~ liography," American Journal of Sociology, 1.7111 (1953), 391-413 and J F- Cuber and W. F'._ Kenkel, Social Stratification in America (New York: Appleton- Century-Crofts, 1951.), Part I. 107 these categories are commonly referred to as classes designated as "upper," ”middle“ or ”loser" depending on the relative position of each.in relation to the other. Though sociological analysis has demonstrated that this common- sense hierarchial categorization greatly oversimplifies a very complex / ’0 J I multi-dimensional social process,20 forldugipurposes here,nith(;;hreness of limitations, this summary typewofiméudgmsnt about the differential position of individuals in a stratification system has some utility. This isfespec- ially the case insofar as socio-oconomic factors are only an.£§23132§y part of exploratory research on teen-age drinking.21 {xiii/The data on stratification of the social system in which the students “w , ammo“ to be considered are members are limited primarily to four types. First, ranking of the father's occupation is used on the assumption that it is among the best single criteria for determination of status positions in American communities and that a child's status in the community largely re- flects the status of the father.22 Two techniques are used to rank occupations-- “ 20For example, see Pfautz, op. cit.; also G. P. Stone and W. H. Form, "Instabilities in Status: The Problems of Hierarchy in the Community Study of’Status Arrangements," American Sociological Regieg,18 (1953), 149-162. 2n'Tl'xerefore, it should be emphasized that this research does not assume that.socio-economic factors are significantly related to reported differences in teen—age drinking behavior or that the measures used to differentiate among persons in a stratification system are the best or the only ones which Idght have been used. Rather the research poses the question of possible relationship and attempts to answer the question through the use of measures of status which could be adapted economically to questionnaire presentation. 228cc, for example, J. A. Kahl and J. A. Davis, "A Comparison of Indexes 0f Socio-economic Status," American Sociological Review, 20 (1955), 317- 325; and Talcott Parsons, "An Analytical Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification," American Journal of Sociology, XLV (191.0), 841-62. 108 the United States Census classification of occupations and the Warner index of occupations. Both techniques are used since they provide a basis for internal comparison and for comparison with other studies which have used ( a» one or the other of them. econd, a Werner Index of status CharacteristiCs __ .__,_ .. —._,4. H- _--.——— --“H- _ .————— g "' -«-« s“ -.. -... (ISO) is used to provide a summary;g§timate of 3°°i§£"9}§33 position. The 1 ..A as... “-..”... W’rf process hy which this summary index of status is determined involves the con- version of weighted scales of occupation, source of income and education in- to a single index. This summary index for any given individual is then placed within a social class scheme developed by Warner and his associates from cumulative research on stratificatdon.in American communities.23 Third, the socio—economic aspirations and expectations of the students are eXplored by'techniques discussed in the two previous points. Feurth, the interview data provide insight into the perceptions which students themselves have of social class in the community in which they live and the way in which the "style of life" in the various classes is related to drinking behavior. i;§f'Student 93339; of social class.- When teen-agers themselves talked- informally of socio-economic distinctions inwthemfocusseduinterviews, they most frequently referred to the stereotypes of "upper class," "middle class," "lower class" or some variant of these. "Upper class" most frequently meant to them money, prestige, power and Opportunity as illustrated by the student who said, Class means whether you're the person who has the most money and has more opportunity--usually opportunity goes with money. Or, if you're the lower class you don't have Opportunity or money. The middle class may have to pinch pennies but still they get along. (Interview 15) Fer a detailed description of the Werner procedure see Warner, et a1, 109 How is class pos tion related tggdrinking behavior? ~Thearesponse of one teen— egj; L .£r¢,1fg. " ager summarized with t-the' lees explicit comments-- made oftenby other studknmts_in_ihfllinterviews: I think all groups drink but the older group and the older society groups and the high ups in society drink as much as the lower group but drink a better quality of stuff and know when to step and can consume it better. The lower class group of people drink a lot and don't know when to stop and are boisterous about it... In between I think they drink just mildly and they drink when they want to and where they want to and know how much to drink and when ' to stop and when not to and things like that. High society people, they feel, theyb-oh, I don't know, I'm not high society--but they are drinking and I think they can drink a lot. They're used to the different parties and can drink any place they want. I don't think they get out of hand because they are afraid they'll lose their society...The people at the bottom, they don't care, because they don't have any place else to fall; they can just fall where they are. The middle class are in between. They know whether to drink and when to drink and how to drink. (Interview 33) -¥ho»students frequently pointed>out that drinking is likely to be part of a way of life, particularly among "upper class" individuals. "Social drink- ing" £23 commonly used to describe the behavior of this category of persons. On the other hand, drinking by ”lower class" persons was likely to be thought of as one mechanism for escape from personal problems or worry. Some students were also inclined to moralize that "if a fellow is in a lower class and is Spending all his money for liquor, that's probably why he is in the lower class."24 In brief, the students interviewed shared an identifiable image of the relationship between socio-economic position in the community and drinking behaviorquznalysis of the questionnaire data lends support to these impressions. 24mm notion that "upper class" individuals drink like "ladies and gentle- . men" in contrast to the more rowdy and less glamorous drinking among the "lower class" is reported in John Bollard, "Drinking Morse and Social Class," in Alcohol Science and Society (New Haven: Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 1945}; for a characterization of drinking by "the country club crowd" in contrast to those who drink in roadhouses and bars see A. B. Hollingshead's Elmtown's Youth (New York: Wiley, 1949), 321ff. 110 Sgciooegopqmic steppe Aogf‘the fam___i__y.- As might be expected on the basis of the data previously presented, "drinkers" are not equally dis- tributed throughout the range of socio-economic status defined by the occu— pations of fathers. Teen-agers classified in the lower socio-economic strata of a community might be expected to have neither the resources nor the status aspirations to make the postponement of a full—time job, marriage or entrance into the armed services a feasible or desirable Option.25 This would be less likely to be the case for teen-agers from families with higher socio-economic status. The postponement of full adult status by continuing professional or technical preparation is more likely to appear both possible and desirable in this case. As expected, when census classifications of the father's occupation are used, the male "non-drinker" is significantly over- represented in professional-managerial occupations in contrast to the male "drinker" who is overrepresented in clerical, operative and laborer classi— fications. Almost four in ten of the male "non-drinkers" reported their fathers as having professional-managerial occupational classifications as compared with only about one in seven of the "drinkers" (Table 25). Similarly, female "non-drinkers" are also overrepresented in middle range classifications and above in contrast to "drinkers," though the difference is less pronounced than in the case of the male. Sixtybsix percent of the "non-drinkers" re- ported craftsmen-foremen classifications or above for the father as compared to 58% of the ”drinkers." 25Havighurst, op. cit., develops this point of view in detail; see also Herbert.Hyman, "The Value Systems of Different Classes: A Social Psycho- logical Contribution to the Analysis of Stratification," in Class, Status and Power, op. cit. 111 TABLE 25 FATHER'S OCCUPATION, CENSUS GMSSIPIOATIONO‘ «*7 mam-game: mam: W > Hal: #1: finale Percentage Professional, technical and 1:111de 18 8 6 10 lanagers, officials, preprietors 21 15 9 13 Clerical and kindred workers 6 6 l6 8 Sales workers 5 5 2 2 Graftmen, formem and kindred workers 17 32 25 25 Operatives and kindred worker! 14 23 26 23 Private household workers 4 5 l 0 Service workers, except household 1 2 6 15 Pan laborers and foreman l2 3 0 0 Laborers, except fan: and mine 1 O 8 4 No answer or unclassified _J. __1 __J, _9_ Total 100 100 100 100 Nuber of cases '78 101 129 48 a When rowslandz, sBmdLandrows 5-ilareeollapsedineach column, for males only, I NK.01, T=.200: for fusion only, XzNP>.20. TABLE 26 FATHER'S ooctmnon , wanna OCCUPATIONAL mm“ W W Peroentmge 1 8 4 5 6 2 1 7 5 2 3 23 9 s a I. 23 31 25 27 5 22 34 33 32 6 15 JD 7 15 7 I. 2 5 2' Unclassified __4 _1 J; _;_8_ Total 100 100 100 100 129 Nmber of cases 78 101 1.8 a Whenrowslandz, rows31ndl.,androws 5-7 are collapsed in each column, fog both males and femles considered separately, 1 NP>.20. 112 These data suggest that teen-age self-identificatin as a "drinker" is associated with the lower socio-economic strata, as measured by the cen- sus classification of occupations. However, this inference must be care- fully drawn. Census classifications of occupation are gross categories which include occupations covering a wide range of income and prestige. "Professional, technical and kindred workers," for example, equates physi- cians and ”healers," college professors and grade school teachers. "Pro- prietors, managers and officials" includes hotel managers and manufacturers, forest rangers and motion picture executives. While the particular com- munity under study did not include such extremes necessarily, inferences based on census classifications of occupations must be considered as tentative. Some modifications of inferences drawn from the use of census classi- fications alone are suggested when the classificatory procedure of Warner is used. When the reported occupations of the fathers are distributed on a seven point Werner scale, among males, "non-drinkers” tend to be slightly overrepresented at the middle range of the scale with "drinkers" as slightly overrepresented at the upper and lower extremes. Use of the Warner occu- pational scale does not require, therefore, modification of the inference drawn from the census classification that "drinkers" are overrepresented at the lower range of the occupational prestige hierarchy (Table 26) but sug- gests that "drinkers" are also at the opposite pole of status structure. Though these observed differences in distribution are not statistically significant, the pattern of distribution is consistent with the observations of other analysts that drinking behavior is more evident in the "upper" and "lower" classes than in the "middle class."26 When the Werner Index of Status 26FOr example, Dollard, 0p. cit.; M. N. Chappell, et al,‘Q§e of Alcoholip Bevera es Amon Hi h School Students (New York: The Mrs. Jo S. Sheppard Foundation, 1953), lglfound that the number of parents keeping beer, wine 113 Characteristics, which includes a summary index of education, source of in- come and occupation scales, is employed, essentially the same modifications of the inference drawn from census classifications of occupations are suggested (Table 27). Among males "non-drinkers" are found to be slightly overrepresented in the middle range of the index with "drinkers" overrepre- sented at the extremes. Contrary to both the census classification and the Werner occupational scale when each is used alone, however, among females, the 'drinkers' are found to be slightly overrepresented at the extremes of the index scale rather than only at the lower end. The differences are not statistically significant. .§E§£E§.§£¥é£?§é£§fL§P§.Efiflfifiifiiéflfifis“ While an adolescent receives his socio-economic position in the community largely from the status of the father, the adolescent may aspire to and identify himself with a socio- economic position he prefers as well as the one he himself expects to achieve as an adult. His reference groups, considered in terms of his preferred socio-economic position, may not coincide either with his membership or ex- pected membership groups. For example, the son of a factory operative may aspire to a professioral occupation or to be in a social class higher than the one his family currently occupies. He may have as the model of his be- havior in such a case the image of the adult nho occupies the status positions or hard liquor in the home increased directly with the number of rooms in the home. However, this suggests the source of alcohol available to teen— agers rather than their uses of alcohol at the various socio-economic levels. Robert Straus and 9. D. Bacon ‘flrinking ighpollege (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953), Léff report the percentage of drinkers in American colleges to be positively correlated with family income. But again this reflects a se— lective socio-economic bias; lower socio-economic strata drinking behavior is not adequately reflected in this conclusion. These data do support, how- ever, the conclusion that drinking is an "upper" as well as a "lower class" phenomena among students. 114 TABLE 27 FATHER'S socm. cuss, WARNER man or sums camcmxsrxcs (130)“ W WW £59 £913], clan £319 £221.: £11 M2 (Percentage) Upper class 3 0 5 Upper middle class 15 11 15 8 lower middle class 27 35 23 21 Upper lower class 42 1.6 37 47 lower lower class 1 2 ‘7 10 Unclassified _]_.3 __§ $2 ___8_ Total 100 100 100 100 Huber of men 78 101 129 43 " Ihenronland 2am rowe4and5erecollapsedin each col , for both males and fanales considered sepa- mtaly’ x ~P>eme TABLE 28 0 ems rsrmrss or AGOEPTABILITY or users occuwrlon H13 3211 on amass“ M22321: 12mm: Estimate m: m montage No good at all 6 ll 12 13 Not very good 23 11 z 17 Fair 26 2‘ 2'7 29 Good 23 m 22 25 Very good 19 25 ll. 10 No answer _1 __; 4 __§ Total 100 100 100 lm Huber of cases 78 101 129 1.8 " lhenrowsland 2nd rows AendSereeollapsed in each column, for both males and females considered upt- rately, XZNP>.Z). 115 to which he aspires rather than the father. A similar observation might be made of the female whose status aSpirations which are expected to be realized in a career or in marriage do not coincide with her present status position. The following paragraphs will explore the relevance of status aspirations 3§£L3_gi§_status expectations for understanding the drinking behavior of teen—agers in high school. - When the father's occupation is projected as a possible occupation for self or for husband, "drinkers" were more likely than "non-drinkers” to evaluate this possibility as ”not very good" or "no good at all” (Table 28). This is consistent with the observation that "drinkers" are more likely than others to come from families in which the occupational status of the father is predominantly low. Among males, 42% of the "non-drinkers" considered the father's occupation as'good" or "very good" as a possibility for them- selves in contrast to only 36% of the "drinkers." Slightly more than half of the female "non-drinkers" considered the father's occupation as "good" or ”very good" for themselves or their Spouses in contrast to one of three of the ”drinkers." As might be expected on the basis of assessments of the acceptability of the father's occupation for self or husband, differential preference for OCCUpations were expressed by "drinkers" and "non-drinkers! Among males 57% of the "non-drinkers" and 50% of the "drinkers" indicated a preference for professional managerial occupations for themselves (Table 29). When this preference is compared withfithe reported occupational status of the father (see Table 25, above), the number of "non-drinkers" preferring this classification increases only by about one—half over the number whose fathers have this classification. The number of "drinkers" preferring this classi— fication is more than three times as large as the number whose fathers have 116 TABLE 29 3101111429 OOOUPATIONAL PWCES, cmsus cussxmcu'm roa SELF on spouse“ Professional , technical and kindred U. 38 42 31 Ihnegers, officials, proprietors 13 2 8 2 Feners and turn managers 3 O 0 0 Clerical and kindred workers 3 29 2 25 Sales workers 1 0 1 2 Craftsmen, foruen and kindred 11 l 7 2 Operatives and kindred workers 5 1 5 2 Private household workers 3 8 l 2 Service workers, except household 0 7 5 15 Penn laborers or foruen l 0 * O No mar J.§ .14 fi .12 Total 100 1(1) 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 1.8 ‘ When rowslendz; eB-5endrows 7-10 ere collepa ineach column; for males only, I N.20>P>.10; for females only, I NP>.20. Less than one percent. TABLE 30 SWS' OCCUPATIONAL PWGES, WARNER OCCUPATIONAL INDEX, FOR BEL! 0R SPOUSE‘ W 2mm: v Edam! his lfals m Percentage One 27 9 34 1+ Two 8 13 3 13 Three 18 15 3 10 Four 17 29 '7 [.0 Five 5 11 ll 10 Six 0 l 2 2 Seven 1 O 1 0 Unclassified 3 33 j A Total - 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 48 a Whenrowslend2, rowsBandAandrowsS-7 ere cellspsed in each column, for males only, 12 ~P< .001, T:.21.1; for fanales only, XZNP>.Z). 117 a professional-managerial occupational classification. ”Drinkers" are also overrepresented among those who did not state an occupational preference. A similar but less pronounced relationship is noted when "drinkers" and "non- drinkers" are compared in terms of preferences for jobs falling in the first three ranks of the Werner scale and the scale position of the reported occupation of the father (cf. Table 30 with.Table 26, above). In this case the increase is 64% for "non-drinkers" and 117% for "drinkers." The pronounced differences between preferences for professional- managerial occupations and the reported occupational classification of the father observed among males is not found among females. When the same procedure that was applied to the male is applied to females, comparison of the number of students who prefer occupations which fall in the first three scale ranks of Tables 30 and 26 (above) with tie number whose fathers had such an occupational classification shows the same percentage of discre~ pancy (+ .85%) for both "drinkers" and "non-drinkers! Analysis of occupational expectations in relation to the reported occupational status of the father indicates essentially the same pattern for males as observed in the analysis of the relationship between student preferences and the reported status of the father. The discrepancy between expectations of the student for a professional-managerial occupational classification and the status of the father's reported occupation is greater for ”drinkers" than for "non-drinkers" (Table 31; cf. Table 25, above). A 150% increase is noted among "drinkers" whose fathers do not have this classi— fication but who expect to have professional-managerial occupations them- selves as compared with 17% of the "non-drinkers." Though the difference between the two categories of students is not so pronounced when the Warner Scale is used (Table 32; cf. Table 26), the larger discrepancy is noted 118 TABLE 31 STUDENTS' OCCUPATIONAL EXPECTATIONS, CENSUS CLASSIFICATION, FOR SELF 0R SPOUSEa "Non-grinker" " r er" Qggupgt ions; classificat ion £9 Fem a Male Female Percentage Professional, technical and kindred 35 21 27 27 Managers, offic ials, preprietors 10 2 6 2 Famers and fem managers 1 O l 0 Clerical and kindred workers 1 36 1 21 Sales workers 3 4 2 2 Craftsmen, foreman and kindred 12 2 10 2 Operatives and kindred workers 5 0 l2 4 Private household workers 0 2 l 2 Service workers, except household 0 6 I. 6 Farm laborers or foreman 5 l * 0 Laborers, except fann and mine 1 0 O O No answer .31 .12 JP. .22 Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 78 101 129 1.8 a when rows 1 and 2, rows 3-5 and rows 7-10 are collapsed in each column, for both males and females considered separately,x N.ZO>P7 .10. * Less than one percent. TABLE 32 STUIENTS' OCCUPATIONAL ExPECTATIONS, WARNER OCCUPATIONAL 1mm, FOR SELF 0R SPOUSF.aL W mks}! M £2 8 “a e Its-sis Percentage One 19 2 20 2 he 5 8 1 4 Three 11 8 3 2 Four 12 36 7 38 Five 13 12 23 12 Six 0 1 1 2 Seven 4 0 2 2 Unclassified 16 j _l,2 £ Total 100 100 100 100 Nmber of cases 78 101 129 AB When rows 1 and 2, rows 3 and l. and rows 5-7 are collapsed 'in each colmn, for males only 11527’V§35>P>‘°2’ 12.152; for females only 12” 119 among "drinkers" as expected on the basis of data derived from comparison of census classifications. The same analytical procedure applied to females again produced a some- what ambiguous result. For both categories of females the expected occu~ pational classification for self or Spouse is below the professional-managerial level for more students than report their fathers have this classification. The discrepancy downward is 4% for the "non—drinkers" and 63% for the "drinker" (Table 31; cf. Table 25, above) when census classifications are used. Essentially the same discrepancy downward is observed also when a Earner scale is employed (Table 32; cf. Table 26, above). This observed pattern may be eXplained at least in part by the fact that the female could respond in terms of either her own occupational expectations or that of her future Spouse. The occupational expectation of the spouse is for most teen- age females a matter of conjecture. When given an opportunity to state preferences, the females did tend to indicate a desire for upward mobility (see the discussion above). But when asked to Specify expectations it is probable that many of the females indicated their own occupational expecta- tions. In this case the downward occupational mobility evidenced is con- sistent with the dominant pattern of occupational stratification in American society which penalizes the female.27 The relationships among occupational mobility, sex and drinking may also be illustrated by the use of a "goodness of fit" test which compares the known\census occupational classifications of fathers (Table 25, above) with "Western Societies have traditionally assigned women jobs in and about the home and have resisted their entrance into the monetary work market.... women are often hired at lower wages...(they)generally reduce the status of the jobs they enter. Nemen's work is regarded by men as 'inferior' work; it is often simpler, lighter, more monotonous, and lower paid." D. C. Miller and W. H. Form, Industgial Sociology (New York: Harper, 1951), 361f. 120 student preferences (Table 29, above) and expectations (Table 31, above) for their own or their future Spouses' occupations. When each category of students is considered separately, students in all categories prefer occu- pations ranked above that of the father. The differences are significant. When expectations are considered, both male ”non-drinkers” and "drinkers" expect occupational classifications ranked above that of the father. Again the difference is significant in each case. While females also indicate a statistically significant preference for occupations above the father, they, unlike the males, indicate an eXpectation fer downward occupational mobility‘ whidh is also significant. When the magnitude of the differences among the father's classifi— cation and student preferences and expectatins is converted into values of T (Table 33), still another facet of the problem becomes clear( For males, upward occupational preferences and expectations are greater for the "drinker" than for the finch-drinker." 0n the contrary, for the female upward occu- pational preferences are greater for the "non-drinker" than for the ”drinker." Moreover, when occupational expectations are considered, the female "drinker" is more likely than others to expect downward mobility. Therefore, while drinking appears to be compatible with preferences and expectations of up- ward occupational mobility for the male, the reverse is true for the female. Finally, the students' expected social class as measured by Warner's Index of Status Characteristics follows a pattern that analysis of the data to this point would lead one to expect. Among males, "drinkers" are most likely to be found at the upper and lower extremes of social class structure and ”non-drinkers" in the middle range (Table 34). Among females, "drinkers" are overrepresented at the lower end of the class structure. 121 TABLE 33 MIONSHIP BETWEEN PREFERED AND EXPECTED OWUPATIONAL MOBILITY OF STUDENTS“ -.‘— —- *- ———-—— —-— —— — cw”- ...—“h..."— >._—.._—..._-__.._ isle. m t r' 0 cu ti :9 1.6.1 2‘19]! 3° “Non-drinker” "prinker' ”Non-QMgg' "grinker' (Values of '1‘)b Student preferences .248 .563 .459 .387 Student expectations .161 .370 .481 .587 Total nunber of cases 156 258 202 96 " Data from which the values of T in this table are computed are derived from a Chi Square "goodness of fit" test in which the distribution of the occupational classifications of the father is assumed to be the universe distribution (see Table 25). The distribution of occupations which students prefer (Table 29) and expect (Table 31) is then compared in turn separately . for both males and females. The values of 12 in each instance are sig- nificant at the five percentile level. 5 u. Hagood and D. Price, fiatigtiog for Sggioiogmg (New York: Holt, 1952), 370:. TABLE 31. STUDENTS' EXPECTED SOCIAL CLASS, when mm or STATUS CHARACTERISTICS (Isa)a F. -1- _ __..lh __—v*_w_ ____. _——-—_- flag-gnu; er“ 2;“ Wee ~ L812 em _.§ua1 Inns Percentage Upper class I. 2 2 2 Upper middle class 26 13 8 8 Lower middle class 17 1.5 9 [.2 Upper lower class 15 6 19 4 Lower lower class 1 0 3 6 Unclassified j i ‘32 _}Q Total 100 1CD 100 100 Number of cases '78 101 129 1.8 a When regs I. and 5 are collapsed in each calm, for males‘only, X NP4.001, T=.241; when rows 1 and 2 and rows 4 d 5 are collapsed in each column, for fueles 0m, NP)”. . Ii'. ill ll) ..I. n K‘ 't oilii 11‘"?qu [It'll] ‘ ‘ 122 The data on the relationship between the self-designation of the teen-ager as a "drinker" and his socioeeconomic positin may now be summar— ized. When either census occupational classifications and the Warner tech- niques for determining occupational and social class status is used, "drink- ers" tend to be overrepresented at the lower limits of the status structure. Among males there is also evidence of overrepresentation at the upper as , well as the lower extremes of the status structure, an observation con- sistent with findings in other research. When student occupational pre- ferences and expectations are compared with the reported occupational status of the father, the discrepancy in each case is greater for the male ”drink- er" than for the "nonLdrinker" and in each case the discrepancy indicates upwardly oriented status aSpirations. In the case of the females, on the cother hand, a different pattern is observed. The female ”non-drinkers" in contrast to the "drinkers" reveal the greater discrepancy upward between status preferences for themselves or their spouses and the reported status position of the father. Both categories of females indicate the expectation of downward occupational mobility for themselves or their spouses; a possible explanation for this anomalous finding has already been suggested in the somewhat ambiguous way in which the questionnaire requested this information. The female's occupational preferences are upward and moreso for the "non- drinker" than for the ”drinker." The female's occupational eXpectations fer self or Spouse are downward but in this case moreso for the "drinker" than for the ”non—drinker." It appears, then, that while for males the self-designation "drinker" is positively related to upward status aspira- tions, this is not so clearly the case fer females. This finding,a1though tenuous and complicated by sex-related occupational biases in American society, is consistent with the observed depreciation of drinking of the fe- male in contrast to the male in our society. 123 Summary This chapter has concentrated on the pattern of teen-age drinking. The focus of attention has been on an act--the self-designation of the high school teen-ager of himself as a ”drinker" or ”non-drinker"--and a description of the behavior involving the use of alcohol related to this act. Analysis of the data has also been organized around a second facet of the pattern of teen-age drinking—~the location of the self-designated "drinker” and "non- drinker" in a concrete social system particularly in terms of sex, age and socio-economic status. The data of this chapter are fUndamentally related to the larger purpose of this study which is to consider some of the func- tional aspects of the symbolic act of drinking. Most teen—age ”drinkers” were not found to use alcohol either fre- quently or in quantity. They did report consistency in their drinking be- havior; drinking for them was not experimental or occasional as appears to be the case for most drinking "non-drinkers." For the "drinker" the use of alcohol appeared to be a normal part of his behavior. He was most likely to drink with his peers in situations in which adults were absent and par— ticularly at a party. The surreptitious aspects of his drinking behavior are in large part explained by the recognized disapproval of adolescent drink- ing by adults and society's definition of this behavior as illegal. He never reported drinking with his parents as though they were his peers. The American adolescent lives in a society in which he occupies a somewhat anomalous structural position of being no longer a child but not quite an adult. He lives in a society which also defines appropriate behavior for male and female adults differently. Both the age grading and the sex have significance fer understanding his use of or abstinence from the use of alcohol. Regardless of his selfedesignation as a "drinker" or a 121. "non-drinker" the teen-age adolescents studied perceived the adult as a person who drinks at least sometimes. But he also perceived the adolescent as a "non-drinkenr This means that the teen-ager's conception of himself as an adolescent or an adult should be closely related to his self—designation as a "drinker" or "non-drinker." The data suggest that this is the case. These teen-agers who are older, who fer whatever reason are playing or ex— pect to play soon adult-like roles, who prefer adult models of behavior and who are least active in organized teen-age activities-~these are the teen- agers who are most likely to designate themselves as "drinkers." While some teen—age peer groups in some cases support the "drinker's" conception of himself, this is clearly not the case for most teenrage peer groups. There was no conclusive evidence that there are identifiable patterns of drinking in a distinctive "youth culture" peculiarly distinct from those observable in the adult community. The observed peculiarities in the use of alcohol by the "drinker" are more plausibly explained by the marginal position he has between adolescence and adulthood than by a "youth culture"'pg£_§§. The "drinker" seems best described as a person whose reference groups are pri- marily adult but whose interaction groups are necessarily largely composed of adolescents. His claims to adult status, or at least to the adult right to discretion about one's drinking or abstinence, are acknowledged by neither adults nor other adolescents. 2;% From the little evidence which is available on the drinking mores of the different classes in American society it appears that drinking is most common among "upper class" and "lower class" individuals. The data of this study give some support to this observation for males but indicate that the female "drinker" is overrepresented only in the ”lower class." Males with aspirations fer upward social mobility are also more likely than others to 125 self-designate themselves as ”drinkers.n Whether or not this relationship can be explained in terms of the ability of drinking to facilitate this mobility could not be ascertained from the data. The relationship observed between status aspirations and the self—designation of "drinker" among the males was not found among females. The wider theoretical relevance of the data in this chapter for an understanding of age grading, reference group behavior and a sociological theory of symbolism will be considered in Chapter VI. The immediate task now is to consider both the formal and informal normative connotations of the act of drinking imputed by teen-agers and inferred from their reported behavior. I'll!!! Ill CHAPTER IV DRINKING AS SOCIAL BEHAVIOR: NORMATIVE ASPECTS A Iheogy of Social norms The category of social prescriptions encompassed by the term‘gggg_is broad and heterogeneous. The term includes observable regularities both in what the members of a social system do or expect to do and what they say they 22gh£_to do in a given situation. That individuals do not always do what they say they ggght to do is a truism demonstrable in the day to day activities of any observant person.1 But why this discrepancy between the; actual and ideal prescriptions of behavior should exist or why ideal pre— scriptions should exist in the face of contradictory actual behavior are not quite so amenable to common-sense analysis. However one eXplains variations in norms within the context of a particular social system, it may be observed that l) the norms prescribing appropriate behavior are not equally prevalent; 2) are not tied into a system of obligations and are not necessarily enforced in the same way; 3) are not specific and rigid in the same degree; and 4) are not always integrated with each other.2 It is for these reasons that the recognition of the shared ideal norms of behavior articulated by the members of a social system is not in itself an adequate basis for predicting how 1 Ralph Linton [p.g., he Cultural ack round of Personalit (New York: Appleton-Century—Croft, 1945), LB-SLihas conceptualized this common sense observation as ideal and actual and s discussed at some length the impli- cations of the distinction for the analysis of culture. zFor a more detailed discussion of these dimensions of analysis, see Robin Williams,'Agerican_Society'(New hark: Knopf, 1952), 25ff; see also 8. A. Stouffer, "An Analysis of Conflicting Norms,” American §ogiglogical Review 14 (1949), 707-18. 126 Ah'dual‘ 127 the members will actually behave in given situations. Social norms require organization for enforcement. This does not mean, however, that behavior which deviates from the articulated ideal norms of a group is random. Quite the contrary may be true. Robin Williams has pointed out the existence in social systems of what he called "customary ways of not conforming" or institutionalized variations and evasions of normative patterns.3 His analysis of institutionalized non- conformity with ideal norms in social systems emphasizes that an important basis of the discrepancy lies in the fact that norms transmitted as a part of the cultural heritage of a group tend to be general while social action is always situational and Specific. Factors of time, place, values, in— terests, knowledge and power all complicate and make very difficult the simple conversion of generalized rules into Specific behavior apprOpriate to a given concrete situation.4 In the situational application of ideal norms to behavior where there are l) the existence of alternative or con- flicting values, 2) the absence of clearly articulated consensus, and 3) a disparity of self/other relationships in which this perceived consensus is mutually supported, differences in the perception and the interpretation of apprOpriate norms are both possible and probable. But, again, it is relevant to emphasize that these differences in perception and interpretation may 302. cit., 347rr. 4A relatively recent study of the relationship between the moral beliefs of sixteen year old high school students and their application of these be- liefs in specific situational contexts found the correlation low. "The reason (for this) lies in the fact that in the life problems several accept- able values were set into conflict with each other...." The conflict of values and the necessity of decision required compromise which was not so obvious when each value could be considered separately. See "Moral Beliefs and Their Application," in gdolescent character and Personality (New York: Wiley,l949), 89, eds. R. J. Havighurst and Hilda Tabs. Additional related evidence is found in Muzafer Sherif, Psychology of Social Norms (New York: Harper 1936) esp. 90-98. Sherif found that, in an experimental situation, 128 sometimes take on the character of "customary ways of not conforming." Williams hypothesizes that such patterns of nonconformity are typically ob- served in situations in which the "deviant" behavior 1) is functional for the relevant social system or subparts of it, 2) is practiced by members of the society whose power position makes them immune to social sanctions, and 3) is punished only periodically or ritually insofar as there is insufficient consensus to permit effective prohibition of the behavior. Drinking And Social Norms A study of teensage drinking offers an excellent Opportunity for an empirical analysis of the relationship between ideas and actual norms and for testing Williams' hypothesis which emphasizes situational factors as intervening variables in the application of ideal norms. This is the case because in American society drinking behavior is as controversial as it is common and actualities frequently conflict with ideals. Our cultural heritage incorporates at least two diverse traditions about drinking. On the one hand, it is accurate to observe that Social tradition, economic competition and governmental practice provided the social sanctions for the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages in early America. By the beginning of the nineteenth century the new nation had established a reputation as a hard-drinking peeple. And both common sense observation and research indicate that in the twentieth century drinking is still widespread.6 individuals faced with objectively unstable stimuli developed norms structur- ing perception. In group situations the norms developed by individuals separately tended to converge. 5a. G. McCarthy and s. M. Douglass, Alcohol and Soci_al Responsibility (New York: Crowell, 1949), 12; for one of the few concise but comprehensive sur- veys of the history of drinking in the United States, see also Chapters 1-5. 6See the summaries of recent research studies on drinking in the United States reported in Chapter I. v 1 1.3!. [Iii . ..llll: .111 I: 129 On the other hand, the temperance movement in the United States has a history almost as old as the nation itself, the ideology of temperance be— coming an organized force in this country in the early years of the nine— teenth century. Tb early leaders of this movement temperance meant modera- tion rather than total abstinence and the proponents of temperance relied primarily on moral suasion rather than political action. In the latter half of the century, however, emphasis was increasingly placed on total abstinence and moral suasion rapidly gave way to programs of political action designed to achieve the goal of abstinence by means of state and national prohibition. This prohibitionist movement reached the high water mark in the passage of the Eighteenth (Prohibition) Amendment in 1919. In Spite of the political defeat symbolized by the repeal of national prohibition in the Twenty-first Amendment (1933), the ideology of temperance (abstinence) remains strong.7 The persistent strength of the temperance movement in a society char- acterized by the institutionalized drinking in which a majority of the mem- bers participate is an interesting contradiction. One still hears occas- ionally humorous comments about citizens who "stagger to the polls to vote 'dry'" and at least one state still places a tax on the sale of alcohol in the state in spite of the fact that such sale is illegal. largaret.lead has suggested that persistent straining toward ideal norms which are contradicted by actuality reflects an orientation toward the future and what might be which is peculiarly a part of American person- 8 ality structure. While Mead has developed this theme with particular w.‘- .— 7For good historical surveys of the temperance movement in America see McCarthy and Douglass, especially Chapters 2 and 3; for an analysis of one segment of the temperance movement, see J. R. Gusfield, “Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the WOman's Christian Temperance Union," American gpgrnal of Sociologyi_LXI (1955), 221-32. ‘ “c-o—u-ow- Male and ggmale (New York: The New American Library, 1955), Part IV, a) .ly-trlcrv 130 emphasis on sex, others have also discussed the relevance of this discrepancy between ideal and actual norms with regard to the use of alcohol. A. B. Hollingshead, for example, in a discussion of "tabooed pleasures” in a mid- western town writes: The clandestine pursuit of pleasure is fostered, in opposition to official protestations, by a set of conSpiratorial rules which encourage the breaking of tabooes by adolescents as well as adults. What we have called the conSpiracy of silence...re- presents the central working principles which organizes behav— ior in this area of culture. It may be summarized in the follow- ing way: One must not publicly admit the existence of tabooed behavior traits except in condemnatory terms for to recognize their existence is bad, to condone is abhorrent to r93pectahls people and to admit any knowledge of their violation is wicked. Finally, to have any interest in learning about the way the latent patterns work is the worst social error a person can commit. In other words, to violate a taboo is "bad;" but to talk about it is "vicious."9 The impression of still other analysts that drinking in the United States is frequently surrounded by normative ambiguities need not be illustrated fhrUler. The point is not that all drinking is surrounded by ambiguity and Bubbralence. Rather, although drinking is quite common behavior in our society, it is nevertheless frequently said to be surrounded by a "conSpir- acy of silence." In this chapter the extent to which teen-age drinking in a Specific concrete social system is characterized by normative ambiguity Will be SXplored. To this point in the discussion of a theory of norms, attention has been directed primarily to the social factors which foster and the consequences x- especially l9lff. This is a Special case of William Graham Summer's idea of "Strain toward consistency." See his Fblkways (Boston: Cinn, 1906), 5. 9Elmtoqn's Iguth'(New York: Wiley, l949), 288f; see also A. Myerson, "Alcohol: A Study in Social Ambivalence," anrtgglzgigugnal_9£;§igdies on $33th 1 (1940), 13-20. An elaboration of the theoretical significance of e "conSpiracy of silence” is found in W. E. Moore and M. M. Tumin, "Social Mnctions of Ignorance," AmericanfiSggiqlpgical Rflgg, L’. (1949), 787-95. ’ .‘fid 131 which follow from disparities in ideal and actual norms. Implicit in what has been said is the assumption that in a given social system that there is consensus about what the ideal norm is and that disparities are sufficiently rationalized to evoke "strains toward consistency" and feelings of ambivalence. There is some question about the adequacy of these assumptions, partic~ ularly in the analysis of drinking. For example, we have noted that there is a dual tradition in our cultural heritage about the use of alcohol. It becomes appropriate, therefore, to ask whether abstinence is in fact an ideal norm of American society or the ideal norm of a segment of undetermined size in the society. Williams and others have noted that institutinalized non-conformity to norms may be functional in complex societies but the im- plications of the ideal-actual disparity have been intellectually exploited hammer than the implications of the institutionalization of non-conforming behaVior. It is quite possible that the problem should be rephrased to in- cbmde at least one alternative in this way: In a complex society character- ized by multiple traditions, the social significance of the alternative ideals may resolve itself into a problem of acting on the implications of both one and then the other ideal in specific situational contexts.10 If this is the case, the study of teen-age drinking provides a test of the adequacy of the formulation of the theory of norms in complex societies primarily in terms of unresolved disparities in the ideal and actual which are often assumed to be a source of ambivalence and strain. “‘9‘- 10Sherif (op. city), for example, refers to certain unstructured situations in which, within certain limits, there is no "right" and "wrong" judgment. Similarly, Stouffer (op. cit.) reports a type of student who has resolved differences in the norms of authority figures and student groups on cheat— ing without apparent difficulty by making situational distinctions and find— ing common ground between the disparate norms. 132 The manifest and latent normative connotations imputed by teen—agers themselves to the use of beverage alcohol will be the center of interest. Attention is directed to both their explicit and implicit evaluations of the symbolic act of drinking. Their normative judgments about drinking are discussed both in terms of the imputation of "rightness" or "wrongness" to this act and also in terms of the situational factors which qualify these judgments. The analysis will concentrate successively on student perceptions of norms in the community governing drinking and on how factors of sex, age, socio-economic status and participation in organized religions are related to the normative aspects of drinking behavior. “~-‘“~ The norms which teen-agers perceived as relevant to drinking are very complex. This complex relationship was evident very quickly in the inter- views in which students talked informally, and usually quite frankly, about their experiences with the use of alcohol and their evaluations of those ex- periences. The following excerpts are illustrative of a commonly encountered point of view: I first put down (on the questionnaire) 'drinking is never right,‘ but I have changed that because I didn'tthink about it too much at the time. I would say that it's an individ- ual's own business. Well, my girl, for instance, she con- siders drinking quite bad...she won't associate with any people who drink. She considers it bad morals; she thinks everybody gets drunk every time they drink. But I found that not to be—-that isn't true. I don't agree with her at all. It's your own business whether you drink or not. (Interview 35) Well, really, I don't think drinking is right, but I don't know why they do it or why I do it either. But it's just for fun I guess, goes along with the party, just to be one of the guys I guess. (Interview 48) 133 I circled 'drinking is never right no matter what the cir- cumstances.'...(Have you ever tasked alcohol?) Yes, at a Christmas party this year with my relatives. I would rather do it with them. I don't really know why I did it because it didn't enter my mind. I was thirsty and it was cold and I was supposed to be taking a drink to my dad. It was half gone before I got there (laughs). (Interview 17) Well, I am very much against drinking. It's alright, I mean, I don't care anything about it. Like people I know, when they have a party, they drink then. I know most of the fathers are this way. They have a beer when the ball game is on or something. I'm not against that at all, but I don't think it is good for their health. I won't mind if my husband drinks but I don't think I will. (Interview 25) Seeing that I drink myself, I think differently, even though I do drink. I took the last answer, 'drinking is never right no matter what the circumstances'-—for teen—agers that is. Cnterview 24) With one exception the students who are quoted here indicated on their questionnaires that they believe drinking to be "wrong." At the same time, both the substance of what they said and the casual way in which they talked about the use of alcohol make it evident that this "wrong" behavior is hedged with a number of conditions. The variety of conditions under which this "wrong" behavior was acceptable to many teen-agers suggests that, for many‘of’them, drinking is better described in terms of situational appro- priateness or inappropriateness rather than in terms of rightness or wrong- ness in an absolute moral sense. Some teen-agers also explicitly distinguished between moral and prag- matic rationales for abstinence, as the "drinker" who said, fly mother says that I absolutely shouldn't drink, its im-_ moral. I don't get the deal. She says it's harmful. I believe that and that's it. (Interview 49) Mbreover, pragmatic rationales for abstinence were given by students who variously thought of drinking as "breaking training," too expensive or as reserved for adults only. For others, drinking was behavior which they could take or leave. 134 loll, I don't see that it's a problem in.my life. But, I lean, occasionally taking a drink isn't bad as long as you don't go out and get dead drunk and make a.fool of yourself. (Interview 13) I think in general that for kids it doesn't matter so much about drinking. I mean they like to drink but I don't think thoydo it Justto be smart. Alot of them do, but! don't in.general think they drink Just to be smart. They drink becsuse they like it. They aren't heavy drinkers. They will drink. They aren't set against it but they aren't all for it. (Interview 58) Oh, myself, I don't go for drinking at all, but I don't hold it against anybody if they do it.properly. Iou know, social but not make a fool of themselves. There's a few that-they indulge quite a bit, yet they're doing it Just for new. I don't think they'will turn out to be drunkards. (Interview 46) Some students gave "religious reasons" as a basis for abstinence but there was little indication that the teen-agcrs generally perceived a close association between organized religion and abstinence. As one said, I think drinking is wrong. Quite a few of my friends have religious reasons. Believing that it is srong—-I mean, their religion teaches it. And then.eole of them think it's wrong because they do things that you wouldn't ordinarily do and so that makes it wrong...I know quite a few peeple their religion is against it and they drink anyway but I think that most people, if their religion is against it, I don't think they do. (luterview 36) An ”approving drinker" reported, on the other hand, Our (drinking) group consists of Christian Scientists, a for Catholics, s for lethodists and.Jeus but it doesn't sake any difference...flone of the ministers know us. Only a few of us go to the same church. (Interview 49) Although.the relationship between participation.in.organized religious groups and teensage drinking will be considered in some detail later in this chap- ter, it should be emphasized at this point.that the perceived relationship is of primary interest. Whether there is a relationship between "religious— sass” and abstinence is a question which cannot be resolved on the basis of date analyzed here. In the face of the sacramental use of alcohol in some churches, the toleration of “moderate drinking“ by some religious groups 135 and student perceptions that drinking is behavior which is cannon to a majority of adults at least some of when are members of religious organi- zations, it is understandable why it is..extremeiy difficult to stigmatize all drinking as norally wrong or illegitinate behavior. In fact, some teen-agers sore explicit in rejecting the notion that all drinking is illegitimate behavior in American society. Said one, In the army they'll give anybody an alcoholic beverage as long as he is on the post and you can't get drunk. So right there, if alcohol has got anything to hurt you physically they wouldn't give it to the soldiers. (Interviee 50) And another, They don't advertise marijuana so I think that's why most kids are scared to death of it...alcohol, that's different because they advertise it and everything. Iverytime you see it, it leaks good and you'll want it. (Interview 11.) It is irrelevant to point out the questionable logic implicit in these quota- tions. However, some students do perceive that alcohol is available to a «meat of the population-owe any-which presumably must be physically fit. loreover, alcohol is advertised through mass media of consummation, although interestingly, radio and television networks prohibit through their own ethical codes acceptance of advertisements of beverages with high alcoholic content and some newspapers refuse to accept such advertisements. The in- ference drawn by some students is that these situations would not exist or would not be condoned if drinking were not ligitimate behavior. These stu- dent observations suggest the impact both or publicity given during the Second lorld lar to the ilportance on providing beer to men in the armed forcesu and or the continual publicity. in the massnedia in an attempt .to Drier-y overseas veteran is aware of the high priority given to mail, cigarettes and beer and every veteran is aware of the status distinctions in- plicit in making only beer available to enlisted nan while distilled beverages were made available to officers in their clubs. 136 create or sustain a desire for alcohol. A more important observation nay be that the acceptance of drinking behaviorhy society implicit in this pub— licity functions to legitimise the desire to drink as well as to create it. The total impression left by the interview data is that drinking, even by teen-agers, is sometimes ”right" and sonatiaes "wrong.“ A recurrent emphasis of the students was on situational factors related to the appro- priateness or inappropriateness of this behavior. Whether one is a sale or female, an athzlt or an adolescent, a person who does or does not observe the rules of IModeration" and propriety in where and how such he drinks appear as important in understanding the normative judgments which teen-agers sake about drinking as abstract notions of the "rightness" or 'wrongness" of the behavior which they verbalize. This conclusion is also supported by data from the questionnaire. When students were asked to indicate their personal opinion about drinking by people their own age in terns of 'right,I 'wrong" or some quali- fication of these polar positions, only a minority chose either of the polar responses and the great majority preferred to qualify whatever judgment they nade (Table 35) . In the sample of two hundred previously described as repre- sentati ve of the total research population, [.85 of the students thought drink- ing by teen-agers to be “wrong," although only 18$ of then thought this be- havior to be unconditionally wrong "no matter what the circumstances." In the subsequent analysis, students .who thought drinking ''wrong" will be re- ferred to as 'diaapproveraJn 'Ilnse remaining will be referred to as l'approvu- era" with the understanding that in both cases approval and disapproval. were more likely to be conditional rather, than absolute. Along 'drinkens,' both Isles (81$) and females (92%) approved of drinking among persons their own age. While this was less true for the 137 TABLE 35 NOMIVE JUNMENTS BY STUDENTS 0F DRINKING BY AGE PEERS‘ W - r " mane: N mativ ud en Male Female Isle Female (Percentages All right 0 0 8 2 All right if it does not become a habit 12 10 17 30 All right if self control is not lost 9 10' 25 28 All right if one is not driving 1 0 5 6 All right if confined to weekends O O 2 0 All right if only on special Occasions 6 9 2 6 All right if one drinks only with group 0 0 0 0 All right if with parental approval 0 3 2 2 All right if prOperly supervised 3 l 2 2 All right if ‘at- home with parents 3 4 3 6 Right or wrong, depends on circumstances 13 9 15 10 Wrong, except once to try it 6 2 2 2 Wrong, but it's one's own business 25 29 9 6 Wrong under any circumstances 18 20 5 0 No answer __A _1 _} __Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 1.8 ‘ When rows 1-11 and rows 12-11. are collapsed in each column, for both males and resales considered separately, 1 ~P<.0013 for males only, 1': .371, and for females only, 1‘:.505. When males and resales with the ease self-desimation are compared, in each case I NP>.Z). 138 ”non-drinkers} only-slightly less than half of both the sales and females in this category also indicated approval. loreoner, along the 49$ of the male 'non-drinkers' and 53 of the tension in this category who disapproved of drinking, one in four of all the sales and alnost three in ten of the females in the category qualified their judgnents by adding “but drinking is one's own business.‘ this seem that in spite of the fact that a eajority of students do not drink and only a snail sinotiry designate the- selves as “drinkers” about half of all the students ”approve” of drinking anong teen-agers under soae circa-stances. Less than one in five, disapproved of drinking by teen-agers unconditionally. the possible relevance of age grading for understanding the ilplioations of these data is apparent. lost teen-agers perceived half or sore of the adults as persons who drink. While students were not asked directly whether drinking is "right" or “wrong" for adults, other data allow oneto infer student responses. For example, it has been noted previously that students ' both perceived differences in adult and teen-age drinking behavior and , in the interviews, frequently consented on the inappropriateness of drinking until one 'oones of age.” Teen-agers were aware that adults do not neces- sarily approve of drinking by minors even when .the adults themselves are drinkers. In brief, in assessing the. some relevant for drinking by their - peers, teen-agers were reluctant to stignatise drinking behavior as 'wmng' even when they themselves were not "dri.nka1:s.'r The ilplications of this will be developed in the following paragraphs. 139 “may; ts'And arcs tions f The Commit 2 The dimension of approval/disapproval was not found to be significantly related to student perceptions of. the properties: of adults who drink :reg- ularly. With the single exception of the foals "approving non—drinker,“ the majority of teen-agers in all categories who made an estinate at all be- lieved that at least half of all adults drink regularly. The estimate of students in the exceptional category was only slightly less than one-half (table 36). Along sales, ”approving drinkers' are overrepresented among those estimating that three-fourths or more of all adults drink regularly but so are the ”disapproving non-drinkers" anong fenales. When estimates of high school students who are said to drink "sons- times” are considered, as night be expected both sale (55‘) and female (54;) 'approving drinkers" believed that at least half or more students drink. Estimates of all other categories are lower (Table 37). Ioreover, for sales, the 'approvers' among both 'drinkers" and "non-drinkers' are overrepresented among those who estimate the largest proportion of high school drinkers. 12hr further analysis of the relationship between normative evaluations of drinking and the use of alcohol or the self-designation of the student as a “drinker,“ the dimensions of "approval" and 'Idisapproval'I of drinkitg h teen-agers are employed to establish four basic categories. These are 1; "approving drinkers; " 2) "approving non-drinkers ; " 3) "disapproving drinkersg" and 4) “disapproving non-drinkers." The categories, which are further subdivided on the basis of sex, provide the forest for most of the tables appearing subsequently in this chapter. It will be noted that the total number of "drinkers" and ”non-drinkers" in some instances are not identicalwith those in previous tables. This discrepancy resulted from the failure of a few students to answer. questions crucial to their identi- fication in one of the categories. It should be noted also that the amber of female ”disapproving drinkers" is too small for neaningml statistical analysis. the limitations which this distribution plaeem certainPoon- clusions is taken into consideration iathe appropriate contest. 140 TABLE 36 momma JUDGHENTS ABOUT DRINKING IN RELATION 1'0 ssrmmzs or m: PROPORTION OF ADULTS WHO DRINK “RaouuRm‘ W Elsa-minim: 12:33.91: W Queens teams: W“ rov " lemma: W (Percentage) None 0 2 1 5 One-fourth 1.1 u, 34 38 One-half 41 39 1.0 1.8 Three-fourths 9 10 19 9 All, nearly all 0 0 I. 0 No answer __9 __j_ ....2 ___Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 31. 1.1 105 21 By fmalgg None 2 2 2 0 One-fourth 1.8 4.1 1.8 25 One-half 29 37 30 50 Three-fourths 17 16 16 25 All, nearly all 2 2 2 O No answer __2 _2 _3 __Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 1.2 56 4/, l, a When rows 1 and 2 and rows r and 5 are collapsed in each column, for both males and fables considered separately, XZNP>.20. 141 TABLE 37 NORMATIVE JUMTS ABOUT DRINKING IN RELATION '10 ESTIMATES OF THE PROPORTION OF HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS WHO DRINK "SOMETIMES”a mm mm: W 51291:: Samar. " " " " W . Percentage None 0 5 2 5 Ono-fourth 53 71 1.1 1.7 One-half 38 12 33 24 Three-fourths 6 7 18 19 L11, nearly all 3 0 1+ 5 No answer __Q .1 _2 ...9. Total 160 100 100 1 0 Number of cases 34 1.1 105 21 W None 2 O O 0 One-fourth 61. 61 U. 50 One-half 21 30 36 50 Three-fourths 10 9 16 0 All, nearly all 3 0 2 0 No answer ....9. ...9. ...2 ..Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases [.2 56 [.4 l. a When rows 1 and 2 and rows 1. and 5 are collapsed in each colur:n,2for>males only, XZN.05>P>.02,T '1‘- “.1793 for females NP . 142 Among fusles, however, the pattern of estinetes is less consistent although the differences are not significant. While the estinates node by the "approving drinker' of the proportion of huh school students rho drink 'soaetins" are higher than those of the I"ii-approving drinker," the relation— ship is reversed among the 'um-drinkera." In contrast to their perceptions of regular drinking along adults, a majority of students, regardless of their on "approval" or 'disapprovsl' of teen-age drinking, believed that less than half the persons of their own age in school were regular drinkers (Table 38). let the pattern of esti- sates fond along 'approvers" and 'disapprovers' is not consistent sith the ' hypothesis advanced earlier that students would naxiaise in their estimates the proportion of students Iith an identification like their cm. This hypothesis ens found to he supported previously when both "drinkers" and "non- drinkers" tended to miaize the proportion of students who drink or abstain respectively. when Isle ”drinkers” are considered, the hypothesis is only partly supported. Thirty-nine percent of the 'disapprovers' in contrast to 34% of the ”approvers" estiaated that half or more of students drink regularly. Along asle "uon-drinkers,‘I however, the perceptions are reversed: Ten percent of the 'disapprovers' as against 6‘ of the 'approvers' made this estimate. he significant difference in estiaatee along males appears to be attributable to disparity in the perceptions of “drinkers. and "non-drinkers" rather than between 'approvers'! and ”disapprove“. " I‘ The fenele pattern of estdutes, on the other hand, is consistent with the hypothesis. 'Approvers' are nore likely than others.r to estimate half or more of the students drink regularly. Along. men-drinkers,“ slabst four .in ten of the “approve-rs" in contrast to slightly lore than two in ten of the TABLE 38 NORMATIVE .111st ABOUT DRINKING IN RELATION TO ESTIMATES OF _:.__ ‘— nm PROPORTION OF HIGH SCHOOL STUIENTS WHO DRINK "REGULARLY'a W W W 91-13198 3.4mm: " " " " W“ Percentage None 20 15 1 10 One-fourth 7/. 63 51 51 One-half O 5 23 24 Three-fourths 3 5 6 5 All, nearly all 3 O 5 10 No manor .2 ...1 ...3 ...Q Total 100 100 100 100 Ember of cases 34 1.1 105 21 m: None 19 1!. 5 0 One-fourth Al 66 50 75 One-half 19 18 23 0 Three-fourths 12 2 11 25 All, nearly all 7 2 9 0 No answer __2 J ...2 J Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 42 56 u. I. ‘ 'hen rows 1 and and rows 1. and 5 are collapsed in each col- N.02>P>.01, T=.180; for resales only: fraleonl X xiii-”omen Om> P>0100 1U. "Disapprovers“ nade this estimate. Among "drinkers,” 43$ of the "approvers' as compared with 25$ of the 'disapprovers' did also. In sun, when all. students are considered, no clear patterns of estimates of the proportion of drinkers enong adults and teen-egers sas found to be re- lated to the dimension of approval or disapproval of drinking by students. This is in contrast to the pattern observed previously in which ”drinkers“ proved lore likely than others to perceive large proportions of both adults and teen-agers as drinkers. lo simple explanation of the observed incon- sistency is inediateh apparent in the analysis of the data. The explanation advanced earlier that the I'drinlter” and the "non-drinker" both tend to laxi- Iise the size of their reference groups does not hold consistently in the case of the narrative dimension of approval/disapproval. homtive Ju ents d lacenggt 33 A Social Slates In Chapter Three, factors of sex, age grading and socio-econonic status were found to be related both to the student's self-designation as a “drinker“ and to his drinking. These factors I111 now be considered again, but this tine in relation to noraative Judgaents about drinking. In addition, special attention will be given to the relationship of noraative judgments about drinking and student participation in organised religious groups whose theo- lazical and ethical teachings night he expected to affect these judgments. 84;.— Sea hasslreedy been shore to be significantly related to drink- the behavior. mu are lore 11m: than fendes l) to self-designate then- INil-nee as "drinkers,“ 2) {to report sore frequent and sore intense drinking “'4 3) to apply a.'douh1e standard' for males and felales. Bonavenyanelysie °f Tab1e 35 (above) in teens ofthe sex distribution of 'appmvers' and “dis- approm- breaks this consistent pattern. a Though the differences are not aiiinil-fic'nnt, faale "non-drinkers" are nore likely than the sales in .the f... 15.5.1. 145 same category to be ”disapprovens.' This is as would be expected. But the relationship is reversed along “drinkers.” the female is more likely than the sale to be an.'approver.!. the explanation of this neversal is not inmediately apparent. It is plausible to.speculate, nevertheless, that the female "drinker" experiences a special pressure to legitimize her self; identification with a fern of behavior which is less permissible for.her than for sales. linetyatso percent of the feaale "drinkers" in contrast to 81% of the Isles in the sale category approved drinking by persons their own age. Age grggigg and reference group behavior.¢ The relationship between age and nor-ative judgments about the use of alcohol are less clear than the previously observed relationship between age and the student's self- designation as a “drinker" or "non-drinker.“ Nevertheless, there is a slight but non-significant tendency for “approvers” in every category to be somewhat older than."disapprovers,' if the four female “disapproving drinkers' are excluded (Table 39). The importance of biological age alone should not be overanphasized. Slight differences in biological age are probably less significant in our society for understanding teen-age drinking than is the related phenomenon of a teen-ager's identification with adult or adolescent reference groups. This identification is not accounted for.hy increasing age alone, however. Graduation fron high school, for example, is a aajor break point in the social develop-ent of the individua1;xit.narks the beginning of the tile fbr lost students when they must assume adult—like roles even though they randin ‘ adhere under law. On the basis of thexhypotbesis that seas studentndrinking is the equivalent of an.inprovisedrrite of passage between adolescence and adulthood, a point to ahich we will return in the next chapter, studentSNin. 146 TABLE 39 15 0 5 0 5 16 24 24 24 24 1'7 50 1.7 1.3 38 18 2!. 15 21 19 19 or over 0 7 9 9 No answer ___2 __2 __1 __2 Total 100 100 100 100 Nunbar of cases 31.. 1.1 105 21 inane 15 2 7 7 0 16 29 1.1 39 25 17 38 1.8 31. 50 18 2!. 2 16 25 19 or over 5 0 2 O No answer ...2 ..2 ...2 ....Q Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 1.2 56 u. I. 'hen rows 1 and 2 dad rows 1. and 5 are collapsed in each coltmn, for males only, I NP>.20; for resales only, xii/v.10 >P>.05. 147 the twelfth grade should be nore likely than others to designate themselves both as "drinkers" and as 'approvera." Analysis of the data in Table [.0 reveals distributions in the direction which this hypothesis predicts although the differences are not significant and several minor qualifications are required. lhile among "non—drinkers“ the proportion of students who ‘disapprove' decreases and the amber who 'approve'- increases free one grade to the next, anong "drinkers” the “approv- ers' are clearly‘in the majority at both grade levels. Ioreover, the pro- portion of "disapprovers' among the “drinkers” appears to rise slightly from the lower to the higher grade for both sales and females. Nevertheless, a positive relationship is found between “approval“ of teen-age drinking and both biological age and school grade. Toe older the student and the nearer he is to graduation free high school, the unlikely he is to be an “approv- er." Differences in the amount of spending noney available to students possibly suggest both the work experience of the student and the socio- economic position of his family. But, whether he receives money fro. employ- Ient or from his parents as an allowance, the money is purchasing power and, to some extent, discretionary power. Both of these powers are especially, though not exclusively, associated with adult role playing. When the median amount of spending noney available in a given week for individuals in the various categories are compared, differences are especially obvious among the sales (Table 1.1) . In each category sale 'approvers' reported a larger mount of spending noney available. . It is also. apparent that »the aedian a anotmt of money available to the ”drinker" is generally higher than for others. Isl I... ‘.1I..Hll|"u..4. \ :1 .1? ll. 1! ..... TABLE 1.0 NORIATIVE mama's moor ammo AND cam m 3011001.Ill -.-—77*." -7- ...n —_-;‘4,_.-- ---—... .. _ —s ,_...,__ r”...— Enaaadzishasi Enrinkszi fishesl.snede . .1Annnsxs: ” ' fineness! ZDisannznzai m Percentage) 11th 41 54 46 38 12th 1.7 39 52 1.8 No answer .93 ..1 ..2 .3 Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 34 1.1 105 21 Ebmalas 11th [.8 60 1.8 25 12th 1.8 33 52 50 No answer _.A ...Z ..9. .25. Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 1.2 56 1.4 I. ‘ For both males and females considered separately, 13.; P>.20. TABLE [.1 NORMATIVE JUDGMENTS ABOUT DRINKING AND THE MEDIAN MUN? OF SPENDING IDNEY REPORIBD AVAILABIE DURING AN AVERAGE m W W Sex 2mm! " " " - " W Dollars Ihle 5.50 4.90 7.90 5.00 F ”1° 4e 2) lee 60 6e 00 1 e00 1.49 lhen females are considered,-an inconsistent pattern is found. The 'disapproving non-drinkeqr who is likely'tOuhave-slightly more money to spend than "approving non—drinker,‘ contradicts expectations. But among female 'drinkers' the difference is-strihimgly in conformity with the Mpothesis. The 'approvers' reported six times more money available during the average week then the 'disapprovers,’ though it should be recalled that this latter category of students is very small. Several additional comments may be made about these differences in access to money. Both male and female "drinkers" are known to be more likely than others to work outside the context of the home. It is inferred from the data that male ”approving drinkers" are also more likely than others to be employed. The same reasoning may also be employed in explaining the varia- tion among female 'drinkers.‘ Furthermore, some part of the variation among all female categories may be explained by the norm in our culture that the male pays for entertainment when accompanied by a female. This norm may be reflected, fer emsmple, in the disparity between the spending money available to the fsmale "disapproving drinker" and all other categories of students. It is possible that these females are dependent on males with money who pro- vide recreational opportunities and that they must drink as one condition of “paying their way" with these males. Since it has been noted that there is general disapproval among teennagers of drinking in mixed groups, the pressure on such fimales to disapprove their own conduct would be strong. The differential importance of.reference groups in adult and adolescent age grades for “drinkers" and.'non-drinkers' and for males.and.females.is * also found to be related to evaluative.Judgnents about the use of alcohol. This relationship-is oheervehle in the analysis of differential participation by students in the various categories in organized teenpage activity, in their preferences for different models of behavior and in their reasons for preferring these models. 150 Social participation.- When participation in high school organizations is considered, the male "approving_drinker" (45$) is'more likely than other male "drinkers” (421) to indicate.that he does not participate in such groups. The same pattern is revealed among male ”non-drinkersz" Forty per- cent of the 'approvers' as compared with 311 of other When-drinkers" are not.participants (Table 42). Among females, the pattern is not consistent. lhile "approving drinks ers' (24$) were more likely than other "drinkers“ (none) to be non-participants, among "non-drinkers," the 'disapprower' (203) was more likely than others in this category (12$) to be non-participants. Differences are also observed in the participation of students in the various categories in organized activities outside the school (Table 43). Among male "non-drinkers,“ for exasple, “approvers' (501) are more likely to be non-participants in such activity than are "disapprovers" (19%). About half of both categories of male 'drinkers" were non-participants. In addition to variations in the preportion of participants in dif- ferent categories, differences are found in the types of non-school activity in which 'approvers' and 'disapprovers' engage. Among both “drinkers" and ”non-drinkers," students who "approve“ of teen-age drinking were more likely than others to list participation in sports while the 'disapprovers" were more likely to list participation in religious activities.and community ser- vice. Both religious activities and,community service.might be expected to be organised by adults or to be organized around adult conceptions of appro- priate adolescent behavior. Differences in.the participatin in nonpschool activities by 'approvers" and "disapprovers' among female “non—drinkers" reflect the same pattern noted among all categories of'males. 'Approwers" (351) were more likely than other 151 TLBIE [.2 nomnvn .10st ABOUT mm AND PARTICIPATION IN HIGH SCHOOL om Izumus‘i‘ "N “ as“ W W W!" " " W m“ Percentage None 31 42 One 2!. 27 1'7 38 Two 12 22 15 0 Three 9 5 10 10 Four 9 15 9 5 Five or more _.6 ....0. .1- ...: Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 3!. A]. 105 21 2mm None 12 20 24 0 One 26 16 20 50 Two 22 12 20 25 Three 24 19 23 0 Four 12 18 '7 0 Five or more ...]. .15 __6 .25. Total 100 100 100 100 number of cases 42 56 44 4 “ Ihu nous 2-1. are calla peed in Iron calm, for males only, XZNP>om3 for females pXenly, M.20>P 7.10. 152 TABLE 43 nomm'm mnemrs mom namx mo AND PARTICIPATION IN NON-SCHOOL ACTIVITIES“ - r e ' ' W mm W W! 14mm: W m“ gPercentege b None 50 1 4 49 Sports 30 30 27 10 Religious groups 14 28 9 11. flush-art groups 0 11 I. .0 Community service 3 8 7 17 Scouts 3 2 6 10 Other ___9, __2 ___Q_ __Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of responses 36° 53 116 29 Emails: None 35 22 39 50 Sports 2!. 20 12 25 Religious groups 22 29 21 25 Ilusic-ert groups I. 11 11. 0 Community service 11 16 ll 0 Scouts l. 1 3 0 Other _Q ...]. .2 ._9. Total 100 100 100 100 Number of responses 55° 76 57 4 e lhen mus 4-7 are collapsed in each olumn, for melee only, 12~P<.001, 1': .192; for resales only, I ~p>.2o. b Percentages in this instance refer to number of responses. ° Multiple responses included in an totals. 153 ”non-drinkers" (23) to report no participation in organized teen-age activities outside the school. Those 'approvers' who were participants were, like males, also more likely thanrothers to participate in sports rather than.in religious, music-art and community service groups. ledels for behavior.- The general orientation.of “drinkers" and 'epprovers' away from organized teen-age activities is seen, furthermore, in their differential preference for adult models for behavior (Table 44). Along males, there was a slightly greater preference for other teen-agers as models for behavior among “disapprovers” than among ”approvers," who preferred adult models. Interestingly, and in opposition to the stereotype of the abstinent athlete, 'epprovers" were more likely than others to choose an athlete as a model. It should be noted also that an unusually large num- ‘ her of "disapproving drinkers" failed to specify a model, indicating possible confusion among these students in the selection of reference groups. Female "approving non-drinkers,” like the males in the same category, were less likely than other female "non-drinkers” to prefer teen-age models of behavior. This is in contrast to the preference of female napproving drinkers" for teen-age models, a preference which.has been noted earlier for female "drinkers" in general. What this difference may suggest is the utility of distinguishing between reference and interaction groups. stitute conditions of action for an individual. Reference groups and inter- actin groups may coincide, but this is not inevitably the case.1‘ In the w.“- 43ae1ph Turner, "Role—taking,fiole Standpoint, and aererenee Groups Behav- ior," American Journalfioi‘gomln (1956), 316—328. 1&1 distinction is frequently made between membership and non-membership reference groups. Insofar as this distinction implies that a membership group may not be a reference group, it includes what is called here interaction grogp§_as distinct from reference group . 154 TABLE 4/. NORHATIVE JUDGMENTS ABOUT DRINKING AND CHOICES OF some FOR BEHAVIORa -—-- _,_.,..____ -- ._ __-_,_ -.., -..— -- -.. “—.__—_-_..___.__-__ 'Ngg-grgkeg" 'pzmgz' Preferred models lam imam: 221mm: Mag“! 221W (Percenta e) High school student 20 7 816 22 Individual own age 7 12 '7 5 Teacher I. 2 I. 5 Local adult 7 11 12 0 Public official 0 5 3 1!. Persons in TV, movies '7 7 9 O :22: 3; 3: =3 13 No answer .12; .3. .AQ Total 100 100 100 100 Number of responses 45° 57 m 22 fuels: High school student 18 21 29 0 Individual own age 17 25 16 0 Teacher 6 6 2 .25 Local adult 18 15 10 50 Public official 6 1 2 25 Persons in TV, movies 7 9 10 O Athlete 11 9 I, 0 Self 2 1 2 0 NO ”187191“ .15. .13. .25. ..Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of responses 54° 68 49 4 " When rows 1 and 2, rows 3 and 4 and rows 5-9 are collapsed in each column, for both males and females considered separately, 12A; P) 20. 8 Percentages in this instance refer to the nunber of responses. ° Multiple responses included in all totals. 155 case of the female “approving non—drinker," for example, the preferred reference groups may be composed of adults. Yet she is aware that other teen-agers who are conforming to adult demands for abstinence are necessary to her interaction in the context of.everyday activities. Consequently, she is instrumentally abstinent in spite of the fact that she registers approval of the avoided behavior. Still a different explanation may be advanced for the female ”approve ing drinker." Her approval of teen-age drinking apparently is not dependent on the use of the adult female as a point of reference. Ithas beexhypothesized, on the contrary, that the interaction and reference groups of the ”approving drinker” coincide: She associates and prefers to associate with teen-age peers who by their self-designation as "drinker" and their use of alcohol are re-defining the apprOpriate drinking behavior of the female. A similar but modified analysis may be applied in the case of the male ”approving drinker." The male adult, in contrast to the female adult, is an appropriate model for the teen~age male ”drinker." Therefore, the preference of the male "approving drinker” for adult models of behavioris not inconsistent with the preference of the female "approving drinker" for teen-age models. The female teen-ager finds her drinking peers as more appropriate reference groups than adults with regard to drinking. . The reasons which students gave for their preferences for models of behavior are also relevant in understanding the evaluative aspects of.the symbolic act of drinking (Table 45). lhen students were asked to indicate whether their preferences for particular models involved 1) the model's.con— victions or beliefs, 2) his success or goal achievement, 3) his effectiveness in interpersonal relationships or 4) some combination of these, a definite, though statistically non-significant, pattern of differences is evident. 156 was 1.5 NORHATIVE JUDGMTS WUT DRINKING AND REASONS FOR (”DICE OF BEHAVIOR LDDELSO' 142nm" " "We: £193 “Percentag Stands up for his beliefs ag16 14 convinces others of his beliefs 5 4 8 His life expresses his beliefs 5 12 5 9 Successful in vocation 14 10 12 6 Achieved material success 4 3 4 1 Contributed to community 6 8 7 ll Admired and liked by others 13 10 ll 9 Can get along with others 17 18 21 18 Is considerate of others 17 17 19 24 No answer __1 _J, _l __9_ Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of responses 100° 154 329 66 {miss Stands up for his beliefs 14 14 14 12 Convinces others of his beliefs 3 6 2 0 His life expresses his beliefs 10 10 8 13 Successful in vocation 12 9 ll 19 Achieved material success 3 4 9 6 Contributed to comunity 9 9 6 12 Admired and liked by others 12 12 12 13 Can get along with others 18 18 18 12 Is considerate of others 19 18 20 13 No answer __9_ __Q __Q 0 Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of responses 173° 266 181 16 a When rows 1-3, rows 4-6 and rows 7-9 are ollapsed in each column, for both males and females considered separately, X NP7.20. b Percentages in this instance refer to the number of responses. ° nultlple responses included in all totals. 157 "Approvers," whether I'drinkers" or lMon-drinkers" and whether male or fe- male, are consistently overrepresented in their specification of “success anf goal achievement" as one important factor in the choice of models. The male and female “approving drinkers" are also overrepresented in specifying "effectiveness in interpersonal relationships" in addition to emphasis on goal achievement as a factor in selection. Bothzmale and female ”disapprovb ing men-drinkers” indicate "convictions or beliefs" as important in their choices more frequently than would be expected on the basis of chance alone. Among ”drinkers,” hosever, the male 'disapprovers' are overrepresented in their emphasis on the importance of relationships with others as well as the importance of beliefs, suggesting at least a partial explanation of their contradictory self-designations. A similar explanation may be advanced in the case of the female “disapproving drinker” who emphasizes the importance of goal achievement in her choice of models.15 The essential other-directedness and achievement-directedness of the ”approvers" among males is consistent with the relationship between the male' s self-designation as a "drinker“ and aspirations fer upward occupational and social mobility. This relationship between drinking and upward occupa- tional aspirations and expectations was not observed among females although the female "approvers" too, in listing reasons for their choices of models, reflect the other-directedness and achievement~directedness noted among male "approvers. ' what this ... mean is that a distinction should he made between the perception that drinking may be positively related to upward occupational ..Q—Qflw 1 581aeman"stypology of inner-directed,_ other directed.and autonomous individuals is relevant here. See David Riesman, et a1, ghe.Lonelz. crowd (New'fork: Doubleday, 1955), Part I, 158 mobility and that drinking may in some circumstances be instrumentally re- lated to the facilitation of social intenaction and the achievement of social goals other than those related to occupation. Suchran interpretationis con- sistent with the earlier impression that the relationship between the female's self-designation as a ”drinker“ and her expectation for downward social mo- bility reflected the peculiarities of the woman's place in the world of work in the United States rather than the fact that she does or does not drink. Socio-econqmig,pgsitiohfigfijpogitive correlation.naairepeztedein the ,pzexionmaehepter between the student's socio-economic position in the com- munity and his self-designation as a "drinker" or “non-drinker." The in- ference was drawn that male "drinkers" were likely to be found in the upper and lower ranges of socio-economic positions in contrast to “non-drinkers," ‘ who were concentrated in the middle range. Female ”drinkers," on the other hand, were found more likely to fall at the lower range of status. More- 'over, male ”drinkers" were more likely than others to prefer and eXpect upward status mobility, although this was less clearly the case for females. The question is now’posed, Is approval or disapproval of teensage drinking related to socio-economic position in the community? The following para- graphs explore this question. lhen a census classification of the father's occupation is used as a single indicator of the teen-ager's social status, an inconsistent pattern is :noted. Though the distribution among various categories of males is statis- tically significant, this significance appears to be derived primarily from the distribution of "drinkers” and "non-drinkers” in the various occupational categories rather than from differences in evaluative judgments about.the use of alcohol (Table 1.6) . For ammo, ”approvers" and "disapprovers" among the male "non-drinkers" are overrepresented among those males whose fathers NORMATIVE JUDGMENTS ABOUT DRINKING AND FATHER'S OCCUPITION, 159 TABLE 46 CENSUS CLASSIFICATIONa O a a a his Professional, technical, kindred Mgrs. , officials, preprietors Clerical and kindred workers Sales workers Craftsmen, foreman and kindred Operatives and kindred workers Other No answer Total Number of cases Emalas Professional, technical. kindred Mgrs., officials, proprietors Clerical and kindred workers Sales workers Craftsmen, foreman and kindred Operatives and kindred workers Other No answer Total Number of cases "Non-dryer" lawman: " Fare 12 25 26 17 12 2 9 O 9 25 1'7 12 12 17 .2 .2 100 100 34 41 7 9 11. 18 2 7 10 2 29 34 24 21 12 9 .2. _.Q 100 100 42 56 W " Asshole.” " 1213mm: entage 6 10 lo 10 18 5 3 O 23 28 25 28 7 14 .....8. .2 100 100 105 21- 11 0 14 0 7 25 2 O 23 50 23 25 16 O ..A ..9. 100 100 1.1. 4 When rows 1 and 2, rows 3 and I. and rows 6 and 7 are collapsed in each column, for males only, 22NP<.01, T: .119; when rows 1 and 25 rows 3-5 and rows 6 and '7 are collapsed in each column, for resales only, I NP>.ZJ. 160 had a professional-managerial occupational classification while both cate- gories of'male I'drinkers" were overrepresented below this level. This inconsistency is also observed among females, though with some modifications. Both the ”approving drinker" and the "disapproving nonedrinker' are overrepresented among females whose fathers have a professional- managerial classification. ~Use of the Warner index of social class also reveals the absence of clearcut differences in 'approval' or "disapproval" which are correlated with class position (Table 47). It is noted, however, that both male and female "approving drinkers“ are slightly overrepresented at the upper and lower extremes of class position. The differences are not significant. When the occupational expectations of students are taken into con- sideration, a consistent but statistically nonésignificant pattern of over- representation is observed (Table 48). For both males and females, those students with contradictory classifications-cflapproving non-drinker" and "disapproving drinker"-expected a professional-managerial classification for themselves or their future spouses more frequently than would be ex- pected on the basis of chance alone. loreovsr, if a ”goodness of fit“ test is used with the distribution of fathers' occupations (Table 1.6, above) considered to be the theoretical frequencies and the distribution of occupations expected hy the students con— sidered to be the observed frequencies.(2ablea48). this same pattern of overrepresentation is observed for both males and females.16 The "approving non-drinkers" and ”disapproving drinkers" are overrepresented among those who expect a professional-managerial classification for themselves or their 16hr males only, XZNP<.001, T = .251; for females XZNP>.20 161 TABLE 47 NORMLTIVE JUDGMEN'I‘S ABOUT DRmme AND FATHER'S SOCIAL CLASS, WARNER INDEX OF STATUS CHARACTERISTICS (130)“ Upper class Upper middle class Lower middle class Upper lower class lower lower class Unclassified Total Number of cases Easels: Upper class Upper middle class Lower middle class Upper lower class Lower lower class Unclassified Total Nunber of cases .12 100 I! I Percentage 17 a Stewed” §kses Leanne Ltgfioq ...: VIC O‘O ...- 1:8 I I'D: 3: “m3“ 5 5 33 33 10 .14 100 21 00621300 5 a Whm rows 1 and 2 and rows 4 and 5 are collapsed in each column, for males only, 12~.2o7p 7.10; for females only, 12~P>.zo. 162 TABLE [.8 NORNATIVE mm ABOUT DRINKINC AND STUDENT OCCUPATIONAL EXPECTATIONS, CINSUS CLASSIFICATION , FOR SELF OR SPOUSI: "N rin W 9 I I J I I . Lnnms. W “A “W 5.1:: (Percentage Professional, ‘tech. , kindred 38 26 33 Ugrs. , officials, proprietors 12 10 7 5 Farmers and farm managers 3 0 1 0 Clerical and kindred workers 3 0 1 0 Sales workers 0 5 2 O Craftsmen, foruen and kindred 6 l7 9 l9 Operatives and kindred workers 3 7 11 14 Other 6 7 6 6 N0 9418'” .22 .21: .31 .24 Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 34 41 105 21 Miss Professional, tech., kindred 21 Z} 5 25 Mars” officiflls, preprietors 2 2 2 0 Rumors and farm managers 0 O 0 0 Clerical and kindred workers 29 1.1 36 50 Sales workers 0 7 2 0 Craftsmen, foreman and kindred 5 0 2 O Operatives and kindred workers 0 O 5 0 Other 14 5 9 0 N0 8118'” .22 .35. .32 .25. total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 1.2 56 44 4 ‘ When rows 1 and 2 and rows 3-8 are collapsed edin each column, for both males and females considemd separately,x ~P>.20. 163 spouses as compared to the occupatinal classification of the father. The single exception to this generalization is provided.by the sale “approving drinker“ who is also overrepresented among those who expect a higher classi- fication than that of the father. In sum, while the relationship between evaluative judgments about the use of alcohol by teen-agers and socio-econonic position in the community is not clearly established by the data, there is some support for observations previously made that "drinkers” are more likely to be found at the upper and lower extremes of socio-economic status than in the middle range. This in- ference appeared to be sore applicable to males than to females. The data on evaluative Judgments presented here indicates that "approval!I has a low but positive correlation with the upper and lower extremes of status in the‘ community'or with student expectations that they or their future spouses will attain professional-managerial occupational classifications. normatige‘Jugggents Agd.0rganized ggligion One of the important functions of organized religion in America is to define the content of a supernaturally sanctioned ethic and to inculcate among its members both an awareness of this ethic and a commitmentto.it. With regard to the ethical implications of the use of alcohol the principal religious faiths and the naJor Protestant denominations are esentially agreed in official pronouncements that drunkenness is incompatible with a religious ethic. They have failed to agree, however, on the compatibility with a religious ethic of drinking which does not .result in inebriety.” Judaism, 17F'or a summary of official pronouncements of various religious organi- zations, see figv. Roland H. Bainton, ”The Churches and AlcohOl," Alcohol, icience and 3091°§z.(fiefi'fiaven: Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcoho , 945 . y. 1.1.1 . (($11 . Julia! .11. . n. t., .. .14...an Hie a it 5.1 an! ... .. 16!. Catholicism and some Protestant denominations use beverage alcohol sacra- sentally and do not officially condemn all social.uses of alcohol. Other .Protestant denominations and sects.do officially condemn allsuses of alcohol as morally "wrong.“ In such a situation student perceptions of the impli- ‘cations of religion for drinking and abstinence might be expected to re- ceive varying interpretations. This was found to be the case in this study. In the public school context in which this research was carried out, identification of students by religious preference was not permitted by school officials. However, it was possible to assess both the teen-ager's reported attendance at religious services and his estimate of his family‘s interest in religious activities. In turn, it was possible to relate these to factors of his self-designation as ”drinker“ or “non-drinker“ and his normative evaluations of drinking behavior. It should be emphasized that only gross measures of relationship were used and it is not assumed that the 'quality" of religious participation or interest can be accurately in- ferred from the data of the study alone. No attempt is made to do so. lhen ”drinkers” and 'non-drinkers" are compared in terms of average monthly church attendance, it is found that a majority of all students re- port some attendance during an average month. HOwever, among males, “drink- ers" are significantly overrepresented among students who report no atten- dance (table 1.9). Three in ten of the Isle 'drinkers' in contrast to two in.ten of other males gave this response. Two in ten of the female "drink- ers' in contrast to one in ten of other>females were also in the "no atten« dance” category. Iet, 1.7% of the male "drinkers" as compared with 1.5% of the ”non-drinkers” attended church between two and four times during an average month. moreover, the same percentage (46%) of both ”drinkers" and 'non-drinkers' among females attended with this frequency. .Ihe difference 165 TABLE 49 AVERAGE mums CHURGH ArmIDANCE OF HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS BY sax AND SELF-DESIGNAI'ION As mom-mmm" on ”DRINKER“ W W Waning m1; Fm?“ kl: M 8”Percentag None 13 One 9 10 11 Two 9 12 12 2 Three 18 11 12 17 Four 18 23 23 27 Five or more 22 32 9 & Other 2 l. 3 0 No answer __2 J _2 ___Q Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 78 101 129 1.8 When rows 2-4, rows 5-8 an rows 10 and 11 are collapsed in each colum, for males only,X .05>P7.02, l':.l54; for females only, XZAIP>.ZJ. TABIE 50 STUDENT ASSESSMEIT OF PWTAL FAMILY'S INTEREST IN RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES BY SEX AND SELF-DESIGNATION AS 'NON-DRINKER' OR "DRINKER" Percentage None I. 3 8 Very little 9 11 21 Some 38 40 49 32 High 40 31 26 29 Very high 5 15 8 10 No answer _A ____Q __1 __Q Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 78 101 129 48 a When rows 1 and 2 and rows 1. and 5 are collapsed in each column, for males only, 12”. m7P>. 10, for females only, X?» N.10>P>. 05. 166 in attendance between "drinkers” and IMom-drinkers," than, lies primarily at the extremes. The I'drinkers'I were likely. to attend least, the .“non- drinkers" most. In between, repented attendance by students in each category was quite similar. Similarly, in the assessment of parents' interest in religious activi- ties, a majority of both categories for males and females estimated that their parents had at least ”some" interest (Table 50). "Drinkers" estimated that parents were least interested, although the differences are significant for males only. when the relationship between church attendance and normative judgments is considered, differences among the various categories are not significant and the pattern is not consistent (Table 51). For example, among male and- female “non-drinkers" the "disapproval-s" are overrepresented in categories indicating the highest average church attendance per month. But among “drinkers," the pattern is less clear. while among both male and female “drinkers” are overrepresented in the “no attendance“ category in contrast to the "disapprovers," both male and female 'disapprovers' are also over- represented among those who participate most. A similar relationship is revealed between normative Judgments and the assessment of the family's interest in religious activities (Table 52). Al- though a majority of students in all categories estimated that their parents had at least some interest in religion, 'approversfl were more likely than others to believe that their parents were interested least. Among male "non- drinkers ," one in five of the 'approvers'f in contrast to one in fourteen of others in this category believed that the family had no or very little in— terest. One in seven of the male ."approving drinkers"- in contrast to one in ten of the ndisapprovers" in this category also made this estimate. The differences are significant. 167 TABLE 51 NORMATIVE W5 ABOUT DREKING AND AVERAGE WNTHLY CHUICH ATMIDANGEa W W W ‘ Iain M " " " 212135222933! Percentage None 18 7 20 29 One-three 35 3'7 35 29 Four or more 29 51 36 29 No answer .13. ..5. ' _2 .11 Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 34 41 105 21 females None 14 4 14 25 One-three 29 I? 32 0 Four or more 52 57 1.8 75 No answer ..5. ...? _§ ...9. Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 1.2 56 u, I. For both males and fuelee conpared separately, 12~P>.20. 168 T5813 52 NORMATIVE W13 ABOUT DRINKING AND STUNT ASSESSMENT 3 4 Very little 18 2 10 10 Some 50 27 1.9 52 High 20 56 2'7 19 Very high 3 8 7 19 No answer __§ _.2 _3 __Q Total 100 100 100 100 Nunber of cases 31. 1.1 105 21 finale: None 0 l, 9 0 Very little 10 1!. 20 25 Some 42 39 30 50 High 31 30 32 0 Very high 17 13 9 25 No answer __9_ __9_ __Q ___9_ Total 100 100 100 100 Number of cases 1.2 56 41, I, ‘ When rose 1 and 2 rows 1, and 5 are collapsed in each 031?; gr males only, I M.02>P>.Ol, T: .182; for females an, X N e e 169 The differences among females are not consistent and are not signifi- cant. While, among "drinkersw the "approvers" were slightly more like]; then others to report least family interest in religion (29% as compared to 25$) , the relationship is reversed among female "now-drinkers. " In this category 18% of the sdisappovers' in contrast to 10% of the “approvers” made this estimate. In sum, while there is a tendency for "disapproving non-drinkersa to be those teen-agers who are most active in church attendance and who report parental interest in religion to be high, the relationship is not invariably consistent or significant. A majority of students in all categories report some church attendance during an average month and believe that parents have at least some interest in church activities. ' floreover, the interview data indicate that the teen-agers did not typically view organized religion as antagonistic to all forms of drinking. Insofar as modern religious organizations are integrated into a community in which most adults apparently drink and insofar as these organizations do not make total abstinence a criterion for mubership, one would not expect, and in fact does not find, that religious participation and interest invariably has a high positive correlation with abstinence. This does not mean that there is no relationship between religious beliefs and abstinence. The in- ference is drawn, nevertheless, that religious participation alone is not a sufficient basis for predicting that a teen—ager will be a ”disapproving ‘ noncdrinker" as an adolescent. “To-0W In the State in which the study was ude, the sale of alcoholic bever— ages to and the consumption of these beverages by persons undertwenty—one years of age are prohibited by law. Though the question of the legality of 170 drinking was not covered in the questionnaire, the interview data left no doubt that the students were aware of the illegality of teen-age drinking. They were aware, for example, that one must have an identification card in order to purchase alcohol legally and were equalky aware that being caught drinking or in the possession of alcohol by the police meant trouble for them- selves and their parents. ' Yet there was no indication in the interviews that the awareness of the illegality of their use of alcohol was a major deterrent to drinking, although it apparently emphasized to them the need for caution. The avail- avility of alcohol in the home, at the corner grocery or through the services of a friend of legal age to make a purchase made it possible ”for anyone who want it to get it.“ Furthermore, descriptions of teen-age drinking parties did not typically emphasize the imminent threat of detection by police insofar as due precautions were taken. And even when detection was considered as a possibility, there was little indication that dire conse- quences would follow. There was also a striking absence of expressions indicating that the teen-ager who drank considered himself as a "lawsbreaker" and certainly not as a ”criminal." This finding is congruent with the observation that the students emphasised the situational appropriateness or inappropriateness rather than the morality or immorality of drinking. §222§£L Students were found to be about evenly divided between those who per- ceived drinking to be ”right" and "wrong" for teen-agate. Only one in five considered this behavior to be absolutely wrong. .A majority, regardless of selfhdesignation, preferred.to qualify their approval and disapproval and.to 171 specify the situational factors which made drinking appropriate or in~ appropriate. The relationship between "approval“ or "disapproeav and perception of the proportion of drinkers among adults and students was not consistent. However, there was limited support for the hypothesis that students tend to maximize the proportion of persons with self-designation like their own. Relationships between normative judgments about the use of alcohol and the positions of persons in the social system were also found. Among "none-drinkers," males were more likely to be "approvers" than females. This relationship is reversed among "drinkers." Age grading again proved to be important in understanding the impli- cations of reference group behavior and in understanding the nonnative di- mentions of the symbolic act of drinking. is expected, among males, those students who were 1) older; 2) nearer graduation; 3) playing adult-like roles; I.) predisposed to prefer adult models for behavior and 5) participating in organized teen-age activities least were most likely to be “approvers.” This was the case for both "drinkers" and I'non--driz:1kers." This same pat- tern of characteristics described the female ”approver" except that, unlike the male, she was more likely than others to prefer age peers as models for behavior and to participate in organized teen-age activities. For both male and female napprovers" the data suggest that their reference groups differ from those of most other teen-agers. This was also found to be the case in distinguishing “drinkers“ and 'non-drinkersu' normative judgments were not found to be related to seem-economic position in a clearcut fashion. The data do give some support to the hypo- thesis that "approvers'. like “drinkers" are more likely than othersto be found at the upper and lower range of status. The relationship between 172 "approval" of teen-age drinking.and aspirations for upward social mobility is clearer. more 'approvers" among both.males and females expected upward ‘mobility than would be expected on.the basis of chance alone. The "approve ers“ in giving reasons for their choices of models for behavior were also’ more likely than fidisapprovers" to emphasize the importance of other- directedness and goal achievement. Church participation and assessment of high family interest in re- ligious activities are positively related to "disapproval'' of drinking by teen-agers. However, a majority of students in every category reported some church attendance during an average month and that parents had at least some interest in religion. While teen-age drinking was recognized as illegal, this recognition did not appear to be an effective deterrent to or determinative of drinking or abstinence. Even when drinking was reported, the ”drinker“ gave no indication that this illegal act was injurious to his standing with his peers. The data lend some support to Williams" hypothesis that in situations in which 1) there are alternative or conflicting values; 2) there is an ab. sence of clearly articulated consensus and a deficiency of self/other re- lationships in which the perceived consensus is mutually supported; 3) the ‘proscribed practice is found among members of the society whose position :makes them immune to social.sanctions; i) the punishment of the prescribed 'behavior is only periodic and primarily ritualistic, and 5) the "deviant" ‘behavior is functional for the relevant social system or subparts that "customary way of not conforming" are likely to be found. 'But something morerthan this is implied. 173 In spite of the fact that only one in ten of the students designated himself as a 'drinker,n almost half of them believed that drinking is "all right" for teen-agers. A majority of students, whether 'approvers" or "non-approvers,’ preferred to qualify their. evaluations situationally. There was some indication of feelings of ambivalence about drinking and of "striv- ing toward consistency.” A few interviewees reported that on the question- naire their initial response was to designate themselves as "disapproving non-drinkers" but that, on reflection, they were aware of the inconsistency of this with behavior. loreover, a small minority of the students—the ”disapproving drinkers"-illustrate a case in which drinking appears to be "wrong“ but socially necessary or expedient. For the majority, however, ambivalence and "strain toward consistency” - was not apparent. lost students eere uapproving drinkers" or "disapproving non-drinkers." Each of these types of student could find mutual support from peers with similar orientations to drinking or abstinence. Furthermore, students in each of these categories described situations in which drinking was either appropriate or inappropriate. "Drinkers" described some types of drinking as “inappropriate.“ “Non-drinkers" described some types of drinking as "appropriate." The "approving non-drinkers" suggest a type of student who for instrumental reasons finds drinking as generally inexpedient but who at the same time emphasizes the essential appropriateness of drink- ing by teen-agers in some situations. The predominant impression from the data is that an approach to a theory of norms which emphasizes the importance of strain resulting from a disparity between the ideal and actual over- estimates the rationalization of behavior and under-estimates the extent to which persons ins complex society are capable of adjusting normative eva1~ nations in terms of situations rather than moral absolutes. 174 So far, drinking among high school teen—agers, the placement of "drinkers" within the context of a concrete social system.and the assessment of the normative judgments about the symbolic act of drinking'as perceived by the students themselves have been described. One further aspect of drink- ing now remains to be considered before.summary conclusions about the functions of this symbolic act can be drawn. This final aspect involves the manifest and latent motivations of teen-age drinking. The motives for teen-age drink- ing-—the affective significance of this act and its functional implications fer the social system in which these teen—agers participate—~is the focus of the next chapter. CHAPTER V DRINKING AS SOCIAL BEHAVIOR: HOTIVATIONAL ASPECTS A Sociological Theory 0_f yotivatign A situational approachutgfithe. p‘rgglggw Although as late as 1950 at least one social psychologist characterized the development of a theory of motivation as a "neglected area," there appears to be increasing consensus about a theoretical orientation to the problem area which is best defined as "situational":L Simply stated, the assumptions of a situational approach which emphasizes the analysis of motivated behavior in dynamic interactional ' terms are these: 1) Any item in social behavior is understood only as it is seen as a functional part of a situation; 2) in interacting, human organisms not only deve10p responses representing their part in the dtuation but also incorporate the reaponse patterns of others into their predispositions to react; 3) therefore, attention must be paid to the interaction context as well as the individuals acting in it.2 The development of more or less stabilised stimulus-response patterns of both self and others occurs in an interaction context and both the process of identification and prediSpositions to act in a predictable fashion can- not be studied apart from an actor's definition of the situation in which he .‘er- 1L. S. Cottrell, flSome Neglected Problems in Social Psychology," Amarican Sociological ROV1_8_I_,.15 (1950), 705—12. 2L. s. Cottrell, ”The Analysis of Situational Fields in Social psychology,» AgericanflSociological Evian; 7 (191.2) , 370—82. 175 176 is acting. Fundamental aspects of this situational definition, therefore, include the actor's conception of himself and the symbols by which he is recognized and with which he is identified.3 A shared system of symbols is the keystone of the interaction process. In symbols, Ernst cassirer has written, [an has, as it were, discovered a new method of adapting himself to his environment. Between the receptor system and the effector system, which are found in all animal species, we find in man a third link which we may describe as the symbolic system. This new acquisition transforms the whole of human life. As compared with other animals, man lives not merely in a broader reality, he lives, so to speak, in a new dimension of reality.‘ The implications of this symbolic transformation of stimuli for the analysis and understanding of human behavior have been increasingly recognized as of fundamental importance. While it is impractical for our purposes to document in detail the intellectual history of this idea and to assess its impact on theories of human behavior, it is relevant to indicate briefly some selected contributions to a sociological theory of symbolism made by anthropologists, social psychologists and sociologists. In turn, a sociological theory of symbolism may be shown to be directly related to a sociological theory of motivation. when”; and motivation.- The fact that language is a principal mechanism for the transmission of culture has tended to attract attention to this class of symbols as an area of anthrOpological interest. But lan— guage has also been recognized as involving much more than a vehicle for ~~ 3For a critical survey of literature on the interrelatedness of self and other in symbolic interaction, see T. 3. Serbia, "Role Theory," fiend- 90159; Social Psychogg‘ (Cambridge: Addison-Wesley, 1954) , ed. Gardner Lindsey. AEssaz On Mgr; (New York: Doubleday, 1953), 42f. 177 culture transmission. A. I. Hallowell has made the point succinctly: Ian's psychological responses to physical objects of his external environment can only be understood in terms of the traditional meanings which these latter have for him. He never views the outer world freshly or responds to his fellows entirely free from the influence which these meanings exert on his thought and conduct...lan's attitude toward them is a function of reality culturally defined, not in terms of their more physical exist- ence...Consequently, the objects of the external world, as meaningfully defined in a traditional ideology, constitute the reality to which individuals habituated to a particular system ‘of beliefs actually respond.5 what this means is that the sign-function of natural objects or persons is influenced by what these objects do to and for man. It means also that sign» functions depend on what other persons say and do in the presence of these objects or their symbolic equivalents. Ian's symbolic transformation of the, world of his experience, than, is not random but is integrally related to a system of traditional meanings which structure and limit, if not determine, his perception of the world about him.6 The implications of man's symbolic transformation of his world have also been explored in the field of psychology, particularly by perception / theorists. Among these theorists there appears to be essential agreement "-0-" W 5A. I. Hallowell, Handbgok of gsychological Leadsufor Ethnological Field workers (mimeographed’, 1935, quoted in Kluckhohn and flowrer, ”Culture and IPersonality," American Anthrogglogist, 46 (1944): 12; for a development of this idea in an available source, see Hallowell, “The Self and Its Behavioral Environment," in Culture and Experience (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.Press, 1955). finallowell's statement summarizes in essence one of the important impli- cations of the SapireWhorf hypothesis relating language to behavior. For example, see Edward Sapir, ”The Status of Linguistics as a.8cience," in Selected lritin s of Edward Sapigb(8erkeley: University of California JPress, 1949;, ed. David Mandelbeum; also B. L. Whorf, "The Relation.of Habitual Thought and Behavior to Language ," in Languagg, Culture and Person- ality (Sepir Memorial Publication Fund, lenasha, Wisconsin, 191.1), ed. L. Spier. For a brief Summary and critical review of the Sapir-Whorf hypotheses, see Harry Hoijer, ”The Relation of‘Lennuage to Culture," in Anthropglggy Todgy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), ed. A. L. Kroeber. 178 that the most inportant adjustments of the individual are not a consequence of the direct effect of stimuli on the human organism. Rather behavior is governed by learned interpretations or implications assigned on the basis of experience to these stimuli.7 The traditional meanings implicit in language and other classes of symbols are learned in social interaction. In acts of symbolic reference, to use Ogden and Richards' concept, the traditional meaning imputed to sigrnsuinusituation8 facilitates their cognitive placement and at “the same time suggests a legitimate behavioral response. But more important from the standpoint of the particular interest in motivation, one also learns in the interaction context the affective signi- ficance which certain signs-in-situation should have for the validation of the self-image. A striking illustration of the motivatinal dimension of symbols is found in Alfred Lindesmith's analysis of opiate addiction.9 The user of opiates, says Lindesmith, acquires the customs and attitudes which other users impart to him...He applies to his own conduct the generalized symbols which the group applies to it; this means that the drug user assimilates the attitudes and sentiments which are current in his social milieu....‘l'hus (addiction) presupposes the individual's membership in social groups, and his ability to communicate with his fellows in terms of language symbols.. . .It depends on those complex functions which sis made possible only by the symbolic structure of language.... 7For examfle, Percew: An Approach to {arsenality (New York: Ronald, 1951), 8, ed. 8.. R. Blake and G. V. Ramsey. For a sumary of a wide range of relevant literature see llartin Shearer, "Cognitive Theory,” in Handbook of Social Eszchom, op. cit. 8"signsuin-si’uaatin" is- used here to cover all events in experience; this includes the activity of persons as well as stimuli from non-human sources. As Talcott Parsons suggests, "Concrete acts arenot (to be) treated as in- trinsically significant in a means—end context but as symbolic of a system of meanings." see his §§ructure of Social Action (Glencoe, Illinois; The was Press, 1949), 6370 9021:.“ Addiction (Bloomington: Principia. Press, 1947) . 10 £b1de , 89. 179 It is through the use of the social symbols of language in conversation with himself and with others that the personality changes involved in becoming an addict are initiated and carried out. The individual, when he uses the symbols which society pro- vides him also assumes the attitudes appropriate to those symbols when he applies them to himself.” This is an extreme example but it makes the point which is important here. Symbols whose traditional meanings are learned in social interaction have motivational as well as cognitive and normative connotations .‘12 0. Wright lills has also emphasized a facet of the motivational conno- tations built into symbols in asserting that “motives are words" not de- noting anything in individuals but rather denoting anticipated responses to the question “Why did you do that?" Out of social interaction arise "vocab— ularies of motives" which provide socially acceptable answers to the question; they become traditional. It is for this reason that motives may be imputed 1’? others even before they are admitted by the self.13 In Lindesmith's Phr881ng, one ”applies to his own conduct the generalized symbols which the 81‘0“!) applies to it." A similar approach to the problem of motivation, but one which goes a step further, has been suggested by Nelson roots.“ Ilotivated behavior is Charmeter-ind by its prospective reference to ends-in-view and by the se~ lection and control of alternative means to these ends. When an actor in a ”318.1 interaction situation defines that situation as calling for a N ll My: 166. Theo 1:0: an extended discussion of this point, see Talcott Parsons, ”The of A: or Symbolism in Relation to Action," in ork' Pa era in the Theor m (Glencoe, Illinois; Free Press, 1953;, eds. T. Parsons, R. l". and E. Shils. 13 densituated Action and Vocabularies of Motives,“ American Sociolo cal 44’ 5 (1940). 904-13. M-L "Identification as the Basis for a Theory of Motivation," Amarican So Mal apnea, 16 (1951), 14-22. 180 particular act with more or less anticipated consequences, he then releases energy appropriate for performing the act. lobilizations of energy, roots asserts, are always posterior to definitions of situations as calling for particular acts. roote probably overstates his case and, implicitly, over-rationalizes human behavior. However, his basic point is well taken. The key to the . understanding of anticipated mobilizations and expenditures of energy is found in the mechanism of identification, the investment of symbolic objects in interaction situations with motivational significance for the self. Identification involves the commitment to a particular identity or series of identities appropriately named. The process of naming which is integral to language and the process of identification which invests events with affective significance for the self make possible a sociological theory of motivation subject to empirical testing;l5 Es process of identification and the social systeme Granting that sociological theories of symbolism and of identificatin are the keystones to an empirically testable theory of motivation, one is still confronted with the practical research problem of understanding why an individual chooses particular identities rather than others for investment with affective significance. This is essentially the same problem that has persistently ~. presented itself to reference group theorists attempting to understand why, l 5A similar theoretical analysis of motivation is found in Howard 8. Becker and James Carper, “The Elemellts of Identification with an Occupation," gerican Sociolpgical fipview,_ 21 (1956)., 341-48: "...individuals identify themselves--answer the question "Who am I?"-in terms of the names and cats-- gories current in the groups in which they participate. By applying these labels to themselves, they learn who they are and how they ought to behave, acquire a self and a set of perspectives in terms of which their conduct is shaped.” 181 in multiple group situations, particular references are made. A proposed answer to the problem which appears to offer the most promise for'the study of teenpage drinking is that of 8. I. Eisenstadt.l6 lisenstadt, following the lead of Ierton, suggests that reference group identification is related both to the status and status aspirations of the individual and to the structure of the institutionalized behavior of a society. That is, choices are related to culturally defined values or premises in terms of the status-conferral possibilities of certain identifications vis a vis status aspirations. The analysis presented in the previous two chapters should be called to mind at this point. It has been noted that teen-agers perceive most adults as drinkers. lbreover, particularly in the case of the male, the teen-ager who plays or prefers to play adultplike roles is most likely both to identify himself as a ”drinker” and/or as an "approver." This suggests that an important aspect of the drinking behavior of the high school student is the status-conferral possibilities of the symbolic act of drinking in a society which makes adulthood a valued status and which has institutinalized drinking for the adult. There will be occasion to return to this point later. Additional insight into the affective implications of drinking for the teen-ager and the status-conferral possibilities of this act is evident in the shared ”vocabulary of motives” verbalized by students. There is a con- ventionalized set of responses in anticipatixxof the question.'Uhy do adults and high school students drink?” about which teen-agers are in essential agreement. In articulating this “vocabulary“ students delineate the mani- fest functions of this behavior*both for.the self or others and for the 16"Reference Group Behavior and Social Integration: An EIploratory Study," Algrican Sociological Review, 19 (1954), 175-85. 182 17 social systems in which they are members. It is necessary to mention only in passing that latent functions which are only implicit in "vocabu- laries of motives" must also be explored. One final point remains to be considered before we turn to the analysis of the data on motivation for teen-age drinking. lost of the literature on the use of alcohol in American society has tended to concentrate on the disfunctional aspects of this behavior for both the individual and for society. This point was documented in some detail in Chapter One. The upshot of this emphasis on disfunction has been that drinking has frequently been approached as though it could only be disfunctional or that, if functional, would‘have to be considered a "spurious" rather than "genuine" integrative factor for self and society. I. I. Lemert comments, and rightly, that this tendency to view integration based on intoxicants as spurious reflects in large part a value bias. He also appears correct in concluding that cumu- lative evidence clearly indicates that liquor is obviously considered as something to be enjoyed by many peeples and that its pleasures or recognized importance are conceived to more than counterbalance its unpleasant features 18 There is little argument that there are disfunctional in some instances. consequences of some uses of alcohol. But there is also little room for argument in the face of the literature which has been reviewed previously that some uses of alcohol may do something £3; as well as __t9_ the individual 1'Ilnsofar as one accepts the proposition that the concept of s__e___lf is only analytically abstractahle from the individual's involvement in actual or potential social interaction, it is possible to refer at various times .to function of drinking in maintaining self. _a_n_d_ social identities and,- -there- fore, in achieving and maintaining certain types of group interaction. lehlcohol and the northwest Coast Indians (Berkeley: University of California Publications in Culture and Society, Volume 2, No. 6, 303-406, 1951.) . 3771‘. 183 and the group. One is faced with the fact of the persistence of this behavior. Consequently, admitting the possibility of disfunctional aspects of drinking ’ behavior, the concerned here is to explore some neglected functional aspects of this behavior among high school students. Some Manifest And Latent Functions Of Teenzgge Drinking Livocabulaq of motives“ for adult drink._i_ng.- The teen-agers were significantly in agreement about the “reasons” for adult drinking. Rank ordering of their responses to the question, "what are the most important reasons for adult drinking?” reveals that the labels ggcial, pleasurable, wo -reduc consistently head the list of imputed ”reasoned (Table 53). This particular ”vocabulary* suggests that students believed adults exper- ience feelings of increased sociability, pleasurableness or reductin of anxiety when drinking and that, therefore, adults drink in order to have these experiences. It is noted here, as in the previous descriptions of student perceptions of where and when adults are most likely to drink, that drinking has a positive association with important social values in our society. When adults are "partying" or being convivial the situation is defined as likely to involve drinking. As one teen-age girl phrased it, Maybe people like drinking. I mean, lots of people do. And if you go to a party and everybody else is drinking and you sit in the corners-I mean, naturally if you (the interviewer) went with a bunch.of men, you'd know yourself that if you didn't drink you would feel out of place. I think this is primarily the reason. (Interview 33) The implication is that, if one is not drinking, one is not."partying,'5is not being a full-fledged member of the group. Similar comments were frequently made in the interviews. This does not mean.that teen-agers believe that every social gathering requires the use of alcohol.h Such is clearly not the 18!. T1318 53 . £19 £31: . No. RO No. no No. BO Ne. E To be sociable 48 1 52 1 65 2 8 1 To be one of the crowd 7 9 5 ll 5 8 1 11 To prove they can hold it 5 11 l. 12 2 9 0 12 They think they are mart I. 12 2 13 1 10 0 12 To get attention from others 1 14 1 14 1 10 1 11 They want to feel important 0 l5 6 10 2 9 O 12 They want to act I'grown up“ 0 15 O 15 O 11 O 12 To celebrate some occasion 2O 5 26 4 ‘ U. 3 13 5 Afraid to be left out of the group 8 8 6 10 S 8 O .12 Afraid to be called ”squares" 1 14 O 15 O 1.1 O 12 They are rejected by others 0 15 6 10 l 10 l 11 Afraid to be called "sissies' 0 15 0 15 0 11 1 11 For pleasure or resreat ion 31 2 31 3 73 1 21 3 To see if they like it 0 15 2 16 l 10 O 12 It is a habit with tho a: l. 11 7 Z) 5 10 7 To get rid of worries 2A 3 51 2 M 3 26 2 Have domestic or family trouble 15 6 26 I. 29 2 l8 2 Have financial troubles 6 10 23 5 13 12 They are bored I. 12 7 9 8 7 2 10 They are unhappy or sick 5 11 13 6 8 '7 3 9 They do not know any better 4. 12 1 1!. 2 9 O 12 Not enough supervision, discipline 3 l3 2 13 0 11 O 12 Their parents did not care 0 15 0 l5 2 9 0 12 “chars of their families drink 0 15 1 11. g 1 10 O 12 ‘ ghey think it is all right 12 7 ' '7 8 l3 6 5 8 0 answer 14, -- j -- -- __2 ~- Total 234 333 ‘ 33'; 141. ‘ " When the top ten ranked ”motives“ indicated by the male ”non-dr er“ are compared with the comparable items ranked by the male 'drinkes' X P<.Ol; the same me procedure applied to the rankings of females in each category produces a Tau~P< .om; the same procedure applied 'to the rankings of the male ”non-drinker" and the female F'drinker" produces a TauavP< .05. b Totals include the first, second and third responses to the question, “What are the three most important reasons adults drink?“ 185 ' case. However, a positive relationship is perceived by students between a situation defined as a.'party' and the use of alcohol as a social beverage. Drinking is also imputed to be a pleasurable activity among adults. Students repeatedly referred to the.pleesurab1e effects associated with the use of alcohol. One "floats on air," is ”high," gets "in a real happy mood,” gets “thrills" and "oomph.“ Or, drinking is said to be "refreshing.” Hell, I don't like drinking myself very well, but some people consider it refreshing and they take it just-—they don't drink heavily but they Just take it for refreshment. I don't think that is bad, but if they go too far with it, well, I don't like that at all. (Interview 35) To a lesser extent, adult drinking is associated with a "getting rid of worries," as indicated by the teen-ager who in a few sentences was able to outline an entire catalog of motives for drinking: There's the first kind of person who drinks to be sociable. And there's another that drinks-well, because his friends drink. Some people drink because they don't have no friends or nothing and they are really what you call an outsider. 80 they drink and become an alcoholic. Then some people drink on occasions like to celebrate and some drink to be sociable. (Interview 14) The reference here to alcoholism as a response to social isolation is revealv ing not so much because of the insight it implies but because this relation- ship was rarely stated explicitly by the students. This does not mean that 'there was no awareness among students that some drinkers can and do become problem drinkers or alcoholics. They were aware of this possibility. The jpoint is, and this will.become increasingly evident, that they chose to .associste positive rather than negative social-values with the use of alco- hol. Drinking was perceived primarily as involving the use of a social. ‘ ‘bewerege, not an anti-social drug. *A ”vocabulagz of motives” for teen-age ggggkigg.7 When teen-agers com- pared the motives for teen-age drinking with those they imputed to adults, 186 distinctions were typically made. I don't think teen-agers drink because they. are blue or any- thing like maybe some grownups do, feeling sorry for them- selves. I don't think temgers drink for that reason. But I have been around quite a few people that have drunk and I know that they either drink to- be sociable or either they drink because they want to show off and be smart and show others how much they can drink. And these are the only reasons I can think of why people drink except maybe that they like it. (Interview 33) This statement is a fair summary of the motives for drinking which teeneagers imputed to their peers in high school. While the students were not so much in agreement in imputing motives to drinkers in high school as they were in the case of the adult, they were nevertheless essentially agreed that the \ important motives for teen-age drinking are l) ”to be smart," 2) "to be one of the crowd," and 3) " to avoid being left out of the crowd” (Table 51.). Status-conferral function.- l'Being smart" apparently implied the pre- mature playing of adult roles. Teen-age drinking calls attention to itself in large part because it is unusual behavior, behavior ordinarily appropriate for adults. I've talked quite a bit about ”drinking" in the last couple of weeks because of all the senior parties. You can notice it more that way. A teen-ager goes out and it doesn't matter how much he drinks. If they drink a lot, that's different because they will get in trouble. But even if they drink just one bottle or one drink, most of them just start acting smart and ...Just to show off. That's the way I see it; they put it on just to show-off. (Interview 2!.) Among the ten top ranked motives for teem-age drinking, "being mart" is also associated with "proving (one) can hold it." Female. “non-drinkers" even rank this motive as the most important.: Presmably what one proves, however, is more than the fact that "one can hold it." What one is attempting to con- vey to his peers by means of drinking is "Look, I am drinking like an adult (or man)" That is, in attempting to "act grown-up," teen-agers frequently 187 TABLE 5/. STUDENT OONCEPTIONS OF STUNT MOTIVATION FOR DRINKING, RANK ORDERED (FD)a W W 11' inks W Mot iv“ for dggigg mg Male F No. BO NO. R0 NO. NO No. R0 To be sociable I, 12 '7 12 17 5 5 12 To be one of the crowd 25 2 1.1 2 4.1 2 21 1 To prove they can hold it 11 8 45 1 1'7 5 12 3 They think they are alert 39 1 34 3 46 l 15 2 To get attention from others 16 5 11 9 12 9 5 10 They want to feel important 12 7 11 9 15 6 3 12 They want to act “grown up” 15 6 13 7 12 9 11 5 To celebrate some occasion 4 12 0 1'7 15 6 2 l3 Afraid to be left out of group 17 4 24 4 29 3 6 9 Afraid to be called ”sqmres' 7 10 8 11 13 8 11 4 They are rejected by others 2 11. 2 15 0 16 l 14 Afraid to be called "8133108" 22 3 14 6 1'7 5 10 6 - For pleasure or recreation 5 11 3 14 29 3 4 11 To see if they like it 7 10 12 3 13 4 7 8 It is a habit with then 3 13 O 17 l. 13 2 13 To get rid of worries 0 15 2 15 5 12 O 15 Have domestic or family trouble 0 15 1 16 2 1!. 2 13 Have financial troubles O 15 1 16 2 14 O 15 hey are bored 2 11. 2 15 14 7 2 13 They are unhappy or sick 0 15 O 17 1 15 O 15 They do not know any better 4 12 19 5 5 12 1 11. Not enough supervision, discipline 3 13 9 10 8 10 2 13 Their parents do not care 8 9 9 10 6 11 8 7 Members of their families drink 4 12 13 7 6 11 l 1!. They think it is all right - 2 11. 2 15 8 10 6 9 NO "18"” .23!) "' fl -' .42 " _.'Z "' Total number of responses 23!. 303 387 11.4 a When the top ten ranked ”motives“ of the male IMom-drinker" are compared with the canparable items ranked by the male "drinker”, Tau/v P< .05. The same procedure applied to the rankings of fueles in each category produces a TN.Z)>P>.10; the same procedure applied to the rankings of male and female “drinkers“ produces a Tau N.10>P >.05. Totals include the first, second and third responses to the question, "What are the three most important reasons high school students drink?" 188 "act smart" and attempt to prove "they can hold it."19 This interpretation is consistent with the teen-ager's perception of the adult predominantly as a drinker. It is also consistent with the fact that, particularly for the male student, the self-designated "drinker" is more likely than others to identify with adult reference groups or with groups of teen-agers who have in common a conception of themselves predominantly as adults rather than as adolescents. It is equally interesting that the students were aware that drinking may be histrionic, that the effects of drinking may be faked. The implications of .this observation will be discussed subsequently. Still another facet of the status-conferral function of some teenpage drinking is implicit in the repeated reference in the interviews to "coming of age.” This phrase means in part that one has attained the legalage for drinking. Some people think you should drink on your twenty-first birthday; Why? Because they come of age....They want to: take some right then because they know they have come of age and can get the stuff better than when they were under- age . (Interview 32) But more than this, "coming of age" is implicitly equated with claims to the right to play or the playing of adult—like roles, such roles, for example, as a holder of a full-time job, the married person or a member of the anmed services.. All of these roles may be played prior to the attainment of the age of legal adulthood. Since the majority of students expect to assume one 19E. M. Lemert, op. cit., refers to this particular status-conferral function of drinking among the.Northwest Coast Indians. Antonio Arcs, a graduate student in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, lichigan State University, has described in personal conversations how drinkers in . his native Costa Rica frequently refer to themselves as "may hombre“ (very much a man) when drinking. 189 or more of these essentially adult roles shortly after graduation from high school if not before, the implications of graduation from high school and .of increased drinking during the senior year must be considered in terms of the status-conferral function of drinking. Well, I don't know how to explain it, but especially the fellows in the senior year and especially these last few months, practi- cally all the fellows have been drinking. not all to excess but all drinking quite a bit. After they get out of high school the fellows straighten up again and within a few months after grad- uation they are the same people you have always known. (Interview 42) Oh, we usually drink when my friends come along or something like that. laybe on some special occasions; not every week~end but like during Senior Night, our senior activities. (Interview 14) Drinking as it is described here appears to be an improvised rite of passage between adolescent and adult age grades. A similar observation may be made about the status-conferral function of entrance into the armed forces, which more than one student also asso- ciated with drinking. Going into the armed services implies the achievement of adult status insofar as effective parental control is severed and some measure of financial and emotional independence is achieved. ly friend wanted to have a party for the fellows in our class who are going into the army, see-the marines. So we have a party and, of course, alcohol-~beer and stuff was brought. (Interview 62) And, of course there was drinking. Though all teen-age drinking cannot be explained altogether by its stems-conferred function as there will be occasion to observe later, much of it can be explained in these terms. Alcohol serves as an institutionalized mechanism for symbolizing the dissolution of one age graded status and the transformation of the individual into a new position in the social system. I 190 It is pertinent to digress briefly to consider a point that has some- times been troublesome in functional analysis.. This point has to do with the specification of the social system or sub-part of a social system for which a given act is imputed to be functional. The analysis to this point indicates that drinking is clearly functional for the sub-system composed of "drinkers" insofar as it is a presentational symbol important for validating their self-conceptions as adults, their claims to adult status or their mem— bership in some peer grouping. It might be argued, on the other hand, that behavior which is functional for the "drinkers" is disfunctinal for the larger system in which they are members. There is no question that many adults as well as many teen-agers view the drinking of the high school stu— dent as disfunctional, at least to the extent that this behavior remains illegal and premature from the standpoint of adult members of the system. Teen-age drinking invades the prerogatives of the adult and.may, in some cir- cumstances, result in additional restraints being placed on the behavior of "non-drinkers." Nevertheless, it may be argued, on the other hand, that in a society which has only a minimum of institutionalized rites of passage between age grades some drinking by students may have a latent function for the larger system also. This does not mean that drinking has a necessary or a universal function in status-conferral. It does mean that, in a society in which there is institutionalized drinking for adults, drinking does function as an improvised rite of passage into the age grade. Drinking functions to validate the self-conception of some teen-agers who claim adult status and, to this extent, functions to integrate these teen-agers into the larger adult society. That some other mechanism of integration might be pre- ferred is another question. 191 Still a third facet of the status~conferral function of drinking is suggested by the association between socio-economic status aspirations and ‘both the designation of oneself aava ”drinker" and ”approval of teen—age drinking." The eXplanation of this relationship is similar to that advanced for the association between drinking and significance of claims to adult status. Insofar as persons of high socio-economic status as well as adults in general are perceived to be drinkers, drinking reflects anticipatory socialization into playing preferred adult roles. In drinking, the teen-ager is able to demonstrate his ability to drink ”like a gentleman" as well as ”like a man." mupgmtfiicatin functionv- While adults are said to be motivated to drink in order "to be sociable," teen~agers are more frequently said to be motivated to drink in order ''to be one of the crowd" or to "avoid being left out of the crowd." This implies that, although drinking is assumed to be an institutionalized mechanism for the facilitation of sociability among adults, something more is involved for the teen-agers. The reasons for this distinction have been suggested previously and need only to be recapitu- lated briefly here. Teen-age drinking is illegal from the standpoint of the larger society and premature from the standpoint of most adults. Special precautions to avoid detection are required. Consequently, students them- selves place less emphasis on the social facilitation accompanying the use of alcohol than on the group-identification.function of its use, or, paren- thetically, abstaining from its use.: lhile the nwild party“ is specified as a common occasion for drinking, the importance of this behavior appears/to lie in its symbolizing membership in a group more than anything else. As some teen-agers said, 192 Personally, I don't like the flavor of most drinks...and the majority of people are against (teen-age drinking). I Just want to go with the crowd I guess. When the rest of them are drinking and you’re the only one that's sitting there and not doing it, it kinda makes you thirsty after awhile. At this wedding, I don't know exactly what it was, though us kids had.fun.doing it and the other kids, I think they were bored stiff cause they weren't getting into the fun. Us kids were having lots of fun at this wedding and the other kids didn't; they were bored... Some of us kids had a headache when we woke up the next morning but otherwise the other kids didn't; but we had a lot of fun that night and those other kids didn't. Interview 32) Wanting to go with the crowd has at least two facets, one positive and the other negative. Some students talked of choosing friends because one likes them, not because they drink or are abstinent; if one's friends drink, then drinking may symbolize a common bond of friendship. Other students emphasized a more negative, deterministic interpretation of drinking behavior as the student who said, I think if you get in certain company, then that will determine what you'll do or not....If you get in certain company that looks down on (drinking), then you won't drink. (Interview 21) This oversimple explanation of group determination of behavior does suggest something important. Group identification is important to the teen-ager, and the use of or avoidance of alcohol appears to be one means for group identi— fication. . There were occasional references in the interviews to group pressure, indicating that the group-identification function of drinking involves both the identification of an individual with a group and the identification of the individual as a member of the group by its other members. Pressure is common. There's quite a few that go to these parties and don't drink. They stick to pop. But there are some that do drink. If you don't drink they try to throw one on you or shove one on you. If you say no, right there you're considered chicken. They just forget about you. (Interview 37) 193 Kids don't drink because they feel they're-~oh, I don't know exactly how to say it. They feel that if they donft drink, they're out of the class of kids they are running' around with, the pOpular gang here at school. (Interview 32) Would I like to drink? I don't drink and I don't think I would like to. I've heard from other people that when they go, they have to drink as everyone else is standing around with drinks in their hands. I don't want to go because you feel that you have to Join in with them and if you don't you aren't exactly being sociable. (Interview 25) These student comments are important in the face of evidence that only about 9%-of the students in the population studied identified themselves as "drink- ers" and only about 27% reported drinking with any degree of consistency. Why there should be sustained pressure from the members of the typical teen— age peer group on others to drink is difficult to explain unless a basic distinction is made between 1) what we have called the typical adolescent peer group characterized by the acceptance of its members of an adult definition or appropriate behavior for the age grade and 2) the adult- oriented peer group of the “drinker." In the former case one would expect group sanctions against the “drinker." Abstinence is an important symbol of identifying the adolescent peer group. It is only in the latter case that the use of drinking behavior as a symbol of group identification becomes important. This does not rule out the possibility, however, that drinking may sometimes be used in groups of "non-drinkers” in isolated instances to test the willingness of an individual to conform to group demands. Unfortunately, it is not possible to achieve closure on this point primarily because of restrictions placed on the research group as a condition of gaining access to the public school system. Participern: observation was ruled out and students were not allowed to identify themselves by name in the interviews, although a number of them indicated a willingness to do so. Consequently, it was possible to confirm only indirectly and tenuously the impression that "drinkers" and "non-drinkers" tend to form separate peer groups. 194 The basic point to be made is this. Teen-age drinking behavior and the teen-ager's identification of himself as a "drinker" must be seen within the context of a social system which has institutionalized the use of alcohol for the adult. Because drinking is institutionalized behavior in the social system, this behavior is a symbol which may be presented in various situations as one means of establishing his self and social identity. For this reason, it is apparent that an important source of motivation to drinking of an individual lies in obligatory relationships to others and to his group.m And, so long as an individual remains a member of a group which has made institutionalized drinking behavior a mechanism of identification, an individual may be obligated to present this symbol at the appropriate time regardless of any peculiarly personal sources of motivation to the contrary. ' Once behavior is institutionalized, it is quite possible for the distinction batween means and ends to become indistinct. The function of the behavior may no longer be manifest. Nevertheless, the group-identifying function appears to remain an important source of motivation for some teen-age drink- ing. Elf-assessments of _per,s,on,al, EOEilfil-‘ifl" In addition to being asked about the motives for drinking of students in general, the teen-agers were asked to assess their personal "reasons” for this behavior. “If you drink," they were asked,. "what best describes your own feelings about why you drink?" 20!. h. Lemert (op. cit. , 371) describes the following situations among Northwest Coast Indians: ”lhen the member of a clan was challenged. by a spokesman of another clan to drink down his portion of whiskey or run, he did so because otherwise he and his—clan stood to lose status. .In other words, his. personal needs had to be subordinated to the claims. made upon him by the clan 3 non-anxious as well as anxious individual had to conform with the ritual requirements of the situation." 195 Table 55 reports student responses.21 When the responses of male and female.'drinkers" are compared, dif- ferential preference for various fireasons' for their drinking are not signifi- cant. About one in two students in both categories drink because "I like it." This individualistic explanation of drinking behavior seems to contra- dict the previous emphasis on the social sources of this behavior. The con— tradiction is only apparent, however. One characteristic of adult role playing in our society is that the individual must use personal discretion in behavior. He is held personally accountable fer his acts by society. The opposite side of this coin is that the individual has a right to be personally accountable for the decision which he himself makes. loreover, the "pursuit of pleasure" is a positively valued goal. This is reflected, incidentally, in the frequency with which individuals select from their ”vocabularies of motives” the particular re- sponses “I wanted to” or "I like to do this“ in answer to the question "Why did you do that?” Therefore, for an individual to assert ”I drink because I like it” reflects in large part an assertion of the right to personal de- cision about the means to achieve pleasure. This eXplanation is congruent with the previous observation that the "drinker" is predominantly oriented to an identification with adult-like roles. The second and third most frequently mentioned motives for drinking by "drinkers" are “to celebrate some special occasion" and “to be with the crowd," in that order. Only eight percent of both males and females listed 21The inappropriate answers of the 'nonpdrinkers" are reported again here as further indication.of a fact previously observed: A self-designation of "non-drinker” is not synonymous with abstinence. 196 TABLE 55 SEW-ASSESSMENTS BY "DRINKMS" OF MOTIVES FOR DRINKINGa Ntiv r r 11.81! F 21% Percentage c I like it 23 24 55 43 I drink to be with the crowd 23 4 ll. 15 I drink when I an unhappy O I. 8 8 I drink to go along with older friends 0 8 4 7 I drink to celebrate special occasions 54 Q ‘12 g Total 100 100 100 100 Number of responses 22 25 144 60 Number of cases responding 12 21 121 48 ‘ Wham male and female "drinkers“ only are compared, XZNP).20. b Includes inappmpriate responses to the question, “If you drink, which of the following best describe your feelings about win you drink?" ° Percentages in this instance refer to number of responses. TABLE 56 smassrssmrs BY mom-Dam" or mrmis FOR "TASTING" “001101.“ “No r e" t v " a t " (Percentage To see what it was like 83 90 On a date 0 1 A friend urged me to taste 6 2 To see if I could 5 0 Because it was forbidden 2 l I was tricked into it 2 5 I was angry at parents or friends 2 1 Total 100 100 Number of responses 6!. 88 Number of cases responding 62 85 a When rows 2-7 are collapsed in each column, IZN P>.20. b Percentages in this instance refer to the number of responses to the question, ”If you do not drink, which of the following best describe your reasons for tasting alcohol?“ 197 "I drink when I an unhappy" as a motive. This means that less than 1% of all students and slightly less than.10% of the ”drinkers" gave this response. It should be noted that, among those "non-drinkers" who answered this question inappropriately (see Table:55), the most common verbalized.motive for drinking is “to celebrate some special occasion.” A majority of both males and females gave this reason. For both categories, “I like it'I was the second most frequently mentioned reason. Those who selfedesignated themselves as "nonpdrinkers" were asked to indicate their reasons for tastigg alcohol, if they had ever done so. An overwhelming majority of both males (83%) and females (90%) responded I'to see what it was like” (Table 56). For 'non-drinkers' the use of alcohol was conceived to be exploratory; Stated differently, their behavior may be' described as anticipatory socialization.” The behavior of the self- designated “drinker' who is considered to be an adolescent by adults and other adolescents mdght also be described in these terms. In the case of the "drinker," however, the process is simply farther advanced. The ex- ploratory ”tasting" of the “non-drinker” anticipates behavior which is per- ceived by the teen-ager to be common among persons playing adult roles in the larger social system in which he is a member. This does not mean that all ”tasters" will become drinkers as adults. The “testing” does suggest that most teen-agers entertain this as a possibility. Up to this point.several functions of teen-age drinking have been discus- sed. Attention has been directed to a consideration of the status-conferral anticipatog socialiutig; is used hy scrton and Kitt L'Some Contribu- tions to the Theory of Reference Group Behavior,” in Continuities in Social Research (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1950), 84-95, eds.R. K. Merton and P. 1". Lazarsfeld] to describe identification with values assumed to be held by members of a non-membership reference group in anticipation of be- coming a member of that group. 198 function of alcohol and its use.as a mechanism for self and social identifi- cation. Some teen-age drinking is related to a transformation of status- from adolescence to adulthood. Second, drinking behavior is also related to peer group identification. Third, for "non-drinkers" as well as "drinkers" the use of alcohol anticipates a pattern of behavior associated with adult role playing. Bgfore other functions of teen-age drinking behavior are con- sidered, it is useful to comment on the effects imputed to the use of alcohol by the students. ‘1hgfdemonstrable_and iggutggreffects ofgdrinking_on behavior.- The physiological effects of ingested alcohol on the human body are demonstrable. In specific quantities for any given individual, alcohol acts as a sedative, an analgesic and as a hypnotic drug. Pharmacologically, alcohol is an anesthetic whose depressant effect on the central nervous system tends to impair Judgment, discrimination, inhibitions and muscular coordination.23 Some if’not most of the high school students interviewed were aware of these physiological effects. For example, I have read articles that proclaim that it dulls your senses, so that you're slower on your reactions and things like that; that doesn't make you quite as sharp and may make you irritable toward people, say things you don't mean. (Interview 53) Well, alcohol numbs your senses. They don't have the, I mean, they can't think quick enough to put their foot on the brake or they can't see. They can't see as far, their seeing is a lot less and it numbs their senses a lot...I think we studied alcohol in personal and social problems here at school. (Interview 68) Yet, in the interviews both ”drinkers” and “non-drinkers" were more likely to emphasize persmnalor social effects of drinking rather than purely 2Bl'or clear and concise summary of relevant research, see R. G. McCarthy and E. I. Douglass, Alcohol and §gcial Resggnsibility‘jNeW'Iork: Crowell, 1949), Chapters 6 and.7. 199 physiological effects. A catalog of "effects” can be abstracted from the interviews which, if taken at face value, considerably broaden what alcohol is assumed to do tg_end.§g£,individuals. Such phrases as "feeling high," "floating on air,” "freeness," "getting real happy," "getting oomph," and so on are clearly related to experiences with a physiological base. It is important to note, however, that the caperiences are not ends in themselves but are related to the achievement of personally or socially valued goals. Ies, quite a number of times kids have been drinking at one of the dances...Well, a couple of guys came in one night and they were, you know, feeling real happy and there was a cop stand- ing there. They sorta made fun of him, I mean they didn't really do anything and the cop didn't do anything. But they were making fun of him, pointing at him, doing silly things. I can't remember what they were doing but everybody got sorta a big charge out of it...(Interview 13) If you have one bottle of beer, sometimes you'll get awfully dizzy on it and two will make you flat drunk. Whereas, if you continue on that, itfill take five or six before you even get to feeling good...I've never gone overboard. I've never got to the stage where I can't walk-but I'm feeling good on Christmas Eve...(Interview 37) By implication, the teen—agers also attributed to alcohol qualities which "cause" or at least are related to "pleasurableness," "sociability," “manli- ness," 'conviviality," and so on. Alcohol is perceived to be a social bev- erage related to the achievement of socially approved goals. The basic point is this. W. I. Thomas has generalized that "If men define situations as real,.they are real in their consequencies.24 lerton uses this quotation as a springboard for a discussion of what he calls "self- fulfilling prophecy;' that is, some.social consequences are explainable, at least in part, by the fact that the consequences are predicted;25 Symbols “The Child in America (New York: Knopf, 1929), 572. 25Social Theor and Social 8 tare (Glencoe, Illinois: The.Free Press, allow one some leeway in the perception of his environment. Therefore, in understanding the use of alcohol and the effects which it presumably has on the behavior of the drinker, it is important to make a distinction be- tween the demonstrable physiologicel effects of alcohol and the imputed effects. Lindesmith has noted, for example, that in the treatment of the opiate addict the possibility of deception is considered an established fact. ...under certain conditions an addict may be deceived into believing that he is under the inflgence of the drug though he is actually not and vice versa.2 He adds In other words, nearly all the direct effects of the drug which last beyond a few minutes after the shot are such that they could easily be attributed to other causes if they appeared in isolation. Knowing that he is an addict, the addict ascribes his mental changes to the drug, not because they fire recogniz- able as such but because they accompany the shot. Although it should be stated again that teen—age drinking is by no means equivalent to drug addiction, the symbolic transformation of stimuli in con- formity with expectations is illustrated by the shared "prophecy" of most teen-agers that alcohol makes one “sociable,” "gay," and so on and on through a whole catalog of imputed effects. As Lindesmith's data would lead one to suspect, some of the effect of alcohol may occasionally be “faked." A single illustration from the interviews will make the point sufficiently. ' ' Kids, esPecislly high school kids, go beserk you might say. They get silly about it you know. And they'll drink it and-— like some girls I've known to drink small amounts of it-— they'll get real gigglish and silly. They say they're drunk but they're actually not; it's just that they say that they are so somebody'll think they're smart...It makes them put on false acts and they put on false acts that wouldn't ordinarily do...Kids act that way to get attention in most cases...I've seen a lot of that. (Interview 62) * —— ‘— 2602. cit., 32. 270 . cit., 35. 201 Logically, there is no stopping point in the effects which might be imputed to drinking once the process of symbolic transformation is taken into con- sideration.28 With the implications of symbolic transformation for understanding the effects of drinking on behavior in mind, it is now possible to consider another function of drinking in our society which is reflected in verbalised motives of teen-agers for drinking or abstention. The data on which these speculative observations are made are admittedly incomplete. No attempt will be made to achieve closure on this point. Drinking and the legitimation of unconyentional behavior.— In spite of the fact that alcohol is demonstrably a depressant, some students spoke of the beverage as though it were an aphrodisiac. This imputed quality of al—- cohol underlies the student male's preference for an all-male drinking group. It also underlies the preference of some of the females to drink only at home ”where I know I am going to be safe“ and the frequency expressed feeling that ”it just doesn't look right for girls to drink," especially in mixed groups. Well, according to mother, drinking makes people forget theirs- lose their heads and so forth...We never invite a girl to a party anyway, that kind; and we never mention or do anything around girls...I never get myself in that situation. If a girl tried to drink with us we'd boot her out of the general area, give her the freezeout. (Interview 49) It doesn't seem right to be drinking in mixed company. Cause us guys never drank with a mixed group. I don't think none of the guys would like it either...It just seems not right for girls to drink around boys. They get too wild. (Interview 50) 28That the possible "effects" of alcohol are much more diverse than suggested here is documented in the cross-cultural studies summarized in ‘Chapter I. The ”effects" of alcohol on human behavior are, at least to an important degree, culturally defined. 202 These and other similar comments appeared only incidentally in the interviews, since the research group agreed, at the request of the public school administration, not to probe the sex experience of the students. It is relevant to point out, nevertheless, that a similar association between alcohol and sex has been noted by other research. 8. D. Bacon and Robert Straus,29 in a study of almost 17,000 college students, found that the students imputed a relationship between drinking and sexual behavior. A majority of both abstainers and drinkers associated drinking with at least one form of sexual behavior such as petting and neck- ing, sexual excitement or sexual intercourse. Whether this belief reflected experience or moral indoctrination was not determined. However, it was found that, in general, married students were also more likely to associate‘ alcohol and sexual behavior than were single persons. Moreover, males were more likely to make this association for females than for themselves although females associated alcohol and sex for both males and females. Bacon and Straus refrain from speculation about the theoretical impli- cations of their data. Yet at least passing reference to a comment by Margaret Mead on the possible relationship between sex and alcohol in our society seems relevant. Mead speculates that, in a society which strongly . indoctrinates its members against the idea that sex is play and, as such, may be enjoyed, alcohol may be one mechanism facilitating sex play by means of lowering inhibitions.30 Although she does not elaborate the point, sev- eral additional speculative comments may be made.\ Inebriety is demonstrably related to the reduction of inhibitions; in part this relationship is zarinkgpgkin College (New Haven: Yale University grass, 1953), 186-95. 301941;“ and. male (Nenlfork: New Amaricanvhibrary, 1955), 217. 203 explained in terms of physiological effects (i.e., the depressant effect on the central nervous system) which have social consequences.31 But it is equally appropriate to ask, To what extent does the association between sex and alcohol reflect the institutionalization of drinking as a mechanism for facilitating sexual behavior?’ This question substitutes a sociological question for a physiological one. The data are too sketchy to provide an answer to the question. Howe ever, the possibility that drinking is an institutionalized mechanism for facilitating sexual behavior is certainly suggested in the light of the previous discussion of symbolic transformation and self-fulfilling prophecy. Our data and the Bacon and Straus data do indicate that belief in the re- lationship is widespread. It remains to be determined what functional signifi- cance this belief has, although we have the impression that Iargaret Head's speculation is a lead worth investigating, especially if attention is shifted from a physiological to a sociological orientation. Eggggigg and agggession.- The questionnaire used in the study did not explore the extent to which the teen-agers believed drinking to be related to physical aggression against others or verbalized aggression against society. Comments relevant to this point were only rarely made in the in- 'terviews, although other research suggests that drinking and physical aggres- sions are believed by some individuals to be related32 and are related in 31For example, R. A. Clark [fThe Projective‘leasurement of Experimentally Induced Levels of Sexual Motivation,” Journal of Emerimental Psychology, Apt (1952), 391-99] found through the use of Thematic Apperception Tests that sex symbolism increases when persons are under the influence of alcohol. 32Bacon and Straus, op. cit., 186-95, found that belief in this relation- ship was associated especially in the case of males; the theoretical impli- cations of the absence of this association for the female are not explored. ‘11: is hardly satisfactory to explain this imputed difference in terms of the differences in physiological effects of drinking on males and females. 204 fact to some extent.33 The most obvious explanation of the relationship is again in terms of the depressant effect of alcohol on the central nervous system and the consequent reduction of inhibitions, judgment and discretion. Hut, as in the case of the previous comments on alcohol and sexual behavior, an equally interesting question is ”To what extent is alcohol an institution- alized mechanism for the expression of aggression in our society?" The possibility that drinking is an institutionalized mechanism in American society and functions to legitimize certain types of unconventional behavior appears to warrant exploration in future research. The research group members noted during the interviews, for example, the frequency with which teen-agers followed descriptions of unconventional behavior resulting from the use of alcohol with humorous coments. It has been observed also ' by the author that the aggressive person who is assumed to be inebriated is often avoided rather than attacked and that his behavior is frequently ex- plained away by saying "he doesn't know what he is doing." To the extent that members of a society treat behavior following drinking as an occasion fer humor or avoidance rather than as an occasion for indignation and punish- ment, to that extent drinking functions as an institutionalized mechanism for breaking the conventions of the society. Drinking functions to legitimate 335», J. L. Miller and J. a. lahl, ttitu§e_3_of High school Students ‘Toward alcoholic ggveraggg, A study made or the Hrs. John S. Sheppard Fbundation by the University Extension Division, the University of Wisconsin, .1956, 49, for data on "unusual behavior” following drinking, See also W. W. ‘Wattenberg and_J. B. Moir,_Teen-age Drinkers.. A research.project conducted , tunder the auspices of the Social Science Research Center of Wayne University «on a Grant from the State Board of Alcoholism, Lansing, Michigan, 1955. ‘Wattenberg and Hair conclude that ”on the basis of (our) findings, we may say that heavy drinking by juveniles is closely allied to delinquency in general. It is part of a revolt against grown-ups engaged in by boys who ‘hsve weak relationships to people and impoverished inner resources. 205 devious behavior?“ ...—1W? In this chapter the outline of a sociological theory of motivation, has been presented in outline. This theoretical orientation emphasizes the learn- ing of the affective significance of a system of symbols with traditional meanings. In the social interaction context one learns to define situations and, having defined them, to mobilize his energy and direct it selectively toward his environment because he has learned what affective significance certain presented symbols should have for him. The process of identification-- the investment of certain symbols with peculiar significance for the self-- is explained at least in part by differential valuation of various statuses in the social system, an individual's self-image and his status aspirations within the system. A "vocabulary of motives"-the process of labelling certain signs-in- situation and associating with the labels definitions of appropriate behavior and rationales for that behavior-n-provides a basis for insight into the traditional meaning of particular symbols. This imputed meaning is equivalent to the manifest function of the behavior. When the manifest functions of the behavior delineated by the appropriate ”vocabulary" is placed within the 34m an unpublished paper entitled "gharisma: The Reinterpretation and Extension of a Concept," the author has suggested the possible utility of Max Weber's concept of charismain the analysis of drinking behavior. The rationale for this application is documented in the paper. However, it is pertinent to note here that some uses of alcohol do appear 1) to. legitimate non-ordinary and "revolutionary" behavior vis a via the established social order and 2) to be associated with the belief that alcohol has a power over the human being over which he has only limited control, i.e., alcohol is "superhuman." These are two key characteristics of Weber's concept applied in a new context. If the routinizetion of charisma_is taken into account, then the "revolutionary" aspect of charisma claims may be viewed as a mechanism which is functional to some degree in maintaining an established social order. 206 context of a social system whose structure and organization is known, certain latent functions may also be suggested. When teen-agers specified the ”reasons" adults drink, they were in agreement that drinking behavior is explained by its relationship to sociability, pleasurableness and anxiety-reduction. Thus, the students re- lated drinking to positive social values. When teen-agers explained the drinking of their peers, they emphasized ”acting smart," "being one of the crowd," and "avoiding being left out.” The "drinker" added that he personally drank "because I like it," while the Inonpdrinker" added, "I wanted to see what it was like.w It was noted in previous chapters that drinking for both adults and teen-agers has a positive association with "partying" and the celebration of special occasions and holidays. When placed within the context of an age graded social system, these manifest functions of teen—age drinking suggested by the shared "vocabulary of motives" also suggests certain latent functions of this behavior. Four of these functions have been discussed: 1) The status-conferring function; ‘2) the group-identification function; 3) the anticipatory socialization function and A) the function of legitimating unconventional behavior. The data of the research did not allow the same degree of closure to 'be achieved in the discussion of each of.these fUnctions. The last function mentioned is admittedly speculative. In conclusion, it should be re-emphasized that,the functions of teen—age drinking which have been considered are not exhaustive and are not necessary in the sense that no alternative mechanisms or functional equivalents are conceivable. Moreover, it is useful to dis- tinguish at least analytically the-social system or the sub—part of such a system for which the behavior is functional. 207 The presentation of the substantive data of the study has now been completed. It is now possible to summarize the findings, to evaluate the original hypotheses of the study, to discuss some of the theoretical impli- cations of the findings and to assess critically the strengths and weaknesses of the research which was done. This will be done in the next and final chapter. CHAPTER.” CONCLUSINS OF THE STUDY WM" Brief summaries indicating the relevance of the substantive data for accepting, rejecting or modifying the hypotheses presented in Chapter II will be presented here. Hypothesis 1: The male teen-ager is more likely than the female teen-ager to report drinking and to designate, that is, to have an image of, himself as a "drinker." The hypothesis is confirmed. The differences in drinking behavior found among male and female adults in American society are also evident among the high school students in the study. Females were found more likely than males to drink infrequently, only small amounts, and under stringently defined circumstances. A double standard of appropriateness was applied to male and female drinking by both sexes. These distinctions characterize sex differentials in the "tasting" of the "non-drinker” as well as the drinking of the ”drinker." Hypothesis 2: Teen-agers, whether designating themselves as "drinkers" or "non-drinkers," share a similar image of the pattern and social context of drinking in the community. Corollary 1: The "effects" imputed. by teen-agers to drink- ing tend to emphasize social rather than physiological con- sequences and to emphasize socially ”desirable" rather than socially "undesirable" consequences. Corollary 2: Teen-agers share a "vocabulary of natives” by which they explain the “why" of adult and adolescent drinking. The hypothesis and its corollaries are confirmed. There. is a shared image among students about drinking in the community in terms. of 1) places, 2% 209 2) occasions, 3) proportion of drinkers, 1.) effects, and 5) motives. Although the perceived pattern of drinking for adults and. adolescents must be distinguished, there is agreement among, students about drinking behavior within each age grade considered separately. d When adult drinking behavior was considered by students, the occasions for drinking were perceived to be predominantly social-“for example, the party, the celebration. The places for drinking mentioned also suggested social interaction; drinking was perceived to occur in the home when there is entertainment, in nightclubs and in other public places. Half or more of adults were believed to drink regularly. The effects of drinking were imputed to be sociability, pleasurableness and anxiety-reduction and the effects were perceived to be closely related to adult motives for drinking. When the teen-ager drinking behavior was considered, there was essen- tial agreement about the perceived pattern and social context of their drink- ing. In this case the extent of agreement was not persistently significant statistically. The places of drinking were typically locations separated from the supervision and control of adults. This reflects awareness of the illegality of teen-age drinking and the general disapproval of this behavior by adults. "Tasting" alcohol in the home and in the presence of parents, which was reported by many of the students, was not interpreted by them as an indication of adult approval of drinking by teen-agers. Congruent with es- tablished sex differentials, females were more likely than males to report drinking in the context of the home and with members of the kin group. Occasions for drinking by students were typically perceivedto be the ”wild" party,. a special event or a holiday. There was agreement that a small minority of students drink regularly, in contrast to estimates about the number of adult drinkensr While the 210 differences in estimates were not significant, both "drinkers" and "non- , drinkers“ were found to maximize their estimates of the number of adults and students whose use or avoidance of alcohol corresponded to their own.. I'Drink-- ere" made higher estimates than others of the number of both adult and stu- dent drinkers, while ‘non-drinkers' made higher estimates than others of the number of adult and student non-drinkers. The possible relevance of these observed differences for reference group theory will be discussed subsequently. I The motives for drinking and the consequences of drinking imputed by students to explain the drinking by their peers emphasized social factors in congruence with explanations of adult behavior. However, the imputations of teen-age motives were not identical for individuals in the two age grades.. Students were said to drink in order to "be smart,” "to be with the crowd," "to avoid being left out," "to prove they could hold it,“ ”to act grown up," or "because (they) liked it.” The implied latent functions implicit in the above imputation of motives were explored at some length in Chapter V. These functions which have been discussed are l) status—conferral, 2) group identificatianand 3) anticipatory socialization. It was also speculated on the basis of in» formation about the relationship between drinking and sex or aggression that a fourth function may be impliedp-the legitimation of unconventional behav; ior. The possible utility of the concept of institutionalized or routinized charisma was suggested in regard to this last point, especially in the light of the discussion of the possibility of imputed effects becoming self- fulfilling prophecy; The fact that only a very few students had not had some experience with alcohol and the fact that this experience was likely to have been in the context of the home suggest that this behavior anticipates adult role playing for "non-drinkers" as well as “drinkers." 211 Hypothesis 3: Insofar as teen-agers share the image of the adult as a drinker and the adolescent as an abstainer, drinking functions to identify the position-role of the adult and abstinence the position-role of the adolescent. Corollary 1: Drinking and selfeidentification as a "drinker" tend to increase with age and to appear at a maximum among teen-agers who are graduating from high school. Corollary 2: Drinking functions as an improvised rite of passage between adolescence and adulthood. Corollary 3: Teen-agers who are playing or who identify them- selves with adult-like roles are more likely than others to report drinking and to identify themselves as "drinkers.” Corollary 4: ”Drinkers" are more likely than "non-drinkers” to be found in the lower socio-economic strata of the com- munity. Although the hypothesis is generally supported by the data, some modi- fications of the corollaries were found to be necessary. As previously noted- under the second hypothesis, the extent of drinking in the two age grades was perceived by students to be different. Half or more of adults were estimated to be drinkers while less than half of the students were believed to drink even ”sometimes." This provides one basis for understanding what students meant when they explained their drinking or the drinking of their peers in terms of "acting smart," "acting grown up," "proving they could hold it.” ‘Drinking functions to symbolize "coming of age" even though this symbol may be incorporated into behavior and presented prematurely from the standpoint of’both adults and some teenpagers themselves. This behavior has a status- conferral function based at least in part on the fact that drinking is per- ceived to be integral to adult role playing. Support for this interpretation is also derived from data confirming the first corollary. The self-designation of “drinker" and, a fortiori, drinking, are positively associated with increasing age. But more important ‘in a society which utilizes the formal divisions of the public school system 212 for a rule of thumb placement of the adolescent in the social system, drink— ing is also positively related to movement toward graduation from high school. For the majority of teen—agers wheado‘not intend to continue their formal education after graduation, this event is a major break point in social develqr ment. At this time many of then enter the armed services, take full time jobs, marry and, in general, begin playing adultplike roles. These comments anticipate the discussion of the findings relevant to corollary three and g provide a basis for understanding the use of alcohol as an improvised rite f of passage between age grades (corollary two). Our society has only a minimum of rites of passage between age grades é ' F and graduation from high school is one of these. Drinking appears to be integrally related to this passage. Unfortunately, the ritual details of this drinking could not be documented. Though the evidence is inconclusive, there.was some indication that drinking diminishes temporarily after grad- uation. The confirmation of corollary three has been anticipated in the para— graphs above. Those teensagers who were 1) older, 2) working outside the context of the home, 3) possessors of the largest amounts of spending money, A) terminating their formal schooling, 5) entering the armed forces, 6) least active in organized teenpage activities and.7) predisposed to prefer adult tmodels of behavior were more likely than others to designate themselves as "drinkers.” These characteristics are integrally related to adult role play— ing. Corollary four requires revisions As predicted by the hypothesis, "drinkers" were found to be slightly overrepresented among students whose famdlies are apparently at the lower extreme of socio-economic status in the- community. However, male "drinkers" were also found to be overrepresented 213 at the upper extremes of socio-economic status. There was some evidence in the relevant literature, largely impression- istic, which anticipates this finding. However, in the particular formula- tion of the corollary it was reasoned rather that, insofar as drinking functions as a mechanism of status~conferral for teen-agers identifying themselves with adult roles, students from the lower socio-economic strata would be more likely than others to have the occasion and/or the necessity of playing adult-like roles at a relatively early age. The data appear to confirm the essential correctness of this prediction. But the interview material also suggests that drinking may be a status- conferral mechanism for upper socio-economic strata students. The status conferred, however, is different. Speculating on the basis of admittedly scanty evidence, one could hypothesize that drinking among these students is a mechanism for identification with a ”style of life" characterizing the upper strata of society. Students, for example, occasionally referred to what might be called "country club" drinking as a distinctive type. The same status-conferral mechanism appears to have a differential function with regard to socio—economic position. Hypothesis 4: Insofar as teen-agers share the image of the adult as a drinker and the adolescent as an abstainer, drinking, on the one hand, functions as a symbol of peer group identification among the self-designated "drinkers” while abstinence, on the other hand, functions as a symbol of peer group identification among self-desig- nated “non-drinkers." Corollary: Teen—agers who are least active in organized adoles— cent activities in the community, and especially the school, are more likely than others to identify themselves as "drinkers." The hypothesis and corollary are at least partially confirmed by the date, most of which haVBalready been reviewed in discussions of the preceding hypotheses. Among the most important "reasons" for student drinking imputed 214 by the teen-agers themselves was "to be one of the crowd" or "to avoid being left out." Yet a majority of all students perceived their peers to~be pre- dominantly non—drinkers. Therefore, nbeingone of the crowd" appears to refer not to teen-age groups in general but to particular groups identified in part by the symbolic act of drinking. That "drinking" groups must be distinguished from "non-drinking" groups is suggested further by the finding that "drinkers" are less active than others in organized teen-age activities both inside and outside the school. This is consistent with other data in— dicating that "drinkers” are also more likely than others to work outside the home and that they prefer adult models for their own behavior. The inability to use participant observation or to identify students by name so that sociometric techniques could be employed makes closure on this point impossible. The findings do suggest, however, that the teen-age "drinker" is an age grade marginal. His involvement in and/or identification with adult-like role playing is a point of distinction between him and other teenpagers. Drinking is employed as a.mechanism to symbolize his identifi- cation with adult roles and this further separates him from his age peers who are predominantly "non-drinkers.” At the same time his claims to adult status are typically not acknowledged by adults who consider his claims, and particularly his drinking, as premature. Consequently, the ”drinker" must turn to his peers who are also ”drinkers" for support of his self-image. This speculative interpretation of the importance of drinking and ab- stinence in the identification of distinctly different peer groups does not preclude the possibility that some of the experimental drinking reported by "non-drinkers" fUnctions as a mechanism of group identification. It is en- tirely possible that the willingness of a "non-drinker” to subordinate any peculiarly personal aversions to the use of alcohol to group demands that he 215 drink may be used to determine whether a boy or girl is "regular" or not "chicken.“ The findings neither confirm or deny this possibility decisively. Hypothesis 5: The social norms which teen-agers articulate or which are inferred from their reported behavior as governing their use or non-use of alcohol are situationally relative. Corollary: Teen-agers, whether self-designated as "drinkers" or "non-drinkers: share a similar image of the differential appropriateness of drinking for males and females, for adults and adolescents and of drinking on various specific occasions and in specific places. The hypothesis, which is something of a social scientific truism, and its corollary are confirmed. Although only one student in ten designated himself as a ”drinker," one in two of them "approved" of drinking by teen- agers. Among the "disapprovers," over half qualified their disapproval by adding "but (drinking) is one's own business.” whether students designated themselves as "drinker" or ”non-drinker,‘ "approver' or "disapprovenr a large majority qualified their evaluative judgments in some way. In the interviews some "non-drinkers" described in detail situations in which they had drunk. On the other hand, some "drinkers" described in detail situations in which they would not drink. There was essential agreement that drinking is appropriate for males more than for females and appropriate far adults more than for adolescents. MbraJ.‘absolutes which proscribed drinking without qualification were rarely encountered. Blanket justifications of drinking were equally absent. There was little indication that most students equated drinking with immorality. While they were aware of the illegality of their behavior, the implications of breaking the law were apparently not considered important enough to serve as deterrents of drinking or to occasion fear of severe punishment following apprehension. 216 -Some.Theoretiggl_;mpliggtiggg_ useful in the analysis of the act of drinking. In the first place, this was true because of the integral relationship between a shared system of symbols and the cognitive placement of self and others in interaction situations. It has been noted that cognitive placement of events in experience is not a simple matter of responding to those events in terms of what they Egglly_ggg 3 and really;mean. Within a sociological frame of reference this epistemological problem may be effectively by—passed by concentrating on the shared imputations of the meanings of events in experience within concrete interaction situations. N. [13 *- Through comparative analysis it is then possible to validate the process of symbolic transformation of experiences, the process by which events become socially significant. That the cause-effect relationship between events and actflxlmay involve an element of "self fulfilling prophecy" has also been noted. The data has given support to the Sapir—lhorf hypothesis concerning the nexus between language symbolism and behavior: The imputed meaning of symbols is related to the anticipated response to those symbols. The findings also indicate that, in addition to a cognitive aspect, symbols are also integrally related to action in a normative sense. Symbols have a traditional meaning_in social systems which is related to a normative definition of expectations about the behavior of individuals when specific events occur in an interaction situation. Ogden and Richards' insightful phrase sygbols—in-situation proved to be especially useful in understanding social norms in a complex society: the normative significance of an event in relation to behavior may vary situationally although from situation to Situation the normative expectations for behavior are predictable. The impli~ cations of this observation for a theory of social norms will be discussed below. 217 The potentialities of relating a theory of symbols to a theory of motivation has been increasingly stressed in the social sciences. Nelson Foote and Talcott Parsons, among others in the field of sociology, have both presented in broad outline how the potentialities of the two theoretical areas might be exploited. Insofar as a system of symbols shared by the mem- ‘bers of a social system provides a basis for cognitive and evaluative structuring of events in experience, it may also provide a basis for the affective structuring of those events. “That is, traditional meanings may specify the affective significance which certain events should have for in— dividuals variously placed in the social structure. It is for this reason that language symbolism, and particularly the shared "vocabulary of motives," observed within the context of a concrete social system becomes extremely useful in the analysis of motivatin and, a fortiori, the latent and manifest functions of behavior. A sociological theory of symbolism in relation to action proved to be very useful in the analysis of teen-age drinking behavior. Reference‘group theogz.- It is a sociological commonplace that member- ship groups provide an important source of values, perspectives and identi- fication for individuals. It is also becoming increasingly commonplace to observe that, in multiple group situations, non-membership groups may offer alternatives to individuals in social interaction. One's reference groups and interaction groups may not coincide. A persistent problem in reference group theory has been the specification of factors involved in the preference for and the selection of certain-reference groups within given social systems. sobert K. Herton and also 8. N. Eisenstadt have hypothesized that in- stitutional definitions of the structure of a social system focus the attention of members of the system on certain common reference groups. All .f f 1 218 conceivable reference groups do not have the same potentiality for offering frames of reference for action in multiple group situations; Therefore, the probability that some reference groups will be chosen in preference to others is integrally bound up with statuses in the system which are defined as values, the status of the individual member in the system, and the status aspirations of that individual. The findings lend support to this hypothesis. ~Adulthood is a valued status in our society. The socialization process is in large part oriented to preparing the individual for the eventual assumption of this status. An age graded social structure which institution- alizes a relatively long period of adolescence tends to enhance the rights and prerogatives associated with adulthood but denied to the adolescent. It is correct to some extent, as Parsons and others have argued, that this relatively long period of adolescence may tend to develop relatively autonomous values peculiarly related to the adolescent age grade. Yet it remains to be demonstrated empirically that participation in a "youth culture" detracts significantly from the desirability of acquiring adult status. The findings indicate that as teen-agers become older, participate less in organ- ized adolescent activities and assume adult-like roles increasingly they also tend to indicate a preference for adult models for behavior. It has also been shown how this fact is integrally related to an interpretation of some teensage drinking in terms of the status—conferral function of this be- havior. I In brief, the data suggest the importance of determining both the actual and perceived status of individuals in a social system vis a via the valued statuses in that system for understanding the selection of reference groups. The findings also indicate that the selection of groups who have access to the valued symbols of status as references tends to increase 219 l) as knowledge of the roles related to these statuses increases through sustained interaction with peers who are playing the valued roles and 2).as the feasibility of finding mutual support for playing the valued roles ins creases. A_2§2951 of social norms.e The necessity of distinguishing between the ideal and actual norms operative in a social system is a common assumption in sociological analysis. ‘ngtitutionalizedunpnfcgnforgingand strain towagg .ESEEEEESESIL3r9 new standard intellectual tools in the field for the analysis of behavior in complex societies. The findings suggest that, while these concepts are useful, they have been used frequently in a way that implies 1) an over-rationalization of behavior and 2) an under-estimation of the importance of the fact that many individuals do Operate continually and apparently with a minimum of strain in situations characterized by segmental— ized normative expectations. This conclusion is based on the analysis of the normative evaluation by teen-agers of a pattern of drinking behavior involving a complex inter- relation of age, sex, socio-economic and situational factors. One in ten of the students designated himself as a "drinker." The fact that nine in ten preferred the designation "non-drinker" reflects in large part the perception of legal and parental disapproval of drinking (as distinct from 'tasting"). Yet one in two of the teen—agers “approved" of drinking by his peers. But more important for a theory of norms is the fact that "non-drinkers" indicated situations in which they drank and also shared similar definitions about the situations in which this 'deviancy” was most likely to occur; On the other hand, "drinkers" were equally aware of norms which defined certain situations as inapprOpriate for drinking. Thus basic norms about drinking were shared by both ”approving drinkers" and Idisapproving drinkers." Neither category 220 of students was visibly disturbed by or reluctant to discuss the situational adaptation of their norms for drinking. The "approving non-drinker” represents an excellent illustration of the individual which, in Riesman's terms, is the autonomous individual, at least when teen-age drinking is under consideration. He is equipped to move easily in a wide range of situations in which decisions about the use of alcohol must be made. This type appears to. be only a special case of sit- uationally adaptive behavior noted also among the "approving drinkers“ and "disapproving non-drinkers . " The "disapproving drinker” requires special consideration. Although it was not possible to achieve closure on this point, there was some indication in the interviews that this type of individuals did experience some diffi- culty in resolving the socially expedient use of alcohol with norms to which they were committed. Only a small minority of students were found in this category. Nevertheless, the future exploration of the implications of the contradictions experienced by the "disapproving drinker“ may be important in understanding the genesis of the problem drinker. Additional comments will be addressed to this point in the subsequent section on muonj'o'rv Furtharniaseaggh“ Age and sex categories in the 822551. structurew Age and sex are im- portant factors in analysis of teen-age drinking. Age and sex distinctions were perceived to be important by the students themselves. It is relevant, then, to explore the implications of the findings for the concept m _ culture. Cements on this point will necessarily be truncated since the re- search concentrated primarily on drinking behavior and not teen-age behavior in general . 221 If a youth culture exists among the teen-agers in this particular study, drinking is apparently not an integral.aspect of it. On the contrary, the findings suggest that it is precisely those persons who are marginal to organized teen-age activities who are most likely to be "drinkers." They are more likely than others to be older, to be playing adult-like roles and to prefer adult models of behavior. In brief, drinking appears to character- "M? ize the teen-ager oriented toward adult reference groups rather than those composed of his age peers, the adolescents. ‘ The drinking behavior of the student drinker is different from that imputed to be characteristic of the adult. Aware of the illegality of drink— as” fl !* ing by minors and of general parental disapproval of teen-age drinking when that drinking is at the teen-ager's own discretion, the student is likely tO' drink surreptitiously. He is likely to ggig§,at "wild" parties even though he may‘tggtgvat home. All of this may reflect a parody of adult culture or rebellion against parental authority. But against this must be placed the evidence of the association between an adult orientation and of the student's designation of himself as a ”drinker.” The surreptitiousness of teen-age drinking probably reflects in large part a situational adaptation of behavior in response to perceived hostility to drinking by adolescents on the part of a large segment of the adult community. ‘ The evidence of this study leaves unresolved the question of whether the notion of a youth culture exists or whether it is only an interesting myth. While the experimental drinking of’nnon-drinkers" may be an aspect of such a sub-culture, this is apparently not the case for the adult- oriented "drinker." 222 Some gimitations 9;;Ihe Research Apart from any deficiencies which may be feund.in the substantive analysis of the study, two limitations of some importance warrant consideration. First, the research interest was labelled as “controversial“ by the public school officials whose cooperation was necessary to gain access to the stu- dents. Although their caution is understandable, it did result in making Participant observation inadvisable. Horeover, it was not possible to iden- ;' tify students by name, race or religion. § While it is possible that these assurances of anonymity which were given to the students made them more willing to talk frankly with interviewers, : a. this was not confirmed. Some of the students offered to give their names to interviews and had to be asked not to do so. There appeared to be little. reluctance on the part of interviewees to name their friends and to describe their experiences with alcohol. whatever the advantages that accrued from anonymity were certainly offset by the inability to utilize socio-metric techniques effectively for determining the group interaction of the students. This was unfortunate from a research standpoint. Equally unfortunate was the inability to determine the religious affiliations of the students since this data would have been useful in a more detailed analysis of the relation- ship between organized religion and drinking. A second type of limitation of the research is the exclusive reliance on the analysis of selected characteristies of individuals rather than on .individuals in interaction with others. In exploratory research the statis- tical analysis of characteristics is important since this procedure contri- INJtes to the identification of patterns of factors which appear to be most ‘relevant to the problem at hand. such analysis is important even when con- clusions must be based on evidence which is not statistically significant as has been indicated in Chapters III, IV and V. 223 What remains to be done in subsequent research, however, is to dis- tinguish the factors or patterns of factors which are sufficient for ex- plaining teen-age drinking from those which provide an efficient explanation. There is a need for case studies, not of the teen-age problem drinkers, but of the adolescents drawn from the great majority of teenpagers who apparently experience no social complications from their drinking. Some scaling tech- niques might be useful for the type of analysis which is suggested here. So might analytic induction procedure. - The possible utility of focusing on cases rather than characteristics does not obviate the necessity for the type of analysis which this research has provided. The point is that the present analysis could be strengthened by additional insights drawn from the analysis of patterns of characteristics- found to converge in particular persons operating within a given concrete social system. Problemeror Future Research: Some of the problems for future research growing out of this study have been suggested at various points in the previous chapters and need only to be brought into focus here. First, using the same data on which the present analysis has been based, one could investigate in more detail than has characterized this presentation the pattern of factors converging in individual "drinkers" and "non—drinkers." This has already been suggested in the paragraphs immediately preceding. Concentrating on the individual case could also be extended through time by a study designed to investigate the drinking behavior of the students after they have graduated from high school. By agreement with public school officials information identifying the students who participated in the study is on file and will be available in the fUture. Therefore, both questionnaires and interview data are available 221. for some students to provide a wealth of information with which to begin a long range study of drinking behavior. Second, the "disapproving; drinker" warrants further study.q There was some evidence, drawn primarily from the interviews, that this type of, tstudent is distinguishable from other students in several important aspects. There was the impression, for example, that while most students talked of alcohol as a social beverage, the ndisapproving drinker" was predisposed to talk of it as a drug. loreover, there was the impression that this type of student, although finding drinking socially necessary, thought of his capit- ulation to expediency as morally wrong rather than merely inapprOpriate. It seems worthwhile to investigate on the basis of these impressions whether or not such teen—agers are social isolates who resort to the use of a morally disapproved drug as the price of admission to social interaction. Such an investigation appears all the more worthwhile when it is recognized that a pattern of 1) social and personal maladjustment 2) coupled with the use of a gggg to ameliorate the maladjustment 3) even though this use is morally disapproved describes essentially what has been clinically defined as a pre— alcoholic syndrome among adults. Third, what has been called the charismatic sepects of drinking need ix) be investigated to determine the extent to which and the conditions under vdxich the use of alcohol does or does not legitimate unconventional behavior. (hirrent attempts to define alcoholism as a sickness-—sometimes for which the ixuiividual cannot be held strictly accountable and for which he should not be punished--warrant investigation. Lindesmith's analysis of Opiate addiction suggests a theoretical framework for such a study. Definitions of what drink- ing does to the individual may in effect be self-fulfilling prophecy. If one aspect of this definition involves the imputation that the drinker "is 225 not responsible because he does not know that he is doing," a basis for legitimating unconventional behavior is provided. Finally, further attention should be directed to the relationship be- tween drinking and social class. To the present time only impressionistic evidence has been available to suggest class differentials in styles of drinking and attitudes toward drinking. The present data also suggest that such differences exist and that these differences are functionally signifi- cant. This research has provided a foundation for the continuing study of these and perhaps other areas of sociological interest. Insofar as drink- ing is seen as culturally defined and socially structured behavior, the "problem" aspects of this behavior can be seen as only one facet of a very complex symbolic act. APPEN DIX A W 1. Please write the name of your school here; a . 2. Please. write the number of your home roan here . ‘3. Indicate your sex by drawing a circle menul around the appropriate number. Female..2 1.. Indicate your grade in school. 11th...l 12th...2 5e "ht '38 m1. 58. at 13.“ birthmy? 14 and wereeeeesl 18eeeseee5 ‘15eeeeeee00eeeeeeee2 19eeeeees6 16seeeeeeeeeeeeeeee3 20,0V6r..7 17eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee4 6. Write the correct number of older or younger brothers and sisters you have in the appropriate space. (Be sure to write the 'number on each line. If you have none, write "none.") Younger brothers and sisters Older brothers and sisters 7. Are your parents living? Both_Father onlyJother onlyJeither__ If both are living, are they: living together separathomed_ 8. lith whom do you live most of the time? Both parents...o..o....o.o..1 ‘ mathflr'and stepfather..o......5 Father OnlYeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeez FOBtor pmt.eeeeseeeeeeeeeee6 Ether leeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeea Other ml‘tivueseeeeeeeeeeese'? Father and stepmother.......l. Others, not relatives.........8 9. lho contributes most to the support of your family? (If you do not live with either or both your parents, mower for the family with which you are now living.) nthOreeseeeeeeeeeeeeeseeeseel Mother........o..............2 Father and mther .quallyeeeea Some other person (who?) __ 10. What does the person mentioned in question 9 above do for a living? (Write in the name of his or her occupation.) If he is outplayed, for whom does he work? in 11. Describe as accurately as P°ssible what this person makes or does on the job. (What does he do at work?) :26 227 12. Please look at the map of Lansing below, make a check mark in the Census Tract of the city in which you live. If you live outside of Lansing, please write in the name of the school district in which you live__ . MAP OF LANSING, MICH, SHOWING CENSUS TRACTS BASED ON US CENSUS OF |950 228 Some people are paid for work in making things by the number of pieces they turn out. This is called I'payment by piece rate.” Others are paid ac- cording to the time they put in on the Job, that is, so much per hour or per day. This is called ”payment by wage rate." Others are paid a flat sum each week, every two weeks, or once a month and the hours they work are not checked. This is called ”payment by salary rate.” Others receive income from farming or business operations in the fem of profits from things they own or sell. This is called "earning by profits.” Others are paid for selling things that others own; this is called ”coming by comission.‘ Still others set a charge for the personal services they give. This is called "earning by fee." Fin- ally, many people get returns from money that they put into shares or bonds of businesses other than their own. This is called ”earning by dividends on investments." In answering the following question, circle the number of the answer below that best describes how the person mentioned in mm 9 above receives mo: his income. 13. In what way is the greater pro rtion of your father's income (or other person mentioned in question 9 reckoned? Circle the best answer. (1) Earnings by dividend on invest-ent (3) Payment by salary rate (2) Earning by fee or commission (1.) Payment by piece rate 5) Other (Describe) 11.. Does this person do any other kind of work (in addition to that described ' in question 10) to earn money? Circle correct answer. Yes...1 No...2 If YES, what other kind of work? 15. In addition to this person, does m 9133 contribute to the support of your family? Yes...1 No...2 :16. If YES, describe as accurately as possible what each does on the job. (a) Mother ' (b) Brothers_, (c) Sisters (d) Myself (e; Other persans Unemployment compensation (g) Welfars agencies 17. Do you get spend money or an allowance from your parents? Circle the correct answer. ( ) No, hardly ever (1) Yes, regularly (2) Yes, when I ask for it 18. Do you can: any money working at home or away from home? (0) No, or hardly ever (1) Yes, working at home (2) Yes, working away from home 19. Would you please indicate the approximate amount of spending money you have during the week? (0) None (1) One dollar or less (2) Two dol- lars but less tlnn five (3) Five dollars but less tlnn ten (1.) Ten dollars but less than fifteen (5) Fifteen dollars but less than twenty (6) Twenty dollars or more “E.- «9 u" M - 25. 26. 28. 229 Do you think your father's occupation would be a good life's work for you? (If you are a girl do you think it would be a good life's work for your future husband?) (0) No good at all (1) Not very good (2) hir (3) Good (1.) Very good If you had your choice, wtnt kind of life work would you most like to do? What kind of life work do you actually expect, not hope, to do? How far in school did you father go? (Answer for the head of the family with which you live.) Went to college and graduate school. .1 Did not go beyond seventh grade..6 "Ont to 0011030."...e...............2 Did nOt go bayond third grada....7 Graduated from high school...........3 Went to technical or business Did act finial! high BChOOleeeeeeeseoe4 8°h001eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee8 PmiShOd eighth gmdeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees Otherneuuuu.................9 If other, specify How much education do you expect to get? Circle correct answer. (0) Will not finish high school (1) will finish high school only (2) will go to college (3) Will go to graduate school after college (4) Will go to business or technical school (5) Don't know If you will not go to college when you finish high school, which of the following best describes your plans on leaving high school? (0) Get a full time job (1) Get a full time job and go to night school (2) co to a business or secretarial school (3) Go to a barber or beauty school (1,) To to a tectnical or vocational school (5) Join the amy, na or airforce or one of the women's branches of the aimed services (6 Don't know How many times do you attend regular religious services in an average month? How would you place your family's interest in religious activities on the following scale? Please circle the best answer. N0 interest. ee eeee ee eeeeeeo High interest" eee eeee ee3 Very little interest......l Very high interest......4 Some interest.............2 t If you attend church services, which of the following descriptive activ- ities best describe the church which you usually attend? (a) PLEASE 011nm ONE or THE FOLLOWING: (1) Usually has over 400 in attendance at morning. service (2) Usually has betwem 100-400 at morning service (3) Usually has less than 100 in attendance at morning service (b) PLEASE CIRCLE ONE OF THE FOLLOWING: (l) Chumh provides regular worship services only (2 Church provides for youth activities (3 Church also provides organized educational and recreational facilities 230 (c) PIEASE CIRCLE ONE OF THE FOLLOWING: (l) Minister frequently asks a single member of the congregation to say a prayer during regular worship services. (2) Minister rarely, if ever, asks a single member of the con- gregation to say a prayer during regular worship services. (d) PLEASE CIRCL: ONE OF THE FOLIDWING: (1) Minister was trained in theological school. (2) Minister is high school graduate only. (3) linister works at some other occupation besides ministry. 290. Would you please circle any of the following high school organizations 29b. 30- 31. to which you belong? (l) Hi-Y (13) Spanish Club (24) Projector Club (2) I-teens (14) Latin Club (25) Camera Club (3) Scripture Club (15) French Club (26) Science Club (4) Bible Club (16) Bridge Club (27) Chemistry Club 5 Neman Club 17) Chess Club (23) Girl's Social (6) Badminton Club (18) Music Appreciation Club (7) Memaid Club (19) Drama Club (29) Etiquette Club (8) Girls Varsity Club (20) Paint Splashers Club (30) Key Club (9) Football Club (21) Glee Club (31) Commercial Club 210; Varsity Letterman (22) Model Club (32; Future Homanakers ll Tumbling (23 Rifle Club (33 Future Teachers ‘ (12) Girls Athletic Association (34) Future Nurses Would you please circle any of the following high school activities in which you participate? (35) Student Council (39) Class play (36) School newSpaper (1+9) Honor Society (37) School annual (1+1) Band (38) Girls' League (42) Choir Would you please circle any of the following school teams of which you are a member? (43) Football 21.8; Tennis (1.4) Basketball 49 Swimming (45; Baseball (50; Track (1.6 Wrestling 51 Cross country (47) Golf Check the list of organizations, activities and teams in question 29. If for any reason you would like to participate in one, or more, of these, please write the nunber or numbers in this space Would you please circle any of the following types of non-school activ- ies in which you are active? (1) Group sports (2; Young peOple's religion; groups (3 Musical or artistic group activities (4) Community activities (5) Boy Scouts or Girl Scouts 328.. 32b. 33. 34. 35. 36. 231 We often group individuals into types, because they have similar habits and occupations. Would you please circle any of the following types, if an , which you would like to be like? (1) Some types of high school students (2) Teachers in my school (3) Some specific individuals my own age (4) Well known adults in my community (5) Some well known public officials (6) Some personalities of television or movies (7) Some type of athlete The things I consider important in a person I would like to be like are: (Please circle the appropriate choices) (1) How much he stands up for his beliefs (2) How well he convinces others of his beliefs (3) How well his life expresses his beliefs (1.) How successful he has been in his chosen life's work (5) How much he has achieved in material success (6) How much he contributes to his community or country (7) lbw much he is liked and admired by others (8) How well he can get along with others (9) How considerate he is of others' feelings Sometimes peOple talk about upper, middle and lower classes in the com- munity and say that a family is one of these. To which one of the fol- lowing do you think your family belongs, if any? ”Cr CRBBeeeeeeeeeeseeeel Upper 01185....e.......e.el. lower middle Ola-38...”...2 sale OthereeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeS Upper Middle. anaeeeeeeeeeB Don't hO'eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeé If some other, how would you describe it? Do you usually run around with a group of good friends or a "gang“ of boys or girls your own age? Yes...1 No...2 ' " If you do what are the names of some of these people? (Name as you wish.) List the name of five students that you would select to represent your high school at a conference to discuss students' problems. (Assmne that your school would be Judged by these students.) High school students with similar backgrounds and interests usually fom groups, and the members of these groups deve10p ideas about their group and other groups. Would you please circle the most appropriate character- istic below which most nearly represents the standard by which you judge your own group and other groups in your school? 232 I usually classify student groups: ' (1 By the amount of social activities in which they participate (2 By the organizations to which they belong (3 By the type of behavior tint characterizes members of the group (1, By how high their standards of good conduct are (5 By the social standing of the parents of group members 37. Compared with others of your age, how well do you usually feel you are dressed? (1) Extremely well (3) About average (2) Better than average student (4) Below average 38. Whose opinion counts most when you are deciding what to wear? (1) Older brother (8) Girls younger than I (2 Older sister (9; Fellows about my age (3 Younger brother (10 Girls about my age (4) Younger sister (11) Fellows older than I (5) Father 212) Girls older than I 6) Mother 13 No one (7) Fellows younger than I (11.) Other (Specify) 39. Do you ever want to know whether other people like or dislike you? (1) Never (3) Often (2) Once in awhile (4) Very often 40. It bothers me when peeple talk behind my back. (Check the response be- low which most nearly indicates how you feel about this statement.) (1) Strongly disagree (1.) Disagree (2) Agree (5) Strongly disagree (3) Uncertain FORM 2 The questions in this form are asked in order to find our y9_u_l_: opinions about the use of alcoholic beverages. There are _n_o_ right answers; your opinion is as correct as that of any other student. In the question below will you please give your estimate of the pro- portion of peOple in your community who can be chssified as regular drinkers, infrequent drinkers and people who do not drink. In your thinking, please distinguish among adults, high school students and "drop outs" (those people your age who have dropped out of school). PIEASE CIRCLE THE CORRECT PROPORTION 1. In your opinion, what prOportion of adults drink re larly? (0) None (1) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (4 All or nearly all 2. In your opinion, what prOportion of adults drink sometimes but not regu- larly?. (0) None (1) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (1.) All or nearly all 23.3 3. In your opinion, what preport ion of adults never or rarely drink? (0) None (1) Onel-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (1.) All or nearly all 1.. In your oginion, wknt preportion of high school students drink regu- larly? ( ) None (1) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (4) All or nearly all 5. In your opinion, what proportion of high school students drink some- times but not regularly? (0) None (I) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (1.) All or nearly all I“ 6. In your Opinion, what preportion of high school students never or rarely drink? (0) None (1) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (A) All or nearly all '7. In your opinion, what proportion of "drop outs" drink regularly? (0) None (1) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (1.) All or nearly all 5“. Ir‘ « a 8. In your opinion, what preportion of "dro outs" drink sometimes but not regularly? (0) None (1) One-fourth (2 One-half (3) Three-fourths (I. All or nearly all 9. In your opinion, what preportion of "drOp outs” never or rarely drink? (0) None (1) One-fourth (2) One-half (3) Three-fourths (4) All or nearly all The following suggested reasons are some of those given by people to explain wlw they drink. Please read them over and use them to answer the next time questions. Select the three m consider the most common reasons why adults, high school students and ”drOp outs” use alcohol. FROM THE LIST BELOW, SELECT THE NUMERS WHICH REPRESENT THE REASONS WHICH YOU THDIK ARE THE BEST ANSWERS TO THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS (1) To be sociable with others (11.) To get rid of worries (2; Afraid of being left out of the group (15 Domestic or family troubles (3 Not enough supervision, discipline (16 To 399 what it 13 like (4) For pleasure or recreation (17) Financial troubles (5 To celebrate some occasion (18) They are rejected by others 6 Their parents don't care 19 They are bored and have 7) Because their family drink ‘ nothing better to do 8; They want to be one of the crowd (20; To get attention from others 9 They think it is all right (21 They are unhappy or sick (10) It is a habit with than (22) They don't know any better (11) To prove they can hold it (23) To act group up (12) They think they are smart (21,) It makes them feel important (13) They are afraid they will be (25) They are afraid they will be considered sissies if they don't considered squares if they don't - 10. The first, second and third most important reasons that cause adults to drink are , , and 234 11. The first, second and third most important reasons that cause .. high school students to drink are , and 12. The first, second and third most important reasons that cause "drop outs" to drink are . _. and The following suggested occasions for drinking are some of those given by peeple to explain the situations in which they drink. Please read them over and use than to answer the next three questions. Select the three you consider the most likely occasions on which adults, high school students and .... "drOp outs" will drink. ' FROM THE LIST HEIDI, SELECT TIE THREE HOST APPROPRIATE ANSWERS TO THE FOLIDW- ING QUESTIONS (1) At dances (11) At games, other sporting events (2) At parties (12) Card parties (3) When relatives visit (13) On fishing or hunting trips I" (1.) After school events (14) On weekends for recreation "—‘ (5) At weddings (15) With parents or relatives (6) Only on special occasions (16 At wild parties (7) New Years, Christmas or, other (17 At beer parties holidays (18) On all night parties (8) At a friend's home (19) 0e teen-age parties (9 When they entertain at home 220; When with older pecple (10 Daily drinking in the home, taverns, 21 At unsupervised parties or bars or night clubs gatherings 13. The three occasions at which adults are most likely to drink are , am 14. The three occasions on which high school students are most likely to drink are , and , 15. The three occasions on which 'drOp cuts“ are most likely to drink are and FROM THE LIST BERN, SELECT THE THREE MOST APPROPRIATE ANSWERS TO THE NEXT THREE WESTIONS (1) At dances or parties (6) In a friend's home (2) At bars, night clubs, road- (7) In private clubs houses or taverns 8) At unsupervised parties (3) In parks, at lakes or out- 9) In secret where others can't know door recreational areas (10) In an automobile (1.) At home (11) In the country on back roads (5) When entertaining at home (12) At summer cottages 16. The places in which adults are most likely to drink are , and 17. 23. 25. 26. 235 The places in which high school students are most likely to drink are and ’- The places in which "drOp cuts" are most likely to drink are , and __ Do you consider yourself as a person who drinks? Yes...l No...2 If your answer to question 19 is NO, have you ever tasted alcoholic beverages? Ies...l No...2 If you consider yourself a drinker, how frequently do you drink? HeavnYeeeeeeeeeeeeeeel Sometimes.................3 Ofteneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeez Rarelyeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee‘ If you drink beer, would you please indicate the amount you drink in an average week, including the weekend, by circling the correct answer? (0) Never (1) Barely drink beer-less than one bottle per week (2) Less than three bottles in an average week (3) From three to six bottles in an average week (1.) More than six bottles in an average week If you drink whiskey, would you please indicate the amount you drink in an average week, including the weekend, by circling the correct answer? (0) Never or rarely drink whiskey (1) Less then three shot glasses or highballs (2) Between three and six shot glasses or highballs (3) More than six shot glasses or highballs If you drink wine, would you please indicate the amount you drink in an average week, including the weekend, by circling the correct answer? (0) Never or rarely drink wine (1) Less then three wine glasses (2) From three to six wine glasses (3) More than six wine glasses If you drink mixed drinks, in addition to whiskey high balls, would'you please indicate the amount you drink in an average week, including the weekend, by circling the correct answer? (0) Never or rarely drink mixed drinks (1) Less than three mixed drinks (2) Fran three to six mixed drinks (3) More than six mixed drinks If you drink, which of the following describe the situation(s) in which you drink? Circle the appropriate answer(s). (l) Nhen I am with a group of friends (2) When I am with my parents (3) When I am with relatives (1.) When I am at a party where drinking is going on (5) At some special event (6) 0n holidays such a New Years or Christmas (7) On weekends for recreation (8) On fishing or hunting trips or vacations (9) Anywhere I can If you drink, which of the following reasons best describe our feelings about drinking? Please circle the correct response(s). (1 I drink be- cause I like it (2) I drink to be with the crowd (3) I drink when I an unhappy (4) I drink because I have older friends who drink (5) I drink to celebrate some special occasion 236 28. If you don't drink, but have tasted alcohol, which of the following describe the situation(s) in which you tasted alcohol? Please circle the appropriate answer(s). (l) I tasted it when I was with a group of friends (2) I tasted it when I was with my parents (3) I tasted it when I was with some relatives (1.) I tasted it at some special occasion (5) I tasted it at a party where drinking was going on (6) I tasted it on a holiday (7) I tasted it on a hunting or fishing trip or on a vacation 29. Ifyou don't drink, but have tasted alcohol, which of the following best describe your reason(s) for tasting it. Please circle the correct re- sponses. (1) To see wI'at it was like (2) On a dare (3) Because a friend urged me to (4) To see if I could do it (5) I was interested because it was forbidden (6) I was tricked into thinking it was some- thing else (7) I was angry at my parents or close friends 30. Whether you drink or not, which of the following best describes your personal Opinion of drinking by people your own age. Please circle the best answer. “(1 Drinking is all right as 2 Drinking is all right, if one doesn't get the habit (3) Drinking is all right, if one doesn't lose self-control (1.) Drinking is all right, unless one is driving (5) Drinking is all right, if one drinks only on weekends (6) Drinking is all right, if one drinks only on holidays, special events (7) Drinking is all right, if one only drinks to be with the group (8) Drinking is sometim“ all right and sometimes wrong, depending on ' the circumstances (9) Drinking is all right with parents' approval (10) Drinking is all right, if it is properly supervised (11) Drinking is all right, at home with parents -'~ (12; Drinking is wrong, but once to see what it is like is all right " 13 Drinking is wrong, but it is the individual's own business ’(14) Drinking is never right no matter what the circumstances BI.~ Peeple often talk about types of people because most peOple in the same occupation and with the same kind of social background have similar habits. Please look at the list of types below and check your opinion of their drinking habits. Be sure to check ml; 933 for each type TYPE OF PERSON DRINKS DRINKS DRINKS DON'T HEAVILK SOHETIMES NEVER. KNOI Movie stars Television actors Newspaper reporters Authors of books (writers) Professional people Businessmen College teachers School teachers Peeple like me Student leaders in my school School athletes 237 TYPE OF PERSON DRINKS DRINKS DRINKS mN'T HEAVILY SOMETIMES NEVER KNOW College students “Drop outs“ People who have little money Peeple with average incomes Healthy peeple High school students -Religious students Religious people 32. Which of the following types of trouble have you had about either drink- ing or not drinking? ' Please circle the itans in the list below which are appropriate. ”(1) Parents' disapproval ”(2) Teachers' disapproval ”(3) Getting into trouble with police 2* (1.) The people in my church don't approve e (5) Adults criticize me -— (6) My friends don't like it ('7) People think you are a sissy or chicken (8) People think you are a square (9) People are afraid to confide in me (10) My boy friend doesn't like for me to drink (for girls) (11; My girl friend doesn't like for me to drink (for boys) (12 My boy friend wants me to drink (for girls) (13) Hy girl friend wants me to drink (for boys) (11.) Some of the other students disapprove “(15) Costs too much to drink (16) Fear of traffic accident (17) Fear of loss of self control »—-—-(18) It's bad for health (19) I sometimes think I would liketo try it (so) I might not be allowed to play on the team 21 I have poor grades (22) I have trouble keeping my attendance regular (23; It is difficult to get and keep a job 24 Others (list them) BIBLIOGRAPHY Beaks W New Haven: marterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 1945. Beals. Ralph. 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