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ABSTRACT
THE PLAYWRIGHT AS PROPAGANDIST: A STUDY'OF
THE DRAMATURGY OF SIX PROPAGANDA PLAYS OF
THE AMERICAN THEATRE

by Daniel J. Fleischhacker

The purpose of this study is to analyze the
effect of the playwright's purpose upon the dramaturgy
of six propaganda plays produced in New York City be-
tween l930 and 1939. The elements of dramaturgy which
occupy the focus of the analyses are characterization,
structure, and dialogue.

The plays analyzed are "Newsboy,” by Gregory
Novikov; "Waiting For Lefty," by Clifford Odets; Ihgz_
Shall Not Die, by John'Wexley; Stevedore, by Paul Peters
and George Sklar; we, The People, by Elmer Rice; and
The.American'Way, by George S. Kaufman and Moss Hart.

Among the considerations of the analysis of
characterization are the character as a representative
of a social group, as the voice of the author, as a
symbol of an abstraction, and as an individualized
person. Cause and effect in plot development, the use
of the traditional "unities of the drama," and the
nature of the climactic scene serve as guidelines in
the analysis of structure. The use of the propaganda
techniques of Name-calling, Glittering Generality,
Transfer, Testimonial, Bandwagon, Plain Folks, and

Card Stacking, are examined in the dialogue, along

Daniel J. Fleischhacker
2
with the nature of the rhetorical argument employed in
the persuasive scenes, and the content of the speeches
delivered directly to the audience.

The following are the results of the study:

1. The propaganda dramatist's message ranges
from militant leftist to conservative, with the majority
of the playwrights demonstrating a liberal attitude.

2. The propaganda dramatist makes use of
groups of characters, rather than individuals, as pro-
tagonists and antagonists.

3. The propaganda dramatist hopes to transfer
the behavior of his stage grOUps to their corresponding
group in society.

4. The propaganda dramatist creates at least
one conversion figure to attest to the rightness of his
position.

5. The propaganda dramatist structures his
play in an episodic manner, frequently disregarding the
unities.

6. The propaganda dramatist structures his
play so that the protagonist group rises from a position
of subservience to the antagonists, to a triumph over
them.

7. The propaganda dramatist is often careless
about craftsmanship, namely in the frequent use of coin-

cidence, digression in plot development, and repetition.

Daniel J. Fleischhacker
3
8, The propaganda dramatist relies heavily
upon Bandwagon and Name-calling, consistently employing
"Reverse Name-calling" to make the antagonists appear

unsympathetic.

THE PLAYWRIGHT AS PROPAGANDIST: A STUDY OF
THE DRAMATURGY OF SIX PROPAGANDA PLAYS OF

THE AMERICAN THEATRE

By

Daniel J. Fleischhacker

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Speech

1966

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page
Io INTRODIJCTION o o o o o o o o o o o . o 1

Purpose of the Study
Definition of Terms
Limitations of the Study
Summary of Related Research
Method

II. PROPAGANDA AND THE DRAMA . . . . . . . 16
III. NEWSBOY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Introduction
Analysis of "Newsboy"

IV. 'WAITING FOR LEFTY . . . . . . . . . . #8

Introduction
Analysis of "Waiting For Lefty"

V . STEVEDORE I O O C C O O C O O O O O O 8 O
Revolutionary Theatres in

America
Analysis of Stevedore

 

VI. THEY SHAIIIJ NOT DIE . o o o o o o o o o 117
Introduction
The Theatre Guild and Propaganda
Drama
Analysis of They Shall Not Die
VII. WE, THE PEOPLE o o o o o o o o o o o o 155

Introduction
Analysis of We, The People

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
VIII. THE AMERICAN WAY . . . . . . . . . . . 197

Introduction
Analysis of The American Way

IX. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . 226

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246

iii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Ernst Toller, the German playwright, wrote that
during periods of violent social battles, the theatre
will reflect those battles.l Toller had no intention
of placing the theatre as an instrument of social change,
above theatre as art or entertainment. Rather, he
observed that the theatre cannot escape the reflection
of social conflict.

This observation is supported by the current of
serious drama written during the Depression in America.
The problems brought about by the economic crisis moti-
vated the serious dramatist to protest injustice, and
at times, to urge specific reforms. These playwrights
used theatre as a means of propagandizing to awaken
audiences to the need to improve intolerable conditions.
Anita Block supports the View that external social
conditions motivated the increase of protest drama
during the 1930's:

As political changes in Europe obtruded more
and more inescapably in our American conscious-

 

lErnst Toller, "The Machine-Wreckers,” Pla -
wrights on Playwriting, ed. Toby Cole (New York: Hill
& Wang, 1961), p. 222.

 

2
ness, and in addition, a shattering economic crisis
at home brought America into the arena of social
upheaval, it was inevitable that all this should
serve not merely as a stimulus to the writing and
production of plays of the social conflict, but
that these plays should become mgre and more sharply
positive in their point of view.

Whether the propaganda playwrights succeeded in
motivating social reform is disputed, but the belief that
they did, for a time, create a genuine theatre of ideas,
is supported by John Gassner:

The theatre of the thirties will be remembered not
because [the playwrights] produced masterpieces for
the ages, but because they responded to the challenge
of their times vigorously and excitingly. They had
the defects of their virtues of course, and they
left few examples of distinguished artistry, but
they gere faulty and alive instead of perfect and
dead.
Some critics believed that the propaganda theatre of the
Depression offered the strongest hope of re-vitalizing
the American stage, which had become addicted to light
comedies and musicals. It was through the vigor of the
insurgent playwrights that hope was generated for a
theatre in which the problems of society could be argued
on a serious, adult level. John Howard Lawson saw a
virile future for the American theatre as social drama
began to find its way onto the stages of the commercial

Broadway theatre:

I believe the coming season.£:93#-3$] will see a

 

2Anita Block, The Changing World of Plays and
the Theatre (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1939), p. 251.

3John Gassner, "Playwrights of the Period,"
Theatre Arts, XXXXIV (Sept., 1960), 19.

3
further intense development of the revolutionary
theatre; and that this is the only direction in
which the stage can dfivelop new integrity, vital-
ity, and imagination.

Edmond Gagey summarizes the importance of the
propaganda theatre of the thirties by suggesting that
social protest drama left an indelible mark on the
theatre of that period:

Realistic drama provided a forum for the free
discussion of current ideas in a difficult and
troubled period. Right or wrong in their opinions
the playwrights wrote scathingly and earnestly on
what they saw or felt. They maintained always a
liberal or radical point of view. They showed
sympathy for the down-trodden and the exploited.
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that their
work has been the most significant drama of the
period.5

Purpose of the Study

It is the purpose of this study to describe,
analyze, and evaluate the dramaturgy of selected
American propaganda plays produced between 1930 and
1939. The study will describe the characteristics
common to the propaganda play, analyze the effect of
persuasive purpose upon the structure, characterization,
and dialogue of the plays, and evaluate the strengths

and weakneéses of the propaganda play to the extent

that evidence makes this possible.

 

“John.Howard Lawson, With a Reckless Preface
(New York: Farrar & Rinehart Inc., l93fl), p. viii.

5Edmond Gagey, Revolutign in American Drama
(New York: Columbia university Press, 1947), p. I75.

Definition of Terms

A satisfactory definition of propaganda drama
can be developed from a study of definitions given by
propaganda authorities. Leonard Doob, one of the most
respected of these authorities, makes a distinction
between intentional and unintentional propaganda. Since
this study is concerned with intentional propaganda,
this definition is most significant:

[intentional] propaganda is a systematic attempt
by an interested individual (or individuals) to
control the attitudes of groups or individuals
through the use of suggesgion and consequently
to control their actions.
Doob emphasizes the systematic method, the control of
attitudes through psychological suggestion, and the
control of actions of groups.

The necessity of commitment to a course of
action specified by the propagandist is more explicitly
stated in a definition of propaganda given by The
Institute For Propaganda Analysis:

[Tropagand41is the expression of opinion or action
by individuals or groups deliberately designed to
influence opinions or actions of other individuals

or groups with reference to pre-determined ends. . . .

The propagandist’s object is to bring about a specific
action.

 

6Leonard Doob, Propaganda, Its Psychology and
Technique (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1935), p. 73.

7The Institute For Propaganda Analysis, Ihg_
Pine Art of Propa anda, ed. Alfred McClung Lee and
Elizabeth Briant Lee New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co.,
1939), p. 15.

5

In both definitions cited, the action desired is
a specific one, and the audience is pressured psycholog—
ically rather than physically.

Harold D. Laswell believed that the propagandist
achieved his aim by the "manipulation of representations”
which may be spoken, pictorial, or musical.8 The propa-
gandist's purpose is to "intensify attitudes favorable
to his purpose, to reverse obstructive attitudes, [and]
to win the indifferent, or at least prevent them from
becoming antagonistic?9 Laswell supports Doob's belief
that the influencing of attitudes is basic to propaganda.

Hummel and Huntress further develop the idea of
the importance of the propagandist-propagandee relation-
ship. The result of a proper interaction between the
two will be concordance:

The propaganda process is a complicated interplay
between audience and propagandist, depending
largely upon the extensions of those beliefs

which the propagandist can make seem "necessary"
and ”logical.”1

In this definition the emphasis is placed upon the
manipulation of the propagandist, and the passive

reception by the audience.

 

8Harold D. Laswell, "Propaganda,” The Encyclopedia
of the Sggial Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman, XI-XII
(l9hn), 522.

91bid., p. 524.

10William Hummell and Kieth Huntress, The Analysis
of Pro a anda (New York: William Sloane Assoc. Inc.,
9 , p. 5.

6
Karin Dovring also believed that the propa-
gandist's control of his audience was central to the
propaganda process. She indicates that propaganda
arises from a controversial issue, and the propagandist
attempts to impress his audience with the feasibility
of accepting his viewpoint. To accomplish this, the
propagandist "presents the facts in a way that tries to
link his own and his public’s interests in a certain
direction, evoking from his public the particular re-
sponses or decision he wants."11
The audience's decision to accept the propa-

gandist's conclusion is an irrational one. 'Wayne C.
Minnick emphasizes that this is the hope of the
propagandist. He defines propaganda as:

A form of suasion that aims to secure acceptance

of belief and action without, or with very little,

rational justification being presented. . . . The

propagandist seeks conviction by driving solely or

principally at the non-thinking side of human

natureiiat man's emotions, habits, prejudices,

wants.
This emphasis upon an irrational decision to accept a
certain conclusion is also included in Edgar Henderson's
definition. Henderson examined many definitions of

propaganda and evolved the following from the common

elements he found in them:

 

llKarin Dovring, Road of Propaganda (New York:
Philosophical Library, 1959), p. 13.

12Wayne C. Minnick, The Art of Persuasion
(Boston: Houghton.Mifflin Co., 1957 , p. 5.

7
Propaganda is any antirational process consisting
of pressure techniques deliberately used to induce
the propagandee to commit himself before he can
think the matter over freely, to such attitudes,
opinigns, or acts as the propagandist desires of
him.

A summary of the definitions of propaganda
presented reveals four essential characteristics of
propaganda. (l) The propagandist's bias assumes that
there is a controversial issue; (2) The propagandist’s
inducement is deliberate and systematic; (3) The propa-
gandist's method emphasizes control of attitudes through
the use of non-rational appeals; and (h) The propa-
gandist's purpose is to secure a commitment to a
specified course of action.

Assuming these characteristics, one may define
propaganda drama then, as a serious play in which the
playwright makes a deliberate attempt through the use
of emotional appeals, to influence the attitudes and

thus the actions of his audience, in support of a

specified solution to a controversial issue.

Limitations of the Study
This study is limited to serious American plays
with propagandistic intent produced in New York City
between 1930 and 1939.

In order to secure a representative sample of

 

13Edgar H. Henderson, "Toward a Definition of
Propaganda," Journal of Social Psychology, XVIII (Aug.,
1943), 83.

8
propaganda plays, selection was made from both the
commercial theatre of New York,“4 and from the left-
wing theatres, both amateur and professional. Four
plays were chosen from the commercial producers, and
two from the revolutionary theatres.

Another criterion for selecting the plays for
analysis was to isolate the common themes of social
drama of the period, and select plays which dealt with
these themes. Although this study is not exclusively
a thematic analysis of the plays, the grouping of plays
according to theme proved to be a useful tool in select-
ing the sample. Four of the most popular themes of
Depression drama were racial prejudice, exploitation of
labor by management, the plight of the common man during
the Depression, and patriotic plays supporting Democracy
and condeming Fascism.

Exemplary of these themes, the following six
plays were chosen for the study: They Shall Not Die,
by John Wexley, produced by the Theatre Guild; "Waiting
For Lefty," by Clifford Odets, produced by The Group

Theatre; We, The People, by Elmer Rice, and The American

 

Way, by George S. Kaufman and Moss Hart, both indepen-
dently produced on Broadway. "Newsboy? produced by the

amateur left-wing theatre, The Workers Laboratory

 

1("For purposes of consolidation, producing
organizations such as The Group Theatre and The Theatre
Guild are considered part of the commercial theatre of
New York

9

Theatre; and Stevedore, by Paul Peters and George Sklar,

 

produced by The Theatre Union, a professional left-wing
theatre, were chosen to represent the revolutionary

propaganda theatre.

Summary of Related Research

 

In an unpublished study15 Jacob Flavel Foster
examined the commercial theatre season by season from
1919-1939, and tabulated the number of plays produced
which dealt with social themes. His findings revealed
that during the Depression the number of plays treat—
ing social issues increased.

A more recent study16 examined plays which were
non-realistic in form, and included comedies as well as
serious plays. In the study the author describes the
common methods of argument employed by the playwrights
included. He also discovered that the mise en scene
was an important consideration of theatrical persuasion.

Drama As A Form of Persuasive Communication,

17

by Ross Scanlan, examined the extent to which dramatic

 

15Jacob Flavel Foster, ”The Development of
Social Criticism in the Broadway Theatre During the
Inter-War Period: 1919-1939" (unpublished Ph.D. dis-
sertation, New York University), 19#2.

l6Bertram Barer, "A Rhetorical Analysis of
The American Presentational Social Theatre of the
Thirties" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of
Minn.), 1960.

17Ross Scanlan, ”Drama As A Form of Persuasive
Communication" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell
Univ.), 19#7.

10

interests and persuasive interests coincide. His purpose
was to determine whether the dramatist's intent to be
persuasive had a detrimental effect upon the play as a
work of art. Scanlan concluded that the theatre is an
excellent medium of propaganda, and that the lack of
artistic excellence found in many propaganda plays was
not the fault of the author's persuasive purpose, but
was due to the playwright's lack of creative ability.

In Everett Merrill Schreck’s study, Drama as a

Medium for Propaganda,18

the author found that persua-
sive intent on the playwright's part was responsible for
serious flaws in dramatic technique.

An important recent study of the political
propaganda theatre was done by Morgan Y. Himelstein.19
Himelstein examined the left-wing theatre in New York
City during the 1930's. It was his purpose to compare
propaganda in "leftist" plays with that advocated by the
Party. He relied heavily upon reviews of plays taken
from The Daily Worker and New Masses. It was found that
very few of the plays, including those written by
communists, satisfied the critics. Frequent criticism

of the plays was that they did not advocate a revolution

of the workers as the only solution to the problem

 

l8Evertt Merrill Schreck, ”Drama.As a Medium
for Propaganda" (umpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell
Univ.), 19#2.

19Morgan Y. Himelstein, Drama'Was A Weapon (New
Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1963).

11
presented. Himelstein suggests that the failure of the
communists in the American theatre was the result of two
things: (1) the ever-changing party-line, and (2) the
failure of the theatre to become an important force in
the daily lives of the workers.

The most thorough study of non-dramatic propa-
ganda available is Leonard Doob's Propaganda, Its
Psychology and Technique.20 Doob believes that propa—
ganda affects people psychologically, and that this
is the crux of a study of propaganda. The psycholog-
ical process which underlies propaganda is suggestion.
Doob classifies propaganda into three types: (1) revealed
propaganda, (2) delayed revealed propaganda, and (3)
concealed propaganda. Revealed propaganda makes its
bias explicit throughout the duration of the message;
delayed revealed propaganda arouses interest first,
then reveals the message; and concealed propaganda
never makes its purpose explicit.

In another study,21 Doob modified some of the
beliefs he held in his earlier work. For example,
his definition is changed to include the emotional
nature of the propagandist's appeal, rather than a

reliance upon rational thought. The propagandist

 

20Leonard Doob, Propaganda, Its Psychology And
Technique (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1935).

21Doob, Public Opinion And Propaganda (New
York: Henry Holt & Co., 19h8).

12
dispenses conclusions which he hopes will be accepted
without question.

For Doob the importance of the study of propa-
ganda is that propaganda creates public opinion, and
public opinion creates social change. Doob mentions that
the theatre has limited use as a propaganda medium, but
feels it will continue to be one of the forces molding
public opinion in our society.

The Institute For Propaganda Analysis made a
study of selected speeches of Father Coughlin, titled
The Fine Art of Propaganda.22 This study is important
because it named seven devices used by the propagandist.

Name Calling, which labels an idea or a person as

 

undesirable, is a technique which discredits the
opposition; Glittering Generality is a technique
which creates a favorable attitude toward a concept
or a person by association with a "virtue word”;
Transfer gains acceptance or rejection of an idea or
person by use of authority sanction; Testimonial is a
means by which approval or disapproval is reinforced
by the testimony of some revered or hated person;
Plain Folks is a device which makes an idea seem good
because it is of "the common people”; Card Stacking

distorts the truth to build either the best case in

 

22The Institute for Propaganda Analysis,
The Fine Art of Propaganda (New York: Harcourt, Brace
& Co., 1939)

13
favor of an idea or the worst case against an idea; and

Bandwagon is a device by which the propagandee is con-

 

vinced that the idea under discussion must be good
because "everybody is doing it."

Wayne C. Minnick23studied the methods of per-
suasion, and since propaganda and persuasion bear
certain similarities, a study of persuasive techniques
aids a study of propaganda. Minnick's distinction
between persuasion and propaganda stresses that the
propagandist attempts to secure commitment with very
little rational justification being presented, while
persuasion emphasizes logical argument. Through the use
of "pseudo reasoning," which is more deceptive than
enlightening, the propagandist motivates action. Minnick
believes that the continued existence of propaganda, in
spite of its dubious method, is due to the unwillingness

or inability of people to analyze arguments.

Method
The first consideration of the study of each of
the plays is the isolation of the playwrights propa—
ganda message. Typically, the message is explicitly
stated in the dialogue, and may be repeated several
times in the play. Since it is assumed that the message

is the playwright's greatest concern, it should follow

 

23Wayne C. Minnick, The Art of Persuasion
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1957).

14

that the play will be constructed to best express that
message.

The three dramatic components which best aid
the playwright’s persuasive purpose are characteri-
zation, structure, and dialogue. Some considerations of
character are the use of a character as a symbol of an
abstraction; a character as a representative of a social

group; a character as raisonneur; and characters created

 

as individualized persons.

In the study of structure, the arrangement of
scenes to create the most advantageous means of expres-
sing the message, is an important consideration. Further
considerations of the structure are the use of cause
and effect in plot development; the presence of digres-
sive scenes which deter plot development and affect
unity; and the nature of the climatic scene.

The dialogue of the plays may be approached with
the following considerations: the presence of propa-

ganda deviceszu in the language; the use of rhetorical
argument; the content of presentational speeches deliv-
ered directly to the audience; the emotional tone and
word choice employed in the discursive or horatory

scenes in the play.

 

2“These devices are Name-Calling, Glittering
Generality, Testimonial, Transfer, Plain—Folks, Card-
Stacking, and Bandwagon.

15
In addition, a brief synopsis of each play is
given along with a description of the playwright's

ideal audience.

CHAPTER II
PROPAGANDA AND THE DRAMA

Throughout history the theatre has been used
to some degree, as a medium of propaganda. Playwrights
stirred audiences with patriotic fervor, condemned war,
urged social reform, and occasionally, attempted to
provoke mass action. Mordecai Gorelik indicates that
persuasive drama has been a part of theatre since its
beginnings:

The primitive war dance was propaganda against the
enemy. Greek drama inculcated the principles of
religion, as did . . . liturgical plays of the
Middle Ages in Europe. . . . The Romantic theatre
on the contrary, spread the doctrine of the great—
ness of every individual soul. The Naturalistic
theatre was an advocate of social reform. Even
our present day theatre, which has concentrated
so much effort on rising above propaganda to the
plane of art, has never given up the effort to
influence mankind through what Gordon Craig once 1
called "the inspiration exhaling from its beauty."

Dramatic representations offer one of the most
appealing mediums of propaganda because of the emotional

excitement of the theatre, and this was recognized by

2

many playwrights. Alexandre Dumas fils, George

 

1Mordecai Gorelik, New Theatres For Old (New
York: E.P. Dutton & Co. Inc., 1962), p. 10.

21bid., p. 169.

16

17
Bernard Shaw,3 Eugene Brieux,l'l John Galsworthy,5 Emile
Zola,6 Ernst Toller,7 and Clifford Odets8 are among the
playwrights who have specifically stated that at times,
their plays were written.with the intent of awakening
audiences to the need for reform. For some playwrights
it was the highest purpose of their dramatic composition.
Many critics, and some playwrights as well, felt

that propaganda was wholly inappropriate in the theatre.
During the late 1920's and 1930's a full-fledged con-
troversy errupted. Ross Scanlan described the arguement
in this way:

There were two clear-cut sides-~those who believed

all propaganda belonged in church or text books,

and those who deduced, logically, that the theatre

was a legitimate place for propaganda. The propa~

ganda dramatist was undoubtedly surprised that his

"artistic" opponents couldn't see the nose on their

face, and the critics who railed against persuasive
drama, were equally short-sighted in their surprise

 

-3George Bernard Shaw, "Apology for Mrs. Warren's
Profession," EuropeaniTheories of the Drama ed. Barrett
H. Clark (New York: Crown Pub. Inc., 1947), p. 473.

4Archiba1d Henderson, The Changing Drama (New
York: Henry Holt & Co., 1914), p. 111.

SRamsden Balmforth, The Problem P1ay(New York:
Henry Holt & Co., 1928), p. 11.

6Emile Zola, "Naturalism On The Stage," Play-
wrights on Playwriting ed. Toby Cole (New York: Hill
& Wang, 1961), p. 9.

7Ernst Toller, ”Hoppla, Such Is Life,” Cole,
p. 226.

8Thomas Sugrue, "Mr. Odets Regrets," American
Magazine, CXXII (Oct. 1936), 108.

18

that any playwright could be ridicglous enough to
suggest the theatre as a soap-box.

The traditional attitude of dramatic criticism
supported the contention that propaganda was not com-
patible with fine art. Drama, like the other fine arts,
existed for the purpose of creating beauty. The theatre
used its power to inspire and enoble the human soul;
anything less than that was a debasement of art. The
use of theatre for utilitarian ends meant that the artist
ignored his higher purpose. According to Sheldon Cheney:

[The purpose of drama] is the innundation of the
spirit in beauty and clarity, toward which the art
of the theatre gropes. And this, in a world from
which divinity and mystery have been unsparingly
shorn, this is as near as we are likely to come to
the divine and the spiritual. It is the Dionysian
experisnce, our ecstatic participation in the divine
life.

Constantin Stanislavsky based his aesthetic
philosophy upon the same principle, and voiced an explic-
it objection to propaganda in the theatre:

We who knew the true nature of the Theatre, under-
stood that the boards of our stage could never
become a platform for the spread of propaganda, for
the simple reason that the very least utilitarian

purpose or tendency piought into the realm of pure art,
kills art instantly.

 

9Ross Scanlan, "Drama As A Form of Persuasive
Communication" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell
Uhiv. 1937), p. 81.

10Sheldon Cheney, The Theatre (New York: Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1958), p. 8.

 

llConstantin Stanislavsky, My Life In Art, trans.
by J. J. Robbins (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1924),
Pp. 379-800

19

Writing in the midst of the critical con-
troversy of the thirties, Ford Maddox Ford echoes
Stanislavsky:

For myself, I hold so profoundly the View that the
moment an artist introduces propaganda of whatever
kind into his works of art, he ceases to be an
artist; and I have so many reasons for holding that
belief that I do not propose to waste time on doing
any more than make the assertion. It is the merest
common sense.

One of the strongest objections to the prop-
aganda play was its emphasis upon a call to action.
Gilbert Seldes recognized that "the truly effective
propaganda play does not wish to induce only a feeling,
but an action; not a 'be' but an 'act'"13 Seldes,
like others, believed that a work of art should not lead
to an action.”+

Because the propaganda dramatist wishes to
provoke mass action, his success is measured by the
degree to which he is able to polarize his audience.

In so doing, the individual loses some of his identity
to the crowd of which he becomes a member. George Jean

Nathan takes the position that a work of art should not

attempt to diminish individuality, but rather, should

 

12Ford Maddox Ford, "Hands Off The Arts," The
American.Mercury, XXXIV (April, 1935), 402.

 

13"Why the Propaganda Play," Part I by Gilbert
Seldes, Sta e, XII (Dec., 1934), 15.

14Ibid.

20
make the individual more aware of himself:
The fine drama or the fine piece of music does not
make of its auditor part of a crowd; it removes him,
and everyone else in the crowd, from the crowd, and
makes him an individual. The crowd ceases to exist
as a crowd; I5 becomes a crowd of units, or separate
individuals.
Ford Maddox Ford felt as Nathan did, that a work of art
caused an arrestment of activity, not an urgency to a
new activity.16
Propaganda drama also offended those critics who
felt that preachment and persuasion negated the enter-

tainment value of the theatre. Edith Isaacs, critic

for Theatre Arts, believed that ”the theatre can never

 

be anything but a release from actuality, or--to use a
word much abused by reformers--an escape."l7 Thus the
dramatization of unpleasant actualities of life, so
frequently seen in propaganda plays, provided no respite
from life's struggles.

Benjamin de Casseres supports Isaacs’ views. 1%:
criticized Elmer Rice for abandoning theatre as enter-
tainment in favor of theatre as propaganda. In a review
of We, The People, he said:

When a playwright like Mr. Rice-dwho gave us the
vital Counsellor-at-Law, the amusing The Left Bank,

 

 

15George Jean Nathan, The Critic and the Drama
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1922), pp. 39-40.

16Ford, pp. 407-08.

l7Edith J. R. Isaacs, "Swords Into Plowshares,"
Theatre Arts, XVII (May, 1934), 322.

21

and the vital Street Scene--turns his muse (or what-
ever has inspired him since his return from Stalin's
Utopia) into Union Square soap-box platitudinous
drivel at things as they are, then it is time for all
theatre patrons who go to the theatre to be enter-
tained, amused, or just to pass the time, to utter

a shouting protest. 8

The editor of The Nation took a less impassioned
view of propaganda drama. Although he accepted the
possibility of propaganda in the theatre, he rejected it
as art:

It seems to us that a play or a novel may possibly
be of service to a social or philosophic idea in one
or more of three quite separate ways. In the first
place, it may be genuinely exploratory in the sense
of seeking to discover and present new aspects of a
subject. In the second place, it may aim to con~
Vince by argument those not already convinced; and
finally, it may, like the typical political rally,
which does not exist primarily either to present

new arguments or to convince members of the opposing
party, seek merely to sustain or intensify the
enthusiasm of the convinced partisan. Neither the
second nor the third of these possible aims can be
called a genuinely artistic aim, but bothgare per—
fectly legitimate methods of propaganda.

The use of drama to further a humanitarian cause
seemed to be the highest function of theatre art for
'some dramatists. This seemed especially true in times
of social unrest. All other subjects paled when issues

of corruption and injustice were offered as alternatives.

The serious writer felt a need to touch at the heart of

 

18Benjamin de Casseres, "Broadway To Date,”
.Arts And Decoration, XXXVIII (March, 1933), 58.

19”Propaganda In Plays," The Nation, CXXXVIII
(Feb. 21, 1934), 208.

22
the issues of his time:

The cry for justice in times of widespread horror
becomes the only universal cry; then it is the
writers’ one utterance, for it would be difficult
for him to tell love stories and stories of mother-
fixations and jealousies and tangled impulses, when
a more general immediately crucial problem draws
him into his generation.2

Stanley Burnshaw, a revolutionary poet, disagreed
with the critics who censured the writers of propaganda
works. Although Burnshaw’s position stemmed from his
leftist ideology, his defense may be applied to many
non-revolutionary writers:

Show me the poet worthy of the name who can be
excited into writing about such thingsI:fields

and streams and meadows] when the entire social
system in which he lives is bursting apart in chaos.
Revolutionary poets are not any less fond of fields,
streams, meadows, or the spots on a butterfly‘s wings
than are reactionary poets-~but these things cannot
interest them when hundreds are dying daily of star-
vation at the same time that food is destroyed by
legislative ordinance; when a government curtails
education and appropriates the largest sum' in the
history of mankind for war material; when strikers
are shot down for exercising the rights supposedly
guaranteed them by the National Recovery Act.

An interpretation of the critical controversy as
the voices of revolution versus the forces of reaction
*would be an inaccurate over—simplification. The import-
ance of the left for the protest dramatist was its lib-

eralism, which encouraged support of the victimized,

 

20Meyer Levin, "Playwriting and Protest,”
Theatre Arts, XVII (May, 1933), 359.

21—"Stanley Burnshaw Protests," Poetr , XXXXIV
(Sept., 1934), 351.

23
and criticized injustice, rather than its commitment to
a militant philosophy of revolution. John Gassner points
out that the "leftism" of the thirties was the banner
under which one fought for human decency and social re—
forms, and fought against fascism and Nazism. The
majority of the propaganda dramatists did not advocate
an overthrow of capitalism through the establishment of
a dictatorship of the proletariat.22
Clearly, the propaganda play had a purpose

different from conventional plays. That purpose was
decided by the playwright as he conceived his work. Any
discussion of the worth of the propaganda play must come
to the conclusion that distinctions between "art" plays
and propaganda plays are possible:

In such a discussion the distinction between art

plays and propaganda plays is not in the final worth

of the plays either as art or as pr0paganda, but

rather in the intention of the writer at the time

of the work's conception. Was he interested in

first writing a good play, or in writing a play that

would be something, a play that would do something?23

Ernst Toller supports the distinction made by

Levin, and indicates that the perceptive playwright

realizes that a propagandistic intent in his work will

result in something less than art, yet at the same

 

22Morgan Y. Himelstein, Drama WasApWeapon,
Forward by John Gassner (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers
Univ. Press, 1963), p. ix.

23Levin, p. 354.

24
time, something more:

One must not confuse potential creative writing with
propaganda that uses poetic means. The latter serves
exclusively for daily purposes, it is both more and
less than creative writing. More: because it con-
tains the possibility of inciting the audience in the
strongest, and best hypothetical sense, to act im-
mediately. Less: because it never explores tgfi
depths which are reached by literature. . . .

Perhaps the entire critical controversy of the
thirties is summed up best by Kenneth Burke, who con-
cluded that art in the framework of a capitalistic sys«
tem, must, at times, be corrective. Undoubtedly the
conditions of the Depression influenced Burke‘s belief
in the corrective nature of art; however, his conclu-
sions seem based upon sounder reasoning than that given
by many other writers:

Since pure art makes for acceptance, it tends to
become a social menace in so far as it assists us in
tolerating the intolerable. And if it leads us to a
state of acquiescence at a time when the very basis
of moral integration is in question, we get a para~
dox whereby the soundest adjunct to ethics, the
aesthetic, threatens to uphold an inethical condition
For this reason it seems that under conditions of
competitive capitalism there must necessarily be a
large corrective, a prepaganda element in art. Art
cannot safely confine itself to merely using the
values which arise out of a given social texture and
integrating their conflicts as the soundest "purest"
art will do. It must have a definite horatory func-
tion, an element of suasion or inducement of the
educational variety; it must be partially forensic.
Such a quality ge consider to be the essential work
of propaganda.2

 

 

2L‘Toller, p. 223.

25Kenneth Burke, ”The Nature of Art under
Capitalism," The Nation, CXXXVII (Dec. 13, 1933), 677.

 

CHAPTER III

NEWSBOY

Introduction

 

With the advent of the Depression, the Communist
Party in America began a strong campaign to reach the
workers of America through theatrical presentations.
Realizing that their efforts would not be rewarded by
assaulting the commercial Broadway theatre, the Marxists
concentrated upon reaching an audience in which many had
never before seen a stage play. Marshalling under the
Soviet slogan, "Theatre is a Weapon in the Class wari"
they hoped to use the theatre to spread revolutionary
propaganda. "Newsboy" is the product of one of these
revolutionary groups-~The Workers Laboratory Theatre of
New York City.

”Newsboy" is an "agit-prop” (a contraction of

”agitation" and ”propaganda"), a unique form of theatre

espressly developed to present inflamatory propaganda
through the medium of drama. The "agituprop" is un-
usual theatre, and an analysis of "Newsboy” is consider~
ably aided by knowledge of the elements of "agit—prop"
drama.

The "agit-prop" cannot be called a play in the
conventional sense, for there is little or no plot, the

characters are symbols, and the dialogue consists of

25

26
slogans repeated again and again. An examination of
several of the "agit-prop” scripts reveals a consistently
naive and crude use of the elements of the playwright's
art, however they frequently succeed in generating an
emotional excitement even in the reading of them. Al~
though the "agit-props" presented their messages in a
blatant manner, perhaps they were more successful in
reaching the unsophisticated worker audience in this
way than if they had relied upon the more artistic
subtleties of the drama.

A popular device of the "agit-props" was a
chorus which sometimes sang or chanted in rhythmic
patterns building emotional excitement and tension. IE1
addition, the chorus moved in dance-like formations
underscoring the song or chant. John Gassner describes
the nature of the ”agit-prop” as performed by the Prolet—
Buehne, the German agitational troupe which introduced
the "agit-prop" form in America:

Prolet-Buehne depended upon a theatre of slogans,
denunciation, and caricature, held together by
rhythmic movement and song-like expression. Its
characters were broad types, easily distinguished
and symbolic; thus the capitalist wore a top hat
and the worker an open shirt, the employer was a
mealy-mouthed oppressor, the employee was a down-

trodden.worm until he turned.

The conflict presented in the ”agitaprops"

 

1John Gassner, "The One-Act Play in the
Revolutionary Theatre," The One-Act Play Today, ed.
William Kozlenko (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co.,
1938), p. 252.

27
showed typically the clash of abstractions such as
"mass apathy" on the one hand, versus "mass pressure"
on the other; or the "spirit of militarism" versus the
”spirit of pacifism" as seen in "Newsboy.” These ab~
stractions are personified in the puppet-like characters
who almost always act as mouthpieces for the author.
The protagonists are worker-heroes who are all-good, but
oppressed and victimized, and the antagonists are capi—
talists who are always wholly unsympathetic. The
resolution of these sketches shows the triumph of the
workers over their bosses, frequently achieved with
surprising ease. Hallie Flanagan witnessed such a
performance:
A score of workers marched up the aisle singing and
argued with another worker whose silk topper and
over—refined accent proclaimed him to be a capitalist
Their conflict was over the purpose of drama, the
capitalist insisting that art was an expression of
man' s craving for beauty, while the workers insisted
that art was a weapon in man' s struggle for justice;
to the apparent delight of the audience, the workers
overcame the capitalist argumentatively and phy-
sically.

Since the "agit-props" were propaganda primarily
and theatre secondarily, many were written to capitalize
upon some current injustice. "Lynch Law," based upon
the Scottsboro trial, is an example. An excerpt from

the play reveals the symbolic nature of the characters,

the sloganized dialogue, and the use of a chanting chorus

 

2Hallie Flanagan, "A Theatre Is Born,” Theatre
Arts, XV (Nov. 1931), 910.

28
building to the militant conclusion:

Mass Chorus Offstage: WORKERS UNITE TO SMASH THE
SCOTTSBORO FRAME-UP.

D. A. R. (rushes on from left side): Congratulations.
You will always uphold Southern traditions of justice.

Judge: Niggers must be taught to respect Southern
justice.

Mass Chorus: SOUTHERN JUSTICE IS BOSS CLASS JUSTICE.
WORKERS, NEGRO AND WHITE, UNITE TO SMASH THE SCOTTS-
BORO FRAME-UP.

K. K. K. (from right): Congratulations, congratu-
lations. You will teach the nigger to know his
place.

Judge: Niggers must be taught to respect law and
order.

Mass Chorus: FIGHT FOR THE RIGHTS OF THE OPPRESSED
NEGRO WORKER. JOIN THE LEAGUE OF STRUGGLE FOR NEGRO
RIGHTS: SUPPORT THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENCE:
SMASH THE SCOTTSBORO FRAME-UPI

Visitor: Congratulations. You have set a dignified
example for the rest of America.

Judge: Niggers must be taught to know their place.
Our institutions must uphold the supremacy of the
white race.

(Tableau of Judge and his lackeys onstage.)

Mass Chorus Offstage: UNITED FRONT TO SMASH THE
SCOTTSBORO FRAME-UP.
ONLY MASS PRESSURE WILL FREE THEME
ORGANIZE! UNITE AND FIGHT}
SMASH THE SCOTTSBORO FRAME-UP?
SMASH THE SCOTTSBORO FRAME-UP!
SMASH THE SCOTTSBORO FRAME-UPI

(Curtain falls on third slogan.)3

As the Workers Theatre Movement spread across the

 

3Workers Laboratory Theatre, "Lynch Law,"
mimeographed manuscript, n.d., p. a-12.

29
country affiliate groups were constantly requesting new
agitational sketches for presentation. The ‘Workers
Laboratory Theatre maintained a play bureau to fill these
requests. In order to establish a repertoire of sketches,
many of the "agit-props” were hurriedly written, which
accounts in part, for their crudities.

In 1931 the play bureau had twenty-three short
sketches on hand, and at the height of the movement, The
Workers Laboratory Theatre offered eighty-three "agit—
props" for production by member groups."l A few of the
titles available from the play bureau were, "Fat
Fiorello," "Unemployment," "The 15 Minute Red Revue,”
”The Adventures of a Telephone Booth,” "Mr. God is Not
In," and "It's Funny as Hell." ”Newsboy" is probably
the best example of the "agit-prop" theatre.

There were writers within the revolutionary
theatre movement who recognized that crude playlets
written by amateurs with no theatre training, only
touched upon the potentiality of the theatre as a prop-
aganda medium. They believed that if art is a weapon,
the best art becomes the best weapon. Albert Maltz
wrote, "Critics within the Workers Theatre Movement had

recognized for years that raw, undeveloped propaganda

 

4Morgan Y. Himelstein, Drama Was a weapon (New
Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press., 1963), p. 14.

30

skits were not enough to satisfy audiences.”5 Michael
Gold emphasized the same point in a speech delivered
before a convention of workers cultural groups:

we must not only have ideas, but fitting stage forms

for those ideas. A worker will not come to a

workers theatre where the production is poor when

he can go to a bourgeois theatre where the produc-

tion is good. It is not enough that we are doing

a new thing. we must do it in a new way and we

must do it well.6

Out of the "agit-prop” theatre came two genuinely

respected one-act plays, ”Waiting For Lefty," by Clifford
Odets, and Irwin Shaw’s "Bury The Dead." Few playwrights
found in the "agit-prop” form the freedom of expression

they wished, and as a result, the "agit-prop” theatre

soon disappeared.

Analysis of "Newsboy”

Synopsis

"Newsboy" opens on a dark stage. As the lights
come up a Crowd moves about a busy streetcorner. The
First Newsboy stands in the Crowd shouting headlines of
murder, rape, and scandal. The Crowd begins a frenetic
"ballet" in which chaotic movement and the murmuring of
their voices create a discordant babble symbolizing a
world gone mad. A Black Man challenges the Newsboy

accusing him of deluding the people with lies. The

 

5Albert Maltz, "The Left4Wing Theatre in America,”
The New Republic, IXXXIII (July 24, 1935), 304.

6Flanagan, p. 910.

31
sensational headlines mask the true issue of America's
involvement in another war. The Black Man is ignored.
Following a blackout, three characters representing
Williaerandolph Hearst, Huey Long, and Father Coughlin,
each make a short speech defending war. The Crowd rolls
its newspapers into "rifles,” and assembles in marching
formation. An unemployed beggar passes through the
Crowd asking for money. He is told to join a C. C. C.
Camp or the Army, but the unemployed Man condemns both
as institutions dedicated to perpetuating war. The
moment it appears that the Crowd has accepted the neces—
sity of another war, a Second Newsboy enters and dis-
tributes a communist newspaper, Fighg, In it the Crowd
reads the statistics of those killed or wounded ianorld
War I. Convinced that another war is wrong, they band
together and denounce the First Newsboy. The playlet
concludes with a speech by the Black Man to the audience,

urging them to join in the fight against war and fascism.

Persuasive Puppose

”Newsboy” is antidwar propaganda. The premise
of the message is that war is a concommitant of fascism,
thus all who advocate war are automatically fascists.
The playwright does not seek to prove this contention,
but rather, proceeds as though it were fact. The playlet

is inflamatory propaganda which attempts to arouse action

through accusation and denunciation. That desired action|

32
is a commitment to pacifism.

The playwright has established a category of
those who favor war, and named this category "fascist."
Therefore, those who seem to favor another war become
fascists through guilt by association.

Another important consideration of the propa-
gandist's purpose is his repetition of the accusation
that the rich are deluding the poor; that the workers
are the victims of a conspiracy to lead them into war.
Thus an urgency is created to fight this conspiracy
before it is too late.

The most meaningful agent of protection against
the conspiracy, and also the strongest force of opposi-
tion to war is the Communist Party, and more particularly,
The American League Against War and Fascism. Although
this group is not specifically named in the dialogue
(it is mentioned twice in the stage directions), the
author, nonetheless, wishes to enlist support for it by
encouraging the audience to read its periodical, Fight,
One may speculate that the propagandist wishes the
audience to join The American League Against War and
Fascism once it is familiar with.§igh£, and ultimately
become a member of the party.

The message of "Newsboy” may be stated as "the
fascist conspiracy will lead America into another war

unless the workers give their active support to anti-

33
war organizations.” Although Novikov's play implies
this from the very beginning, it is not until the
entrance of the Second Newsboy that he specifically
states his message:

Fight against War and Fascism. Learn the truth
about the munitions racket. (He enters with a
magazine bag at his side. He is holding aloft

a handful of papers spread fanwise, so we cannot
see their titles.) Fight against war and Fascism.
Fight NOW pgainst the racket of the death manu-
facturers.

The endorsement of Fighg_as the voice of "truth"
in the war against fascism is central to the play. It
is Fight which is responsible for the conversion of the
Crowd from.their complacency to an active defiance of
war. This united front is symbolized in the action:

(The First Newsboy runs onstage, shouting his
slogans and wheeling each person of the Crowd
around so they face the audience. He is faced
by a solid.wall of Fights. . . . Above the wall,
like a banger, the Second Newsboy waves his copy

of Fight.)

If the audience had any doubts as to the ideo-
logical affiliation of the protagonists, this is dispel-
led by the Black Man in his final speech:

Get yourself a trumpet, buddx a big red trumpet,
and climb to the top of the Empire State Building,
and blare out the news. . . . Now is the time to
fight war and fascism. (Comes center and speaks to
audience.) Black Men, white men, field men, shop
men, its time to fight fascism. . . . Get yourself

 

7Gregory Novikov, "Newsboy," WOrkers Laboratory
Theatre, mimeographed manuscript, n.d., p. 4.

8Ibid., p. 5.

34

a trumpet, buddy, a big red trumpet . . . and blare

it out . . . time to fight war . . . time to fight

fascism.9

Two related ideas are touched on in the play.

The first is that the C.C.C. Camps are places where
young men are indoctrinated by the government, into
acceptance of the necessity of war. The second is that
the Army offers no security for the unemployed since
soldiers sacrifice their lives to guarantee profits for
munitions manufacturers. Neither of these ideas is
treated in depth in "Newsboy," and each is integrated
into the play through insistence of the propagandist

that Fightqcontains the truth about the C.C.C. Camps

and exposes the munitions "racket."

The Audience

"Newsboy" was written for the unsophisticated
working-class audience which attended the workers theatre
productions. These audiences were composed of both Negro
and white workers, and undoubtedly included many people
of foreign birth. Above all, they lacked theatre—going
experience, for drama had remained almost entirely out-
side their everyday lives.

"Newsboy” appeals strongly to the concerned
worker; the worker who questions the complacent accept—

ance of "the system.” Exploitation was a keen issue to

 

91bid.

35
them, and a feeling of indignation at injustice, con-
siderably aids the acceptance of the propaganda message
of "Newsboy."

Many of the workers were undoubtedly sympathetic
with the work of the Communist Party. Anti-communist
sentiments in the playlet are expressed by the antag-
onists, and are deliberately used to establish sympathy

for the communist protagonists.

Characterization

The characters of ”Newsboy" are personified
abstractions. The protagonist is the spirit of paci-
fism, the antagonist the spirit of fascism. As a result,
the characters may be placed into two groupings accord-
ing to the ideology represented. The first of these
groups shows the spirit of pacifism personified in The
Black Man, The Second Newsboy, and The Unemployed Man.
None of the protagonists is given a name. This tendency
to eliminate individuality in favor of symbolism further
indicates that the author does not hope to create round—
ed characters as seen in conventional drama.

The second grouping of characters represents the
conflicting philosophy of militarism and fascism. Three
characters compose this antagonist group-4William.Ran-
dolph Hearst, Huey Long, and Father Coughlin. It is

interesting to note that these three characters are the

only ones given names in the playlet, and in addition,

36
are supposedly real people. The selection of these
three men from actual life was undoubtedly an intentional
one, designed to build antipathy for the antagonists,
for from the point of View of the partisan audience,
each was readily-recognized as a prominent American
”fascist."

A third grouping of characters in the play
constitutes the Crowd, a collection of many differ-
ing physical types, designed to represent a cross-
section of the American public. The Crowd adopts no
allegiance to a particular ideology until the end of
the play. In fact, it is the author's purpose to show
the Crowd moving from confusion and ignorance, to com-
mitment and knowledge in the total acceptance of paci-
fism as the only solution to the problem of war.

Since the characters are unusually limited, a
conventional character analysis is hardly meaningful,
however, one may examine the way in which the author
manipulates his characters to achieve his desired end.
The Black Man is the first of the protagonists to appear
in the play. He repeatedly warns the Crowd of the fas—
cist conspiracy, and they repeatedly ignore him. Thus
the author uses him to establish the ”ignorance” of the
Crowd. The fact that The Black Man is a Negro is never
made clear. One may speculate that Novikov hoped the

audience would sympathize with him because he was a

member of a minority group. In addition, The Black Man

37
is apparently a communist, for he urges the audience to
get a "big red trumpet” to protest war. However, little
is made of his being a communist. Since it was common
knowledge that the Workers Laboratory Theatre had an
espoused left-wing association, it would appear only

logical that the raisonneur be a communist.

 

The Black Man exerts pressure upon the Crowd to
reject the coercion of the "war-mongers," but it is in-
teresting to note that he has little effect upon their
change of attitude. Rather than employing reason or
argument, the tools of the persuader, he merely repeats
his warning again and again. The Crowd, however, is not
moved until it reads Fight, Thus it is apparent that The
Black Man accomplishes little of the author's major aim--
the conversion of the Crowd. Rather, to indict Hearst,
Long, Coughlin, and others like them, as fascists, is
his most important function in the author’s propaganda
purpose.

The Unemployed Man also serves to indict “fas-
cists,” especially as they relate to militaristic
practices in.America. For example, he refuses to ac—
cept the recommendation that he find security in a
C.C.C. Camp. In his opinion the C.C.C. Camps exist to
indoctrinate young men to the need for war. In response
to his joining the Army as a means of subsistence, he

replies that the Army is dedicated to fighting war. The

only quality shown in The Unemployed Man’s character is

38
a bitter hatred of war; he would rather starve than be
associated in any way with it. Again, the author's
message is reinforced since he makes it seem desirable
to reject the military. Also, the indictment of the
C.C.C. Camps carries the criticism of "fascist" practices
in.America a step beyond that of The Black Man.

The most significant character among the pro-
tagonists is The Second Newsboy, but only because he
represents The American League Against War and Fascism,
and distributes Eighg, not because he possesses any
depth of character. His character, in fact, is even
less fully realized than that of The Black Man and The
Unemployed Man. He functions less as a mouthpiece for
the author's ideas, than as a puppet manipulated to
achieve the needed conversion of the Crowd. It is in—
teresting to note that he does not appear in the play
until the very moment an idea is needed to change the
attitude of the Crowd. Since the author wishes to
accomplish quickly and efficiently the conversion of
the Crowd, and thus prove his point, he cares little
about the nature of the character who accomplishes this
purpose.

The "fascists" also show an alarming lack of
depth in characterization. A single phrase or sug-
gested environment is sufficient to identify each of

them. Hearst, for example speaks before a wall covered

with title streamers of the New York.American, Mirror

39

and Journal:

Rush through the following scare heads. Very
boldest type. "Six Million Starve to Death in
Soviet Russia." "Communism.Must Go." "Down With
American Reds." "USA Spends One Billion Dollars
on Armament to be Vested as Airplane Bombers,
Cannon, Gas Bombs. . . ."10

Huey Long speaks before a drape of red~white~and~blue

bunting:

Every man a king. That’s my motto. Share the
wealth. Every man is entitled to his rights, but
no man should make over a million dollars. Every
man a king, that's the motto of the Kingfish. A
war wouldn't be such a bad thing, boys, ha, ha,
ha~-every man a king. . . ."11

Father Coughlin appears wearing a priest's collar and

speaking into a microphone:

But our country, right or wrong. Of course, I am
not a militarist. . . . (Sweetly) No man of Jesus
can be a militarist . . . Our Lord Jesus Christ
teaches humility and pacifism. . . . BUT on the
other hand, if our nation is in danger of an attack
by a foreign nation who is after our gold--or, more
particularly, our greatest asset, our silver supply
. . . it is the God-ordained duty of every American
Citizen to fight and die for its protection. Our
government will be only as safe from.without her bor-
ders as she is from.within. Let us stamp out this
ugly stain of Communism with its militant peace pol-
icies. I can only repeat the words of that other
great American, Chauncey Depew--"Our country, right
or wrong. . . ."12

Novikov does not wish to characterize them, but

rather, to identify them. Once identified they are

recognized as "reactionaries." The methods used to

 

101bid., p. 2. 111bid., p. 3.
121bid., p. 3.

40

achieve this identification are unusually naive and
obvious.

The Crowd is the "conversion figure" in ”Newsboyfl'
They are led by the strongest voices, and in the earlier
part of the playlet, Hearst, Coughlin and Long shout the
loudest. However, these forces of reaction are over~
whelmed by the voice of Fighg, Thus in the conversion
of the Crowd, Novikov makes his strongest point in favor
of reading Eight, This is demonstrated in the action,

although it is rather weakly done. Since the play does

not occur in the framework of realistic motivation, the
action may be seen on a symbolic level. Although the
conversion of the Crowd is weakly motivated in the real—
istic sense, it nevertheless achieves the author's pur-

pose symbolically.

Structure

In "Newsboy" Novikov has attempted to combine
a propaganda structure and a dramatic structure. His
attempt is not successful since the propaganda purpose
overrides the dramatic purpose, and the result is a
weakened dramatic structure.

The propaganda structure follows three steps:
the first is the discrediting of the "fascists"; the
second the introduction of Fight as the voice of truth;

and third, the presentation of the desired course of

action-~the support of The American League Against War

41
and Fascism. The majority of the sketch is devoted to
accomplishing the first step.13 The Black Man warns of
the fascist conspiracy; Hearst, Long, and Father Coughlin
personify this conspiracy; and The Unemployed Man pre—
sents his indicment of militarism. The remaining two
steps are accomplished rather quickly in the last page
of the play. After the examination of Fighg, the Crowd
immediately reverses its attitude. The final step is
accomplished in the last speech by The Black Man urging
the audience to emulate the action shown onstage.

In this structure Novikov employs the Bandwagon
technique. This is especially true in the conversion
of the Crowd. After those onstage have been converted,
the Bandwagon appeal is carried directly to the audience.

The dramatic structure is considerably weakened
because of Novikov's emphasis upon his propaganda pur-
pose. The conflict of the two opposing groups is very
weak. The protagonists and antagonists never confront
one another. As a result there is almost no dramatic
tension. In an attempt to create some feeling of antic-
ipation, Novikov shows, early in the sketch, that the
antagonists occupy the position of power. Thus, the
desire to see the Crowd turn against the "fascists” and

reverse the power roles, generates some suspense. But‘

 

13This segment includes the first three and one-
half pages of the total four and one-half pages of the

play.

.a It’ll

42
since the two groups never clash directly, this suspense
is weak. In addition, the brief scene in which The Un-
employed Man attacks the C.C.C. Camps and the U.S. Army
represents a digression which weakens the line of devel-
opment of the play.

Another example of the subordination of the
dramatic structure to the propaganda purpose is the
weakness of the climactic scene. Novikov accomplishes
the conversion of the Crowd with surprising ease. The
instrument of conversion, Eighg, has never before been
mentioned in the playlet. There is no preparation for
the sudden reversal of attitude. Since the dilemma of
the crowd is solved by an external manipulation not un-
like the d§g§_g§_machina, the dramatic power of the
climax is considerably weakened. It would undoubtedly
have been stronger to have the Crowd decide to inves-
tigate Fighg, rather than having it thrust into their
hands by someone else.

The Black Man's speech at the conclusion of the
sketch offers further evidence of the subordination of
dramatic structure to the propaganda purpose. The speech
is an anti-climax. The play's action has reached its
conclusion with the conversion of the Crowd, yet Novikov
disregards this in favor of a final appeal urging the

adoption of his specified course of action.

Because of the author's repetitive indictment of

the "fascists," the crude manipulation of the conversion

43
device, and the anti-climactic final speech, the tension
inherent in the reversal of the power position of the
two groups, is not fully realized.

A redeeming feature of "Newsboy,” is a consis-
tency of style which gives the sketch unity. The open—
ing of the play is particularly effective in arousing
audience attention and setting the tone of the play;
however, Novikov relies upon the stage technician to
accomplish this:

(When the curtain rises the stage is dark, but the
shuffling of many feet is heard. Slowly a light is
thrown along the street surface which lights up
only the feet of the passersby. We see all types
Iinfeet’dwell-ghOdB aid pgoplygfihgdd walking, strol-
g, an running ac an or .
When the lights come up fully, several pantomimes occur,
each suggesting a streetcorner in a large city. Since
Novikov specifies that there is no scenery, he estab-
1ishes the stage as a platea, adaptable to any locale
he wishes. This aids in compression of time and space,
and creates a proper atmosphere for the symbolic nature
of the playlet.

Stage lighting is further employed for symbolic
effect, aiding the propaganda purpose of the play. The
author specifies that the opening scene is bathed in a

"sickly amber glow," suggesting the unhealthy atmosphere

of a world on the brink of war. Later in the sketch,

 

l""Novikov, "Newsboy," p. 1.

44
Novikov specifies that the entrance of The Second Newsboy
be specially lighted, calling attention to his import-
ance. In the reliance upon unusual lighting effects,
”Newsboy" is an atypical "agit-prop." Since these play-
lets were designed for very simplified staging in meeting
halls, cafeterias, or even outdoors, stage effects are
usually limited.

The Crowd, moving in dance-like formations, adds
imaginative visual interest to the playlet. The d§p§g_
macabre, early in the sketch, symbolizing chaos, and the
military formation with newspapers rolled into ”rifles,"
shows the author's use of symbolic action.

The brevity of "Newsboy" is a second redeeming
feature of the work. Although characterization is
lacking and the structure is weak, Novikov makes his
point quickly, with visual and aural variety. His
audience never becomes disinterested. Also, and some-
what more important, they have little time to think,
and are therefore more likely to accept the playwright‘s

attitudes without resistance.

Dialogpe

 

In ”Newsboy” Novikov does not employ dialogue in
the usual manner-~to reveal character, progress the plot,
or probe the dimensions of his theme. Rather, he creates
a rhythmic excitement which is often unrelated to the

literal meaning of the words themselves. Thus, Novikov

45
does not use dialogue to persuade-~there are no argu—
mentative speeches in the play--instead, he intensifies
attitudes already held by his audience.

The two most significant characteristics of the
dialogue are repetition and overstatement. The repet—
itive nature of the dialogue is evident throughout the
entire playlet. The Black Man, for example, repeatedly
warns the Crowd of the "fascist conspiracy.” His ac-
cusations may vary in their wording, but the idea is
always the same. The repetition of accusations is also
true of the language used by the antagonists, especially
that of Hearst and Father Coughlin. Both emphasize that
America must defend herself from possible attack by
Soviet Russia. Repeated denunciation of the opposition
is the only "persuasion" employed by Novikov.

The accusations contain surprisingly few examples
of Name-Calling and Glittering Generality. Hearst, for
example, calls the communists, "reds," and Father Cough-
lin makes one reference to the "ugly stain of commua
nism." But these are mild considering the propagandist's
hatred of fascists. The same is true of the use of
Glittering Generality. Father Coughlin's phrase, "Our
country right or wrong," which is picked up by Hearst
later, is the only example. None of the protagonists
employs either Name-Calling or Glittering Generality.

The lack of specific techniques normally found in propa-

gandistic persuasion, is perhaps accounted for because

46
all of the accusations are "true” from the partisan
viewpoint, and there is no need to carry them to the
extreme of Name-Calling. Repetition of the accusations
is the propagandist's means of emphasizing that they are
"true."

The second technique employed by Novikov is
overstatement. When used by the antagonists it makes
them seem undesirable. Father Coughlin insists that
"It is the God-ordained duty for every American Citizen
to fight and die for [Americais] protection." He is
made to seem an alarmist, and since he is a priest and
preaches the gospel of peace, a hypocrite as well.
Hearst's speeches also overstate the alarmist tone.

However, the use of emotional overstatement
has quite a different effect when used to present an
idea favorable to the author's cause. After the con-
version of the Crowd, a man reads, "Eight and a half
million men killed for the profits of the munitions
makers," and the Crowd picks up the chant, "Eight and
a half million men murdered in war-~murdered inwar."15
In this example one sees the manner in which Novikov
combines emotionalized overstatement and repetition in
a chant which intensifies the emotional feelings pre~

viously aroused in the audience.

 

L5Ibid., p. 4.

47
As dramatic dialogue, the language of "Newsboy”

is awkwardly employed, suggesting that Novikov had
little previous experience as a playwright. A speech
by The Black Man is typical:

Why don't yer stop kiddin' yerself, Newsboy? Don't

yer see yer drunk with the poison gin of lies. All

this talk of C.C.C. Camps and Boy Scout parades and

International insults . . . you've got poisonin.yer

bellies and its eatin' yer guts and rottin' away yer

minds. Yer linin' up fer war . . . that’s what:

Yer gettin' ready to fight again and kill again,

and slaughter again. . . .16
The attempt at dialect is disconcerting for it suggests
that the speaker is illiterate. Ideas are stated but
not developed; the references to the C.C.C. Camps and
International insults, for example. The word choiceeum»
ployed in "poison gin of lies," "eatin35nn‘guts," and
"rottin' away yer minds," is more repellant than effec-
tive. The shift in person suggests that he now includes
more than the First Newsboy in his accusation. The au-
thor does not aid the reader here with stage directions.

Novikov does succeed in one respect-~the "tele-

graphic" style of the sentences, like newspaper head-
lines, match the dominant image of the play, that is,
that newspapers (represented by the Newsboy) are re-
sponsible for the molding of public opinion. Novikov,
however, never seems aware that a playwright cannot

create interesting stage dialogue out of a series of

newspaper headlines.

 

lGIbid., p. 2.

CHAPTER IV

WAITING FOR LEFTY

Introduction

The Labor Theatre Movement had attracted little
attention from theatrical critics, largely because the
productions remained crude and poorly-written. However,
this was abruptly changed with the premiere of "Waiting
For Lefty." The play created a sensation, and many
critics and Broadway theatre-goers found they could no
longer ignore the propaganda theatre.

"Waiting For Lefty" was written in response to

a contest sponsored by New Masses and New Theatre for a

 

 

one-act revolutionary play. Odets composed the play in
one week-end and subsequently won the contest. "Waiting
For Lefty" was given a special production on January 6,
1935, at the Civic Reportory Theatre by the New Theatre
League, with actors from The Group Theatre performing
the roles.

In the spring of 1935 the Group Theatre revived
"Waiting For Lefty," and paired it with another one-act
by Odets, ”Till The Day I Die." The production ran 136

performances. Himelstein notes that this production

48

49

marked the farthest left the Group Theatre had leaned.
It had, in his opinion, surpassed The Theatre union as
the most revolutionary theatre in New York.1

"Waiting For Lefty" provoked immediate controversy
because of its strong communist propaganda. It was
banned in Boston, and other attempts to censor produc-
tions of the play only served to increase its notoriety.
For example, in New Haven, a scheduled production by
the Unity Players was cancelled by police order. The
American Civil Liberties Union, The International Labor
Defense, and Yale students rallied to support the play
and successfully fought the injunction.

”Waiting For Lefty" became the most popular
play of the amateur labor groups who wanted better plays
than the "agit-props” previously offered them. By June
of 1935, just six months after its premiere, ”Waiting
For Lefty" had been performed in over fifty American

cities.2

Analysis of "Waiting For Lefty"

Synopsis
”Waiting For Lefty opens at a strike meeting of

New York cab drivers. Corrupt union officials, led by

 

lMorgan Y. Himelstein, Drama Was A Weapon (New
Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Uhiv. Press, 1963), p. 168.

2Ibid., p. 41.

50
Harry Fatt, try to dissuade the strikers by suggesting
that the strike is communist inspired. The members of
the cab drivers' committee, Benjamin, Miller, Stein,
Mitchell, Phillips, and Keller, refuse to act until
their leader, Lefty, joins them. In a series of flash-
backs, each of the men reveals the reasons which forced
him to the strike meeting. Mitchell's wife intends to
leave him if he doesn't bring home a larger salary;
Miller turns down a tempting salary because it means
spying on a fellow-worker; Stein cannot marry his
fiancee because of lack of money; Phillips, an actor,
can find no work in the theatre; and Benjamin, a doctor,
is released when the hospital trustees discover he is
a Jew. As the strikers await Lefty's arrival, Fatt in-
troduces a labor spy named Clayton, who warns the men
of the dangers of a strike. He is exposed by his brother
who happens to be one of the taxi drivers at the meeting.
As the men become increasingly restless, news is brought
of Lefty's death; he is a victim of a gangland assasi—
nation. Fatt's power is broken as the men surge out of

the hall shouting, ”Strikel"

Persuasive Purpose
In ”Waiting For Lefty,” Odets dramatizes a call
to protest injustice in the form of a strike of New York

taxicab drivers. Odets advocates the strike for three

reasons: (1) because his ideological concept is thattflu:

51
good worker is a militant worker; (2) because the strike
represents a means of resistance in a war against the
"boss class"; and (3) by striking, the workers are able
to regain their dignity and live a decent life.

The message may be stated, "Workers, unite and
strike to fight the capitalist ”bosses," and regain your
dignity as human beings." Human dignity is of vital
concern to Odets. That any man should have to suffer
humiliation and loss of self-esteem just because he is
a worker, is deplorable. The only solution is retal-
iation. This is well illustrated in a speech by Edna
Mitchell:

(With great joy) I don’t say one man: I say a
hundred, a thousand, a whole million, I say. But
start in your own union. Get those hack boys
together: Sweep out those racketeers like a pile
of dirt! Stand up like a man and fight for the
crying kids and wives.

Edna also alludes to the unlimited power of
numbers. Odets, like other labor propagandists, makes
the solidarity of the workers seem the only step needed
to overthrow their oppressors. Sid Stein reiterates this
idea in a speech to Florrie:

They know if they give in just an inch, all the
dogs like us will be down on them together--an

ocean knocking them to hell and back and each
singing cuckoo with stars coming from their

3Clifford Odets, ”Waiting For Lefty," Thirty
Famous Onngct Plays, ed. Bennet Cerf and Van H.
Cartmell, The Modern Library (New York: Random House
Inc., 1943), p. 257.

52

nose and ears.’4
Odets' treatment of this aspect of his theme
seems naive when one considers the serious problems
resulting from the decision to strike. The lack of
money during the strike, violence, and the possibility
of blacklisting, may mean that conditions would be worse
than before the strike. But to Odets the strike becomes
a symbol of the power of the workers to dictate to their
bosses. The act of striking appears to be a panacea for
the problems of the worker, and is, in itself, good;
Odets does not want his audience to think beyond this.
One may argue that Odets did point out the

dangers of the strike through the death of Lefty. How-
ever, Lefty's death is important not because it illus-
trates the danger of striking, but because it illustrates
the corrupt power that the strikers wish to overthrow.
Lefty, then, becomes a martyr in the class war. Rather
than act as a deterrent, his heroic death spurs the
workers on. They are not afraid to die if necessary.
"And when we die they'll know what we did to make a
new world: Christ, cut us up to little pieces. We'll
die for what is right: Put fruit trees where our ashes

are:u5

 

41bid., p. 533.
511113.. p. 544.

 

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53

The Audience

 

Odets wrote his play for the specialized audience
attending the workers' theatres. ”Waiting For Lefty"
depends upon that audience to achieve its maximum effect
as propaganda. The audience may be characterized as
follows: they were workers, especially that embittered
group of workers who felt victimized and exploited.
Hatred for the wealthy would aid the playwright's pur-
pose immeasurably, since Odets equates wealth with cor-
ruption.

The audience aimed at includes communists or
"fellow-travelers." Odets shows the communists in a
favorable light throughout his play. The Stenographer,
for example, calls the Young Actor "Comrade," and
offers to loan him a dollar; Agate points out that
the man who helped him when he was starving called him
"Comrade”; and the repetition of communistic slogans
is used by Odets to dispel the fear of the "red bogey-
man" which the capitalists have invented.

Although Odets touches only lightly on the
antidwar theme in the play, a sympathy with pacifism
would aid identification with'Miller, and build hatred
for Fayette, manufacturer of poison gas, who intends
to profit from.war. It is interesting to note that Odets
advocates pacifism.with regard to a "Shooting war," but

absolute and dedicated militarism in the "class war."

54
They are sympathetic with minority groups,
particularly Jews. At least three of the important
characters are Jewish-~Stein, The Stenographer, and
Doctor Benjamin. Anti-Semitism which is the theme of
the episode involving Dr. Benjamin, would provide a

means of strong identification for Jews.

Characterization

In "Waiting For Lefty," Odets employs a technique
used in "Newsboy" and other propaganda plays-~groups of
characters rather than individuals are used as protago~
nists and antagonists. The antagonists are introduced
first. They include Harry Fatt, a racketeer; Fayette,
an industrialist; and Grady, a theatrical producer.

Odets is not interested in showing these men
to be individuals; he relies upon physical types rather
than mental traits as a major means of characterizing
them. Emphasizing obesity, he describes Harry Fatt as
"a fat man of porcine appearance." Apparently Odets
hoped that a fat man in times of starvation, would be
universally disliked.

Fatt's speech pattern parallels the grossness
of the physical image. He uses profanity, frequently
uses "ain't" and other colloquial expressions, which
suggest a lack of education. His quickness of temper
reinforces the image of insipience, for Fatt seems to

be a person who is unable to solve a problem with his

55
brains and therefore must resort to threats and force.
The ever-present armed henchmen, sullen and menacing,
are the living symbols of Fatt's explosive nature.

Fatt smokes a large cigar. Odets employs the
cigar to symbolize the capitalist just as the early
"agit-props" used the silk top hat for the same purpose.
The cigar, ugly obesity, lack of intelligence, and the
use of force, show Harry Fatt to be the stereotyped
gangster.

In his notes for production, Odets specified
that Harry Fatt was intended as a symbol. "Fatt, of
course, represents the capitalist system throughout
the play. The audience should constantly be kept aware
of him, the ugly menace which hangs over the lives of
all the people who act out their own dramas."6 Since
the play simulates a union meeting and each dramatized
episode is a flashback, Odets is able to keep Harry Fatt
onstage throughout the entire play, thus accomplishing
his symbolic purpose.

Grady, the theatrical producer, appears only in
Episode V. Odets specifies that the part is to be played
by Fatt. In this scene, Odets uses the Stenographer to
characterize Grady before he appears. Thus, when he does

appear, played by Fatt, his group allegiance is obvious.

 

61bid., p. 545.

56

The Stenographer shows Grady to be a hedonist.
He takes perfumed baths, has his apartment done in
oriental decor, keeps a Russian wolf-hound, uses his
position to take sexual license with women who audition
for him, and drinks to excess. When he appears, he
shows a complete lack of sympathy for the unfortunate
actor, and is only interested in protecting his invest—
ments. The theatre is a business to him, not an art
form. In fact, he tells the Young Actor, "Nobody [ifl
interested in artists here."7

Odets proves his mastery of the art of the
"capsule characterization," suggesting the nature of
a person by a single revealing line or gesture. Grady
explains to Phillips that talent is non-essential in his
view of the commercial theatre, "And Jesus Christ, him-
self, couldn't play a soldier in this show . . . with
all his talent. (Crosses himself in quick repentence
for this remark.)"8 The action is both humorous and
revealing, for it suggests that Grady might rationalize
his immoral existence by observing the outward forms
of religion.

A second such moment comes as Grady orders the
Stenographer to send out for a bromo-seltzer. He pre-
faces the request with a gross belch. Again, the action

is humorous but also revealing, for the belch symbolizes

 

7Ibid., p. 538 81bid., p. 539.

57

his gluttony and self—indulgence.

The third capitalist in the play is Fayette,
”an industrialist." Fayette's equivocal manner makes
him appear affected and insincere. For example, he
drinks, but for him it is a sign of sophistication;
in others, however drinking is a sign of indolence.
”I like sobriety in my workers . . . the trained ones,
I mean. The Pollacks and niggers, they're better off
drunk--keeps them out of mischief.”9

In Odets' view, Fayette shows himself a true
capitalist, for he has no concern for human life. The
development of a poison gas to be used in the "next
war,” will result in profit for him. His cruelty is
revealed when he indicates that human life cannot be a

consideration to a businessman:

Miller: They say 12 million men were killed in that
last one, and 20 million were wounded or missing.

Fayette: That's not our worry. If big business went
sentimental over human life, there wouldn't be big
business of any sort.]-0

Odets also uses the "capsule characterization” for

Fayette. As he sits talking with Miller, he reaches

out and pats Miller’s knee. Fayette's coldly inhuman

attitude, coupled with forced camaraderie with his sub-

ordinates, shows him to be insincere and opportunistic.

 

9Ibid., p. 528. 101bid., p. 529.

58

One last consideration of Fayette's character
is that he, too, smokes the cigar used to symbolize the
capitalist, and his name, "Fayette," is a sophisticated
embellishment of the name, "Fatt." The antagonists are
all cut of the same cloth. They are concerned only with
profit, and regard human life as having little importance.

Odets achieves greater variety of character in
his protagonists, Joe Mitchell, Miller, Sid Stein,
Phillips, and Dr. Benjamin. Each of these men has been
elected to a strike committee representing the cab dri—
vers. Flashbacks show how each came to be converted to
the cause of the strike.

With five protagonists, Odets runs the danger of
splitting his group into too many pieces, making it dif-
ficult to achieve identification on the part of the aud—
ience. He achieves needed unity, however, by showing
the group to be held together by two factors: (1) each
of the men is a "conversion" figure; (2) each is the
victim of a corrupt capitalistic system which has stripped
away his dignity; thus the struggle of each to regain
his self-respect becomes a strong unifying element. In
each case the act of striking is the first step toward
regaining the self-respect which has been taken from him.

Joe Mitchell is a war veteran and proud of his
service. His appeal is that he is an ordinary working

man, sober, diligent, but servile. His marriage is in

59
serious danger since the effect of poverty has been the
death of love and intimacy between him and his wife.
Edna repel's Joe's attempts to kiss her with, "Do it in
the movies, Joe-~they pay Clark Gable big money for
it."11 The lack of love emerges as a root motivation
for Joe’s awakening. Joe does not need to be converted
to the cause of the workers since he is already a member
of that class, but he needs to overcome fear and to have
an appropriate course of action pointed out for him. It
is, in fact, Edna's threat to leave him for another man,
that pushes Joe into the ranks of the militant.

Odets places Joe in the position of having to
make a choice; his situation is hopeless. He cannot
solve his problems by running away or dreaming of some
miraculous solution, thus some positive action mng be
taken. The situation is shown in this interchange:

Joe: Jeez, I wish I was a kid again and didn't
have to think about the next minute.

Edna: But you're not a kid and you do have to
think about the next minute. You got two blonde
kids sleeping in the next room. They need food
and clothes. I'm not mentioning anything elsi--
but we've stalled like a flivver in the snow. 21
Joe faces the choice of a break-up of his marriage and
continued humiliation at the hands of the company, or
the prospect of saving his marriage and his self-respect

by striking. It should be pointed out that Joe's

 

111.919." p- 523. ”Ibid., p. 524.

60
awakening is not the result of the persuasion of a com-
munist agitator (although Edna's militant attitude
certainly approximates this at times), but arises out
of his own personal desires.

Sid Stein is a single man who has been engaged
for three years and cannot marry because of lack of
money. He may be thought of as Joe, five years earlier.
Sid, too, needs awakening to a proper course of action
to change conditions. The agent of his awakening is the
same as Joe’s, that is, the possible loss of the woman
he loves. As a result, his choice is made, like Joe's,
on the basis of personal motives.

Sid, too, has been humiliated by his circum-
stances which Odets attributes to a flaw in the social
system. Sid is denied the normal wants of marriage and
a family. His desire for Florrie has resulted in con-
stant temptation to place their relationship on a
sexual basis without marriage. Because of his strength
of character, he has not done so. Sid embodies the
romantic-sentimental concept of the "noble worker."
Obviously, he and Florrie could remain unmarried and
enjoy sexual relations, but the implication is that
Sid‘s ethical nature would produce feelings of self-
digust:

Florrie: We wanted to have kids . . .

Sid: But that sort of life ain't for the dogs which
is us. Christ, Babel I get like thunder in my chest

61
when we’re together. If we went off together I
could maybe look the world straight in the face,
spit in its eye like a man should do. Godammit,
it’s trying to be a man on the earth. Two in
life together.13
Again it must be noted that although Sid real—
izes that the capitalists are responsible for his
dilemma, his acceptance of a militant cause is not promp-
ted by communist preachment.
A third member of the workers group is Miller,
a laboratory assistant in a chemical plant. Miller has
achieved his position by diligence and clean-living.
For example, he will not smoke or drink even to impress
his boss, Fayette. Miller needs conversion to the cause
of the workers, for he has, in reality, been working
along with the capitalists. His awakening comes when
he is asked to violate his code of ethics by spying on
a fellow worker. In addition, he discovers that the
company is developing a deadly poison gas. Since his
brother was killed in the First World'War, Miller has
become a pacifist, and cannot accept a position which
would mean profiting from the slaughter of war.
Thus, Miller's dilemma is clear-cut--1ive
comfortably and suffer the pangs of conscience, or

struggle in poverty and retain his ideals. He says,

"[I’d] rather dig ditches first."14 ‘Miller, then, is

not above ordinary labor; one could easily substitute

 

13113351.: p. 533- l‘*Ibn‘.c1., p. 530.

 

 

 

”dri\
choic

”nob]

62
”drive a cabu for ”dig ditches” in his speech. His
choice is again motivated by Odets’ concept of the
”noble worker.” The strike becomes a way of fighting
war, and evil, and Miller chooses the side of right.

The three workers are shown to be distinct
individuals rather than carbon-copies of each other.
Each longs to achieve something good and worthy in
life, and each is deterred from this goal by a situation
which Odets attributes directly to a flaw in the capi—
talistic system. In Joe's and Sid's cases, there is no
choice but to fight back against the "bosses" who are
made to seem directly responsible for their suffering.
Miller has more freedom of choice, but the strength of
his ideals will not permit him to consider the unethical
way.

All three are faced with the choice of living
in self-disgust and inaction, or fighting actively against
the system that caused it. All three choose the latter,
and thus considerable sympathy is enlisted for them.

The two remaining members of the protagonist
group are placed in similar dilemmas. Phillips is a
young actor, so naive that he is unfamiliar with the
term, "casting couch." His dedication to the art of
acting is belittled by Grady who insists that the theatre
is a business, and acting depends upon physical type

rather than talent. Under capitalism, then, art is

63
reduced to a money—making venture. Phillips' dignity
is stripped away as he is forced to beg for a part, no
matter how small. Also, since Grady does not accept
his previous experience as worthwhile, Phillips is
forced to lie to impress him. But Phillips is a guile-
less person, and cannot lie successfully. The episode
depicts Phillips at the most humiliating moment in his
life; his encounter with Grady is the last in a series
of similar encounters with other producers. Thus, he
is ready for conversion.

Phillips' choice is aided by the persuasion of
the Stenographer who is a communist. She advocates that
he read the ”Communist Manifesto," and as a result he
is converted to the cause of the workers. It may be
significant that Phillips, the most naive character to
appear in the play, is the only one directly converted
by a communist.

Doctor Benjamin, the last of the protagonist
group, is a victim of anti-Semitism, the product of a
diseased social order. Although he is of the profes-
sional class, he is sympathetic with the working class
as shown by his concern for the lives of his patients,
and above all, by his distress at the decision by the
hospital to close one of the charity wards.

Since Odets does not wish to change the direc~

tion of his play by an undue emphasis upon the anti-

64

Semitic theme, he introduces the idea that the hospital
is controlled by politicians, thus continuing his in-
dictment of capitalist practices. Dr. Barnes points
this out:

Doctor's don't run medicine in this country. The

men who know their jobs don't run anything here,

except the motormen on trolley cars. I've seen

medicine change plenty-~anesthesia, steril—

ization--but not because of rich men-~in spite

of themll5

With regard to the anti—Semitic theme, Odets

hopes to equate the strike with the first step toward
a socialistic utopia in which prejudice does not exist.
In his production notes, Odets suggests that the com—
mitteemen onstage inject comments during the dramatized
episodes:

In the climaxes of each scene, slogans might very

effectively be used—~a voice coming out of the

dark. Such a voice might announce at the approp-

riate moments in the ”Young Interne's" scene that

the USSR is the only country in the world wpgre

Anti—Semitism is a crime against the State.

Benjamin‘s personal worth is challenged because

he was born a Jew. He may regain his dignity and that
of other victims of prejudice, by joining the workers
and fighting against corrupt capitalism. There is no
doubt that he has been influenced by communist thought

for he says, "Lots of things I wasn‘t certain of.

Many things these radicals say . . . you don't believe

 

15Ibid., p. 542. 161bid., p. 545.

65
theories until they happen to you."17

Both Benjamin and Phillips take the final step
because of contact with revolutionary philosophy.
Phillips' conversion is perhaps, the less credible of
the two, since he is won over simply by reading the
"Communist Manifesto." Benjamin is, however, already
sympathetic toward the workers, and has been thinking
about the ideas of communism, especially the concept
of socialized medicine as practiced in the USSR.

Some attention should be given to that group of
characters which is responsible for the awakening and
conversion of the protagonists. Edna Mitchell is sharp—
tongued and thoroughly materialistic, and is the most
vehement of the three. Several of her speeches illus-
trate this indignation: "And any other hackey that
won't fight . . . let them all be ground to hamburger";l8
and, ”Get brass toes on your shoes and know where to
kick.”19

The Stenographer, who is the only communist in
the play, resembles Edna in her hard-boiled attitude
toward life. Both have been unduly embittered by the
conditions of the time, although the Stenographer shows
herself a little more soft-hearted than Edna, when she

offers to lend Phillips a dollar. She and Edna both

 

17.1.1231” 1?- 542. 18Ibid., p. 525,
191bid., p. 527.

66
advocate the ”fight or else" attitude. Edna, because
she is untutored in the ideology of the "left,” advocates
fighting back for its own sake, while the Stenographer
has read the "Communist Manifesto" and believes it con-
tains all the needed answers. Her militant attitude is
spelled out at the close of Episode V:

Steno: I'm saying the meek shall not inherit the
earth.

Phillips: No?

Steno: EBe MILITANTl Come out in the light,
Comrade.

Dr. Barnes is a dignified and respected gentle-
man. Nowhere in him is the shrewishness of Edna or the
hard-boiled wise-cracking of the Stenographer, but in
their place is substituted the quality of despair:

That's right . . . that's right. Young, hot, go
and do it: I'm a very ancient fossil, but life's
ahead of you, Dr. Benjamin, and when you fire the
first shot, say, "this one's for old Doc Barnes!"
Too much dignity-~bullets. Don’t shoot vermin!
Step on them£21
Each of the three persuaders also acts as a voice for
Odets in pointing out that the conditions dramatized
are the result of a decadent capitalistic system. Edna
blames the bosses. She responds to Joe’s laissez-faire
attitude:
This is the subject, the EXACT SUBJECT: Your boss
makes this subject. I never saw him in my life,

but he’s putting ideas in my head a mile a minute.
He’s giving your kids that fancy disease called the

 

201bid., p. 540. 211bid., p. 542.

67

rickets. He's making a jelly-fish outa you and

putting wrinkles in my face. This is the subject

every inch of the way.
The Stenographer has observed in her position with the
producer, the emasculation of people. She tells Phillips
as they talk of the castration of Grady's dog, "They [the
capitalists] do the same to you, but you don't knowit."23

Dr. Barnes gets at the heart of Benjamin's

problem by showing that the rich of America have perver-
ted the ideals of Democracy:

Vermin: See this delicate sensitive hand? Four

hundred years to breed that. Out of a revolution-

ary background: Spirit of '76: Ancestors froze

at Valley Forge: What's it all mean: Slopsi

The honest workers were sold out then, in ’76.

The Constitution’s for the rich men then and now.

Slopsizn
The three function as spokesmen for the author by cast—
ing the blame on the capitalists, and insisting that
aggression is the only way to fight corruption.

Odets has shown in his treatment of the char—

acters that the rich are all bad, the poor all good.
The workers are stifled by a capitalistic system.which
places more emphasis upon money than upon personal
worth. The workers are better people than their wealthy
opponents, who are categorically blamed for all the

problems of the workers. Edna, for example, blames a

boss she has never seen, for hunger, disease, and even

 

zzlbido, p. 526. 23—Ibid09 p’ 539’
zl'l'Ibid. , p. 5’4’2 0

 

68
for her own moral lapse as she contemplates adultery.
Thus, any means of fighting against the rich, whether
labeled ”red" or not, is desirable. It is not coinci-
dental that the philosophy of the militant worker, ad-
vocated by the communists, appears to be the best means,
since Odets undoubtedly sees the clash of the charac-
ters in terms of a genuine class war.

The awakened, militant workers may not, however,
solve their problems as easily as Odets seems to indicate.
The strike may, in fact, increase their problems, but
Odets avoids this entire line of thought by consistently
demonstrating that the worker-heroes will be able to

achieve self-respect and personal worth by striking.

Structure

The structure of ”Waiting For Lefty” is episodic
and cinematic. There are five dramatized episodes,
loosely related to one another, yet well integrated.
The strike meeting provides a framework for the flash-
back scenes. the strike committee remaining onstage in
a semi-circle during the whole of the play.

Each of the flashbacks is a self-contained unit;
none grows directly out of the one preceding it. Odets
said he made use of the vaudeville form, and each epi-
sode may be thought of as a "speciality number." The
stage is used as a latea, with only a chair or two and

a few hand properties; thus no attempt is made to

69
reproduce a realistic environment for the portrayal of
each scene. The characters merely step out of their
places into the playing circle and enact the scene.
Thus, the physical arrangement of the staging provides
a major means of unifying the unrelated segments.

The concept of the production, with short
vignettes occuring within a lighted circle, parallels
the thematic content of each of the scenes; the char—
acters step from the darkness of fear and oppression
to the light of knowledge and commitment. The Steno-
grapher’s lines at the end of Episode V, parallel, in
dialogue, the conceptual image of the play: "Come out

25 Since the use of stage light-

in the light, Comrade."
ing is an important factor in this concept, Odets'
staging requirements resemble "Newsboy," which also
required a fluid use of light to unify the play. Odets
specifies no transition except with light, between some
scenes in the play. For example, Episodes II, III, V,
and VI are played in this way. However, this is com—
pletely acceptable since Odets has established the
pattern of the play in the very first Episode, creating
a frame of reference for the audience. Joe Mitchell,
the subject of the first Episode, introduces himself in

a speech before the strikers. The speech has the

transition to the flashback built into the dialogue:

 

251bid., p. 540.

70
My wife made up my mind last week . . . "God,”
the wife says, "eighty cents ain‘t money-~don't
buy beans almost. You‘re workin' for the com-
pany," she says to me, "Joe! you ain‘t workin'
for me or the family no more:" She says to me,
"If you don't start . . ."26
The lights fade and Joe and Edna enact the flashback.
Here the dialogue provides a smooth segue'to the first
Episode. At the end of the scene the author has pro-
vided a bridge to return to the strike meeting:
(For a moment Edna stands triumphant. There is
a blackout and when the regular lights come up,
Joe Mitchell is concluding what he has been
saying.)

Joe: Yog7guys know this stuff better than
me . . .

With this careful construction of transitions in the
first scene, Odets may be less concerned with them

in later scenes, since the pattern has been effectively
established.

In his arrangement of the scenes, Odets provides
for an alternation of presentational and representa-
tional scenes. The labor strike meeting is designed
to draw the audience into the meeting by means of
speeches made directly to them, and by answers and
retorts from "plants" in the audience. Here Odets
wishes to reduce aesthetic distance to a minimum. In
the flashbacks Odets uses dim lighting to increase

aesthetic distance, to provide an atmosphere for

 

26.1.1219... p. 522. 27Ibid., p. 527.

71
vicarious involvement with the characters' lives.

The Episodes are structured so they bear sim-
ilarity to one another. All except Episode III,

”The Young Hack And His Girl," end on a strong
climactic note followed by a quick blackout. Joe

ends Episode I by angrily leaving to find Lefty;
Episode II shows Miller punching Fayette in the nose;
Episode V closes with the Stenographer's militant call
to action; and Episode VI ends with Benjamin at the
height of his indignation. Thus, each scene repeats
the call to action, which is Odets’ purpose in writing
the play. There is no discernible reason for the
order of the scenes, except that the Episodes in the
first part of the play, Episodes I-III, are concerned
with the workers, and Episodes V and VI are concerned
with the professional men. All of the episodes point
ahead to the conclusion of the drama, in which the
entire meeting of strikers rises up and out of the
audience in a surge of anger and emotion.

The scenes in the union meeting are designed to
show the conflict of the two groups-~the protagonists
and the antagonists. They are loosely unified by the
presence of the same characters, and by the suspense
created by frequent references to the absent Lefty.
The first meeting hall scene shows the antagonists in

power. Succeeding scenes demonstrate the destruction

72
of the power of Fatt and his henchmen. The "Labor Spy"
Episode, for example, shows the expose of the company
spy, and scores a point in favor of the workers by
embarrassing the unscrupulous Harry Fatt. The fact
that the expose'is implemented by the contrived co~
incidence of Clayton‘s brother in the union hall,
seems less annoying in light of the unrealistic frame-
work of the play.
The final scene shows the workers charged to

a fever pitch, as Agate, a professional agitator,
arouses them. Here the conflict of the two groups
is symbolically demonstrated. Fatt orders his gunmen
to quiet Agate:

(His speech is broken by Fatt and Gunmen whp

physically handle him. He breaks away and gets

to the other side of stage. The two are about to

make for him when some of the committeemen come
forward and get in between the struggling parties.

)28
Agate concludes the speech by urging the adoption of the
communist salute, and is joined by the committeemen.
Thus, the repetition of the militant conclusion of each
of the Episodes acts as a Bandwagon appeal culminating

in the vote to strike. The announcement of the murder

of Lefty at the peak of emotional energy, is a melo-
dramatic contrivance. But since it serves to implement

a decision which has already been made, it cannot be

thought of as a deus ex machina. Rather, it serves to

 

231bid., p. 543.

add

cab

Dia

8 v
sh0
cha
act
is

mic

Son
to

’St
foc
hav
brc

as

73
add the final injury which makes the indignation of the

cab drivers justified.

Dialogue
The structure of ”Waiting For Lefty” has shown

a vast improvement over the "agit-prop." Odets‘ dialogue
shows an even greater advance. Where the stick-figure
characters of ”Newsboy" spouted slogans, Odets’ char-
acters speak the language of real people. His forte
is reproducing the terse, hard-boiled, humorous, rhythm
mic dialect of the lower-middle-class New Yorker. An
example of Sid's speech illustrates this dialect:

But wait a minute: Don't he come around and say

to you--this millionaire with a jazz band-~listen

Sam or Sid or what's-your-name, you're no good,

but here's a chance. The whole world'll know who

you are. Yes sir, he says, get up on that ship and

fight those bastards who's making the world a lousy

place to live in. The Japs, the Turks, the Greeks.

Take this gun--kill the slobs like a real hero, he

says, a real American. Be a hero.2

Odets’ characters all use an impertinent tone.

Some examples are: ”What's this crap about goin’ home
to hot suppers?" (Joe); "Tell it to the A & PI" (Edna);
"Stop talking bull!" (Joe); and ". . . this pussy-
footed rat . . .” (Clayton’s brother). The workers
have learned to be hard because of the times. Florrie's

brother sums it up in a single line, "You gotta be hard

as a rock or go under."30

 

29%” P- 533- 30Ibid., p. 531.

74

Although Odets reproduces the speech of every-
day life, he succeeds in creating many fresh turns of
language. A number of these depend upon the use of the
simile: "That Wop's got more guts than a slaughter-
house." (Joe); "It’s plain as the nose on Sol Feinberg's
face." (Joe); "We're stalled like a flivver in the snow."
(Edna). Others take the form of a flippant retort.
When Joe asks Edna what she has up her sleeve, she ren
sponds, "My arm'd be up my sleeve if I had a sleeve to
wear." Florrie's response when Sid asks her what she
is thinking about is, "The French and Indian War."
Miller replies in the same manner when Fayette asks,
”Don't you read the papers?" "Nothing but Andy Gump.”

Odets also creates certain combinations of
words which give the dialogue a fresh, breezy quality:
"Red and yellow makes a dirty color, boys." (Fatt);
"You still got apples in your cheeks and pins for
buttons.U (Stenographer); and "Turn your gimlet eyes
elsewhere, Doctor." (Barnes).

Odets captures the deeper feelings of his
characters as shown in an occasional poetic use of
language. In Edna's line, "I only know we're at the
botton of the ocean," the hopelessness of their sit-
uation is painfully revealed. Florrie and Sid also
use poetic language with the same emotional effect.

Speaking of her invalid mother, Florrie reveals all

75
the tension and sadness of her mother’s slow death in
the line, "She can die in peace instead of looking at
the clock on the mantlepiece all day.” Later, she tells
Sid, "But something wants us to be lonely like that--
crawling alone in the dark." Sid expresses a feeling
of longing and frustration, "A guy who wants his baby
like you and hot sun in his facel" Dr. Barnes distills
a lifetime of placating the hospital trustees in the
single line, ”In a rich man's country your true self's
buried deep."

The dominant image of the play is aggression,
as exemplified in the word "fight." This word is used
frequently throughout the play. The ”fight" image
culminates in the slogans, "Working class, unite and
fight," and "Fight with us for right," at the end of
the play. The action has a cumulative effect also,
for the Episodes build in tension as the dialogue builds
in emotion toward the aggressive climax:

Agate: . . . HELLO AMERICA: HELLO: WE’RE STORM:
BIRDS OF THE WORKING CLASS. WORKERS OF THE WORLD
. . . OUR BONES AND OUR BLOOD: . . . (To audience)
Well, what's the answer?

All: STRIKE:

Agate: LOUDERE

All: STRIKE}

Agate and others (onstage): AGAIN:

76
ALL: STRIKE, STRIKE, STRIKE131

The effect of the choral ending is a propaganda
Bandwagon appeal. As such, it parallels the Bandwagon
appeal which is ingrained in the structure of the play.

Special notice should be taken of the capital—
ized sections of dialogue. The "agit-props” made
extensive use of this technique to signify emotional
emphasis.32 Thus the capitalization of "STRIKE" empha-
sizes the triumphant and militant conclusion. Odets
repeats the word three times as the lights black out.

In "Waiting For Lefty," three segments of the
action are forensic scenes in which characters are
persuaded to act in a prescribed manner. The scenes
are the "Joe and Edna" Episode, ”The Young Actor"
Episode, and Agate Keller's speech to the audience at
the end of the play. Each of these scenes accomplish-
es its persuasion in the same manner; the persuaders
belittle the men by suggesting that they lack mascu-
linity. The effect is to add personal insult to the
already humiliating nature of their circumstances.
Edna makes Joe believe that his attitude of complac-
ency is a result of his lack of masculine aggression.
She insults him with: "You gutless piece of baloney,"

"You're a four-star bust," "You’re crawling like a

 

311bid., p. 544. 32Supra, p. 28.

77

worm," and ". . . when a man knocks you down you get up
and kiss his fist." Her respect for her husband is
entirely gone, so that she says she is past caring what
happens to him:

Joe: Don‘t you wanna see me alive?

Edna: (after a deep pause) No . . . I don’t think

I do, Joe. Not if you can lift a finger to do

something about it, and don't. No, I don't care.33
Her attitude is summed up in the words, "Stand up like
a man and fight." The implication of the scene is clear;
if Joe would strike, Edna would regain her respect for
him, and also restore their marriage to a sound sexual
basis. She places Joe in a situation which no man could
resist.

The Stenographer uses the same approach with
Phillips that Edna uses with Joe; however, the Steno-
grapher’s attitude is less argumentative. The Steno-
grapher is unable to respect actors, especially Phillips
who continues a determined search for any part in any
play, just to be on the stage:

But you’re fools, all you actors . . . Watch you
parade in and out all day. . . . But in six months
you'll be like them-~putting on an act. Phony

strutting ”pishers"--that's French for dead cod-

fiSh§4° . . What kind of job is this for an adult
man:

Later, after she has checked on the condition of Grady's

 

33Odets, ”Waiting For Lefty," p. 525.

78
wolfhound who is being sterilized, she tells Phillips,
”They do the same to you but you don't know it."35
Each of the two women climaxes her remarks
with a persuasive action; Edna threatens to leave Joe
for an old boy friend, and the Stenographer gives the
actor a dime to buy the "Communist Manifesto." Edna's
is the more acceptable since the sexual situation of
the marriage is clearly shown to be one of the problems
of their poverty. The surprising eulogy of the "Com—
munist‘Manifesto" by the Stenographer, is unprepared
for, and seems contrived.
The same manner of insulting the men is used by

Agate in the climactic scene of the play. Agate says,
”LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, and don't let anyone tell you
we ain’t got some ladies in this sea of upturned faces!
Only they're wearin’ pants."36 He goes on to show the
results of his humiliation by relating a hypothetical
story:

Today, I couldn't wear my union button. The

damndest thing happened. When I take the old

coat off the wall, I see she’s smoking. I‘m a

sonofagun if the old union button isn’t on fire!

Yep. The old celluloid was makin' the most god-

awful stink: the landlady come up and give me

hell! You know what happened? That old union

button just blusheg itself to death! Ashamed!
Can you beat that? 7

 

35_£_b_j-d_0 3 p. 539. 36Ibid. , p. 543.
37Ibid.

79
Agate's persuasive appeal is capped by the announcement
of Lefty's death, which makes the men decide to strike.
However, the effect of insulting their masculinity has
already angered them.
The last consideration of the dialogue is an
examination of the speeches of Harry Fatt. Throughout
the play, Fatt attempts to persuade the men not to
strike. His appeals are emotional in nature, but they
have little effect upon his audience because of his
irritating habit of over-stating his case:
‘What the hell do they [communists] do for you? Pull
out and run away when the trouble starts. Give these
birds a chance and they'll have your sisters and
wives in the whore houses, like they done in Russia.
They'll tear Christ off his bleeding cross. They'll
wreck your homes and throw your babies i3 the river.
You think that's bunk? Read the papers! 8

Fatt's tirade against the communists has the effect of

"reverse name—calling,” that is, the name~caller is

shown to be undesirable. Odets keeps his preachment

to a minimum in "Waiting For Lefty," utilizing dia-

logue in balance with action and characterization to

achieve his persuasive purpose.

 

381bid., p. 521.

CHAPTER V

STEVEDORE

Revolutionary Theatres In America

Stevedore was the second production of the

 

Theatre Union, a professional left-wing labor theatre,
and the most important propaganda theatre in the United
States during the mid-thirties. It was not, however,
the first revolutionary theatre to operate in New York
City. In 1926 a group of writers that included
John Howard Lawson and Michael Gold, formed the Workers
Drama League, the first propaganda theatre in New York.
It lasted just one season, and produced only one play
of some merit, The Biggest Boob In The World.

A year later the group reorganized, and with
an endowment of $100,000 from Otto Kahn, became the
New Playwrights Theatre. Among the writers who joined
Michael Gold and John Howard Lawson in the New Play-
wrights Theatre, were Emjo Basshe, Upton Sinclair,

Paul Sifton, Francis Farragoh, and John dos Passos.
Their aim was a theatre of social protest ... . a

theatre pledged to the production of plays revolu—

8O

81
tionary in method and theme.1 The New Playwrights
Theatre was firmly dedicated to the playwright's
freedom to express himself in a manner which would
not have been acceptable in the commercial theatre:
The New Playwrights announced a program to bring
social reality back into the theatre, for freeing
the playwright from the fetters of commercial
dramatic conventions, for restoring the creator's
right to experiment with form and subject matter.2
Among the plays produced by the New Playwrights
Theatre were Hoboken Blues, by Michael Gold; The

Centuries and Earth, by Emjo Basshe; John Howard Lawson‘s

 

Loudspeaker; John dos Passos' Airways, Inc.; The Belt,

 

by Paul Sifton; and Singing Jailbirds, by Upton Sinclair.
The last two plays attracted the most notice. In 1929,
after failing to impress either the labor audience or
the theatrical critics, the New Playwrights Theatre
discontinued production.

John Gassner pointed out that the New Play-
wrights Theatre was a theatre fg£_the workers, but not

of them,3 which accounted, at least in part, for the

 

1John Howard Lawson, "Towards a Revolutionary
Theatre," New Theatre (June 1, 1934), 7.

2Ben Blake, The Awakening of the American
Theatre (New York: Tomorrow Pub., 1935), p. 11.

3John Gassner, "The One—Act Play in the
Revolutionary Theatre," The One-Act Play Today, ed.

Wm. Kozlenko (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1938),
p. 250.

82
tepid response from the working-class audience. Perhaps
the most typical response to the work of the New Play-
wrights Theatre was stated by John Mason Brown:

There was . . . a playhouse down in Greenwich
Village where . . . those dramatists who used to
be referred to laughingly as "The Revolting Play-
wrights," produced their bitter indictments of
Capitalism and Big Business. Few people took
them seriously.

The Theatre Union

The Theatre Union was the most successful of
the revolutionary theatres. It differed from the New
Playwrights Theatre in its emphasis upon reaching the
mass laboring audience, rather than upon the production
of unusual experimental plays. There were three prin-
ciples of operation of The Theatre Union:

(1) [To] produce plays that deal boldly with the
deep-going social conflicts, the economic, emotional,
and cultural problems that confront the majority,
whose lives usually are caricatured or ignored on
the stage. We do not expect that these plays will
fall into the accepted social patterns. This is a
new kind of professional theatre, based on the
interests and hopes of the great masses of working
people.

(2) We have established a low price scale so that
masses of people who have been barred by high prices,
can attend this theatre. A scale of thirty cents to
a dollar and a half (no tax), with more than half
the seats priced under a dollar, is bringing thou-
sands of people into the theatre who have never seen
a professional play, or who have not gone to the
theatre for years.

 

”John Mason Brown, Two On The Aisle (New York:
w.w. Norton & Co., Inc., 1935), p. 197.

83

(3) In order to exist we organize our audience
through benefit theatre parties and subscribers.

The Theatre Union operated upon the idealistic
belief that great numbers of working class people would
be attracted to the theatre if ticket prices were low
and standards of production were high. The use of pro-
fessional actors, directors and stage technicians for
the production of revolutionary plays was the essential
difference between The Theatre union and workers! the-
atres. Certainly, the aims of the group were worthy,
although perhaps, too unrealistic to suggest a very
lengthy stay on the New York theatrical scene.

The Theatre Union debuted in 1933 with Peace

 

on Earth, by Albert Maltz and George Sklar. Peace on
§a££h_was an uncompromising anti-war drama in which a
group of pacifists protest the loading of munitions to
be exported abroad. A liberal professor is converted

to the cause, and loses his life in a riot incited by
the pacifists. The Broadway critics objected strongly
to the radical propaganda in the play, and for a time,
it appeared that the Theatre Union would quickly go

the way of its predecessors. However, the Theatre Union
was determined to keep the play running until anaudience
could be recruited. Many seats were given away, while

others were sold at reduced rates. Through sustained

 

5Anita Block, The Changing World of Plays and
The Theatre (Boston: ‘Little, Brown & Co., 1939), p. 275.

 

 

v
, ,
V
r r I
v
a
' 5 C
- 0
o .
' u
A o
x
- , 0 ~
- 1 .
‘ - .
u , ~ . .

 

84

effort, Peace on Earth was kept alive for 144 perfor-

 

mances, and it appeared that the Theatre Union's first
play was a box-office success.

Stevedore, the second production of the Theatre

 

Union, opened December 10, 1934, and ran for ninety five
performances. This play, which stressed the need for
Negro and white dock workers to join together in labor
unions to protect themselves from exploitation, was
called the best labor propaganda play yet produced in
the American theatre.6

With the success of Stevedore, the critics

 

revised their attitudes toward the Theatre Union.
Brooks Atkinson concluded his review of the play with
these remarks:
If the Theatre Union is capable of stage work of
this superior quality, it will quickly make a
place for itself in this town, not only as a
labor group, but as a vigorous producing organ-
ization.

Stage magazine also praised the work of the Theatre

Union with its production of Stevedore:

 

With this production the Theatre Union grows up.
It ceases to be a worthy social experiment which

 

6Eleanor Flexner said, ”Next to 'Waiting For
Lefty,‘ [Stevedore was] the finest among the earlier
militant plays." Americgn Playwrights 1918-1938 (New
York: Simon & Schuster Inc., 1938), p. 302. Edmond
Gagey said Stevedore was the "best, perhaps, of the
American plays [of labor]." Revglution In American
Drama (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1947), p. 160.

 

7Brooks Atkinson, Review of Stevedore, The New
York Times (April 19, 1934), 33:2.

 

85

one can patronize with the adjectives reserved for
sophomores of fine promise and insurgent principle.
It now takes its place as part of the American
theatre.

Stevedore not only showed promise for the Theatre Union
as an excellent producing group, but it offered for
some, the strongest hope for a people's theatre in

America:

With a few ineptitudes, Stevedore suggests that the
Theatre union definitely is a new force to reckon
with in the American theatre . . . this organization
professes a non-profit making interest in betterment
of conditions for our working classes and in provid-
ing stage-room for picturization of injustices. If
such a selfless idea is sincerely maintained, we may
see, before very long, fulfillment of many dreams
for a people’s theatre in America.9

After Stevedore, the Theatre Union began to

decline. Its four remaining productions, Black Pit,

 

Mother, Bitter Stream, and Marching Song, were failures.
The lack of new plays by American playwrights of suit-
ably revolutionary spirit, was strongly felt by the
theatre. Also, continued high standards of production
and low pricesscales, undoubtedly caused financial dif-
ficulties. But perhaps the strongest factor was that
the working class audience did not support the propa-

ganda theatre. In 1937, the Theatre union collapsed.

 

8"A Playgoer‘s Discoveries," Stage, II (June,
1934), 8.

9Review of Stevedore, Review of Reviews, LXXXIX
(June, 1934), 48.

86

Analysis of Stevedore

Synopsis

Stevedore opens in a dark alley in a residential

 

neighborhood in New Orleans. A married woman and her
lover have a bitter quarrel and he strikes her. To pro-
tect her reputation the woman says that she was attacked
by a Negro. The police immediately arrest several Ne~
groes and try to force a confession from them. Lonnie
Thompson is one of the Negroes brought in on suspicion.
Lonnie is an outspoken Negro who believes in equal
rights. Released for lack of evidence, Lonnie returns
to his job at the Oceanic Stevedore Company. In an
attempt to protest a shortage in their pay envelopes,
Lonnie and his fellow workers challenge Walcott, the
dock foreman. Lonnie is beaten because of his dis-
respectful manner. The police continue to suspect
Lonnie, and he is finally arrested, but escapes. The
Negroes hide Lonnie at the dock until Lem.Morris, a
white union organizer offers to hide Lonnie in his house.
Meanwhile, angry white mobs roam through the Negro
neighborhoods of New Orleans threatening Negroes, and
smashing windows. Lonnie escapes the mob in an excit~
ing moment at the end of Act II. As the fear of vio—
lence increases, the Negroes band together in hiding.
However, Lonnie persuades them that fighting the white

mob is the only way to strike out for decency and self-

87
respect. The Negroes arm themselves with makeshift
weapons and prepare to meet the mob in a courtyard.
Just as the white mob attacks the Negroes, Lonnie is
killed. The Negroes panic, but before they have a
chance to retreat, Lem Morris arrives with a large
force of men from union headquarters. Together they
rout the white mob and kill Mitch, the leader of the

terrorists.

Persuasive Purpose

 

Stevedore is a melodrama which dramatizes the

 

message that Negroes and whites must loose their sus—
picions of one another, and unite in integrated labor
unions for the good of the workers of both races.
Although the play is set in the South, the problems
of integrating unions was felt throughout the country.
Act II, scene i, makes explicit the propaganda message
of the play. Lem Morris argues with another worker
over the idea of integrating the union:
Lem: Listen, A1. We've had this out before.
The only way we can tie up this river front is
by organizing these black boys. There are three
of them to every white man on these docks. And
if you think you're going to pull a strike in two
weeks without them, you're crazy. Now what do
you want them to do? Stick with us, or scab for

Walcott?

A1: They'll scab on you anyway. You can't trust
those dirty niggers.

Lem: That‘s it! That's the stuff! You call them
dirty niggers, and they call you low white trash.

88

If you‘d cut that out, if you'd get together and

fight the Oceanic Stevedore Company for a change,

maybe we'd get somewhere. ’[ItalicS mineJ'

Al: Aw, you’re talking through your hat.

Lem: Don’t be such a damned fool. You work for

the Oceanic Stevedore Company just the same as

they do. And every time they get it in the neck,

you can be pretty damned sure you’re going to get

it in the neck, too.

In Act II, scene iii, the message is touched on

again as Lonnie Thompson is defending integrated unions:

Jim Veal: Yes, you had to go and complain to de
boss, Lonnie Thompson.

Lonnie: Dats what I do, Jim Veal.

Jim: Yes, you de boy dat was gwine organize, or~
ganize de black race and unite wid de whites.

Lonnie: Dat's right, Jim Veal. And de black man
gwine do dat some day.11

The radical nature of the propaganda is shown
in two ways: (1) the union agitators are accused of
being "Reds" and do not deny it; and (2) the insistence
upon violence as a means of carrying out the aim.
Lonnie defends Lem.when he is called a "Red," and the
Negroes are freed from white terrorizing only by fight-
ing to the death. The support of integrated labor
unions is a liberal theme, while the method, advocat-

ing violence as the only way, is radical.

 

loPaul Peters and George Sklar, Stevedore (New
York: Covici—Friede, 1934), p. 62.

1111518., p. 84.

 

89
The Audience

 

The ideal audience for Stevedore is composed

 

largely of workers, especially those workers involved
in labor unions and the problems of unionizing. Idealu
1y, they would support any action of labor unions with-
out question.

The audience will include both white and Negro
workers, with many Negro non-union.members present,
since this is the group at which the message of the
play is aimed.

[Although it is not essential that these workers
be communists, it is necessary that they believe the

Party is on the side of the workingman.

Characterization

An examination of the numerous characters in
the play shows that they fall into three distinct
groupings: (l) the Negro dock-workers, with Lonnie
Thompson as their leader; (2) the white union members,
with Lem Morris as their leader (both of these groups
function as protagonists); and (3) the prejudiced whites
who advocate support of the status quo, and are opposed
to both the Negro dock-workers and the white union group.
This group is designed to receive the antipathy of the
audience, and is therefore, the antagonist.

The sharp division of characters, as outlined

above, would suggest a rather obvious conflict between

90
the two groups, however, the authors have added complex-
ity to the conflict by placing one member in each group
who rightfully belongs in an opposing group.

The first two groups, the Negro dock-workers
and the white union group, overlap in the characters
of Lem Morris and Lonnie Thompson. Lem is the leader
of the union group, but is so intimately involved with
the Negro group, that he may be thought of as a member
of that group. Lonnie Thompson is the leader of the
Negro dock-workers and also a member of the union.
Through the dual function of these characters, the
two groups of protagonists become one larger group,
although the boundaries of the two segments remain
rather rigid. The permanent union of both segments
into one solid group, is the main concern of the action
of the play. This is not accomplished until the con-
clusion of the play, and then is implied rather than
shown. The conditions favorable to joining these seg-
ments, are present as the play ends.

An even more interesting use of overlapping
characters is the presence of one member of the antag-
onist group in each of the protagonist groups. In the
Negro group, Jim Veal upholds the status quo; he is
content in his position of subservience to the white
man, and is strongly opposed to the integration of

unions. By race, he has identity with the Negro group,

91
but by belief he becomes a part of the white prejudiced
group.

Veal's counterpart in the union group is Al
Regan. A1 is opposed to the integration of labor unions,
a stand which is incompatible with that of the union.
During the course of the play he is ejected from the
union and reappears as a member of the lynch mob in
Act III.

Since the authors are more interested in the
nature of these three groups rather than in individual
members, an understanding of group characterization is
important to the study of the play. The antagonist
group will be dealt with first. This group is rather
loosely held together, and contains more characters
than the other two groups. However, this does not add
complexity since each of the members is an exact dup-
licate of the others. A.speech by Walcott, the dock
foreman, characterizes the antagonist group:

That god damn shine's been hanging around with Reds,
that's where he gets those notions! Organizing!
Equality! Christ, those coons are just running
riot! This country won’t be fit to live in any
more. Look at all the rapes they've been pulling
in this town. Look what they did to that Reynolds
woman. ‘And did they catch anybody for it? No!
Where the hell are the cops? By God, I'm.going to
call up Severson. (He dials with angry motions as
he talks.) If they don't do something about it,
I'll organize a posse and go after them myself.

It's high time those niggers wige put in their
place. (Into phone) Severson?

 

121bid., p. 40.

92

One characteristic of this group is the use of
profanity and vulgarity. "God damn," "Christ,” "Where
the hell," "By God," although mild enough, suggest in~
ferior intelligence and ideals. It definitely helps
to characterize the group as undesirable. But even
more important is the consistent belief that the Negro
is preoccupied with sex. Walcott's first thought is
of the rape of white women by Negroes. Another example
of this attitude is shown in Act II, scene ii, in which
the white mob, led by Mitch, terrorizes the Negroes.
One of the men begins molesting a young, attractive
Negro girl, while Mitch, himself, makes a vulgar pro-
position to Binnie, the proprietress:

Binnie: Pick on somebody yo’ own size, why don't
you?

Mitch: Like you, huh. (Looking her over lecherous-
ly.) Um~m, I'll bet youWre a hot mama. Think I'm
your size, brown sugar? (The white men laugh.)

Binnie: No, you couldn't handle me. You ain't man
enough.

Mitch: Say, you know what we do to nigger wencpss
where I come from? Push them over, that's all.

Here the double standard with regard to Negroes is
shown. While it is unthinkable that a Negro man and a
white woman would be sexually intimate, it is perfectly
acceptable for a white man to seduce a Negress.

A second characteristic of the antagonist group

 

l3Ibid., p. 90.

93
is its constant reference to Negroes as ”shine,"
"coon," and "nigger," and Walcott at one time, calls
Lonnie a "black son-of-a—bitch." These colloquialisms
and profanity are consistently found in the speech of
each member of the group,

A further earmark of this group is the disregard
of the Negro as an individual. They are always thought
of as a group. Thus the action of one Negro implicates
all Negroes. The frequent use of "they" in Walcott's
speech clearly indicates that he regards the Negro as
a group rather than as an individual. It is interest-
ing to note in.Wa1cott's speech, that he begins with a
specific accusation of Lonnie, then abruptly shifts to
"they," accusing pll_Negroes.

A last consideration of the group is that its
members occupy positions of authority, and uphold one
another in maintaining a.white power structure in the
South. ‘Walcott is the foreman at the dock; a police
sergeant, a detective, and another policeman, use their
positions of authority to frighten the Negro into sub—
servience. They are not above using physical force to
accomplish this. Perhaps this is best illustrated
when Walcott knocks Lonnie down for "sassing" him.

Since it is the objective of the playwrights to
convince the Negro workers that they can successfully

fight against prejudice and tyranny only with the help

94
of the union, they must characterize the white union
group as honorable. One of the most important ways
is to show them to be without prejudice. Since the
aim of the union is to integrate, the members are
sympathetic with Negroes. They already work closely
with Negroes in preparing literature to distribute to
the workers, and agree that the proposed organizational
meeting be turned into a protest meeting over the fram—
ing of Lonnie Thompson for rape. This attitude of res-
pect for Negroes is shown most dramatically in Act II,
scene i. Al Regan objects to integration, and he is
forcibly thrown out of the union for expressing his
belief:

Lem: There's no Jim Crow in this union, and you
knew it when you joined up.

A1: All right, then go ahead! Help that rape
nigger. Distribute your goddamned leaflets. But
you're not going to rope me in on it. (He seizes
the leaflets and throws them on the floor.)
Marty: What the--

Lem: Pick 'em.up.

A1: ‘Who says so?

‘Lem: Pick 'em up.

A1: The hell I will.

Lem: Then get out of here. Go on, get out! (He
pushes A1 out.)14

 

14Ibid., p. 63.

95

The union group is characterized largely through
Lem Morris. His function is to prove to the Negroes
that the union is sincere in its promises to help them.
Throughout Act II and III, Lem hovers in the background,
helping where he can. He gives Lonnie a hiding place
in his own room, and he agrees to use his union members
to help the Negroes in their battle at the end of the
play. He is described by the authors as "a simple, rug-
ged white longshoreman of about forty. . . ."15 He is
energetic, kind, and perhaps, the most intelligent
person in the play. But the authors are careful to
show that Lem.is not too refined. He uses profanity
occasionally, but in this case the profanity shows that
Lem is a virile man. He is not afraid to fight, and
the incident in ejecting Al Regan from the union hall
serves just as much to characterize Lem, as to demon-
strate a point.

In spite of the fact that Lem possesses these
features, he somehow seems bland. Perhaps it is because
the two qualities mentioned are all the audience is
permitted to see of Lem. His character is firmly est-
ablished in Act I, scene i, the first time he appears
in the play, and thereafter, no further aspects of his
nature are revealed. Lem never makes it known why he

is so dedicated to the union, or how he has managed to

 

15Ibid., p. 57.

96
survive in the face of white objections. Lem never
discusses the moral issue of prejudice, but rather
regards integration as an advantage for the union.
Through the character of Lem Morris, the union is
pictured as "all good." Lem is little more than a
puppet, used by the authors to demonstrate to the
audience that the unions are sincere about integration.
The group of Negro dock-workers is the focal

group, and the most complex in the play. There is a
stronger attempt to differentiate between individuals,
even though the authors rely almost solely upon.physical
types for contrast. These types are indicated as the
group enters for the first time:

(A group of Negroes from.the wharf enters. Black—

snake Johnson is a large, dynamic, energetic Negro;

Joe Crump, awkward and slow; Rag Williams, small,

vivacious and chattering; Jim Veal, sullen and

lean; Bobo Valentine, a flashy type; and Angrum,

an indolent boy.)l6

Each is further typed by his name which suggests

a personality stereotype. Blacksnake Johnson embodies
the dynamic virility of the Negro; Rag Williams, their
good-natured love of dancing and joking; Joe Crump,
their slowness; Bobo Valentine, their love of flashy
clothes and women; and Angrum, their shiftlessness.

It is obvious, from this limited treatment of the

Negroes, that the authors are more interested in the

 

151bid., p. 25.

 

 

97

group, than in individual character development.

0f the Negroes, Lonnie Thompson is given the

most opportunity to act, and therefore the best oppor—

tunity to show development. However, he too, is given

a one-dimensioned personality. He is characterized as

an angry Negro full of hatred for whites. A sampling

of a few of his speeches clearly shows his indignation:

but
out

for

God damn dem anyhow. What day think I am? Do I
look like some kind of animal? Do I look like
somebody who'd jump over a back fence and rape a
woman? ‘

What right dey got to treat us dat way? Line up,
nigger. Get back in yo’ cage, nigger!

I think of dat, Sam, and I just burn up inside.
Dey don't treat us like human folks, Sam. ‘We
just dogs to kick around.l7

Well, here one black man ain't satisfie being
just a good nigger. ‘What de sense of it? What

it bring you? You wo'k like a mule, dey cheat

you on pay, and all you can do is hush up and be

a good nigger. Well, by God, I ain't gwine hush
up. I gwine to Walcott and tell him. we work
twenty-four hours and we want to get paid for it.18

Lonnie's anger is directed not only at whites,
at the members of his own group as well. Through-
the play he tries to mobilize the Negroes to fight
their rights:

Sho, dat's right. Forget it, forget it! Let'em
cheat you and rob you and work you all night.

What do you care? Black man just made to be
cheated and stepped on all de time. 9

 

17Ibid., p. 24. 18Ibid., p. 31.
191bid., p. 30.

98
He is ridiculed by his friends, which serves only to
intensify his disgust:
Bobo: Come on, folks. Listen to Black Jesus. He
gwine to tell you how to solve de problems of de

whole colored race.

Jim.Vea1: D35 nigger think he as good as the
white folks.

Lonnie's will, in conflict with the white power
group, creates a repetitious pattern of action in which
he is continually subdued by the whites. In Act I, he
speaks disrespectfully to the police sergeant and is
reprimanded; in the dock foreman's office, he is knocked
down for antagonizing Walcott. The upshot is that Lon-
nie is arrested for the alleged rape of Florrie Rey—
nolds, merely because he is an outspoken Negro.

Lonnie's will, in conflict with his own race,
provides the framework for his most important function
in the play. Since Lonnie already advocates a policy
of agressiveness, and gets support from.the union, it
is his purpose to convince the rest of the Negroes to
emulate him. He succeeds in marshalling them to pro-
test a shortage of two hours pay, and convinces them
in the last act of the play, that violence is the only
way to fight violence.

The authors characterize Lonnie completely in
Act I, scene iii; no further development of his char-

acter is shown after that. This method was also

 

201bid.

99
employed to characterize Lem Morris, as was noted
earlier. Since the major characters are entirely
developed early in the play, it forces the authors
into a repetitious pattern. This pattern will be
more fully discussed in the following section dealing
with structure.

There is a third character who is of special
interest in the study of the propaganda technique of
the play. This character is Binnie, the proprietress
of the lunchroom where the Negro dock-workers gather.
At first, it appears that she functions to furnish
comic relief, for her good-humored banter provides
laughter. But a closer look shows that she becomes

the "conversion figure" of Stevedore.

 

In the first act of the play she clearly
sides with the group of dock—workers who believe in
preserving peace by obeying the whites:

Lonnie: Dat's de whole trouble wid de black man.
Always crawling, crawling on his belly.

Binnie: Well, crawling on yo' belly's better dan
hanging by yo‘ neck.

Later in the play, she accepts Lonnie's point of view.
The change occurs when.a white mob terrorizes the
Negroes gathered in.Binnie's lunchroom. After they
have smashed the window, Binnie remarks, "De supreme

white man; Ain't dey brave."22 Her speeches from

 

211229,. p. 25. 221bid., p. 81.

100

this point onward, take on the indignant tone of Lonnie's
speech.

Binnie's conversion is shown most strongly at
the end of the play, when armed with an old pistol,
she joins the men fighting Mitch's mob. The ”reward"
for her conversion, is that she shoots Mitch during the
course of the fight. Binnie is the only character to
show a perceptible change during the play. This change
is a direct result of the harassment of the white mob,
and is demonstrated in action as well as speech. She
exemplifies the new-found strength in conversion from

a position of subservience to that of militant action.

Structure

The authors are more interested in creating
sharply-delineated situations than in a logical pro—
gression of cause—to-effect. A de—emphasis of plot
development allows the authors to move the action as
their purpose directs them. An examination.of the
structure of each of the situations, reveals that
every scene in.the play, with the exception of Act II,
scene ii, builds to a sharp climax and is followed by
a blackout. The first scene of the play serves as
an example. The curtain opens upon a bitter argument
between Florrie Reynolds and her lover, Bill Larkin.
Bill beats her, and her screams arouse the neighbors.

Since Florrie is married, she wishes to protect her

101
reputation, and hysterically stammers that the attack
was made by a Negro:

Florrie: Somebody just jumped out of the dark and
grabbed me.

Neighbors: Good God!

Did you see who it was?

Who was it, Mrs. Reynolds?

Florrie: It was—~it was--(She breaks into sobs.)

Freddie: Who was it? 'Who did it?

Florrie: It was (weeping desperately) a nigger!

BLACK OUT23
The shock of her lie startles the audience. No further
development of the situation is given. Each succeed-
ing scene is a variation of this form. .A sharp climax
signifies a completed unit and the scene following
begins in another situation. The advantage of using
a series of situations or scene units, is that each
succeeding climax increases the tension of the play.
The episodic nature of the play (there are

ten scenes in eight different locales) presents a
major difficulty-~that of creating effective transi-
tions between scenes. The authors of Stevedore are
aware of the difficulty. As a means of providing
transitions between some scenes, they have made use
of sound effects. A police car radio, heard in the
darkness, acts as a transition between scenes 1 and

ii, and scenes iv and v of Act I. It is admirably

 

231bid., p. 15.

102
used between scenes i and ii. .After Florrie's hyster-
ical accusation, the lights black out and the following
is heard:
Voice: Calling car 34. Calling car 34. ‘Woman
attacked at Poidras and Magazine Streets. Pick
up all suspicious Negroes in neighborhood. Call-
ing car 34. Calling car 34. Woman attacked at
Poidras and Magazine Streets. Pick up all suspi~
cious Negroes in neighborhood. Calling car 34.
Calling car 34——(The voice fades out. A telephone
bell ringga Light comes up on a room in a police
station.)
The logical use of a police car radio after the alleged
attack serves as a good transition to the scene in the
police station. The device is less effectively used
between scenes iv and v. At the close of scene iv,
'Walcott has just punched Lonnie, and is making an angry
phone call to the police:
(In the dark an auto horn, then the voice of the
police car radio: "Calling all cars above Jackson
Avenue. Renew search for Reynolds case assailant.
Pick up all suspicious Negroes. Renew search for
Reynolds case assailant. Pick up all suspicious
Negroes. Renew search for Reynolds case--" (Ship
‘whistles and wharf sounds. Then a Negro voice
singing wearily.)25
The police call radio returns to the plot thread of
the alleged rape of Florrie Reynolds after a digression
in scenes iii and iv.
A.second use of sound for transition between
scenes occurs between scene ii and iii oprct I, and

ii and iii of Act II. Here the sound of a mournful

 

241bid., p. 16. 251bid., p. 41.

103
blues tune is heard over the radio. Both of the scenes
following the transition occur in Binnie’s lunchroom.
In this case, the blues song does not help establish
locale but does succeed in suggesting the mood of the
scenes.

Although the technique of sound for transition
is not consistently used throughout the play, it does
serve, when used, as a segué'to minimize the abrupt
shifts in locale, and to cover needed changes in
setting.

The slender plot line helps to make the scenes
seem less isolated. Act I uses scenes i, ii, and part
of iii to introduce the plot line and Lonnie Thompson.
However, in the latter half of scene iii and in the
entirety of scene iv, the plot line is abandoned
abruptly as Lonnie leads the Negroes to'Walcott to
recover two hours’ pay. Scene v again returns to the
plot thread as Lonnie is arrested for the "rape."

This digression serves to introduce Lonnie's function
in the propaganda purpose of the p1ay--to persuade the
Negroes to band together and fight for their rights.
Scene v of Act I unites the plot and theme lines intro-
duced in.Act I, for Lonnie very nearly persuades the
Negroes to attack the white mob, and Lonnie is arrested
for the rape.

Act II opens with the scene in union head-

quarters, and states the theme of the play. The scene

104
represents a momentary digression, then returns to
the plot thread as Lonnie's escape from the police is
revealed.

Scenes ii and iii are directly concerned with
Lonnie's situation, and the lynch mob makes its appear-
ance onstage. Both scenes are repetitious in struc-
ture. In scene ii, Lonnie makes his escape again just
at the moment of discovery. In scene iii he is nearly
captured a third time, but makes his escape.

In Act III the plot line and thematic lines
are united. In the first scene, at a makeshift funeral
for Sam Oxley, Lonnie succeeds in persuading the Negroes
to fight the lynch mob. The funeral serves as a device
for gathering all the.Negroes together. In this scene,
Lonnie's function in the propaganda purpose of the play
is fulfilled. With the assurance of Lem Morris that
the union.will provide support, the preparation is com-
plete for the climax of the play.

In.scene ii the tension reaches its highest
point, as the battle between the Negroes and the mob
is shown in action. The scene makes use of two melo-
dramatic contrivances: the death of Lonnie, and the
arrival of Lemfs men.as a deus ex machina to resolve
the conflict. Just as the Negroes have reached a fever
pitch, Lonnie is killed by a shot from the mob. His

death comes as a surprise, for no preparation is made

for it, and it is somewhat confusing in view of the

105

fact that he had escaped three times previously. A
closer look shows that his death is a necessary agent
to the working out of the propagandist’s message.
'When Lonnie is killed the Negroes panic, and for a
moment, it appears that they will retreat. However,
this indicision is resolved when Lem.Morris and the
union men arrive to revive the spirits of the Negroes,
and help them.to triumph over the white mob. The
coincidental timing of the arrival of the men helps
to retain suspense to the very last moment, and is
necessary to prove the thesis of the play. Scene ii
provides an undeniably exciting climax to the play.

Since it has already been established that the

authors of Stevedore are interested in the clash of

 

groups, some discussion of the structure of the play
as it affects the groups, is necessary. Act I serves
to introduce and characterize both the white prejudiced
group and the Negro dock-workers. The condition for
the conflict of the groups is presented; the protag-
onists are in a position of complete subordination to
the antagonists.

Act II introduces and characterizes the union
group. It further demonstrates the superiority of the
antagonists as the lynch mob terrorizes the Negroes.
The antagonist group reaches its highest point of

dominance, while the position of the protagonists is

at its lowest.

106
Act III shows a reversal of the positions as
the protagonists triumph over their opposition. Thus,
the play achieves a satisfying ending. All that remains
to be accomplished is for the Negro workers and the
union group to unite permanently. Although this is not
demonstrated, the play ends with all conditions favor-

able.

Dialogue

 

The language employed by the playwrights
attempts to capture the speech of everyday life, with
its humorous moments as well as its serious ones. The
use of humor tempers the edge of seriousness in some
scenes. Scene iii of Act I uses humor to balance the
tone of indignation ianonnie’s speeches. Bobo Valen-
tine tires of the talk of being cheated in their pay
envelopes, and changes the mood:
Bobo: Sho' forget it! Forget it! De hell wid
Walcott! Enjoy yo'self. Dat's what you hyar
fo’. Good eats, good clothes, and loving womans--
demfs my principles. (He reaches over the counter
and smacks Binnie across the buttocks.) [Ain’t dat
right, sugar?
Binnie: Keep yo' hands off, jelly-bean.26

In scene v, the Negroes are again engaging in desultory

talk during lunch hour on the docks. After the serious

theme of the rape is touched on, Bobo again.introduces

 

26Ibid., p. 29.

107
humor:

Rag Williams: What you doing upstairs wid dat
Phyllis?

Bobo: 'What 3% hell you think I doing upstairs wid
dat Phyllis?

Rag Williams, who frequently chants improvised doggerel,
introduces humor as the Negroes tease Jim.Vea1:

Negroes: Watch out!

He going to eat you up alive.

He's a wild man.

Rag Williams (Clapping his hands and chanting):

321333.111:ngfifihfiié‘gc‘fiii‘é8

It is important to note three things about the
use of humor: (1) it is not used later in the play
when the mood becomes entirely serious; (2) although
humor is frequently employed, none of the scenes is
entirely comic. The situations dramatized are always
serious; (3) Lonnie Thompson remains consistently dour
in the play, and never engages in lighter conversation.
Another touch which adds realism in the dialogue

is the use of profanity. It is interesting to note how
the authors make use of a "double standard" of vulgar-
ity, It is used to characterize the antagonists, sug-
gesting ignorance and stupidity. In Lemfs case, however,
the profanity showed him to be a rugged, masculine

figure. In Lonnie's case the profanity is also justified

as a means of expressing his indignation.

 

27Ibid., p. 42. 28Ibid., p. 46.

108

,A characteristic of the dialogue is the use of
Name-calling. It is most often employed by the members
of the rejected group. The phrase, ”nigger-lover," or
"god damn nigger-lover," is used ten times to describe
Lem Morris. The effect of the Name-calling does not
discredit Lem, but has the reverse effect of making the
name-caller appear undesirable. Lem succeeds in making
the term a compliment:

Nigger-lover! ‘We've been working day and night to
build up this union. If we're ever going to get
anywhere-~if we're ever going to get a decent liv-
ing wage, it's going to be through this union. And
if fighting for this union makes me a nigger—lover,
all right, that's what I am.29

Lem is also called a "Red," and a "Red bastard,"
in the play. Although it is never established that Lem
is a communist, the communists and sympathizers in the
audience would not care. It would, in fact, make him
appear harrassed by "reactionaries."

Name~calling is the major means by which new
characters are placed in their proper groups. Since the
play changes locale frequently, many new characters
appear in each scene. .A reference to the Negro in one
of the common slang terms serves to place the character
in the rejected group with no further explanation needed.
.A good example is shown in Act I, scene v, when a detec—

tive is brought in to arrest Lonnie:

Lonnie: Wait a minute. You can’t arrest me dat way.

 

29Ibid., p. 62

109
Detective: What do you want, nigger? A warrant?

Lonnie: You can't arrest me dis way.

Detective: Don’t pull any funny stuff on me, you
black bastard! 30

The detective's allegiance is immediately shown, making
it clear that Lonnie will not receive fair treatment
from the police.

The last consideration of the dialogue of
Stevedore is an examination of the forensic scenes in
the play. There are three of these scenes and in each
Lonnie Thompson convinces his fellow Negroes to arm
themselves and fight against the white prejudiced
group 0

In Act I, scene iii, Lonnie persuades the
Negroes to go to the dock foreman to right a discrep-
ency in their pay. The Negroes scoff at first, real-
izing that this might get them into trouble and cause
them to lose their jobs. Lonnie begins by making an
appeal to a sense of fairness:

well, here one black man.ain't satisfied in bein
just a good nigger. ‘What de sense in it? What t
bring you? You wo'k like a mule, dey cheat you on
pay, and all you.can do is hush.up and be a good
nigger. well, by God, I ain't gwine hush up. I
gwine to Walcott and tell him.we work twenty-four
hours and we want to get paid for it.31

Here Lonnie transfers the pay discrepancy, which he

assumes is a deliberate attempt to cheat the Negroes,

 

3°1bid., p. 52 311bid., p. 31.

110
as behavior characteristic of all the "white bosses."
A second appeal is that the Negro who remains quiet in
the face of injustice, has little selfurespect.
The persuasion closes with a Bandwagon appeal:
Blacksnake: You go and I go wid you!
Jim Veal: You go and you lose yo' job.

Lonnie: ‘We don't lose no job if we all stick
together.

Joe Crump: Lonnie's right. ‘Why shouldn’t we get
what’s coming to us?

SamJ ‘We got a right to ask. Dey can't fire us fo'
dat, I guess.

Blacksnake: Come on, let's go.

Lonnie: ‘We get de.rest of de boys on de wharf,
too.

Rag Williams: Come on, Joe Crump. You coming
ain't you?

Joe Crump: ‘Well, I don't know. You gwine, Sam?
Sam: Reckon.so, if everybody go.32
The persuasive effectiveness is aided by three

conditions: (1) the appeals are made in simple terms
which are understandable to the Negro workers; (2)
Blacksnake Johnson is already in sympathy with the
idea, and therefore helps Lonnie to convince the others
by being the first to concur; (3) the emphasis on safety
in numbers is part of a repeated appeal made through-

out the play.

 

321bid.

111
In Act I, scene v, Lonnie again persuades the

Negroes to act. Here the situation is more serious,
for he advocates fighting the white mob led by Mitch
and Pons. The pattern of persuasion is exactly the
same as scene iii. Lonnie begins by emotion-charged
anger, determined to retaliate against an attack upon
him as he returned from a union meeting. The Negroes
object because they are afraid of harm. Lonnie then
makes a transference of the actions of the white group
to "white bosses" in general, and appeals to the Ne-
groes' sense of equality and dignity:

(Lashing out at them) Look at 'em. Look at 'em,

standing dar. De white boss spit in deir faces.

De white boss make slaves out of dem—~cheat 'em--

rob ’ems-laugh at 'em. .And day just stand dar.

"Beat me some mo' white boss. Sho', I like it.

Beat me some mo' !" Lawd, when de black man gwine

stand up? When he gwine stand up proud like a man?

(A silence) 3

This speech initiates a Bandwagon appeal which

is again begun by Blacksnake:

Blacksnake: I gwine cross de viaduct wid Lonnie.

Joe Crump: I gwine, too.

Rag Williams: .Me, too. Come on, Lonnie. Come
on, men.

Men: Let's go.

Us’ll show dat Mitch's gang.

Let's clean up de street wid dat white trash.
(A few dissent)

Dey kill you, man.

Dat's suicide, sho's you bo'n.

 

33Ibid., p. 48.

112

Lonnie: (Picking up the crowbar again, shouting)
.Arm yo‘self, men! Get yo' crowbars, men! (A
scramble for weapons; shovels, crowbars, clubs,
canthooks.)

Men: ‘Whar my axhandle?

Give me dat shovel, Big Boy.

I'se gwine use dis canthook.

Man, just look at dat club (whizzing it down)
U-umph!

Rag Williams: (Shrieking at the top of his lungs)
Yip! Look out dar, you.Mitch's gang. Rag Williams
and de wharf hands coming! (With a grunt he spears
his canthook into the wharf; shrieking, he leaps
after it. The blood of the longshoremen is up.
They raise their weapons roaring.)

Negroes: De wharf hands coming!
De wharf hands coming!34

At this moment the whistle blows to signal a return to
work, and the Negroes falter, then return to their jobs.
Act III, scene i, is the scene most given to
preachment. Lonnie convinces the Negroes that fighting
the white mob is the only way to meet the situation.
In the scene, Lonnie finds his most eloquent persuasive
voice. He begins with a less-impassioned mood than in
his previous attempts. He points out that running away
does not solve the problem. It is, in his opinion,
lower than animal behavior:
The lowest animal in the field will fight fo' its
home. And all you can think of doing is running.
,And supposing you do run away? Whar you.gwine go
to? Baton Rouge? Mississippi? Is it gwine to be
any different dar? Dey gwine treat you better dar?
You gwine find jobs? You gwine get yo'self a home?

Nassuh. You got black skin. You can't run.away
from.dat. ,Make no difference whar you are, dey

 

34Ibid., p. 49.

113

hound you just de same.35
Nassuh. you can't run away from yo'self, black
man. You been running away fo' two hundred years.36

After this introduction, Lonnie again makes a
transfer of the cruelty of the white mob to the ”white
boss," and reiterates his major appeal to the sense of
human dignity:

Every time de white boss crack de whip you turn and
run. You let him beat you, you let him.hound you,
you let him work you to death. ‘When.you.gwine say:
"You can't do dat. I'm a man. I got de rights of
a man. I gwine fight like a man." (Silence.) 37

Jim.Veal objects because the conditions of
white domination can't be that easily changed, and be-
cause it only means more trouble for the Negro. The
preacher objects because violence is against the law of
God. Lonnie's response is to ignore the theological
:issue and appeal once again, to the greater issue of
injustice:

Ain't no peace fo' de black man, preacher-~ain’t
never gwine to be, till he fight to get it. Jim
Veal say you try to organize and you run smack
into trouble. Sho’ you run into trouble. Why?
We try to organize to get ourselves a decent
living. And what happen? Dey beat us up, dey
arrest us, shoot us, burn down our houses. Why?
Why? Why dey do dat? Because dey just plain
mean? Because dey want to give you pain? Be-
cause day like to see you dangling from.a tree?
No, dat ain't de reason. De reason is dey want
to keep de black man down.

‘i

352229.. 35Ibid.
3722i933 PP- l06-07. 381bid., p. 108,

 

 

114
The authors structure a sequence of statements
by Lonnie echoed by the Negroes in a chant. The cums
ulative effect builds emotional tension and heightens
the fever for battle:

Lonnie: And why dey want to keep de black man down?
Because dey want to use him fo‘ de hardest jobs dey
got.

Negroes: Dat's right.
You said it.

Lonnie: Dey want him to work for nothing.

Negroes: Dat's what dey do.
Work de life out of you.

Lonnie: Dey want him satisfied wid a crust of
bread.

Negroes: Dat's de living truth.

You right dar.

Starve you to death.
Lonnie: Dat’s why day keep him.down. Dat's why
dey burn.and lynch him. And dat‘s why we got to

stand up against it. We got to show 'em.dey can't
do it no mo‘.

Negroes: Yes, Lawd.
Amen! Hallelujah!

Lonnie: ‘We got to show 'em we won’t live dat way
n0‘mo’.

Negroes: Nassuh!
Glory to God!39

Just as Lonnie has the Negroes highly excited, he
emphasizes that Lem Morris will stand with them. He
then makes a direct appeal to individuals to commit

themselves:

 

391bid., pp. 108-09.

115
We can‘t wait fo' de judgment day. we can't wait
till we dead and gone. ‘We got to fight fo' de
right to live. Now-~now-~right now. We don't
stand alone hyar. We ain't just a handful. Lem
Morris' union, dey stand behind us, too. Dey
hold a meeting dis afternoon and dey say dey gwine
help us. Now what you gwine do? Put yo' tail be-
tween yo' legs and run away? Or are you gwine
stand up and fight? You--Rag'Williams--you gwine
fight fo' yo' home or are you.gwine run away?
Rag Williams: I ain't gwine run away.“0
The Bandwagon appeal is successful as the Negroes all
agree to fight:
Negroes: I fight too.
Me too.
Me too a
Binnie: We all fight. De women too.

Bertha: Glory to God, we ain't gwine leave our
homes.

Lonnie: ,All right. Den you all gwine take yo'
stand?

Negroes: Yes.

Lonnie: You all gwine stick together and fight!

Negroes: Yes.

Lonnie: .Ain't none of you gwine run away!

Negroes: NO!!

Bertha: Shame on him who runs away.

Binnie: May God rot his bones.41

The persuasion is aided by two important con-

ditions: (1) previous to the appeals the.Negroes were

already emotionally aroused by singing spirituals;

 

“01219:. p. 109. “11bid., p. 110.

116
(2) the Negroes have their backs to the wall and are
forced to make a choice.

A summary of the persuasive scenes in Stevedore
shows.that the major appeal is made to oppression of
Negroes, and a sense of human dignity. (A transfer of
brutal behavior from the whites to the "white bosses,"
is made in each case. Here the authors wish the
audience to associate the acts of violence of the
white mob with whites in general. After a reinforce-
ment of "safety in numbers" has been accomplished,
using Lem.Morris and the union, a successful Bandwagon
campaign is initiated which carries the Negroes toward

the goal of violent retaliation.

CHAPTER VI

THEY SHALL NOT DIE

Introduction

 

The most notable cause célébre of the 1930's

 

was the Scottsboro case, upon which John Wexley based

his play, They Shall Not Die. The case concerned nine

 

Negro boys who were sentenced to death for the alleged
rape of two white women. The convictions were considered
a miscarriage of justice arising out of racial prejudice
in the South. Because of an international protest cam-
paign, riots were staged in.many parts of the world;
people were killed; letters and telegrams of protest
deluged the Governor of Alabama and the U.S. Supreme
Court; and nearly a million dollars was collected to
provide a legal defense for the Negroes.l The Scotts—
boro case became synonymous with racial prejudice and
all its attendant injustices.

They Shall Not Die was produced by The Theatre

 

Guild, February 21, 1934. It ran sixty-two perform-

ances, and critical reaction was generally favorable.

 

1A thorough presentation of the background of
the case is given in Arthur Garfield Hays, Trial B
Prejudice (New York: Covice-Friede Pub., 1933).

117

118

Brooks Atkinson praised the work as, "the best propa-
ganda play we have had inyears."2 George Brandt,
writing in the Review of Reviews, stated, "Let us say
now, They Shall Not Die is magnificent drama, building
steadily in its impact from early jail and prison
scenes to thundering culmination in the courtroom."3
And John Mason Brown felt that John Wexley had worked
the "ugly facts of the Scottsboro case into a stir—

ring melodrama."4

The Theatre Guild And

 

Propaganda Drama
The production of They Shall Not Die by the
Theatre Guild was part of a varied program which in-
cluded other examples of protest drama. Himelstein
points out that this interest in social plays was due
largely to the condition created by the Depression:

After the crash of 1929 the Guild . . . [produced]
more dramas of social significanceu—an increase
caused by the increasing awareness of the social,
political and economic changes brought about by the
Depression. The Theatre Guild was keeping up with
the times.5

 

2Brooks Atkinson, "Seminar Bulletin," The New
York Times, IX (Jan. 12, 1936), 1:1.

3George Brandt, "Manhattan Offers," Review of
Reviews, LXXXIX (April, 1934), 48.

uJohn.Mason Brown, Two On The Aisle (New York:
W.W. Norton & Co., 1938), p.4196.

5Morgan Y. Himelstein, ppama'Was A‘Wea on (New
Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 196 , pp. 123—24.

119

They Shall Not Die was unusual in that it
represented a leftist leaning not previously shown
by the Guild. It should be pointed out, however, that
the production did not indicate any concerted effort
on the part of the Guild to become a propagandist the-
atre. Phillip Moeller wrote, "[The Guild]was willing
to produce a communist play as quickly as an imperial—
istic play, so long as it was a good play with a
definite idea to project."6

The leftist nature of They Shall Not Die was
due in part, to wexley's desire to present the facts
of the case, since the communists had definitely
seized upon the Scottsboro convictions for propaganda
purposes. They hoped to accomplish three things: (1) to
illustrate the oppression of minorities under the capi-
talistic system; (2) to enlist support, and perhaps
gain converts, through a worlduwide propaganda campaign;
and (3) to provide legal counsel for the Negroes through
an affiliate organization, The International Labor
Defense.

Some understanding of why the Communist Party
became involved with the case, is necessary to a
meaningful study of Wexley’s play. In 1930, at the

Seventh National Convention of the Communist Party of

 

6Phillip Moeller, et a1, "Introduction," The
Theatre Guild Anthology (New York: Random.House,
1936), p. ix.

120

the United States, the leadership decreed that future
efforts were to be directed toward liberating the Negro
worker. Segregation in the South, and evidences of
racial prejudice in all parts of the country, provoked
the Party's decision. However, the changing of social
conditions by a revolution of the workers, was too
radical to provide for much support from.the general
populace; the Party had made little progress in its
aim. However, with the Scottsboro case, there appeared
an unmatched opportunity for the Party to propagandize
for the Negro cause:

With a blare of trumpets the communists seized

upon the Scottsboro convictions. It was, they

realized, a golden opportunity to put into effect

the plan decided upon by the Third Internationale

and upon which they had assiduously worked but

with only a modicum of success-~to capitalize on

Negro unrest in the United States against lynch-

ing, jim-crowism, proscription, [and] insult.

. . . The Scottsboro case offered the most dra~

matic opportunity yet offered for this campaign.7
But perhaps the best evidence of a propaganda intent
came from the International Labor Defense, itself.
Carol Weiss King, one of the attorneys working on the
case, wrote a letter to the New Republic, in which she
said:

It happens to be the view of the International

Labor Defense that propaganda and the arousing of

public opinion are quite as important for the
defense of the boys as the actual legal defense

 

7Frederick Lumley, The Propaganda.Menace
(New York: The Century Co., 1933), p. #29.

lZl
put up for them in the courts.8
As a result of some of the methods employed in

their propaganda campaign, The International Labor
Defense was accused of being more interested in agita-
tion than in saving the lives of the Negroes.9
Arthur Garfield Hays believed that the central issue
of the guilt or innocence of the Negroes was distorted
by the desire to propagandize:

The individual liberal or group like the National

Advancement Association [sic] is interested in guilt

or innocence. This concerns the communist little.

To him, the victim, if a member of the working

class or of the oppressed minority, has always

suffered injustice. The injury of one is the con-

cern of all. The particular case, as well as the

particular individual is of little importance.10

The theatrical reviewers, too, recognized the

propaganda intent of the play. Theatre Arts said,

 

"They Shall Not Die, by John Wexley . . . is an honest,
impassioned, direct defense of the Scottsboro boys."11

The Literary Digest stated that the play was "a frankly

 

8Carol Weiss King, Letter to the New Republic
(Jan. 24, I931), 155.

 

9For example, Mrs. Wright, mother of one of the
Negro boys was taken to twenty—eight foreign countries
to appear at protest meetings. The effort was so suc-
cessful that the communists sponsored eight other
"Mother Wrights" to appear simultaneously in widely
separated countries of the world. The incident is re-
lated in Don Congdon (ed), The Thirties, a Time to
Remember (New York: Simon & Schuster,1962), p. 171.

loHays, p. 85.

llTheatre Arts, XVII (May, 1934), 323.

 

 

 

 

122
propagandist play in behalf of the indicted Negro boys
in the Scottsboro case. . . ."12 Joseph.Wood Krutch
said:
He calls his play "They Shall Not Die," and by the
downrightness of that title he suggests what his
whole treatment reaffirms-~namely, that his purpose
is to make the most direct assault possible upon
the feelings of his audience and the most direct
appeal for the active participation of its members
in the public protest against the execution of four

Negroes convictgd of rape in an obviously pre-
judiced court.l

Analysis of They Shall Not Die

Synopsis

The small Alabama town of Cookesville is thrown
into hysteria as nine Negro boys are accused of raping
two white girls, Lucy Wells and Virginia Ross. Both
girls are prostitutes, but Sheriff Trent and Solicitor
Luther Mason seize upon the opportunity of convicting
the Negroes for personal advancement. The Negroes
are subsequently tried and convicted. The convictions
result in a wave of protest from around the world.
With the aid of The National Labor Defense, represent-
ed by Rokoff, the verdict is appealed and the Negroes

are awarded another trial. The National Labor Defense

 

12"TwoAmerican Plays: Superficial Culture
and Propaganda,” The Literary Digest, CVII (March 17,
1934), 22.

l3Joseph'Wood Krutch, "Drama," The Nation,
CXXXVIII (March 7, 193“), 28h.

123
engages the famous lawyer, Nathan Rubin, to defend the
boys. In spite of the fact that Lucy Wells testifies
that the charge was entirely false, the Negroes are

again convicted by a prejudiced, alldwhite jury.

Persuasive Purpose

They Shall Not Die attempts to convince its
audience that they must protest en masse to free the
Scottsboro boys, and thus take a positive step in
fighting racial prejudice in the South. The purpose
is clearly stated by Rokoff, the representative of
The National Labor Defense:

We’ll go to the workers of America, to the workers
of the world. we have proof that you're innocent
of these rape charges. We'll show them this proof.
Then we'll say to them: Black and white workers of
the world} Workers of America: Down in the South
nine innocent boys are being put to death because
they have black skins. [Are you going to stand for
that? And they will answer with a shout that will
ring around the whole world . . . NO. ‘We will not.
Yes, we will force the South and those in the South
who are trying to murder you . . . we will force
them to free you. Yes, they will. They’ll be
afraid of fifteen million black workers who will
stand shoulder to shoulder with fifty million white
workers and who will roar . . . Don't you touch
those boys: Donft you flare touch those black
children workers . . .1

The acceptance of three ideas is essential to the
author's purpose: (1) The National Labor Defense is
the best organizer of mass protest; (2) Negroes and

whites must join together in protest; and (3) there

 

ano n Wexley They Shall Not Die (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1934 , pp. 96—97.

124
is unlimited power in numbers.

Rokoff's speech clearly indicates that The
National Labor Defense can provide the best legal
counsel as well as the most meaningful protest cam-
paign:

Now, you're thinking if things are as hard as I
say they are, what can be done? What can the
N.L.D. do? I’ll tell you what we can do. First,
we'll get the finest lawyers in this country to
fight the courts at their own game . . . but more
important than that, we'll go to the workers of
America . . . 5
The National Labor Defense as the most effective agent
of protest is emphasized by Rokoff again in Act III,
scene i:
That's our policy. A two-fisted one. (He clenches
both fists and holds them up.) 'With the right
fist . . . the finest legal analytic defense in
the country, Nathan G. Rubin.. . . and with the
left fist . . . the greatest, widest mass protest
action on a national and international scale . . .16

The union of Negroes and whites is essential
to the success of the mass protest campaign. Here,
Wexley joins the idea of breaking racial barriers with
the idea of unlimited power in numbers. Rokoff, at-
tempting to persuade the convicted Negroes to accept
The National Labor Defense as counsel, emphasizes the
power in unity:

Men should stick together. Now, I'd like to show
you what I mean and how we work. Just suppose

there are two men on this side of me . . . (He
demonstrates with gestures his meaning) fighting

 

15Ibid., p. 96. lGIbid., p. 131.

125

against a certain thing and they're being licked.
And on this other side, are three men fighting
against almost the same kind of thing and they’re
being beaten, too. But if these two fellers and
these three fellers would get together . . . (He
holds up two fingers on one hand and three on the
other) . . . then there would be five . . . and
nobody could lick 'em. That‘s what we work for.
You see, up North and out West and here in the
South, there are white workers fighting for liberty
and justice and a right to live happy. And down
here in the South, you black workers are fighting
for the same thing . . . but youire all fighting
apart. Now, if you will fight for the white
workers in the North and the South.and the East
and West then they'd get together and fight for
you black fellers down here.17

This protest campaign will succeed in freeing the
Negroes because it has already shown results. Another
National Labor Defense lawyer, Harrison, emphasizes
this:

Last summer we engaged, as you know, one of the

finest Constitutional attorneys in the U.S. to

plead the case in the Supreme Court in.Washington,

and we didn't hamper him any. But we do attribute

to a great extent the decision for this new trial,

to the demands of thousands of workers all over

the world and not to any generosity on the part

of the courts.

wexley bypasses the question of guilt or

innocence in the play, and centers upon an indictment
of Southern prejudice. He makes this quite clear in
Rokoff's explanation to Rubin, the man selected to
defend the Negroes:

You see, all I wanted to do was to show you the
various underlying reasons for the case, economical
and sociological . . . this is not merely a rape

 

17Ibid., p. 94 18Ibid., p. 131.

126

case . . . it’s bigger than that. It's the Southern
ruling class on trial. 9

An important consideration of the message is that
the appearance of mass protest as a force, is not present
onstage. Therefore the results of such a protest remain
to be realized in the future. If the author is deter—
mined to recruit members to the protest campaign, he
must show them that the result is yet to be realized.

Wexley advocates mass protest, but he does not
support a revolution of the workers, and thus the mes—
sage cannot be said to be communistic. Perhaps the
playwright's point of view is best illustrated by
Rokoff's reply when asked if he is a communist, "I'm
not a member of the party, but there are a great many

things they advocate that I do agree'with."20

The Audience

They Shall Not Die was produced for the
Broadway commercial audience, but there are many
indications that this play was not intended for the
typical Broadway theatre-goer. Wexley's play is aimed
at those who accept racial prejudice as a concomitant
of the capitalistic system, and deplore it in any form.
Secondly, Wexley assumes that they are familiar with
the International Labor Defense (National Labor Defense

in They Shall Not Die), and agree with its methods.

 

19Ibid., p. 132. 201bid., p. 130.

127
Ideally, it would enhance the possibilities for success
if the audience was more than passingly interested in
the work of the Communist Party, although it should be
emphasized that one need not be a member of the Com—

munist Party to sympathize.With its aims.

Characterization

There are seventy—five characters in the play,
yet They Shall Not Die has no focal character. The
play's conflict centers not in the conflict of indi-
vidual characters, but in the conflict of two groups.
All of the characters in the play fall into one of
these groups: (1) white, prejudiced Southerners (the
antagonists), and (2) The National Labor Defense (the
protagonists).

Act I of the play is devoted largely to char-
acterizing the antagonist group through the characters
of Sheriff Trent and Solicitor Mason. Sheriff Trent
represents the lower~midd1e~class Southerner. .Although
he does not appear again in the play, he is a principal
figure in.Act I. Trent has no redeeming qualities; the
author has characterized him as both immaral and ir~
responsible. His vulgar attitude toward sex is an ex-
ample. As soon as he has discovered that there were
two white girls among the Negroes taken from the freight
train, he assumes that the Negroes haVe forced them.to

have sexual relations:

128

Trent: Jest hol' on. It 'pears tuh.me that these
heah niggers musta fooled 'round with you gals . . .

Virginia: we never done nothin’ like that . . .

Trent: 'We'll find that out soon 'nuff. (Looks her
over carefully for an instant.)

‘When talking with Mason about the matter, Trent repeats
his belief that it was impossible for the Negroes to be
‘with the white girls without a sexual intention. ”You
ain't sayin' Luther, that them.uiggers were left alone
with these white gals and din’t try to . . .?"22 His
belief is not peculiar, however, for a white mob quickly
gathers outside the jail to lynch the Negroes for rape,
based upon the same reasoning. Clearly, Trent embodies
the stereotyped view of the Negro as a sex maniac.
Trent is more than passingly interested in the

prostitute, Virginia Ross. After she has agreed to
support him in a false rape charge, Trent responds to
her sexuality in his typically vulgar manner:

Virginia: Say, couldn't I just have a dip o' snuff

fo' chewin"while'we're‘waitini? (Winks at Trent

and rubs up against him.)

Trent: Sho’. Sho'. (As they exit) You're one
hot gal, ain't yuh?

Virginia: (Throwing her head back proudly) I
sho' am. Hottest inChattanoogie.2

Sheriff Trent's hatred of Negroes is his most

characteristic feature. He refers to them as "black

 

211bid., p. 17. 221bid., p. 20.
23Ibid., pp. 45-46.

129
bastards," "black bitches," "bitches," ”dumb nigger
mules," "goddam.stinkinf black bastards," "dirty swamp
scum," and "stinkin' nigger lice." Never once does he
call one a Negro, or even the Southern equivalent,
"nigra." He clearly regards Negroes as no better than
animals.

Trent's brutal treatment of the accused Negro
boys typifies his hatred of them. He slaps one Negro
in the face, kicks another, and punches a third in the
stomach. All of these attacks are unprovoked. .After
a brief interlude, Trent renews his assault on the
Negroes with calculated vigor. He kicks and slaps
Parsons, then.beats him.into unconsciousness and
continues to kick him as he lies on the floor. The
beating resumes after the boy is revived. Trent
follows this by holding a loaded shotgun to the head
of fourteen—year-old Roy Wood, and threatens to kill
him. That these beatings and threats are evidence of
a warped personality is clearly indicated by the
author:

Trent: (Frenzied. Punches him three or four
times to face and stomach. Kicks him as he falls
against the desk. He is evidently much the
sadist.)24

At the height of his excitement he removes a short

riding crop from.his desk drawer and beats Parsons.

 

241bid., p. 54.

130
The stage directions read: "The whip cracks mercilessly.
Parsons cringes, tries to crawl away under the desk, but
Hillary [a deputy] drags him out."25
Trent hopes to make use of the publicity sur-
rounding the case to further his personal aims. For
this reason he agrees to call in the State Militia in-
stead of turning the Negroes over to the lynch mob:
Mason: I'm certain youire doing the wisest thing,
Trent. And if you.get an appointment as Federal
Marshall . . . you can thank this idea of mine.
Trent: I hope so. (Then with conviction) An' it’ll
show up fo' certain with them soldiers heah, that
them.uiggers did rape 'em . . . (Slight pause) I sho'
could use a Marshall's salary . . . Mrs. Trent's been
needin' a tumor operation fo' years and my boy
Tom.. . . 5

By showing Trent to use foul language, given to sexual-

ity, a sadist, and an opportunist, Wexley builds antip-

athy for him.

A second important representative of the antag-
onist group is Luther Mason, the Solicitor. Although
there are minor differences between.Mason and Trent,
both are essentially alike in.their regard for Negroes.
For example, while Mason avoids the profanity and foul—
ness of Trent's speech, he nevertheless describes Ne-
groes as, "black fiends," and "savage brutes."

Mason also intends to use the case for personal

profit. The guilt or innocence of the Negroes is of

little concern to him.as he anticipates political

 

ZSIQiss. p. 56. 251b1d., p. 35.

131
advancement:

Mason: Trent, I want you to call up the Governor
and ask for troops.

Trent: (Surprised) Yuh ain't foolin'?

Mason: No . . . I'm serious. It's the smartest
thing we could do. Because if . . . if they drag
out and burn up these niggers . . . that's goin’
tuh ruin you for anything but sheriff and act on
me indirectly . . . but . . . if we call in the
troops, why the whole state'll hear about it . . .
and it'll be in the papers in Birmingham and
Atlanta and Chattanooga . . .27

Mason is an unscrupulous person, and this is
best shown after he and Trent have agreed upon a fab~
ricated rape charge. Mason tells the telephone operator
to spread the rape story about the town. Even if the
Negroes had been guilty of the crime, this action is un~
ethical.

Realizing that Virginia.Ross is the key figure
in the rape charge, Mason threatens her with the pos—
sibility of losing her job at the mill and a prison
sentence for vagrancy if she doesn’t aid them. Mason's
use of false charges and threats to force people to
his will is a fascist technique. Coupled with the
uncouth, sadistic figure of Sheriff Trent, Wexley has
characterized law enforcement in Cookesville as corrupt.
But'Wexley also shows that whites who occupy positions

of power outside of Cookesville also use their power

in the same way. Captain Kennedy of the State Militia,

 

27Ibid., p. 33.

 

132
treats the Negroes with similar cruelty:
.Kennedy: This one of the rapers?

Trent: Yeah. He's a bad 'un. Don't want to
confess the truth.

Kennedy: They're all that way, them.sons~of—a-
bitch niggers. (Spits at the figure of Parsons.)28

The author has succeeded in characterizing his
rejected group as immoral, brutal, and irresponsible.
All of the members use their positions of authority and
power to uphold an immoral situation~~segregation in
the South. In addition, their oppression of unfortunate
and helpless people by means of coercion and violence,
shows them to be fascists.

Act I serves to characterize the antagonist
group and to emphasize their position of power. There
are no further dimensions to this group, even though
new characters appear who obviously belong to this
grouping. Their similarity to Trent or Mason serves
to place them properly. .An example is given in Act II,
scene ii. The Negroes are in death row in Pembroke
Prison. Wexley does not allow his audience to lose
sight of his antagonists, and introduces the warden of
the prison as representative of the group. The Warden
has just appeared in the scene when he reveals how he
feels toward Negroes:

Warden:(Shrewdly): Donft yuh . . . smell anythin'

 

231b1d., p. 58.

133
round heah?
Rokoff (Sniffs): No. I don't. Why?

Warden: I guess you got a.Yankee nose. Donit yuh
know theah is a natural smell 'bout niggers?

Rokoff: There may be . . . but I don't smell any-
thing.

Warden.CWith a chuckle): Sho' yuh.don't. This
prison has got one of the finest shower bath
systems in the South. That chases away the smell.
Rokoff (With a twinkle in his eye): But if its a
natural odor, Warden . . . how do you make it
disappear?

Warden.(Perplexed): Ain’t I gust told yuh we gives
them baths to chase it away?2

Again Wexley makes use of an offical of law enforcement
to represent the antagonists. Although the Warden is
not characterized as strongly as either Trent or Mason,
he shares their regard for Negroes as sub~human.

This scene also introduces two representatives
of the American Society for the Progress of Colored
Persons (ASPCP) in the characters of Treadwell and
Lowery. It would appear logical that this organization
would side with the Negroes and become a nucleus for
the protagonist group, but it is quickly shown that
the.ASPCP is no more than a parasite group attached
to the antagonists.

Treadwell, a mulatto, is described as a "college

graduate [who] speaks with a slight affectation."3O His

 

2922;23. p. 90. 3°Ibid., p. 82.

13h

condescension toward the less-fortunate Negroes is
shown as he makes them appear ungrateful for the help
of the organization. Further, it is implied that
Treadwell is not convinced of the innocence of the
boys. He tells the Negroes that the ASPCP will appeal
to the Governor:

Parsons: Whut he goin' tuh do?

Treadwell: Well, he can do a great deal for you.

He can have mercy on.you and commute your sentences

from death to life imprisonment.

Parsons: He kin.do that?

Treadwell: Yes, that’s in his power, but he won’t

do it unless he feels you deserve it. Unless he

feels you’re innocent. l
Treadwell loses sight of the fact that if the Governor
feels they are innocent, they will be freed, not im~
prisoned for life.

A Negro preacher who accompanies Treadwell,
echoes Treadwell's suggestion that perhaps the ASPCP
is not completely convinced of the innocence of the
boys:

If yuh is all '1ectrocuted an' dies yuh'll go
tuh Heaven sho' as yuh're born if yuhire sho’
yuh.ain3t had a_hand in this terrible crime . . .
(Italics mine.)J2

A third member of the trio, Lowery, an attorney
engaged to defend the boys, reveals his true feelings

about the Negroes when he is angered that the boys seem.

 

311bid., pp. 83-814. BZIbido’ p. 86o

'5-

135
too interested in the plan offered by The National
Labor Defense. Lowery strides forward menacingly
and says, "Now donft you pay attention to this talk.
You better be white man's niggers or . . ."33
Treadwell also advocates suppression of public—

ity regarding the case, instead of publicizing the
miscarriage of justice. After the boys have asked
them to bring their parents to visit, Treadwell dis—
misses the appeal because, "It might only increase
the anger and feeling against you boys."34 This
attitude of placating the white power structure shows
Treadwell to be far too fawning in his relationship
with white people to offer mush hope of winning freedom
for the Negroes. That the Negro boys themselves, sense
this, is shown later in the scene when.Andy WOod says:

Mist Treadwell. He's too slick for me. .An' I

can't hardly understan' his talk. Huh! maybe

he ain‘t even a nigger.35

Treadwell's superior attitude toward the ignor—

ant Negro boys, his embellished language, his fear of
angering the prejudiced whites, and his casual attitude
toward the defense of the boys, shows him to be too
closely allied with the antagonist group to receive
much admiration. The ASPCP is shown to be a parisitic

appendage of the white prejudiced group.

 

33Ibid., p. 95. 341b1d., p. 87.
35Ibid., p. 43.

 

 

136

The National Labor Defense is introduced in
this scene through the character of Rokoff. Since the
author has already discredited the weak attempt at
defense planned by the ASPCP, he hopes to show The
National Labor Defense in a favorable light. Just as
Trent and Mason are uncompromising villains, Rokoff is
pictured as a paragon. He speaks kindly to the Negroes,
arranges to let them out of their cells, shakes hands
with them, gives them.cigarettes, and above all, brings
‘their parents to see them. Rokoff succeeds in estab~
lishing a close contact with the Negroes by pretending
ignorance of the existence of the color barrier. For
the first time in the play, the Negroes have some reason
to hope. By showing Rokoff to be a liberal-minded
Northerner, not intimidated by the Southern ”fascists,"
and kindly toward Negroes, The National Labor Defense
becomes the best agent to defend the boys.

Cheney, a Southern lawyer who accompanies
Rokoff, is a member of the protagonist group. His
importance in the group is that he represents the
liberal—minded Southerner who deplores the miscarriage
of justice. But in case there may be any confusion
,about his allegiance, Wexley places him in the pro-
tagonist group as soon as he appears on the stage.
He tells the Warden, "0h . . . I like to see every

human being, black or white, get a fair deal. This

137
isn't my first colored case, you know."36

Rokoff, as it was pointed out, functions as
the spokesman for the protagonists in Act II, but he
is not the defense lawyer for the Negroes. The National
Labor Defense engages the services of Nathan Rubin, a
well-known Jewish lawyer from New York City. As Rubin
takes over the case, Rokoff drops away as spokesman for
the group. This exchange occurs in Act III, scene i.
Rubin is shown to be an efficient, capable, and altru-
istic person. No further characterization is given of
him, and in terms of his function in the play, no fur-
ther dimension is needed.

By the middle of Act II Wexley has defined and
characterized the protagonists and the antagonists of
the play. The allegiance of the audience presents no
problem since the author has equated group identifi-
cation with good and evil.

Wexley employs the same technique as Peters and
Sklar in Stevedore. He uses characters to represent
groups, and therefore spends little time in making them
multi-dimensioned people. He is interested in general—
ized qualities which may be easily applied to the social
group which they represent. The nine Negroes, for
example, are hardly differentiated from one another.

Only Heywood Parsons and Oleanoore are somewhat set

 

35Ibid., p. 90.

138

apart from.the others. Parsons is slightly older,
slightly more intelligent, and more outspoken. .Moore
is a visionary whose dreams presage disaster. For
example, in Act II, he relates a dream he had of a
flock of crows flying over a cornfield. The farmer
killed some of them.with a shotgun, and as the crows
fell to the ground they turned into "little nigger-
boys wid wings. . . li'l nigger~angels."37

There is one character as yet not treated,
'who is important in the play—~Lucy'Wells. Of all the
persons in the play, she is given the most dimension.
She is a frightened, soft-spoken girl, completely under
the domination.of Virginia Ross. Lucy Wells agrees,
somewhat reluctantly, to lie about the rape. Because
of this decision, she is placed temporarily in the
antagonist group.

In Act II, two scenes are devoted to showing
Lucy Wells' awakening of conscience. She is shown
earning money as a prostitute, but it is clearly am-
phasized that it is not by choice, but by circumstance.
Her work at the mill has fallen to almost nothing,
while Virginia Ross is working full-time. Obviously
the mill owners have not treated her fairly. If so,
she would be able to live on her wages, abandon pros-

titution, and regain her self-respect.

37Ibid., p. 82.

   

 

139

Lucy wells becomes the conversion figure of
They Shall Not Die. Her change from the antagonist
group to the protagonist group is motivated by her
guilt feelings, her desire to find a will of her own,
and her intention of ending her unfair treatment at
the mill. All of these contribute to one important
objective for Lucyu—to regain her self—respect. Lucy's
decision is made in.Act II, scene iii,‘when.her love
affair with Russell Evans awakens her conscience, and
when she is victimized by Sheriff Nelson, who forces
her to sign a paper stating that she was drunk when she
wrote a letter recanting her original testimony.

Lucy Wells, then, becomes the pivotal figure in
the play, for her conversion to the side of right is
important to the cause of justice for the Negroes. The
change is prepared for in Act I by her reluctance to
join the antagonists, and is motivated by the awakening
of her conscience, not by the persuasion of any "left-
ists" in the play. Although Wexley makes her appear
a victim of unscrupulous labor practices, he wisely

makes this a secondary motivation.

Structure

 

The structure of They Shall Not Die is directly
influenced by the playwrighh’s propaganda purpose. Witha
in the conventional three—act form,‘Wex1ey demonstrates

the clash of the two groups alread outlined.

FEE-I

140

Act I may be divided into three segments: (1)
an introductory unit in.which the situation is revealed
and the inciting incident occurs; (2) a large segment
devoted to characterizing Trent and Mason, centering
about the false rape charge and ending with the success-
ful coercion of Virginia Ross; and (3) a section almost
entirely devoted to Sheriff Trent's beating of the Negro
prisoners. The first two parts accomplish.quite effi-
ciently the exposition of the situation and character—
ization of the antagonists. The most important points
that the author wishes to make-~that the rape charge is
without basis, and that the antagonists are in power-—
are established here. Section three represents a
repetition of an earlier action, that of Trent's beat-
ing of the Negroes. This repetition acts as a strong
emotional appeal to enlist sympathy for the Negroes.
However, in the logical progression of the development
of group conflict, the last segment of Act I may be
seen as a structural fault. In his desire to instill
animosity for the antagonists, wexley overstates their
villainy.

Act I relies upon action to achieve its purposes,
but Acts 11 and III disdain action in favor of talk.
All the remaining scenes of the play are "discussion"
scenes.

Scene i_of Act II is entirely exposition.since

the author must show Lucy Wells' character and situation.

lhl
The scene is important because it introduces the
"conversion" figure.

Act II, scene ii, is devoted entirely to the
protagonist group. The purpose of the scene, in the
propaganda intent of the play, is to show the formation
of the favored group and to present their spokesman.
As the Negroes sign with The National Labor Defense,
the play's protagonist is established.

Scene iii of Act II reiterates Lucy Wells'
reasons for recanting, and ends with her decision to
change groups. Act II, then, is structured to show
the protagonists' rise. The act structure is cumu-
lative, since each of the scenes shows new members
joining the group. Act II concludes with the protag-
onists in a position to meet the antagonists on equal
footing. The preparation.for this inevitable clash
is completed.

Act III, scene i, continues the strong rise in
the power of the protagonists. Its function is to
transfer leadership from Rokoff to Rubin. Structurally
it would perhaps have been better dramaturgy to move
immediately to the obligatory scene. Rokoff has dem-
onstrated his marvelous powers of persuasion, and
‘would undoubtedly make a fine defense attorney. But
since Wexley is writing a modified documentary, he
introduces Rubin because this follows the actual pat~

tern of events in the case. The one saving feature of

1h2

the scene is that it demonstrates yet another convert
to the group in the person of Lewis Collins. Collins,
a white man, was arrested at the same time as the
Negroes in Cookesville, but was released because he
refused to swear that he witnessed the rape. His
sudden appearance in Act III is a coincidence unmoti-
vated by any previous action of the play, and must be
regarded as a melodramatic manipulation by the author.

Act III, scene ii, is the obligatory scene,
showing the clash of the two groups at the trial of
Heywood Parsons. The antagonists re-appear, represent-
ed by the defense attorney, Dade. The power of the
corrupt white group is supported by the judge.whose
feeble attempts to conduct a fair trial demonstrate
the unethical practices which are directly responsible
for the antagonists' triumph. The protagonists have
won in spirit, however, since they so emphatically
exposed the corruption of the power group. Thus the
propaganda message is driven home with greater effect,
for the outrage may be corrected only by joining in
action to defeat the white power structure.

Wexley remains consistent with the conflict as
presented, by showing in his denouement, the momentary
triumph of evil. ‘Where Stevedore dramatizes the tri-
umph over evil, They Shall Not Die does not resolve

the conflict, and therefore serves to arouse greater

indignation. Stevedore shows the emotional surge

 

 

143

of triumph; They Shall Not Die demonstrates righteous

 

anger at defeat.

Dialogue

Since wexley depends heavily upon argument to
achieve his purpose, the analysis of the dialogue in
two scenes of the play, illustrates how persuasion is
used to achieve the playwright's ends. Act II, scene ii
has already been pointed out as a pivotal scene in the
play. Rokoff convinces the Negroes to accept The Nation—
a1 Labor Defense as their defense. The scene is struc-
tured as a modified debate between Treadwell represent—
ing the ASPCP, and Rokoff representing The National
Labor Defense. The objective of the debate is to
acquire the signature of the boys on an affidavit au-
thorizing their defense. The'Warden of the prison acts
as a "judge." Here the suggestion of a courtroom is
intended. The argument is carefully structured to
achieve the playwright's objective-~to award the defense
of the Negroes to The National Labor Defense.

Treadwell begins by stating the case for the
ASPCP. At this point the opposition has not yet entered
the scene. The aims of the ASPCP are to engage Lowery,
one of the best lawyers in the South, to appeal to the
state Supreme Court for a re-trial, and to make an ap-
peal to the Governor of Alabama for a stay of execution.

These aims are made to seem suspect by the insincere

 

144
and impatient manner of both Treadwell and Lowery. The
Negroes are not impressed. Treadwell then calls upon a
Negro preacher who accompanies them, to deliver a prayer.
The emotional effect upon the Negroes is intentional.
The preacher equates the ASPCP with the Lord, The
National Labor Defense with the devil. Twice within
the prayer he establishes this dichotomy. The choice
between the two groups is made a moral one; the God-
fearing person will choose the.ASPCP. As a result of
this appeal, four of the Negroes agree to sign with
the.ASPCP—~Roberts, Walters, warner and Mbrris, with
.Moore about to sign as they are interrupted by the
arrival of Rokoff and The National Labor Defense.

From the moment of his arrival, Rokoff takes
over the debate, with only feeble objections from
Treadwell. Rokoff begins his appeal by disarming the
suspicions of the Negroes by allowing them to come out
of their cells, shaking hands with one of them, and by
offering cigarettes to them. After a strong rapport
has been established, Rokoff begins his oration, which
builds to a strong emotional climax. ‘Wexley’s stage
directions indicate this:

(From now on there are no serious interruptions
and the prisoners all listen very attentively
and become absorbed. The speaker increases his
tone and tempo as he goes on until he quite loses

himself, and everyone on the stage including the
‘Warden and Cheney are quite absorbed by the power

145
of his speech.)39
Rokoff emphasizes two points in his speech:

(1) only by joining with other workers in a common
aim can the Negro fight injustice; and (2) the Negroes
did not receive a fair trial in Cookesville. Here
Treadwell interrupts, allows himself a.rare emotional
outburst, and indulges in a Name~calling tirade against
The National Labor Defense:

(Somewhat excited, unable to contain.himself)

Listen to me, boys: I'm one of you and God—

'willing, I’d like to be darker than I am if that

would help my people. And therefore I want to

warn you against this dangerous National Labor

Defense, this radical organization which only

‘wants to use you boys as a cat's paw to pull

their chestnuts out of the fire. You poor child—

ren are too young to know it but they are about

the worst, insidious group of traitors to this

country . . . They not only want to spread rebel-

lion and revolt through your case but they also

want to destroy and ruin the great, benevolent

ASPCP.40
The Plain Folks appeal at the opening of the speech is
overstated in order to emphasize the insincerity of the
man. The use of "dangerous N.L.D.," "radical organi—
zation," and "insidious group of traitors," is clearly
designed to discredit The National Labor Defense. The
speech closes with a Glittering Generality, "great,
benevolent.ASPCP," designed to reinforce the "godliness”
of the organization. However, these benevolent aims

are quickly shown to be worthless when the Negro,

 

39____Ibid-. p. 93. “maid" pp. 94-95

 

1#6
Parsons, asks Treadwell how he intends to go about
insuring him of a fair trial:

Parsons: How . . . how yuh gonn git this fair
trial?

Treadwell (annoyed): ‘We . . . we will not spare
any effort to protect you from the death penalty.41

With this feeble retort, Wexley withdraws the ASPCP
from an active part in the debate.

Rokoff continues his speech by stressing the
injustice of the Cookesville trial, building to a high
pitch of excitement through an appeal to fear of death
at the hands of the whites:

The South wants you to burn. They want to teach
you blacks a lesson, they want to frighten. you
blacks with the burned up bodies of nine Negro
boys. They want to make you shut up and keep
quiet. They want to keep the nigger in his place
. . . that's why . . . and so . . . the only thing
fair that you'll ever get will be a fair amount of
electric juice to burn you alive on the chair in
there . . . (pfiints to door leading to electrocu~
tion chamber.) 2
Rokoff has disdained specific appeals to individuals,
which Treadwell used, in favor of a larger appeal to
the Negroes as a race fighting for their lives. The
implication is that they will be betraying their race,
and will also risk death, if they do not accept The
National Labor Defense. The timely reference to the

adjacent electric chair serves to heighten the emo~

tionalism.

 

“llbid. ’ p. 95. #2 Ibid.

 

147
At this point, rapport has been established

with the Negroes, and an introductory emotional appeal
has been.made. Rokoff now states the plan of The
National Labor Defense. First, they will engage the
best lawyers in the country to defend the boys. Sec-
ondly, they will spearhead a protest campaign of world—
wide proportions. The National Labor Defense does not
intend to play down the publicity of the case; in fact,
just the opposite intention is shown. Rokoff closes
his appeal with a repetition of the necessity of the
banding together of the workers, and the fear of harm.
at the hands of'the whites. The‘Warden's reception of
the speech indicates the strong effect Rokoff's rhetoric
has achieved:

(Shaking himself as if to rid himself of a trance

or s ell. [Italicéfmine Thenughouting, red with

fury; Stopl Stop that . . . I

At the emotional apogee, the parents of the

prisoners are brought in. .As the mothers leave, they
urge their children to support the side of right.
Several of them have already decided that The National

A Labor Defense represents this right. Mrs. Williams

“emphasizes, as the Preacher did earlier, that the choice

of groups is a moral one. However, in this case, she

has reversed the roles:

 

u3Ibid., p. 97.

148
Mrs. Parsons: Good-bye, Heywood, and God bless
yuh. Don’t give up yo’ hope, an' keep a—lookini
at the Lo’d.

Mrs. WOOd: Donft worry, my chillun . . . we got
the N.L.D. wid us.

Mrs. Purcell: Don't fo'git tuh.pray, Ozie . . .

Mrs. Williams: Yes pray . . . chile. Pray fo'
yo' life an' fo' the blessed N.L.D.44

The effect of the parents' pleas reiterates the appeal
made twice already by Rokoff-~that the boys will live
only if they accept the N.L.D.

Rokoff delivers a summation in which he stresses
that the parents were brought as a gesture of kindness,
not as a device to sway the boys, and that no matter
which decision they make, the N.L.D. will continue to
‘work for them. Rokoff’s persuasive appeal has not had
an immediate effect, for the boys ask for more time to
decide. Four Negroes, Walters, Roberts, Warner and
Morris (the four who earlier signed with the ASPCP),
still hold with that initial decision. Purcell, Parsons,
and Roy and Andy Wood agree on the National Labor De-
fense, with Olen Moore indifferent. The deadlock is
deliberately structured by Wexley to provide one more
opportunity to make an appeal in favor of The National
Labor Defense. This appeal is made by Parsons. Par—
sons offers no new arguments, yet accomplishes the

conversion of the Negroes to the side of The National

 

4“:b1d.. p. 99.

 

149
Labor Defense. Warner and Morris are the first to
change, with.Roberts, Walters, and Moore following.
This Bandwagon appeal is climaxed by the singing of
a gospel hymn.

There are several significant points of concern
to a propaganda analysis of this debate: (1) Rokoff,
for all his spell-binding oratory, only indirectly con-
vinces the Negroes. Heywood Parsons is the final agent
of the persuasion. This succeeds in creating suspense,
and avoids the "pat" conversion of the boys by Rokoff;
(2) the entire debate is heavily slanted in favor of
The National Labor Defense. The.ASPCP is given no
chance at rebuttal, and Treadwell is reduced to a
cowardly name-caller as his only means of argument;

(3) the persuasive appeals are almost solely emotional;
and (4) the use of Bandwagon appeal is strongest,
since The National Labor Defense has made it appear
that the Negroes are joining a huge force already in
action.

The trial of Heywood Parsons in Act III,
scene ii, further illustrates the persuasive nature
of the dialogue. The most significant speeches for
analysis are the summations to the jury. Two import~
ant points should be considered as a background for the
summations: (l) the defense had clearly shown that

Virginia Ross was lying, and (2) the Alabama jury feared
the glib New Yorkers, and resented what appeared to be

 

 

NC

I
A

.. -

 

 

150
the harassment of a helpless Southern girl.

The first argument for the prosecution is
presented by Slade, the assistant to the prosecutor.
His most significant appeals are Plain-Folks and
anti-Semitism. Slade equates good with Alabama and
the South, and evil with New York and Jews. He ap-
parently has no qualms about his unethical method,
for he makes a personal attack on Lewis Collins. He
calls him.Lewis "Colinsky," suggesting guilt by assoc-
iation, for if Jews are evil, then anyone who appears
to be a Jew is also evil. He further states that The
National Labor Defense is a communist group. An.inter—
esting touch is that he pronounces it "Communists,"
suggesting that he is accusing people without knowing
what the evil is.

This attack is followed by dressing up a
popular cliche. "Free this nigger . . . and every
white father will tremble for his daughter's safety
as he goes to sleep tonight."45 He closes by reit-
erating his Plain-Folks appeal coupled with his anti-
Semitism: "Gentlemen of the jury, tell 'em, tell 'em
that Southern justice cannot be bought an' sold with
Jew money from.NewYork."’+6

Cheney is the first to sum.for the defense.

His argument is ad hominum, in which he stresses that

 

451bid., p. 181. “51bid.

151
his character and background are the important thing.
The appeal is Plain—Folks; he is ainative Southerner,
his father fought in the Civil war, he is a Baptist and
a Democrat. In the tradition of fair play, character-
istic of the intelligent Southerner, he pleads for a
verdict of innocent.

Nathan.Rubin follows Cheney. Since he is the
spokesman for the protagonist group, his is the longest
speech. His arguments are broken into two parts, a
defense of his character, and an appeal for acquittal.
In the first segment, Rubin,makes three points in favor
of his character: (1) Jews fought in Wor d War I, and
no distinction was made at that time because of relig—
ious belief; (2) he is carrying on the defense because
he believes in the cause of justice for all, and there—
fore will not receive a fee; and (3) his life has been
threatened by fanatics. The curious thing about these
appeals is that they are all emotional in the face of
an opening statement in which he said he would appeal
to logic and common sense. One can only conclude that
Rubin hoped the jury would accept emotional appeals
as rational appeals.

Rubin then spends a great deal of time reviewing
the evidence in favor of acquittal. He calls attention
to the unethical nature of the summation by Slade, and
the attempt to lead the jury by saying that only a

stupid person would believe Slade's accusation. that

 

152
Collins and Lucy Wells were bribed.

The last section of his summation is again a
series of emotional appeals building to a strong climax.
He plays upon the mother-child relationship by pointing
out the defendant's mother in the courtroom:

Are you going to tear out her heart, the apple of
her eye, her baby, her son? Are you going to strap
him into a torturous electric chair, slit his pants
leg, shave his head, prepare him like a stuffed
goose for the cooking, then go and fry him, scorch
him, burn him alive with two thousand volts of
electricity, then cut out his insides in an autopsy
and finally throw back his charred and mutilated
corpse into his mother's waiting arms 3n the sole,
lying, miserable testimony of a whore?
Here Rubin's Name-calling is justified since he has
already proved Virginia Ross to be of disreputable
character. In Rubin's final appeal, he draws upon
religious emotionalism. The appeal to a common_ God
known to all believers regardless of church or sect,
is culminated in the recitation of "The Lord's Prayer."
It should be pointed out once again that Rubin did not
make appeals to intellect and reason as he said he
would, but relied almost solely on emotional appeals
to fear, motherhood, and religion. Since he does not
attack individuals or groups, except Virginia Ross,

he remains in a favorable light as far as the audience

is concerned.

 

“71bid., p. 186.

 

153

The final summation is made for the prosecution
by Dade. He opens his speech by deploring a judgment
made upon the basis of prejudice. He then follows this
with a Plain-Folks appeal stressing resentment of out—
siders. He attacks The National Labor Defense as a
group of radicals with treasonous aims. Dade builds
further upon his Plain-Folks appeal by noting that his
father, too, fought in the Civil War. His next step is
to draw an analogy between Lucy Wells' "betrayal" of
her people and Christ's betrayal by Judas.

The last segment of his speech centers upon
the strongest appeal made by the prosecution-ufear of
the Negro "stepping out of his place":

Remember this, that we cannot, we must not permit
this fiendish criminal theah to go free. You
yourselves know what that would mean. It would
mean, theah would be no holdin' 'em.down anymo'.
Your wivesfi, your sisters', your daughters' very
lives and honor are at stake.
In Dade's opinion, acquittal would mean free sexual
license for all Negroes. The final statement concludes
in the same vein, as Dade emphasizes the horror of
sexual congress with a Negro:
I demand that this horrible fiend, this rapist die
for his terrible crime he and his cronies committed

on the white body of Virginia.Ross. I demand the
highest penalty . . . De-ath.

 

481b1d., p. 189. 49Ibid.

154

Dade exceeds the bounds of ethics here by em~
phasizing that the original trial accused nine Negroes
of the attack. However, Heywood Parsons alone, is now
on trial. The prosecuting attorneys do not rely upon
the evidence they have offered. They make emotional
appeals which are more likely to be successful when
made to ignorant people.

The analysis of the four summation speeches

 

shows that the prosecution made use of unethical methods
by appealing to prejudice. Their major appeals were to
Southern sectionalism, by stressing the fear of out-
siders, prejudice toward Negroes by suggesting that
licentious behavior would result if acquittal is the
verdict, and anti—Semitism. Although Cheney and Rubin
make use of strong emotional appeals, they remain with-

in the bounds of ethics.

CHAPTER VII

WE, THE PEOPLE

Introduction

 

We, The People, by Elmer Rice, opened January
21, 1933, and ran for forty—nine performances. By 1933
the Broadway stage had begun to feel the effects of the
dramatization of social problems.1 .According to Broad-
way standards, We, The People was a failure. However,
the play attracted attention because it was the first
serious propaganda play written by one of the American
theatre's established writers. Elmer Rice had won the

Pulitzer Prize with Street Scene five years earlier,

 

and maintained his reputation as one of the frontline
Broadway writers with such popular successes as Ihg_
Left Bank and Counsellor-at-Law.

.After the failure of We, The People, Rice did
not abandon writing propaganda plays. Judgment Dgy,
a dramatization of the Reichstag fire trial, and

Between Two Worlds, were produced on Broadway in 1934;

 

lSee Morgan Y. Himelstein, Drama Was a Weapon
(New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1963),
Chapter X, for a treatment of social drama on Broadway
between 1929-1941.

155

156
however, each had a run of only thirty-two perform»
ances. The failure of Rice's propaganda plays led to
a bitter feud with the critics, culminating in his
decision to abandon the Broadway theatre. The most
severe critical objection to these plays stemmed from
the belief that prepaganda was not compatible with the
artistic aims of the theatre.2
Several of the critics, however, liked the play.

Meyer Levin wrote:

We, The People came the closest of any recent work

to being a completely acceptable play of protest,

and this was proven by the strong response the per-

formances received from some sections of the public
in spite of the generally unfavorable reviews.

 

Theatre Arts said, "It is a skillful, mature, and large
and free treatment of a difficult subject."4 Th3.

Commonweal reviewer believed We, The People was no
ordinary propaganda play. "It is full of expert char-
acterization, of clearly etched scenes with swift in~

cisive action, of dialogue that, for the most part,

has authentic tang and flavor."5

Brooks Atkinson said that Rice "has never

spoken.in.the theater with such grim.force before.

 

2Supra, Chapter II.

3Meyer Levin, "Playwriting and Protest,"Theatre
Arts, XVII (May, 1933), 356.

“Barclay McCarthy, "Three Designs for Living,"
Theatre Arts, XVII (April, 1933), 259.

5Richard Dana Skinner, Review of We, The People,
The Commonweal, XVII (Feb. 8, 1933), 411.

 

157

Something is fatally bloodless about a theatre that
cannot take a play like this in its stride."6 And
Joseph Wood Krutch praised the play for its treatment
of a difficult subject:

No previous effort of the same sort has been any-

thing like so ambitious and none has been within

its limitations, so effective. . . . Here are clar-

ity, logic, and an intense sincerity, plus a very
unusual gift for dramatic writing.

Analysis of We, The People

Sypopsis

Helen Davis, a young schoolteacher, and Bert
Collins are engaged to be married, but are forced to
postpone their plans because of economic conditions.
They eventually drift into a sexual relationship. The
Davis family begins to feel the effects of the depres-
sion, but conditions are favorable enough for the son,
Allen, to attend college. As economic conditions
worsen, Allen is forced to withdraw from college, Mr.
Davis loses his job, and the family is forced to move
from their home. Allen becomes bitter, and is arrested
for stealing coal. He serves a sentence of six months
for this crime. Once released, he lives with a girl

he met in college, Mary Klobutsko, and both engage in

 

6"Returning to We, The People," Literary,
Digest, CXV (Mar. 4, 1933), 19.

7Joseph.WOOd Krutch, Review of We, The People,
The Nation, CXXXVI (Feb. 8, 1933), 158.

 

158
antiawar protest meetings. Allen is accused of murder-
ing a policeman, a crime he did not commit. He is con-
victed and is sentenced to death. The play closes with

a protest meeting to free him.

Persuasive Purpose
Elmer Rice wrote of his play:
We, The People was a panoramic presentation of the
economic-social situation in America, an.exposé of
the forces of reaction which stand in the way of a
better life for the masses of American people and
a plea for a return to the principles ennunciated
in the Declaration of Independence and the Consti-
tUtiOno 8
We,,The People, then, is an indictment of the
capitalistic system. Rice felt, at the time of writing
this play, that an.imbalance existed in our social sys-
tem. Many honest, harduworking people were being de-
prived of the simple necessities of life, while a few
wealthy people had much more than they needed. Rice
hoped to illustrate this imbalance through.dramatizing
the hardships of the Davis family—~a typical American
working class family during the depression.
Rice maintains throughout the play, that the
victims of the system.did not create the conditions
under which they suffer, and are therefore powerless

to change them. After Allen Davis has been appre—

hended for stealing coal, he says:

 

8Elmer Rice, “Apologia Pro Vita Sua, Per Elmer
Rice," The New York Times (Dec. 25, 1938), IX:3.

159

I took the coal from.the railroad company because

we needed it to keep us warm. If that's being a
crook, then I'm a crook. But who made me a crook?
Is it my fault that I can't get a job? Is it my
fault that the bank failed and that we're being
put out of our home?

The idea is expressed by others in the play. Helen
Davis, who has consistently maintained an optimistic
attitude in the face of deprivation, finds that the
capitalistic system seems to betray, rather than re-
ward those who are industrious:
I don't think it's our fault that things turned out
this way. We've all tried our best. I don't under-
stand very much about politics and economics, al—
though I did study them in normal school. But it
seems to me there should be some way of people get-
ting just the few simple things that they want. It
doesn't seem.right that people who want to work
can't find any work to do and that their homes
should be taken away from.them.. . . Why? Why must
things be that way? I'm sure there's plenty in the
world for everybody to have his share and yet there
are so many that haven't even enough to live.

The author supports the workingman in his indict-
ment of a system which denies the majority a right to
even a simple existence, while a minority enjoys a life
of luxury. The core of the problem.is an unequal dis-
tribution of wealth. Rice evidently felt that wealth
concentrated in the hands of a few was wrong. Allen
Davis points out what Rice has observed:

Well, by God, I'll take anything as long as it’s

 

9Elmer Rice, We, The People (New York: Coward—
McCann Inc., 1933), p. 184.

1°1bid., p. 248.

 

160

'work. But there isn't any work. I see lots of

people riding around in limousines, girls going

around in fur coats and women wearing diamonds,

having dinner in the big hotels, but try to get

somebody to give you a chance to earn ten.dollars

a week. 1

Rice blames the rich for the conditions of the

times. He goes beyond the simple idea that the rich
should help the poor in times of hardship, and insists
that the institutions which support the evil social
system are controlled by wealthy businessmen. Rice
shows that government, education, the courts, and the
press, are directly controlled by the moneyed class.
The capitalists, Walter Applegate and Willard Drew
wish to nominate Dr. Purdy, President of the State
University, as a candidate for President of the United
States. That they intend he will be sympathetic toward
their aims is clearly shown by Drew:

'We want a man who can rise above party politics,

a man who can put an end to all this government

interference with business and who can put in-

dustry back on its feet again.12

Through the relationship of Dr. Purdy to Apple~

gate and Drew, Rice shows that higher education is
subservient to the dictates of the wealthy. The Board
of Trustees of the University is made up of capitalists,
two of whom are Applegate and Drew. Policy is formu—
lated by the trustees, not by the president, the faculty,

or the student body. This is perhaps best demonstrated

11113151.. 9. 151. ”maid" p. 171.

161
in an ironic scene in which Purdy has dismissed a
teacher, Professor Hirschbein, for participating in
a radical meeting. Professor C. Carter Sloane par-
ticipated in the same meeting, but Sloane is from a
prominent family and he is not dismissed. Also, Purdy
is a relative of the banker, Drew. There are impli-
cations in the play that Purdy was appointed to his
position because he was sympathetic with the upper
class.

The courts, too, are controlled by conserva-
tives sympathetic with business interests. Rice’s
denunciation of the conservative upper class is il-
1ustrated in the character of Judge Thomas who employs
a double standard in judging the wealthy and the poor.
Through Thomas, Rice also shows that the press is the
tool of conservative interests. Thomas' father owns
several daily newspapers and a broadcasting station,
committed to the support of political candidates en-
dorsed by the capitalists.

Elmer Rice is concerned in We, The People,
that a small minority controls the wealth, government,
education, courts and the press in American society,
and that representatives of these institutions support
each other in maintaining what is, in Rice's view, an
unjust social system. Rice makes a plea for protest

against the intolerable conditions of a decadent social

order. It is his view that protest is a healthy and

162
cherished part of the American tradition of freedom of
speech. In this respect, Rice presents his strongest
indictment of the capitalists, for they have used their
power to still the voices of protest by force, a fas-
cist technique. The idea of the use of force to stifle
protest is a constant thread in We, The People. Mr.
Davis is shot by Applegate's armed guards as he led a
peaceful protest march of unemployed workers; Allen
Davis is victimized by the police who alter evidence
to convict him of a crime he did not commit; Professor
Hirschbein is dismissed from the teaching staff of the
University because he participated in a protest meeting;
and Mr. Volterra, an immigrant worker, is deported to
Italy because he belonged to an "anarchist group."
American society does not allow protest although it
purports to protect freedom of speech. In the words
of Mary Klobutsko, an immigrant girl:
In America, you must not cry out. You must be
meek, no matter what, no matter if you are starv-
ing, no matter if you are sent to prison. . . . My
father came here to find freedom and food for his
family. To America, to the land of plenty. What
did he find? He found starvation and death.13
The position of the conservatives on this issue is
stated by Judge Thomas as he sentences Allen Davis:
[Youfi]crime strikes at the very root of our
social order, which is founded upon respect for

the law and upon recognition by the individual
of that supremacy of organized government with-

 

13Ibid., p. 249.

163
out which civilization would fall speedily into
decay and man would relapse to a condition of
anarchy and barbarism.

Rice uses protest against profit from war to
illustrate his thesis. The wealthy power structure
stifles anti-war protest by making it seem un-American.
A protest march to enlist government assistance for
unemployed veterans, ends with suppression by the po-
lice. One of the major reasons why Allen Davis is
falsely accused is that he has been unusually outspoken
in his hatred of war:

It's up to us to see that there isn't another war.

We're the ones that'll be expected to fight. And

now's the time, right here and now, for us to say

we don't want militarism, we don't want to be

trained to be soldiers, we don't want to fight.
Reactions to Allen's stand make him appear to be a
coward, un-willing to fight for his country.

For Rice, however, the issue is one of freedom
of speech. Professor Hirschbein points this out to
Dr. Purdy with regard to suppression of the student pro—
test meeting:

But why was permission refused? Because the speak-
ers were known to be men of unorthodox economic
views, who would attack not only Applegate, but the
social system which he stands for and which protects
him. I call that a free speech issue.l6

Rice believed that the sceptical View was healthy, and

that protest was of value to society rather than detri-

 

14Ibid., p. 244. 151bid., p. 135.
16Ibid., p. 202.

164
mental to it. Sloane, the liberal professor, tells a
group of students:
A college student should not only familiarize him-
self with the social system in which he is going to
function, but he should learn to view it critically
and with a certain amount of skepticism. . . . If
we are against militarism, against war, against
social and economic corruption, we must make our-
selves articulate, right here and now. I don't
agree with Schwarz that protest is futile. I think
that every voice that is raised has its effect.
We, The People also indicts the capitalistic
system for supporting the evil of prejudice. Steve,
a Negro servant, points out that not all Americans
have the rights accorded the majority:
I thought this was supposed to be a free country,
Mr. Williamson, with everybody havin’ the right
to express his own opinion about things. But I
guess I’ve been on the wrong track. I guess if
your skin don't happen to be white, an' you've
got nothin' in your pocket but holes, about all
you’re free to do is keep your mouth shut.18
Mrs. Collins a conservative farm woman, is appalled
that her daughter-in-law ran off with "some foreigner
like that--a Roman Catholic besides."19 Hirschbein
is relieved of his position at the university not only
because he has radical opinions, but also because he
is a Jew.
Those of foreign birth experience the bitterest
prejudice of all. ‘Whipple, a boarder at the Davis

house, is most outspoken in this respect:

 

1714319.. p. 138. 18Ibid., p. 114.
l91bid., p. 103.

 

"I

 

 

165

Well, I'm here to tell you it's about time they

kicked all these dagoes and Polacks the hell out

0' here. They shouldn't have let 'em in in the

first place. We don’t want a lot 0’ crummy for-

eigners in this country, stinkin' up the place

an' takin' jobs away from.Americans.
Helen Davis points out that all Americans were descended
from some foreign stock. Whipple, unable to understand
her implication, continues: "I'm talkin' about all
these wops and Jews. I suppose you'd like to marry some
greasy dago and have a lot 0' kids by him."21 Through
prejudice against national groups, Rice shows that
American society has perverted the original ideals
upon which America was founded, that is, a haven for
foreigners seeking freedom from tyranny.

Rice not only accuses, but offers a solution.

He does not advocate any radical philosophy which
would change our government, but rather, insists that
a solution lies in a return to those principles artic-
ulated in the Declaration of Independence. Professor
Sloane quotes from this document in the play:

We hold these truths to be self-evident. That all

men are created equal; that they are endowed by

their Creator with certain un-alienable rights;

that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit

of happiness. That to secure these rights, govern—

ments are instituted among men, deriving their just

powers from the consent of the governed; that when-

ever any form of government becomes destructive of

these ends, it is the right of the pe0ple to alter

or to abolish it, and to institute a new govern-

ment, laying its foundations on such principles
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them

 

20Ibid., p. 124 . 2lIbid.

 

166

shall seem most likely to affect their safety and
happiness.

Therefore, when injustice is allowed to go unprotested,
it does a grave harm to society. Again, Sloane presents
the author’s opinion:

When you snuff out the life of an Allen Davis, when

you murder him judicially, in an access of frenzy

and fear, you do more than take a human life. You

proclaim to the world that America has forsaken

justice for lynch-law, democracy for class-rule,

and liberty for tyranny.2

The return to the ideals of the founders of ‘

America is not, however, a specific solution, and Rice
does not present one in his play. However, there is
an implication present with which one must agree after
an examination of Rice's indictment of the wealthy.
Allen Davis comes closest of any character in the play
to stating it. ”Well, I guess some way could be found
by making guys like Applegate loosen up so that some
of the rest of us can have a chance to live."24 It
seems that Rice is appealing to the conscience of the
rich to work for the general welfare rather than their
own narrow interests. Along with this, Rice also makes
pleas for the encouragement of protest as a guarantee
of free speech; to encourage acceptance of the worker,

including the Negro and the foreign-born; and a plea

to end war.

 

22Ibid., p. 252. 23Ibid.
2‘~‘Ibid., p. 151.

167
The major difficulty in a thematic study of

We,_The People, is that in creating a "blanket indict—

 

ment" rather than a concentration upon a single theme,
Rice overloads the play. A further problem is that
Rice's ideas are scattered freely throughout the play
and they never seem to be satisfactorily drawn together.

And finally, the solution offered is vague.

The Audience

 

In a very general sense, Rice is appealing to
anyone within earshot; therefore the makeup of the
audience may be varied and non-specialized. A strong
support of a liberal political philosophy is necessary
since the author upholds this stand and condemns the
conservative position as reactionary and fascistic.

As a result, staunch conservatives would most likely

be offended by the picture Rice presents of them in
the play. However, since Rice hopes to convince this
group of what he believes is its duty to society, they
must be present in some numbers or the persuasion would
be wasted. If Rice's indictment of the affluent is
valid, then the Broadway "carriage trade" would be an
ideal audience for his play. Hopefully, the audience
would deplore prejudice of any kind as immoral and

uneAmerican.

Characterization

W9, The People is a thesis play rather than a

168

play of action. There is no protagonist; rather, Elmer
Rice makes use of many characters to present a panor-
amic picture of America during the Depression. He
specifies, for example, that the play takes place "in
the United States of America," not in any particular
locale.

The large cast of characters is readily divided
into two groups, the working class people and the wealthy
people. Since Rice is dealing with an indictment of the ‘
rich, these form an antagonist group, while the workers
form the protagonist group, It should be noted that
Rice does not make his divisions as mutually exclusive
as have some previous playwrights in this study. For
example, there are among the working class, some who
support the conservative views held by the rich, and
among some of the wealthy there are feelings of sym-
pathy with the workingman’s position.

The protagonists of We, The People are of two
distinct kinds: the sober, hard—working, loyal American

citizen, exemplified in Helen Davis, William Davis, and
Bert Collins; and those who are active protesters against

conditions, particularly Allen Davis, Mary Klobutsko,
C. Carter Sloane, and Morris Hirschbein.

In the first group, Rice creates some rounded
characters who supercede type, by allowing the audience
to see some personal dimension of the characters. Helen

Davis is the focal figure in the first half of the play.

169

She is a schoolteacher, possessed of an indomitable
spirit in the face of hardship. Her dilemma is a
rather sentimental one; she and her fiance, Bert
Collins, are unable to marry because she would lose
her job. As a result she is forced into a clandestine
affair with Bert. Since Helen is a conventional per-
son, Rice does not wish to suggest that she may be
immoral; rather he hopes to show that her behavior
is typical under the circumstances. Her conscience
bothers her to the extent that she feels the need to
confess to her mother:

Helen: I just feel that I don't want to go on

lying about it any more. Anyhow, you're my mother

and I want you to know about it.

Mrs. Davis: Ach, but Helen dear--

Helen: We love each other so, mother. Do you

Egipkeifi;s so veryswrong for us to try to get a

pp1ness.

Helen, then, is a wholesome American girl, who longs
for sexual fulfillment in marriage, but is prevented
from attaining these needs by the conditions of the
times. Helen needs awakening to the awareness that
more than her hopes and optimistic spirit are needed
to correct conditions. By the conclusion of the play
she has joined the voices of protest to help free her

brother. The moment of her awakening is not dramatized

and as a result she is a weak conversion figure.

 

ZSIbido, p. 91-92.

170

Bert Collins is an ordinary young man. His
function, too, is to show that decent young people are
unable to realize their dreams in the face of economic
conditions. Bert, too, is naive, colorless, and in-
active. Just as Helen is a rather romanticized version
of the American working-girl, Bert is her male counter-
part.

In the character of William Davis, however, Rice
succeeds in demonstrating dramatically, what his thesis
hopes to illustrate--that the reactionary factors stifle
protest by force. Davis' attitude at the beginning of
the play is the same as Helen‘s-~that protest is sub-
versive and disloyal. He believes in the future of
the workingman in America, and says, ”I'd like to know
where a workin' man or any other man is any better off
than right here in the U.S.A."26 Increasing hardships
do not seem to alter his belief. After a pay reduction,
he is finally laid off indefinitely, yet, in spite of
all these difficulties, Davis says:

I don't bear Applegate any hard feelin‘s. It ain't
his fault that conditions are bad, any more'n it's

mine. You can‘t blame a man for shuttin' down pro-
duction when he's not gettin' any orders. It ain't
common sense to keep a shop open when you're losin'
money.27

Davis discovers that his optimism has been

self-delusion. He agrees to lead a peaceful protest

 

26 27

Ibid., p. 16. Ibid., p. 152.

 

171
march to Applegate's factory, and is shot down by the
armed guards at the gate. At the end of the play,
Davis is brought into the protest meeting in a wheel-
chair, ”a shrunken figure with a blanket about his
knees."28 Through the character of William Davis,
Rice presents his strongest testimonial to the destruc-
tion of the worker by the social system.

The second group of protagonists is composed
of the protesters. The four members of this group are
alike in that they all serve as raisonneurs, arguing
the author's thesis, and they are intellectuals.

Allen Davis and Mary Klobutsko are far above average
students, and C. Carter Sloane and Morris Hirschbein
are teachers at the university.

Allen Davis is the focal figure of the latter
half of the play. He has shown from the beginning, a
strong dislike of social conditions, and a particular
hatred of war. His attitude is vehement: "Let's kick
the general conditions in the pants and get some new
ones."29 At a street-corner meeting to protest mili-
tarism, Allen defies a policeman who tries to break up
the crowd:

The Policeman: Hey, you, lay off that kind of talk.

Allen: I'll say anything I want to and just try to
stop me.

The Policeman: Yeah, well, you can it, or you'll

 

28Ibid., p. 245 291bid., p. 152.

172

get run in.

Allen: Shut up, you thug.30
Because of this defiant attitude, Allen is victimized
by the police, and convicted of a crime he did not
commit. As Judge Thomas sentences Allen to death, he
articulates the typical reactionary View:

You were born of sober, honest, hardworking parents,

reared in comfort and with loving care. It was to

have been expected of you that you would make some-

thing fine and worthwhile of your life, that you

would embrace the manifold opportunities which

America offers young men of brains-and ability.

And yet, what have you done with your life?31

Rice uses Allen to illustrate the lengths the
system will go to stifle protest. But there are several
difficulties in accepting Allen Davis as an heroic mar-
tyr. There is an annoying tone of adolescent peevish-
ness in his protest. Secondly, Allen‘s innocence of
the murder of the policeman is never made clear, raising
a serious doubt about his being a victim of the system.
Mary Klobutsko resembles Allen in her militant

attitude; however, she emerges as a more interesting
character than Allen even though she appears less fre-
quently in the play. Her dissatisfaction with society
is well motivated--she is the daughter of an immigrant
who died as a result of over-work and the conditions of

slum-living. ‘Mary’s rebellious attitude may be attri-

buted to a deprived childhood.

 

3OIbid., pp. 238-239. 3lIbid., p. 243.

‘J

 

 

173
Maryis militant attitude is somewhat tempered
by her career ambitions and her sentimental feelings.
She anticipated a college education, but had to with-
draw when she realized that college was a "place for
hiding the truth from people, for making the students
satisfied with the present conditions.”32 She developed
an interest in the performing arts in college, and hoped
to become an actress. "That's what I would like to be:
a wonderful actress. Oh, that must be wonderful."33
When she visited Allen at the State Penitentiary, she
returned home and "cried for two days."3“
Yet, in spite of her disillusion with life,
Mary's spirit is not broken. In fact, the intensity
of her protest increases even in the face of death:
Because my lover was not silent, they have told
him he must die. Perhaps they will tell me that
I must die, too. It is the only way they can
make me be silent. Until then, I shall protest,
protest, protest: And when my child is born, I
shall teach it to protegg, too. With my milk it
shall learn to protest.
Through the unborn child, Rice symbolizes the contin-
uation of protest as long as human life exists.
The two professors embody a more enlightened
view than that of the youthful protagonists. Sloane

is a professor of history and Hirschbein a professor

of economics. Sloane particularly functions in the

 

32%” P- 230- 331bid., p. 141.
3lI'DI—‘bj'—d‘.’ p. 231. 3SIbid.’ p. 250.

 

174
play as a raisonneur. He is descended from ”Mayflower”
pilgrims, among them one of the first signers of the
Declaration of Independence. His father was a distin-
guished professor of philosophy at Harvard. Thus
Sloane's protest is not motivated by prejudice or dep-
rivation. Rather he represents the view of the enlight-
ened liberal who believes that protest is necessary:
EWhen] acts . . . are committed in contravention
of those ideals and those rights as guaranteed in
the Constitution [and] deny the noble and humani-
Egfliggdprinciplgs upon whidh our government was

Sloane demonstrates that he lives by his
principles. He refuses to continue teaching at the
university if his protesting voice must be stilled.

In addition, he works actively for a pardon for Allen
Davis because he genuinely believes that the case re-
presents miscarriage of justice. Sloane possessed the
admirable quality of protesting with vigor, confidence
and logic, free of the adolescent emotional defiance
of Allen Davis.

Morris Hirschbein, a Jew, appears in only two
scenes of the play, and is obviously intended to intro-
duce the idea of anti-Semitism in a corrupt social
system. The injustice of his release from the univer-
sity is indicated in his speech:

I have a wife and two small children, Dr. Purdy.

36Ibid., p. 252.

 

175
Do they have to suffer because I don't happen to
believe that men seeking employment should be
murdered in cold blood? 7
Hirschbein's outspokenness seems obnoxious, even though
he is speaking the truth. This quality of candor is
illustrated in an interchange with Senator Gregg:
Is it not a fact that you are a former member of
the banking firm of Drew and Company, which has
underwritten bond issues for at least seven cor-
porations engaged in the manufacture of munitions?
Is it not a fact that you were gormerly a director
of three of these corporations? 8
The readiness with which Hirschbein attributes criticism
of his aggressive quality to his being a Jew, suggests
a paranoid personality. Rice may be saying that even
though a person may be disliked because of his person-
ality, this should never prevent him from exercising
his right of free speech.

Rice has avoided the tendency to treat his
protagonists as paragons. Each has some of that human
quality of misdirection. For example, Helen Davis
momentarily abandons her scruples and has sexual re-
lations with Bert; Allen Davis steals, and also lives
openly with Mary without being married; and Hirschbein
is aggressively obnoxious. Each enlists the admiration

of the audience, however, because each lives by his

principles even in the face of vilification and danger.
The antagonists of We, The People represent

the conservative position of the wealthy class. Where

 

3712331., P. 2014'. 381bid., p. 216.

176
the "agit-props" made use of top-hats, and Odets used
a cigar to symbolize the capitalist, Rice uses subtler
means to delineate his group. Within the group of
five, there is a great variety. Willard Drew and Walter
Applegate are businessmen, Dr. Purdy is a president of a
university, Harry Gregg is a United States Senator, and
Cleveland Thomas is a judge. Purdy, Gregg and Thomas
are shown to be the pawns of business interests repres-
ented by Drew and Applegate. Since such a division of
the group is possible, the businessmen will be treated
first.
Willard Drew appears first in scene iv. Three
important facets of Drew’s character are revealed in
this scene: (1) he is interested in munitions orders
which the Japanese government placed in France; (2) he
favors meeting a stock dividend by cutting workers'
wages; (3) he has much more money than he needs.
The prospect of Drew being involved with muni-
tions manufacture is only suggested in this scene:
Drew: NOW’thiS telegram to our Paris office. Say:
Imperative I have at earliest possible moment
precise information as to orders for munitions
placed in France by Japanese government.

However, it is revealed in scene xvi that Drew has

underwritten bond issues for at least seven corporations

manufacturing munitions. Since Drew profits indirectly

 

39Ibid., p. 38.

177
from war, he becomes one of the most unscrupulous of
businessmen.
By suggesting that the wages of Applegate's

men be cut to meet the stock dividend rather than
taking it from surplus, Drew is shown to be completely
out of sympathy with the workingman. He rationalizes
the decision by making it appear as though he is being
unusually ethical:

But listen old man, we’ve got a duty to the public.

They‘re sitting back waiting to see what action

we're going to take, and if we pass that dividend,

you know what it‘s going to do to the market, don’t

you? It's our duty to maintain public confidence.

. . . You've got to cut wages. . . . You can't

maintain wages in the face of falling commodity

prices.' It's bad business and bad economics. Well,

it's a question of cutting twenty thousand men ten

or fifteen percent or of shutting off the ipgome of

a hundred thousand preferred stock-holders. -
Profit is also threatened by a proposed higher tax on
industry by the government. Rice achieves a partic-
ularly effective irony after Drew has just ordered the
wage cut when he objects to the new tax schedule with
these words, ”You can't expect a man to give his time
and brains if you take all incentive from him."41
Drew's anger is motivated by his view that business
should be protected by the government, and that the
government should therefore, be strongly influenced

by the wants of business. He says, "The interest of

business are the interests of the whole country. When

 

“OIbid., pp. 39-40. “11bid., p. 40.

178

business prospers everybody prospers.”42 Obviously
Drew is being short-sighted here, for his business is
prospering well, but the condition of the country is
intolerable. Drew embodies Rice's indictment that the
government is too strongly connected with private in-
terests to provide a meaningful representation of the
American public.

In spite of Drew's alarmist attitude, it is
clear that his personal income has not suffered as a
result. In fact, Rice attempts to show that rather
than sacrifice his income, he would rather cut away
the incomes of his workers. Drew's daughter is plan-
ning a society wedding in.Westminister Abbey with a
honeymoon on the family yacht. Mrs. Drew intends to
pay half a million dollars for a Titian, but on the
advice of her husband, she agrees upon a bid of one-
quarter million. Drew intends to exert pressure upon
the seller since he is aware of the broker’s financial
position. "I happen to know the gentleman in question
is in financial difficulties. Well, you leave it to
me and I'll get it for you for half."43

Drew has proved somewhat generous in donating
$50,000 to the Mayor's Committee for Unemployment Re—
lief, and another $5,000 to his daughter to help the

Junior Auxiliary fill their quota. However, this

 

42Ibid., p. 161. ”31bid., p. 47.

179
generosity is neutralized by the fantastic expenditure
for the wedding and the painting. Besides, Drew is
made to appear directly responsible for the unemploy-
ment of the men, and therefore should feel ethically
obligated to provide for their welfare.

In a time of precarious financial security for
the worker, Drew lives in a world of society weddings,
dinner parties, art auctions, and trips abroad. Drew
typifies Rice's belief that the rich have much more
money than they need.

Walter Applegate and Willard Drew are closely
allied; Drew is on the board of directors of Applegate’s
manufacturing firm, and both are on the Board of Trustees
of the State University. Applegate possesses a gruff,
antagonistic manner. He maintains, throughout the play,
that the role of government is to protect the business
interests of American industry, particularly with ref-
erence to investments abroad. As such, he advocates
a ready military force to protect American investors:

Let's have less talk about peace and good will and
let's do something about protecting American in-
dustry and the American working-man. we're always
worrying about the foreigner. We'd be a damned
sight better off if we served notice on them that
we mean business, if we had an army and navy that
was ready and willing to protfifit the interests of

the American investor abroad.

This attitude shows him to be an imperialist.

 

44Ibid., p. 160.

180

The three sycophants of Drew and Applegate are
Dr. Purdy, Senator Gregg, and Judge Thomas. Each serves
to support the System which allows the concentration of
wealth and power in the hands of a few. Dr. Purdy is
President of the State University, and renowned for his
scholarly pursuits. He is far from humble, however; in
fact, he is almost unbearably pompous and conceited. A
sample of his speech pattern illustrates this:

Gentlemen, I don't know what to say. I'm really
quite bowled over. But before I attempt to say
anything else, let me thank you from the bottom
of my heart for this most generous demonstration
of your esteem. I am deeply touched, more deeply
than I can tell you. Coming as it does, from.men
whom I esteem in turn, it is most gratifying.4
The sententious cliches are certainly not the mark of
a renowned scholar and educator.

Purdy maintains the belief that he is sacri-
ficing of himself to accept the Presidential nomination.
His own self-esteem prevents him from seeing his position
as a tool of business interests. Purdy is more concerned
with his public image:

It‘s a rather disturbing thought. Still I suppose
if one undertakes to serve the people, one must
suffer a certain amount of popular canonization.
Saint Elbert Purdyz46

Rice further shows Purdy to be self-deluded.

He views himself as a liberal when in reality he is a

staunch conservative. ‘When reprimanding Sloane for his

 

46

”5.1.1219, pp. 171-72. Ibid., p. 198.

181

participation in the student protest meeting, he urges
Sloane to be more conservative and "not allow yourself
to be led astray by these shallow and spurious doctrines
which are abroad at the moment.”1+7 Then, after Sloane
has congratulated him for his success in the Oregon
Presidential primary, Purdy answers:

I am not politically ambitious, Mr. Sloane. I have

consented to enter this campaign only with the hope

pf introducing into the conduct of our publifisaf-

a1rs, an element of en11ghtened 11beral1sm.

One point which must be accorded in Purdy's
favor is his consistent dislike of war and militarism.
However, should Purdy be elected to the Presidency and
war were to threaten, he would be faced with making a
decision based on his own personal belief, or the dic-
tates of those who support him. Fortunately, Rice
does not have him faced with this dilemma. Purdy
emerges as a pompous, rather pathetic figure, self-
deluded and self-enamoured.

Senator Gregg, like Purdy, is a pawn of big
business, supporting the conservative stand. Like
Purdy, he is self-deluded, for he believes that his
career is one of genuine public service. Gregg is
more closely allied with business interests than is

Purdy, since Gregg once served as a partner in Drew

and Company. He is upset about criticism because of

 

”71m” p. 207. 48Ibid., p. 209.

182
this previous association. ”I'm up against the same
thing: cranks and radicals denouncing me as a servant
of the interests simply because I happen to be an ex—
partner of Drew and Company."L‘9 Gregg, however, does
support ”the interests" with especial regard to defense
spending:
I agree with you that the burden of armament must
be reduced. But the responsibility with which we
are entrusted here in Washington makes it impera-
tive that we do not allow our emotions to sweep
us away. We must look before we leap, ladies and
gentlemen. And so long as the other great nations
of the world continue to pile up armaments, a re-
gard for our national security demandssshat we
shall not leave ourselves defenseless.

However, when it is revealed that Gregg served
as chairman of three corporations engaged in the manu—
facture of munitions, one can easily see how much lip
service is given to peace. In fact, Senator Gregg has
learned the value of lip service to any idea, believing
that he can placate both sides by sitting on the fence.
He has developed an equivocal manner which allows him
to shift ground and never become committed to an idea
or a course of action.

Judge Thomas shows little else but that he is
an extreme conservative. Through him, Rice implies
that the courts are more dedicated to the support of

‘the status quo than in dispensing justice. Thomas

(iisplays an unethical emotional slanting in his

 

49%., p. 162. SOIbido, p. 215.

183
summation at the trial of Allen Davis. Because Davis
has defied convention and retained his outspoken voice
of protest, Judge Thomas, along with the rest of the
court, tries Davis for the Opinions he holds rather
than the crime he is charged with:
On the other hand, the testimony of the defendant
and of his corroborating witness is open to the
gravest suspicion. The defendant has a criminal
record. His violent hostility to the police and
his open threats against them have been testified
to by a number of witnesses. His attitude through-
out the trial was one of open defiance of the forces
of law and order. In addition, he has admitted de-
flowering a virgin, under the age of consent. Under
our state statute this constitutes the crime of
rape, one of the gravest offenses known to the law.
And although the defendant was not on trial here
for this crime, it must be taken into account as
bearing on his character and affecting his credi-
bi1ity.51
Judge Thomas supports the police frame-up of Allen
Davis, and protects the conservative minority from
Open criticism, by forceful stilling of a protesting
voice.
All of the antagonists are alike in one re-
spect-~they believe that their efforts are dedicated
to the best interests of the public, when in reality
the "public" has a rather specialized definition for
them. Drew insisted that ”we have a duty to the public,"
but that "public" consisted of preferred stockholders

in Applegate and Company; Applegate believes that gov-

ernment suppression of agitation was a means of pro-

 

51Ibid., p. 241.

‘L

 

 

 

184
tecting the workingman; Senator Gregg serves the
"public” which for him, is that small group of wealthy
businessmen who supported his campaign; Dr. Purdy en-
visions a life of dedication to the "public," also
composed of the wealthy few; and Thomas operates his
courtroom in dedication to justice for the "public"
so long as they are not poor or are not in conflict
with his own conservative viewpoint. Through these
five men, Rice emphatically shows that democracy has
taken a major step toward fascism.

A character who merits special discussion
because of his importance to the propaganda intent, is
Reverend Williamson. ‘Williamson is the closest Rice
comes to creating a conversion figure. Williamson is
a sympathetic but reticent person who learns that only
through protest can one attempt to restore those rights
which belong to every American citizen. Early in the
play he "straddles the fence” between the conservative
Protestant tradition, and his own innate liberal bent.
He says, in response to his encouragement of the Negro
servant, Steve, "I always encourage every man to speak
his mind, Sarah. It's educational?"52 He comes from
a tradition of liberal—thinkers, particularly with re-
gard to racial prejudice. "I have a family leaning

towards the black man. My grandfather was one of the

 

521bid., p. 60.

185
first Abolitionists--a close friend, in fact, of
William Lloyd Garrison."53
In spite of his liberal leanings, however, he

speaks the cliches of the stereotyped clergyman. He
cautions Steve, the rebellious Negro, that ”pride is
a deadly sin . . . ," and later, when Donald Collins
announces his decision to join the marines, Williamson
advises him:

God bless you and keep you. And remember one thing,

my boy, you'll find many temptations where you’re

going. Try to keep your mind and your body clean.5u

Reverend Williamson joins a delegation repre-

senting the League for World Peace-~a group advocating
total disarmament-~and protests arms spending in an
interview with Senator Gregg. Williamson becomes in—
creasingly outspoken, and at the protest meeting to
free Allen Davis, acts as chairman. A sampling of his
language at this point indicates a new-found protest-
ing voice:

Yes, let us give Allen Davis a chance to live:

And let us in freeing him, give a message of hope

to imprisoned youth everywhere-~imprisoned by

fetters of pggerty, or ignorance, of racial dis-

cr1m1nat10n.
Later in the same scene, he denounces American inter-

vention in Haiti:

Are we to waste these strong, eager, beautiful

 

53Ibid. 5“Ibid., p. 116.

551bid., p. 248.

186

young lives-~allow them to be ground out by cruelty

and injustice? I could tell you of one such wasted

young 1ife--a youth dear to me, as though he were

my own son, thrown away, squandered ruthlessly in

the service of imperialistic greed.
As further proof of his liberalized attitude, he intro-
duces Mary Klobutsko as "a young woman who in every
sense but a strictly legal one, has the right to call
herself the wife of Allen Davis."57 With the under-
standing that Allen and Mary were living together
without marriage, the above statement by a clergyman,
indicates an unusually liberal attitude.

Reverend Williamson's discovery is that if one
is truly Christian, he must speak out against injustice
or live a life of hypocrisy. As such, he is a testament
to Rice’s belief that protest is good rather than bad.
Rice also provides a personal motivation for William-
son's conversion--the death of Donald Collins. The
seeds of his conversion are planted early in the play,
and his awareness and awakening are thoroughly moti-
vated. However, Williamson is at best, a minor figure

in the play, and little emphasis is placed upon his

conversion.

Structure

The structure of We,_The People is episodic.

 

There are twenty scenes with thirteen different locales.

The unities of time, place and action are disregarded

 

56Ibid., p. 250. 57Ibid., p. 248.

187
in favor of a loosely-structured and sprawling play.
Rice freely uses time since the action spans about a
year. Unity of action is violated as three major lines
of action are present in the play.

The play may be broken into three large segments
unified by the plot line contained in each. Rice does
not indicate act divisions, but these three segments
correspond to the three-act structure. The first seg-
ment contains scenes i through vi, and centers on the
love affair of Helen Davis and Bert Collins. This
segment culminates with the establishment of a sexual
relationship between Bert and Helen. In a very broad
sense, this part is unified by place, sincerthese
scenes all take place in the same city, and in places
immediately connected with the lives of the two focal
figures. Time is not a unifying factor in this segment.

The second segment centers upon the hardship of
the Davis family. It encompasses scenes vii through
xiii, with scene xiii providing a transition to the
third segment. Four of the seven scenes occur in the
Davis living room, and each shows another step in the
destruction of the family. The scenes intervening
(there is an alternating pattern of a scene in the
Davis house followed by a scene elsewhere), deal with

sub-plots and indicate a passage of time. Taken as a

unit, the scenes concentrating upon the Davis family

 

188
provide a carefully-planned sequence. Scene vii shows
Mr. Davis experiencing a ten percent salary reduction;
in scene ix the bank closes, wiping out the family
savings; scene xi finds Mr. Davis unemployed and
Allen Davis forced to withdraw from college, and the
family forced to take in a boarder to make ends meet.
The second segment provides the closest unity of place
found in the play because of the constant returning to
the Davis house. Even so, the intervening scenes tend
to diminish the unity of the whole.

Scene xiii is a transitional scene; it climaxes
the hardships of the Davis family in the arrest of
Allen Davis for stealing coal, however, this is also
the generating incident for the plot of the last sec-
tion of the play. The third part includes scenes xiii
through xx and centers upon Allen Davis' destruction
at the hands of the power structure. The third portion
of the play does present a development in concept, if
not a logical progression of plot, in that it follows
a section which shows the destruction of the family by
"the system," with one which shows the destruction of
the individual by this same "system." Section three
is least effectively unified. Unity of place provides
little assistance since all of the eight scenes occur
in different places, and so far as scenes xvii through

xx are concerned, the relationship of the locale to the

rest of the play, is unknown.

189

The structure of we, The People then, shows two
half-completed units with a complete unit between them.
The first section begins after the action has been ini-
tiated, picking up the plot thread after Bert and Helen
have been engaged for some time. The center unit is a
complete one showing how the fortunes of the Davis fam-
ily change from relative prosperity to severe adversity.
The final section ends with the fate of Allen Davis un-
decided. One is constantly reminded that We, The People
bears stronger resemblance to a novel than a play.

Since most of the scenes are scenes of exposition, this
form may have aided Rice in his purpose.

The scenes which are not directly related to the
three lines of plot previously mentioned, are carefully
chosen to show certain characters in their typical en—
vironment. For example, Willard Drew is shown in his
luxurious office carrying out the daily activities of
a business tycoon.

The second important function of the locale is
to provide an ironic commentary upon the content of the
scene. Scene i of the play, for example, is set in a
schoolroom. As Helen and Mr. Volterra discuss the
problems of democracy, the setting displays pictures
of George Washington, and The Battle of the Monitor
and the Merrimac. The schoolroom is the place where

children are first taught the ideals of democracy.

190

A protest meeting to abolish war, which ends
in violence, is held in a public park at the base of
a monument inscribed: "To the memory of those who fell
in the World War”; the final scene is a protest meeting
held in an auditorium with the stage backed by a large
American flag. Unfortunately, Rice is not consistent
in his use of setting as an ironic commentary upon the
content of the scene; for example, Senator Gregg's
office in the Senate Office Building in Washington,
does not specify any details of setting which might
accomplish the same ironic commentary so well handled
in other scenes.

Some attention must be given to the obligatory
scene-~the final scene of the play. First of all, the
two groups outlined in the play do not come to a clash,
diminishing the dramatic effect of the climax. Rice,
instead, substitutes the audience for his antagonists,
and makes use of speeches made directly to them. The
effect is one of berating the audience to awaken them
to action. Here, Rice breaks the entire pattern of
his play. That pattern consisted of realistic scenes,
representational in character. The final scene is
presentational in style, out of keeping with the rest

of the play.

Several of the plays in this study have shown

the triumphant militant conclusion. We, The People,

191
on the other hand, shows righteous indignation at

defeat. In this respect it is similar to They Shall

 

Not Die.58 The audience should leave the theatre

determined to right injustice.

Dialogue

 

Rice's use of the episodic form and multiple
plots, presents a major problem in the use of dialogue-~
the handling of exposition. Rice uses time freely in
the play; there are frequent time lapses between scenes.
The author is thereby obligated to show in each new
scene, what has happened in the interim. The sequence
of scenes in the middle portion of the play illustrates
this well. In scene vii, William Davis reveals that he
has had to take a salary cut, and in the following scene
involving the family, the bank has failed. Scene xi
again returns to the family after another lapse of
time. In this interim Davis has lost his job, Allen
has withdrawn from college, and the Davises have taken\
in a boarder. In scene xiii the mortgage has been fore-
closed. In each case the audience must be informed of
the present status of the family’s affairs.

Rice is aware of his problems in exposition,
and attempts to break up long sequences of exposition

by introducing a momentary diverting action. A good

 

58mg, Chapter VI, pp. 142-143,

192
example occurs in scene iii as Bert and Helen are sit~
ting in the park discussing their situation. Another
couple passes in the midst of a violent argument:
The Man: 0h, is that so?
The Woman: Yes, that's so.
The Man: A hell of a lot you know about it!

The Woman; 'Well, I know more about it than you
do--an' how do you like that?

The Man: Aw, you give me a stiff pain—~an’ I
don't mean in the neck, either:

The Woman: Yeah? well, maybe a good swift kick
in the same place would do you a lot 0' good:59

The subject of their argument is never known, and
neither appears again in the play, but their presence
in this scene breaks up the expoSitory sequence with
a bit of humor.

The quality of the dialogue of We, The People
is mundane. The language seldom rises above the ordinary
functional use of language. Rice rarely creates any
fresh use of language, evocative description, or other
poetic turns. The last scene of the play marks the one
place in which the rhetorical eloquence raises the dia-
1ogue to a slightly higher plane.

Much of the dialogue bears a strong resemblance
to serialized afternoon dramas. In many ways, Rice's
play resembles this genre, although the treatment of

his theme raises it above them. Examples taken at

 

59Rice, We, The People, pp. 31—32.

193

random illustrate this:

1.

Helen: There are other things to think about,
too.

Bert: What?

Helen: Lots of things.

Bert: You mean a baby?

Helen: Yes.

Bert: But darling, if we're careful--
Helen: Yes, I know.

Bert: There’s nothing to be afraid of, dear--
truly there isn’t.

Helen: No, Bert, I can't.

Bert: Well, if you don't want to--

Helen: Oh, darling, I do want to--I do.6O
Bert: Hello, Mr. Williamson.

Williamson: Good evening, Bert.

Bert: Hello, Mother.

Mrs. Collins: (beginning to sob) Oh, Berti

Bert: Don't Mother, don't. It's all right,
Mother. Don't cry.

Mrs. Collins: 0h, Bert, Bert, what's going to
become of us?

Bert: Never mind, Mother, never mind.61
Allen: Hello, Mary.
Mary (Surprised and overjoyed): Allen: No}

Allen: How are you, Mary? Gee, but I'm glad
to see you.

 

6OIbid., pp. 34-35. 61$2i§ga PP- 98-99-

194

Mary: Oh, I am so glad to see you, too. I

just wrote you a long letter. I didn't expect

to see you yet for ten days.

Allen: They gave me ten days off for good

behavior. I just got out this morning. My

family doesn't even know I'm out. I haven‘t
been home yet.

Surprisingly, Rice's dialogue is most pedestrian
in the moments of tenderness and sentimentality. There
is some improvement in the argument scenes, and his dia-
1ogue is best in the final scene. Before an analysis
is made it is well to note that the speeches in this
scene do not represent conventional dialogue. There is
no interchange between characters. Each of the speakers
delivers a speech to the audience, and thus the language
functions not as dramatic dialogue, but as persuasive
rhetoric.

Rice makes frequent appeals to oppression, in-
justice and patriotism. More specifically, he uses the
propagandist’s Bandwagon appeal early in the scene, by
having Williamson call attention to the vastness of the
reaction against Allen Davis' conviction:

These rumors of doubt have echoed around the world.
In Paris, in Geneva, in Hamburg, in Vienna, in
Buenos Aires, in Mexico City, popular feeling has
made itgglf articulate in sharp tones of indig-
nation.

He follows this with a patriotic appeal to the American

sense of pride in justice and fair play:

 

62.1.1219... pp. 225-226. 63Ibid., p. 246,

195

My friends, we cannot shut our ears to those re—

verberations. Our love of America, our pride in

its fair name demand that we be jealgus of the

integrity of our judicial processes. 4
Throughout the scene, Rice relies on this common love
of America as a means of maintaining rapport between
speaker and audience.

There follow testimonials of various kinds.

Helen Davis testifies to Allen's character, and Mary
Klobutsko offers her life as a poverty-stricken im-
migrant, as testimonial to the evils of the capital-
istic system:

I was not born in America. I was born in Poland.

In 1920, when I was a little girl, I came here.

In Poland there was civil war and starvation. My

father came here to find freedom and food for his

family. To America, to the land of plenty. What

did he find? He found starvation and death. Days

he worked in a sweatshOp and nights he lived in a

slum, until he coughed ggay his lungs and died.

It is so with millions.
Reverend Williamson follows these testimonials with an
appeal to religion. "As the servant of One Who made
the weary and the heavy-laden His especial care, the
fervent plea of this child moves me to deep commiser-
ation."66

Sloane closes the play with a lengthy speech.

His opening appeal is to past glory, building upon the

common bond of patriotism which has already been estab-

lished. An appeal to the flag is the height of his

 

6“.I_bi_d- 651bid., p. 249. 66Ibid., p. 250.

196
emotionalism:
I was taught to love and to venerate the flag. And
I do love and venerate it. For me, it has always
been a symbol of the ideals of freedom, of justice,
of equality and opportunity, of those unalienable
rightg of life, liberty and the pursuit of happi-
ness. 7
Sloane then moves to a series of emotionally loaded
rhetorical questions designed to build tension:
In the name of humanity, ladies and gentlemen, in
the name of common-sense, what is society for, if
not to provide for the safety and well-being of the
men and women who compose it? . . . Does that mean
a denial of the rights of assemblage and free
speech? Does that mean millions without employ-
ment or the means to provide themselves with food
and shelter?68
The closing appeal is very restrained. In it
Rice presents his course of action. He calls upon the
entire audience to make an effort to restore America to
its original ideals. Rice does not suggest a definite
means of accomplishing his aim, but rather, suggests
that the first step is for each member of the audience
to examine his own conscience. Without personal com-
mitment to the cause of free speech and belief in the

equality of all men, no progress will be made in the

correction of these injustices.

 

5711329.” p- 252. 68Ibid., p. 253.

CHAPTER VIII

THE AMERICAN WAY

Introduction

The American Way, by George S. Kaufman and

 

Moss Hart, produced in 1939, was one of the most suc-
cessful prOpaganda plays in the American theatre; it
enjoyed a run of 244 performances. The success was
partly due to the nature of the propaganda. Ihg_

American Way, unlike the liberal—radical messages of

 

many early Depression plays, emphasized patriotic
spirit, and glorified freedom and democracy in America.
Propaganda plays of a similar nature had been
produced sporadically on Broadway. The Theatre Guild
produced The Ghost of Yankee Doodle, by Sidney Howard,
in 1937, and Phillip Barry's Liberty Jones in 1941.
Howard's play dealt with a wealthy family's realization
that war is not the best solution to the problems of
the Depression, but is the lesser of two evils when
compared with the alternate choice-~a revolution as
advocated by the communists. Barry's allegorical play
demonstrated the destruction of fascism by democracy.
The Playwright's Company produced more plays
of national spirit than any other group between 1937

197

198
and 1941. Beginning with the pOpular success, Apg_
Lincoln in Illinois, by Robert Sherwood, the Playwright's
Company produced three other patriotic plays. Elmer Rice
offered American Landscape in 1938, and Flight to the
prp.in 1940. American Landscape concerned the proposed
sale of an old New England farm to an American Nazi org-
anization. The ghosts of famous Americans return to
convince the family that democracy must be guarded
against fascism.

Flight to the West was a melodrama set on a

 

trans-Atlantic airliner. It dealt with the necessity
of America's involvement in the war to protect demo;
cratic ideals. The play enjoyed a run of 168 perform-
ances. The Theatre Guild joined the Playwright’s
Company and together they produced Maxwell Anderson's

Candle in the Wind in 1941. Although not set in

 

America, the play did show that Americans were willing

to fight fascism to protect freedom and democracy.
Analysis of The American.Way

Synopsis

Martin.Gunther, a German immigrant cabinet-
maker, brings his wife, Irma, and his two children,
Lisa and Karl, to settle in.Mapleton, Ohio, in 1896.
The play spans forty-two years in his life, from 1896

to 1938, as he rises from a one-man shop, to owner of

several large furniture factories. He becomes a

199
respected and revered citizen of the town. Gunther’s
life in America covers all the accomplishments and
crises faced by the country. The crises of the country
also become the crises of the family. Karl is killed
in the First World War, and Gunther loses his entire
fortune in the bank failure of the Depression. Finally,
Gunther, himself, is killed by fascist fanatics as he
attempts to prevent his grandson, Karl Jr., from joining
a German-American radical group. Throughout the play,
Gunther never loses his faith in America and the right-

ness of democracy.

Persuasive Purpose

 

The American Way presents the thesis that
American democracy has survived crises in the past,
and will continue to survive because loyal citizens are
willing to die, if necessary, to protect its ideals.
The vehicle for this message is the dramatization of
the life of Martin Gunther. The crises faced by the
Gunther family are the crises faced by America itself.
Two major emergencies are shown: America's entry into
the First World War, and the Depression. By emphasizing
.America's recovery from difficulties in the past, the
authors build confidence for the successful weathering
of the current threat of another war. Kaufman and Hart
use a portion of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's inaugural

address as the keynote of the play:

200

This great Nation will endure as it has
will revive and will prosper. . . . Our
comes from no failure of substance. We
by no plague of locusts. Compared with
which our forefathers conquered because
and were not afraid, we have still much

endured,
distress

are stricken
the perils
they believed
to be thank-

ful for. . . . The money changers have fled from
their high seats in the temple of our civilization.

We may now restore that temple to the
truths . . .1

Near the end of the play, as Martin Gunther

fascist group, he reiterates this idea:

ancient

faces the

Think: Think what you are doing: There are not
many countr1es left that are free: If this country
goes down, what will men do? Where else can men

go? Do not do this thing, I beg of you:

Do not

bring this madness over here: You will not starve
in this country. There will be jobs again, just as
there have been in the past. This is not our first
crisis: Read: Read the history of America: Again
and again we have fought our way through. . . .
Democracy is ppp_finished; it still exists in many
countries 0 the world, and we are not going to

let it die:

The thesis of the play is optimistic even though

conditions were bleak. No indictment of society is pre-

sented; no radical method is asserted; no specific solu-

tion is offered to the problems of the Depression or

war. Rather, the authors seem to accept crisis as a

matter of course, and that time and faith are the re-

quirements to endure. Also, because American citizens

have remained loyal in the face of despair, the United

States has successfully weathered crisis where other

 

1George S. Kaufman and Moss Hart, The American

 

Way (New York: Random House, 1939), p. 121.

2Ibid., p. 152.

201
countries have failed.

America's strength lies in her devotion to the
principles of freedom, and her weakness is a lack of
faith in democracy as an adjunct of freedom. Thus the
conflict presented in the play is ideological--1oyalty
versus disloyalty. The successful weathering of crises
depends upon the complete unification of the American
people. The ability to survive future crises is ser-
iously threatened by disunity. This conflict is best
shown when Karl Gunther Jr., Martin’s grandson, confronts
Gunther with the challenge that the old forms no longer
have meaning:

You're living in the past--the world's moving. You
don't know what's going on. we've got different

problems now. Ansthe same old system can't meet
them any longer.

Go back-~wave the flag. Let the bands play. But

if you stop listening to "The Star Spangled Banner"

for a minute, you can hear thi§ whole rotten sys-

tem.crashing around your ears.
His despair seems justified in the face of the Depres-
sion, yet the authors deplore his attitude as dangerous.
Even if the problems of society are different with each
generation, loyalty to American democracy is the only
way that they may be solved in the opinion of Kaufman
and Hart.

A last consideration of the theme of The American

Way is that loyalty must be more than mere lip service.

 

31bid. ’ p. 143.

 

202
Americans must be willing to die to preserve freedom.
It is most emphatically shown in Martin’s death at the
hands of the fascist fanatics. His death is fore-
shadowed by previous references to the idea of death
for liberty. In scene ii of Act II, Samuel Brockton
tells Martin of his pride that his ancestors died to
preserve freedom. Martin responds, "It's not a bad
thing to die for, Mr. Brockton—~freedom."4 As the
First World War faces the country, Martin urges his
son to fight, despite the objections of his wife. The
boy is killed. Out of his death comes hope for a world
without war and suffering.

Martin reiterates the idea as he challenges the
fascists. ”My son . . . died for this country, and I
would rather see this boy [Karl Jré] dead than here
tonight."5 In the final scene of the play, Samuel
Brockton delivers the eulogy at Martin's funeral. In
it he shows that the authors wished Martin's death to
be exemplary, rather than a tragic waste:

He had a deep and simple faith in the goodness of
his fellow-men, and he died fighting for that which
he felt gave meaning to life-~for that which made
it rich and beautiful-~Freedom. He died for the

thing he loved--his country.

I see in the life of Martin G nther, and even in
his death, high hope for America. It will go on,
this country, so long as we keep it6alive for the
thing that Martin Gunther died for.

 

“Ibid., p. 41. 51bid., p. 152.
6Ibid., p. 155.

203
Gunther's death, then, is the highest tribute he could
have paid his country, and since it is equated with the
finest kind of patriotism, it represents the means by
which each American may prove his loyalty.

Although Kaufman and Hart have not gone beyond
patriotic cliches in their play, they have succeeded in
their purpose-~to instill in the audience a feeling of
intense patriotic spirit in a time when American secur-
ity was threatened. The glorification of the past, the
insistence that dissent is disloyal, and the implication
that war may be the only means of stopping fascism in-
dicates the propaganda to be conservative rather than

liberal.

The Audience

Kaufman and Hart wrote The American Way for the
audience of the commercial Broadway theatre. Since the
play is intended as a patriotic glorification of America,
it should appeal to a very wide audience. Since there
is little persuasion to convert radicals, the authors
are indifferent to their presence. The production of
the play during the New York World's Fair of 1939, may
have found an audience in many non-New Yorkers visiting

the city.

Characterization
In spite of a large cast, The American Way

focuses upon a single protagonist, Martin Gunther.

204
This fact makes the play unique among the plays in this
study. Focus is admirably maintained; Gunther appears
in virtually every scene of the play.

In spite of this, Gunther‘s character lacks
depth and dimension. This is perhaps due to the
authors' use of him as a symbol of the abstraction,
"American spirit." Although Gunther experiences a
full life, there is no change or development of him
as a person. He comes to America full of the love of
this country, rather eager and sentimental, and his
attitude never changes. Even in times of stress,Gunther
does not falter or despair.

Since Martin Gunther is not a native-born.Amer-
ican, it is ironic that the authors use him to symbolize
the spirit of America. Perhaps they felt that an im-
migrant could better see the wonderful opportunities in
America since he freely chose to live here. Another
speculation is that all Americans can trace their an-
cestry to a foreign country, and thus Gunther symbolizes
America as a "melting pot" of many peoples.

One fact which aids the playwrights is the
rapidity with which Gunther becomes integrated into
American life. He learns English in one year, studies
American history, and adopts American customs rather
than clinging to those of his birthplace. His person-
ality is an asset to this integration, for he quickly

demonstrates that he is trustworthy, humble, and kind.

205
He befriends Samuel Brockton when Mrs. Brockton dies;
becomes public—spirited and finances the fireworks
display at the annual Fourth of July picnic; and re-
tains the human touch even though he becomes a wealthy
businessman.

That Gunther has irrevocably broken all ties
with his native country is most dramatically illustrated
when he urges his son, Karl, to join the army and fight
the Germans in World War I:

Irma, Liebshen, he must go. This is our country,
Irma, and I am proud that we have a son to go.
‘We cannot divide our allegiance, Irma-~we are

either Germans or we are Americans, and I say we
are Americans: . . .7

 

At another point in the play, the leader of the Nazi
group challenges Gunther's loyalty to the United States,
since he is a native-born German. Martin responds, "I
am a German--yes£ But that does not matter. I could
be Russian, Italian, anything-~I am an Americanl”8
Gunther's most impressive characteristic is
his honesty. Early in the play, when he is still
working in a small shop adjoining his living quarters,
he is refused a large furniture order because of his
friendship with Winifred Baxter, the local suffragette.
Rather than destroy that friendship, he risks the can-
cellation the the order even though it means hard times

for his family. Martin explains that his action is a

 

7Ibid., p. 88. 8Ibid., p. 152.

206
matter of principle:

Martin: But in a way I am like you. A little bit
stubborn. I do not like even Mrs. Samuel Brockton
to tell me who my customers should be.

Winifred: Well, that's fine if you can afford it,
but remember I'm not exactly popular in this town.
I'm considered not quite a lady. I'm what they call
a radical, you know, and Mrs. Brockton and a number
of other ladies don't happen to like that . . .

Martin: . . . This is a free country—~no? You have
the right to chain yourself to lamp-posts; I have
the right to choose my customers. No?

Samuel Brockton is bewildered, but impressed, with
Martin’s show of principle:

Brockton: You threw a thousand-dollar order away
just because—~(He shakes his head, mystified). Why
did you do it, anyhow?

Martin: I don't know, Mr. Brockton. I must do what
I think is right. Do not misunderstand me~~I did
not like to throw away that order. But if you will
forgive my saying so, Mrs. Brockton was not fair.
Miss Baxter has a right to what she thinks even if
that is different from what Mrs. Brockton thinks.
All my life, Mr. Brockton, my one idea was to come
to America. Why? Because then n3 one can tell me
what I must do, how I must think. 0

Because of this integrity, a lifetime friendship is
formed between the two men.

Although Martin Gunther rises to become a titan
of big business, he never loses the common touch. His
workers respect him for it:

A Third Man: He's a good boss. First man in this
town to give you time and a half for overtime.

A Fourth: 'Well, it ain't so long ago pp_was at the
bench himself.

 

91bid., pp. 36-37. lOIbid., pp. 40-41.

207
The Second Man: Did you see him finish off that
chair yesterday? Better than I could have done
it.11
Even with age and prosperity, Martin does not forget
his start as a common worker. In a nostalgic moment,
he tells Irma:
Yes, sometimes I think I am back in the shop again.
I have to pinch myself. You know what I did today,
Irma? I went into the factory and made him a train.
I can still make a pretty good train, Irma.

The authors have made Gunther's integration
facile. He seems to fit by nature into a white, Protes-
tant, conservative small town. Like others in the play,
he admires a dissenting voice like Miss Baxter's, so
long as the roots of conservatism are not seriously
challenged. In addition, Gunther has the advantage of
being a capitalist in a capitalistic country, an ad-
vantage not enjoyed by a majority of immigrants.13
Gunther then, is not typical. If this is the case,
the authors' justification of him as the "Spirit of
Americanism” is open to serious question. Obviously,
Kaufman and Hart did not intend their audience to
challenge this, but rather, wished to show two things:
(1) the amalgamation of many different nationalities

is uniquely American, and (2) the free enterprise sys-

tem in America offers opportunity for even immigrants

 

llIbid., p. 44. lZIbid., p. 107.

13See for example, the picture of the immigrant
as shown in We, The People, Supra, p. 195.

208
to achieve wealth and position.

Martin Gunther achieves this position not be-
cause of ambition but because a loyal person is rewarded.
Gunther is not aggressive; in fact, he says he would be
contented with a two or three-man shop, but because he
is a fine and loyal American, he is rewarded under the
free enterprise system. Gunther is more acted upon than
active, a frequent fault of symbolic characters.

The protagonist of the drama has been isolated
as an abstraction-~American spirit; the antagonist, then,
becomes the spirit of un-Americanism. The clash of these
abstractions is strongest at times of crisis. In each
case, Martin defeats the spurious attitudes with his
indomitable faith. After the loss of the anticipated
furniture order from.Nrs. Brockton, Irma suggests that
the life they anticipated in America may not material-
ize:

Irma: Martin . . . maybe we should go back.
Perhaps America is.n6t.good for us: . O . . . . .
Martin: No, no, Irma. Whatever happens we stay

in America. Why did we come here? we do not want
our Karl to be used just for an army like me. Like
my father. No, Irma, we do not give up. It is
worth working for-~these things-~for our children
and for us, both},4

At another time of crisis, as the citizens of the town

force the closing of the Mapleton bank, Martin offers

his entire business as a vote of confidence in America.

 

luKaufman and Hart, The American Way, p. 35.

209
Although he loses everything, he still does not despair.
The conflicting attitude is most strongly shown
in the character of Karl Gunther, Jr. Karl believes
that the American system is no longer salvageable.
Having grown to manhood during the Depression, Karl is
understandably bitter. The difficulty with Karl's char-
acter is that it is not clear why he is ready to accept
fascism as the solution to his problems. After Martin
has been killed trying to prevent Karl from joining the
fascist group, Karl is convinced that his attitude was
incorrect; Martin's death has saved Karl. "Grandpa!
Grandpa: It wasn't all for nothing: If you could only
know that: If you could only know that: "15
Only once does Martin's confidence seem to

falter. After his son has been killed in the war,
Martin remarks, "Soldier heroes . . . I hope it was
not all a waste. I hope he did not die for nothing.”16
In this case, it is Irma who reminds him of his ideal,
obviously having profited from his good example:

Perhaps it is not all a loss, Martin. Maybe the

world learns a little bit from all this. Maybe

when Karl's sonlis a man he finds a better world

than Karl knew.

Of the peripheral characters in the play, the

most interesting is Winifred Baxter. Miss Baxter cam-

paigns avidly for women's suffrage, and is labeled a

 

lSIbid., p. 155. 16Ibid., p. 92.
17Ibid., p. 93.

210
radical because of it. She is a divorcee, she smokes,
and she drives an automobile, all of which.were con-
sidered somewhat suspect at the time. She is the
stereotyped "emancipated" woman. But by no means is
she intended to be a radical in the subversive sense;
her loyalty is never a question. When the country is
at war, she joins the Overseas Ambulance Corps.
All of Winifred's "radical" activities are
tolerated in a good-natured spirit, and she, herself,
retains a fine sense of humor. She tells Martin:
You're going to lose another customer everytime I
chain myself to a lamp-post, and you'll lose 'em
by the dozen week after next when I go on a hunger
strike in Senator Fletcher's bedroom. Don't let
that get around yet.

After the vote for women has become a reality, she

evaluates her campaign with characteristic good humor:
Say, it wasn't so long ago that I_was the younger
generation. 'Votes for'Women'--remember? Shocked
everybody. ‘Well, that's all over now. The ladies
have got their vote. And what was the first thing
they did with it after all my struggles? They
elected Warren G. Harding President of the United
States.

As a result, Winifred Baxter emerges as a somewhat

eccentric, but thoroughly likeable person.

Winifred Baxter abandons her "radical" ideas
as she mellows with age, andtunzso surprisingly,

becomes a successful businesswoman. It is strongly

implied that the most sensible outlet for her rebel-

 

181219.. p- 37. l91bid., p. 108.

211
lious spirit was to find some "useful" enterprise to
occupy her efforts. She opens the first beauty shop
in Mapleton and it is an instant success.

Through the character of Winifred Baxter, the
authors seem to be saying that freedom of expression is
a reality, so long as it remains relatively harmless.
Also, since Kaufman and Hart glorify the free enterprise
system in America, they are consistent in showing that
Winifred Baxter finds fulfillment as a successful
businesswoman.

There are three disagreeable characters in the
play, and none of them occupies a position of importance.
Mrs. Samuel Brockton is the wealthy snob, a stereotype

of the nouveau riche matron. Mrs. Brockton is a contrast

 

to the Gunthers, for although they have amassed as much
wealth as she, they do not lose their common touch.

Two young fascists appear in the last scenes of
the play. Ed Lorenz is a sinister young man who speaks
and acts insolently. The Leader of the fascist group
is not given a name, and the only suggestion of char-
acter is to show him to be mentally unbalanced. The
authors indicate that his speeches are given in "the
voice of a fanatic." Perhaps an association with Hitler
was intended, although this is not made explicit. A
more plausible purpose is to show that fascism is danger-

ous because it attracts fanatics. In no way can either

of these men be considered antagonists in the conven~

212

tional dramatic sense.

Structure

 

The American Way is constructed in two acts

 

containing many scenes. The flow of action, however,
is never impeded, since the authors have utilized the
fluid production style of musical comedy. The staging
specifies a forestage, two side stages, and a large
inner stage, all of which are capable of being used in
isolation or in various combinations. The pattern of
the scenes--a long scene played on the full stage and
a short scene played in front of the act curtain, or
on one of the side stages~~is a form used frequently
by musical comedy. The short scenes facilitate the
changing of settings without an awkward break. The
advantage of this style is that the compression of
time, so necessary in the dramatized biography, is
greatly aided. Also, a variety of stage locales pro-
vides visual variety.

Specific stylistic elements increase the re-

semblance of The American Way to musical comedy. The

 

play makes use of songs, dances, and parades. In Act 1,
scene ii, two young men of the Gay Nineties sing a duet
to "I Don't want to Play in Your Yard" as they pass
through the town square; at the annual Fourth of July
outing a community sing features songs popular in

1908; the children of the Gunthers gather with their

213
friends and sing favorite songs of 1914 as they sit on
the veranda on a warm summer’s night. These examples
are by no means exhaustive. Songs are used throughout
the entire play.

Dances occur at the Fourth of July outing as a
local song and dance man performs his act, and two towns-
people do a satiric vaudeville act; and on the terrace
of the Mapleton Country Club, at the opening of Act II,
couples are dancing popular dances of the twenties. The
parades may be thought of as a kind of dance since their
movements in formation resemble dance. During scene ii
of Act 1, two political parades supporting McKinley and
Bryan march into the town square; another parade signals
the audience of the Hoover campaign in scene ii of Act
II; and a large parade accompanies the return of the
soldiers after the Armistice of World War I, in scene
xii of Act I. The assembly of the young fascists in
scene vi of Act II is done in a dance-like formation.

The importance of music in the play is twofold:
first it aids in setting time, and secondly it inten-
sifies emotional spirit. Since there is a free compres—
sion of time between scenes, the establishment of the
time of a scene is often set by the music. The songs
at the Fourth of July picnic are popular songs of 1908,

and they indicate that time has passed without requiring
awkward exposition. "Tipperary” is readily recognized

as a song of World War I, thus the audience is told that

214
the country is now at war. "Ramona," played by the
Country Club dance band, sets the scene in the late
twenties, indicating that about ten years have elapsed
since Act I concluded.

A last consideration of the use of song is the
emotionalism created by the use of patriotic songs. At
the opening of the play, as the immigrant ship ap-
proaches, the band plays "My Country 'Tis of Thee."

In the schoolroom scene, the children again sing the
song. During the World War I episode, songs such as
”Over There,” "Keep the Home Fires Burning," and "Long,
Long Trail," though not strictly patriotic, are so rem-
iniscent of the war effort that they take on the feeling
of patriotic songs. When Lindbergh successfully crosses
the Atlantic, the Country Club orchestra plays "Yankee
Doodle,” and at Martin's funeral, in the last scene of
the play, the curtains close with the assembled cast
singing "The Star Spangled Banner.” Considering the
authors' purpose--to glorify American spirit-~no better
means of achieving a receptive emotional mood could be
employed than the singing of patriotic songs.

Music was seen to be a valuable aid in setting
the time of a scene and thus facilitating exposition.
Kaufman and Hart also make use of signs, banners and
placards to achieve the same effect. During the
McKinley~Bryan campaign scene, the actors carry pla~

cards with popular election slogans. This is repeated

215
in the Hoover campaign scene, and in the scene in which
the soldiers assemble to fight in the First World'War.
Slogans associated with the war effort are carried on
placards by the crowd: "Remember the Lusitania," "Lick
a Thrift Stamp and Lick the Kaiser," and "Mapleton Eats
Liberty Cabbage," are examples.

The Fourth of July picnic opens with a large
banner over the speaker's stand which says: "Mapleton
Annual Outing July 4th, 1908." The audience can im-
mediately see that five years have elapsed since the
preceding scene. In scene iii of Act II, "For Sale"
signs in the stores, and a large banner stretched over
the square proclaiming: "Give To The Community Chest.
Remember The Needy," indicate the Depression has hit
Mapleton. In scene v of Act II, the occasion of the
Gunther's fiftieth wedding anniversary is proclaimed
by a great arch of carnations arranged to spell "Golden
Wedding." The use of placards and banners gives the
play a unique style, which is its most admirable
feature.

The arrangement of the scenes in The American
Wpy_follows no particular pattern. In a very general
way, both Act I and Act II are structured alike. Each
of them dramatizes a minor crisis followed by a major
crisis which concludes the act. In Act I, the minor
crisis is the loss of the furniture order. After this

crisis has been weathered, the Act concludes with the

216
climactic scene of the loss of the Gunther's only son
in the war. Act II shows the bank failure of the
Depression as the first crisis, followed by the death
of Martin Gunther which climaxes the play.

A second characteristic which makes the acts
resemble one another is that the scene of strongest
climax always follows the scene of tenderest sentiment.
For example, the family argument concerning Karl's
joining the army is the emotional height of Act I.
This scene follows a scene of strong sentimentality--
the scene on the veranda of the Gunther home in mid-
summer, in 1914. In Act II, the terror of Martin’s
death is preceded by a similar sentimental scene, in
which the family gathers to celebrate the Gunther’s
golden wedding anniversary.

Scenes of a serious nature are heavily over—
balanced by scenes of a nostalgic-sentimental nature.
For example, Act I shows the annual Fourth of July
celebration with its fireworks, band concerts and pie-
eating contest, as well as the already—mentioned scene
on the veranda. In Act II, the country club dance
glorifies prosperity and a feeling of security, sym-
bolized by Lindbergh's flight. The golden wedding
anniversary also provides an opportunity to reminisce.
Kaufman and Hart have deliberately sentimentalized

their picture of the past.

217

The playwrights make use of the deus ex machina
in some scenes of the play. For example, the disappoint-
ment at losing the furniture order is quickly neutral-
ized when Samuel Brockton unexpectedly returns it be-
cause he disapproved of his wife's action; the factory
workers are about to fight over a trivial item in the
newspaper, when the announcement of free beer, supplied
by Martin, sends them hurrying off; and a sudden rain-
storm ends the Fourth of July outing. Considering the
unrealistic style of the play, the rather arbitrary
conclusion of some of the scenes is not seriously

disturbing.

Dialogue

 

Three qualities of the dialogue of The American
Wpy_are economy, humor, and sentimentality. All of the
scenes are economically written. Exposition is smoothly
handled with a minimum of awkwardness. For example, as
the Gunther family emerges from the church in mourning,
Helen says: "I'll take mother home. . . . Come, mother.
We'll give Baby his dinner tonight-~just you and I."20
This brief speech shows that Helen and Karl have been
married, had a baby, and that Karl has been killed in

the war.

The lack of dependence upon long speeches aids

the economy of dialogue. Representative dialogue is

 

20Ibid., p. 92.

218
composed of short sentences which aid the rapid flow
of the play. When Samuel Brockton visits Martin to
return the furniture order cancelled by his wife, he
begins the conversation in this way:

Brockton: Tell me, Gunther, did you really throw
my wife out of your shop this afternoon?

Martin (Astonished): Why no, Mr. Brockton. Cer-
tainly not.

Brockton: You're sure?

Martin: Why, yes, Mr. Brockton. Of course I'm
sure.

Brockton: Well, why didn't you?
Martin: I beg your pardon.

Brockton: That's what I would have done in your
place.

Martin: Are you joking with me, Mr. Brockton?
Brockton: Not at all. The fact is, Gunther,
you're entitled to a medal, but you'll have to be
satisfied with just getting that furniture order
back.21
Another example of this crispness of writing occurs in
the workmen's scene as several of the men are discussing
the latest feat of the Wright Brothers reported in the
newspaper:
The First Man: Those wright Brothers went up in
their flying machine again. Stayed up in the air
two minutes.
The Fifth Man: They did?
The First Man: That's what it says here.

The Second Man: I don't believe it.

 

21Ibid., p. 39.

219

The First Man: ‘What do you mean you don't believe
it? It's in the newspaper.

The Second Man: I don‘t care if it's in fifty
newspapers. It's impossible.

Humor is basic to the play. A great deal of
humor surrounds Winifred Baxter whose suffragette activ-
ities provoke comedy. In scene ii of Act 1, she chal-
lenges a McKinley campaigner on the subject of votes
for women:

A Woman’s Voice: Where does William McKinley stand
on votes for women?

The Speaker: Lady, does your husband know you're
out tonight?

(Derisive laughter from the crowd)
The Woman: Do you intend to answer my question,
sir? Where does Mr. McKinley stand on votes for

women?

The Speaker: Lady, I don't think Mrs. McKinley
has ever asked him.

Well, Folks, after votes fo womfp I suppose we
ought to have votes for monkeys.

Winifred’s wit is her most engaging quality.
At the Country Club dance she reacts to the Gunthers'
dancing with, ”Well, it's the first time a schottische
has ever been danced to 'Yes Sir, She’s My Baby.'"24
And later, when Samuel Brockton asks her to dance to
"Barney Google," Winifred answers, "Thank you, Mr.

Brockton. You don't know what it means to a woman to

 

22Ibid., pp. 45-46. 231bid.. pp. 22-24-
2“mid” p. 101.

220

have a man save 'Barney Google' for her."25

Other kinds of humor also enliven the play.
The Mayor of Mapleton is a bumbling small-time pol-
itician who confuses the geography of his own town.
Town "urchins" also add moments of pleasant humor.
One example occurs in the schoolroom scene as the
children are preparing to meet Mark Twain at the depot.
The proceedings are interrupted by the discovery that
two of the boys are concealing "Sweet Caporal" ciga-
rette pictures. The teacher's reaction is, "I shudder
to think what Mr. Twain would say if he knew that little
boys collected cigarette pictures."26 Humor is an
obvious means of sugar-coating the propaganda.

Sentimentality is the most characteristic

feature of the dialogue of The American Way. It is

 

most pronounced in the domestic scenes, and the scenes
in.which Martin defends America. The domestic scenes
are designed to show the Gunther family as an unusually
close one. The sentimentality of watching one's child-
ren grow up is shown in Act I, scene viii:

Irma: I don't know where the summer has gone to,

this year. The end of July already, and so much

to do yet. Do you realize, Martin,~-on1y six

weeks till your daughter is a married woman?

Martin: Yes, I know. (He chuckles a little)

Irma: What is it?

 

251219.. p. 102. 26Ibid., p. 29.

221

Martin: I think Karl's got a girl, too. That
girl that's visit§ng here from Chicago. A nice
little girl, too. 7

The warm.night and closeness of the group causes both
Martin and Samuel Brockton to wax sentimental:

Brockton: Doesn't seem like four years since Flora
passed on, does it, Martin?

Martin: No. Is it four years, Samuel?

Brockton: Nearer five. You know, I'd be pretty
lost, Martin, if you hadn't taken me into the
family. Lisa and Karl seem almost like my children.

Martin: You are one of the family, Samuel.

Brockton: Well, it's very nice of you to think of
me that way, Martin. Very nice, indeed.

Martin: Samuel, everything that I have in the
world I owe to you.

Brockton: Nonsense, Martin.

Martin: Yes, yes. That day you walked into the
shop-~when first we talked together-~that was the
beginning of everything for me.

Brockton (Laughing a little): Your idea of a
factory was two helpers-~remember, Martin?

Martin: If anyone had ever told me I would some
day employ hundreds of men-~it wasn't so long ago,
either. Fourteen years. Remember-~you said next
week we start a new century, nineteen hundred.
They have been a wonderful fourteen years for me.
. . . America. God has been good.

Brockton: 'Well, Martin, some good years ahead,
too, eh? Lisa's children, then Karl's. Not a
bad way to grow old. Like this. Sitting and

talking on a nice summer night. Watching ths
children grow up. 'What more can anyone want? 8

Another opportunity to sentimentalize is provided at

 

271%.! Pp. 65-66- 281bido, pp. 71-73.

 

 

222
the golden wedding as Martin and Irma reminisce:

Martin: Can you believe it? we have been married
fifty years?

Irma: No, Martin. I cannot believe it. To me it
seems just a little while.

Martin: Me, too, Irma.

Irma: I remember so well-~that day you came to my

father's house and told him.your prospects-~and that

you wanted to marry me.
Martin: Yah . . . Yah . . .

Irma: I listened outside my father's door--I can

see myself now. And then I went upstairs and waited

for you to propose. Two days I waited, Martin.
Martin: It took me two days to get up my courage.

Irma: It seems such a little while ago, Martin.
And now it is fifty years.

Martin:(Nods): Tell me, Liebchen, would you do it
over again?

Irma: You know I would, Martin.29
A sentimental patriotic tone is an important

feature of the dialogue. Irma's first view of America
is interpreted in glowing terms by Martin in scene ii
of Act I. The entire scene is summed up in.Martin’s
line, "And our babies, Irma-~Lisa and Kar1--they grow
up in a free country. They are Americans."30 In
scene vi of Act I, the townspeople wish Martin to make
a speech:

I am not a speechmaker. Please: What can I say?

Here I am, and it‘s the Fourth of July. I never
knew what the Fourth of July meant until I came to

 

291bid., pp. 137-38. 3°Ibid.. p. 19.

223
America, but now I am very glad that George‘Wash-
ington and those other men-~went across the Dela-
ware—~Ach, I cannot make a speech.
In scene x, Martin's view of the conflict of Germany
and America in the war is resolved by his intense ded-
ication to America:
No, Irma-~Karl must go. This country opened its
arms to us, reared our children. Everything that
we have and everything that we are we owe to
America; the children that Karl will have will be
Americangz and I am an American, Irma. And so
are you:

All of Martin's arguments are based upon a
'sentimental love for America. As such, the persuasive
scenes never rise above patriotic cliches. In scene x
of Act I, Martin and Irma argue about Karl's going into
the army. The dilemma is an emotional one. Irma en-
visions her own son killing her relatives. Martin
solves the entire difficulty with a speech of patri-
otic allegiance.

In the obligatory scene in which Karl, Jr. and
Martin confront one another, Martin again depends upon
sentiment. His arguments always proceed from the be-
lief that because hg_achieved success and prosperity
in America, anyone can do it. That Martin is short-
sighted is obvious. However, his short-sightedness is

that admirable short-sightedness the authors advocate,

because it makes him a devoted American:

 

311bid., p. 61. 321bid., p. 88.

224

I will tell you what I have got, Karl. I have got
everything that I wanted from America, and more.

I came over here a poor boy with nothing, and I got
from America riches and years of happiness. All
right, the riches have gone. That does not matter.
But freedom there still is, and that is what does
matter. I don't care how they are trying to change
this country, or what name they call themselves.
They are all the same-~a11 these things-~they are
un—American. ‘What really matters, Karl, is that
you and the young people like you should take over
this country, and keep it what it has always been.

33
The difference between Martin Gunther and Karl Gunther,
Jr. is that Martin came expecting little and received

a lot; Karl expected a lot and received little.
Martin’s answers provide little help for the distress
felt by Karl, for there is little comfort in starving
even in a free country. The dilemma is an irrecon-
cilable one, for the two men are not arguing about

the same thing. Martin's defense is ideological,
stressing freedom and optimism. Karl's is practical,
stressing jobs and food. Since this is the case,

there is really not a clash at all. The scene merely
provides the authors with another opportunity to

allow Martin to sing the praises of American democracy.
Although it appears that Martin is short~sighted with
regard to the specifics of the problem, Karl is equally
confused. It is not clear why he has decided that the

fascists have the answer to the problems of the Depres-

sion. None of these ideas is treated in any depth,

 

33Ibid., p. 144.

225
and sentimentalized patriotism as the solution to all
problems, shows that Kaufman and Hart are not really

interested in the argument.

CHAPTER IX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

It was the purpose of this study to describe,
analyze, and evaluate the dramaturgy of selected propa-
ganda plays in light of the playwright’s persuasive
purpose. Six plays written between 1930 and 1939, were
analyzed. Four dramaturgical aspects occupied the focus
of analysis: persuasive purpose, characterization,

structure, and dialogue.

Persuasive Purpose

The nature of the propaganda message in the six
plays ranges from militant leftist to conservative.
"Newsboy," "Waiting For Lefty," They Shall Not Die, and
Stevedore demonstrate strong leftist leanings; we, The
People is liberal in viewpoint, while The American‘Way
is conservative. Two of the playwrights advocate vio-
lence as the means of achieving the desired action,
"Waiting For Lefty," and Stevedore; three advocate
protest, "Newsboy," They Shall Not Die, and'We, The
People.

Although the specific purposes of each of the

playwrights is different, there are certain common

226

227
attitudes held by all the writers in this study. The
most apparent is that each champions the workingman,
siding with him against those who attempt to exploit
him. Several of the plays create the worker-hero as
a human being with ethical standards which are admir-
able. As a parallel, the writers show a consistent.
dislike for the rich, especially those who have amassed
their wealth by profit from war and unfair treatment of
their workers. It is true that The American Way glor-
ifies the opportunity to achieve wealth in America,
however, Kaufman and Hart deplore those who do not use
the power generated by wealth in an ethical manner.
All of the writers deplore war, some taking strong
pacifistic stands. The last commonly held attitude
is that prejudice, in any form, is undesirable.

The strength of commitment of the propaganda
playwrights varies. Some of them suggest the need
for total commitment-~that is, one must die for his
cause if he really believes in it. Three of the
characters in the plays die because of their dedi-
cation to their purpose. Lefty, in "Waiting For
Lefty,” Lonnie Thompson in Stevedore and Martin Gun-
ther in The American Way. Although Allen Davis is
not executed, he has been convicted and sentenced to
death because of his beliefs. Rubin, the defense

attorney in They Shall Not Die vows to dedicate his

228
life, if necessary, to right the injustice of the

Scottsboro convictions.

Characterization

All of the plays analyzed in this study, with
the exception of The American Way, make use of groups
of characters as protagonists and antagonists. The
dramatization of social issues, which concerns the
propagandist, logically leads to group protagonists
and antagonists, since social problems are group
problems. The propaganda dramatist is concerned with
public issues, not individual problems. The result is
that individual character development is frequently
over-simplified.

There are, however, greater advantages to group
characterization than isolating two sides of an issue.
This method facilitates audience identification. By
multiplying the sympathetic characters, the playwright
increases the opportunity for the audience to find at
least one character to enlist his support. Further,
one may feel secure in casting his lot with a group,
since it diminishes the suspicion that his identifi~
cation is with a "radical crack-pot.”

Another aid to audience identification is that
the careful structuring of groups of characters forces
the audience to identify with the author's favored

group; group allegiance is not a matter of choice for

229
the audience. The coercion takes the form of creating
a dichotomous moral situation—~the protagonists repre-
sent good, the antagonists represent evil. There are
no shadings of choice. By thus stacking the cards,
the playwright pressures the audience by appealing to
their ethical nature, into siding with the protagonists.
Even those who may not be totally in sympathy with the
protagonists, must ally themselves with them, since the
alternative is to uphold immorality.

Group characterization also aids the playwright
in transfering his indictment from the stage characters
to their corresponding group in society. The sadistic
treatment of Negroes by the antagonists in They Shall
Not Die and Stevedore, makes it appear that all members
of law enforcement in the South do likewise. ‘When the
behavior of one member of the group is supported by
other members of the group, the indictment seems more
plausible. Since the antagonists in They Shall Not Die

and Stevedore include a large number of characters, the

 

suggestion is that all of white Southern society be-
haves as they do.

Guilt by association achieved in this manner,
is open to serious criticism. The propagandist is being
unethical. Whereas one normally associates unethical
propaganda with the spread of lies designed to be ac-

cepted as truths, one may be equally unethical in

230
dispensing halfutruths. This is the fault of the prop-
aganda dramatist in creating groups which are not accur-
ately described. For example, one is aware that there
are bosses who do not intend to victimize their workers,
or sheriffs who do not brutalize Negroes, or white
Southerners who deplore prejudice. Therefore the sug-
gestion that groups in society act as their stage
counterparts do, is unethical, unless the depiction
of these groups is scrupulously accurate. As was seen,
the limited development of characters within groups,
and the distortion of groups by the playwrights, in-
dicates a lack of accuracy. The groups bear only
surface resemblance to actuality, and therefore are
not truly representative.

Some common techniques are used by the play-
wrights to characterize the protagonists and antagon—
ists. The antagonists frequently favor war, often
because it means monetary profit. The antagonists of
"Newsboy," We, The People, and Fayette, in ”Waiting
For Lefty," are examples.

A second commonly employed technique is to
show the antagonists as prejudiced. Hatred of Negroes
serves to characterize the antagonists in Stevedore,
and They Shall Not Die, and is touched upon in We, The
People. The rejection of the Black Man by the Crowd

in "Newsboy," may be interpreted as an example of pre-

231
judice, for the fact that he is a Negro is never ex-
plained. Anti-Semitism appears in "Waiting For Lefty,"
in the episode involving Dr. Benjamin, in They Shall
Not Die in the prejudiced references to Jews by the
prosecuting attorneys, and in We, The People in the
character of Professor Hirschbein. One also notes
prejudice against nationality groups in We, The People.

Prejudice against communists is used to char-
acterize the antagonists in four of the plays. Hearst,
Long, and Father Coughlin, in "Newsboy," are made to
seem evil because of their strong anti-communist feel-
ings. Prejudice against "reds” is a consideration of
the characterization of Fatt in "Waiting For Lefty,"
in Stevedore, and in They Shall Not Die. .The leftist
leanings of these playwrights undoubtedly accounts for
this, but it is interesting to note that these authors
obviously hoped their audiences, too, would deplore
prejudice against communists.

A third means of characterizing the antagonists
is to show that they use their positions of power for
unscrupulous purposes. It is perhaps most strongly
shown in They Shall Not Die. Hearst, Long, and Father
Coughlin in "Newsboy," are examples, as are Fayette and
Grady in "Waiting For Lefty.” In Stevedore all of the
antagonists take unfair advantage of their position to

suppress Negroes. Applegate is the prime believer in

232

force to quell protest in We, The People, and although

 

the idea is not strongly developed in The American‘Wgy,
it is evident in the person of Mrs. Brockton, who withe‘
draws her furniture order because Gunther has "radical”
friends. The suggestion that wealth and power have a
devastating effect upon the moral fiber of these people,
is the issue with which these playwrights are concerned.
Other means used to characterize the rejected

groups are vulgarity as seen in Stevedore and They Shall

 

Not Die, and "Waiting For Lefty"; the use of profanity
and Name-calling, which appears in many of the plays,
but is notably characteristic of the antagonists of

Stevedore and They Shall Not Die; and sadistic tend-

 

encies in Sheriff Trent in They Shall Not Die, Grady

 

in ”Waiting For Lefty," and Walcott in Stevedore.

The protagonists are shown to be honest, hard-
working, ethical people. In the propaganda plays in
this study, one sees the emergence of a new stage
character, the "noble American Worker." All of the
plays emphasize the strong ethical nature of the worker.
The point which is repeatedly made is that the worker
is a better person than his wealthy boss.

Some evaluation of the character of the ”noble
American worker" is demanded in a summary of character-
ization. Many of the playwrights fail to create mem-

orable worker characters; they are frequently bland,

233

colorless, and acted upon rather than active. When
one reviews the plays, the outstanding characters are
most often from the antagonist groups. Grady, Fatt,
Sheriff Trent and Drew, stand out more sharply than do
Lem.Morris, Helen Davis, Allen Davis, The Scottsboro
Negroes, or even Rokoff. Only "Waiting For Lefty"
consistently creates memorable workernheroes.

Some conjecture is possible. The ordinary
workingman may possess little which would make him an
interesting stage character. Another may be that the
playwrights wrote what they felt about the worker,
rather than writing from a genuine understanding of
him. Elmer Rice demonstrates this in We, The People,
for his workers seem to be the result of what he im-
agined them to be, rather than what they were. A
third conjecture is that by overemphasizing the evil
nature of the antagonist groups (which is consistently
done in the plays), there is little need to explore
the protagonists in depth. All that is needed is to
show them to be good people.

Many of the protagonists are members of min—
ority groups. The Black Man in "Newsboy," Lonnie

Thompson in Stevedore, and the accused boys in They

 

Shall Not Die, are Negroes; Sid Stein and Dr. Benjamin
in "Waiting For Lefty," Nathan Rubin in They Shall Not

Die, and Morris Hirschbein in We, The People are Jews.

 

234

Several nationalities are represented in.We,,The People;
and Lem Morris and Rokoff are leftists. An exception
is noted in The American Way. Although Martin Gunther
is a member of the German immigrant minority, he does
not experience prejudice as a result. Undoubtedly,
audience sympathy is enlisted for these protagonists
because they are victims of prejudice and maltreatment
because of their minority affiliations

A second aspect of characterization of the
propaganda play is the conversion figure. In each of
the plays in this study there is at least one conver-
sion figure; in some plays there are several. All of
the heroes of "Waiting For Lefty," the Crowd in "News-
boy," Binnie in Stevedore, Lucy wells in They Shall
Not Die, Rev. Williamson in We, The People, and Karl

Gunther Jr. in The American Way qualify as converts.

 

The conversion figure is a strong testimonial
to the desirability of being on the side of right.
The audience sees demonstrated before them, the ac—
ceptance of the desired attitude by one who was un-
enlightened, and this reinforces that attitude as
good.

The reward for conversion is important in
considering the propagandist’s success in using the
conversion figure to further his purpose. The Crowd

in ”Newsboy” is awakened just in time to save them

235
from another war; Binnie is rewarded for her new militant
attitude by shooting Mitch who terrorized her and was
directly responsible for her awakening. The reward for
converts in "Waiting For Lefty" and for Lucy Wells in

They Shall Not Die, is the regaining of self-respect.

 

For Rev. Williamson it is a deeper understanding of his
Christian faith. Only Karl Gunther, Jr. experiences no
discernible reward for his conversion, and it is, there-
fore quite unimpressive. Because each of the conversion
figures is rewarded to some degree, it makes the con-
version seem all the more correct.

A study of the character as raisonneur does
not provide a profitable avenue for analysis of the
plays. Although these characters exist in profusion,
for the propagandist must have a mouthpiece, no one
character is consistently used for this purpose in
any of the plays. Within the same play, many char-
acters may speak for the author. It is, therefore,
safe to assume that any member of the protagonist

group is acting as the voice of the author.

Structure

 

The propaganda plays analyzed in this study
possess certain commonalities in dramatic structure.
In a general way the plays resemble one another be-
cause they are episodic with multiple scenes and

locales. The unity of the plays is weak. The con-

236
ventional unities of time, place, and action are not
used by any of the dramatists in this study. The
unity of style proVides for consistency in "Newsboy,"
"Waiting For Lefty," and The American Way.

Most of the playwrights de-emphasize plot
development, concentrating instead upon sharply delin-
eated situations, often loosely related. The lack of
plot development is directly attributable to the play-
wrighté' emphasis upon groups. The plays which are
most dramatic show these groups in sharp conflict.
Typically the play begins with the protagonists in a
subordinate position to the antagonists. As the play
develops, the protagonists grow in strength and num-
bers until they meet their opponents in a direct clash.
The protagonists triumph, even though the triumph may
be a moral victory rather than a physical one. All
six of the plays in this study are variations of this
form, with We, The People demonstrating the weakest

example, and Stevedore, the strongest.

 

In those plays which are conventional real-
istic plays, the pattern is clearest. Stevedore is
the prototype. They Shall Not Die is nearly as ex-
emplary, varying only because the conclusion does not
show the triumph of the protagonists. In the plays
which are less conventional in style and form, the

conflict is symbolically represented. In "Newsboy"

 

237
the conflict is reduced to the facile conversion of the
Crowd by a cursory perusal of Eigpg, In ”Waiting For
Lefty" the defeat of gangster power is symbolized as
the committeemen rise en masse, forcing Harry Fatt to
withdraw. The defeat of the spirit of anti-Americanism
is accomplished in The American Way by a grand gesture--
the death of Gunther--rather than as the result of a
sharp clash of groups.

Since the clash of groups is sharp in Stevedore
and They Shall Not Die, these plays seem.more dramatic.
The lack of dramatic tension in "Newsboy" arises from
its weak clash of groups and the facile conversion of

the Crowd. We, The People is notably lacking in dra-

 

matic tension because its groups do not meet in a
direct clash at any point in the play. As a result of
these observations, it would seem that the clash of
groups with the triumph of the protagonists, is most
effective when combined with the form of the conven-
tional realistic melodrama.

The triumph of the protagonists is of course,
basic to the propagandist's purpose, for it suggests
that such a triumph is possible in actuality. However,
the desire to prove a thesis may, at times, cause the
playwright to be careless about detail.

The use of coincidence is frequently found in

the plays studied. Stevedore resolves the conflict of

238
the groups with a deus ex machina. Just as it appears
the Negroes will be defeated, Lem Morris and the union
men arrive to turn the tide from defeat to victory.
Also, Lonnie Thompson is killed with no preparation
given. His death occurs at the moment most devas-
tating to the cause of the Negroes, thus increasing
the dramatic tension until the last moment of the
play.

In "Waiting For Lefty" it is by coincidence
that Clayton, the labor spy, is exposed; his brother
happens to be present in the meeting hall. Since the
expose of Clayton is a major step in humiliating Harry
Fatt, the coincidence of its occurance weakens its
effectiveness. Also, Odets brings the news of Lefty's
death at the most crucial moment in the strikers'
dilemma.

In They Shall Not Die, Lewis Collins appears
by coincidence, to testify for the defense. No
preparation is made for his reappearance in the play.
Since his testimony is of great importance to the rise
in power of the protagonists, it greatly aids the prop-
aganda purpose.

In addition to coincidence, many of the play-
wrights studied employ a digression in plot develop-
ment, for the purpose of emphasizing the message. The

incident involving The Unemployed Man, in ”Newsboy"

239
has little to do with the major aim of the p1ay--to
convert the Crowd-~however, it allows the author an
opportunity to attack the C.C.C. Camps and the U.S.
Army. In Stevedore several of the scenes do not
advance the plot, but explore the side issues of the
propaganda purpose. The best example occurs in Act I,
when Lonnie convinces the Negroes to go to Walcott and
protest their pay discrepancy. Although unrelated to
the "rape” of Florrie Reynolds, it is the first step
in Lonnie‘s campaign to awaken the Negroes to action,
and is therefore, essential to the working out of the
propaganda intent.

In They,Sha11 Not Die, the last part of Act I
in which Sheriff Trent beats the Negroes, is not nec-
essary in the development of the plot, but it is ex—
tremely necessary in characterizing the depravity of

the antagonists. Many scenes in.we, The People,

 

particularly those involving the capitalists, do not

advance any of the three threads of plot in the play.
They do, however, serve to demonstrate Rice's indict-
ment of the rich.

A third structural characteristic of the plays
studied is the repetition of a pattern of action. In
"Newsboy" the Black Man makes two appeals to convert
the Crowd, and neither meets with success. Both are

exactly alike. "Waiting For Lefty" is structured as

 

ll iii]
Illll'llll

 

 

240
a series of flashbacks, each repeating the same
pattern. Lonnie's three escapes from the police seem
an unnecessary repetition of action to build suspense.

The American Way repeats a series of units showing the

 

triumph of democracy. The use of repetition aids the
playwright by emphasizing his indictment, or desired
attitude. The digressions, however, are weaknesses

in the structure of the drama.

Dialogue

 

The quality of the dialogue of the propaganda
plays in this study covers a rather wide range from
extremely good in "Waiting For Lefty," to unusually
awkward in "Newsboy" and sections of We, The People.
The awkwardnesses are often the result of undue rep-
etition, poor word choice, and lack of flow between
speeches. The witty use of simile, fresh turns of
language, and poetic usage raises the dialogue in
”Waiting For Lefty" considerably above the rest of
the plays in this study. Since there exists such a
disparity among the plays, it is impossible to make
conclusive statements regarding the quality of the
dialogue in these plays.

The use of propaganda techniques in the dia—
logue reveals that the propaganda playwrights rely
heavily upon Bandwagon and Name-Calling. All of

the plays in this study employ Bandwagon in the

 

 

lull '- l III II I [1

 

241
persuasive scenes. This may be explained by the play~
wright's desire to secure a commitment on the part of
his audience to his recommended course of action. By
making it appear that many others were already com-
mitted, his task is made easier. The combination of
Bandwagon appeals in the dialogue and the Bandwagon
appeal ingrained in the structure of the reversal of
the group roles, suggests that Bandwagon is an inherent
part of the dramaturgy of the propaganda play.

Name-Calling is a technique also frequently
employed by the dramatists in this study. In most of
the plays the use of Name-Calling serves to work in
reverse. The name-caller, rather than succeeding in
belittling his enemy, in reality discredits himself.
The use of Name—Calling in reverse was employed to
characterize the antagonists in "Newsboy," ”Waiting
For Lefty," Stevedore, and They,Shall Not Die. In
only one play, "Waiting For Lefty," is Name-Calling
used in its more conventional sense. Edna, the
Stenographer, and Agate belittle their "victims"
which serves to anger them enough to retaliate.

The effect of Name~Calling in reverse is to
characterize the antagonists by making them appear
cowardly. Since they are prejudiced, Name-Calling
is a symptom of that prejudice, and it suggests in-

tolerance and short-sightedness. But perhaps the

242
strongest effect of reverse Name-Calling is to intensify
rapport between audience and protagonists. Since those
in attendance have allied their sympathies with the
group under attack, the audience would most likely re~
gard the Name-Calling as aimed at them as well as the
group onstage. As a result, identification with the
protagonists is intensified, and further alienation of
the antagonists is achieved.

A third technique which appears in some of the
plays is Transfer. It should be noted here that all of
the plays imply Transfer from the stage groups to their
corresponding social groups. Explicit usescflETransfer

are seen in Stevedore and They_Shall Not Die. Lonnie

 

Thompson makes a transfer of behavior from the white
prejudiced stage group to all "white bosses." Rokoff
achieves the same Transfer in Act II, scene ii of They

Shall Not Die.

 

The remaining propaganda devices are used
infrequently. They Shall Not Die is the only play to
use Plain-folks appeals, as well as Glittering Gener-
alities. Testimonial was used in.we, The People. One
conjecture is possible. Those plays which are given
most to discussion and persuasion (They Shall Not Die
is the best example in this study), make greater use
of a variety of techniques, although still relying

heavily upon Bandwagon and Name-Calling. Since these

243
techniques are more often associated with rhetorical
composition rather than dramatic writing, they would
be more likely to be used by a person with training
in persuasion and propaganda. John'Wexley displays
the most adeptness at the use of rhetorical dialogue,
which suggests that he may be more familiar with
propaganda techniques.

The Theatre As A
Medifim of Propaganda

 

The frequency with which playwrights continue
to use the theatre as a means of persuading audiences
to accept their views, is testament to the potentiality
of theatre as an excellent medium for dispensing propa-
ganda. 'In practice, however, the theatre in.America
has proved to be a disappointing avenue for propagan»
dizing. Several reasons account for this: (1) the
theatre in America does not reach a vast enough aud-
ience to have much effect. When compared with tele-
vision or the movies as a medium of mass communication,
the theatre offers little comparison; (2) the nature
of the commercial theatre of New York does not provide
for a repeated exposure to a planned program of propa—
ganda drama, which is essential if the theatre is to
exercise even a limited effect; and (3) the belief
that theatre exists to provide stage entertainment,

is so strongly ingrained in American audiences, that

244
prOpaganda drama, which is frequently argumentative,
provocative and depressing, does not attract aud-
iences.

Implications for Further
Research

 

This study of propaganda plays is by no means
exhaustive. It is limited to undisputed examples of
propaganda plays. Two important areas of the propa-
ganda theatre need examination: (1) borderline prop-
aganda plays, and (2) satire as a propaganda device.
Borderline propaganda plays are those which seem to
indicate a persuasive purpose, but that purpose is
counter-balanced by other purposes in the play. They
are debatable examples of propaganda drama. Many of
the playwrights of the thirties wrote such borderline
propaganda plays-~Maxwell Anderson, John Howard Lawson,
Lillian Hellman, and Robert Sherwood are a few. The
examination of borderline propaganda plays should also
be extended to other periods of dramatic writing. One
might examine plays by Dumas, Zola, Galsworthy, Ibsen,
Brieux, Hauptmann and Arthur Miller.

Secondly, the study of propaganda drama would
be incomplete without an understanding of the comic
theatre, particularly the use of satire as a propa-

ganda technique.

245

Acknowledgment
The writer wishes to acknowledge the valuable
assistance of Dr. E.C. Reynolds in the completion of

this manuscript.

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253

Plays

Anderson, Maxwell. Wingless Victory. Washington, D.C.:
Anderson House, 1936.

Basshe, Emjo. Earth. New York: Macauley, 1927.

Bein, Albert. Let Freedom Ring. New York: Samuel
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Conkle, E. P. 200 Were Chosen. New York: Samuel
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Green, Paul. "Hymn to the Rising Sun," Best Short
Plays of the Social Theatre. Ed. by William
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Hellman, Lillian. The Children’s Hour. New York:
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. Days to Come. New York: Alfred Knopf,
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. Watch on the Rhine. New York: Random
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Holmes, John Haynes. If This Be Treason. New York:
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Howard, Sidney. The Ghost of Yankee Doodle. New York:
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. Paths of Glory. New York: Samuel French,
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Hughes, Langston. "Mulatto," Five Plays by Langston
Hughes. Ed. by Webster Smalley. Bloomington,
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Kaufman, George S., and Hart, Moss. The American Way.
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Kingsley, Sidney. Dead End. New York: Random House,
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Kirkland, Jack. Tobacco Road. New York: Viking Press,
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Lawson, John Howard. "Gentlewoman," and ”The Pure in
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254

Levy, Melvin. Gold Eagle Guy. New York: Random
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MacLeish, Archibald. Panic. New York: Houghton
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Maltz, Albert. Black Pit. New York: G.P. Putnam's
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Odets, Clifford. "Awake and Singl" and "Till The Day
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The Modern Library, 1939.

. Paradise Lost. New York: Random House,
1936.

 

. "Waiting For Lefty,” Thirty Famous One-Act
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1943.

Peters, Paul, and Sklar, George. Stevedore. New York:
Covice—Friede, 1934.

Rice, Elmer. American Landscape. New York: Coward-
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. ”Between Two Worlds," Two Plays. New York:
Coward-McCann, 1935.

 

. Flight to the west. New York: Coward-
McCann, 1941.

 

. "Judgment Day," Seven Plays. New York:
Viking-Press, 1950.

 

. We, The People. New York: Coward-McCann
Inc., 1933.

 

Sherwood, Robert. There Shall Be No Night. New York:
Scribner's, 1940.

Sifton, Paul. The Belt. New York: Macauley, 1927.

Sklar, George, and Maltz, Albert. Peace on Earth.
New York: Samuel French, 1934.

Wexley, John. The Last Mile. New York: Samuel French,
1930.

. They Shall Not Die. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1934.

 

 

A.

 

255

Wolfson, Victor. Excursion. New York: Random House,
1937.

Unpublished Material

Barer, Bertram. "A Rhetorical Analysis of the American
Presentational Social Theatre of the Thirties.”
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Minnesota, 1960.

Foster, Jacob Flavel. "The Development of Social
Criticism in the Broadway Theatre During the
Inter-War Period: 1919-1939." Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1942.

Holland, Reginald Valentine. "The American Theatre
as a Form of Public Address." Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1951.

Novikov, Gregory. "Newsboy." Adapted from a poem by
V. J. Jerome. Worker's Laboratory Theatre, no
date. (Mimeographed.)

Scanlan, Ross. "Drama as a Form of Persuasive Com-
munication." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
Cornell University, 1937.

Schreck, Everett Morrill. ”Drama as a Medium for
Propaganda." Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation,
Cornell University, 1942.

Watson, Patricia. "This Giant Mirror: The Theatre's
Reflection of Some Social Trends in America from
1920—1950." Unpublished Master's thesis, Sul Ross
State College, Alpine, Texas, 1951.

Workers Laboratory Theatre. "Lynch Law." No date.
(Mimeographed.)