THE AREA ORGAN?’ M1058 OF NATIONAL FORE”: A CASE STUDY OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FORE“, MICHIGAN Thesis far I‘I'H Dog!“ 01‘ Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Robert Kennefh HoIz. 1963 I... THESIS Mg (112 @II/wmmm/mm , _ o_1_1o1 3532 i This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE AREA ORGANIZATION OF NATIONAL FORESTS: A CASE STUDY OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST, MICHIGAN presented by Robert Kenneth Holz has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D. d GEOGRAPHY egree in— M%.M Major professor Date July 1, 1963 LIBRARY Michigan State University . ’ $14} JUN 05‘ 2001 f THE AREA ORGANIZATION OF NATIONAL FORESTS:I A CASE STUDY OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST, MICHIGAN by ROBERT KENNETH HOLZ An Abstract Submitted to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of Michigan State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1963 . , . C. . . .5 e» a s t H“ Ivls In . 1.. n . . _a. a a ,3 Rm «3 6 my; h; e E p . C 2 a» su y. Au C uh nu. l ,. T. .3 .4 a: a c .Q 1 Q r i. o» Q. P; a u. .0 MI. 5» was “a s § .‘s .v 3. '3 Q « “A at» a h.‘ n. ABSTRACT THE AREA ORGANIZATION OF NATIONAL FORESTS: A CASE STUDY OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST, MICHIGAN by Robert Kenneth Holz Man prizes the products of the forest, but finds that the space it occupies is needed also for agricultural purposes and for grazing land. The formation and mainte- nance of national forests is an attempt to solve the prob- lem of this dual role by means of a prOgram embodying the ideas of sustained yield and multiple use. National forests are distributed unevenly through- out the United States. The grasslands of the Great Plains form a natural boundary which divides them into an eastern and a western group.. The larger, older national forests, located in the West, were carved out of the public domain. Newer national forests were created in the East by purchase of private land not suited for agricultural purposes. National forests occupy over 181 million acres, approximately one-tenth of the national area. However, not all land within the boundaries of national forests is owned by the federal government. The combination of public a. C C ... a. w. E C .1 .v 2 I. - L a .6 1‘ .C ‘. (A a» 2 ah a E .n u ‘5 .u C 3 f a is O A 96 b1. and private land ownership means that a number of methods of area organization must be simultaneously imposed upon these forests. One method is that created by the Forest Service, which administers all national forests. It is public, is carefully planned, and is consciously applied to every national forest. The second method is economic area or- ganization. It has no overall, conscious direction, being private and individual. The results of a study of these two types of area organization as applied to a single national forest, the Manistee National Forest of Michigan, are embodied in this thesis. Politically, the Manistee is one of fourteen national forests in Region Nine. The forest supervisor's headquarters is located at Cadillac, Michigan. The Manistee Forest has four ranger districts, the rangers maintain close contact with their district by means of an unofficial unit, the fire warden. Each fire warden is a nodal point within the homogeneous area of the ranger district, which focuses upon the district headquarters. Each of the four ranger districts is itself a nodal point focused upon the forest supervisor's headquarters, the control center for administrative decisions affecting all of the Manistee National Forest. n 9- e ..1‘ ‘VI wl‘ooa ’ or we. a. flu We . a. C 2 z. .\ ax» 5:71.3 : k s . LA 2» The general pattern of economic area organization of the Manistee is one of consumption and production, with the former more important and better develOped than the latter. While production is not as important in the Forest as consumption, it nevertheless plays a significant role in the economy. The primary item of production is services. These are associated with recreational activities, which attract peOple to the area, and it is these people, in turn, who become the market for which the services are provided. The next most important item of production is timber. However, because of the poor quality of trees within the Forest, the quantity of timber produced is in- significant. A maJor problem of the Forest Service is finding a market for this low-quality timber. This prob- lem will gradually be resolved as the trees mature and Forest Service practices slowly improve the quality of the timber being grown. It is evident that economic area or- ganization contributes by filling the voids which the Forest Service is incapable of filling. In the Manistee National Forest, the two methods of area organization, one political and one economic, exist side by side. They seem to function without interference with each other. Each apparently meets the needs and satisfies the demands made upon it. In the final analysis, PA a. CU these two systems, intermeshed and functioning together, seem to offer the best answer to date to the age—old question of dual forest utilization. THE AREA ORGANIZATION OF NATIONAL FORESTS: A CASE STUDY OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST, MICHIGAN By Robert Kenneth Holz A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1965 .v. . A.» l (A J. C» .I C. F. r... . i .. . A S a» a» - T... .. . E A.» ». V: e .1 S e I d E ._ E e .... E 3. 3..“ .nu .. .1». .. v“ .. v. .,.. .ru .. n. . +u ‘ u n“ a: «C a a: I. .5 at .U E De ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It would be impossible to acknowledge all of the individuals and organizations who have contributed to this study. But there are three persons who have been most helpful in lending advice and who are deserving of special thanks. I am particularly indebted to Professor Lawrence Sommers, who first suggested the topic for this research, and who was kind enough to guide it through the closing stages. I wish also to express my deep appreciation to Professor Allen K. Philbrick, who directed the initial phases, and whose suggestions, comments, and ideas formed the foundation on which this work is based. I owe a special debt of gratitude to my wife, Joyce, who contributed immeasurably to the preparation of every stage of this work from its inception to the finally completed manuscript. ii ””In -- u VI... ‘V ed «'1‘ ‘ ‘— I. TV “ TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I. II. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . Purpose . . . . . . . . . . . . Approach . . Reasons for Studying National Forests National Forests Defined . . . . Proclaiming a New National Forest Reasons for Selecting the Manistee National For est as a Special Study Area The Study Area . . . . . . . . History . . . . NATIONAL FORESTS OF THE UNITED STATES The National Setting . Age Size . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution Characteristics in the Eastern and Western Groups . . . iii Page ii iii vii viii IO 14 15 19 20 24 24 51 55 36 ~.'.¢-—-- p. 3..--.. -4 T- 0-! --- ‘OQO CHAPTER II. III. (Continued) Total Area Natural Regions Region Nine THE NATIONAL FORESTS OF MICHIGAN The Transition Zone Administrative Units . . . . . . . . . . Net and Gross National Forest Acreage in Michigan C O O O C O O C O O O O O O O The Lower Michigan National Forest . . . . The Manistee National Forest . . . . . . Boundaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . Climate of the Forest . . . . . . . . Topography . . . . . . . . . . . . Drainage . . . . . . Natural Vegetation . . . . . . . . . Population . . . . . . . . . . . . Types of Residence Forest Population Population by County Population by Forest Ranger District Land Use 0 O O O O O O O O O I O 0 iv Page 59 59 46 52 52 56 57 59 61 62 67 75 82 85 94 95 108 112 115 116 CHAPTER Page IV. THE POLITICAL AREA ORGANIZATION OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 The Overall Organization of National Forests . . 126 The Basic Unit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 The Fire Warden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Selecting the Fire Warden . . . . . . . . . 154 The Organization of the Fire Wardens in the Manistee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Forest Ranger Districts . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Size of Ranger Districts . . . . . . . . . 140 The White Cloud District . . . . . . . . . 142 The Baldwin District . . . . . . . . . . . 145 The Manistee District . . . . . . . . . . . 144 The Cadillac District . . . . . . . . . . . 147 The District Headquarter as a Focal Point . 148 The Manitee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . 149 The Forest Supervisor . . . . . . . . . . . 151 The Cadillac Supervisor's Headquarters . . 155 The Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Experiment Stations and Research Units . . 156 Region Nine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 The Nation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 The Hierarchy of the Organization . . . . . . . 162 The Result of Forest Service Organization on the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . 164 V g-vu u- P V ,. :1. A V‘ ‘ _~._ g .— r- 1 u. h“ \ . CHAPTER V. ECONOMIC AREA ORGANIZATION OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST . . . . . . . . . Areal Functional Organization The Hierarchy of Economic Area Organization The General Pattern of Economic Organization The Retail Organization . . . . . . . Page 166 166 171 . 175 . 176 General Types of Businesses in the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . Types of Focal Places . . . . . . . The Retail Trade Area . . . . . . . The Wholesale Organization . . . . . . . Major Wholesale Centers . . . . . . Forest Service and Private Economic Area Organization . . . . . . . . . . The Result of Economic Area Organization the Double Role of the Forest VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX A . . . . . I APPENDIX B . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi on . 177 182 . 187 . 191 . 199 204 206 208 226 252 254 C 236 '_-- —. (n O) 0 (II -0. .— $..... fi-o .— V's. -‘. -.| m, t. Table 10. LIST OF TABLES THE PERCENTAGE OF STATE LAND IN NATIONAL FORESTS THE NUMBER OF NATIONAL FORESTS AND CHANGES IN THE GROSS AND NET AREA IN REGION NINE (1951- 1961) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHANGES IN THE NET ACREAGE OF NATIONAL FORESTS IN MICHIGAN OVER FIVE YEAR PERIODS (1951-1961) CHANGES IN THE GROSS ACREAGE OF NATIONAL FORESTS IN MICHIGAN OVER FIVE YEAR PERIODS (1951-1961) THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS, BY FUNCTION, WITHIN THE DELINEATED AREAS OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST . . . . . . . . . . THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS, BY FUNCTION, WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST BUT OUTSIDE THE DELINEATED AREAS . . . . . . THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS, BY FUNCTION, OF A SELECTED AREA OUTSIDE, BUT CONTIGUOUS TO THE MANISTEE . C O O O C O O O O O C C THE POPULATION OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST, BY COUNTY (1950-1960) 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o POPULATION WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST BY FOREST RANGER DISTRICT . . . . . . . . THE GROSS AND NET AREA, POPULATION, AND MAJOR PROBLEMS OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST RANGER DISTRICTS . . . . . . . . . vii Page 58 49 58 60 101 105 107 111 115 129 Figures 1. 9a. 9b. 10. 11. 12a. 12b. 15. LIST OF FIGURES Entering the Manistee National Forest . Frontisp National Forests and Research Headquarters Years in WHich National Forests Were Estab- lished and Size of National Forests . . . National Forests Combined into a Contiguous Area National Forests Natural Regions . . . . . Region Nine 0 O 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 National Forests in Michigan . . . . . . . . . Generalized Soil Associations of West Central Michigan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Wheat and Corn Field in the Southwestern Por- ~tion of the Forest; Note Forest Cover in Back- ground . O O O O O O O I O O C O O O O O C A View across the Agricultural Land in the Southwestern Portion of the Manistee Drainage and Surface Geology of the ManiStee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . . . . Presettlement Timber Types Within the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Stump Fence . . . A Stump Fence, a Sight Fast Disappearing from the Manistee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Timber Types Within the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii Page iece 20 55 4O 41 47 54 66 66 79 87 90 90 ‘91 .4 4. «A .I .\ J. :Q i I. i .Q _.. a... 1. . . “n 3 r I-.. V” VI AJ U! n r” be u G. 8 9 a. .C 6 a Pd & a L .1 .3 A“ I .Y... C m. .u .L an /I\ A In C n. P. .t Cu 8 o O o s o o o o I a O r F. \C .L .C 7. E L... C» 3 .8. Ia uh 1.». 4 .1; Tc. .1. —~. 5... ‘1‘ I» . , n).- 95 ell. VIA l l Flaw 0/. 3!. PC. on... w A I. a. A... 9. ~ s A .. a... .. "Q T. «c Ld 99 n.- r.” o. A :1 .»U fira r; T. . . h. ru 9.» C. F» .\J J ‘ pm TA «.5 x u t . Aha ~11 a!~ a). Figures I Page 14a. A 15- to 20-Year Old Norway (Red) Pine Planta- tation o o o o a o o o o o o o o o o 'o o o o o o 93 14b. Newly Planted Pine Rows a . . . . . . . . . . . 95 15. Cross-Section of the Number of Establishments Through the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . 97 16. Delineated Areas of the Manistee National Forest 99 17. Land Use in the Manistee National Forest . . . . 117 18a. A View Looking West from the Irons Fire Tower (Note the Small Clearing) . . . . . . . . . . . 119 18b. A View Looking South from the Irons Fire Tower . 119 19. Land Ownership in the Manistee National Forest . 121 20a. Canoeingthe Pine River . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 20b. The Pines Point Campground on the White River . 124 21. First and Second Order Interconnections within the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . 152 22a. Fire Warden Sign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 22b. Tool Shed Where Fire Fighting Equipment Is Cached . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 25. Forest Service Organization Line Officers . . . 159 24a. Pine Seedlings at the Chittenden Nursery . . . . 146 24b. Pine Plantation from Chittenden Nursery Stock . 146 25. Third Order Interconnections Regions Nine . . . 159 26. Forest Service Regional and National Inter- connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 27. Distribution of Settlement Types in and around the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . 185 28a. Irons, Michigan, a Relic Settlement . . . . . . 184 ix CITES T: in . 1: I a a. a: .. L e .c o . “C n“ .5 1. e a“ 1mm. A “CH 3» o. "n .- Q» a. . v. . . . . .I. . . 1 m. 9. 9/. 25 1.» v 73 2O Figures Page 28b. A Small Recreational Oriented Retail Establish-- ment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 29. fiRétail Trade Areas of Settlements in and around the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . 188 50. Wholesale Centers Serving Retail Establishments within the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . 194 51. Second and Third Order Interconnections within the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . 200 52. Wholesale Areas within the Manistee National Forest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 55. Leaving the Manistee National Forest . . . . . 225 have be Not us: (1) ’— o c: X ? INTRODUCTION Since the dawn of history man has been intimately connected with and dependent upon forests and their prod- ucts. With few exceptions, the really great civilizations have had their origins within the great forest groups. Not until civilized man was well established in the forest environment did he begin to push out into the grasslands. The domestication of animals allowed him to become a no- madic wanderer searching for grass as pasture for his flocks. But even such nomads as the Mongols of the Asian steppe and the Sioux Indians of North America were still dependent for their very existence upon wood. Indeed, the Sioux made annual migrations to the forested slopes of the Rocky Mountains to replenish their supply. Despite man's dependence upon forests, he has never completely found how to utilize properly this natu- ral resource, its products, or the space it occupies. This study will be concerned with one of the most important types of public forest ownership, the national forests, and especially with the Manistee National Forest of Michigan. It will consider the way in which national forests are organized and managed by man in an attempt to solve the problem of the geography of national forests. l Purpose Paul Sears in A World Geography of Forest Resources calls attention to the fact that "the forest early assumed an equivocal role in human culture. It was prized," he points out, "for the materials it yielded and for some of the functions it performed, but it was also regarded as a rival for the space needed for crops and flocks."1 Man's early conflict over the dual role assigned to that area now known as the Manistee National Forest and the results of this conflict are discussed later. It is only necessary here to state that this conflict left a gaping wound in the land resources of Michigan, which even today has not been completely healed. However, man occa- sionally profits from his past mistakes, and he has 1Paul B. Sears, A World Geography of Forest Resources, American Geographical Society Special Pub- lication No. 55, The Ronald Press Company, New York, 1956, p. 4. To this dichotomy of roles played by the forest, 3 third, that of esthetic appreciation, should perhaps be added. This is a factor which is becoming more apparent in our modern-day use of forests. Sears might include this as a function of forests, but the distinction is unimportant. It does not affect the or- ganization of the forest, which is the basis of this study. -—- H ._ ’— The pet. A.)- (D ’10 ,3 5 developed methods of area organization which are attempts at easing the friction between the two conflicting roles of the forest. Two separate and distinct types of organization have been recognized within the national forests. The first, a political method, is that developed by the Forest Service in managing the natural resources of the forest.2 The other, an economic method, is that developed by the peOple who live and work or seek recreational Opportunities within the forest. These two methods of organizations exist side by side. They function simultaneously over the same area and in apparent harmony. This dual organization evolving in national forests is relatively new and the question immediately arises: Does this new type of forest organization success- fully solve the age-old problem of the double role required of the forest by man? Answering this question is the major purpose of this study. Before this question can be answered, the organ- ization of the national forest must be clearly established. 2The Forest Service is a branch of the United States Department of Agriculture, and the Chief of the Forest Service has direct line responsibility to the Secretary of Agriculture. V... ’ r: «L ' j 1C MM“ v.: ‘1‘ ML 6 .L w; * a. 5 ”WW & .o 8 "mm on d « .Vlo me n .1 m r. A w. e no a p. \m m a a c “6 6 v I. A h ul,‘ 9» MG El» 0 v n M TU. v 2 av 13118.. V‘fl VOA» he C a ganiz tio 1'18 4 Therefore it will be necessary to determine the present pattern of use and organization of the natural environment which are being developed in the national forests under the impact of present-day technology. This specific prob- lem is part of a still broader one with which we have been struggling in the United States since the turn of the century, that of a revaluation of all natural resources. Approach This study of man's use of natural environment will be approached geographically, that is, it will examine phenomena and their interrelationships in space. It will be concerned primarily with the areal distribution and or- ganization of the present use made of land and products of national forests. A national forest has clearly defined boundaries, and therefore may be classified as a region. This, then, will be a systematic study of a region made up of a na- tional forest and the contiguous counties, with attention also to physical and cultural patterns.3 3The division of geography into the four fields of physical, cultural, systematic, and regional was first brought to the author's attention as the double-dualism with ..- Del. 8:: On the Geogra 4 (D ’1 m '1 H m I (9 fl '1) [J‘ (D 1 C) (D () '1 . (1’ H to U? ’ (D {J (D 'f V '11 C) '11 07 (D C p—I () :1 HU’) 0 '1 (* M H- (D 9-1}? 1 l Ind 5 Geography is sometimes described as a pyramid with three sides made up of organization, culture, and physical environment. Man, the base of the pyramid, is the active agent who integrates the sides, so that each side of the pyramid must be examined to interpret the pattern of use and organization of any phenomena, such as a national forest.4 By adapting this vieWpoint in geographic meth- odology, the physical base, such as soil, drainage, and the natural vegetation of a region (for example, a national forest) can be examined in a systematic manner in order to understand how it has been organized by man's efforts into its present pattern of use.5 of geography by Allen K. Philbrick (contents of a lecture on the divisions in the field of geography, Seminar on Geographic Methodology, Geography 516, Michigan State Uni- versity, East Lansing, Fall, 1959). According to Philbrick, geography is a composite of all four of the fields men- tioned above, and it is impossible to separate one from another. For a more complete discussion of this subject see Richard Hartshorne, Perspective on the Nature of Geography, published for the Association of American Geog- raphers by Rand McNally and Company, Chicago, Illinois, 1959, Chapters VII and IX. 4Allen K. Philbrick in a lecture on Areal Functional Organization, course on Geographic Methodology, Geography 516, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Fall, 1959. 51bid. cculd be GET! Cu “H u ‘ I d C. 1‘ \1 are in . & ca,J 1« «-v #4 Reasons for Studying National Forests Why should national forests be studied by a geographer? In answering this question more reasons could be cited than are necessary in the development of this study, but a few of the more important ones will be considered. A geographer is interested in the spatial dis- tribution, organization, and use of the forest.6 The major difference between the disciplines of forestry and geography is that foresters are interested in forests for the trees and lumber they produce, while geographers are interested in the space, distribution,.and location of phenomena in the forest. This basic difference in methodology becomes a reason for geographic study of na- tional forests. If geographers are interested in the distribu- tion of phenomena in space, then the very size, magni- tude, and importance of national forests are reasons for 6Hartshorne, op. cit. stains A v C J. C a: V .o AV . Hun \ ests, C3: exact D‘ RD T. F; AU ‘19 V surface 35 S tr 7 studying them. These forests occupy a significant amount of land within our country. The continental United States contains some 1.95 billion acres of which about one-fourth, or 648 million acres, is in forest.7 In March, 1961, there were 154 national for- ests, containing approximately 181 million acres, compris- ing about ten percent of the continental United States, or twenty-eight percent of the forested land.8 The exact number and total acreage of national forests are subject to fluctuations as new forests are established or older ones cOnsolidated for economy of administration. Geographers have long been interested in "natural regions" of the world. This interest has logically extended to forest regions, which occupy one-quarter of the earth's surface. While geographers have shown interest in forests as a broad group, they have specifically neglected the national forests of this country. It seems inconceivable 7John A. Zivnuska, Natural Resources, McGraw- Hill Book Company, Inc., New York, 1959, p. 265. 8U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Agr. Info. Bull. No. 85, Highlights in the History of For- est Conservation, June, 1961, p. 25. such .313. U“ V E I. .9. 3 C E 2.. 1H +. mm“ 5 me C I. a 1 S U C E .H .\ T H a. I so P d 1 C F 3 l E C on . h 8 Va 8 e e e t h .1 E S 2 l ) HI nohu 9 v 1,. I“ F» In .b l "I a L 8 ‘Is y L“ .FU a V IL 8 .. e e n... C. r... a Lu T 3 4. . I .R S .D .e O .1 8 e e f u n S e f P So ‘1. e I. a «L s r S d 0 \r .1. a V 0 P .L 8 that such a large block of land, put to such a specialized use, could be ignored in scholarly studies. Yet very few studies of forests have been undertaken by other than tecni- cal workers, who are primarily interested in the management of the timber crop. Little has been written on the impact that the setting aside of land designated as national for- est has had upon the pattern of organization and use within the area of the forest boundaries and upon the area immedi- ately contiguous. Geographers, in particular, have tended to neglect the study of national forests. During the period since 1950 the Annals of the Association of American Geog- raphers published six articles or abstracts of papers pre- sented at the annual meetings of the Association, which dealt with forests or closely related subjects, but none of which concerned national forests. Other geographical publications show a similar paucity of articles on forests in general and national forests in particular. As far back as 1930 only one article on national forests, and that of very limited sc0pe, was discovered in scholarly publications of American geographic literature.9 9Harriet Carter, "Our National Forests--A Social Problem,’ The Journal of Geography, Vol. 59, No. 4, Apr. 1940, pp. 151-156. I National foresizs encompass many complex and varied problems. An examination of the type contemplated can be best carried out from a geographic approach. Only a broad study cutting across several disciplines can tie together the many factors involved in establishing the pattern of use of a forest. The areal viewpoint of geog- raphy allows a scholar to pick and choose relevant informa- tion in order to understand spatial patterns. At the same time, national forests evoke certain esthetic qualities which are difficult to put into words. The term "forest" probably invokes different visions to each person, but to this writer the word creates memories of sunlight falling on the lichen-covered trunks of stately oaks, the small of wood smoke, dark—hued conifers against the brilliant green background of early spring broadleafs, and of the explosive burst that a startled grouse makes as it erupts from its hiding place. While any one of these reasons is a sufficient motiVe for studying national forests, perhaps the most practical one is the basic purpose of this study. In the United States, we no longer have aglaissez—faire society.10 10Raleigh Barlowe, Land Resource Economics, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1958. I. I . , I. . A; .I Cu. g «C I1 fi d a n N'- i c e .1 8. 2 "J n N... n A “In Y . n a.” A D». a , 6 9p” V! l on a a u. e .L; at. C .,_ .C 9.. a“ ~6 I. Z ._ ‘ h & fores e 'd h 0" ‘Q ‘ U mus § haVe s ’ Tn. Mb 8 .o l T. . ‘2. .1 2 a. i. X C 6.1 E e {Una m; .q 10 The nation is becoming more and more oriented toward a planned way of life. Planning is gradually creeping into every aspect of our economy, politics, and culture. But planning has been in effect in national forests for over fifty years. A study of national forests offers an excel- lent Opportunity to see the results of planned organization and use of a resource in solving the problem of the forest's dual role. Perhaps the lessons learned from this experience might be applied to other resources, or even to other aspects of our society. National Forests Defined Many peOple confuse national parks and national forests. This confus Man is so widespread that almost every one who discusses either national parks or national forests must take time to discuss in detail the differences in them. In fact, the Forest Service and the National Park Service have found this confusican so prevalent that they have pub- lished a Joint statement in an official government pamphlet explaining the differences in activities.11 11National Parks and National Forests, issued Jointly by the National Park Service and the Forest Service, Dec., 1960. Also see Michael Frome, Whose Woods Are These: The Story of the National Forests, Doubleday and Co., Gar- den City, New York, 1962. to set a: Q \Q 1 ., UCLSuE- E Rational ll National parks are established by Acttof Congress to set aside or preserve outstanding areas of natural beauty, unusual geologic features, or plant and animal associations. National parks are administered by the National Park Service, a branch of the U.S. Department of the Interior. The key word in describing national parks is protection or preserva- tion. There is no logging, hunting, or mining of minerals. Some grazing is allowed, but it is being reduced. The Park Service attempts to preserve the national parks as close to their natural conditions as is possible and still allow them to be enjoyed by visitors. Visitor appreciation, in- telligent limited use, and preservation of nature as cre- ated comprise the basic policy of the national park system.12 A national forest, on the other hand, is an area with a very precise boundary set aside by presidential proclamation, within which the federal government may own all or only part of the land. This publicly owned land is administered for timber, range, watershed, wildlife and fish, as well as outdoor recreational purposes on a multiple 12For a more complete discussion of this subject see H. Daniel Stillwell, The Geography of Itatiaia National Park, Brazil, Ph.D. Thesis, Michigan State University, 1961, p. 4, "The Concept of National Parks." u use, ( E .1 4 ‘. a ‘\ I 3.. e V I. 3 F“ J o. c. ._ E T. .. V .. II. III a. . O F. W‘ t e r. “H Km .h.‘ ’ 1"“ c~ J.‘ vb. C .1 e t e t t. t a C a . d c a 1 4. 2 . l C r. 9‘. .rh S CD 5 s a .N1‘ 01‘ Q 1‘ S e I a MC t e ‘C ‘i IQ‘ .Q T. e e e e V r. «t C S r e r... ». +C & e T t r r. S .1 “a a 0 e .l O v.4 0 a it V V. S nu Q 5 3 4; a r 3 w. v. «I ha r .1; a .ru t S e r... .. . 3 F e a . F C C. .C t D. to C. C D: Mu S S E .Q a 12 3 A national forest boundary use, sustained yield basis.1 is difficult to define, it is a line accurately measured on the earth's surface which marks the limits of the Forest. It is only within these boundaries that the For- est Service may legally secure land. Legal Jurisdiction of forest personnel extends to the boundaries, but not beyond. Fire protection stops at the boundaries, although in some cases the protection may be extended to outside public or private lands if it would benefit the Forest Service. The boundary is the line at which the Forest Service adminis- tratknh functions, legality, and protection end. National forests are established by presidential proclamation, or in some very special cases by Act of Con- gress. When Congress authoriZes it, land may also be ac- quired for national forest purposes by purchase, donation, 4 or exchange.1 National forests are administered by the 13Letter from Richard F. Droege, Assistant Re- gional Forester, Region Nine, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, dated May 24, 1962. Mr. Droege states therein: "We have no short definition of a national forest. Enclosed is a statement about national forests which may be of help in establishing a definition for yourself." The above was developed by the author, who takes the responsibility for any inconsistencies it may contain. 14National Parks and National Forests, op. cit. :e six at e 3.6 5 es .'~-“' “‘ t , I I ~ ‘1 E III I ‘« I f O aux ~&. 3‘ .IM a.“ ‘M o!‘ ... wk. w." .r.. :4 u ‘ a» ... t. wrul A-v 7; ”I fix Ln. 1 v“ ... . 3‘ a S at t. 5 T. a. . l t. e t. T S i r. n. e .C OM e V. 3‘ .<. a nxw v“ & AH» .g Q» A; t.‘ & us§ C VC $u fi. E 6 N4 .raa r..- I .. ”a . 2. w. :. ... r. ~L C r. t r. s» e r.. C at I 3 r. «L i d w. a «C vv 2. a e a r .. .Q 8 e e O t . ha a ..J .4 S a e r .. S 9 .. c . v e 3 a . . a. . .r... 7.: 3 a r“ .2 .5 :1 .1 “a Q .P.. 7. Z .. . l . 3 A. i... n 5 a. . a: C VJ r». C «u . a a at u . a «L t S T» mu 5. T. .~ U C v: «D u C n. a a nu 15 Forest Service, a branch of the U.S. Department of Agricul- ture. The key phrases in describing the function of the 15 d 16 Forest Service are multiple use and sustainedgyiel 15The Forest Service Manual of 1958 contains the following statement: "The act of June 4, 1897, providing the administration of forest reserves stated that the pur- pose of these reserves (early national forests) was to im- prove and protect the forest, to secure favorable conditions of waterflow and to furnish a continuous supply of timber for the use and necessities of citizens of the United States. The long established multiple use policy and pro- cedures of the Forest Service stem from this law" (page 1013, Nov. 1958). However, Congress amended the Act of 1897, passing the Multiple Use Act of 1960, which broadened and clarified the principles of multiple use. The basic idea of multiple use is that an area can provide many uses at the same time if they are properly managed and equated one against the other. The principle of multiple use as applied to national forests is that forests should provide timber, range for grazing, protection of watersheds, wildlife, fish, and opportunities for outdoor recreation, all at one and the same time, if possible. No one use may transgress upon the others, but certain areas may be set aside for a single specific purpose, such as watershed protection or recrea- tional advantages. In the last analysis, national forest multiple use management is the management of the basic re- sources, such as wood, wildlife water, and recreation so that the benefits that result may be fully realized and en- Joyed to their fullest extent by all the citizens of this country (Tour Guide and Related Information, Forest Super- visor Office, Cadillac, Michigan, Forest Service, United States Department of Agriculture). 16Sustained yield, closely related to multiple use, is one of the more recent concepts in forestry and conservation. It means simply keeping the basic renewable resources, such as timber, water, or wildlife, producing at the same level, or at higher levels if possible, over an indefinite period of time while the resource is being used. National natural p generatio value de 1: , “87.102181 14 National parks, then are established to allow unusual natural phenomena to be preserved and protected for future generations. The use of national parks is the esthetic value derived from beholding them in their natural state. National forests are used, in a planned way, so that one use will not impair others, and so that all uses may be projected for the benefit of future generations. Proclaiming a New National Forest The establishment by the Secretary of Agriculture, with the concurrence of the National Forest Reservation Commission, of an area called a purchase unit is the first step in the formation of a new national forest.17 The pur- chase unit is an area with very precise boundaries, but not within a national forest, in which the Forest Service may legally acquire land. There are two types of purchase units. The first is designated prior to the establishment of a new national forest. The boundaries of the new forest are laid out, and land is acquired within these boundaries. The area is known as a purchase unit until the government gains control of about thirty percent of the land within the lTU.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, National Forest Areas--Summary, June 30, 1961. 15 boundaries.18 Then with the consent of the state govern- ment the purchase unit is proclaimed a national forest. The first type of purchase unit, then, is one which is established as a preliminary step in proclaiming a new national forest. The second is created immediately adjacent to a national forest. The purpose of the type is to expand the boundaries of a national forest already in existence. In some cases it becomes necessary for the Forest Service to control certain areas outside the forest boundaries which are vital to Judicious use of the national forest as a whole. A purchase unit is then established, land is ac- quired within the purchase unit, and when enough (about thirty percent) has passed into government control, the national forest boundary is expanded to include the pur- chase unit. Reasons for Selecting the Manistee National Forest as a Special Study Area It became evident quite early in this study that it was impossible for one person to study adequately all ~ 18Interview with H. 0. Nixon, member of the specialist staff, Forest Supervisor's Headquarters, Cadil- lac, Michigan (1962). In a personal conversation with the author, Mr. Nixon stated that the government desires to gain control of about thirty percent of the land within the bound- aries of a purchase unit before it is proclaimed a national forest. 16 the national forests of the United States. Indeed, it was impossible to carry out an intensive study on all of the five national forests in Michigan. The size, location, and difficulty of access to these Michigan forests were limiting factors in studying all five of them. Because of the great size and range in distribution of national forests even in the state of Michigan, it was necessary to concen- trate on a single forest, a forest which would perhaps be typical of other national forests, or at least would have problems common to them. For these reasons, it was decided that the Manistee National Forest should be the one selected. The subject of the Manistee National Forest as a dissertation t0pic was first suggested in a conversation with Dr. Lawrence Sommers, Chairman of the Department of Geography at Michigan State University. The author's re- action was one of immediate enthusiasm, for he had utilized many of the recreational facilities of the Manistee19 for camping, canoeing, fishing, and hunting. In addition, the Manistee was most accessible to him in terms of time, money, and distance. 19For convenience, the terms "Manistee National Forest,"'%he Forest," and "Manistee" will be used inter- changeably. 1? Aside from this personal interest in the Manistee, there are other very good reasons for selecting this Forest as a specific study area. First, it is the southernmost of the national forests in Michigan, and is the second largest in gross acreage.2O In Michigan, a transition zone exists which sepa— rates the southern portion of the Lower Peninsula, heavily populated and agriculturally and industrially oriented, and the northenn portion, sparsely populated and recreationally oriented (see Fig. 7). The Manistee abuts this zone on the north, and because of this fact offers a variety of unusua1 problems. In no other national forest in Michigan is there so great a contrast in physical features as that which ex- ists between the southern and northern extremes of the Manistee. The northern portion of the Forest is wild, sparsely settled, and characteristic, in places, of the more remote natihnal forests of Michigan's Upper Peninsula. A large percentage of land in the northern portion of the Forest is owned by the federal government. The southern 2°The gross area of a national forest is all the land contained within the boundaries, including land owned by the federal government, any other public land that may occur, and all the private holdings within the boundaries. The net area is all the land owned by the federal govern- ment within a national forest or a purchase unit. 18 portion is more densely settled, borders several urbanized areas, and contains several larger settlements. The southv ern section still has a high percentage of private land ownership, with federal ownership scattered, and farming still persists on some of the privately owned acreage. Because of these north-south differences, the Manistee presents problems so varied that they may prove character— istic of a wide range of other national forests in the United States. There is probably no such thing as a typi- cal national forest, but the Manistee, with its variety of problems and characteristics, comes close to satisfying the implications of this term. The Manistee lends itself to the purpose of this study. Because of the areal changes from north to south within the Forest, it offers the chance of observing the organization and use of the Forest under widely varying conditions. Perhaps something may be learned as to the effectiveness of man's methods of organizing and using this natural resource in such contrasting areas. 0f the national forests in the state, the Manistee is the nearest to centers of pOpulation in Michigan, Illi- nois, Indiana,and Ohio. These population centers are con- nected to the Forest and other vacation areas farther to 19 the north by an excellent system of highways. Thus, the demands made on the Manistee for recreational purposes are quite intense. It would be difficult to establish how in- tensive this use is, but the answer probably lies somewhere between the sparse use of the more remote forests in the western states and the acute use of those forests in the eastern part of the country. A study of the type preposed should be not only a contribution to the discipline, but also an aid to the peeple of the study area, since it will offer insights into the organization and develOpment which may be useful in future planning. The Study Area The Manistee National Forest is located on the west-central side of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan (Fig. 2). It is one of the five national forests in Michigan, and is combined as a single administrative unit with the Huron National Forest in the east-central section. History The first inhabitants of the Forest were roving bands of Indians, mostly Chippewa, but also a few Tawas 20 m .mE Sale-33. 3::- .=~Ix:6- vii-u ../ as in»): 5:33.. pan-on 4183-» 10336353; Pun-x»; who! I v .n. . 325.. its! 22.3:- pnwco. 1.2.: I .333 If... .Iuiixtxl / E 7 4 {1:48 Innis-5.5. In... :5! S :2: a! . u .. .34.»:3 6:33:53 :3: .133 {Egon-u»..- . a , 8Ku°l 8.9.th old . _ mzs. .553 . 4.“ Ira. wzoawm imp—.42 Famou— 4hom pmmhom «waspHSUHHmd mo pcoapswmmm .m.D "oohsom m.em 6.66 m.mm m.me H.me e.me 4.6H Hooaoemaaoo< CH one mend #02 e. m. m. o.a m. 6.45 m. sooaoanasooa mo mmoooam nH 5.56 m.mw m.mm m.ee m.ae m.em m.ma aeoa< poz o.ema m.mea e.mea m.ema m.ema m.me m.mm Hooa< omoao as «a ma ma ma 6 a nomoaoa Hoooaooz Home mmma Hmma meme Heme mmma ands ooaz cosmom Aamma - ammav msz zOHcmm 2H amma amz oz< mmomo are zH mmozamo mz< memmmos gazOHeaz so mmmzsz are N mqm<9 50 along the southern boundary of the Region. The national forests in this narrow southern fringe extend from eastern Ohio to western Missouri. These two bands of national forest, running east and west, were separated by a wedge of grassland and are composed of two different forest associations. The northern band is situated in a natural forest region called by the Forest Service the Northern Forest (Fig. 6). The Northern Forest is divided into two portions, a northern and a southern, with national forests of Region Nine belonging to the northern portion. This portion of the Northern Forest is composed primarily of spruce, balsam, fir, white, red, and Jack pine, sugar and red maple, beech, white, red, and black oak, birch, aspen, basswood, black cherry, ash, northern white cedar, shag- bark and pignut hickory, and, in the low-lands, hemlock, elm, willow, and tamarack.28 The southern band of national forests in Region Nine belongs to a different natural forest region known as the Central Hardwood Forest. The Central Hardwood Forest is also divided into a northern and a southern 23U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service map, Forest Regions of the United States, 1952. ragii‘rr': a I'a‘ .7. I... .aw... ‘ E 51 portion. The southern band of national forests in Region Nine belongs to the southern portion of the Central Hard- wood Region. This portion is composed of white, post, southern red, blackjack and pin oaks, sweet gum, tupelo, mockernut, pignut, southern shagbark and shellbark hickory, short leaf and Virginia pine, ash, yellow poplar, black locust, elm, sycamore, black walnut, maple, beech, and dogwood.24 This list of trees shows that many species grow both in the northern and southern bands of national forests in Region Nine, but that there are different species in each band, giving each a distinctly different character. Despite the seeming similarity of species, these bands do not correspond closely to each other and yet they are administered from a single headquarters. All states in Region Nine have national forests except Iowa, which now has a purchase unit, and North Dakota, which has three national grasslands. National grasslands, even though they are administered by the Forest Service, are not included as national forests in any statistics. 24Ibid. C H A P T E R I‘I I THE NATIONAL FORESTS OF MICHIGAN 0f the nine states which make up Region Nine, this study is mostly concerned with Michigan. Five na- tional forests, more than in any other stath in this Re- gion, are found in Michigan.1 In 1961, these Michigan forests had a gross of 4,715,526 acres, which is also more than the gross acreage of any other state in Region Nine, although Minnesota has a larger net acreage in national 2 forests than does Michigan. As can be seen in Table l, 7 the national forest net acreage in Michigan amounts to about seven percent of the total state area, which is also the highest percentage of net acreage of any state in Region Nine. The Transition Zone A transition zone extends in a broad band across 1U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, National Forests in Michigan, 1941. 2National Forest Areas, op. cit., p. 5. 52 55 the state of Michigan from Bay City, on Saginaw Bay, toward the southwest to Muskegon on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan (Fig. 7). This transition zone divides the better agricultural soils, heavy population, and in- dustrial concentration in the southern half of the state from the poorer agricultural soils, and the less well- developed northern half of the state. North of the transition belt the soil is extremely sandy. Logging, followed by fires, farming, and erosion removed what little good topsoil had once covered the area. By 1925 most of northern Michigan was in very poor condition. Scrubby cattle roamed on open range, seeking sustenance from the sparse vegetation that had gained a foothold in the sandy glacial deposits after the forest cover was removed. Repeated attempts to crop the land brought one failure after another until farmers gave up in dis- gust, and much of the land reverted to the state for delinquent taxes. This economically depressed area, which once contained magnificent forests, and which was gradually reverting to public ownership, became a natural place for the application of the policy of revaluation of natural resources during and immediately following the 54 NATIONAL FORESTS IN MICHIGAN H IAWATHA NATIONAL FOREST MARQUETTE NATIONAL FOREST . 0 OTTAWA 9 NATIONAL ca FOREST I °°’ N I .7 HURON I m; NATIONAL a _ FOREST __ f - COILHac x' MANISTEE ‘ NATIONAL FOREST SOURCE’ Muskegon TronsItion Zone US. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE FOREST SERVICE I I l j 0 25 50 l l I::a:d:x::=:I SCALE IN MILE: , l RKM FEB.’6'2 Fig. 7 55 great depression of the 1950's. So, even as late as 1950, man did not know how to use the forest lands of northern Michigan. He had removed the forests from this land and destroyed them, and had then attempted to use for agri- cultural purposes the space the forest had occupied. It was now time for the Forest Service to try its program of multiple use and sustained yield on some of this area of northern Michigan. Five national forests were established in the state, all north of the transition zone. Today, a great deal of the land north of this transition zone is in city, township, county, state and federal ownership. Northern Michigan has lent itself successfully to public land ownership, and the national forests in this area have come to be considered a normal type of land use. Probably more land here should be in national forest than is at the present time. By law, one-quarter of all the revenue receipts derived from sales of timber, or for grazing rights, must be returned by the Forest Service to the counties from which the timber is cut, or in which the grazing takes 56 place.3 In the fiscal year of 1960, revenues from na- tional forests and grasslands and other lands adminis- tered by the Forest Service amounted to 148.2 million dollars.4 In northern Michigan, returns of this kind probably bring in more revenue to the counties than if the land were in private hands and on the tax rolls. Administrative Units In Michigan, the five national forests are divided into three administrative units. The Hiawatha and Marquette National Forests, in the upper peninsula, are administered as a single unit, known as the Upper Michigan National Forest. In the lower peninsula the Manistee and Huron National Forests are administered as a single unit, known as the Lower Michigan National Forest. The Ottawa National Forest, the largest in the state, at the western end of the upper peninsula, is a single administrative unit (Fig. 7). 3U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, A Development Program for the National Forest, September, 1961, p. 2. 4Ibid. 57 Net and Gross National Forest Acreage in Michigan In the thirty-year period from 1951 to 1961, the net acreage of national forests in Michigan has increased almost eight-fold, from 565,002 to 2,553,705 acres (see Table 5). In the period from 1956 to 1945, net acreage in national forests increased about three and one-half times, from 674,545 to 2,028,075 acres. For each of the five-year periods from 1941 to 1951, the net acreage in- crease was approximately 200,000 to 500,000 acres, while from 1951 to 1961 it was less than 50,000. The last period, 1951 to 1961, reflects the land-buying pOlicies of both the Truman (1945-55) and the Eisenhower (1955-61) adminis- trations. Both these presidents, one Democratic and the other Republican, felt that the federal government owned enough land, and therefore the purchase of land by the Forest Service was cut to a minimum.5 The Ottawa National Forest is the largest na- tional forest in Michigan in net acreage. It is almost 5Frome, o . cit., p. 84. The fact that funds were not available for the purchase of land within the national forest during this period was also mentioned during an interview (June, 1962) with Mr. Louis Pommerening, Forest Supervisor, Lower Michigan National Forest. 58 TABLE 5 CHANGES IN THE NET ACREAGE OF NATIONAL FORESTS IN MICHIGAN OVER FIVE YEAR PERIODS (1951 - 1961) National Forests 1951 1956 1941 1946 1951 1956 1961 Huron1 26.9 51.6 57.7 41.1 41.1 41.5 41.4 Hiawatha .5 15.9 42.2 45.7 47.5 47.5 47.6 Marquette .5 15.2 68.5 71.7 84.5 85.5 86.1 Ottawa 25.2 15.2 68.5 71.7 84.5 85.5 86.1 Manistee -- .6 :2134 56.7 44.5 44.4 44.6 TOTAL 45.2 79.0 202.8 227.9 255.2 254.5 255.5 Source: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, National For- est Areas--Summary, ISSued June 50, Yearly. 1All figures in tens of thousands of acres. In: 59 twice as large as the Hiawatha, which ranks second. Ex- cluding the Ottawa, the other four national forests are approximately equal in size. Combining any two of them gives a unit about equal to the Ottawa in net area. This is a clue as to the reason why the Forest Service com- bines these four smaller forests into two administrative units. The Ottawa National Forest is the largest in gross area, while the Manistee ranks second in this respect. The Marquette is the smallest in the state, only one-third the size of the Ottawa (Table 4). The Lower Michigan National Forest The Lower Michigan National Forest is composed of the Manistee, the most southern of all the national forests in the northern lakes states, and the Huron, the most eastern of all the national forests in the same area. The Manistee is situated on the western side of the lower peninsula and touches on the previously mentioned transi- tion zone between northern and southern lower Michigan. The Huron, on the eastern side of the lower peninsula, is completely separated from the Manistee. The Huron is the oldest national forest in Michigan. Some of the land in this forest was never in private ownership, and TABLE 4 CHANGES IN THE GROSS ACREAGE OF NATIONAL FORESTS IN MICHIGAN OVER FIVE YEAR PERIODS (1951 - 1961) 60 National Forests 1951, 1956 1941 1946 1951 1956 1961 Huronl 55.5 55.7 76.9 76.2 76.2 76.2 69.2 Hiawatha 27.1 27.1 82.2 82.2 82.2 82.2 76.7 Marquette 27.4 27.5 50.5 50.5 50.5 50.4 49.5 Ottawa 25.2 25.2 174.5 174.5 174.2 174.2 150.5 Manistee -- 45.9 125.6 125.4 125.4 125.4 125.4 TOTAL 155.1 181.5 509.5 508.5 508.5 508.6 471.5 Source: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, National Forest Areas--Summapy, Issued June 50, Yearly. 1All figures in tens of thousands of acres. 61 this public domain land makes up the core of the forest today.6 The supervisor's headquarters, from which the Lower Michigan National Forest is administered, is located at Cadillac, situated at the northeastern corner of the Manistee (Fig. 7). While these forests are administered as a unit, they are for all practical purposes two dis- tinct and separate forests, each of which has unique problems and characteristics. For example, the Manistee is larger than the Huron, in gross and in net acreage, but it has a lower ratio of gross to net acreage. The Manistee is not as compact in shape as the Huron. It is also located farther south and thus is closer to the greater population concentrations of southern lower Michigan. For reasons cited earlier, the Manistee was selected as the subject for this study. The Manistee National Forest The Manistee National Forest is located on the central and western side of the lower peninsula of 6H. O. Nixon, op. cit. 62 Michigan (Fig. 7). It is the southernmost national forest in Michigan and the northern lakes states, and it touches Lake Michigan in a westward extension just south of the city of Manistee.7 Boundaries The boundaries of the Manistee are somewhat irregular. In general, the form of the Forest is rec- tangular, with three major interruptions: an extension reaching Lake Michigan on the west, an indentation on the east, which is part of a state forest, and another indentation on the south, which gives the Manistee the appearance of having two short appendages on this side. The reason for the irregularity of these boundaries can be traced to its beginnings, the original survey team which established the boundaries of the Manistee Purchase Unit in 1955 intentionally excluded from the Forest any 7R. E. Larson, District Ranger, Manistee Dis- trict, Manistee National Forest, stated (July, 1962) that the Forest Service was attempting to purchase land in this western extension on Lake Michigan. At the present time, the Forest Service does not own land in the area along the shore, and is attempting to purchase from a private estate several hundred acres with lake frontage. 65 areas of heavier soils.8 In west central Michigan, light soils are of little agricultural value, while slightly heavier soils are, under proper management, able to support agriculture and yield a fair return. Along the Forest boundaries, the heavier soils stand out today as areas of agricultural land use. Not all heavier soils were excluded from the Manistee, however, and where they cross the boundaries into the Forest, areas of agricul- ture still persist. There are many factors which influence the for- mation of a soil, but five are considered most important. These are: climate, vegetation, parent materials, topo- 9 These soil forming fac- graphy and drainage, and time. tors will be discussed later in more appropriate sections. It is sufficient here to state that in various combina- tions and degrees they are responsible for the differences between heavy and light soils. 8L. A. Pommerening, op. cit. Heavier soils, as used here, are any soils with a high proportion of silt or clay. A light soil, in con- trast, is any soil made up predominantly of sand. 92. P. Whiteside, I. F. Schneider, and R. L. Cook, Soils of Michigan, Special Bull. 402. Agricultural Experiment Station, Michigan State University, December, 1959. ‘ 64 In the main, though, the boundaries of the Manistee National Forest conform closely to the boun- daries between the light and the heavier soils (Fig. 8). There are two major exceptions to this generalization. First, the eastern boundary has sandy soils on both sides, but east of the Manistee is a state forest, and this, another form of public land use, is, for all practical purposes, simply an extension of the national forest. If the national forest were expanded to include the state forest, the new boundary would conform very closely to that between the light and the heavy soils. The major exception, along the southern boundary, is a band of heavy soils which have been excluded from the Forest, except where some of them pass through the southwest central portion of the Manistee. Agriculture occurs on these heavier soils in this area (Fig. 9). The Manistee, in large measure, has reason for existence as a physical unit based on light soil associations. In general, it may be said that most lighter soils in northern Michigan are in some type of public ownership. At the same time, the change in land use associated with the heavier soils marks these public ownership areas, such as the Manistee, as distinct areas. .:, _ “a O In .‘Ia'l b» .I . I . I III 'I GENERALIZED SOIL ASSOCIATIONS OF WEST CENTRAL MICHIGAN '74- ‘ .5. IANISTEf LUDINGTON LOCATION MAP . . ’ Clays, Clay Looms, SIII Looms I: Sends, D" Hal" \ Sandy Looms Sends, Hill—Land - Pests and Mucus VlaI Land Sends s alleles 0 5 I0 I5 Seals In mllaa DEV ‘l’b’! IBS'IS' [as-45‘ Fig. 8 66 Fig. 9a A Wheat and Corn Field in the Southwestern Portion of the Forest; Note Forest C0ver in the Background Fig. b A View Across the Agricultural Land in the Southwestern Portion of the Manistee 67 The boundaries of the Manistee, while irregu- lar, are with only three exceptions straight lines. The boundary lines were based on the rectilinear survey sys- tem, but they do not follow township and range boundaries. Most changes in direction occur at lesser distances, down to as little as one-half mile (see pocket map, just south of Wolf Lake).! One of the irregular boundaries is in the extreme west along Lake Michigan. Another is in the north- west corner of the Forest, where the Manistee River serves as the border. And the third irregularity exists along the southeast border of Lake Mitchell. On the western side of the Manistee are three purchase units. One of these is separated into two parts, but they are both considered together as a single unit. These four separate areas are all immediately contiguous to the present Forest, and in the future will become part of the western boundary. Climate of the Forest The climate of the Manistee is well suited for growing certain types of trees, but the growing season is a little short for some agricultural crops, for example corn. 68 The southern tip of the Forest lies very close to the boundary between the "Daf" (humid continental, warm summer,nmdst) and "Dbf" (humid continental, cool summer, 10 This climatic boundary roughly moist) climatic types. parallels the transition zone shown in Fig. 7, and is one of the many factors which contribute to its existence. North from this southern boundary, the climate of the Forest becomes more typically "Daf" in nature. The over- all climatic regime could be described as short, warm to cool summers, with long, cold winters. The mean annual temperature varies from 45.9 at Croton Dam in the southeast corner of the Forest, (46.6 at Ludington and 46.9 at Manistee on the Lake Michigan shore) to 45 at Cadillac at the northeast corner of the Manistee.ll While mean annual temperatures are not by themselves of great value, these point out the modifying effect that Lake Michigan has on the west coast of the Lower Peninsula. 10Vernor C. Finch, Glenn T. Trewartha, and others, Physical Elements of Geography, McGraw Hill Book Company, Inc. New York, 4th edition, 1957. 11Weather Bureau, U. S. Department of Commerce, Climatic Summary of the United States - Supplement for 1951 through 1952. Climatography of the United States No. 11-16. Washington, 1956. 69 This "Lake Effect"12 is also expressed in the variation between the summer and winter average temperatures. While the density of stations in and around the Forest, which record complete weather data, leaves much to be desired, subjective interpolation indicates that the stations along the Lake Michigan shore have warmer winter and cooler summer temperatures. Surprisingly, most of the stations in or near the Forest record their lowest monthly mean temperature in February. Brunnschweiler has pointed out that the lowest monthly precipitation mean commonly occurs, at most stations in the Lower Peninsula, in 3 Perhaps this indicates the presence of an February.1 unusually cold, dry, stable air mass over the Manistee, indeed the entire Lower Peninsula during this month. Or, perhaps this is a climatic response to the freezing over of Lake Michigan. The modifying effects of the water are mitigated by the icy, snow crusted surface of the lake. In the Manistee, winter minimum mean monthly temperatures are lower eastward away from the Lake Michigan shore, and 12Dieter Brunnschweiler, Precipitation Regime in the Lower Peninsula of Michigan, paper of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, Vol. XLVII 1962, p. 580. 13Ibid. p. 579. “.EIIIJM .7. l- 70 lower northward in the Forest. Within the Manistee, the lowest mean monthly temperature occurs in February, at Cadillac. While the "lake effect" tends to hold down summer mean maximum temperature near the western edge of the Forest, the summer means tend to Show a decrease to the north and east. At Croton Dam the mean monthly maxi- mum in July is 70.4 (69.5 at Ludington and 70.2 at Manistee) while Cadillac Shows a decrease of almost three degrees to 67.8. While it sounds deterministic, summer temperatures in the Forest are almost idyllic for vaca- tioners. Daytime temperatures in the 80's through most of the summer make it warm enough for any type of outdoor recreation, while night time temperatures in the high 50's or low 60's allow one to sleep comfortably. These summer temperatures are an attraction which serves to complement the recreational opportunities of the Forest itself. Over much of the Manistee, the average length of the growing season is from 140 to 150 days.14 While nor- mally this would be a sufficient length of time to grow 14U. S. Department of Agriculture, Climate and Man, The Yearbook of Agriculture, 1941, p. 920. 71 a variety of agricultural crops, in any one year there may occur a very late or very early frost which would con- siderably shorten the growing season and could do serious crop damage. Length of the growing season is closely related to temperature. As a response to the moderating effects of Lake Michigan, elevation, and latitude, the growing season is shorter in length to the east and to the north. Concentrated between the Lake Michigan shore and western boundary of the Manistee is a segment of Michigan's fruit belt. These orchards, which are a res- ponse to the "lake effect", reach almost to the western boundaries of the Forest, in fact in one or two areas, they slightly overlap the boundaries. In the main however, the western boundary of the Manistee demarks the fruit belt from diversified agriculture and forest to the east. Most of the Manistee receives an average of 51 to 52 inches of precipitation per year.15 The 52 inch isohyet crosses the Forest from west to east, but swings well north past Baldwin before bending back southward to leave the Manistee near the southeast corner. Precipita- tion is reasonably well distributed throughout the year 15Ibid. 72 with no month receiving less than one inch. There is a definite summer deficiency in the precipitation regime of Michigan in a "dry belt" originating in Saginaw Bay and running northwestward to Grand Traverse Bay.16 This summer drought, corresponding to the period of maximum evapotranspiration, could definitely be a limiting factor in tree growth, especially for younger trees, coming as it does during the middle of the growing season.17 Of course, this summer drought adds to the danger of forest fire, especially since this is the time of the year when great numbers of campers are in the Manistee. Surprisingly, stations inland away from the lake, receive slightly more total precipitation (about one inch more) than those located on the lake shore itself. This Slight increase in precipitation could be a response to the relief effect inland, or a result of increased convectional activity away from the lake. At the stations in and around the Forest, a definite late spring maximum increase in the mean monthly 16Dieter Brunnschweiler, op. cit., p. 568. 17The author observed a pine planting operation in 1962, where concern was expressed by the planting crew that not enough soil moisture was available for the pine seedlings to survive. 75 precipitation was observed. The summer drought was followed by another increase of precipitation in early fall (September), which commonly had the highest mean monthly precipitation of the year. Following this maxi- mum there was a decrease in the monthly means to February, which normally had the year's low monthly precipitation mean. Much of the precipitation received in the Manistee comes in the form of snowfall. The mean annual snowfall Shows a great deal of variation from station to station. Brunnschweiler's map of snowfallls, which apparently ignores the anomalies of Hesperia (75.9 inches) and Tippy Dam (77.1 inches), indicates a decreasing amount of snowfall to the east, away from the lake, in this area of the state. There is a lake shore concentration of snowfall which is divided into two unequal parts by a narrow, finger-like projection (less than 60 inches of snowfall) which extends from the east to the Lake Michigan shore, near Ludington. While such figures are not available, the varia- bility of the mean snowfall from year to year would be interesting to observe. In recent years, more and more 18Dieter Brunnschweiler, op. cit., p. 575. 74 visitors have been attracted to the Manistee for winter sports, particularly skiing. While the invention of snow- making machines has released ski resorts from their com- plete dependence on natural snow, it is still considered necessary in order to have a good skiing base. Deep snows may attract winter sports enthusiasts but it creates many problems for the Forest Service and local governments. With many people living in isolated areas, an extensive network of roads must be kept open throughout the winter. Considering the relatively small number of persons using some of the roads, this is a very expensive operation for the local governments and the Forest Service. The humid climate of the Manistee has resulted in the removal of the easily soluble minerals from the upper layers of most forest soils. The Manistee lies well within the podzol region of the Lower Peninsula.19 In the cooler northern portion of the state, the podzols which were formed from coarse to medium textured materials, have a very thin A horizon, which overlies a deeper, thicker 19E. P. Whiteside, I. F. Schneider, and R. L. Cook, op. cit., p. 9. 75 B horizon. In most cases the B horizon has an ashy-grey appearance, due to leaching, which reminds one of the ashes from an old campfire.20 The full significance of this type of subsoil is not fully understood, but it is known that if the thin, organic surface layer is disturbed, the soil quickly loses its fertility. At the present time, our best use of this soil type is to keep a forest cover on it. TOPOSERPhY The dominant feature, which gives character to the topography of the Manistee, is the glacial drift deposited during one of the later stages of the Wisconsin Glacial Period. During this period, the area we now know as the Manistee National Forest was covered by ice from two separate glacial lobes. Ice from the Lake Michigan lobe occupied the present day bed of the lake and spread eastward to meet the ice of the Saginaw lobe advancing from the northeast down the channel of Saginaw Bay. The leading edges of these lobes must have met 20The word "podzol" has a Russian origin and roughly translated means "ash-like soil." 76 very close to what is today the western boundary of the Manistee. In this zone of contact between the two ice fronts, a great deal of glacial debris was deposited resulting in a series of interlobate moraines. Throughout much of the Lower Peninsula, the pattern of the morainal complex is fairly well defined, especially the recessional moraines of the Saginaw lobe. But the inter'lobate moraine pattern between these two ice tongues is very poorly defined. The general trend tends to be from north to south, but on the western side of the Manistee this is not as evident. These two ice Sheets stagnated in this area for a long period of time and as they slowly separated, melting back to the north and northeast, a flood of melt water was released which breached the north-south trending moraines and established the major lines of drainage to Lake Michigan in the west. Within the Forest, many of these moraines have been isolated into outliers completely sur- rounded by outwash plain. An example of this is the re- markable Udall Hill complex, Situated southwest of Wellston, just off M-55, (see map on end cover). This isolated moraine was cut-off by Pine Creek and the Manistee River on the north and the Little Manistee River on the 77 south. Local relief is high enough here (120-150 feet) so that one Side of it has been developed as a winter sports area for skiing. The structure of the moraine itself is not fully understood, but it is of such a nature that the Forest Service has chosen to declare this an experimental site and is running a series of experiments to determine the efféét Udall Hills has upon the water table in the sur- rounding area. Empirical observations made in the field indi- cate moraines in the Forest vary greatly in their internal structure. The Pine River, in the northeast corner of the Forest, has incised down through a series of moraines along its upper and middle courses. Continued erosion has kept these cuts free of vegetation and this allowed the author to investigate the moranic structure. The internal morphology of these moraines is interesting because of the great variety of materials observed. In many places the moraines were laced with hard, impervious, almost indurated clay. Where this clay existed relatively high in the moranic structure, it Often produced a perched water table and springs would Seep from the exposed river cuts. Some moraines were almost pure sand and must have 78 been waterlaid, while others had a considerable amount of gravel within them. These empirical observations were too superficial to form anything more than a general state- ment about moraine structure, but it is evident that this was an area of great deposition and ice wastage. The melt waters must have constantly reworked this material to create the confused and complex moranic pattern that exists today. This pattern can be observed in Fig. 10. Many of the interlobate moraines in the Manistee could properly be called kame moraines because they are largely made up of water—sorted materials. Kames are ice- Contact features which were created by deposition from glacial melt waters. In the Manistee, kame deposits occur as irregular, isolated masses scattered between the moraines. In some areas these water-sorted materials are important as a local source of gravel. While the moraines create the conspicuous hill lands within the Forest, the largest portion of the Manistee is covered by outwash, most of this in the form of outwash plains. In general these outwash plains are composed of almost pure sand or sand and gravel mixed or stratified. There are many small areas of ground moraine scattered throughout the Forest. In general this 79 IC[II. OUT'MN m. SAND DUN” LAKE OED! MOIAINES GROUND IOINNES nun/z % ,5 DRAINAGE SURFACE GEOLOGY of the Manistee National Forest (15.311 [1, I; ,1 5 5 5 ... f . s .5 «d. 125, $1,117, . 3.5.3555 551511.311; 1,55. s 5 If: I // y ,5, ,7 1;, a}; 97:: {CL/7,. ; ,7, BASE MAP SOURCE U, 5 FOREST SERVICE REGIONAL OFFICE IO LOGA‘NON I» MILWAUKEE. 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I» RGS U r.: .u .n w 3 v I ma mw .: msm me nu F .a ”m m a nu SULE IN MILES 3! fl KI! 10 Fig. 80 topographic feature is found in close association with moraines and probably was protected from glacial melt water by them. Areas of ground moraine can be observed in Fig. 10, which also shows their association with moraines. In general this ground moraine tends to make the best agricultural soil in the Forest. The zone of heavier soils, which crosses the Manistee in the south- west central portion, is composed almost entirely of this type of material. All of the soils of the Forest have glacial drift for parent materials. These parent mate- rials vary greatly in texture, fabric, and mineralogical or chemical composition. In Michigan, outwash plains tend to be relatively infertile, poor agricultural land, made up mostly of sands. This is especially true in the Manistee. Agriculture which still persists in the Forest is centered on some moraines and most of the ground moraine. There is a definite correlation within the Forest between soils, topography and agriculture, all of which are influenced by climate. Each of these fac- tors conditioned the type of forest association which developed over various areas of the Forest. Within the Manistee, there are four fairly large areas of old lake beds, which are composed mostly 81 of sand. These lake beds occur in the extreme southwest, northwest, and northeast corners of the Forest, Fig. 10. They are relatively flat, very poorly drained, and have reverted to government ownership and today have been over- grown with lowland hardwoods and Aspen. Along the western edge of the Forest, where the Manistee touches Lake Michigan, a series of well developed sand dunes occur, which are part of the entire dune com- plex along the west coast of the Lower Peninsula. These dunes, a result of the prevailing westerly winds, should form one of the most important recreational areas in the Forest. However, this land is in private ownership and public access to the beach is prohibited. Slightly in- land from the lake, the dunes have been stabilized by a scrub Oak forest association, which is a response to the excessively well drained and infertile, sandy soil. The outwash plains, which cover the largest area of the Forest, are unique in that they are associated with, and in some cases connected by glacial channels. In the main, these channels are at the present time occupied by streams, many of which are underfit. 82 Drainage In general the drainage pattern of the Manistee is dendritic. The streams have numerous meanders and this is made even more remarkable by the way these meanders have been entrenched down into the outwash plains and valley trains. The material making up these latter two features is loosely consolidated and easily eroded, conse- quently the stream channels are often choked with sand or gravel bars, and glacial erratics frequently protrude from the river beds. Choked stream channels, entrenched meanders, and wide, underfit valleys are all clear evi- dence that, in the past, the streams in this region carried a much larger volume of water. As the two ice lobes retreated, the volume of melt water issuing from them must have been enormous. Some evidence of the power, force, and volume of this water is shown by many places where the moraines have been breached by streams flowing to the west. As the ice front retreated and the volume of run-off decreased, the streams were unable to perform as much work, but they maintained enough erosive power to entrench themselves into the loosely consolidated out- wash materials. 83 Several of the older residents in the Manistee remarked during interviews about how poorly drained the lowlands (outwash plains) were before the virgin forest was removed. Any overland travel followed the high ground (moraines). During and immediately after lumbering took place, these outwash plains were drained by an extensive system of drainage ditches, so that the flat land of the outwash plains could be used for agriculture. The sandy and infertile nature of these areas soon proved too much of a handicap for agriculture and they were allowed to revert to second growth forest, mostly scrub Oak. In general, within the Forest, the uplands (moraines), containing mostly sand, tend to be excessively well drained. Because of the summer drought, which was previously mentioned, these soils will often exhibit a soil-moisture deficiency. A vegetative response to this condition was the development of a different forest association on the uplands, one made up particularly of trees which could withstand this drought condition. On the outwash plains, where drainage was poor and water was ponded into lakes or swamps, thick mats of vegetation produced organic soils such as mucks and 84 peats. The distribution of these soils can be observed in Fig. 8. These poorly drained, acid soils are of little importance for agriculture or forestry. Today they are covered by a dense stand of swamp or marsh vegetation. Some of the major streams of western Michigan cross the Manistee from east to west on their way to Lake Michigan. Because the Manistee projects well to the north, it touches an area of higher elevation that has been described as the high plains of Michigan.21 This area of increased elevation receives somewhat more pre- cipitation than the lower terrain surrounding it. The higher elevation and increase in precipitation make the high plains the source area for some of the major rivers of the northern lower peninsula. The height of land acts as a water divide, with drainage flowing east to Lake Huron, north to the Straits of Mackinac, and west to Lake Michigan. The general slope of the land surface within the Manistee is from this height of land on the northeast toward the west and southwest. It is this general slope of topography which conditioned the direction of the river 21Davis, Charles M. The High Plains of Michigan, Michigan Academy of Arts, Science and Letters, Vol. 21, 1955. pp. 303-342. 85 courses to the west and southwest across the north-south trending moraines. Because one of the major purposes of national forests is the preservation of watersheds, the Forest Service is responsible for the protection of the drainage basins and stream banks of the rivers within the Forest boundaries. These streams also offer excellent fishing, canoeing and hunting opportunities. Their recreational potential attracts great numbers of people into the Forest from the major population centers to the south. The demands upon these recreational facilities are quite intense, and this pressure on one kind of use sometimes makes it difficult to properly administer other types of multiple use within the Forest. Natural Vegetation The early settlers around the present site of the Manistee found a magnificent stand of virgin timber. This forest was closely associated with the soil on which it grew. On the outwash plains there was a mixed pine and oak association which dominated most of the area of the Manistee (Fig. 11). This association was divided 86 into two types. The first was a mixture of oaks with white pine interlaced with aspen and red maple, found along the southern edge of the Manistee. The second type was made up of Norway, jack, and white pine mixed with black, white, red, and jack oaks interlaced with aspen and maple (Fig. 11). This was the most common type of tree association found in the pre-settlement Manistee area, and it extended from the southern part of the Forest to the northern boundary. The Forest associations on the moraines were more complex than those found on the outwash plains. De- pending upon local conditions of soil and drainage, asso- ciations on a moraine might vary from mixed pines and hardwoods to northern coniferous and deciduous. On the sand dunes along Lake Michigan, a scrub oak forest de; veloped, while the poorly drained lowlands supported mixed wet-land deciduous and evergreen species, such as cedar, tammarack, fir, spruce, hemlock, aspen, willow, poplar, elm, and birch. In the southeastern corner of the present forest, several small dry prairies developed, called "oak openings" by the early settlers.22 22E. P. Whiteside and others, Soils of Michigan, Agricultural Experiment Station, Michigan State University, Sp. Bull. 402, 1956, p. 10. 87 PRESETTLEMENT TIMBER TYPES WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST LEGEND v :9- . Dry ”‘5'“. ”04:22:” 3}" 5" mud ma M Pine- .“ on. m Mord-1:000. lined Hm Ii!“ [unlu- - on “who“. WWI I OAKS‘UNIYE "NE A N‘l I” a autumn-mu nu: - sue-(mm. - - r ELI-A . n : “TLVELLW DING“ 5 m-cmu-rm ' [ I HEY LAND DECIDM SPECIES A. IN 3 AWE I I0 scar: m was use an mucous routs? a: nun sounc: mo "'0on vu‘rcmmuflultm route? at moww "'4 ‘1 Fig. 11 88 The forest just described is what early settlers found when they came to west central Michigan. How did their use and organization of this natural resource change its appearance? To answer this question, we must first examine what man's use does to a forest. The first products man exploits from a wilder- ness are animals for food and furs. Then the best or high value trees are harvested. An example of this is the ruth- less exploitation of white pine in New England for ship masts, spars, and naval wood.23 As civilization presses in on a forest, trees of lesser value are utilized. Under increased pressure, even the least desirable species are finally used for firewood, charcoal, mine props, and cooperage. Livestock is allowed to forage and browse in the woods, and man frequently allows fire to burn over the forest.24 This intense use of the forest allows certain species, which can resprout or otherwise repro- duce themselves under harsh conditions, to become 23John T. Curtis, Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth, published for the Wenner-Gren Founda- tion for Anthropological Research and the National Science Foundation by the University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois, p. 722. 24Ibid. 89 dominant.25 For example, many species like maple, beech, oak, and aspen have the ability to resprout from roots, runners, or stumps after cutting. Other species, such as jack pine, are aided by fire in the release of seeds from the cone, whereas fire destroys white pine seed in the cone. Certain species, such as white pine and white cedar, are selected by browsing animals in preference to other species, such as balsam or fir. The result is the development of a new, and often less desirable, forest association (Fig. 12). In the Manistee, clear cut lumbering, fires, and agricultural activity have considerably modified the presettlement forest association. The out-wash plains are covered by scrub oak, intermingled with a little pine. The oak is poor quality, and much of it has been fire damaged or is gnarled and twisted sprouting from old stumps. Today, this is the most dominant forest cover in the Manistee (Fig. 13). The second most common type of forest cover is dense stands of aspen. This quick growing soft wood can stand clear cutting, browsing, 251bid. 90 Fig. 12a A Stump Fence Fig. 12b A Stump Fence, A Sight Fast Disappearing From the Manistee 91 DISTRIBUTION OF TIMBER TYPES WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST WIGAN FOREST SURVEY ens: w.» some: us KORESV scam: swarm. omcz DATA SOURCE . TIWER RESOURCES . “VLWAUKEE. WISCONSIN SCALE IN MILES an: '52 Fig. 13 92 and fire; it is an early volunteer species appearing on abandoned agricultural land. Pine is almost as common in the Manistee as aspen and is found in two types of stands. The first is volunteer growth, mostly jack pine, which has been able to gain a foothold after fire has released its seeds. The second stand is found in the pine plantations which are planted by the Forest Service (Fig. 14). The pine plantations consist mostly of red (Norway) and jack pine. Along the streams and in the poorly drained lowlands, the wet-land deciduous species still persist, although the better trees have been logged from these areas. A few scattered clearings exist where the land has been completely cleared of all forest cover, while scattered remnants of the northern hardwoods are found throughout the Forest on the moraines (Fig. 13). The single most pressing problem of timber management within the Manistee is that of finding a market for the low-grade timber growing on national forest land. The Manistee is growing more timber than the estimated allowable cut. The problem then becomes one of removing these highly competitive but less valu- able species and replacing them primarily with pine, Fig. 14a A 15 to 20 Year Old Norway (Red) Pine Plantation Fig. 14b Newly Planted Pine Rows (0 g; which grows more rapidly and will produce a better tim- ber crop. Man's use of the Manistee National Forest has left a new forest association. The size and quality of the trees has been diminished, and less valuable species, with greater regenerative powers, have replaced those of the past. The result is an immature forest of poor quality trees which will take many years to be brought back into top production. Population Georgraphers and demographers know that it is difficult to census accurately even a small area. People are mobile and, at least in our society, they move about with a great deal of speed. Because the boundaries of the Manistee cut across county and township lines, it is even more difficult to estimate the exact number of people who reside therein. To compound further the problem of estimating the population, many people residing in the Manistee through the summer live elsewhere during the winter. Why bother with estimating the population if it is such a difficult task that any figures obtained will 95 probably be inaccurate ? Difficult as it is to obtain, for an intelligent discussion of man’s organization and use of the Manistee, the purpose of this study, an answer is necessary. It is impossible to answer the questions asked by this study unless we know something of the number of people who live, work, and find recreational outlets within the Forest. Types of Residence At the very beginning of this study, a wall map of the Manistee National Forest was prepared from county highway maps. A striking feature of this map was the difference in appearance between the area outside the Forest and the area inside. The area within the Manistee was much lighter in value,26 the area outside much darker. A closer examination proved that this was because there were fewer cultural symbols (buildings) inside the boun- daries.- These symbols for buildings were of four types: farm, non-farm, commercial, and seasonal dwellings, such 26Value, as used here, means the amount of light reflected from any surface. It is the variation of the gray scale between black at one extreme and white at the other extreme. 96 as summer cottages. By counting the number of permanent dwelling units within the Forest and multiplying by the census figure for the average number of people living in a residence, it was possible to estimate the population. Because there are two sets of county maps in existence, one compiled in the 1940’s and the other in the 1950's, it is possible to estimate the population of the Forest at two separate times, and to show the changes that have taken place in approximately a ten-year period. Such a comparison reveals that both the 'Manistee and the state forest, on its eastern border, have fewer buildings within their boundaries than the area surrounding them. If a graph is constructed from a traverse along a line of sections, starting at Lake Michigan and running across the forests from west to east, the state and the national forests are the low points on the graph (Fig. 15). Not only are there more buildings outside the forests, but there is also a change in function. A higher proportion of these buildings are farm residences, as would be expected, since the better agricultural soils have been excluded from the Forests. There is also a difference between a graph constructed from the 1940 figures and one constructed from the 1950 97 CROSS- SECTION OF THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS THROUGH THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST 10 -«P 10 Croee-Sectton A 0940) Number ot Eetobtiehmeote / \ LAKE me new meter moan cm of ammo Hunter ot Seem 201 ...................... . . . , . I I r10 IBJ. . r-IS Number . of '°-'- v ' " "° Eetobtiehmeute -e o x / \ uee Ivonne»: um router eoueoeer cm or mu.» Nuulber ot Section 30-!- . - P 80 Croce-Section 8 (I940) l8< A - ‘ v-ls Nwmhu 0! NH ' » H0 Eetebltehmeme S-I 5 o emomu. W M \eurfioeter eoueeeev Number ot Section emu-Section B 0950) Nurlzber 0 '°" ' Eetobltetuneete 5. .1\ use harm LEGEND - Form I Rural Nontom D Commericol eoch Nook equole one eetobtiehment m 'e: Fig. 1.3 98 figures. In the 1950's there were fewer farm buildings, many more non-farm residences, and added commercial es- tablishments. This is true both inside and outside the Forest, although the absolute number of changes is greater outside the Forest. A second factor which becomes apparent when one examines the map is that many sections in the Manistee have very few or no buildings. If a line is drawn around these sections, we see that large areas of the Forest have only a limited number of buildings (on Fig. 16 these would be the delineated areas).27 These areas containing very few buildings correspond very closely with national forest ownership within the Forest boundaries. Land which passes into federal ownership within the Forest boundaries is no longer available for private building sites. Despite large areas in the Forest empty of buildings, there are many sections28 which have a great number of establish- ments on them. Concentrations of buildings tend to be 27Delineated areas, as used here, are arbitrary units set aside by the author, which have a low density of buildings. zesection, as used here, refers to the recti- linear survey measurement of 640 acres, or one square mile. 99 DEUNEATED AREAS o Manistee Notional Foreet Delheeree Areee ere ermre ereu tenet-lee lee eereelleennre Dere fierce-M Nlelvey Ieee em I” W‘ u: rm emu m Ilmm. 'W mm '6: lOO centered on prime recreational sites, such as around lakes or along streams, by routes of communication, or in areas where the soil is slightly heavier and still supports agriculture. From careful study of the county highway maps three kinds of areas can be isolated. The first are the delineated areas, within the Forest boundaries, which had no buildings, or at least very few, per section. The second area is the remainder of the Forest, outside the delineated areas. The third area is that outside the Forest boundaries, but immediately contiguous. The delineated areas within the Forest cover a total of 754.5 square miles and contained 279 buildings in the 1950 s as compared to 256 in the 1940's. This was an increase, in the total number of buildings, of 8.9 percent. The significant factor here is not the increase in total number of buildings but the change in function. Farms declined by almost 50 percent, while non-farm residences increased over 580 percent and com- mercial establishments increased 60 percent (Table 5). So even though most of this land is in federal ownership, the number of buildings is still increasing. But the function of the buildings, with the decrease in farm residences and the great rise in non-farm residences and commercial establishments, is rapidly changing. TABLE 5 101 THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS BY FUNCTION WITHIN THE DELINEATED AREAS OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FORESTl Year Change From % Change Building Type 1940 1950 1940-1950 1940-1950 Farm 207 105 104 -49.7 Non-farm 44 168 124 581.8 Commercial 5 8 3 60.0 TOTAL 256 279 25 8 9 lThe delineated areas totaled 754.5 square miles. 102 Inside the Forest boundaries, but outside the delineated areas, L095 sections were checked for buildings. In the 1950's there were a total of 5,857 buildings on this area, an increase of 44.1 percent from the 4,058 in the 1940's (Table 6). The rate of increase for total number of buildings was 44.1 percent, which is much greater than it was in the delineated area. This fact lends sup- port to the thesis that land controlled by the Forest Ser- vice, in the delineated areas, is simply not available for building sites. In the non-delineated areas the number of farm buildings declined from 5,451 to 2,852, a decrease of 17.5 percent. This rate of decline is less than one- half that for farm buildings in the delineated area. Such a finding is to be expected because through the years the Forest Service has acquired the poorer agricultural lands. Those lands which would not support agriculture have been abandoned or sold to the Forest Service. The slightly better agricultural lands inside the Forest, but outside these delineated areas, have been able to support agriculture and so the decline in number of dwellings is not so rapid. Some decrease in farm dwellings would be expected because the general trend in Michigan is for the total number of farms to decrease, the average 105 TABLE 6 THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS BY FUNCTION WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST BUT OUTSIDE THE DELINEA‘I'EDAREASl H Year Change From % Change Building Type 1940 1950 1940-1950 1940-1950 Farm 5,431 2,832 599 -17.5 Non-farm 566 2,891 2,525 410.8 Commercial 61 124 65 105.5 TOTAL 4,058 5,847 1.789 44.1 1The area within the forest but excluding the delineated area totaled 1,095 square miles. 104 size of farms to increase, and the total amount of land in cropland to decrease.29 The increase in non-farm residences in the Forest from 566 in the 1940's to 2,891 in the 1950's, an increase of 410.8 percent, is startling (Table 6). This tremendous rise is probablythe result of the pros- perity following World War II. Up to 1941 the country was Just emerging from the depression, and there was little opportunity for development in this area. During the war years little construction took place, but im- mediately thereafter more leisure time, new and better roads, and increased purchasing power have enabled people to purchase land, to build summer homes or permanent homes, and to commute long distances to work. Within the Forest, the great rise in non-farm homes has been around lakes and along streams and major routes of transportation. This Jump in non-farm residences is not peculiar to the Manistee, but has occurred throughout the southern half of the lower peninsula of Michigan.80 It is interesting 29U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1959, U. S. Census of Agriculture--Michigan Counties, Vol. I, Pt. 15. soAllen K. Philbrick, Analyses of the Geographical Patterns of Gross Land Uses and Changes in Numbers of Structures in Relation to Major Highways in the Lower Half 105 to note that the Manistee, as a whole, is not acting as a barrier to the settlement of non-farm residents. It is only the delineated areas which retard settlement, and even these areas do not completely restrict development. Commercial establishments in the Forest, but outside the delineated areas, increased slightly over 100 percent, almost 60 percent more than the rate of increase within the delineated areas. Outside the Forest, but immediately contiguous to the boundaries, 1,098 sections were checked for num- ber and type of establishments. In this area a total of 6,641 establishments were found in 1940, compared to 4,058 within the Forest in 1940, or 65.7 percent more in almost exactly the same number of sections. However, in 1950 there were 8,529 structures outside the Forest compared to 5,847 inside, or a difference of only 45.8 percent. The decline of almost 20 percent between the 1940 and 1950 percentages seems to indicate that new es- tablishments are being constructed at a more rapid rate within the Forest than immediately outside its boundaries. of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan, Michigan State Univer- sity Highway Traffic Safety Center, and Department of Geography, East Lansing, Michigan, 1961. 106 However, the total number difference between these two time periods (2,585 for 1940 to 2,682 for 1950) indicates that buildings are being constructed at a slightly faster rate outside the Forest boundaries. Another outstanding difference between these two areas is that the rate of decline in the number of farm residences is slower outside the Manistee than it is inside (Table 7). This would be expected, since the better agricultural soils were excluded from the Forest. The Forest has a slight numerical advantage in the number of non-farm residences. The rate of change between the 1940's and the 1950's is very close to the same, 410 percent inside the Forest as opposed to 597 outside. In total there are many more farm establish- ments outside the Forest (5,550) than there are inside (2,852). The rate of decline is greater inside the Forest (-l7.5 percent) than outside the Forest (-7.5). Again, the author believes that this reflects the better soils outside the Forest and the land-buying policies of the Forest Service within the boundaries. In the 1950's the number of commercial establishments outside was almost double that of the Forest area, 225 to 124. The rate of change from the 1940's to the 1950's is about equal, even TABLE 7 107 THE NUMBER OF ESTABLISHMENTS BY FUNCTION OF A SELECTED AREA OUTSIDE, BUT CONTIGUOUS TO, THE MANISTEEl Year Change From % Change Building Type 1940 1950 1940-1950 1940-1950 Farm 5,890 5,550 450 -7.5 Non-farm 588 2,774 2,216 597.1 Commercial 105 ._1§55 1§g_gg 118.4 TOTAL 6,614 8,529 1,888 28.4 1The area outside the forest totaled 1,098 square miles. 108 though the total number of establishments involved here is very small. The most important factor revealed here is that there are more establishments outside the Forest than inside. The difference in the total number of establish- ments is made up almost exclusively of farm residences. This could be due to two reasons: first, the many recre- ational areas within the Forest which offer choice building sites; and second, the better agricultural land contiguous to the Forest does not offer as much in the way of recre- ational opportunities, and on this better soil agricul- ture can compete with recreation for land use. Forest Population So much for the broad changes which are taking place in the settlement of the Manistee. But what of the number of people living within it? The Forest Service attempts to assess total population by taking the figure for all of the population of all of the townships com- pletely within the boundaries of the Forest (this informa- tion is available from the census data) and then calcula- ting the population of the townships which are only partially within the Forest. In other words, if one-half 109 of a township is inside the Forest boundaries, the Forest Service counts one-half the population of a township and adds it to the population of the Forest. If only one- third of the township is inside, the Forest Service counts one-third of the township population and adds that number. Of course, the dangers of error in such a system are many, for population is not distributed uni- formly, and it has been proven earlier that areas within the Forest are less densely populated than those outside. Since the above method cannot but contain in- accuracies, another method has been used to compute the Forest population. The total population was calculated by multiplying the census figure for the average number of people living in an establishment by the number of permanent establishments in a portion of the township within the Forest. The number of establishments in the Manistee had already been computed, and therefore it was only necessary to correlate this information with the census figures. The population of the Forest was computed for each ten-year period from 1950 through 1960. To do this, the number of people in each township lying wholly within the Forest was first listed under the county in which they 110 resided. For townships situated partly within the Forest, the population was computed by multiplying the number of establishments enumerated in the part of the township within the Forest by the census figure for the average 1 These com- number of people living in establishments.3 puted figures, for townships lying partially within the Forest, were then added to figures of townships wholly within, giving a total population for each county in the Forest (Table 8). A major weakness in this method is that the figures for number of establishments come from only two time periods, the 1940's and the 1950's. In order to compute the residents for townships partly within the Forest for 1950 and 1960, it was necessary to use . the number of establishments counted in the 1940's for 1950 and the 1950's for 1960. It has already been proven that the number of residences is changing in the Forest, increasing from the 1940's to the 1950's. If this in- creasing trend was constant for the four ten-year periods, than the figure for 1950 is too large and that for 1960 is too small. Despite this obvious weakness, the figures 31U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, The 1950 Censuses -- How They Were Taken, proce- dural Studies of the 1950 Censuses, No. 2, Washington, D.C., 1955. 111 TABLE 8 THE POPULATION OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST BY COUNTY (1950 - 1960) County 1950 1940 1950 1960 Lake 2,602 5,116 5,855 5,958 Manistee 1,194 1,417 1,456 1,599 Mason 1,869 1,888 1,619 1,692 McCosta 445 467 520 517 Mbuntcalm 168 174 189 198 Muskegon 899 1,256 1,801 2,992 Newaygo 8,857 8,460 9,000 8,755 Oceans 5,115 5,577 5,525 5,661 wexford 2,145 2,699 2,654 2,644 TOTAL 21,294 22,854 24,579 25,976 112 arrived at are meaningful as they form a general picture of what is happening to the total population of the Manistee. Population by County The portion of Newaygo County within the Forest is the most populous of any area in the Manistee, having more than twice as many people as the portion of Lake County within the Forest, which ranks second. Mountcalm County, with less than a full township inside, has the smallest population. The number of people in the portion of each county within the Forest is in general holding stable or increasing slightly. The exceptions are Mason County, which lost population (Table 8), and Muskegon County, which has increased. The total population of the Manistee was esti- mated to be 25,976 in 1960. In summer the number increases, since summer residents, tourists, campers, and other non- permanent citizens swell the population. The permanent population has increased at the rate of six to seven percent for each ten-year period since 1950. While this increase is slow, it is nevertheless steady and consistent. 115 If the total population of the individual counties making up the Manistee is considered, regard- less of the Forest boundaries, it can be seen that the rate of total population increase is greater than that of the portion of the counties within the Forest. The population of the counties touching on the Forest has been increasing at a rate of about fourteen to fifteen percent for each ten-year period since 1950, or about twice as fast as the Forest population. This compari- son, however, is unrealistic, since the major urban areas of these counties lie outside the Forest, and some of these counties barely touch the Forest. Another interesting point is that the Forest Service has been acquiring more land within the Forest boundaries each year since the establishment of the Manistee. Over this same period, the population of the Forest has been increasing; therefore, a larger number of people have been concentrated on a smaller amount of private land inside the Manistee. Population by Forest Ranger Districts There are four Ranger Districts within the Manistee. They are named for the cities where the ranger 114 district headquarters are located. Other aspects of these districts will be discussed in greater detail in the fol- lowing chapter. Only population figures are of concern here. The White Cloud District, which is the largest and southernmost of the four in the Manistee, has the largest share of the Forest population, almost sixty percent (Table 9). The Baldwin District, just north of the White Cloud, covers the central portion of the Manistee and is the second largest district, with about twenty percent of the population. The other two dis- tricts, in the northern part of the Forest, have about ten percent of the people, and are about equal in size. These statistics show that the Forest population is not evenly distributed, almost sixty percent being con- centrated on slightly more than one—third of the Forest area in the southern portion (Table 9). Of course, there are areas in the southern portion where large blocks of land are in public ownership and on which the population is very sparse. But in general it can be said that the farther north one progresses the more sparsely settled the Forest becomes. TABLE 9 POPULATION WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST BY FOREST RANGER DISTRICT 115 Forest Ranger District 1950 1940 1950 1960 White Cloud Total Pbpulation 12,442 12,575 15,915 15,185 NUmber Change -- 151 1,542 1,268 Per Cent Change -- 1% 10.7% 9.1% Per Cent of Total Forest Population 58.4% 55% 56.6% 58.5% Baldwin Total POpulation 4,150 4,882 5,550 5,525 Number Change -- 752 448 -7 Per Cent Change -- 18.2% 9.2% -.15% Per Cent of Total Pbpulation 19.4% 21.4% 21.7% 20.5% Cadillac Total Pbpulation 2,240 2,855 2,770 2,795 NUmber Change -- 595 -65 25 Per Cent Change -- 26.5% -2.2% .9% Per Cent of Total Population 10.5% 12.4% 11.5% 10.7% Manistee Total Pbpulation 2,482 2,564 2,564 2,567 Number Change -- 82 O 111 Per Cent Change -- 5.5% 0 4.5% Per Cent of Total Forest Pbpulation 11.7% 11.2% 10.4% 10.5% Total POpulation 21,294 22,854 24,579 25,976 Number Change -- 1,560 1,725 1,597 Per Cent Change -- 7.5% 7.5% 5.7% 116 Land Use Population and land use are closely related and because there is a larger concentration of people in the southern end, a change in land use would be expected between the southern and northern portions of the Forest. In fact, this change does occur. Cleared land exists throughout the Forest, but tends to cluster where farming still persists, especially close to the eastern, southern, and western borders (Fig. 17). In the southwestern corner of the Manistee, a zone of heavier soils crosses the Forest from the southeast (Fig. 8). This is definitely the largest area of agricultural activity within the Forest. The federal government owns much more land in the northern and central portions of the Manistee than it does in the southern portion. It is on these federally-owned lands that real forested areas exist, although there is a move- ment within the Manistee for more of the private land to be planted in trees.32 When climbing a fire tower in the northern section of the Forest, one is offered an almost 32The Ingham County News, 16 May, 1962. The Consumers Power Company of Michigan planted 750,000 red (Norway) pines in 1962, part of a continuing program in operation since 1924 in which more than 25 million trees have been planted. LAND USE . In I_ e Manistee National Forest LEGEND “NEAL ESTABIJMENT 3 MW WATER BODIE3 LOCATION W MD FROM ALLEN It PHILDRIOK'S A CROSS LAND USE MAP OF IICIIMGAN' BASED ON LAND USE FOR EACH QUARTER SECTION BASE NAP SOURCE U.S. FOREST SERVICE REGIONAL OFFICE 5m: m NILE! MILWAUKE. WISCONSIN "u ‘6: Fig. 17 118 unbroken panorama of second growth forest, sprinkled only Ihere and there with small clearings (Fig. 18). The same view from a fire tower in the southern portion shows large blocks of timber, also, but these blocks may be surrounded, interrupted, or interspaced with equally large clearings. By and large, these clearings, both in the north and in the south, are areas of farming on better soils, or they are private holdings that were cleared in the past and that have not been replanted in trees. Forest is by far the dominant land use in the Manistee, more so in the north portion, though, than the south. Agriculture is the second predominate type of land use, farms being scattered in clumps located mostly in the southern portion or along the borders. While these two types occupy the greatest area, the most conspicuous type of land use is for recreational purposes. In driving about the Forest one constantly encounters signs extolling the virtues of fishing camps,'summer resorts, road houses, restaurants and all other types of facilities making up a resort area. More income is brought into the Forest by recreation than by timber and agricultural produc- tion combined. Fig. 188 A View Looking West From the Irons Fire Tower (Note the Small Clearing) Fig. 18b A View Looking South From the Irons Fire Tower 120 Recreational land use in the Manistee is so im- portant to private individuals that it seriously hampers multiple use practices of the Forest Service in providing recreational opportunities. The recreation map in the back cover shows net acreage in dark green, and private land as white. The map reveals that the net acreage is scattered in blocks and clumps, concentrated in the north and central part (Fig. 19). The lakes and larger streams stand out in a band of white. The land around the lakes and along streams is predominantly in private ownership. Land in close access to water is Considered prime recrea- tional land, or land which has a higher value because of the recreational opportunities it offers. The Forest Ser- vice owns very little of this prime recreational acreage. Because one of the duties of the Forest Service is to pro- vide recreational opportunities within national forests, they should own much more of this prime land. Within the ManiStee, most of the land around the lakes has been divided into lots and sold to private indi- viduals for summer cottage sites or summer resorts. Some lakes have cottages almost side by side around their entire shoreline. Most of the land along the larger streams is owned by the Consumer's Power Company, or by wealthy 121 LAND OWNERSHIP in the Manistee National Forest LEGEND - Neflorool Fereet Land r m/f/éj 9. (r J F _ Fig. 19 122 individuals who have purchased large blocks of river fron- tage. The concentration of this prime recreational land in the hands of a few private individuals creates a prob- lem of access to these sites. The Forest Service recog- nizes the need for more land that will provide access to water, but such land is seldom for sale, and if it is offered for sale the limited size and high price makes purchase by the Forest Service prohibitive. In simple words, the recreational value of the land with access to water is so high that it has not become publicly owned. If any land is offered for sale, it is immediately pur- chased by private individuals. However, the demand for land with access to water has led to the over-development of most of the lakes and streams within the Forest. This over-development has destroyed the very quality that attracted people initially. Perhaps in the future these lakes and sections of streams may be abandoned, as they become even more overcrowded. Then the Forest Service may be able to obtain the land and start restoring some of its natural beauty. But this distance in time is beyond the range of a single individual, and only a pub- lic agency such as the Forest Service can patiently wait for restoration. 125 The net acreage in national forest land in the Manistee is open to the public for camping, hiking, hunting, and fishing, except for a few restricted areas, or during times of extreme fire danger. Figure 20 shows two of these types of recreational uses. In addition to this almost unlimited access to the land, the Forest Service provided fifteen improved campgrounds and two picnic 33 areas, all with access to water. There are also two ppecial use permits which have been issued for the estab- lishment of two winter sports areas by private groups.34 By law, the Forest Service must provide oppor- tunities for recreation, and while those listed here for the Manistee may sound adequate, they are severely over- crowded during the summer months. The Forest Supervisor has recognized the need for new recreational sites and the improvement of existing facilities, though their 33Improved campgrounds are provided with water, garbage disposal cans, fireplaces, tables, and outdoor toilets. They are cleaned and maintained by the Forest Service and may be used for no charge by the public. 34Special use permits are granted by the Forest Service to private individuals, groups, companies, or other public agencies to use national forest land for special purposes. For example, a power-line crossing national forest land must have a special use permit. Fig. 208 Canoeing the Pine River Fig. 20b The Pines Point Campground on the White River 125 development has been hampered by an inadequate budget.35 More recently, with more money available, the Forest Service has again begun to move ahead with recreational development plans. 35L. A. Pommerening, op. cit. CHAPTER IV THE POLITICAL AREA ORGANIZATION OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST The organization of the Manistee National Forest by the Forest Service is one of two types of organization with which this study is concerned. It is public, and is carefully planned. It has been professionally develOped, and tried in the field in the administration of our national forests. Where it has been found lacking, it has been adjusted to correct defects which might have weakened its prOper functioning. It is part of the systematic or— ganization of every national forest in the country. As such, it is an example of the administrative area organi- zation by fiat_which is typical of political area organi- zation. This type might be compared to a pre-cut garage, where two separate builders following the master plan for the garage would construct a building similar in appearance, detail, and function. The Overall Organization of National Forests The Forest Service, a division of the Department of Agriculture, has headquarters in Washington, D. C., and 126 127 is responsible for administering the national forests of the United States. As in any agency responsible for administering large areas over great distances, the Forest Service has develOped various levels of organization. The highest of these levels is the nation as a whole. In turn, the nation is divided into ten regions. Each region has a number of national forest supervisor's headquarters. The headquarters may administer one or more national forests. Each forest is divided into ranger dis- tricts, and each ranger district has numerous fire wardens. This discussion will start with the lowest level, develOp- ing the framework of organization in an orderly sequence from the lowest level to the t0p. The Basic Unit The basic unit in the organization of a national forest is the fire warden. Fire wardens are not members of the Forest Service, but are private citizens appointed by the district ranger to help in fire control. They provide a contact between the public and the Forest Serv- ice, help the district ranger maintain control over his district, and perform many other necessary functions. 128 The Forest is divided into four ranger districts, unequal in gross area. In driving through the Manistee, it becomes evident that the area of each of these districts is very large. Table 10 discloses that the White Cloud District, for example, has a gross area of 467,405 acres, and is interrupted by private lands outside the Forest boundaries, thus increasing the distance that must be traveled to visit remote parts. The district ranger's time is taken up in paper work, professional and civic meetings, and talks and field work, such as timber sales and fire suppression. With time at a premium, it may be weeks or even months before the ranger or any of his staff is able to visit far corners of the district. The district ranger maintains close contact with the district through the basic unit, the fire warden. The Fire Warden The fire warden is not a full-time employee of the Forest Service. In fact, he receives pay only for those times when he is actually engaged in fighting a forest fire. He is an interested, responsible, private citizen, usually a property owner, who lives in, or very close to, the boundaries of the national forest. TABLE 10 129 THE GROSS AND NET AREA, POPULATION, AND MAJOR PROBLEMS OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST RANGER DISTRICTS DISTRICT White Cloud Baldwin Manistee Cadillac Gross Area Acres 467,405 546,655 258,475 202,522 For Cent of Gross Area 57.2 27.6 19.0 16.1 Net.Area Acres 101,486 159,052 94,797 111,828 Per Cent of Net Area 22.7 51.1 21.2 25.0 Population Total 15,185 5,525 2,675 2,795 For Cent of the Manistee 58.5 20.5 10.5 10.7 Major Problems (In order of Scattered Pbpulation Fire Pepulation their impor- Ownership Problems Problems tance to the District) Lack of Fire Scattered Fire Ownership Ownership POpulation Lack of Mar- Soil De- Lack of Mar- Problems kets for Low pletion kets for Grade Timber Low Grade Timber 150 At first glance it would seem that private citizens should be excluded from the Forest Service or- ganization. But it is the warden who provides the whole national forest system with contact between the political, economic, and social organizations existing side by side with the Forest Service organization. It is the fire warden who provides the Forest Service with basic in- formation about resources, people, and attitudes in his area of the district. Besides being a personal link between the Forest Service and the public, the fire warden is dele- gated authority to issue burning permits. It is unlaw- ful to start a fire in a national forest outside of desig- nated camping areas without first obtaining a burning permit. This is true even for private land within the forest boundaries. The reason for this is obvious, for during very dry periods, when the fire towers are being ' manned, any smoke sighted in an area where a fire permit has not been issued would be reported as a fire out of control. Another reason for issuing burning permits is that the very process of obtaining a permit makes a person more conscious of the need for care in controlling the fire. And, of course, during times of extreme fire danger when the Forest is very dry burning permits can 151 be refused, thereby reducing the risk of fire getting out of control.1 By delegating authority to the fire wardens to issue burning permits, the district ranger decentralizes this activity. With fire wardens scattered throughout the district (Fig. 21), individuals do not have to travel great distances to secure burning permits. If this au- thority were not delegated, each person wishing to obtain a permit would have to travel to the district headquarters, which might create hard feelings and establish the habit of neglecting to secure a permit. Fire wardens have no prescribed area in which they can issue burning permits. One issued by a warden is valid anywhere in the district. The warden simply sends the time, date, and location of the proposed fire to district headquarters. The fire warden's home is his office, and normally the area in which he issues permits extends for several miles around this point. A person seeking permission to start a fire may travel a greater distance in a certain direction simply because the road 1Interview with Dave Cline, Assistant Ranger, White Cloud District, Manistee National Forest (1962), who provided most of this information on fire wardens. 132 HRST AND SECOND ORDERINTERCONNECHONS WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST VIII. Home?" 04L \ Boon Guard . W - I Well-Ion Guard SIafloo Chmerrden Y ,IIU new \ 7 ma I .\ Hold-In 4 I I I I I’ I" . I . L- I I I . I ‘ I I . . ,_,, 7 - 7 I I I I While Cloud use I I L nu \K\ ‘fi 0 Fire Warden I a II t . Ranger DiuIricI Headquanere * Fare" Superviear'l Neadauanere at. DieIrIcI Boundary [ 7% Purchase mm H O 5 I0 SCALE m was BASE MAP SOURCE L I U.S. FOREST SERVICE REGIONAL OFFICE MIL 0N WAUKEE. VISC SIN ”KN VIIN Cadillac VIII '5? Fig. 21 155 is better, or because he knows a warden personally. The fire warden is also given the authority to fight fires. Each warden organizes a fire fighting crew from his local area. When a fire is reported in the vicinity, he notifies his crew, which is made up of other local residents. They, in turn, assemble at his home, where a cache of tools is stored. The warden notifies the district ranger, who dispatches the regular district fire fighting crew if assistance is necessary. The warden and his crew are paid for the time they spend fighting the fire.2 The authority delegated to the fire warden, together with his influence, is in turn disseminated throughout the surrounding area and to the people who make up his fire fighting crew. According to Kimball, then, the appointment of fire wardens is the "basic step" necessary in any form of land use planning or or— ganization.a This basic step is the involvement of the local people in the planning and organization of the area in which they live. 2Dave Cline, op. cit. 3William Kimball, contents of a lecture on Land Use Planning, Course in Land Use Planning 815, De- partment of Resource Development, Michigan State Uni- versity, East Lansing, Winter, 1961. 154 Selecting the Fire Wardens There is no prescribed number of fire wardens for a ranger district. The ranger may appoint as many as he sees fit. Certain factors, however, cpntrol the approxi- mate number required. For example, the gross area of the district will be taken into consideration. The number of people living in a district will also be a factor. If the p0pulation of a district is small, the number of interested local peOple will be reduced. There will thus be fewer conscientious peeple available to form a fire fighting crew, but there also may be less incidence of fire, or demand for burning permits. The number of wardens necessary in such a district would be reduced. The ranger tries to make appointments in such a way that no large area of the dis- trict is without a fire warden. Of course, local p0pula- tion distribution and numbers are always considered. The qualities the ranger looks for in a fire warden have been touched upon above. He must be interested in the Forest, and possess qualities of leadership, or at least be well known in his immediate area. He must have a feeling for conservation, and he must get along with 155 peOple, for his duties as warden will bring him into con- tact with them in great numbers and variety. Persons wish- ing to secure burning permits must come to his home or place of business, which sometimes happens at awkward or inopportune times. While a fire warden receives no pay for his duties, he is not completely without compensation. The Forest Service erects a large, attractive sign near the warden's home, proclaiming him a national forest fire war- den. The cache of fire fighting tools is in a nearby con- spicuous shed (Fig. 22). Once a year, the wardens and their crews gather together for a dinner, where they are shown movies on fire fighting techniques, and here they he have a chance to meet with other wardens and Forest Service personnel. All of this lends a certain prestige and im- portance to the position. The Organization of the Fire Wardens in the Manistee Figure 21 has been prepared to show the location _of the fire warden sites. These locations are nodal points interconnected to district ranger headquarters by lines of 4 communication and transportation. The station headquarters 4Allen K. Philbrick, "Principles of Arefl.Func- tional Organization in Regional Human Geography," Economic Geography, Vol. 55, No. 4, October, 1957, p. 505. Fig. 22a Fire Warden Sign {F'Tuw "gfaw‘ ”3»; lyagf‘. ' » ‘1‘; i" ~‘ A " Fig. 22b Tool Shed Where Fire Fighting Equipment is Cached 157 becomes the focal point on which each of these nodes is focused.5 The White Cloud Ranger District on the southern end of the Manistee has a typical star-shaped cluster of nodal points surrounding it, somewhat off-centered to the east due to the interjection of the enclave of private land between its two southward extending appendages (Fig. 21). It should be painted out that the map does not sharevery fire warden for each district. The number of wardens varies as from time to time some die, move away, 1036 int- erest, or simply no longer have time to keep up their du- ties. The dots listed are those for the wardens who were most active and reliable at the time of the interview at district headquarters; The Baldwin District, just north of the White Cloud, occupies the center of the Forest. It also has a' star-shaped cluster of nodal points around it, but the northeast quadrant of the cluster is missing. Baldwin is located on the eastern edge of the Manistee, or.the south- ern corner of the enclave of state forest land which ex- tends into the Manistee from the east. No Forest Service 5Ibid., p. 505. 158 wardens are needed in this northeast sector, which is not in the national forest. Both the Manistee and Cadillac Districts cluster of nodal points focus in a single direction, to the west for Manistee, and to the east for Cadillac. This is due to the respective locations of the district headquarters, adjacent to the western and eastern edges of their districts (Fig. 21). Forest Ranger Districts The forest ranger district is the next step in the hierarchy of the organization of national forests, and is the first official level recognized by the Forest Ser- vice. Line authority leads from the district ranger up through to the Chief.6 At present, there are 804 ranger districts in the Forest Service organization (Fig. 25). The Forest Service considers the district ranger a £3: source manager, because it is he who implements the poli- cies initiated in upper echelons. It is obvious that ” with 804 individuals scattered across the country in re- mote regions, some method of coordination is needed to 6Herbert Kaufman, 2p. cit., p. 41. 1.39 FOREST SERVICE ORGANIZATION LINE OFFICERS Secretary U.S. Department of Agriculture Chief Forest Service IO Experiment Director Station Directors Forest Products Laboratory 66 Research Center Leaders arm's: IO RegionaI Foresters I29 Forest Supervisors 804 District Rangers Fig. 23 140 enable the district ranger to make decisions that are not contrary to the aims of the Forest Service as a whole.7 The ranger has the Forest Service Manual and Handbook to use as a guide in making his decisions. This seven-volume book comes in two parts, one which sets forth basic policy for the entire Forest Service, and one which tells the rang- er: in great detail how he must carry out this policy. SIZe of Ranger Districts As can be observed in Table 10, districts vary in size. The Cadillac District, for example, contains slightly more than 200,000 acres. This is the smallest district. The White Cloud contains well over 400,000 acres, more than twice the number in the Cadillac. Size of a rang- er district, however, as used by the Forest Service refers to volume, complexity, and diversification of workload, as well as acreage.a At one time, there were five ranger districts in the Manistee. But the workload for each was so small that one district was eliminated and its area incorporated into the remaining four districts. More recently there has been 7Ibid., p. 91. 8Forest Service Manual, op. Bit., 1525.51, Amended, March, 1962. 141 an adjustment in the boundaries of the four remaining districts; the size of the White Cloud District was in- creased while the others were reduced in area.9 Authority to change the size of a district is vested with the regional forester, a still higher step in the Forest Service organization. Districts may be combined or boundaries shifted to spread the work load. While there is a great discrepancy in the gross acreage of the four districts in the Forest, their net acreage is much closer in both size and per cent of the total net acreage (Table 10). Because the Forest Service bases the size of a district on work load as well as area, these areas are more similar than would appear from their gross acreage. The White Cloud District, the larg- est in gross acreage, is one of the smallest in net. The net acreage, though, is dispersed, which makes adminis- tration more difficult. These factors combine to make the work load equal to that of the other ranger districts in the Forest. 9L? A. Pommerening, op. cit. 142 The White Cloud District Within each ranger district some regionality can be observed. The most acute problem in the White Cloud is the scattered ownership of the scant acreage under the con- trol of the Forest Service. At the same time, this dist trict has a larger population than any other, and it is located closer to the large p0pulation centers in southern Michigan. It also has more and better roads, which provide better access for visitors, than any other district. It is made up of parts of five counties, and because the For- est Service must operate in conjunction with local govern- ments, this intermeshing of local political and forest authority causes occasional trouble.lo For example, one county passed a resolution against pine release by the Forest Service.11 loDave Cline, 2p. cit. 11Pine release is the killing or harvesting of other tree species to allow pines planted beneath them to mature more rapidly. Some local residents believe that acorns from oaks annually provide valuable food for deer. They feel that the removal of these oaks would seriously deplete the local deer herd. 145 This district, located closest to p0pulstion Centers, has the fewest and most poorly develOped recrea- tionél sites within the Forest. The White Cloud has more agricultural area, more cleared land, and is lower in ele- vation than the other three districts. There is also very little jack pine here, as the Lake County-Newaygo County line is about the southern limit for this species. The Baldwin District The Baldwin District is the most centrally loca- ted of all the ranger districts in the Forest. It has the largest amount of net acreage, and has the largest volume of timber sales each year. The most pressing problems in this district are those associated with people, and their use of the Forest. Fire is the second most important prob- lem, and finding a market for low-grade timber which grows in abundance within this district is next in importance. The district has few well-develOped public recreational sites, although there are many private sites which have been develOped. There is easy access into the area, as Baldwin is situated at the crossroads of two major hggh- ways and is a division point for the C. and 0. Railroad. 144 The Manistee District The Manistee District is situated in the north- western portion of the Forest. It is the only one that touches on Lake Michigan. The Manistee District has the smallest amount of net acreage, and this acreage is very scattered and dispersed. This ranger district has devel- oped a record for the fewest ngmber of fires. Despite this record, however, fire is still considered the number one problem there. This is because of the flat terrain and the large number of maturing pdne plantations which would make a fire almost impossible to control if one started. To addrto the problem of fire hazard, there are the large number of both public and private recreational sites which attract many visitors. According to the disé trict ranger, the dispersed ownership is the second most pressing problem.12 Access to, and administration of, national forest land is very difficult. Another problem common to all districts, but especially troublesome in the Manistee District, is the depleted condition of the 12R. E. Larson, pp3, cit. 145 soil which makes it very difficult to grow trees of high quality. Because the headquarters for the district is situated at Manistee, which is outside the Forest, a central work point, called the Wellston Guard Station, has been es— tablished at Wellston, located on Highway M-55 (Fig. 21). At this point, the Forest Service has concentrated equip— ment, vehicles, and supplies in sheds, garages, maintenance buildings, and work shops. There are a number of residences here for use by some of the personnel assigned to the dis- trict. While the administrative focal point of the dis- trict remains at Manistee, the focal point for work, fire fighting, and maintenance is centered at Wellston. Thus the Manistee District has dual focal points. From this fact it can be concluded that the Forest Service finds it easier to move men than it does equipment to and from the District. The Manistee District also is well known for the Chittenden Nursery, located just outside Wellston, named for Professor Alfred K. Chittenden of Michigan State University (Fig. 24).13 The nursery has supplied over 500 18U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Chittenden Nursery, Wellston, Michigan. . 243 Pine Seedlings 1e Chittenden Nursery Fig. 24b Pine Plantation From Chittcmiozl ursr‘i‘j/ Stuck 147 million trees for use in national forests throughout Re- gion Nine, linking by this service the products of this district and the Forest to every other national forest in the Region.14 At the same time, there are several research projects which are being conducted in the District by the Lake States Experiment Station. This work in turn links the District and the Manistee National Forest to the rest of Region Nine.7 The Cadillac District The Cadillac District is situated in the north- east corner of the Forest. It is the smallest district in gross acreage in the Manistee, but ranks second in the amount of net acreage. The major problems of the Cadillac District are those associated with people living in and' using the Forest. The next most serious problems here are fire, and a lack of markets for the low-grade pines which also grow here in abundance. There are several public and a number of private recreational sites in the District, but again a difficulty in the develOpment of more recrea; tional area is the lack of government owned sites near l4Ibid. 148 bodies of water. The area has few lakes, and the land along the major streams is privately controlled by Con- sumer's Power Company. The Cadillac District has a guard station located at Boon, which gives this district a dual focus, as was true of the Manistee District. There is easy access into the District by three major highways and the Ann Arbor Railroad. The District Headquarters as a Focal Point It is clear that the district headquarters is the focus for each ranger district in the Manistee National Forest. Administrative direction and decisions on manage- ment of timber, establishment and maintenance of recrea- tional sites, manning of fire towers, puchase of land, and management of wildlife originate from these headquarters. The district is organized around this central place, look- ing to the personnel for guidance and leadership. The dis- trict occupies the second order in the hierarchy of organi— zation developed by the Forest Service, and is the first order officially recognized. But the district is only a part of the Forest as a whole, and each of these focal points, district headquarters, is in turn centered upon 149 a still higher focal point, which becomes the third step in the Forest organization. The Manistee National Forest The Forest Service manages a national forest as a single unit, a unit usually having some physical basis which makes it a homogenebus area. For example, the Manis— tee National Forest is an area of lighter sandy soils of little value for agriculture. Because the Forest boundar ries cut across political boundaries, the Forest becomes a natural region which could be compared to a drainage basin. Indeed, some national forests do occupy drainage basins. The job of the Forest Service in managing this physical unit is really very much like that of a regional planning commission, with all the inherent problems that go with planning for a region composed of diverse areas and occupied by a diverse group of peOple. Planning for the Manistee originates at the for- est supervisor's headquarters in Cadillac. Here the grand strategy and major policy decisions for the Forest as a whole are made. These strategic decisions are passed 150 down to district headquarters where the tactical decisions are made on how policy should be implemented in the field. While broad policy decisions are made for the entire For- est, the basis of these decisions is the multiple use plan which is compiled at each ranger district, usually for a five-year period. The multiple use plan prepared by each district ranger must be approved by the forest supervisor. This plan makes available to supervisory personnel, at the forest level, the wide range of diverse facts which are necessary for the formulation of overall Forest policy. Forest policy is based on pecularities and diversities of the districts, as reported by the men who are in contact with them at working levels. National forest planning is at once regional and local, depending upon the point from which it is viewed. The forest supervisor's headquarters provides c administrative and specialized technical skills which may be needed in the various districts of the Forest. The supervisor's headquarters becomes the focal point for each district, and lines of interconnection focus on these head- quarters from each district (Fig. 21). The lines are main- tained by two-way, open system radios located in the head- quarters of each district, and in some of the mobile units 151 used by Forest Service personnel. Radios are on during all hours of the working day, and any message broadcast to a particular district can be heard by all other dist tricts. Thus all districts are tied together within the Forest; any order, question, or command is heard forest- wide. There are other types of interconnection besides the two-way radios, such as directives, regular meetings, inspections, and reports, which serve to maintain contact between these two levels of organization. The Forest Supervisor According to the Forest Service Hand Book, the forest supervisor is a manager, responsible for quantity and quality of work performed by the organization under his 5 charge.1 At present, there are 129 forest supervisors in the national forest service.16 A supervisor's headquarters may consist of one national forest or possibly two if their individual workloads are small. The headquarters is staffed with a clerical force and a variety of specialists who are 15Forest Service Handeook, op. cit., 1554.22, Amended, March, 1962. I 18Letter (1962) from Bill Bergoffer, Division of Information and Education, Forest Service, Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C. 152 trained in various techinal skills which are in demand at district levels. For example, a specialist might be train- ed in wildlife management, or engineering of roads, recrea- tional sites, or building construction. Size of a national forest does not alone deter- mine the rank or responsibilities of a forest supervisor. The Forest Service Manual Clearly states that a national forest will be as large as is consistent with the ability of a forest supervisor to: 1. Maintain technical and administrative control of the work by personal review of each ranger's activities in the field at least semi-annually. 2. Personally coordinate the work of his technical staff and administrative personnel. 5. Maintain a thorough working knowledge of the economic, social, and political conditions and situations within his zone of influence.17 If a new forest is prOposed, or if the work load becomes so heavy that it isddeemed avisable to divide an existing forest, or if the work load is 80 light that two forests could be united under one administrative head- quarters, then the necessary changes will be considered 1“(Forest Service Manual, 0p. cit., 1525.5, Amended, March, 1962. 155 on the merits of each individual case.18 Any changes in national forest boundaries, or the establishment of a new or elimination of an old forest, requires a presidential proclamation, the procedure of which is outlined in the Forest Service Hand'Book.19 In summary, the forest supervisor develOps long- range plans for the national forest under his care. But because he does not have as intimate a knowledge of the forest as the district ranger, his planning must be in participation with this lower level in the organization. The Cadillac Forest Supervisor's Headquarters The forest supervisor's headquarters at Cadillac is unusual because Cadillac is also a ranger district head- quarters. One would think that these two offices should be housed in the same building, but they are not. The district headquarters is located in the downtown business district of the city, while the forest supervisor's headquarters is located several miles away in another building at the 18Ibid. 19Forest Service Hand Book, 9p. cit., 1525, Amended, March, 1962. 154 edge of town. ,This is a good illustration of the separa- tion of these two levels of the Forest Service organiza— tion. For reasons of economy, it does indeed look as if the two officeas might be housed together. To keep the district an autonomous, independent, self-functioning unit, however, these two organizational levels are kept entirely separate. In Figure 21 the two levels are shown at an exaggerated distance apart to magnify the separation of these distinct focal points. The Cadillac Forest supervisor's headquarters also administers the Huron National Forest on the eastern edge of Michigan. The Manistee and Huron National Forests, although separate and distinct units, are at the same time interconnected through the supervisor's headquarters. In their activities and through the forest supervisor's center, each of these forests is connected to the next level, the regional headquarters. The Region According to the Forest Service Manual, there are no specific standards which determine the extent or 155 boundaries of national forest regions.2O ”However, certain factors do influence the size of the present regions; they are not inviolate, and can be changed if the need arises. The overall forest service programs,.national, economic, and cultural conditions, and consideration of effective operation would be prime factors in determining whether or not changes were needed in a national forest region.21 Authority to make changes is vested in the Secretary of Agriculture. The Forest Service tries to consider all the many variable principles and factors of fundamental organi- zation in the establishment of a national forest region. The physiographic and natural forest regions are considered, as is the size of the area and the job load. But it is impossible for the Forest Service to separate completely these regions from state boundaries because of its coopera- tion with other federal agencies, many of which use state boundaries, and with the various state agencies with whom the Forest Service COOperates.22 This is the reason that present regions do not conform entirely to natural forest regions, to physiographic provinces, or to state boundaries. 20Forest Service Manual, 9p. cit., 1525.1, Amended March, 1962. 2.1Ibid. 22Bill Bergoffer, 3p. cit. 156 Broad policies for all national forests are devel- oped by the Chief of the Forest Service. Within the frame- work of these policies, more specific policies, known as regional guides, are developed at regional levels.‘a6 These guides may be prepared for a whole region, or for only a sub-region, depending upon similarity or differences in existing conditions. It follows, then, that every national forest is interconnected with the region in which it is situated be- cause planning for an individual forest must remain within the framework of the overall guide. For this reason, no forest, no matter how remote, is isolated from the regional headquarters. Experiment Stations and Research Centers Existing at about the same level as regional headquarters, but in a different line of organization, are the ten experiment stations of the Forest Service. At a slightly lower level are research centers, of which there were sixty-six in 1959. At first glance it might seem as if each region would have an experiment station, but this 23From a paper delivered by Edward P. Cliff on March 17, 1962, when he became Chief of the U. S. Forest Service. 157 is not the case. Regions One and Three do not have such stations, while Region Eight has two. There is also a trOpical experiment station on the Island of Puerto Rico (Fig. 2). In general, experiment stations have been set up to coincide with major forest types, or physiographic provinces of the United States.24 Approval for any changes in these stations is vested in the Secretary of Agriculture. The stations carry on research related to the five forest resources, timber, soil and water, range, wildlife, and recreation, and they also perform research on forest protection from insects, fire, and disease.25 Research centers can be set up anywhere as long as the area is characteristic of the whole region, and is close 6 The research centers are to the problem under study.2 usually established in an area to study a specific prob- lem; for example, an area infected with white pine blis- ter rust might be designated as a research center. The assistant chief for research has power to set up or to move these centers. 24Forest Service Manual, op. cit. 1525.2. Amended, March, 1962. 25Bill Bergoffer, 0p. cit. 26Forest Service Manual, op. cit. 1525.4 Amended, March, 1962. There is one forest products laboratory, located at Madison, Wisconsin. This laboratory conducts research into new forest products and better ways of producing and using old ones. Region Nine Each national forest region is administered from a regional headquarters. The headquarters for Region Nine is at Milwaukee, Wisconsin. There are fourteen na- tional forests administered from ten national forest head- quarters, each of which is focused on the Milwaukee headquarters. Lines of interconnection run from each of these ten national forest headquarters to the regional office (Fig. 25). These interconnections may be in the form of telephone conversations, directives, commands or questions sent by mail, meetings (at either the region- al or the forest level) and inspections. The Manistee National Forest is interconnected to every other national forest in the region through the regional office. Region Nine, in turn, is interconnected to the next higher level in the organization of national forests by the Forest Service. 159 mm .aas 8. OO. 8 o , sea-.20: a :2... .. a 29:..- e O 20:0o 09.3390 3.8.80 on... 3-0 we. 55‘ 8:8 3.32 o 22.2.33... 3.33:. O 22.2.33: 233.35 .33“. e ozwowq 2:2 .333. mzopomzzoomwhz. muomo 051... _.—/—-/"I\r The Nation As has been stated, the continental United States is divided into nine national forest regions, with Alaska making a tenth, and Puerto Rico, in effect, an eleventh. Within each region, the headquarters acts as a focal point, becoming the center of a star-shaped cluster of lines of communication from each national forest within the region (Fig. 26). In turn, each of the regional headquarters is interconnected to the Forest Service in Washington, D. C. It is from this headquarters that the broad programs for the entire Forest Service are administered and directed.27 The Forest Service is a branch of the Department of Agricul- ture, with the Chief being responsible to the Secretary of Agriculture for its overall operation. Thus it is that any one of the four ranger districts within the Manistee National Forest is interconnected with, and becomes a part of, all of the various higher levels in the organization. A ranger district in the Manistee is both local or national in sc0pe, depending upon the level in the hierarchy of organization at which it is observed. 27Bill Bergoffer, op. cit. 161 on .wam .6. 5e 3.18.]. 8:. 3:18] Ohmwan .02! a. 0.00” 1] 8w 8. O 28:2» EeEteo-u .05: can :3: D 3203.5 £2.33 .33.; .{y {stage-ox .3232 © £233.23... See—on: @ onetgv‘oex Eon—{ego e ucts.-son 3:2er I no... 23.5 I .36.... 2: o... I I I'll 'l"' ‘ / 2.21.35... 9.— ‘ wzoFomZZOUmMHz_4mum hmmeu 162 The Hierarchy of the Organization This discussion has attempted to Show the devel- Opment of a pyramid-like structure interconnected by lines of communication and transportation. The first level, or base, is formed by the numerous fire wardens within each district, who focus on the district headquarters. There are many wardens in a national forest but only a few ranger districts, and each of these less numerous second levels of organization focuses on a single forest supervisor's headquarters at a still higher level. Each national forest headquarters within a region is focused on, and interconnected with, a single regional head- quarters, the next higher level of the organization. Each of the ten regional headquarters has as a focal point the Forest Service Headquarters in Washington, and the Chief of the Forest Service. At the apex of this pyramid is the Secretary of the Department of Agricul- ture. The base of the pyramid is the fire warden, the apex the Secretary of Agriculture, but it is clear that each higher level of the organization is made up of the more numerous levels below it. As in any organi— zation, the higher the level the fewer the number of 165 positions (Fig. 25). The pyramid-like structure of the Forest Service allows basic policy directives to flow from the Chief to every national forest, and in the end to filter down to the basic unit. It is, in effect, an orderly hierarchial arrangement of levels of organiza- tion, which combined form the Forest Service. As already stated, if the pyramid-like struc- ture is viewed from the administrative end, the apex focuses on the Secretary of Agriculture. But this apex can shift from one end of the organization to the other. If the structure is viewed from the Operational end, the apex is focused at the ranger district as the basic unit, with the whole massive complex machinery of the Forest Service, and numerous support personnel at each higher level, being brought to bear on this Single point. The pyramid is then quite like an Optical illusion; that is, it changes its apex depending upon the viewpoint. This organization of the Forest Service is a deliberately planned, man-made, consciously directed hierarchy, which is well documented. While sharp lines of division separate each level of organization, the system is not mutually exclusive, because each higher level is composed of more numerous lower levels. The 164 organization is a systematic grouping of levels of res— ponsibility and, as in any system conceived by man, the orderly progression from one step to another is clear- cut and well-defined. The system is easy to understand and comprehend, and its function can be clearly perceived. The Result of Forest Service Organization on the Manistee National Forest How does the Forest Service organization of the Manistee National Forest help to solve the problem of the double role assigned to forests by man? The greatest contribution is the application of the princi- ples of multiple use and sustained yield to the forest. In the Manistee, the better agricultural land remains in farms, privately owned. Land can sustain only one type of use at a time, either agricultural crOps, or timber. Although we have a food surplus now, our ex- panding p0pulation may need the food grown on these farm lands at some future time. The lighter soils, which will not grow crops competitively with better agricultural areas elsewhere, will grow trees, and most of the Manistee has lighter soils. The Forest Service has planted trees and has, 165 planned for the future through selective cuttings, with a program of sustained yield from these plantations in mind. While this forest is growing, it protects the watersheds of the river basins, provides homes for wildlife, and offers recreation for our increasing population. In effect, the Forest Service is managing the renewable resources of soil, water, timber, wildlife and recreation on the poorer lands in such a way that the Forest is being used for a number of different purposes at the same time. Basically, the Manistee is producing forest products from the lighter soils in juxtaposition with the better soils, which are producing agricultural crOps. The answer to the question prOposed at the be- ginning of this section leads to a series of other ques- tions. What of the peOple who live in the Forest? How do these people earn a living while they wait for a forest to mature? Where do they get the food they need and the timber products they must have if the space of the Forest is occupied by a growing forest? To answer these questions we must turn to the economic area organization of the Forest. C H A P T E R V ECONOMIC AREA ORGANIZATION OF THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST The second type of organization of the Manistee National Forest is economic. It differs from the first type, the political, in that it is private in nature and it is not so clearly defined, or planned. This type could be compared to two garagesbuilt from raw lumber, with the plans laid out only in the mind of the builders. The resulting structures would have the same function, but probably would be very different in appearance and detail. This method has developed by trial and error, and its variety of functions are grouped at various levels de- pending upon the area served. In order to understand the economic area organization of a national forest, it is necessary to understand how a forest is functionally organized. 'Areal Functional Organization Scattered throughout the Manistee, as we have seen, are a number of establishments. These represent 166 167 human occupance, the basic unit and the first level of the economic area organization.1 It is at this level that goods and services are consumed. An establishment can be a home, a farm, or a factory. In certain places establishments are clustered together into groups. Groups of establishments are called focal places.2 Each focal place has a function which it performs in the economic organization of the area in which it is situated. Usually, as the focal place increases in size the number of func- tions it performs for the surrounding area increases. The hierarchy of functions which develop in each of these places has been noted by geographers in many different countries, and is considered to be fundamental to the understanding of regionality.3 1Allen K. Philbrick, "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," op. cit. p. 505. 2Ibid. 3Walter Christaller, Die Zentralen Orte in Sfiddeutschland, Jena, 1955. August Ldsch, Die raumliche Ordnung der Wirtschaft. Translated by W. H. Woglom and W. F. Stopler as The Economics of Location, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1954. Hans Carol, "Das Agrargeographische Betrachtungssystem. Ein Beitrag zur landschaftskundlichen 168 As the number and kinds of functions increase in focal places, organization becomes more complex and these places assume a higher rank in the hierarchy. The essential viewpoint of areal functional organization is that man has developed a pattern of human occupance by the application of human creativity in solving the problems of everyday living.4 The basis for this viewpoint has been established in a number of works by R. S. Platt in which he has developed the elementary Methodik dargelegt am Beispiel der Vin Sfidafrika," Giflbgraphica Helvetica, No. l, 1952, pp. 17-67. J. E. Brush, "The Hierarchy of Central Places in Southwestern Wisconsin," The Geographical Review, Vol. 45, pp. 580-402. E. L. Ullman, "A Theory of Location for Cities," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 46, pp. 855-864. B.J.L. Berry and W. L. Garrison, "Recent Developments of Central Place Theory," Papers and Pro- ceedings of the Rggional Science Association, No. 4, 1958, pp. 107-120. B.J.L. Berry and Allen Fred, Central Place Studies: A Bibliography of Theory and ApplicatiOns, Regional Science Research Institute, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Bibliography Series No. L, 1961. 4Allen E. Philbrick, "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," op. cit., p. 505. 169 idea of focality.5 However, it was Philbrick who ex- panded the idea of focality, showing that each establish- ment is interconnected, and that this interconnection leads to the evolution of areal units of organization which are larger and more complex and have more functions than the individual establishment.6 More recently, this concept has been applied 7 Brown by Bjorklund to a city and its surrounding region. has studied political activities, using areal functional organization, and has shown that the political organiza- tions of the world constitute a hierarchy of areas and 5Robert S. Platt, "A Detail of Regional Geo- graphy: Ellison Bay Community as an Industrial Organism,” Annalscof-the American Association of Geographers, Vol. 18, 1928, pp. 81-126. Robert S. Platt, "Field Study of Republic, Michigan, A Community in the Marquette Range," Sggp. Geogr. Mgg., Vol. 44, 1928, pp. 195-205. Robert S. Platt, "Problems of Our Times," Annals of the American Association of Geographers, Vol. 54, 1946, ppe 1-450 6Allen K. Philbrick, ”Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," op. cit., p. 505. 7E. M. Bjorklund, Focus on Adelaide, Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper 41, 1955. 170 8 Larimore has applied the concept of areal functions. functional organization to a primitive settlement pattern in Uganda.9 Masai has used this viewpoint to study two areas which developed under the impact of different cul- tural environments.lo Most recently, Philbrick used this viewpoint as a basis for the development of a textbook 1 It is revealing to apply on world regional geography.l the viewpoint of areal functional organization to this study of the Manistee, and to examine the method of or- ganization which man has imposed thereon in trying to solve the double role assigned to forests. 8R. H. Brown, Political Areal Functional Organi- zation: with Special Reference to St. CloudJ Minnesota. Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper 51, 1957. 9A. E. Larimore, The Alien Town, Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper 55, 1958. 10Yasuo Masai, Lansing; Michigan and Sigzuoka, Japan: A Comparison of Areal Functional Organization in Two Different Environments, Doctoral Dissertation, Department of Geography, Michigan State University, 1960. 11Allen R. Philbrick, This Human World, John Wiley and Sons, Inc., New York, 1965. 171 The Hierarchy of Economic Area Organization Philbrick, in his work on the principles of areal organization, identified seven orders of levels.12 These levels are not mutually exclusive, for each lower level makes up, or is a part of, a higher order. This system is sometimes called a nested hierarchy. The first order, or lowest level, identified by Philbrick is the establishment. As defined, the es- tablishment, which may be a home, farm, or factory, is the point where goods and services are consumed. When groups of establishments begin to cluster together a focal place takes on the added area function of retailing both goods and services. This activity, or function, becomes the second order, or level, in the hierarchy of organization. The third order is a cluster of focal places. At this level another function, that of wholesaling, may be isolated. This level is significant in this study because, although it is not strongly developed, 12Allen K. Philbrick, "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," op. cit., p. 551. 172 it is the highest order of economic area organization identified within the boundaries of the Manistee National Forest. When two or more clusters of focal places grow together, a central place is formed. Central places be- come the fourth level in this hierarchy and take on the added function of transhipment. Transhipment, as used here, can be bulk breaking activities or regrouping of rolling stock associated with the transport of goods. A group of central places becomes the fifth order and performs the exchange function. Philbrick defines exchange as the "bringing together of a buyer and seller without the physical handling of the items bought or sold."13 In certain large cities, concentration of econo- mic power is centralized. This concentration of power in the form of common ownership, interlocking directorates, merged corporations, and spheres of interest, exercises control over large areas. This function, control, be- comes the sixth level in the economic functional organi- zation of area. 13Ibid. 175 The seventh and last level in the hierarchy is that of leadership. Leadership is a nebulous idea, hard to map and analyze, but as used here it is a combination of economic control and power which gives direction and guidance to broad programs of the national economy. This is the level which ”sets the economic pace" for all lower levels. The General Pattern of Economic Organization The general pattern of economic area organiza- tion in the Manistee is one of consumption and production, with the former more important than the latter. The people living and working in the Forest demand and con- sume the great array of goods and services that today are common to the American market. The most backwoods country store will offer for sale nationally-known products. Tropical fruits may be on sale, along with clothes from New York, drugs from California, hardware from Japan, and frozen foods packaged in Chicago. Products from every- where in the country flow into the Manistee business es- tablishments from centrally located points surrounding the Forest and interconnected to it by lines of trans- portation and communication. 174 While production of goods is not as important in the Forest as consumption, it nevertheless plays a significant role in the economy. The primary product of the Forest is "services," which are associated with the recreational opportunities that attract the great majority of the people to the area; these people in turn become the market for the services. After services, the next most important item of production in the Forest is timber. Timber from the Manistee is used to produce pulp for paper, packaging materials, and in some instances lumber. According to the Michigan Forest Survey, in 1955-56 there were thirty- six sawmills and other plants operating in the Manistee which used logs and bolts.14 Many of the so-called saw- mills and other plants are operated by a single individual. Others do only custom work, or cut firewood, or are only operated part time. In the Forest only Six sawmills were found which had more than two employees. One of these used more than a dozen men, but the others had only from 14Timber Resources--Michigan Forest Survey, Baldwin Block, Lower Peninsula of Michigan 1956, and the Cadillac Block, Lower Peninsula of Michigan 1955, Michigan Department of Conservation, Lansing, Michigan. 175 three to seven employees. The number of people who are gainfully employed in sawmills in the Manistee is insigni- ficant. A major reason is the poor quality of trees. The timber is immature, gnarled, knotty, and twisted. Log sizes are small, and at least one sawmill operator found it more profitable to buy timber outside the Forest. A major problem within the Manistee is finding a market for this low-grade timber. Timber production will in- crease in the Forest as more land comes into Forest Ser- vice ownership, as the trees mature, and as selective cutting improves the quality.of the remaining timber. Manufacturing plants, other than sawmills, are almost non-existent within the Forest, only three having been found. They are located in the larger cities, two in White Cloud and one in Baldwin. They employed a com- bined total of less than sixty workers. Because of the glacial topography, water-washed sand and gravels are widely distributed in the Manistee. Extractive industries making use of these deposits are common, but nowhere are these operations large or well- developed, and they serve rather local areas. The farming areas on the eastern, western, and southern borders produce some agricultural products, J76 mostly wheat, oats, barley, and dairy products. Farms are limited to the heavier soils and their total numbers, for the entire forest, are small. The general economic pattern can be summed up with a symbol gpgpg, which stands for pourists, gervices, and pimber. The Forest acts like a magnet drawing people for recreational purposes, and at the same time drawing goods and offering services to be used by these people. The Retail Organization Thirty-three focal places were visited during the preparation of this thesis. Some of these focal places, such as Carr Settlement, or Hoxeyville, con- sisted of but a single retail establishment serving a cluster of residences. In these small focal places, interviews were conducted at all of the retail establish- ments. In the large ones, such as Baldwin and White Cloud, the number and kinds of retail functions increased to the point where time permitted only a sample of the total number of business establishments. Regardless of the size of the focal place, the first step was a complete inventory of all economic acti- vities in the town. Inventories were recorded on a 177 specially prepared form (see Appendix B). In the larger towns, such as Baldwin and White Cloud, the owner of at least one of each type of business inventoried was inter- viewed. Businesses which were more numerous were sampled more heavily. For example, in Baldwin sixty establish- ments were tallied. Seventeen interviews were conducted, representing at least one of each type of business inven- toried, and thirty-five percent of the total number in the town. In all, interviews were conducted with over one hundred and thirty business operators in the Forest. To facilitate these interviews, a prepared interview sheet was used (see Appendix C). The interview sheet con- sisted of two parts, a section on general information about the business and its relation to the Forest, and a section on the leading products sold, including infor- mation as to where these products were obtained by the retail dealer. General Nature of the Businesses in the Forest The first section of the interview was of a general nature, designed to answer questions about the relation of economic activity to the National Forest. 178 More than twenty-five different retail functions were covered. The more specialized functions, such as those of furniture stores, radio and television repair shops, and realtors, were concentrated in the two largest cen- tral places, Baldwin and White Cloud. The most common retail functions found throughout the Forest as a whole were grocery stores, gas stations, and taverns. Each business operator was asked if he was aware of the National Forest. Eighty-four percent said they were, but surprisingly sixteen percent admitted that they did not know of the existence of the Manistee. This certainly indicates that certain types of businesses do not depend upon the National Forest as a drawing power to supply customers. More than half (fifty-two percent) of the opera- tors interviewed had no feelings either good or bad about the Forest. Forty-four percent felt that the existence of the Manistee was good for the area, and only four percent had antagonistic feelings. This last group ob- jected to government ownership of land in general and not specifically to the Manistee National Forest itself. Only one person was really violently opposed to the National Forest. A subsequent interview revealed that 179 this individual had been refused a job with the Forest Service, and as a result was in a mood to condemn the whole national forest system. In general, it certainly appears that the Forest Service has done an excellent job of public relations. Most of the people living and working in it are favorably inclined toward the Manistee. Exactly one-half of the business operators interviewed felt that the National Forest helped their business, mostly because of the recreational opportunities which attracted people to the area. Half the operators thought that the Forest did not influence their business in any way. None thought the presence of the Forest in the area hindered their business. Within the Forest business is definitely seasonal. Many businesses close through the winter months. The greatest economic activity takes place in the three summer months of June, July, and August, with a late fall upsurge during the deer hunting season. In the spring the opening of the trout season, and, in recent yearg the mushroom gathering season have given an earlier spurt to the economy. Attempts have been made, with some notable success, to attract visitors into the area for winter 180 sports. Both the Manistee and the Cadillac ranger dis- tricts have winter sports areas operated on g0vernment land by private groups under special use permits. But most of the seventy-seven percent who stated their busi- ness was seasonal felt that they had to make enough profit in summer to carry them through the winter months. Seven- teen percent of the operators felt their business was not seasonal, while Six percent had not been in operation sufficiently long to answer the question. The average length of time in business was eleven and one-half years for all of the establishments recorded. However, there was a great deal of variation from this average. One business had been in operation for fifty years by the same man, whereas another had only been open one week. Certain types of businesses in the Forest change hands frequently; for example, restaurants and gas stations. Hardware and grocery stores seem more stable in length of ownership. Generally, the businesses most closely related to the tourist indus- try are most unstable within the Forest. Reasons for starting a business in the Forest were varied, and fifteen percent of the operators inter- viewed could not clearly explain why they had decided to 181 open a retail establishment in the Manistee. Thirty- six percent felt that they were taking advantage of a good business opportunity, and another thirty percent had opened a business simply because they lived in the area. Eight percent of the operators gave fondness for the area as a reason for going into business, while still another eight percent had inherited the family business. Two establishments (one percent) are in operation because they can take advantage of a local source of raw material. In general, the Forest influences retail trade by providing recreational opportunities which attract visitors to the area. The economic health of a busi- ness is directly related to its success in providing services and products which are sought by tourists. In the tourist areas, businesses tend to be unstable, and they also have a tendency to specialize. Away from the tourist areas, business functions are more diversi- fied and somewhat more stable. The economic base of such businesses is more stable, since they do not have to depend upon the whims of tourists or the vagaries of weather, both of which are subject to change from one year to the next. 182 Types of focal places Six types of focal places were recognized in and around the Manistee (Fig. 27). They are: (1) aban- doned settlements, or sites where towns existed in the past, but only traces, such as stone foundations, remain today; (2) relic settlements, or those left from former days when lumbering or agriculture was more widespread and better developed, the number of functions having de- creased, but a cluster of establishments still persisting around one or more retail outlets; (5) highwaygoriented settlements, or focal places which have sprung up along routes of communication to take advantage of business opportunities offered by the movement of goods and people; (4) recreational oriented settlements, or those which have developed around lakes and along streams; (5) migrating settlements, which are a combination of two and three above, that is, a relic settlement mi- grating toward a transportation route; and (6) combina- tions of these and other types of settlements. Types of combinations consist of highway and recreational settlements, political and highway settlements, and political, highway, and recreational settlements (Fig. 28). 183 DISTRIBUTION OF SETTLEIIENT TYPES IN AND AROUND THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST Fig. 283 Irons, Michigan, A Relic Settlement Fig. 285 A F5211 Recreational Oriented Retail Establishwont 185 These focal places have a very definite distribution, as indicated in Figure 27. Abandoned and relic settle- ments are situated in the more remote corners of the Forest, off the beaten path, removed from major trans- portation routes. Highway settlements are distributed along the major routes of travel, particularly at inter- sections of major highways and connections with secon- dary roads. Recreation settlements are located around major lakes, or clusters of minor lakes, or near major streams. Migrating focal places are always near a major highway. Combinations of types are the large towns, which have assumed a larger number of functions. Each of these combinations is on a major transportation route. These varied types of settlements reflect the evolution and development of man's use of the Manistee National Forest. The abandoned and relic settlements are examples of the past organization wherein the natural resources of the forest were exploited. But as the trees were cut and the fertility of the soil waned, the old organization collapsed, and its centers or focal places were abandoned, or declined in importance. After the initial exploitation of the Manistee, wise men began a revaluation of this resource. All-weather 186 highways were constructed into the Forest, and the Forest Service began a long—term program of sustained yield forestry, including also the development of recreational resources. These changes brought a new economic organiza- tion. Settlements sprang up along the highways to take advantage of the economic opportunities offered by local and transient tourists. Around the lakes and streams recreational settlements began to evolve. Some relic settlements began to migrate toward nearby highways to take advantage of this new economic impetus, At the same time, larger economic centers developed where major transportation routes crossed. These larger centers com- bined some or all of the functions of the smaller centers, and added some new ones not found at lower levels. Recognition of these six types of settlements supports the concept of economic functional area organi- zation. As establishments cluster together into focal places, they can be isolated as one of the four types of settlements, relic, highway, recreational, or mi- grating. These focal places take on a higher-level function than the individual establishments, and they can be equated to the second order, retailing level, 387 of economic area organization. At the same time, when groups of these focal places appear in clusters, they become a combination of the settlement types mentioned above, with additional and higher functions. These groups of focal places, in some cases, can be equated to the third order, the wholesaling level. The Retail Trade Area Each business operator interviewed was asked to indicate his retail area on an overlay map of the Manistee National Forest. Figure 29 is a composite map showing the extent of the retail trade area for each of the thirty-three focal places. In a town such as Baldwin, where seventeen interviews were conducted, there is a great range in the size of the retail trade areas. Certain functions in such a city attract people from a greater distance than do other functions. But when the boundaries of these retail areas are placed on a map, one on top of the other, a definite trade area begins to emerge, from which most of the retail activity focuses upon the nodal point in the retail center. In the case of Baldwin, most of the retail operators mentioned a focal place in 189 each of the cardinal directions which they felt was the normal limit of their selling area. Notice that the retail area of Baldwin is delimited by Branch on the west, Bitely on the south, Chase on the east, and Irons on the north. Yet each of these smaller focal places also has a retail area which it shares, in part, with Baldwin. The retail area of every focal place overlaps that of some other focal place. In certain cases, a smaller focal place is completely within the trade area of a larger one (see the trade area of Wolf Lake and Big Star Lake in Fig. 29). Three retail trade centers dominate the retail area of the Forest, Baldwin, White Cloud, and Hesperia. Each of these dominant centers shares its market with smaller centers, competing with them for business. Yet because of their more central location and larger size, each of the dominant places can perform certain types of functions which are impossible for the smaller places. For example, Wolf Lake cannot provide the services of a dentist, doctor, or bank. Each of these services is found in Baldwin, where Wolf Lake residents go when such are needed. 190 In the northern and north-central part of the Forest, there is no large retail center. A cluster of smaller focal places shows a very complex pattern of overlapping retail areas. Here, there is well developed competition for retail trade from the establishments within this area. The duplication of function within these smaller focal places is amazing. Almost all had not one but two, and sometimes three, country stores. The stores were generally concerned with the sale of foodstuffs, but they all also offered, in varying degrees, hardware, clothing, drugs, sporting goods, beer, and liquor. In- variably each store had a set of gas pumps to provide gas and oil for their customers. This type of store was particularly characteristic of the older settlements. None of them appeared busy, yet they carried large inven- tories of goods. It seems certain that the competition between two establishments offering almost exactly the same goods and services for the limited amount of trade in the area places each retail operator in an extremely precarious position. He must remain open long hours, offer a variety of goods for sale, maintain good public relations, operate on a small margin of profit, and yet 191 his prices must remain competitive with those of his com- petitor across the street, or, in good weather, with those of the large cities on the periphery of the Forest. Most of the owners of the stores visited held down a second job, at least during the summer months. The store usually was operated by the wife of the owner while he was at other work. Thus far, two orders of organization have been examined. The first order, establishments, where goods and services are consumed, are scattered throughout the Forest. By routes of transportation and lines of com- munication they are focused upon the nodal point of the second order of organization, the retail center. An es- tablishment may be interconnected to one or more retail centers. From this discussion it becomes apparent that each retail center must be interconnected with a source of supply for the products which it sells. The focal places which supply different retail centers becomes the next level in the economic organization of the Manistee. The Wholesale Organization Third order area organization develops when a cluster of focal places becomes mutually connected in 192 15 In the case of economic terms of some higher function. area organization, the function uniting a cluster of focal places into a node of activity is wholesaling, which in- cludes the wholesaling by manufacturers.16 It has already been stated that the people in the Manistee demand products which are marketed through- out the country. Most of these products do not move directly to retail centers from their point of origin. They are collected by routes of transportation in whole- sale centers located around the periphery of the Forest. Goods collected in such wholesaling centers are then redistributed to the focal places of the second order. It is this interconnection of the wholesaling function, not the wholesale activity itself, which gives third order centers their higher rank. Just as each retail center has a group of establishments focused on it, so each wholesale center is in turn the focus of a group of retail centers. 15A11en K. Philbrick, Principalmof Areal Functional Qrganization in Regional Human Geography, 02. Cit., p. 514. lerid. 195 Each retail operator interviewed was asked to indicate (a) the ten leading products sold, by volume, and (b) the places from which these products were supplied. Because of the great variety of retail functions found in the interviews, the number of products reported was quite large. When the wholesale origin of these products was plotted on a map, a significant pattern began to evolve. Six wholesale centers located on the edge of the Manistee dominate the wholesale activity of the Forest (Fig. 30). Three are located between Lake Michigan and the western border of the Forest; two are situated adjacent to the eastern border; and the sixth lies well to the south. Other minor wholesale centers are scattered between these larger centers competing with them, but usually for only specialized items which they can produce or distribute more cheaply. The three wholesale centers situated on the shore of Lake Michigan are in the unfortunate position of having for their hinterlands the Manistee National Forest. No retail trade can develop to the west over the lake. These cities must look to the east, and this area which has traditionally been economically dependent must be competed for, and share with, the wholesale centers 194 WHOLESALE CENTERS SERVING RETAIL ESTABLISHMENTS WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST 5 ~ 0 U 0 luv. 'u 195 on the eastern and southern sides. Needless to say, this places the three western centers at a disadvantage, and the continued rehabilitation of the Manistee to a produc- tive level is necessary to the future economic growth of these cities. One wholesale center, Grand Rapids, situated south of the Manistee, dominates the wholesale activity of the entire Forest, indeed of all western lower Michigan. A particular retail establishment may.be greatly depen- dent upon any one of the other wholesale centers, so that within a local area the influence of Grand Rapids may be modified, but no other wholesale center affects so large an area within the Forest, or competes against every other wholesale center for sales. As one progresses farther to the south, within the Forest, the influence of Grand Rapids becomes more dominant. Just south of the central point of the Manistee all other wholesale centers become over-extended and except for the extreme southwest cor- ner Grand Rapids is the dominant center. The wholesale picture, then, is one in which centers compete from the southwest, northeast, west, and east, and over this entire area the activities of Grand Rapids dominates the wholesale trade. Just north 196 of the center of the Forest, the wholesale trade areas of all the six centers overlap. From this central point of maximum concentration of wholesale activity, the numbers of centers competing for trade diminishes and individual centers become more dominant. One other point should be made about whole- saling activities. The amount of influence exerted by political and corporate decisions on retail activities at or above the wholesale level is extraordinary. For example, there are the state liquor stores from which all retail establishments must buy. The choice of the center from which a retail store buys is not left to the individual operator. This decision is made by the state. Retailers frequently are forced to travel long distances to get to a state store when there is one located much closer. Quite often trips must be made over backroads when other centers would be more accessible by a major highway. For other products distribution routes are set up by a company. The distribution center might be eighty miles away from a certain retail center, while a com- peting retail center a mile or so in another direction receives wholesale goods from only five to ten miles away. This inequality in districting could force a 197 retailer who is farther removed from the distribution point to carry a much larger inventory, and reduce the flexibility in the amount of goods he could buy. These observations were made in the field while interviewing, and the subject might offer a fruitful area for future research. The cities called major wholesale centers in this study supply seven to eight times as many products, in sheer numbers, as the next lower rank, those labelled intermediate wholesale centers. Intermediate centers are quite important to local areas of the Forest, and they usually specialize in specific products. For example, Scottville, on the western edge of the Manistee, is an intermediate wholesale center specializing in the distribution of milk and dairy products. The area of the Forest influencbd by the intermediate centers is, of course, not nearly so large as that affected by the major centers. Scattered throughout the state are a series of wholesale centers mentioned only a few times in the interviews. These were designated minor wholesale centers, and they usually supplied a specialized item or brand of goods to a single retail dealer. The minor centers are located at varying distances from the 198 Manistee. The location of these major and minor whole- sale centers can be observed in Figure 50. Only four cities within the Forest perform any wholesale functions, Baldwin, White Cloud, Holton, and Newaygo. They supply some other focal places in the Forest with goods, but the quantity is insignificant. Actually, these places should not be ranked as third order centers of area organization. Masai has classed third order focal places having four or less focal es- tablishments as sub-third order.17 The four towns here would all be sub-third, then, according to him. Chicago is an intermediate out-of-state whole- sale center for retail establishments in the Forest. All other out-of-state wholesale centers are minor, and even if grouped together in total they could only be ranked as an intermediate center. It is clear that the majority of the wholesale goods which reach the retail establish- ments within the Manistee come from the six major whole sale centers. l7Yasuo Masai, Lansing, Michigan, and Shizuoka, Japan, op. cit., p. 117. 199 Major Wholesale Centers Figure 3l shows the interconnections of the thirtysthree focal places of the second order with the six major wholesale centers. Each focal place within the Manistee receives the majority of its wholesale products from one of these major centers. At the same time, goods move from the other major centers into these focal places in lesser amounts. The interconnections shown in Figure 31 are based on the wholesale center which supplies the largest number of goods to a focal place labelled first rank, and the wholesale center which supplies the next most numerous amount of goods given second rank. The first rank and second rank interconnections indicate that each of the six major wholesale centers dominates an area of the Forest, with the influence of Grand Rapids covering almost the entire Forest. Yet the interconnections are quite complex, showing over- lapping of wholesale.centers and competition for markets. If third rank interconnections are placed on this map, the pattern becomes so complex that it is difficult to read the map. SECOND AND THIRD ORDER INTERCONNECTIONS WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST mums , ’ / LUDINGTOJ \ / $1” \\ \\ \ \\ \ I \\ \ \ \\ ‘ I ”SKEW" GRAND RAPIDS \\ \ \ I l6 s s \ \ \\ ‘ ' BIG RAPIDS CADILLAC / / / L E G E N D Second 0160' Third Older Fin! Rank Interconnecvion _ Second Rent Interconnection Fig. 31 201 If one considers that the area organized around any third order focal place is extended through the area organized by the second order focal places under it, one can arrive at the wholesale area for each of the six major wholesale centers around the Forest. For example, the wholesale area of Big Rapids, on the eastern side of the Manistee, is extended to include the retail area oijitelyv (Fig. 29). A particular retail establishment may be very dependent upon any one of the other five major wholesale centers, so that within a local area the influence of one may be modified, but no other center affects so large an area within the Forest, or competes against every other center for sales, as does Grand Rapids. As one progresses southward within the Forest the influence of Grand Rapids becomes more apparent. Just south of the central point in the Forest, all other centers become over-extended and, except for the extreme southwest corner, Grand Rapids becomes the dominate major wholesale center. Muskegon, situated on the southwest corner of the Forest, extends a wholesale area to the northeast. In juxtaposition to this is Cadillac's wholesale area. Cadillac, situated on the northeast, extends its trade 202 to the southwest toward Muskegon. These two centers compete along a line located just north 0f the center of the Manistee (Fig. 52). From the northwest and west, Manistee and Ludington send overlapping wholesale trade areas into the Forest, the city of Manistee's trade area extending some- what farther to the north, while Ludington's extends somewhat farther to the south. From the east, Big Rapids competes with Ludington and Manistee, in the same way that Muskegon and Cadillac compete (Fig. 32). The wholesale area organization of the Forest, then, is composed of areas in which the major centers compete. Just north of the center of the Forest, the wholesale trade areas of five centers overlap. This is the point of maximum concentration of competition between these centers. From this central point of maximum con- centration the numbers of centers competing for trade diminishes, and individual centers become more dominant (Fig. 32). The Manistee, in reality, is an area of con- sumption organized by six third-order focal places (wholesale centers) one of which is dominant. A non- mutually exclusive hierarchy of functions exists within WHOLESALE AREAS WITHIN THE MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST WHILE AREA IOWDARIES /fi——_-—_~_ —’ \ u ,— \\ I “I." I“—— \ I ”C N Cadillac Fig. 32 204 the economic organization of the Forest. The basic unit is the establishment where goods are consumed. A group of establishments is served by, interconnected with, and focused upon one or more second order focal places (retail centers). ,A group of second order focal places is served by, interconnected with, and focused on one or more third order focal places. Each lower order function is found contained within the next higher function, so the entire system is a nested hierarchy. This nested hierarchy of economic area organiza- tion exists within the Forest, side by side with the Forest Service organization, and tends to focus non- forest activities away from the Forest. Yet these two organizations function together, without antagonism and in apparent harmony, even though both have organized the same area in separate ways. Forest Service and Private Economic Area Organization The major differences between Forest Service Organization and private economic area organization find expression in four points: (1) The boundaries drawn by the Forest Service between areas are clear-cut and 205 definite. This is not true in economic area organization, in which areas overlap at all levels. (2) The organi- zation of area by the Forest Service is a type of public planning, the result of conscious direction of effort. Economically, an area simply develops as a result of man's living on and using it, and what happens is the consequence of man's creativity in solving the day-to-day problems of making a living. Any one phase may be consciously directed, but there is no overall, co- ordinated planning which encompasses the entire system. (3) The organization of the Forest Service has developed from the top, at the highest levels, downward to the lowest. Economic area organization develops from the bottom upward. There could be no such system without the basic unit, the establishment. As establishments develop into clusters of focal places, the functions needed by the inhabitants become more complex and spe- cialized, so the area organization develops around these functions. For example, when a number of establishments group together, the citizens may find it convenient to support a local retail store which can supply their basic needs. As soon as such a store is added, the group of establishments takes on a new function and advances to 206 a higher level. (4) The Forest Service, a political struc- ture, is organized through executive order, by size of area, by administrative work load, and by the type of work performed. This type is based on power delegated by the Constitution, with responsibilities of administra- tors spelled out at the various levels. Economically, on the other hand, an area is organized by functions, as it is recognized that more specialized functions are found only at higher levels of organizations. The Result of Economic Area Organization on the Double Role of the Forest The preceding discussion leads to the question, "How does economic development affect the double role of the Ferest? Our modern exchange society, operating in a free economy, is part of the answer to this question. Atcpresent food can be produced in areas other than the Manistee and brought into the Forest to meet the demands of the people living there. So these residents are re- leased from their dependence upon the soil and the space which is now occupied by the forest. No longer do the inhabitants have to supply themselves with wood products from the surrounding forest, nor do they have to clear the —_ 207 land of trees to plant crops for food. Food and products made from wood can be brought into the Forest from outside. But the people dwelling within the Forest must make a living. The great majority of them earn a liveli- hood by producing goods and services for other people who are attracted to the Manistee by the recreational opportunities provided by the existence of the Forest. It is this influx of capital, goods, and people which is facilitated by modern transportation that allows the use of the renewable resources of the Forest without destroying it. Such usage is possible only in an exchange society, characteristically one which has developed a pattern of economic area organization. The economic dependence on the Forest itself by the people living in the Manistee has been shifted so that the inhabitants can make use of specialized functions which have developed in our highly complex society out- side of the Forest. It is the organization of area by function, in conjunction with the simultaneously politi- cal organization of area by administrative order by the Forest Service which enables man, in the Manistee, to develop the double role of the forest. C H A P T E R V I SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Forests have always played a dual role in man's activities. The materials they produce and the functions they sometimes perform have been prized by man, and yet forests always have provided competition for space needed for crops and flocks. This two-fold problem of the best use of the forest is still perplexing the human race. The vast forest resources of the United States were ruthlessly exploited and there is evidence that if this careless, wanton destruction had been allowed to go unchecked, this valuable resource might have been come..1; pletely destroyed. Two extremely powerful and influential men played outstanding roles in the protection of the forests of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot. It was they who were responsible for setting aside most of our national forests and establish- ing the Forest Service. One of the results of Forest Service administra- tion is the organization of all national forests into an administrative hierarchial unit. An example of 208 209 administrative area organization by fiat, it is typical of political area organization. Its broad base rests within the framework of the Constitution of the United States. Narrower, more specific rights are granted from legislative acts and laws, and executive orders, proclama- tions, and decrees. Broad policy programs for national forests are laid down by the Secretary of Agriculture, adhering to the policies created by the laws and decrees. Specific policy and methods of organization are developed by the Chief of the Forest Service, implemented by the use of the Forest Service Manual and Handbook. The result of this gradual narrowing of control is to focus upon each national forest exactly the same type of area organization. The area organization of national forests, while unique in some respects, is not exceptional. There are other types of political area organization in the United States which have been granted powers by figi. For example, the National Park Service, Fish and Wildlife Service, and the Bureau of Census are organized in a somewhat similar manner. This study has examined the evolution of political area organization of the Forest Service. Today, the 210 Forest Service is a vast, complex, activity under which one-tenth of our nation's land area is administered. The Forest Service implements its system of area organization through a program designed to apply the principles of sustained yield and multiple use to produce timber, protect watersheds, offer grazing for domesticated cattle and for wildlife, to provide recreational opportunities, and to maintain esthetic values. The application of these two broad concepts, multiple use and sustained yield, creates a unity of purpose and direction within the Forest Service. Their combined application enables the Forest Service to approach a successful solution to the dual role of the forest. From its inception, the Forest Service has been struggling with the problem of using one resource for more than one purpose. The lessons learned by the Forest Service, forged on the anvil of adversity, through the bitter experience of trial and error, in developing a program of multiple use, are applicable in other areas and to other resources. Since the turn of the century, our country has gone through a slow and sometimes agonizing revaluation' of our national resources, which is still not complete 211 in the 1960's. This writer feels that the results achieved by the Forest Service, at least in its managing one of our typical national forests, the Manistee, forces us as a nation to take a critical look at some of our other resource programs. Because the Forest Service has proven in the Manistee that a given area can be put to several uses at the same time, can we afford to set aside an area containing a variety of resources for a single exclusive use? The question strikes at the heart of some of our most basic conservation policies. There are people, some who hold, and have held, high offices in our government (including some former presidents) who feel that the Forest Service is too big, and controls too much of our national territory and resources. Of course, this is a part of a still broader disagreement among the people of our country over the role of the federal government. Should our government act in the laissez faire way of our founding fathers, or should it take an active part in the development of our nation, analyzing and planning developments? The author feels that the latter choice is our only intelligent course of action. 212 National forests may be divided into an eastern and western group based on size and age. The larger, older forests are in the West; newer, smaller forests are found in the East. This study is most concerned with the Manistee National Forest, which is a typical national forest not because of its soils, climate, or growing season -- in fact, not for any reason of physical environment. The Manistee is typical because it is a part of our na- tional forest system and therefore has an organization similar to all other U. S. national forests. The Manistee is an idiographic case only be- cause of its location on the western part of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan. It is the actual physical site on which the Forest is located that gives it a unique- ness. The Manistee had been ravished by timber barons, land speculators, and settlers. A low quality, second growth forest began to grow back, which was vastly dif- ferent from the original forest cover and added little to area economy. How could this violated area be made to contribute again to our national economy? It was beyond the abilities of a single individual or even a 215 group of individuals. Even the State of Michigan, with its greater resources, could not undertake this restora- tion. Only the federal government, with its vast re- sources and with nation-wide planning, could cope with the problem. No other individual group, or agency, had the finances, time, or the patience to rehabilitate this area. The Manistee had once supported a magnificent forest, what could be more appropriate than to try and re-establish this forest 7 The most logical organization to carry out the reforestation and reorganization of the area was the Forest Service. Within the Manistee, the first level of organi- zation officially recognized by the Forest Service is the Ranger District. The number of ranger districts is based on area, accessibility, and workload of a national forest. There are four ranger districts in the Manistee of varying sizes, each of which is distinctive. They vary in size, shape, natural features, population and problems, as well as in the supervisory personnel who operate them. And, yet each of these diverse, districts is very similar in nature because of organization which is imposed upon it from the next higher level of organi- zation. 214 The district ranger manages to maintain close contact with the district through the "basic unit", the Fire Warden. The fire warden is not a full-time employee of the Forest Service. This level of organization is not officially recognized by the Forest Service, but it does involve local people in over-all administration of a national forest. Within the Manistee, each of the four ranger districts is a nodal point focused upon the Forest Super- visor's Headquarters, the control center for administra- tive decisions affecting the homogeneous area of the Manistee National Forest. While the Manistee is a homogeneous unit of government organization, it is not closed to private entrepreneurs. Not all of the land within a National Forest is owned by the federal government; private farms, homes, and commercial enterprises do exist inside the ForeSt. While the rate of growth inside the Forest, of both the number of permanent residents and the number of establishments, is slower than the growth rate out- side the Forest, both population and establishments continue to increase slowly in total numbers. In effect this means that as the Forest Service acquires more land 215 within the Forest, an increasing number of people and establishments are concentrated on a decreasing amount of private land. A single national forest, or perhaps two if their workload is small, is administered from the forest supervisor's headquarters. National forests often cut across political boundaries, township, county, or state. By law, twenty-five per cent of all money received from timber sales in the national forest, must be returned to the counties making up the forest. National forests, in most cases, have some natural phenomena which gives them a degree of unity. Because the Forest Service manages a national forest as a single unit, regardless of political boundaries, a forest is very much like the area administered by a regional planning commission. The Forest Supervisor's Headquarters has a large staff of technical personnel who have skills that are too specialized to be assigned to individual ranger districts. The Forest Supervisor also is responsible for the develop- ment and coordination of broad forest-wide policies and planning. This planning is facilitated by a multiple use plan which is submitted to the Forest Supervisor by each district ranger. 216 The Forest Supervisor's Headquarters for the Manistee is at Cadillac, Michigan, located just outside the northeastern corner of the Forest. This office also serves as Forest Supervisor's Headquarters for the Huron National Forest, located on the eastern side of Michigan's Lower Peninsula. The continental United States is divided into nine National Forest Regions, Alaska is a tenth, and there is a tropical research center in Puerto Rico whiCh in effect is an eleventh, although it is not so desig- nated. Each National Forest Region is administered from a regional headquarters. The Forest Supervisor's Head- quarters within a region is a nodal point which focuses upon the regional headquarters. The regional headquarters gives direction and unity to each national forest by planning, in the form of a regional guide. Each regional headquarters is in turn a nodal point focusing upon Washington, D. C., the headquarters for the Forest Service as a whole. It is the national headquarters which develops the broad policy which gives the Forest Service over-all unity. In the end, the political area organization of the Forest Service is a series of homogeneous areas, each 217 with a focal point which in turn focuses upon a higher level of organization. The preceding discussion has been confined to the political area organization established by the Forest Service. But this study has also been concerned with the economic area organization of national forests. It is necessary to draw some conclusions about this method in order to understand how the two types of area organiza- tion, operating in conjunction, help solve the problem of the dual use of forests. The general pattern of economic area organiza- tion of the Manistee is one of consumption and production, with the former more important and better developed than the latter. While production is not as important in the Forest as consumption, it nevertheless plays a signifi- cant role in the economy. The primary item of produc- tion is services. These are associated with recreational activities, which attract people to the area, and it is these people, in turn, who become the market for which the services are provided. The next most important item of production is timber. However, because of the poor quality of trees within the Forest, the quantity of 218 timber produced is insignificant. A major problem of the Forest Service is finding a market for this low-quality timber. This problem will gradually be resolved as the trees mature and Forest Service practices slowly improve the quality of the timber being grown. Man's economic area organization contributes by filling the voids which the Forest Service is in- capable of filling. For example, as has been pointed out earlier, the Forest Service does not own all of the. land within the Forest boundaries, and over twenty thou- sand people reside permanently within the borders. At the same time, great numbers of tourists and travelers anrattracted. Both permanent and temporary residents of the Forest want and demand all the goods and services that are provided to people in areas outside the Manistee. Therefore, economic area organization aids in solving the dual role of the Forest by providing goods and services to portions of the Manistee which are assigned non-forest use. Seven levels of economic area organization have been identified in the exchange world of modern society. Within the Manistee, only the three lowest of the seven levels exist, and the third level is but 219 poorly represented. Retailing takes place in a variety of establishments scattered throughout the Forest, but con- centrated into focal places. Six specific types of focal places were recognized within the Manistee: (l) aban- doned settlements, (2) relic settlements, (5) highway oriented settlements, (4) those recreationally oriented, (5) migrating settlements, and (6) combinations of these and other types. The size of the area served by each of these types of settlements is highly variable. By far the largest retail areas are those served by the combina- tions of settlements, which are also the largest towns in the Forest. In several cases, their retail trade area is so large that it completely encompasses one of the small settlement's trade area. In effect, this puts the smaller center in direct competition with the larger one. In the smaller centers diversification be- comes more pronounced. While this diversification re- quires a large inventory and consequently a considerable investment of capital, most business operators felt that they must offer variety for the convenience of their customers. The prices of goods in the smaller centers 220 also must remain competitive with prices in the larger ones. For in our mobile society, a small retail trade center existing within the trade area of a larger one must provide goods at competitive prices and in great variety in order to be able to take advantage of one major asset, the convenience of its location for cus- tomers. This discussion leads to still another point, that of duplication of function within the smaller re- tail centers of the Manistee. In almost every settle- ment within the Forest, two or more stores with almost exactly the same function have developed, creating intense competition for a limited amount of business. Similarities and differences were found to exist between second order economic area organization and second order political area organization. These two orders, the retail trade area and the forest ranger district, both have nodal points. The nodal points are, for the former, the stores from which goods are sold, and for the latter, the ranger district head- quarters. Both areas are organized so that lines of communication and transportation enable human activity to be focused on the nodal point of each respective 221 area. But there are important differences in these two areas. The ranger district has a predetermined, clearly- defined boundary. Local activities focusing on the dis- trict headquarters do not originate beyond the district boundaries, except in very rare and unusual cases. The ranger district tends to be a homogeneous area, the delimiting criteria being the district boundary which borders the area of focality. The retail trade area has no clear-cut and defined boundary and fluctuates from day to day. The only criteria that could be used in establishing a homogeneous area would be the point of origin of the customers who trade at the retail center. Because many of the customers are in transit, or at best, are tem- porary residents, such as tourists, any boundary drawn around such an area would have to be a very general approximation of doubtful value. Second order retail centers are supplied with goods by the next higher level of economic area organi- zation, wholesaling. Very little wholesaling originates within the Manistee. The Forest acts like a magnet, drawing products into the retail outlets from wholesale centers located on the periphery of the Forest. 222 Six centers dominate the wholesaling activity of the Forest. Three of these centers are located between Lake Michigan and the western border of the Manistee; two are situated adjacent to the eastern border of the Forest; and the sixth lies well to the south of the Manistee. Other minor wholesale centers are scattered between these larger centers, competing with them, but usually for only specialized items which they can produce or distribute more cheaply. One wholesale center, Grand Rapids, situated south of the Manistee, dominates the wholesale_activity of the entire Forest, indeed all of western lower Michigan. A particular retail establishment may be very dependent upon any one of the other wholesale centers, so that within a local area the influence of Grand Rapids may be modified, but no other wholesale center affects so large an area within the Forest, or competes against every other wholesale center for sales. The wholesale picture, then, is one in which centers compete from the southwest, northeast, west, and east, and over this entire area the activities of Grand Rapids dominates the wholesale trade. Just north of the center of the Forest, the wholesale trade areas of 223 all six of these centers overlap. From this central point of maximum concentration of wholesale activity, the number of centers competing for trade diminishes and individual centers become more dominant. In reality, a non-mutually exclusive hierarchy of functions exists within the economic organization of the Manistee National Forest. The basic unit of this hierarchy is the establishment, where goods are con- sumed. A group of establishments is served by and inter- connected with a retail center, which sells to establish- ments within its trade area. A group of retail centers is served by one or more of the six wholesale centers surrounding the Forest. This system, while not having as well defined boundaries as the organization of the Forest Service, nevertheless functions within the Manistee and tends to focus non-forest activities away from the Forest. This study has examined two systems of area organization. The Forest Service, a type of political area organization, is granted powers by fiat. It is consciously organized, well-ordered, and defined, and has developed from the top down. The economic area organization is man-made, but vague, poorly defined, 224 over-lapping, and in competition, and it developed from the bottom upward. These two systems exist side by side and each functions in the same area. Each apparently meets the needs and satisfies the demands made upon it. In the final analysis, these two systems, inter- meshed and functioning together, offer the best answer to date for the age-old problem of how to approach the dualism of utilization of forests. .. 3.22m :33 2:33;: .3 23:35; 3523‘ bagc: SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Articles and Periodicals Berry, B. J. L. and Garrison, W. L. "Recent Developments of Central Place Theory,? Papers and Proceedings of the Regional ( Science Association. No. 4, 1958. ‘ Berry, B. J. L. and Pred, Allen. Central Place Studieg: A Bibli- ography of Theory and Applications. Regional Science I Research Institute, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Bibli- ography Series No. l, 1961. Brunnschweiler, Dieter. Precipitation Regime in the Lower Peninsula of Michigan. Paper of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, V01. XLVII, 1962. Brush, J3 EL 'The Hierarchy of Central Places in Southwestern Wisconsin," The Geographical Review, Vol. 45, 1955. Carol, Hans. "Das agrargeographische Betrachtungssystem, Ein Beitrage sur landschaftskundlichen Methodik dargelegt am BeisPiel der in Sudafrika," Geoggaphica Helvetica. No. 1, 1952. Carter, Harriet. r'Our National Forests-A Social Problem," The Journal of Geggraphy, Vol. 59, No. 4, April, 1940.-. Crowell, Ralph E., The Integration of National Forest and County Plannin , Papers of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, Vol. 28, 1942, pp. 235-259. Davis, Charles M, 'The Cities and Towns of the High Plains of Michigan," The Geographical Review. Vol. 28, No. 4, Oct. 1958. Hart, John Fraser. 'A.Rural Retreat for Northern Negroes," The Geographical Review. Vol. 50, No. 2, April, 1960. . 'The Effect of the Forestry Commission on Geography in Britain," Abs. of a Paper Pres. at the Annual Meetings of the Amer. Assoc. of Geog. Annals of the Assoc. of Amer. Geog. Vol. 41, No. 2, June, 1951. 226 227 Philbrick, Allen K. Analysis of the Geographical Patterns of Gross Land Uses and Changes in Numbers of Structures in Relation to Majgr Highways in the Lower Half of the Lower Penninsula of Michigan. Michigan State University Highway Traffic Safety Center, and the Department of Geography, East Lansing, Michigan, 1961. "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," Economic Geography. Vol. 35, No. 4, October, 1957. Flatt, Robert S. '%.Detail of Regional Geography: Ellison Bay Community as an Industrial Organism," Annals of the American Association of Geographers. Vol. 18, 1928. "Determinism Versus Geography.’ American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 10, 1948. . 'Tield Study of Republic, Michigan, A Community in the Marquette Range," Scottish Geographical Magazine. Vol. 44, 1928. "Problems of Our Times," .Annals of the American Associa- tion of Geographers. Vol. 34, 1948. The Ingham County News. May 16, 1962. Titus, Harold. The Land NObpdy Wanted: The Story of Michigan's Public Domain, Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station Special Bulletin 532, East Lansing, Michigan State College, 1945. Ullman, E. L. 9%.Theory of Location for Cities," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 46. Wales, H. Basil. National Forest Land Management in Michigan, Papers of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, Vol. 26, 1940. Whiteside, E. P. and Others. Soils of Michigan. Agricultural Experiment Station, Michigan State University, Sp. Bull. 402, 1956. 228 Atlases and Maps Hinsdale, Wilbert B. Archaeological Atlas of Michigan. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1951. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Forest Regions of the United States. Map, 1952. Weltforst Atlas. Edited by Fritz Haller, Berlin. Books Atwood, W. W. The Physiographic Provinces of North America. Ginn and Company, New York and London, 1940. Barlowe, Raleigh. land Resource Economics. Prentice-Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1958. Carhart, Arthur H. The National Forests. Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1959. ‘ Curtis, John T. Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth. Pub- lished for the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research and the National Science Foundation, by the Univer- sity of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois. Dana, Samuel Trask. Forest and Range Policy. McGraw—Hill Book Company, Inc., New York, 1956. Finch, Vernor C., Trewartha, Glenn T., and others. Physical Elements of Geography. MCGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., New York. 4th edition, 1957. Frome, Michael. Whose Woods Are These: The Story of the National Forests. Doubleday and Company, Inc., Garden City, New York, 1962. Hartshorne, Richard. Perspective on the Nature of Geography. Pub- lished for the Association of American Geographers by Rand McNally and Company, Chicago, Illinois, 1959. 229 Kaufman, Herbert. The Forest Ranger: A Study in Administrative Be- havior. Published for Resources of the Future, Inc., by the John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1960. Philbrick, Allen K. This Human World. John Wiley and Sons, Inc., New York, 1963. Sears, Paul B. A World Geography of Forest Resources. American Geographical Society Special Publication, No. 55. The Roland Press Company, New York, 1956. Zivnuska, John A. Natural Resources. McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., New York, 1959. Dissertations and Theses Bjorklund, E. M. Focus on Adelaide. Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper No. 41, 1955. Brown, R. H. Political Areal Functional Organization: With Special Reference to St. Cloud, Minnesota. Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper No. 51, 1957. Larimore, A. E. The Alien Town. Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper No. 55, 1958. Masai, Yasuo. Lansing, Muchigan and Shizuoka, Japan: A Comparison of Areal Functional Organization in Two Different Environments. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Geography, Michigan State University, 1960. Raetz, Byron A. A History of a Lumbered County. Unpublished Master's Thesis, Michigan State University, 1951. Stewart, David P. The Surface Geology of Wexford County, Michigan. Unpublished Master's Thesis, Michigan State University, 1948. . Stillwell, H. Daniel. The GeOgraphy of Itatiaia National Park, Brazil. Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1961. 230 Public Documents Michigan Department of Conservation. Timber Resources-«Michigan Forest Survey. Baldwin Block, Lower Peninsula of Michigan, 1956. And the Cadillac Block, Lower Peninsula of Michigan, 1955. Iansing, Michigan. National Parks and National Forests. Issued Jointly by the National Park Service and the Forest Service, Dec., 1960. The Federal Register. Published by the Division of the Federal Regis- ter, The National Archives, Friday, October 28, 1958. U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. The 1950 Censuses - How They Were Taken. Procedural Studies of the 1950 Censuses, No. 2, Washington, D.C., 1955. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, A Development Program for the National Forests. 1961. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Chittenden Nursery - Wellston, Michigan. Undated. U. S. Department of Agriculture. Climate and Man, the Yearbook of Agriculture. 1941. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Forest Service Hand- book. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Forest Service Manual. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Agr. Info. Bulletin No. 85, Highlights in the History of Forest Conservation. June, 1961. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, National Forest Areas - Summa y. Published Yearly on June 50. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, National Forests in Michigan. 1941. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, The John Weeks Story, 1961. 231 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, The National Forest Service Reservation Commission. A Report on the Progress in Establishing National Forests, 1961. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Forest Supervisors Office, Tour Guide and Related Information, Cadillac, Michigan. Undated. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Trees, The Yearbook of Agriculture, 1949. Unpublished Material Letter from Bill Bergoffer, Div. of Information and Education, Forest Service, Dept. of Agriculture, Washington, D.C. 1962. Letter from Clint Davis, Director of the Division of Information and Education, Forest Service, Washington, D.C. 1962. Letter from Miss Geneva Kebler, Archivist in Charge, Michigan State Archives, Lansing, Michigan. Feb. 9, 1962. Letter from Richard Droege, Assistant Regional Forester, Region 9, Milwaukee 5, Wisconsin. May 24, 1962. Manistee Ranger District Multiple Use Plan. Prepared by R. E. Iarson, Manistee District Ranger. 1961. White Cloud District Multiple Use Plan. Prepared by H. A. Lucas, White Cloud District Ranger. 1960. APPENDI X A 232 ta . .. mama l9). ‘) UNI!!!) 5 Published by the Division or the Federal Register. The National Archives, pursuant to the authority contained in the Federal Register Act, approved July 26, 1935 (49 Stat. L. 500).- under regulations prescribed by the Administrative Committee, with the approval of the President. The Administrative Committee consists 01' the Archivist or Acting Archivist. an omcer or the Department of Justice designated by the Attorney General, and the Public Printer or Acting Public Printer. The daily issue of the FEDERAL Rscrsm will be furnished by mail to subscribers, tree of postage, for $1 per month or $10 per year; single copies 10 cents each: payable In ad- vance. Remit by money order payable to Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office. Washington. D. C. Correspondence concerning the publica- tion of the FEDERAL REGISTER should be ad- dressed to the Director. Division or the Federal Register. The National Archives. Washington, D. C. - . hereby reserved and set apart as the Manistee National Forest all lands of the United States within the area described hereinafter and shown on the diagram attached hereto and made a part hereof, and (2) that all lands within such area which may hereafter be acquired by the United States under the authority of the said acts of March 1, 1911, June 7, 1924, March 31, 1933, June 16, 1933. and April 8, 1935, shall upon acquisition of title thereto become, and be administered as, part of the said Manistee National Forest: Mrcmam PRINCIPAL Mnnmnm T. 11 N., R. 15 W.. secs. 3 to 10, inclusive, secs. 15 to 22, inclusive, and secs. 27 to 34. inclusive. T. 12 N., R. 10 W.. secs. 3 to 10. inclusive, and secs. 15 to 22, inclusive. T. 12 N., R. 11 W.. secs. 1 to 24. inclusive, and secs. 29 to 32, Inclusive. T. 12 N., R. 12 W.. all. T. 12 N., R. 15 W., secs. 4 to 9. inclusive, sees. 15 to 22, inclusive, and sees. 27 to 34. inclusive. T. 12 N., R. 16 W.. all. T. 12 N., R. 17 W., secs. 1 to 5. inclusive, and secs. 8 to 17, lncluslvea T. 13 N., R. 10 W.. secs. 3 to 10, inclusive, secs. 15 to 22, inclusive, and secs. 27 to 34.1ncluslve. 'Ips. 13N., Rs. 11and12W.. all. T. 13 N., R. 13 W.. secs. 1 to 3, inclusive, secs. 10 to 15. 1ncluslve.secs. 22 to 27. inclusive. and sees. 34 to 36, inclusive. T. 13 N., R. 15 W., secs. 2 to 11, inclusive, secs. 14 to 23, inclusive, and sees. 26 to 34, inclusive. T. 13 N., R. 16 W., all. T. 13 N., R. 17 W. sees. 24 to 29,1ncluslve, and sees. 32 to 36, inclusive. 14 N., R. 10 W.. secs. 5 to 8, inclusive, sees. 16 to 21, inclusive, and secs. 28 to 34.1ncluslve. Tps. 14N., Rs. 11. 12and13W.. 'r. 14 N. R. 14 W. secs. 1 to? ,lncluslve, sees. 10 to 15, inclusive. and secs. 22 to 24. inclusive. T. T. 14 N., R. 15 W., secs. 1 to 22. inclusive. and sees. 27 to 34. inclusive. T. 14N.,R.16W.,secs.1and2.secs.11 to 14 inclusive. secs. 23 to 26,1ncluslve. and secs. 35 and 36. T. 15 N., R. 10 W.. secs. 18 and 19; and secs. 29 1:032. Inclusive. Tps. 15 N., Rs. 11. 12, 13, 14 and 15 W., all. T. 15 N., R. 16 W., secs. 1 and 2; sees. 11 to 14. inclusive: sees. 23 to 26. inclusive, and sees. 35 and 36. T. 16 N., R. 11 W., secs. 4 to 9, inclusive, sees. 16 to 21, inclusive, and secs. 28 to 36. In- elusive. Tps. 16 N., Rs. 12. 13, 14 and 15 W., all. T. 16 N., R. 16 W.. secs. 1 to 4, inclusive, secs. 9 to 14, Inclusive. N99 sec. 15. N54 sec. 16. sees. 23 to 26, inclusive, and secs. 35 and 36. T. 17 N., R. 11 W., secs. 5 t08. inclusive, sees. 16 to 21.1ncluslve. and sees. 28 to 33,1n- elusive. 1133.17 N. Rs. 12. 13. 14 and 15 W., all. T. 17 N., R. 16 W., secs. 1 and 2: 11 to 14. inclusive. 23 to 26. inclusive. and secs.-33 to 36. inclusive. T. 16 N., R. 11 W., secs. 31 and 32. T. 18 N., R. 12 W.. secs. 34 to 36, inclusive. T. 16 N., R. 13 W., secs. 3 to 10, inclusive; Wl/z sec. 15: secs. 16 to 21, inclusive; W15 sec. 22; W15 sec. 27; sees. 28 to 33, in- cluslve; and wy, sec. 34. T. 18 N., R. 14 W.. all. T. 18 N., R. 15 W.. secs.1 to 4,1ncluslve, secs. 7 to 36, inclusive. T. 18 N., R. 16 W., sec. 36. FEDERAL REGISTER," Friday, October 28, 1938 T. 19 N., R. 13 W.. secs. 3 to 10, inclusive, sees. 15 to '22. inclusive. and sees. 27 to 34, inclusive. T. 19 N., R. 14 W.. all. T. 19 N., R. 15 W.. secs. 1 to 16, inclusive. sees. 21 to 28, inclusive, and secs. 33 to. 36.1ncluslve. T. 19N., R. 16W.. secs. land2. T. 20 N., R. 11 W., secs. 1 to 23,1ncluslve. and sees. 28 to 30, Inclusive. T. 20 N.. R. 12 W., secs. 1 to 6. inclusive. .T. 20 N., R. 13 W.. secs. 1 to 10, inclusive, , secs. 15 to 22, inclusive, and secs. 27 to 34. inclusive. lbs. 20 N., Rs. 14 and 15 W., all. T. 20 N., R. 16 W.. secs. 1 to 18. inclusive. sacs. 23 to 26, inclusive. and sees. 35 and 3 . T. 20 N., R. 17 W.. secs. 1 to 23. inclusive. NI/z sec. 26: secs. 27 to 33, inclusive, and WV; sec. 34. T. 20 N., R. 18 W.. all that part Eastpi' Lake Michigan. T. 21 N., R. 10 W.. secs. 2 to 11, Inclusive. sees. 14 to 23, inclusive, and secs. 26 to 35.1nclusive. Tps.21N..Rs.11.12,13,14snd 15W. all. T. 21 N., R. 16 W.. sec. 1: sec. 2 except lot 2: sec. 3 except lots 1, 2 and 4. sec. 4 except lot 3; secs. 9 to 16. inclusive; sees. 21 to 28, inclusive; and sees. 33 to 36. inclusive. Tps. 22 N., Rs. 10. 11. 12 and 13 W., all. T. 22 N., R. 14 W., secs. 1 to 5, Inclusive. secs. 8 to 17, inclusive. secs. 19 to 36. inclusive. T. 22 N., R. 15 W.. sees. 19 to 36, inculslve. L Q MICIIIGAN LAKE D MORAN IAI-D‘M:7‘~Y CV Assam um: IAJIL'COI 0" MANISTEE NATIONAL FOREST MICH GAN meme»: sou __MVWL MEI? W” new new nnw new man nuwl FORMING PROCLAMATION DATED OCTJJ, 1936 MERIDIAN 930 I Q Q. IIZWJ MIW. RIO” LO“ ' [LIA/l 233 APPENDIX B 254 MN m CITY ~“W- 1‘”..th ---..-- m:....-...3t.: ’ A_—‘~¢é POPULATION ““T””"""' OBSERVER .-.._._, ,:,_‘n__1fl_ 1-- DATF ------------ FARM EQUIP a SER " * .. iBERspN/a. SERVICE cwfi‘fsmvuces ‘ i BARBER nu“ snout BEAUTY . ' dos. soars ‘ has e mm lens oxsrwfiwm on 7 never was: rLcnIsr mo FUNERAL r v cm 8115313285 unset ADV 16 nor: in: MACH JEBE my ‘use» osar‘ nuszc cntort one new. enters”? sot eta rain E0 to Flt snare it "176! PRO “:7 acumen STI vo oruta fiuJTTNWCHBILJE CAR useo CA! use can can era ”5'3 PRIITEI was MR 0510!“ 3mm new ns 3““ . NG SEPARATE ornsn “‘9 TV I' - 801K or; FOOD MS! non: moo sew ucu METALS .AKER' .sronrs ' eras: cue near “a I" coarser or“: $000 DAIRY van Dam ll PROFESSIONAL sun on rnox to an beers cva METALS - snocenv new on: as no sn . am ACTURI near an: . Olll Phonics ween mu canoe P600810":- TAVERI ‘ CHRIPRAC ME! AND urn . omen 'ourrsr ‘ 1'23““ 37mm CLOTHIN us anon . 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