A QUALITATIVE STUDY ON INTERNATIONAL GRADUATE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTION OF
ACADEMIC AND SOCIAL LIFE AT MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
By
Shikha Bista

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Sociology- Master of Arts
2014

ABSTRACT
A QUAITATIVE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL GRADUATE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTION OF
ACADEMIC AND SOCIAL LIFE AT MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
By
Shikha Bista
The purpose of this study was to investigate the perceptions of international students concerning
their academic and social experience at Michigan State University and have a better understanding of the
factors that play a role in international student’ adjustment, goals and expectations here. Through in-depth
interviews it examined how these students conceptualize the accommodating and challenging experiences
they may have encountered mainly in their social and academic life. More importantly, it demonstrated
how international students actively negotiate U. S practices as they deal with cultural differences to
become quickly adapted to their new surroundings, by learning its customs and values, as well as
becoming proficient in English. However, this study revealed that integrating and adjusting to life in the
U.S is more than just learning and adopting “American way of life” but also creating friendship networks
with their co-nationals as well people who are culturally similar to them.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………………….....1
THE FLOW OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS INTO U.S UNIVERSITIES……………………….....3
WHO ARE FOREIGN OR INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS?...................................................................5
THEORY/ LITERATURE ON ADJSUTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS………………….7
Cultural Assimilation and Acculturation………………………………………………………….......8
METHOD………………………………………………………………………………………………....13
Qualitative Research………………………………………………………………………………...13
Semi-Structured Interviews…………………………………………………………………………14
Selection of Research Setting……………………………………………………………………….16
Selection of Participants…………………………………………………………………………….18
ANALYSIS PROCEDURE OF DATA…………………………………………………………………...20
FINDINGS………………………………………………………………………………………………...23
Decision to come to the United States and prior perceptions of U.S……………………………..23
Themes that emerged during Initial transition……………………………………………………32
A.Logistical Challenges…………………………………………………........32
B.Culture Shock…………………………………………………………........33
C.English Proficiency…………………………………………………….......35
D.Social Support……………………………………………………………...40
Overall Social Experiences……………………………………………………………………...45
Overall Academic Experiences………………………………………………………………….50
Reflections on being International Students…………………………………………………….56
DISCUSSION……………………………………………………………………………………………..65
LIMITATIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH……...77
BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………………79

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INTRODUCTION
Strongly cognizant of the economic as well as cultural benefits that international students bring,
colleges and universities in the US are increasing their efforts to attract international diversity (Liu: 2001).
Yet successful international student recruitment does not entirely ensure positive educational experiences
and smooth integration into their new academic and social environments. International students,
according to Misra et al. (2003), go through the process of adjusting to a new social and educational
environment. There is considerable literature that has examined factors associated with the level of sociocultural adjustment experienced by international students. These factors include but are not limited to
length of time spent in the United States, English proficiency, level of interaction they may have with
students from the United States, their academic status or background, their ability to extend social
networks and obtain social support from the host nation, and one’s country of origin (LI Xiao-liang
2007). Compared to their domestic counterparts, international students are said to experience greater
adjustment difficulties and more distress during their initial transition into the university and report
greater academic and career needs (Grahame & Poyrazli, 2007). With this, international students are said
to face unique social and academic needs.
The purpose of this study was to investigate the perceptions of international students concerning
their academic and social experience at Michigan State University and have a better understanding of the
factors that play a role in international student’ adjustment, goals and expectations here. Being an
international student myself, the prospect of carrying out an exploratory research on the socio cultural
context of this adjustment process intrigued me. I am not only eager to compare my personal experiences
with other international students, but also to gain an understanding of the mechanisms that underlie and
explicate the nature of the international student experience in US higher education.
This study involves the understanding of human social and adaptive behavior from the
respondents’ perspective, therefore, a qualitative methodology reckoned to be suitable. Qualitative data

1

provided me with the opportunity to explore and explain how the select group of international students
understood their lived experiences ‚and the meaning they make of that experience. The study, therefore,
drew on data from in- depth interviews of 10 heterogeneous mix of international graduate students at
Michigan State University , specifically their perspectives and beliefs related to their cross- cultural
adjustment and learning
Through in-depth interviews it examined how these students conceptualize the accommodating
and challenging experiences they may have encountered mainly in their social and academic life. More
importantly, it demonstrated how international students actively negotiate U. S practices as they deal with
cultural differences to become quickly adapted to their new surroundings, by learning its customs and
values, as well as becoming proficient in English. However, this study revealed that integrating and
adjusting to life in the U.S is more than just learning and adopting “American way of life” but also
creating friendship networks with their co-nationals as well people who are culturally similar to them.
Interview questions were therefore are set up so as to help theorize about diverse ways in which they learn
to cope with as well as are immersed in their new social and academic environment. By examining
international students’ narratives of their U.S. experiences, I aimed to explore the generalizable patterns,
but more importantly the unique and subjectively-lived experiences they have had in their host society.

2

THE FLOW OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS INTO U.S UNIVERSITIES
The Institute of International Education, in its latest Open Doors publication reported that the
number of international students at colleges and universities in the United States increased by five percent
to 723,277 during the 2010/11 academic year (Open Doors: 2011). This is considered to be the fifth
consecutive year that Open Doors figures has shown growth, and it represents a record high in the number
of international students in the United States. With the growing trend of international students pursuing
higher education at United States, studies have highlighted the need to better understand factors that
“push” a student to pursue educational opportunities abroad and “pull” the student to a particular host
county (e.g., Mazzarol and Soutar:2002).
In the US context, talented international students, particularly graduate students are claimed to be
drawn to the US for a variety of reasons, namely the high quality of research universities, the availability
of research funding, as well as the opportunities for employment after schooling, for which many are
known to change their student status to longer-term residence once their studies are completed (Byram:
2006). The presences of international students have also brought forth a host of benefits to the United
States. From a financial perspective, in 2011 international students were reported to have contributed over
$21 billion to the U.S. economy, mainly through their expenditures on tuition and living
expenses(Institute of International Education:2011). In addition to their economic contributions, the
presence of international students is associated with improved international relations that add an extra
dimension to the educational experience (Byram: 2006). For example, international help incorporate
diverse perspectives to classroom conversations, and also increase the awareness and appreciation for
other cultures (Bevis: 2000). They are also known to bring specialized knowledge and skills, especially
within the field of science and technology. In fact, foreign-born scholars working in the science and
engineering are said to have made substantial contributions in high tech firms, universities and other
sectors of society (National Research Council (U.S.) Staff Board on Higher Education and Workforce

3

Staff: 2005). So, on one hand, U.S high education institutions are benefiting from the flow of students
who come from overseas, and on the other, such students benefits in numerous ways as well.

4

WHO ARE FOREIGN OR INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS?
It is important to shift our understanding of students as merely “customers” and “consumers” of
U. S education which has contributed to increased recruitment of international students for revenue as
well as intellectual or cultural benefits (Lee and Rice: 2007).Researchers across disciplines have tried to
make sense of the experiences of those individuals, who have developed in one cultural context, but
attempt to live in a new cultural context. In this regard, there has been a focus on understanding
individuals who make a geographical transition across cultures such as “sojourners, immigrants and
refugees” (Byram: 2006). In contrast to immigrants who have migrated with relatively clear intention of
settling in permanently, Byram (2006) citing Furnham (1988), claims that sojourners are those individuals
who voluntarily spend a medium length of time (six months to five years) in a new and unfamiliar
environment. International students form an important group within the category of sojourners, who are in
transition for the purpose of achieving an educational goal (Sakurako: 2000).
With this, they are recognized as temporary migrants—the F-1 student visa grants them permission
to stay in the United States only for the duration of their studies. Despite this, it is clear that a large
percentage of international students apply for H-1 work visas after the completion of their degrees and
then eventually adjust their status to permanent residents of the United States. Moreover, many of these
initially temporary migrants have the potential to become highly skilled permanent immigrants, and may
eventually be recognized as “human capital immigrants” who enter the US labor market from professional
and graduate schools in the US (Alba, 2006:850). These graduates have a considerable amount of
knowledge, skills, as well as the cultural and social experiences that helps them transition from school to
mainstream economy not dissimilar from that of the native born (Alba:2006). The proportion of students,
who stay beyond their studies is, however, determined by several factors (Hazen and Alberts: 2006).
In this study, international students will be viewed as more than just “temporary” migrants who
are here to fulfill an educational goal. It is important to recognize that although international students
who enter the country on student visas may not be considered immigrants in a legal sense; they are also

5

insiders because of their day-to-day interactions with the cultural, economic, and educational aspects of
the receiving institution(Hazen and Alberts: 2006).
Their location within a university allows them to be easily accessed by researchers and a
considerable amount of research has therefore been dedicated to understanding or explicating their social
and academic experiences (Byram: 2006). Further, in light of the significant number of international
students, and the potential benefits that might be derived from the presence of international students on
American college campuses, it is crucial to identify and understand the factors that affect the quality of
experience in the US. Increased attention, therefore, needs to be paid to the situation of international
students upon their arrival into their new environment. This is especially pertinent because many young
people as they join the growing numbers of international students in US today may face not only the
demanding transition from school to higher education common to all students, but the stress of adjusting
to a new country, culture and often language (Byram:2006;Lee and Rice:2007;Misra:2003). With this, the
experience of international students’ adjustment to academic and sociocultural life in the US is an area of
research that demands attention, as international students are more likely to have a positive experience if
there is better understanding of the unique needs and issues they face as a result of the cultural discord
they may experience (Lee and Rice:2007). This study is, therefore, an attempt to highlight the nature of
migrating international students as they enter their new social spaces and begin to integrate into social
networks where they must negotiate their social belonging (Kivisto: 2003), as well as develop strategies
for meeting the demands and expectations of their new academic environment.

6

THEORY/ LITERATURE ON ADJSUTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS
The term adjustment has multifarious meanings. In context to international students, for some
researchers adjustment is used to refer to whether a student experiences specific problems (e.g. academic
problems, inability to communicate, financial problems; problems in time management). For other
researchers, adjustment refers to the process by which students overcome some form of psychological
distress (Al-Sharideh and Goe: 1998). In general, however, adjustment to higher education is typically
viewed as representing a “transitional process that unfolds overtime” as students learn to cope with
the external pressures of the university environment they are exposed to (Al-Sharideh and
Goe,1998:701;Byram:2006). Further, scholars have argued that newcomers adjustment process involves a
gradual development process from the initial experience of the unfamiliar “Other” or a “state of low self
and cultural awareness” to a state of “high self- and cultural awareness” (Adler:1975).
The importance of studying international students’ transitional process to university life abroad
has been highlighted across many studies. Such studies have reported on the problems international
students encounter due to their unique academic, cultural and social background. For instance, when
international students arrive to the United States, they may experience an inconsistency with what they
feel they are supposed to experience and what they actually experience. In no time, they may realize that
transition in to a new culture will not necessarily occur smoothly as international students face different
challenges in adjusting to living and learning in their new environment (Grahame & Poyrazli: 2007). The
transition to a new culture is also generally accompanied by what many scholars refer to as ‘culture
shock’, arising from a loss of the familiar cues and patterns of social interaction as a result of being
exposed to a new culture(Byram:2006;Poyrazli & Lopez: 2007). Among the many symptoms attributed to
the generalized state of culture shock in the literature are low self-esteem, social isolation, homesickness,
disorientation, anxiety, depression, role strain, stress, loneliness, to name a few (Grahame & Poyrazli:
2007).These feelings have appeared over several years in many empirical studies of adjustment, which
have identified several sources of strain, including weather and food differences, language prowess,

7

accommodation and financial problems, loneliness, homesickness and academic difficulties (Tognoli
:2003; Yeh:2003).
A critical review of literature reveals that there is dispute over the inevitability of international
students’ encounter with culture shock. The pattern of stress they experience, therefore, may differ
according to the type of students and the context in which they find themselves (Hechanova-Alampay:
2002). Here, it is important to be mindful that adjustment is not a universal term that defines whole of
international student experience. This being said, researchers have not only analyzed international
students as an adjustment process, but they also bring into consideration other theoretical concepts or
frameworks to understand the nature of adjustment and interaction of international students with their host
environment. For instance, many have tried to understand the move of international students or other
immigrant groups into their new environments using the framework of assimilation and acculturation.
Cultural Assimilation and Acculturation
A central premise is that to adjust it is necessary to learn the norms and rules of the new
sociocultural system (Pavel: 2006).Herbert J Gans (2012) citing Richard Alba applied the widely accepted
definition of assimilation, as “the decline of an ethnic distinction and its corollary cultural and social
differences” as one is immersed into a new culture (p.153). Assimilation as a concept has been subject to
considerable criticism. Richard Alba and Victor Nee (2006) sheds light into the shortcomings of earlier
formulations and applications of assimilation theory that seek to describe the integration of many
individuals, ethnic groups and immigrants into mainstream society. Here, he is especially critical of the
“canonical accounts” of assimilation that suggest that immigrants need to be integrated to the extent that
they remain culturally distant from their own cultural origin and completely adopt the Native culture to
the point they are indistinguishable (Alba and Nee:2006). While Alba and Nee (2006) is not alone in
criticizing this model, rather than rejecting it altogether, they seek to redefine assimilation in order to
render it useful in the study of immigration, in such a way that helps to understand the “social dynamics
of ethnicity in American society, as opposed to its past normative or ideological as a state imposed
normative program aimed at eradicating minority cultures” (p. 827). Hence, Alba and Nee (2006) reject
8

the one dimensional approach to assimilation, and renders it to be a social process that occurs
spontaneously in the course of “interaction between minority and majority groups” (p.827).
In context to international students’ experiences, previous research has contended that the
adjustment to American universities by international students is linked to their level of “assimilation” into
American culture (Basu and Aimes: 1970). With this, it is assumed that international students who are
able to more extensively integrate into American culture and learn to effectively interact with Americans
will be more successfully adjusted. This includes the development of proficiency in the language of the
host country, the quantity of contact with host nationals, length of residence, as well as cultural
knowledge to name a few (Grahame & Poyrazli: 2007)
In assimilation theory, the process of learning or acquiring cultural practices is called
acculturation, which is defined by Monza and Rueda (2006) to be the level to which individuals
incorporate language, values, and practices of a new culture. Acculturative models are widely
acknowledged as influential in the field of intercultural communication research, focusing as they do on
the experiences of the “sojourner and their relationship with the host culture” (Byram, 2006:66) or the
changes that an individual experiences when in first-hand contact with another culture (Berry: 1997).
Research on intercultural communication, therefore, has focused on the benefits of students from social
contact with members of the host country and engaging in campus life. Further, they emphasized the
importance of social ties with host community in successful social and academic adjustment (Toyokawa
and Toyokawa: 2002). Strong ties with Americans, in particular, are said to be a vital source of
“emotional gratification,” “secuitity” as well as a “a source of social support and assistance in times of
need” (Al-Sharideh and Goe,1998:703).
Others have also looked at the tension and anxiety experienced by international students due to
cultural dissonance they experience upon contact with their new environment (Yeh: 2003; Trice: 2004).
For instance, Tierney (1992) contends that American universities and colleges reinforce the culture of the
dominant society (i.e., the culture of White Anglo-Saxon Americans). Therefore, upon entry to the

9

American university, members of other racial or ethnic groups may undergo a disruptive cultural
experience as they must deal with a different cultural frame of reference.
The cultural discord one may experience in the new culture can also be explained by the concept
of “cultural or social distance.” Alba and Nee (2006) define social distance as the “subjective nearness
felt to certain individuals” (p. 838). This is different from physical proximity and has more to do with
closeness felt in terms of ones’ customs or social and cultural norms. In this sense, these authors claim
that when “social distance is low, there is a feeling of common identity and shared experiences.” (Alba
and Nee, 2006:838). This sense of common identity and experience is said to be important for
international students’ experiences. Gudykunst and Gao (1990) posited that “cultural similarity: (that is, a
short cultural or social distance) produces more accuracy in a sojourner's ability to predict and explain the
behavior of the host community as well as its members. This would then be beneficial in developing
interpersonal relationships, and reducing the level of anxiety experienced by international students
(Gudykunst & Hammer: 1990). It also has important implications for determining who students will seek
friendship with or the social networks they join in order to meet their emotional and instrumental needs.
With this, many scholars have also noted the choice of international students not to fully integrate
into American culture and develop relationships with Americans, and rather form enclaves or ethnic
communities on campus (Al-Sharideh and Goe: 1998; Ying: 2002). At many American universities, it is
contended that an important strategy by which members of international student body adjust to their new
environment is the formation of social relationships with other persons of the same cultural background or
nationality. This is to say, within the context of their university, international students establish and
participate in ethnic communities, which consist of a network of strong social ties with people of the same
cultural background. According to Al-Sharideh and Goe (1998), the network of ties established within an
ethnic community can be employed by international students as a means of coping with and resolving
problems that emerge during the course of their studies, thereby facilitating the adjustment process.
This is not to say that social interaction with American peers and society or having knowledge of
the host society is not a crucial influence on the personal adjustment or successful integration of
10

international students (Gudykunst & Hammer: 1990). But it is easy to follow the narrowly defined notion
of assimilation that assumes that immigrants, or in this case, international students have to distance
themselves from their ethnic and cultural ties in order to function in mainstream society (Zhou and Lee:
1998). Similar to Alba and Nee (2006), Monza and Rueda (2006) remains critical of the acculturation
model that assumes the process of learning and adopting new cultural practices, is “unidirectional”,
suggesting that the “extent to which one becomes proficient at English and adopts American values and
practices, in essence the extent to which one becomes “American,” is related to the extent to which the
primary language and culture are left behind” (p.189). In other words, the traditional model assumes that
the maintenance of ones’ primary language and culture hinders the process of learning new cultural
practices. The authors, therefore, examine the process of learning and enacting new cultural models from
a “sociocultural perspective”, which conceives of learning as a product of the individual in interaction
with the social context. So, rather than “passive” adoption of dominant culture, immigrants are considered
to be “active agents of their own learning who draw on diverse cultural practices” and identities when in
interaction with their given social context. (Monza and Rueda, 2006:189). This suggests that learning
new cultural practices and beliefs does not necessarily have to hinder the maintenance of existing cultures
and suggests “co-existence” of diverse cultural practices (Monza and Rueda:2006).
Further, this approach, also looks at whether an “individual can determine, have access to, and is
willing to employ the cultural practices, beliefs, and identities that would make for effective participation
in a specific context, however effective may be defined by that person acting within the context” (Monza
and Rueda,2006:191). With this, it becomes important to recognize that international students may adopt
“different strategies for adapting to the host culture and that these may result in different acculturative
outcomes” (Byram, 2006:70).
With this, the international student experiences provide a rich context that can reveal the multiple
facets of their lives as well as the diverse ways in which they navigate American social and academic life.
Their narrative beliefs and perspectives in particular help to illuminate these. This next section will

11

address the most appropriate methods and methodology to uncover and discuss the choices I made during
the design, implementation, and interpretation phase of this study.

12

METHOD
Qualitative Research
While many researchers have reported on some degree of generalizability in the experiences of
international students, there is a need to view transition as a unique and subjectively-lived experience that
cannot fit a narrow model of adjustment (Gao and Gudykunst: 1990; Grahame & Poyrazli: 2007).The
method for this study was a qualitative approach for the purpose of providing meaningful and rich
information. As indicated earlier, researchers take into account numerous cross-cultural variables, such as
frequency of interaction with host nationals, length of residence, English language proficiency and so on
to understand the involvement of international students in their new social environment when studying at
American institutions of higher education (LI Xiao-liang :2007). There is a broad array of such literature
on international students based on quantitative research that seek to ‚emphasize precisely measuring these
variables and testing hypotheses to gain general causal explanations. For example, such studies have
sought to explain a phenomenon like student psychosocial adjustment through the gathering of numerical
data or attempt to understand how establishment of social ties with Americans (measured by frequency of
interaction) influences the personal adjustment of an international student using multiple regressions (AlSharideh and Goe:1998). Quantitative models have been largely criticized for being one-dimensional and
rather limiting when it comes to recognizing the multifaceted nature of a person’s life or personality
differences. In other, they are considered to be devoid of descriptions of individuals’ personal
understandings and interpretations of a certain phenomenon (Berg and Lune: 2012).
According to Berg and Lune (2012), qualitative research is more concerned with patterns, explore
how people structure their lives and make sense of themselves and others, rather than getting the average
or frequency. With this, qualitative data will provide me with the opportunity to explore and explain how
the select group of international students understands their lived experiences ‚and the meaning they make
of that experience. By leaning more towards qualitative method, I do not claim its monopoly or
superiority over quantitative. The reality of international student’s every day lives is imbued with
meanings that cannot be quantified. In this sense there is a need to lean towards qualitative methods that
13

focus on the subjective understanding and perceptions of people (Berg and Lune: 2012). This will help to
conceptualize their adjustment journey as an unpredictable and dynamic process, which is experienced
differently among international students, as a result of individual, cultural and external factors (Yang
et.al:2005).
The methods I employ to investigate the students’ experiences were essentially qualitative in
nature and involved interviews with 10 graduate students from multiple countries, as the main data
collection tool. The interview process is rendered to be a “meaning-making occasion” in which the actual
circumstance or the natural setting in which the interview is conducted provides “access to the context of
people’s behavior”, which thereby provides a way for researchers to understand the meaning of that
behavior (Berg and Lune: 2012). Since, the primary aim of this paper is to try to understand the processes
from the perspective of the student; interviews are invaluable instrument to gain access to rich and
meaningful data. The interview schedules were, therefore, designed to encourage the students to talk of
these experiences so as to capture their views on their goals and experiences that which will potentially
help to identify the individual, contextual and cultural factors that influences their experiences.
For the purpose of this paper, I intend to examine how the students interviewed conceptualize
their accommodating and challenging experiences they may have encountered mainly in their social and
academic life. My research has an exploratory component. This is to say that, rather than completely rely
on existing literature and analytical frameworks to understand respondents’ situation, my understanding
will also be driven by the experience and insight of participant. As mentioned earlier, I aim to explore the
generalizable patterns of international students’ experiences, as well the unique and subjectively-lived
experience. Their narratives about their experiences can provide a window into how they perceive
themselves and their social and academic worlds.
Semi-Structured Interviews
While an unstructured interview is said to be designed to elicit information using a set of
predetermined questions, unstandardized interviews allow for more flexibility, and contain questions that
are changeable and modifiable whenever appropriate. As the aim of qualitative interviews is to discover
14

the respondents’ own perspectives and feelings on certain issues, the interview that I conduct will be
semi-structured. Semi-structured interviews can be located in the between the aforementioned types of
interviews (Berg and Lune: 2012). So, on one hand, it involves the implementation of predetermined
questions, but at the same time interviewers are afforded the leniency to digress and probe far beyond the
answers to their prepared structured interviews. So, to prepare myself for the interview process, I created
an interview guideline that gives me a sense of direction and indicate the subject matters that I intended to
cover. I also created a set of predetermined questions based on subject areas covered. Allowing the
respondents ideas and stories to freely flow may help the researchers get introduced to new and
unexplored areas or ideas that pertain to the international students’ socio cultural as well as academic
experiences. During the interview process, instead of strictly following the predetermined questions,
follow-up questions were asked when necessary, for instance, in situations where further details and
clarification seemed necessary.
The questions were divided into four sections. In the first section, the participant responded to
questions regarding their demographic, history or sociocultural background. I, thus, began by asking a set
of questions that asked participants their personal backgrounds, such as questions about their families, the
reasons they decided to come to the United States, and the nature of social life in their home. Questions
were then administered to understand students’ initial phase of adjustment, as well as daily interactions
with other students (Americans or other internationals), and involvement in the wider university
community. In the second phase, questions were addressed to capture their experiences of academic life
in the United States. These questions focused on the classroom culture and interactions. In the last set of
questions, participants responded to questions that asked them to reflect upon the meaning of his/her
experiences as an international student.
These questions were set up so as to help theorize the complex mannerism through which various
factors play out into the lives of these students and that which can help foster a connection with the host
society in unique and dynamic ways. It is very difficult to capture all the factors that contribute to our
understanding of the international student experiences as many complex and overlapping factors come
15

into play. This, however, does not mean that an exploratory qualitative research cannot is not valid,
therefore, cannot take place; rather, it is this dynamic and unpredictable situation that may culminate into
rich and detailed narratives that provide intricate understanding of the experiences of international
students.
Selection of Research Setting
The institution where this study was conducted is Michigan State University (MSU), located in
East Lansing, Michigan. It is a public institution that was founded in 1855. Located in a suburban area,
the campus size is 5,192 acres. Out of the 36,675 study body, 5,898 are international students. 3,341 are
undergraduates compared to 2,166 graduate international students. These students represent various
countries around the globe, namely China, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Iran, Korea, India, Malaysia, Taiwan
and Libya, Canada, Japan, Thailand, Mexico, Pakistan, Brazil, to name a few. This setting was mainly
chosen for its convenience. Since this is a semester long (3-4 month) project, it proved to be an
inexpensive and accessible location to connect with international students from all over.
Universities around the US employ various ways to encourage international students to develop a
positive social experience while enrolled in a U.S. university. The MSU Office of International Student
and Scholars (OISS) is the designated office on campus that caters to the needs of the international
student body. Serving as a liaison with U.S. government agencies, foreign embassies, its main objective
as stated on the Mission Statement is to help “international students and scholars integrate into and adjust
to the academic, cultural and social life of MSU”. Each year the OISS hosts and organizes a series of
social events that provide opportunities for cross-cultural interactions. Before I began selecting students
for the interview process, I decided to spend a couple hours each week observing as well participating in
an international student event organized by OISS. One of the events I attended was the International
Coffee Hour. This event is held every Fridays from 4 pm to 6pm during the fall and spring semesters
when classes are in session. The stated purpose for this event was to help students connect with other
international and domestic folks and be more involved with the MSU community. I attended altogether 5
coffee hour sessions. Another event I attended was an event organized by the MSU Counseling Center
16

(MSUCC), Office for International Students and Scholars (OISS) and Office of Cultural and Academic
Transitions (OCAT). Together, they organized a series of hour long workshop, called “Being a Spartan”
A cross -cultural experience” for international as well as domestic students dedicated to recognizing
intercultural relationships, and its implication for interacting across both global and domestic differences.
Throughout the fall semester, they offer six one hour workshop sessions. Each workshop emphasizes
specific cross cultural themes such as food, time, authority, friendship as well as intercultural
communication. Unfortunately, due to schedule conflict, I was only able to attend one of the workshops.
My attendance in these intercultural events, allowed me to observe the social life and interactions
of international students in real, naturally occurring setting. I also took these visits as an opportunity to
get to know as well as gain exposure to students from a range of cultural and academic backgrounds.
Directly participating with the participants also gave me get first-handed experiential information that
may be pertinent to my research. During my weekly visits to the coffee hour session, I decided not to
fully disclose my research agenda, although I did mention it to a couple of people. My hesitancy in being
completely open about my research was because I did not want my presence to alter or color their
behavior. For the most part, I wanted to be able to observe as a participant and gain access to potential
interviewees. Further, by being fully immersed in the field, it enabled me to move around and talk to
people without appearing unusual, with access to spontaneous observations. The issue of access to the
participants world and acceptance was, however, not very problematic for me. As a member of the
international student group, it did not take much effort to establish a rapport and gain access to
spontaneous observations and interactions. There were some instances when people would come up to
me and inquire where I was from. As soon as I mentioned I was from Nepal, they seemed curious to know
more about my cultural background. Being somewhat of an “insider” has its advantages as well as
drawbacks. On one hand, the insider role status frequently allows researchers more rapid and more
complete acceptance by their participants. Therefore, participants are typically more open with
researchers so that there may be a greater depth to the data gathered. In my study, many of the questions
that I ask have to do with their perceptions of Americans or life in America. I anticipated that being an
17

international student myself, the respondents may be more likely to give me an accurate picture,
particularly when it comes to describing negative experiences. At the same time, although this shared
status can be very beneficial as it affords access and a common ground from which to begin the research,
I was also cautious or wary that participant may make assumptions of similarity and therefore fail to
explain their individual experience fully. In other words, they may assume because I am an international
student myself, they need not disclose or talk about certain aspects. I also had to be careful about not
allowing my personal experiences cloud the personal experiences of the respondents.
Selection of Participants
After having chosen the institutional setting and participated in some of the activities hosted by
the OISS, the next step was to select and narrow down the participants or international students. The first
few students’ international graduate students that were interviewed were mainly from convenient
sampling, which refers to the category of samples where participants are those who are close at hand or
easily accessible (Berg and Lune: 2012). Although not a monolithic group, international students as a
group may find common and shared experiences with one another. Researchers have argued that the
friendship patterns that these students generate are related to the particular circumstances of their
academic journey (Byram:2006) . Students are also known to form networks with students who affirm
and express their own culture of origin. Further, being international students they also remain part of a a
broader multi-national network (Pavel:2006). With this in mind, I also opted to identify or select students
through snownball sampling. Hence, many of participants were located through referral of one
respondent of another (Berg and Lune:2006).
While many studies have considered the persistence or adjustment of particular groups from
specific countries or regions, this study takes a broader perspective in investigating students’ social and
academic experiences, by considering students from multiples countries of origin. With this, a total of 10
students representing multiple countries were selected to be interviewed. Students needed to be enrolled
in a degree program and have been admitted into the United States under either F-1 visa status, in order to
be classified as an international student. Although, I would have preferred to interview both graduate as
18

well as undergraduates with F-1 status, due to limited time I selected only graduate international students
(masters as well as PhD). Again, this is mainly due to convenience that arises out of my status as an
international graduate student. The students represent a number of different countries: Taiwan, India,
Pakistan, Turkey, China, Mexico, Japan and Serbia. Students reported studying in the following majors:
statistics, psychology, sociology, economics, Environmental Engineering and education. All the
international students I identified for the interview were unmarried and their age ranged between 25-35.
Most of them had completed a masters’ degree prior to their enrollment in MSU and have been living in
the United States between 1-4 years. Interviews generally lasted between 60-90 minutes. My sample size
being only 10 may not be very representative of the international student body. However, since I planned
on carrying out in-depth interviews, during which international students’ personal comments on their
experiences in their own words will be emphasized, I expected to obtain detailed narratives as evidence
towards explicating international students understanding of their situation and what meanings these
various experiences, particularly that relates to their social and academic integration, have for them. No
selection criteria were established for English language proficiency, country of origin, race or other
factors that have been previously identified as significant in determining their social and academic
experiences.
I obtained informed consent from the participants prior to taking their interviews. They were
informed about the purpose of the study, and were told that they could stop the interview at any point
without giving a reason, that quotes would be used anonymously or they would provide pseudo names,
and that if they did not wish to answer a question then I would move on to the next one. The interviews
were taken in a private setting, at the convenience of the participants. Notes were not taken during the
interview, but these interviews were tape-recorded, and then transcribed later.

19

ANALYSIS PROCEDURE OF DATA
In this research, the analysis procedure used was influenced by the participant or field note
centered approach emphasized by Robert M. Emerson, Rachel I. Fretz, and Linda L. Shaw in their book,
Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes. The scholars urge researchers to come to the transcripts with an open
mind in order to identify processes, issues and ideas that emerge during close examination and reflection
on the field notes. They refer to this as “qualitative coding” which according to them opens up “avenues
of inquiry” (p.151). In this sense, according to Emerson, et.al (1995), field notes are rendered to be the
building blocks for constructing the “ethnographic story” and telling the story (p.170). This is to say that
analysis of ethnographic data should begin with concepts that are grounded and reflect the subject or
event under study, referred to as inductive process (Emerson et. al: 1995). In attempt to remain “fieldnote” centered, direct quotations from respondents’ about their adjustment feelings, opinion and

knowledge were considered to be basic source of raw data for this study.
To analyze the data I went through all the transcribed notes, and quotes, looking for critical terms,
central events or themes and patterns to emerge. I wanted to take a narrative approach, which included
context and description with long quotes from the subjects themselves. From, this, I also observed to see
if any themes and patters emerged. I categorized similar themes and patters together, and elaborated on
them to fit them in to the social setting. This process of analyzing data requires dedication to the
participants’ stories, which meant the transcribed notes were read multiple times, to identify patterns and
themes related to international students’ experiences. In developing an ethnographic story, Emerson et.al
(1995) claim that researchers need to select some themes that resonate with “personal or disciplinary
concerns that recur in a number of specific field notes.” Hence, one of the goals was to find specific as
well as recurring themes that emerged as important markers of international students’ social and academic
adjustment. This meant taking into consideration the experiences that help constitutes or defines certain
aspects of their sociocultural and academic adjustment process. Similarly, when selecting relevant
excerpts, I attempted to select those that represent or introduce specific themes or ones that represent

20

variations form the usual (Emerson et.al:1995). Here, multiples voices and perspectives were taken in
consideration to capture the unique experiences, but at the same time I also looked for connective threads
among the experiences of the participants interviewed.
While paying systematic attention to field notes to identify pertinent processes and issues that
become apparent, the piecing together of field notes is rendered to be more than finding and stating what
is there. Rather, Emerson, et.al(1995) claim that “it is more fundamentally a process of creating what is
there by constantly thinking about the import of previously recorded events and meanings (p. 168).” So,
the weaving together of students’ stories is considered a process of crafting their storylines that allowed
for me, as the researcher, to insert theoretical insight into their experiences. With this, they remind us that
reminds us, the task is to “to develop theoretical connections between field note excerpts” (p. 164).This is
an important part of the data analysis process.
Here it is important to recognize that the analysis does not simply take place after the data is
collected, but it is said to permeate “all phases of the research enterprise – as the researcher makes
observations, records them in field notes, codes these notes in analytic categories, and finally develops
explicit theoretical propositions” (Emerson, et.al,1995: 144). This “continuously analytical character of
the field notes” or the “processing” of field notes is rendered to be an interactive and interpretive process
in which the researcher’s assumptions, interests, and “theoretical commitments” inevitably shape the
character and content of the research. This is to say that, while attempting to be “field-note” centered, one
cannot ignore that the analysis is shaped both by the researcher’s perspectives and theoretical positions.
Hence, when analyzing international students’ narratives, as researchers it is important to ask how the
interview responses have been consistent with the literature or existing theories on international students
or immigrants or in what ways have they gone beyond. Emerson, et.al (1995) refers to the interplay of
theory and data as a ‚”dialectical‛ or “reflexive” process and contends that “theory enters at every point”
(p.167). So, while the researcher is responding to the participants’ words, they also revert back to existing
theories and literature about the phenomenon being studied. With this, Emerson, et. al (1995) claim to go
beyond the grounded theory approach which claims to be the “discovery” of theory through the analysis
21

of data. Instead the authors advocate for a strategy of theory development that seeks balance between
“analytical propositions and local meanings” (p.169).
Consequently, a qualitative design is viable way through which we can capture international
students’ perceptions and investigate how their experiences in a foreign country affect the ways in which
these individuals see their identities and their larger worlds. Based on a qualitative framework, in the
preceding section, I elaborate on the findings and their implications. These findings represent how
students conceptualize their social and academic life. Without a sociological theoretical perspective, it is
difficult to make sense or interpret the meaning they make of their experiences. The rich narratives that I
was exposed gave me the opportunity to connect these particular experiences to several concepts and
analytical understandings that are part of the broader disciplinary knowledge (Emerson, et. al: 1995)
relating to the experiences of newcomers, who contend with several cultural differences as they strive to
become fully adjusted or integrated in American society.

22

FINDINGS
As mentioned earlier, I began by asking questions concerning their background and past
experience, such as questions related to their families, the reasons they decided to come to the United
States, prior perceptions of U.S culture and higher education and the nature of social life in their home. I
also collected their demographic information. It should be mentioned that while demographic factors may
have played a role in the participants' perceptions of academic and social experiences at MSU, this
qualitative study does not specifically examine specific factors. Instead this demographic data supported
the heterogeneity and individuality between participants, in order to better understand what international
students in general have encountered as academic and social experiences at the University. In other
words, through specific examples and general points of view, this study intended to capture the shared
and unique understandings of their experiences. Participants when quoted have not always been identified
by their demographic features, unless it was relevant (note that anything written in italics is statements
made by the participants).
Decision to come to the United States and prior perceptions of U.S
The interview was designed to begin with questions regarding their expectations of an
educational institution in the U.S as well as the preparations they went through in attempts towards
meeting their own expectations. The idea behind these initial set of questions was to understand the
students’ mental preparedness with regard to facing the cultural, social and academic challenges that lay
ahead of them. International students provided a very detailed account of their prior experience and
cultural background. Data concerning participants’ expectations/goals, prior to arriving at MSU, mainly
revolved around their decision to come to the United States as well as their perceptions of the higher
education in the United States, but it was not limited to this. Other issues such as perceived cultural
differences and importance of English language, prior to their arrival were also examined. While many
students reported having had positive images and perceptions of the U.S, they also shared some concerns
about the U.S.

23

From an early age, attraction to international experiences and the drive to discover diverse
cultures compelled some of the students to seek education abroad opportunities. As the graduate student
from Serbia explained:
In Serbia there are minorities but not much diversity. There are gypsies, but not much physically
differences exist. So, her perception of America as the land of “fairness”, “equality” led her to
anticipate a heavy prevalence of cultural diversity, which she claimed was a decisive factor in choosing
to pursue a U.S higher education.
A Japanese graduate student expressed similar sentiment to pursue “international education.”
This participant also deemed understanding cultural diversity or maximizing knowledge about different
cultures as educationally enriching. This desire to be exposed to cultural diversity, therefore, spurred her
interest to pursue a Masters’ degree in the United States.
As the two participants were describing their hometown, it was clear that migration and exposure
to ethnic diversity were not very common issues in the immediate environment where they were raised.
The Japanese student expresses this concern:
In Japan recently, many young people don’t want to get out of Japan, and do not see broad
perspective. But, here there are many more minorities, in japan, there are only Japanese. Here, there are
whites,, blacks, Latinos, Asians and others representing diverse cultures. You constantly have to face
issues resulting from cultural differences and conflicts. In Japan, I can’t experience that cultural conflict
and here you are constantly facing cultural differences.
Almost all the international graduate students interviewed for this study are particularly cognizant
of the value of studying in a higher education institute in the United States. In fact, the perceived
excellence of U.S. higher education was the most often cited influence in the students' ultimate decision
to study abroad. Often, when students emphasized the perceived superiority of the quality of graduate
education in the U.S, they made comparisons with their own or other countries.

24

For example, a student from Turkey, who also had experience studying abroad in Japan stated:
Well, I have been to many countries and I wasn’t satisfied with the quality of education I got. And
all these years you hear about schools in the US, saying that schools are good and they force you do
creative thinking, critical writing, this and that!”
Similarly, a male student from India also shared his high expectations of education in the U.S in
regards to facilities, disciplinary expertise and professional development. Also, there was a widely shared
understanding that U.S education leads to greater future gains in terms of earning or career opportunities,
which is seen as a strong reason to pursue an education here:
I was in touch with some colleagues who had been to the U.S. before me and other friends from
other institutions. So, I had pretty good idea of what is the education system in the U.S like. I understood
that U.S education is more professional. I also learned about the values that a U.S degree carries. The
ultimate result is good even if it is more rigorous, and also there is good economy in the US.
In the overall, almost everyone, one way or the other expressed his or her awareness of the
greater availability of professional and research opportunities in the U.S. International graduate students’
perception of the powerful influence of U. S. education in tandem with their aim for individual
advancement to achieve a certain professional status seemed to have overshadowed their fear and anxiety
of entering a “strange culture” where “all or most of the familiar cues are removed” (Oberg: 142).
Hence, many graduate students claimed to be quite confident in their ability to move to a new culture,
however, were also aware that they must learn to adapt to their new learning or cultural contexts. In the
case of the participants I interviewed, only one female student from Taiwan, expressed anxiousness or
stress related to moving abroad (“Even though I have traveled to many places, I have never lived alone.
So, I was worried about living alone”), albeit, many did report having experienced some obstacles in
their academic and social life related to English proficiency, cultural differences, and unfamiliarity with
the American classroom environment, and so on as their time in the U.S progressed.

25

These will be dealt with in depth later on. It is important to recognize here that despite the issues
students are expected to encounter upon their arrival in a new environment, this study revealed that
graduate students’ strong awareness of the potential benefits of studying abroad, particularly in the U.S,
may to some extent have outweighed their anticipation of psychological stress and trauma living in a
foreign country for a significant number of years. Hence, prior to their arrival, some seemed to be more
focused on preparing and honing the skills that they anticipate would help them academically such as
improving English language proficiency, in terms of writing as well as reading.
The importance of the English language for navigating life in the U.S. surfaced very early on.
This was many of the students’ primary focus or concern. Although most of these students came from
countries where English was neither their first nor officially recognized language, this did not prevent
them from seeking a predominately English Speaking country when it came to applying to universities. In
fact some of them explicitly stated that as being motivated to apply to countries such as the U.S. This was
particularly prominent among those students who had no or minimal exposure to English before high
school, namely the students from Taiwan, China and Mexico.
The Taiwanese male study eloquently expressed the significance of English in the academic
world:
English is very much emphasized, but it’s not taught as effectively as other bilingual societies. I
don’t think Taiwan is a very bilingual society, although there are many internal dialects, English was not
a part of the language for daily commination. But, it is very much emphasized because it is a symbol of
higher education, cultivation, and higher culture upbringing; however it is not effectively taught and used
in Taiwan.
With this, this student claimed to make a conscious effort to choose an English speaking country,
with U. S being a
very natural and the first option or probably the only one you can think of, in terms of which
country you want to go.

26

Similarly, the graduate student from Mexico, recognizing the value and predominance of English
in the academic world, made a conscious decision to apply to a predominately English-Speaking country:
I wanted an English speaking place, because that’s the foreign language I learned. And that was
going to help me to improve my English. So, it was either US, or NZ or UK. And also in college they
made me aware that a lot of the scholarship is written in English. So, I was aware that it’s part of the
dominant language of academia. And a lot of people don’t like that and I think that has to change. But, I
also have to recognize that if you want to change that you also have to understand that. And so that’s
why I was like, I think I need a university in English. Universities here or in the UK are known to be
amazing and wow.
Other international graduate students were also aware of the importance of using and speaking
the English language, but expressed either confidence or some concern with their inability to speak
fluently. Students who displayed more confidence in English were those who had been taught English
from elementary school onwards, namely students from India, Pakistan, Serbia and Turkey. These
students claimed to have a predominately British system of education and American education system in
their respective countries. With this, they felt more prepared for life in the United States.
The two students from India described their upbringing with English in their British Schooling
System. One of them states,
I started learning English form the very basic, from second and third standard so I’ve made quite
a progress. In India, most schools are English. Before, it was mainly prestigious. Now a day, even if you
go to a small village in India they teach English textbooks.
Both of these students felt quite confident that knowing how to effectively speak and write in
English would help them with their transition:
Because I studied in an English-speaking school, speaking English is not much of a challenge,
although it required a lot of groundwork. The true preparation for university life, in my view, was
building a mental state where you are ready to part from the covers of your family and venture forward
on your own.
27

It was also interesting to look into the various mediums or ways though which these students
became familiar with U.S academic and social culture. The students indicated access to internationally
situated information in their home countries, particularly of the U.S through mass media, such as through
Hollywood movies and pop music.
The male Taiwanese student mentioned that his perceptions of university life were shaped
through media prior to coming to the states that resonates with other graduate students such as those from
India and Japan whose ideas were also influenced by media:
Before I came here, I got some of the impressions of college life in the US from TV and movies so
I would imagine sunny days and you hold a few heavy books, pretending to be very knowledgeable
walking around campus. That’s more or less the ideal image I had.
While media was mentioned by almost all other international graduate students, this was not seen
as the most important or the only source of information. Some graduate students also stated that they had
an idea of what life would be in the United States through their relatives, friends, professors and
acquaintances who are currently living in the U.S or were educated there. For example, the significance of
these relationships was expressed by both the Taiwanese students.
The female Taiwanese student stated that she had relatives who were immigrants that let her
know what to expect of the U.S.
I have cousins, who live here as immigrants. They live in Washington DC. They tell me different
things and the experiences here. For example, like cosco. In Taiwan, we can eat fast food, we can eat
outside every day and food is very fresh, food is not the same here, and most people eat frozen food. We
have to go to super market here, but in Taiwan there are open markets nearby your house, and
everywhere. And they sell fresh food there.
Similarly, the graduate student from Mexico, who is majoring in Education, mentioned that he
benefited from having a friend who recommended him to a U.S university:

28

I had a friend, who graduated from Calvin College in Grand Rapids. At the time, I was thinking
of being in Mexico, do masters in Mexico and I was looking for a scholarship there. And then I was like,
if I do masters here, my dream was over. But, then I met this friend who said you should apply to Calvin
and they are offering scholarship, you should apply for it. I was like, okay. So, I went to the website and
emailed the school. I only applied to one, to Calvin because they had a tuition waiver.
This was also true for other graduate students from China, Taiwan, and India who had friends
studying all over the U.S, and even at Michigan State University.
The students from Mexico, India, Japan, China and Taiwan also mentioned they had a professor
who recommended them to apply to universities in the U.S. For instance, the female Taiwanese student
stated:
When I was in graduate school in Taiwan, I planned to pursue my PhD in the United States,
because of my adviser and committee members there; they graduated from the United States. You know
most of the professors got their degree from there.
The student from Japan mentioned she was interested in Intercultural Communication, so her
professors recommended that United States would be her best option as she would be exposed to more
diversity and broader perspectives. Similarly, the female student from Taiwan, who liked to voice her
opinions and discuss academics in class, claimed that there was not much of a discussion culture in
classrooms in Taiwan, so her advisers or professors suggested to pursue a degree in the U.S:
Normally students are quiet in Taiwanese classrooms. On the contrary, I tried to ask questions.
So, so my previous advisor who had US education often encouraged me to pursue PhD degree here. They
said, you like to participate in class, discuss issues so other professors too encouraged me to come her.
Clearly, social ties, both informal and formal (Sovic: 2009), played an important role in students'
decision to study in the U.S. A more elaborate understanding of the role of social ties and networks, and
the implication this has for international graduate students’ adjustment and assimilation process in the U.S
will be discussed in more depth. As was evident in their responses above, the significance of social ties or
networks with people from similar cultural background and co-nationals can be invaluable even before
29

these students arrived in their host society. This form of support was very evident in many of the
students’ response, particularly the support they received from their advisers, professors or mentors back
home who emphasized the professional opportunities inherent in attaining a degree in the U.S. and
pointed to the superior training their students would receive.
Another recurrent theme that I observed in the participants response was that many of them
seemed very drawn to the idea that the American society values freedom, independence and privacy.
Many of them, therefore, had a general impression that the U. S. would be an open minded and friendly
place. This led some of the students to portray the restrictive aspects of their own culture and upbringing
in their respective countries. The restrictions were viewed in a somewhat negative light and they
expressed an implicit desire to break free from those cultural boundaries. Many of them therefore
anticipated that studying in the United States would give them such an outlet.
One of the Indian graduate students described her educational experience back home as
somewhat regimented and restricting. Below is what she had to say:
In terms of education, students who had already studied here had always told us that the
education system was very liberal, down to small details like one could eat in class and chew gum in front
of the professor, which were considered seriously disrespectful back home. I had heard that students got
to choose their own classes and that the classes would be very unevenly spaced out throughout the day.
Things like these were unheard of back home where classes were continuous and a campus was more like
a piece of land strictly enclosed by 10 feet walls and reinforced by tall security guards.
The freedom to choose from a variety of majors, courses and career paths was something that
most international students expected and looked forward to in the United States. The U.S. is also seen as a
place where they are able to express themselves openly and make decisions independently. This was
evident in the Chinese students’ response:
I expected it to be open in terms of environment and perceptions of people; a place where you can
speak your mind.

30

The student from Serbia also expected to experience freedom in terms of expressing herself more
in the US than her own country.
The sense of freedom in the U.S for the most part was perceived in a positive light. The students’
perceptions of the educational experience prior to their arrival were generally positive. This is not to say
that international students did not anticipate any cultural dissonance or negative experience, prior to their
arrival. For instance, a Taiwanese Doctoral student made a remark about how he was “exposed to various
messages about racism in the US” and that “concerned” him. For the most part, however, there was an
overwhelmingly positive view where everything about America was seen as being really nice with fewer
economic or other kinds of problems, in comparison to their respective countries.
Identifying students’ prior assumptions and understandings were of critical importance in
understanding their adjustment and acculturation process. This provided me a general idea of how
mentally prepared they felt and later it helped analyze the level of cultural dissonance they have faced.
More importantly, it allowed me to understand the shifts in their identities they have had to make as a
result of the incongruities between their expectations and the actual experience when they assumed life in
the United States. With this, I then turned to understanding their lived experience in the United States,
beginning with their response to the experiences related to their initial transition.
In the preceding sections, I present the findings concerning their initial transition. After
examining their prior experience, questions were asked regarding their immediate problems, cultural
shock, or any anxieties and challenges they may have encountered upon their arrival to their new
environments. The various forms of social support networks they encountered that helped facilitate or
provided them with opportunities to feel more socially and emotionally connected with the new cultural
environment. The predominant themes that emerged during their initial adjustment was related to the
challenges of day-to-day activities such as shopping, food, transportation, culture shock, language
barriers, awareness of cultural differences along with the problems associated with it, as well as
development of informal and formal social support that facilitated their initial transition. I describe each
of these themes below:
31

Themes that emerged during Initial Transition
A. Logistical Challenges
My findings suggested that there were a number of common difficulties which many of
the international graduate students faced. This was related to the simple day-to-day activities
concerning accommodation, food, shopping, transportation, work, etc. Most of the students
emphasized issues of transportation as being the major obstacle. Having no personal
transportation hindered their chances of efficiently getting their tasks completed. They also had
difficult times locating stores and knowing what to buy. The student from China revealed his
experience in the following manner:
When you're coming from your country, of course, you are not going to bring blankets,
pillows, dishes and other such things. When I first entered my dorm room, aside from furniture
like bed, it looked so empty. I had no clue how to get the stuff that I wanted.
Likewise, the student from Japan also had similar experience:
First, for three days I couldn’t find any stores, or so I couldn’t buy any food. So, I was
starving. I finally found some stores and some fast food places. That was the hardest part.
With this, almost all of them complained about how far the stores were located. At this
point many of them were not familiar with the transportation system in Michigan State so this
made it even more problematic for them. With this, some of them mentioned that it made it
difficult to find what they needed. The female student from Taiwan expressed this concern:
In Taiwan, we can eat fast food, we can eat outside every day and food is very fresh, food
is not the same here, and most people eat frozen food. We have to go to super market here, but in
Taiwan there open markets near your house, and everywhere. And they sell fresh food there.
While facing problems with access to transportation, accommodation and the adjustment
to American food, the students also had to adjust to the American way of life – opening bank
accounts, handling credit cards, using ATMs, finding places, all seemed to be quite novice to
some of them.
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B. Culture Shock
The interviews revealed that students did experience culture shock, although not with the same
range of emotions. The experience of the extreme symptoms associated with culture shock that
includes anxiety, homesickness, sleeplessness, fear and depression as a result of being far away from
home, was not a common response. So, when asked whether they experienced any homesickness or
anxiety from being away from home, most of them directly responded with a “No” or “Not at all.”
Only the student from Turkey claimed to have a confused and emotional reaction to his new
surroundings:
My brain works like a female brain (Do not say things like female brain. To say that women are
emotional is a sexist remark) so the way I work is that I code everything with a specific emotion. So
when I remember the problem, it evokes emotions. So most of the problems I had were related to my
emotional condition as well. You know when you’re a woman you don’t the know source of your
problems. It might have been the US or it might have been me. I don’t know whether it’s the US or me
blaming it.
This is not to say that the other graduate students did not face any cultural shock, but many
denied experiencing any upheaval and intense emotions associated with it. For instance, when asked
when if he felt homesick, Taiwanese responded saying,
I get home sick sometimes, but I never get to a point where I think about my family and home
town so much that I can do nothing. I guess my lack of major adjustment issues somehow helped with
that. You don’t get frustrated a lot so you don’t think about how beautiful your life was before coming
here.
This study did not find culture shock to be a universal phenomenon. The prevalence and intensity
of emotional tension varied among students as a function of a host of factors. This included exposure
to Western or American culture in their home country, personality, work pressure, previous
experience, pre-arrival preparation, and cultural similarity. For instance, the student from Taiwan
described his familiarity with American culture. He explained:
33

You know we (Taiwanese) have been exposed to American culture throughout our lives,
especially my generation. American culture was never stranger to me, like coca cola, like those very
popular pop stars, I know all the names. I probably know more than people in the US. So those
cultural symbols were never stranger to me.
Later, he explained how exposure to American culture and familiarity with the English language
prevented him from experiencing major culture shock:
In terms of culture shock, I cannot recall any moment where I had like this blew my mind kind of
moment. Probably because Taiwan is a country deeply penetrated by American culture and also
because I don’t have, sometimes a culture shock is partly produced by language barriers and since I
don’t have any issues with that I don’t think I experienced any major cultural shock.
Other students also indicated having such exposure. For instance, one of the Indian students
stated,
Apart from being exposed to American culture via media and internet, I also took part in a fair
that US universities conducted in different big cities in India, so I also went there and I kind of got
some exposure. I also tried coaching for GRE. They also talked about US education. At the time of
application I had pretty good idea.
So, when asked whether he experienced culture shock, similar to the Taiwanese student, he
responded,
No, because when I was in India, where I was working I had to talk to lot of American clients,
and I knew how they talk and what the culture was like. I had some exposure and some experience.
The student from Pakistan also denied experiencing any major culture shock. She had
considerable experience studying and working abroad. After completing her masters’ in Pakistan, she
went on to get another masters’ degree in Japan, and later worked in an International Organization in
Belgium. Here she worked and interacted with people from all over Western Europe.

34

In terms of cultural distance, she felt much closer to Americans than she did with Europeans. She
explained,
I feel less culturally different from Americans as compared with Europeans. So Americans are
more family oriented, they care about their kids. They don’t have to have an appointment to meet with
their parents. In Europe, kids and parents usually make an appointment.
With this, she claimed that her past working experience in an international setting, as well as the
cultural similarities she felt with Americans, prevented her from experiencing culture shock or
extreme disorientation in her new surroundings.
C. English Proficiency
Throughout the data collection process, it became readily apparent that English language
familiarity and mastery were critical in almost all areas of international graduate students’ lives.
Many international students prior to coming to the United States have spent many years learning
to speak and write English. The participants in this study, however, differed in terms of the years
they spent learning English, and the degree to which English was emphasized in their school. Not
to my surprise, this difference influenced their confidence and command of the English language.
Those who indicated to having a solid grasp of the English language, language
proficiency was a reason for a relatively smooth transition to the new culture. Majority of these
students claimed to have a solid foundation in the language. Participants who expressed these
views felt comfortable in their ability to navigate the new culture and access resources that were
important for daily functioning. For instance, the Pakistan student, pointed to her English
proficiency as being vital to her adjustment in the United States:
I learnt this language in my country. I think my English; even my professors say, I speak
as good as a native speaker of English. My GRE score was better than anyone in my cohort. In
Pakistan, because we have British system and education was in English language, I had the
opportunity to learn English early on in my life. So, I don’t think it was hard. I took a civil service
exam and one subject was English which I had to test in. It was one of the toughest English
35

exams, and GRE is nothing compared to it. So, just studying in my country prepared me well. So,
it was very easy for me here.
The male graduate student from Taiwan also explained how he had adequate training in
speaking and writing English. He explained,
I would attribute my English capabilities to my education. I’ve been having pretty well
with English along the course of my education. English is an official subject in Taiwan since
Junior HS. So, if you have a college degree, you probably have been exposed to English in
varying degrees. At least ten years, I would say. I also majored in English, so that helps too. After
I graduated from my masters’ degree I worked as a research executive at an international market
research company. We did a lot of writing in English and occasionally had to speak in English as
well. Along the road, I have had opportunities to use English.
With this, he recognized that English proficiency was helpful in becoming more settled
and comfortable in the new environment:
Overall, I did not have serious adjustment issues. Because, you know, my English was
good enough to prepare for me for circumstances.
Those students with limited English proficiency identified the importance of English but
displayed dismay over their lack of English skills, which prevented them having a smooth
transition or engaging in the environment. Each of these students stressed the limitations in their
previous education regarding English. Students from a number of different countries made
comments, such as, “Japanese English education is doing grammar not so much speaking. They
teach structure, “English is mostly concentrated on grammar and vocabulary (China), and “They
did not teach English. There was one English class, and until graduate school, schools did not
have English. So, in terms of English I only have basic idea” (Taiwan). The student from Mexico
also describes his limited experience with learning English:
In all my elementary, middle school, high school, and even college everything was
Spanish. And even my immediate family, close friends, professional work, everything runs in
36

Spanish. I took classes one hour every day in middle school and high school, which did not help
much. They only taught me how to fill in the blanks but at least that gave me some notion of how
sentences are built and some cultural aspect.
With this, some of the students cited language proficiency as a major challenge and
expressed more frustration over this. It was not that these international students could not speak
English, but their inability to speak and understand English on the same level of their U.S. peers
that caused social barriers. A lack of English language proficiency may lead to awkward
moments, miscommunication, and frustration. Below are a few of the students’ experiences:
I could understand 50 percent of my classes only. I was reading so desperately. I felt
frustrated many times. I wanted to understand every word. I couldn’t get my point across and
couldn’t explain anything. I was so freaked out about speaking in class (Mexico).
I mostly self –learned but it’s hard. That’s why in my first year, it was very tough,
because my English proficiency was not good. Even though I understand English and I wanted to
join them (Americans), they changed different topic (Taiwan).
I think I can write and speak in English. But, like, maybe my confidence is less because
my brain thinks like I can do it but I can’t , you know this is due to lack of confidence. Because, it
is not my native language I feel that way. For example, when I get my assignment back, teachers
correct my grammar mistake, I feel like if I were a native speaker I would not be making these
many mistakes (Japan).
These examples demonstrate the necessity of English proficiency to communicate ideas
and perform academic and other daily tasks. As illustrated above, confusions in language can
occur even when there is a basic familiarity and proficiency of the English language. In other
words, it reveals that adjustment to the new cultural environment was not sufficed by knowing
grammatical rules and vocabulary. This is true even for those students who claimed to be
somewhat confident in their command of the English language. Although these students had been
studying English for quite some time, this largely involved reading and writing of an academic
37

nature. So, prior to their arrival they were unaware of the extent to which local accents, manners,
fast speech and American idioms would affect their ability to communicate and understand
American English.
Some of the participants with greater English language proficiency explicitly identified
and addressed these cultural nuances. The student from Turkey, in particular, addressed the need
to understand these nuances:
It’s all about your English ability. Social interactions are about getting the nuances that
people use now and then. When your English is not good, you don’t anything about that. One has
to use more effort to understand. So, you cannot make many friends when your language does not
allow.
The participants further emphasized the need for language command to fully understand
the nuances and social intricacies. As time progressed, these participants slowly picked up these
which changed the way they mingled with the native speakers. Below are some of their responses
that demonstrate this:
After coming here, it took a while to understand the accent here which is very important
to get to know people more personally. In my opinion, once I was able to understand what people
were saying and talk to them fluently and partake wholeheartedly in their conversations and
share their views, it was very helpful in understanding the American way of life.
The male student from Taiwan expressed how he had difficulty showing his witty and
humorous personality in English, but as time progressed he was able to overcome this.
You don’t know the language well enough to strike funny conversations with people, and
you don’t want to hang out with someone who talks about school all day. I’m much funnier now
than I was before.
Other students such as those from Turkey and Serbia, who expressed less concerns with
English, also talked about the difficulty of following American accent in the beginning, but
eventually they felt that they were able to grasp it without much difficulty. Some also pointed that
38

it is not only English language that may cause some issues, but also knowing what to speak. For
instance, the male student from Taiwan made the following comment:
First of all, I don’t speak English as fluent as Americans, even though I can speak pretty
good English. People can tell, native speakers can tell. Also, you don’t have the life experience
they have and it’s easily shown in conversations u know, what you talk about its less true to life
than what they are talking about. There are times when the conversation touches upon contextual
knowledge of different places and you have never been there before. And so you have no idea
what to say.
Similarly, the female Taiwanese student studying Psychology also recalls a moment in
one of her classes where she felt like she had no idea what was being talked about and how to
contribute:
I remember that when I took a class from your Department (Sociology), with Dr. Mullan.
It was international inequality. And I also kept quiet because they always discuss news from
America and I did not know what they were talking about. I could not join the discussion.
In contrast to the above examples, the student from Turkey said:
When I make a joke, like I play with words, the worst reaction I can get is, you’re funny,
it’s never like, I don’t understand you or what you mean. But I see that happens to other Turkish
class mates. One of them, she just came from Turkey. And I see that the American students seem
stressed around her and have difficult time understanding her. She gets angry and frustrated
every time she is trying to express herself. But, I never had that problem.
In the overall, participants indicated that English proficiency impacted social
relationships with friends and colleagues, interactions with strangers, and interactions in
classrooms and other academic settings. Recognizing the importance of English language for
their academic and non-academic experiences, many also conveyed the process of improving
their English, and the desire to perfect their skills to become better at interacting with the host
community. For instance, the student from China stated,
39

I didn’t speak good English when I came, but I am slowly learning! I am trying my best
to use more correct English. If you don’t try to somehow improve on your own time, Americans
will not try to understand you, so you will be at loss.
D. Social Support
During their initial transition, students also identified the need to develop formal and informal
social support networks in their new cultural environment. These support networks provided
emotional and practical support. Social support was found through both formal and informal channels
(Sovic:2009). Formal support included University agencies, such as MSU Office of International
Students and Scholars (OISS) that helped gain access to social opportunities, cultural learning events,
or helped process students’ legal documents such as a social security number, work permit and other
necessary documents to stay in-status in the United States. The international student orientation, or
the Teaching Assistantship orientation, conducted by their respective departments was also mentioned
as being somewhat helpful during their transitional phase. However, formal networks such as the
OISS were not deemed as the most important source of social support when they first arrived. The
male graduate student from Taiwan had the following response when asked if he took help from
OISS:
I don’t have frequent interactions with the OISS. I never recall having any questions that would
require me to take their help. The only time I did visit OISS or interacted was when I needed some
legal advice concerning my visa. Other than that, I did not feel the need to. No offence, but I don’t
know what OISS can do for me. Maybe they could do a lot, but I never needed any help.
Other respondents also had similar response, with many seeking out OISS or their departmental
offices for formal matters relating to paper work, visa, and so on. Most participants, however,
expressed the integral helpfulness of informal support channels such as friends, professors, neighbors,
co-nationals, or other international students during their initial phases. Some students admitted to
knowing someone from US prior to arrival. This included students or individuals mainly from their
own country, who took the initiative to help them from the very beginning of their journey. The
40

responses below illustrate how established social ties from their own country were seen as helpful to
students as soon as they arrived in the U.S:
I knew graduate alumni from MSU. I got in touch with her before I came here. We were in the
same college in Taiwan and I got hooked up with her through a mutual friend and she picked me up
at the airport. And although it was just a pick up and get you settled kind of thing it helped a lot. If
things go well the first day then it’s much easier to make a transition and face what’s coming next
(Taiwan).
Before I came here, I was in touch with an Indian girl, who was my senior during my bachelors in
India. She let me stay in her house the first few days. She took me to the store and gave me a short
tour of the campus. It was really nice (India).
For those who did not have previous connections, upon arrival at MSU, they tended to look for
individuals from their own country for socialization and other forms of support. This was mainly the
case for the students from India, China and Taiwan, who found that MSU hosted a sizeable number of
people from their country of origin. These students considered themselves fortunate enough to find
key individuals from their country of origin to interact with during their transition. For example, some
of the students were able to easily find roommates from their own country. The student from China
talks about this:
Since already there were so many people from China here when I first arrived, I was able to
found someone to be roommate with. He helped me meet with other Chinese graduate students, so
within first few days, we all had a gathering and cooked together. It felt like being back home.
Others also gained access to individuals from their own country through their departments or
other cultural events. Below are some of the responses that illustrate this:
In our department, we also have another Taiwanese student and they have a small group. So we
get together. It’s a small group, four or five people. 2 of us are from my department and others are
from other departments.

41

The Indian student organization helped me get my apartment, and pick me up at the airport. So,
we booked apartment from India so we already had that set up while in India. Apart from that, people
from the department, they helped a lot and provided mental support. I would say the professors, in
particular Indian professors in my department helped a lot.
I met a friend of mine, who actually came in the same year, even before we came to the US and
we got in touch when we came here as well. And I met other Taiwanese friends at the International
TA orientation. I don’t know how, somehow you can spot your people in a strange or unfamiliar
environment. And I made a few friends from there and those people became my really close friends
throughout the years.
Not all international students who expressed a desire to meet other students from their own
country were able to do so. Instead, these students formed ties with students who they felt had similar
cultural background and experiences:
I was mostly with internationals. I did not have any friends from Mexico. I did not know where to
go to find them. I was actually looking for more Mexican friends, but it was hard to find. So, I gave
up and fortunately I found more friends among internationals here. I have a lot of Korean friends.
First, because there are a lot of Koreans in this department. I knew a few of them and then they
introduced me to other people. I spent a lot of time with them. And also because a lot of them were
experiencing language barriers, in writing and mainly speaking, I had some experience. I related a
lot with them. I would tell them not to worry and encourage them. Because of that I made a lot of
Korean friends.
In communication, department we only have 4 Americans and 15 Chinese. But you know there
were no Japanese, so I felt little isolated. I felt little lonely when they speak in Chinese. But, I think it
was easier than I thought, because there were many international students from Asia.
For many students, interacting with Americans, during their initial transition was not very
common. Not many international students reported taking any help from American students during

42

their initial stages. However, most of the students found that people on campus were friendly and
helpful as they began to establish a new routine and understand American customs.
There were two international graduate students who reported having meaningful interactions with
Americans as soon as they arrived. For instance, the student from Serbia mentioned that she did not
know anyone from Serbia when she arrived at MSU. So, her initial interactions were mainly with
Americans who helped her and also introduced her to other Americans:
One American professor in the department helped me a lot to go to Meijer and buy everything. And I
had really nice American neighbors who helped me a lot. I did not bring anything from home. I did
not have food so they helped me a lot. I did not know any Serbian people when I got here. After 3 or 4
months I met a guy from Serbia, but he was just here for a year. I have heard that there are people
from Serbia and also Slovenia, because I am from there as well. But, I have never met anyone else.
Also, in my department I did not know any Americans, but, my neighbor is an American and I am
really good friends with her. She is like my mother and she is much older than us. She introduced me
to her friends. She has very nice circle of friends and I get along with her children. So, that’s how I
know Americans.
The student from Pakistan, who had experience working in Europe, expressed the level of
comfort she had while interacting with Americans as soon as she arrived. She claimed that her
experience interacting with Europeans made her less fearful upon arrival in another Western country.
In fact, she was pleasantly surprised to find how similar Americans were in terms of their values and
attitudes towards family. So, when asked whom she interacted with during her initial transition, she
responded:
I just met American classmates of mine; there were some international students as well in the
beginning. I didn’t feel any cultural difference. I found them (Americans) to be exactly the same as
myself. They also consider family values. They love their parents, they care about their parents. They
care about their children, they care about their wives. So, I think it’s culturally very similar as
compared to Pakistan.
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Some of the students spoke about studying in departments that had a majority of other
international students and not many U.S. students, making it difficult to meet and make friends with
their U.S. peers. These students were mainly from the STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and
Math) fields. The student from India who was majoring in Statistics made the following comment:
My immediate social group comprises people from my own age group, it doesn’t really matter
where they are from. Definitely since I didn’t know lot of people, so initially I did make more friends
from my own country, or non-US I would say, like people from China. The reason behind is that
because in my department there aren’t many students from the US. I would say 90 percent of students
are non-U.S., mostly from India and China. So, you meet them on a daily basis so that is how you
form the groups, so in that sense my friendship network developed more towards non-US people. I
think this is natural for this to happen.
It is evident from my findings that many of the students had access to preexisting social groups
that mainly composed of international students. It is not to suggest that these students do not
encounter and interact with Americans at all. Many aspects of the life experiences of international
students studying in the U.S. require interaction with Americans, both in and out of the academic
arena. More importantly, regardless of whom international graduation students mingle with, the most
important aspect was to feel a sense of belonging (Sovic: 2009). In this next section, the findings are
geared towards understanding this sense of belonging. More importantly, these findings helped to
delineate and understand how social ties with Americans, or individuals from same or similar cultural
background, hinder or enable their process of integration or assimilation into American society.
In considering the fluid and dynamic nature of social ties and networks, I will try to make more
sense of the process of shifting social connections as students navigate a new social and academic
culture. The findings, therefore, reveal the patterns of social ties and networks that have developed
over the course of their stay here.

44

Overall Social Experiences
A majority of international graduate students spoke about gravitating toward spending time with
students from their home countries. This was particularly evident among those who had initially discovered
individuals or groups from their country of origin. I found that support networks composed of individuals
from the participants’ same country of origin or similar culture of origin offered a unique opportunity to
recall and perhaps even relive cultural traditions of their past.
As more time is spent together, international students shared stories and experiences which formed the
basis for engaging with each other on a deeper and more meaningful way. Many students articulated that
the common cultural background led them to gravitate toward or feel a strong sense of belonging to
individuals from their own country, or even those with similar cultural background. On one hand, they
talked about the inevitability of forming social circles that include folks from their own country. On the
other hand, many of these students also mentioned the limited social interaction they have with Americans,
and explain why that is the case in their own terms. In many cases, cultural differences were discovered by
the participants in their experiences and social interactions with Americans. With this, there seems to be a
general consensus that shared cultural traits and background bring international students together.
The Chinese student reported feeling more comfortable interacting with students from her own country
and that she did so on a daily basis. She explained, “I interact more with people from my country because
I feel comfortable with them and it is much more easier to communicate with people who are more aware
of my culture.” Another student added, “Sometimes I feel homesick, so I can talk to other international
students or Taiwanese, because we share similar experiences and cultures, and if I share my problem with
them, they have good suggestions to overcome my challenges. So, I think it is very important to have friends
from Taiwan.”
The students from Taiwan and Japan also had similar opinion about why they were more inclined to
socialize with individuals from their own country or international students. The male Taiwanese student
explained why he continued to interact with students from his own country. This participant expressed that
frequent contact contributes positively to the advancement of a relationship, not only because it takes time
45

to know each other but also because spending time together instigates deeper and more meaningful
relations:
Even now I mostly hang out with my friends from Taiwan. Probably on the one hand we are all
international students so we share similar lifestyles. Many people are good people but we just don’t have
opportunity where we develop a friendship to the point where we can share our lives. Friendship is like
brewing it takes time. And of course, it’s easier to hang out with people who share your past life experience
and share the same language. I guess to a certain degree you can that my social circle is excluded not
intentionally, it just became that way.
This student, like many others who seemed very content with interacting with co-nationals or other
international students with similar cultural background, found less of a need to interact with Americans or
break into other friendship networks.
I never tried to break into any other social circle. I don’t know if there are any social circles, but I
never really tried hard. Of course, I made a few friends with American graduate students. So, with time I
talked to other Americans.
Some International graduate students commented on the difficulty in establishing deeper friendships
with Americans, and how the intimacy in friendships differed from their accustomed manner of interacting
with others in their culture of origin or similar cultural background. The Japanese student emphasized this
difference and expressed doubt about her ability to develop meaningful relations with Americans.
I think Americans are friendly; we talked, not just that distance, of course I feel more comfortable
talking to International students. I don’t know, the way we make friends is different from theirs. It’s hard
to explain. Americans don’t want to do everything with everyone. Maybe Americans are more
individualistic and like to maintain certain distance.

With international students, we share same

experience, like where do we need to sign papers, so we can discuss. The way of communication and
experience is different from that of American students.
I don’t have problems talking to Americans and they are really nice. And in some cases we are very
different. For example, I was hanging out with some people from Germany, and we had similar view about
46

life. I would say somehow people in Europe have different, traditions, views and ways of looking at life,
not everyone. I’ve also met some people here in the U.S who are like me, like my neighbor. She is wonderful,
like my mother, and her sisters and her family, they welcomed me and we talk a lot.
Some international participants, like the student from Serbia cited above, from the very beginning
of her journey abroad, had no difficulty or reservation interacting with Americans. Nonetheless, she also
observed the cultural differences with Americans, in terms of the shared, personal and learned life
experiences that shaped their views on life.
Another interesting point this student made was the importance of humor and how it was easier to
convey jokes to students from similar cultural background. The international student from Serbia illustrates
this point and talks about how even sharing a simple joke could bring students from similar cultural
background together. Some students like the one from Serbia, had no difficulty interacting with Americans.
Nonetheless, she makes the following observation:
Somehow, few parties I went to, I got to be with some people from Germany, Poland, Romania,
Bulgaria, and we have similar jokes. And we find each other quicker than with someone else.
For some students being funny or getting a joke across works to their advantage, as was the case
with the student from Turkey. His ability to strike funny conversations in English and get a positive reaction
out of people from the host society gave him a sense of belonging:
I don’t feel like I am a foreigner or anything like that, even for a moment. This is because; it is just
me not feeling it, like a foreigner. When I make a joke, like I play with words, the worst reaction I can get
is, you’re funny, it’s never like, I don’t understand you or what you mean. But I see that can happen to other
class mates who have issues with language.
Although cultural differences exist and often have the potential to develop into conflicts sometimes,
it did not necessarily lead international students to develop negative perception towards Americans. The
general perception is that it is difficult for international graduate students to establish deep friendships with
Americans. Based on the findings above, cultural difference was cited as the main reason students felt that
they were unable to build a tight bond with Americans. Along with that, some students also identified
47

language barriers that hindered them to integrate and communicate with Americans beyond a superficial
level. Regardless, the close interpersonal relationships with individuals from the United States, however,
still appeared to be desirable and a goal for many of the participants. The female graduate student Taiwan
makes this point clear:
Actually I want to interact with American friends. You know Taiwan academic quality is not as
good as here. In Taiwan, government does not have many supportive systems and grants for research, if I
want to have a good career I may choose to stay here. If I don’t make American friends that is not good.
So, I still try to make American friends. This semester we have four American students who take quantitative
course in Psychology; in the beginning they (the Americans) did not know much about me. But, when they
have study group they invited me to join them. Even though study on your own is more important, I still
joined them because it is best way to make American friends. And they were all American students and so
I purposely joined so I can know more American students. If I can interact with them more, maybe I can
interact with them more, so it’s not only study purpose.
Like the student from Taiwan, the female Indian Engineering graduate student talked about her
desire to make U.S. friends. She said that she did her best to make U.S. friends during the first few weeks
studying at Michigan State. However, since the majority of the students in her department were from India
or China, this provided little hope of mingling with numerous U.S. classmates. After a semester, luckily,
there were couple U.S. students in one of her classes, and as she explained “one of them is a friend of mine
now. And I keep teasing her saying that she is now the minority.”
Further, she goes on to explain how maintaining relationship with Americans was difficult mainly
because of the social pressures she felt from the Indian community. She explained that her friendship with
these U.S. students did not go unnoticed by her Indian roommates or her Indian classmates, especially when
she tried to distance herself. She explains:

48

When I started to hang out with my American friend, Sara more, there was a group of traditional
Indians who didn’t like it and said I was trying to be this American. Through a friend of mine, I came to
know there was a lot of such gossip going around about me regarding this in my Indian community.
While this student desired to make U.S. friends, the tension she felt from what she called “my
Indian community” put pressure on her to act a certain way. This did not prevent her from associating with
U.S. students, but she did say that she felt less comfortable and decided not to ’make problems‛ with those
within her Indian community. Clearly, the student was conflicted by the important relationship between
other Indian students and alongside the desire to make U.S. friends. She felt that she had to make a choice
between being a part of the Indian community in Michigan and being a part of some U.S. social network.
Nonetheless, it did not completely deter her from trying to partake in activities that involved a majority of
American students. As mentioned earlier, interaction with Americans, whether international students
actively choose to or not, is inevitable. Students recognize this and demonstrated a strong determination to
be a part of the host community. However, many factors, as shown in this section of findings, may hinder
or enable this process.
The access and opportunities to mingle with students or other individuals from their own cultural
background seems to have a powerful influence on their social experiences. This occurs even when these
individuals do not intentionally look for people from their own country or similar cultural background. The
student from Turkey had spent couple of years in Japan doing his masters. When he came to the U.S he
actively chose to interact with Japanese people, but he found himself gravitating towards people from his
home country:
I was always searching for Japanese people to talk to because I felt more comfortable. There was
a Japanese guy I knew from my dept. who I would contact more than anybody. I would probably call him
more than any Turkish person although they were more in number. Although this changed over time. Many
of my neighbors at Spartan Village were Turkish and they were very persistent. They did not let me go.
They would knock on my door in the middle of night and they would bring me Turkish coffee.

49

Overall Academic Experiences
The American learning context provided participants with opportunities for continuous comparison
with their previous learning experience. Through their ongoing reflection, they made several meaningful
comparisons.
In their interactions with faculty and staff, most international students were surprised to observe
the casual and informal behavior of professors. The female student from India commented, “We respect
teachers in our country, and are surprised to see the casual behavior of students here. We prefer to address
our faculty and staff by Ms., Mr., Dr., or even Sir or Ma’am, but here they use their first names”. Another
student from China also amazed at the casual atmosphere of classrooms and explained, “The atmosphere
in the classroom is informal, and you can even joke with the teacher. Also, students are very talkative and
active in the classroom.” The student from Japan was pleasantly surprised to observe the relationship
between students and professors, “I think I was surprised how close professors and students are. We had
welcome party, picnic thing and professors were playing baseball with students. So, it was interesting.”
Although most international graduate students, particularly, those from Taiwan, China and India,
initially felt some level of discomfort with the casual relationship with professors such as addressing
professors by their first names, they seemed to appreciate the informality of the student/instructor
relationships in the United States.
Other aspects of U.S. culture, such as the open discussion and debate within the classroom
continued to puzzle some students and impress others. Here once again, participants had opportunities for
continuous comparison with their previous learning experience.
Most students appreciated the interactive nature of the class. But they also pointed out that it was
somewhat problematic because they were accustomed to the teaching methods that were different from
those used by instructors in the United States. This was mainly the case for students from Taiwan, Japan,
China, India and Mexico. These students all expressed some level of shock at the relative egalitarian rapport
between students and professors in the United States as compared to the hierarchical roles of professors in
their home countries. They were used to a lecture-based classroom, where strict direction and guidelines
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provided by professions were followed without much questioning. The female Taiwanese student made the
following comment:
Teaching methods are also very different. In Taiwan, American faculty expects you to learn on your
own, bring up research questions in class, and encourage you to contribute to discussions. But in Taiwan,
I think its cultural difference, students are not encouraged to speak up and express their opinions all the
time. It’s different because if you have opportunity to speak up you also engage your brain. I like the
atmosphere; I like the class activities.
The male Taiwanese graduate student further corroborated the comment above.
Being a student in Taiwan is very different. When I was an undergraduate student in Taiwan I
rarely spoke up and it was sort of mutually recognized culture that the students don’t speak up, ask
questions, and they rarely express their opinion. Teachers simply lecture. So, I would say a majority of
courses were conducted in a lecture format instead of seminar discussion even in graduate school. That is
rare in the US and you would demand student participation a lot in grad classes and even in undergrad
depending on number of students. It also influences how professors evaluate your performance. Cause here
you need to speak your mind, so professors can see you or hear you. And in Taiwan you could to a graduate
class, not say anything at all, and turn in a paper and get 4.0.
It was the same case for students from Japan and India. The female student from India added, “The
education system back home did not facilitate group discussions. We only answered questions when asked.
And unless I am very sure about it, I don’t answer.” There was great frustration for those international
students who felt a lack of confidence in their English language ability to contribute in lectures, or for those
who felt that they were not accustomed to interacting in classrooms, even though a strong motivation to do
so existed.
The two female students from Japan and Taiwan experienced a conflict between their motivation
to speak up and the anxiety associated with language ability as well as cultural difference in classroom
experience.

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In class discussions, I have some difficulty. You may ask me a question and I answer, and you may
disagree or agree with my argument. But for me it’s hard because my English is not good enough so I just
answer a question, or I just bring up a question, but I cannot discuss with my faculty or peer. It’s hard; I
just raise my hand because I want to say something. I can’t have discussion. I can’t continue talking
(Taiwan).
I feel so difficult to speak up in class. Like the timing and like what to say, how can I say, or can I
say this, does it fit to this class or those things, I feel so hard to speak up. In presentations, it’s my time, I
can prepare for it. But in class, like simultaneous things I feel so difficult (Japan).
Recognizing the interactive nature of U.S. classrooms, these students worked hard to prepare
themselves for class, however, as the comments above demonstrate, they had difficulty interjecting ideas
and engaging in free-flowing conversations.
Some of the students did not talk at all because of their accents, and, feared being put on the
spotlight. The student from China commented, “I get extremely nervous participate in group discussions. I
am really conscious of my accent. Because each semester we have different people in the class it makes it
difficult for me to get used to it. I have to try to adjust myself over and over again.”
Another notable thing was that students who claimed to experience language difficulty also seemed
to be more comfortable and satisfied with small group discussions:
I feel more comfortable in small groups than large groups. This semester like I said this morning
our faculty divided us into four groups to discuss what we want to do for the entire semester. So, we explain
our ideas to our peers so I feel comfortable because only two people and it’s not the discussion about an
issue in the textbook. I don’t feel upset or tense in small groups. We don’t need to talk in public, so I don’t
need to feel embarrassed (Taiwan).
In this research, participants also demonstrated a propensity to alleviate the dissonance that they
experienced in the classroom. Those with a better grasp of English, however, seemed to be better apt at
resolving differences than those who not only said they experience cultural difference in classroom
experience but also greater language barriers. The male student from Taiwan, who as mentioned earlier,
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was largely accustomed to lecture-based teaching, appeared to have overcome the challenge or fear
associated with “speaking up” and made a smoother transition than the female student from Taiwan, who
continues to experience many stumbling blocks due to language difficulty.
I don’t feel much tension anymore. I am more mindful of what I want to say and I want to sound
smart so I try to think before I speak. I feel much less tension. It becomes a natural thing to me that you
need to participate in class. Now, if there is a class where the teacher only lectures, I feel a bit awkward
about how the class is conducted. Because I am fairly confident in speaking English, it makes it easier to
participate. I am more mindful of what I have to say in class. And also most of the time, and right now if I
don t speak in class it is not because I’m nervous but because I have nothing to say.
The adjustment of students from India, Pakistan, Serbia, and Turkey was also fraught with less
challenge when it came to classroom interactions. All of these students indicated to having somewhat strong
English background that helped. In terms of classroom experiences, this study also found that those
students who perceived the least differences in teaching practices, also perceived less difficulty. For
instance, the student from Pakistan made the following claim:
It’s not different from Pakistan at all. Teacher is teaching you, sometimes they use blackboard,
sometimes PowerPoint. They send you material via email. It’s exactly the same as Pakistan. In terms of
interaction in the classroom it’s the same as well as the behavior of the teacher. So, I don’t have any
problem at all interacting.
For the Serbian, who is doing her Doctorate in Statistics, she found it rather odd that students were
not interactive in the classroom:
I’m not saying that in my country we were not afraid of professors. But I was asking more questions
in my country. Here it was a little awkward in the beginning because no one in class asked questions but
me and everyone seemed afraid which seemed strange to me because we are all grown up.
In this study, many considered academic advisors and other key faculty as playing a crucial role in
navigating their academic life at Michigan State University. One of the students noted,

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I rarely talked to my professors in Japan; I didn’t go to office hours or anything. Here, teachers
expect us to go to office hours. So I feel closer to teacher and adviser.
Students valued the close personal relationship they established with their advisers or professors. They
considered them as the link to the university and their future career. Efforts that instructors made to create
a more international student-friendly environment, therefore, did not go unnoticed. Some of the participants
especially were appreciative towards professors that took any steps to assist them with their struggles in
English.
The Taiwanese student claimed to have developed a very strong relationship with her advisers and
some of the professors in her department. Despite her difficulty in English, she was grateful for the
encouragement she received from them, which she explains is not a common experience with professors in
Taiwan.
American faculty encourages students. But, in Taiwan, if you are not a good student then they talk
behind you. This morning I had presentation and I cannot speak very well. But, my faculty got my point
very well. After class he encouraged me saying oh you did a good job. After getting encouragement, I have
to work hard for next time. Also another thing is that the content of course is different, because I switch my
major from Sociology to Psychology, so I had to learn more, so it’s a new challenge for me. I won’t get rid
of my previous knowledge and so I need to integrate those two. And for me, I think I am liking my advisers
and professors because they are very encouraging. But, in Taiwan it’s hard because professors focus on
their issues and their own family more.
The student from Mexico, who also experienced language barriers in the beginning of his academic
career, had a similar account:
When I first came to the United States, you know my English was not that great, especially spoken
English. And I had a difficult time communicating. But, the professor in one of my Education classes never
gave up on me. She was so persistent. She never let me sit quietly. It’s not that she would pick on me, but
she would do it in such a way I was forced to think out of the box. Eventually, I caught on and now I able
to speak freely.
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Regardless of their negative experiences, all of the international graduate students represented in
this study one way or the other demonstrated an ability to eventually cope and adjust into their academic
environment. This adjustment took place not only by trying to improve their weak points but also
recognizing their strengths. For instance, the student from Taiwan expressed her difficulty in writing
academic papers. She stated:
You know we are PhD students so we are expected to publish, but because my English is not good,
I mean, even though we can talk, but writing, how to write as a native speaker, how to write very well, is
also another challenge. Even though work very hard, every time I finish writing a paper and I brought to
writing center but it is not as good as Americans’. Before I show to my adviser, I go to the writing center,
then only I show to check sentences.
Rather than only focusing on her weakness, she also emphasized her strengths:
I work in quantitative work so it’s a bit easier for me with my other committee members and
professors who are not familiar with quantitative. So, he collects data and I try to do model for him.
From the very beginning of their academic journey, the international graduate students in this study
placed great emphasis on achieving academic excellence. As indicated earlier, many of them expected
academics to be of high standard and found that to be the case. Most students highly praised the academic
rigor and content of American educational system because they had benefited much from the education
they received here. The findings, therefore, focused less on the difference in the content and academic
rigor, but rather the cultural difference and difficulties they encountered in their classroom experiences as
well as relationship with professors.
Thus far, this study disclosed the findings that relate to questions regarding their social and
academic experiences. Here many students had difficulty establishing deep friendships with Americans due
to language and cultural differences. In terms of academic adjustment, the most frequently mentioned
stressors also relate to language barrier and the unfamiliarity with the classroom culture at MSU. Despite
the issues that arose, students made efforts to orient themselves and assimilate into their new academic and
socio-cultural environment. The last set of questions asked students to reflect back on this process of being
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immersed in a new cultural environment. By asking questions such as how they see themselves as
international students or how well adjusted they feel, it, therefore, attempted to capture individual’s
subjective sense of self and success in terms of adjustment, acculturation and assimilation to the different
facets of their academic and social life.
Reflections on being International Students
Intercultural communication scholars have suggested how cross-cultural experience has the
potential to bring about profound changes among international students, transforming their understanding
of the self and their learning experience. Further, they claim that there is also a heightened awareness and
self-consciousness of values and attitudes of the “Other” (Yang, et. al: 2005; Adler: 1975). This process
of “high self and cultural awareness” as a result of being immersed in the new culture provides learners
opportunities to reflect and make sense of their experiences (Adler: 1975). Over time, it is expected that
they gain a deeper understanding of problem solving strategies and approaches that could resolve the
discomfort and dissonance they felt upon entering a new culture (Adler: 1975). Following that, the
findings in this study suggest that although encountering an unfamiliar socio-cultural context and
educational system brought some level of stress and anxiety to the participants, through observation and
experiential learning, many students gained information and insights that helped them employ appropriate
strategies for “successful” adjustment in U.S higher education.
Further, as students experienced life within the U.S learning context, it gave them the feeling that
that they had gained a relatively more accurate perception of cultural differences or similarities as well as
knowledge of host society. This was evident in participants’ ongoing comparison and reflection on their
experiences. Through this, it was also very clear that many attempted to adjust by actively engaging with
the socio-cultural and academic practices in the U.S. But, whether their attempts translated into
meaningful outcomes or the degree to which students experience a satisfactory integration into their host
culture depended on a mix of factors including the opportunities given and taken for being immersed in
language and culture (Yang et.al:2005). So, when asked if the international graduate students felt adjusted

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into the academic and social life they gave me variegated responses. And they also had a varied
understanding of what “adjustment” meant.
Traveling within the United States, meeting people from various regions of the country, and
observing the daily existence of the new culture members provided an abundance of information for
participants. So for some students, discovering more about the culture and the place in which one is
working and learning gave them an avenue for profound change and transformation in personal and social
dimensions. In other words, this helped them garner an awareness of cultural trends that were relevant or
useful to know in order to feel adjusted. In response to the question of adjustment, the female Taiwanese
student made the following observation:
Yes, I feel adjusted. I won’t say accommodation and assimilation. I think I just accommodated but
not assimilated. I mean I like to learn different cultures; I try to know more about American students,
culture and American education system. Like this afternoon, I discussed presidential election with my
adviser, but when we discuss this issue, I just want to know about viewpoints of Americans. I just know
more information which helps me to be here. But, I don’t want to be American, like that. Knowing more
information is helpful for me to live here. That’s why I say that I am adjusted because I know how to get
information from different persons, from different groups.
Here the student does not only talk about the information and insights gained through experiential
learning as being invaluable to her adjustment process, but she also emphasizes that this does not directly
lead to “assimilation” or complete integration into society. Moreover, she sees herself as being
“accommodated” as a result of her efforts to resolve anxiety related to cultural differences, by
familiarizing herself with the American way of life.
Regardless of whether they claimed to be adjusted or not, other interviewees similar to the
Taiwanese student cited above, agreed that complete assimilation or integration to a different culture may
be impossible. As the student from China articulated, “It is hard to change our cultural values or
assimilate even though we want to change and fit in somehow.” Few other students also hinted that as
long as they are living here, they would like to feel completely adjusted or assimilated into mainstream
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American culture, but it would be hard to achieve that goal. For many of them, this was mainly due to the
limited number of American friends in their close circle.
Since the majority of the interviewees had only stayed a short period of time in the U.S, complete
integration, where they are made to feel like they are one of the Americans, didn’t sound urgent to them.
In fact, some of the students such as the male student from Taiwan talked about how throughout his stay
he did not need feel the need to develop or form many social ties with Americans. Instead, he was more
socially involved with other students from his own country:
If you want to talk about integration, I wasn’t adjusted very well in terms of integrating into the
mainstream social circle. But I don’t feel disoriented, lost or distanced because you know me as well as
people find ways make our lives easier. I also don’t feel pressing need to be integrated into mainstream
society. My more or less exclusive social circle, which composes mainly of people from Taiwan, doesn’t
really prevent me from achieving my goals at this moment.
Despite identifying more with people from his home country, he seemed to feel comfortably
adjusted. This is not to say that such students do not associate themselves with the host culture and its
members, but they seemed to do it in a limited extent. This same student illustrated this behavior:
When I have problems or issues regarding schoolwork, I talk with American graduate students. I
talk with a lot of people from this program (Sociology); Of course, you have personal social life issues. I
talk about personal issues about this with Taiwanese friends.
A majority of the students claimed to feel well-adjusted in the academic and social setting at
Michigan State University. Further, participants’ levels of satisfaction and attitudes toward cultural
assimilation and adjustment varied depending on their major, personality, and previous experience.
Having good language skills, extensive exposure to U.S. culture, as well as prior experience studying or
working abroad, were found to be the prime reasons some of them had a positive outlook on their
adjustment and well-being. For example, the students from Turkey and Pakistan, who had a good
command of the English language, both experienced studying in a non-English Speaking country, outside
their own. They both described their transition and experience in non-English speaking countries as being
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fraught with frustration and anxiety due to language barriers. So compared to their prior experiences, they
agreed that studying abroad in the United States is worthwhile and, pointed to their English proficiency as
a reason for feeling adjusted to the new culture. Being fluent in dominant language of the host society,
therefore, allowed them to gain new perspectives and knowledge, which enabled them to have a smoother
transition process. In this regard, the student from Turkey made the following comment:
In Japan, during my initial days I was in a rural town and nobody spoke English and my
Japanese wasn’t good at all. And the small problem I would have on a daily basis would just accumulate
into something really big. I would be so frustrated and I would need someone to talk to and someone who
would understand me. And I would talk to the walls, because there was no one else that I could confide to.
So, that was painful. Having had that, my adjustment here is a joke. There is no adjustment, it’s just fun.
It was a very peaceful and there were an understandable number of challenges.
The findings thus revealed that the prevalence of positive learning incidents also helped
international students gain positive outlook towards their adjustment. So, if they did not feel assimilated
into the mainstream social life to the extent they desired due to limited interactions with Americans or
language incompetency, they seemed to find success in their overall academic environment.
This was the case for the students who tended to report more pressure and frustrations about class
discussion and academic writing due to language incompetency.
In class maybe I am not that adjusted yet but I am beginning to feel more comfortable. Because I
know what teachers expect from us, like academically. Some teachers expect us to do our work and it’s
our responsibility. Teachers don’t care whether you complete your assignments or not, it’s basically up to
us. From a broad perspective I think I am adjusted well, but small things like speaking up or writing in
English, I can adjust better.
In terms of feeling adjusted, the students also demonstrated that they were able to feel and
understand through the nuances of their new cultural surrounding, and establish a sense of belonging that
would make this place more meaningful. Also, for most of them, since they had an aim of learning new
skills, they also tended to prioritize the order in which they dealt with impediments. So, when asked if
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they felt adjusted many of them talked about the necessary adjustments or skills they had to adopt to fit
into their academic environment. Seeking deeper cultural integration did not seem to be the main goal for
them at this point. Instead, they showed a strong desire to successfully complete their academic
requirements. And so if they felt that they were making satisfactory academic progress, they also felt
considerably adjusted, and looked forward to a bright future career, primarily in the United States.
In discussing their adjustment here, the respondents also viewed their study abroad experience as
a learning process and phase in which there were many obstacles to overcome. Overall the group of
respondents also seemed wary that they remained on the periphery of their host culture rather than
completely integrated to it. This was reflected in their response to how they see themselves as
international students or what the reminders of them being international students were. There were some
irritation with aspects of their host culture that they expressed, but none of them reported a high level of
stress associated with being international students. The irritation mainly stemmed from the limitations in
applying for student loans, departmental fellowships, jobs, etc. because international students are neither
citizens nor permanent residents of the United States. Many of them claimed that these were some of the
most prominent reminders of their international student status. One student explained,
Well, to me now as an international student I would say I am still conscious of me being an
international student. Right now I feel more as a fellow grad student to other grad students from my
cohort. But there are times you are reminded by a legal document that you are a graduate student. For
example, when you want to apply to a fellowship, they usually remind you that you need a citizenship,
which sucks. That’s an alarming reminder that you don’t belong to US. So that’s the moment that
frustrates me that I am an international student. I feel equally capable as an American student to do jobs,
particular positions require but I am rejected simply because I am not one of the American people.
Other participants were also candid about how legal issues concerning their Visa and job
opportunities and immigration may impact their future. For example, the student from China and India
talked about how they may not be able to leave for a short term visit to their country after graduation for
fear of not being able to get their visa renewed to come back to the United States. Aside from this, many
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international graduate students did not report experiencing overt discrimination, based on their race and
cultural background. However, this did not mean they were unaware of it, as many talked about the
experiences of other international students who were targets of racial slurs. The student from Mexico
talked about his experience:
I never had an incident because I have heard stories, from my people. People were yelling at
them saying “Go back home!” I never had it like that but I did experience some people looking down on
you. So, they say, your country is full of violence and drugs, that’s why you are here. I feel like people
were very ignorant about my country.
International student’s racial and ethnic background did not seem to have an obvious affect in
their adjustment process, however, some of them reported as being subject to misperceptions about their
culture as well as stereotypical comments. Making associations such as the one described above certainly
may discourage some international students from interacting with American students as they might
assume all American students are ignorant. But, from my study, participants rarely shared instances of
overt types of racism or discrimination. Rather, many of them viewed their status as international student
in a positive light. Below are some the responses that allude to this:
Being here in academics I feel like being part of a larger group, because there are so many
universities in the US and the education is quite advanced here and there are so many people working in
your area and they are quite approachable and helpful. In fact, as international student it helped to not to
feel that you are in a closed box and outside there is a big space, and you are being avoided from getting
into that but it feels more to become open with people so that way you can learn more things. Being an
international student is more positive. People who come from non-US countries, they have to come from
lots of competition, right. Once they are here, they are more welcomed in a sense that I mean if you see
in US, many professors here are from India and China, from other countries, so basically they help you to
pursue your education. Also if you complete your education, they want you retain here so it feels very
good (Student from India).

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There is no American culture here. It’s so diverse. With the large number of international
students, and the number of American Professors who were originally from a different country. It’s truly
an international environment. So, it doesn’t feel different. I feel very welcomed. (Turkey).
For some students such as those from Serbia and Turkey, they felt welcomed to the extent that
they did not feel like they were international students.
Further, international graduate students also indicated a tremendous amount of individual growth
during their stay here. Some of the participants recognized that autonomy and independence lay at the
root of many aspects of their growth. For instance, the student from Pakistan, female student from India,
as well as China, talked proudly about being able to live on their own and how they had coped, for the
first time, with practical demands, such as cooking, driving, and shopping for groceries. One gains the
confidence to conduct life independently.
My findings also suggest that the experiences they encountered in the U.S had a strong impact on
the international graduate students self and cultural awareness. In terms of cultural awareness, many of
them modified preconceived cultural assumptions, as a result of being here long enough to ascertain the
cultural nuances. For instance, the student from Mexico described how he revised some of the
assumptions he had about the United States:
I used to be a bit naïve too and I thought everything is really nice, and they (Americans) don’t
have problems. But, when I came here I realize that specially because my first year of Calvin, I lived in
south east Grand Rapids and that’s like the nice area. And the next year, I moved to North East Grand
Rapids, and that’s like the poor area. And that’s when it hit me that U.S. is very segregated, like you have
rich people living in one area and poor people in another area. And you have very poor people, like
people on the streets, so those things were also other nuances from living here. I think my friends back in
Mexico I’m here because it’s very nice, and it’s a rich country. And in many sense it is a rich country, but
in many other sense Mexico is richer. For example, they are richer in the sense of the community, in the
sense of presence of people, like the warmth of people.

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A small but significant number of individuals felt that living, studying, and working in the United
States resulted in the transformative experience of becoming more international. For these students,
becoming more international meant transforming into more open minded or global minded individuals as
a result of their experiences in a different country. Their enhanced familiarity of multiple cultures and
understanding of global issues is a new learning. Here some of them expressed how there is a tendency
for students from all walks of life to come together. So some of them demonstrate how migrating abroad
can help one break down some of the social barriers that sustain national, religious, regional or ethnic
identities. The students from Turkey and India talked about such transformations as a result of being in
the U.S.
In Turkey there is a huge polarization. This is political stuff, but it has to do with the whole
political situation and it has do with the way I live and interact with people .There are the secularists and
there are the religious, like republicans and democrats, imagine they hate each other. The politics also
coincides with the social class. There are the white Turks upper class secularist Turks and there is
religious “black Turks” as I call them who have not been able to make it to the level of Turkishness, and
all this mess and they all don’t wanna talk to each other, and white Turk would treat a black turf whose
wife is wearing a head scarf like a criminal. And so I hated all of this and I never felt like belonged to that
conflict. But, here is so peaceful. Here, they all are good friends. I was living with this Turkish guy who
was going to stay for a short period of time and he prays five times a day and his wife is obviously
wearing a headscarf. His friends would come over. And so this is like a really nice Turkish community,
where we’re kinda far away from all that crap that I did not like back home.
Lastly, my findings reveal that a positive outcome as a result of studying abroad has been
profound personal change and perspective transformation among these students. This has implications for
international graduate students’ future career and professional life. Almost all the graduate students
interviewed showed a tremendous desire to stay in the U.S and continue on as researchers, professors or
work in other non-academic areas. Many acknowledged the positive educational benefits they received in

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the U.S. Meanwhile, they also talked about the considerable effort they put, in order to succeed in an
American university, and expressed a strong desire to continue learning.

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DISCUSSION
The paper reported on findings from a qualitative study that investigated the perception of
international graduate students’ adjustment process. It explored both the positive and negative
experiences of these students at Michigan State University in terms of two dimensions: academic
experience and social interaction or experiences. The study further also delved into the factors that
enabled or hindered their adjustments, as well as what they perceived to be their most important academic
and social needs and challenges. This next section includes the discussion or analysis of the findings from
this study.
International graduate students while striving for academic excellence often face a unique
challenge of navigating a new culture (Adler: 1975). Their navigation of academic and social life can be
understood by framing their experience in the context of acculturation. This is defined as extent to which
a person adopts the practices and values of a different cultural group, and as a result the changes that
occur in the individual entering a new academic and social environment (Monzo and Rueda: 2006; Berry:
1994). With this, scholars have found that the particular ways of adjusting to a new situation depend on a
host of personal and cultural factors as well as the particular situations the students confront (Yang et.al:
2005; Araujo:2011).The process of acculturation is said to vary from one person to the next (Monzo and
Rueda: 2006). The 10 international students who participated in this study were no exception. Evidently,
the data suggests that there is no uniform international educational experience. In other words, no two
international graduate students experienced the same set of challenges. Despite this, many international
graduate students also face common challenges. From the data numerous patterns of transitional processes
have emerged. Many factors are involved in these patterns, but the ones that seemed to be most prominent
are those that relate to English fluency, social support and ties established with those from same
nationality, other international students as well as American students and professors, perceived cultural
difference, among others. Exploring these dimensions or factors was significant in the understanding of
the extent to which international graduate student felt adjusted or perceived to be integrated into the
existing sociocultural framework at Michigan State University.
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In this study adjustment is viewed as “representing a transitional process that unfolds over time as
students learn to cope with the exigencies of the university environment” (Al-Sharideh and Goe, 1998:
701). In considering “sociocultural adjustment” to be influenced by length of residence in a new culture
(Brown: 2009: Araujo: 2011), my study attempted to capture the patterns of behavior and their
understanding over time. So questions were asked in such a way that students reflected on their prior,
initial as well as their more current or ongoing transitional experiences. This helped capture the essential
changes in students’ perceptions and experiences as they navigated social and academic life. It also
delineated the particular coping strategies international graduate students used to deal with “acculturativerelated stress” (Crockette, et.al:2007).
Arguably, the United States is said to be the premiere destination for many international students
from all over the world because of its world class institutions, internationally recognized scholars,
advanced teaching and research, top notch technology facilities, as well as diverse academic
environments (Kim et.al: 2010). All the interviewees considered these advantages are the top reasons why
they chose to study in the U.S. With this, prior to their arrival, many stated that they had a strong desire
to study in the United States, and felt prepared. Gao and G Gudykunst (1990) claimed that having prior
knowledge or information of the host culture can be useful in reducing uncertainty and anxiety and that
such knowledge can be obtained through various sources. Not surprisingly, many students had obtained
knowledge of the United States through various sources such as mass media, books, talking to people
who have been to the States, and through other sources. Further, students described their prior exposure to
western media, culture, curriculum and English language, which they believed personally, prepared them
or reduced the anxiety of uncertainty.
Around the globe, English has been assumed to be important in terms of providing access to
educational, economic and immigration opportunities (Singh, Kell & Pandian: 2002). Students were
highly cognizant of this, and hence it came as no surprise to me that the importance of being proficient in
English surfaced early on. As my findings revealed, regardless of students’ level of experience in English,
the international graduates expressed a desire to study in a predominately English speaking country. They
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also revealed their personal, educational and professional goals which they believed could be achieved in
the U.S. Participants’ intrinsic motivation and positive perception or knowledge of the U. S, therefore,
seemed instrumental in adopting an open attitude towards new encounters and experiences.
Data point to the fact that students’ educational aspirations and goals had outweighed their
perceptions of future anxiety related to cultural incongruities. According to Adler (1975), prior to arrival,
individuals are relatively unaware of their own values, beliefs, and attitudes. It is only during the actual
“transitional process” that is, when students make the move from a familiar to a relatively unfamiliar
environment and their “cultural predispositions” come into “perception and conflict” (Adler: 1975). In
congruence with this, I found that for these international students, it was after they received adequate
exposure and contact with the new cultural environment, recognition of cultural similarities and
differences as well as their own limitations became more obvious. Further, their participation in the
academic learning context, and their interactions with the preexisting social networks as well as the wider
socio-cultural environment is expected to extend the participants perspectives and enhance their sense of
cultural awareness (Adler: 1975). Hence, from my findings it was clear that many students continued to
learn, understand, as well as revise their preexisting perceptions as they immersed in the new culture. This
was evident in their ongoing comparison and reflection on their initial up until the present day experience.
In their initial transition, that is the first few weeks, international students were busy settling
down in their new temporary home and taking care of required legal documents. Their most immediate
concerns related to food, weather, and transportation. As mentioned earlier, studies have shown that
cross-cultural experience has an effect on the psychological wellbeing of students. Some of the negative
psychological characteristics they are expected to experience during the initial adjustment stages are
loneliness, helplessness, desire for dependence, hostility, fear, and bewilderment (Klomegah: 2006). This
stems from what scholars have termed as, “culture shock” which is said to occur when individuals enter a
“strange” place, during which there is loss of “familiar cues.” Kalervo Oberg (1960) described how
individuals feel vulnerable when they are in an unknown or “strange” place. He thus compares the
sojourners’ experiences to a “fish out of water” (p. 141). So, regardless of how “broad minded” one may
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be, feeling of frustration and anxiety is said to be inevitable once they enter a new cultural environment
(Oberg: 1960). In contrast to literature that suggests the inevitability of a period of negative
psychological and emotional upheaval during their initial transitional phase, many of the international
students reported that they did not experience severe adjustment issues, particularly those that pertain to
psychological distress such as feelings of alienation or isolation and homesickness (Klomegah: 2006). For
some students, having prior knowledge of the host culture seemed to have reduced the level of uncertainty
or anxiety associated with culture shock (Gao and Gudykunst: 1990). But, for most, what appeared to be
helpful during their initial phase were the immediate social ties that they established or the support they
received from preexisting social groups, individuals and networks. From the onset of their journey,
participants expressed the need to identify social support networks in their new cultural environment.
Social support is said to come from numerous sources, and “different sources may provide different levels
and types of support” (Crockett, et.al:2007). Other than for legal issues related to their F-1 visas, the
students in this study did not seem to heavily rely on university administrators, or other formal
organizations such as the OISS. Instead, informal networks or social ties with students from their own
country or other international students served as the critical means through which students obtained
information relevant to accomplishing immediate tasks and negotiating university life (Rodriguez,
et.al:2003;Sovic:2009). Students, particularly, from India, China and Taiwan, felt fortunate enough to
discover other students from their home country. For those who did not have such contacts they gravitated
mainly towards students with similar cultural background, which included mostly other international
students. There were only two students who felt very comfortable and immediately only interacted with
Americans. So, from this study, it was very evident that most of the international students did not develop
immediate friendships with host nationals or Americans to meet their initial adjustment needs. I expected
that this would change and over time students would expand their social networks to not only include
those from their own country or international students, but also Americans. Their overall pattern of
adjustment, however, suggested otherwise. Students, throughout their stay, maintained a relatively strong

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affiliation towards individuals from their own nationality, or other international students with similar
cultural background. I will explicate on this in depth later.
Further, although most of the international graduate students did not experience negative
emotional states related to “acculturative stress” such as depression and alienation, the aspects of
“acculturative stress” that was salient among the participants related to English language proficiency or
unfamiliarity with prevailing cultural and academic practices. This made them somewhat self-conscious
of their existing social values and cultural know-how, as well as challenged their preconceptions and
assumptions (Adler: 1975).
Knowledge of the language spoken in the host community played a vital role within the
acculturation process. Language is considered as the principal medium through which cultural
information can be communicated as well as learned (Yang et.al:2005; Olivas & Lee, 2006). When asked
what accounted for their language difficulties, many of these students reported the infrequent chances to
practice English as well as the inadequate English language training in their respective countries, and also
a lack of contextual knowledge. Due to language barriers, some students were found to have faced greater
obstacles in their social and academic life. These were students mainly from China, Taiwan and Mexico,
all non-English speaking countries. Studies reveal that those with lower levels of English proficiency
experienced higher levels of anxiety during their sociocultural adjustment. Conversely, those who were
confident in their English language ability were said to experience greater satisfaction and relatively
more positive cross-cultural experience. My findings are consistent with earlier findings that
demonstrated that mastery of the English language is important component of acculturation, particularly
in the U.S context (Grahame & Poyrazli: 2007). Even for students who claimed to have had adequate
exposure or training in English in their country of origin, such as India, Turkey, Pakistan and Serbia, the
transition to America English still required effort. These respondents mentioned that the English training
they received while enabled them to meet academic demands, did not prepare them for the subtleties of
social interactions. So learning or understanding the American accent and expressions used in day to day
life, all poses a challenge to international graduate students, regardless of English proficiency. Thus,
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language differences remained a critical and ongoing concern for international students. My findings,
thus, revealed the impact of language barriers on students’ academic and interpersonal lives.
In terms of social interactions, incompetent oral English skills prevented students from interacting
frequently with American students, and limited their capacity to indulge in meaningful conversations with
them (Grahame & Poyrazli, 2007). However, its impact was reported to be more severe in classrooms as
it prevented students from actively participating in discussion. So, some students felt anxious and
intimidated by open discussion and debate within the classroom. In addition, their low involvement in
class discussion was also related to the educational culture or classroom dynamics in their country of
origin.
Wang and Mallinckrodt (2006) in their study claimed that students from China and Taiwan are
particularly discouraged from expressing their opinions or thoughts openly. Although this cannot be
entirely generalized, the students from Taiwan, China as well as Mexico and India discussed this cultural
difference in classroom interactions and dynamics. They mainly discussed how professors or teachers
emphasized lectures more than interactive class room environment. On the contrary, in an American
classroom, students found that they were expected to speak up, and being quiet is usually considered to be
a sign of incompetency and inattentiveness. Further, these students also talked about the informal and
casual behavior of U.S. professors. Here, the cultural difference in classroom interactions was seen as a
source of anxiety for some at the beginning, especially for those who were constrained by language
incompetency.
Cultural difference seemed to be of concern even in non-academic situations, especially during
interactions with Americans. There is research to suggest the potential impact of perceived cultural
distance on stress and intercultural interactions (Redmond: 2000). Hence in my study I found that along
with insufficient English, perceived cultural differences also increased international graduate students’
uncertainty and anxiety when interacting with Americans (Adler: 1975). For some students, particularly,
those studying in departments with a large majority of other international students, it was difficult to meet
and make friends with U.S. peers. However, most international graduate students commented not only on
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the challenge they faced in meeting U.S. students, some of them also described difficulty in establishing
meaningful and lasting friendships with them. Here, they explained how intimacy in friendships differed
from their accustomed manner of interacting with others in their culture of origin. It was the students from
Taiwan, China, India and Mexico who in particular commented on the difference in friendship patterns.
While reflecting on their cultural background, these students claimed to be from a rather “collectivist”
society, where there is a societal emphasis on “interpersonal connectedness and emotional
interdependence” (Yang et.al: 2005). The student from Mexico gave a very poignant description of this,
which also summarizes others who had similar experiences:
Well, growing up I remember having a sense of community. I remember my parents will know
people in the neighborhood, and all the children in the neighborhood will go to the same school. I would
go to my high school buddies places, and my parents would know their parents. Interestingly, the place I
was raised, when my parents bought the place, there was not much there, like no man’s land. It was out in
the jungle, just one dirt road, not many things around. For some reason, that place became the hotspot
for development and business, and so it was becoming a prime place to live. As years passed by, it
became less of a community for me. But, still I do have a great sense of community. Some neighbors, old
neighbors are still there, and my parents are still there so when I visit the place, I still have a sense of
community, and I still know a lot of people. All my church and school people all live in the same
community. Even when my face is less communal, if I compared to the US, there is a much stronger feel
for community. When I first came here, I felt isolated in all senses, like isolated geographically, from
people, from school. I felt like everything was nice but it was not worth it because I did not have the same
sense of closeness.
Similarly, students from Taiwan, China and India also commented on the close and personal
nature of their relationship with not just their immediate family members, but their aunts, uncles, cousins,
and even neighbors. Here they described a strong sense of community and realization of collective needs
and goals in their home country (Yang et.al: 2005). In contrast, these students characterized the U.S as
being more orientated towards an “individualistic” culture, defined as the “loosely knit social framework
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in which individuals are supposed to take care of themselves and their immediate families only”
(Redmond,2000:152). Generally speaking, those from Euro-American descent have been characterized as
coming from a rather individualist culture (Yang et.al: 2005). Here, I am not trying to essentialize the
collectivistic versus individualistic nature when comparing U.S with other societies, but rather
demonstrate how individuals’ past social conditioning may stay with them in a variety of ways (Rueda
and Monza:2006), as well as accentuate the influence of their cultural or societal background. Whether
students’ patterns of interaction in the host community had something to do with coming from a relatively
collectivists or individualistic culture was not easily discernible. This is mainly due to the limited
knowledge and exploration of each participant’s country of origin. However, my findings did reveal the
conscious or unconscious need to reassert this sense of community and belonging that is emphasized in a
“collectivist” culture even when they come to the United States. Hence, this may be one reason why
students seemed to have interacted with Americans on a superficial level or why they displayed more
comfort interacting with other people who shared common values, beliefs or even patterns of behavior in
building as well as maintaining relationships with friends, families, significant others, etc..
Further, the findings also revealed that as students experienced life within the U.S learning
context, it gave them more opportunities for continuous comparison with their previous experiences.
Moreover, during this time they seemed to have gained a relatively more accurate perception of cultural
differences or similarities as well as knowledge of host society (Gao and Gudykunst: 1990). Here it is
important to point out those cultural differences or the negative feelings associated with culture shock do
not necessarily lead to perpetual feelings of anxiety and frustration. This is only one among a wide
spectrum of responses and reactions to new cultural surroundings. Adler (1975) helps to illuminate this as
he rejects the inevitably of negative emotions associated with cultural differences or culture shock. Here
he states that while culture shock can be seen as a form of “alienation,” but it can also be “an important
aspect of cultural learning, self-development and personal growth” (Adler, 1975:13). In other words, a
certain level of frustration and problems encountered through immersion in a “second culture” can be
important to understanding “change and movement experiences” as well be a “source of higher levels of
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personality development” (Adler, 1975:13). With this, Adler (1975) suggests that individuals are very
capable of undergoing positive changes in a new environment and finding new ways to explore the
diversity of human beings. His perception helped to delineate how, despite perceived cultural differences
and language barriers, international students actively sought to reduce their anxiety and uncertainty about
the host environment by applying various coping strategies (Adler: 1975).
The motivation to adopt necessary skills upon encountering their new academic and sociocultural environment needs to be differentiated from the preparatory stage where many of the students
prepared for life in the U.S by honing their English skills or gathering information regarding U.S
institutions through various sources. In the latter case, the motivation to change and adopt new skills,
although not limited to, had a lot to do with the students’ priority to achieve their educational and
professional aspirations. But once they are physically present in their new environment, the motivation to
adopt pertinent practices, values and skills went beyond mere academic goals as students become vigilant
of the necessity and value for the wider socio-cultural integration. The motivation also may be less a
result of personal determination than a demand exerted by the wider community.
Intercultural communication scholars often assume that if a person wants to survive in a foreign
country, he or she will try to adapt to the host culture. For some scholars this often requires individual to
acculturate the values and practices emphasized in the host society, or align their preexisting values more
with dominant culture (Al-Sharideh and Goe: 1998; Monzo and Rueda: 2006). Here, there is a danger in
assuming that one needs to adopt a completely new cultural frame of mind, therefore relinquish their
existing value and beliefs as a way to successfully integrate or assimilate into their new environment
(Alba and Nee:2006; Monzo and Rueda:2006). With this, some scholars have strongly emphasized the
need to develop stronger ties or associate primarily with Americans. This is argued to be helpful in
enhancing the international experience and thus promote feelings of “emotional gratification and security,
and could be utilized by an international student as a means of social support and assistance in resolving
personal problems” (Al-Sharideh and Goe, 1998:703: Sovic:2009). Conversely, students who interact
with members of the host community to a limited extent are said to develop feelings of isolation or
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alienation from the larger or mainstream society (Klomegah: 2006). In my findings, aside from
interacting with American students, professors or administrators in their academic area, only few a couple
students claimed to have established deep relationship with Americans. The interactions with American
students were considered to be less personal and more difficult.
With this, overtime, although students reported to feel comfortably adjusted in their new
surroundings, their rather infrequent interaction with Americans as well as relative commonality they
experienced with other international students, made them feel somewhat in the periphery from
mainstream social life or not fully integrated. In this study members of the host society, therefore, were
not understood to be primary source of social support in resolving problems related to adjustment process.
However, this was not viewed as a source of concern or isolation, and instead these students found their
own way to cope with the strain that comes from not feeling completely integrated due to limited
interaction with Americans. These students avoided feeling social isolated by developing positive social
and peer relationships with students from the same nationality or other international students. Thus, they
interacted with those who they felt shared common cultural characteristics, beliefs and values, while to
some degree, resisting assimilating with USA born or American students. Of course, the ability of an
international student to follow this pattern of adjustment depends on whether or not there is adequate
number of students from the same nationality or those from similar cultural background. Since this was
shown to be true for most graduate students that were interviewed, we can postulate that the “network of
ties” established with other persons with a similar cultural background or nationality served to “buffer
students from the effects of problems associated with a lack of assimilation of American culture and an
inability to effectively interact with Americans” (Al-Sharideh and Goe, 1998:705; Araujo: 2011; Crockett
et.al:2007).
Further, this helps to corroborate the point made in the beginning of this study, which suggests
that the extent to which one adopts American values or practices and is able to establish strong
relationship with members of the host community does not inevitably lead to assimilation or is not the
only path to achieve it. Instead, scholars (e.g Richard and Nee: 2006; Monzo and Rueda: 2006) contend
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that the path to assimilation or the process of learning and adopting new cultural practices (acculturation)
is not “unidirectional” and “passive.” Rather, they suggest the active role that individuals take in creating
changes in their cultural orientation and learning, by “drawing on various resources as these are called
upon in any give context” (Monzo and Rueda, 2006:189).
Despite facing challenges in their academic or social life, arising mainly from cultural differences
and language barriers, many were able to demonstrate individual and personal growth. The findings
across the current cases indicate that, overtime, these students felt linguistically and academically
adjusted and acculturated to their respective graduate program at Michigan State University. More
specifically, students attempted to meet their graduate program requirements as well as academic
expectations by continuously improving their language proficiency using various strategies. A positive
acculturation process for international students from non-English speaking countries or those who
reported to having more language difficulty was also facilitated by advisers and professors who were
cognizant of the language and communication difficulties. Research shows that interaction with faculty
members, that is, informal as well as formal interactions, enables greater improvement in academics
among minority and international students (Grahame and Poyrazil:2007).In this study, many students also
learnt to communicate and actively seek or interact with American professors, who they viewed as the
link to the university and their future career. Thus, most international students prioritized and reported a
desire to adjust academically, showing efforts to assimilate the language and academic aspects of their
host community. This was believed to be necessary to complete their graduate program. Beyond the
acquisition of English language and honing their academic skills, international graduate students also
expressed a desire to understand American cultural values and beliefs. The understanding and knowledge
of the “second culture” was seen as desirable and having implications for their future professional careers
(Adler: 1975).
Lastly, the participants’ development of adaptive behavior seemed to help them function more
effectively in the new cultural environment. This is in accord with previous theoretical suppositions and
empirical findings that suggest that individuals have the potential for personal growth and development
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during the acculturation process (Adler: 1975; Berry: 2003). Hence, as mentioned earlier, many of the
students actively sought strategies and adopted skills to meet the expectations and requirements of U.S
higher education. From my findings international graduate students made efforts to increase English
language proficiency, developed social support networks, as well as a more nuanced appreciation for the
new culture as well as their own culture of origin, and finally they also developed a more pronounced
sense of self-reliance over time. Through this, they are expected to endure meaningful changes during
their overseas experiences in terms of heightened self-awareness and knowledge of not just the host
community, but an understanding of their self in relationship to the host community (Adler: 1975; Oberg:
1990).
In the overall, participants established that their transitional experience in the U.S has been
meaningful considering the benefits of improving English skills, gaining new outlooks and knowledge of
the global world, as well as nurturing academic and individual growth to enhance their opportunities for
future development and career.

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LIMITATIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Although this study produced meaningful findings about students’ academic, social and cultural
experiences, this study does have certain limitations that need to be addressed. Due to limited or a small
sample size, it reduced the generalizability of the findings. And because participants were recruited from
only one institution, the extent to which these findings apply across the United States also remains
undeterminable. Future research could use large scale surveys in order to obtain a broader understanding
of international students’ adjustment as well as build comparisons of the experiences across U.S higher
education institutes.
This study, while qualitative in design, only provided a glimpse into these students’ lives. There
are other aspects to their lives that have not been explored in this study; hence, needs further investigation
that might shed light into the even more significant influencers of these students. For example, this study
could be expanded upon in many ways, such as further investigating patterns of social interaction as well
as the social ties and networks they established. Since this study revealed how influential social networks
are for their sense of belonging, future work should investigate more closely the habitual or everyday
interaction students have within their social networks. In addition, longitudinal studies centered on the
participants’ current as well as future experiences can also be an interesting avenue to take for future
research in order to have a better understanding of how students fare in U.S higher education and beyond.
Finally, the findings and analysis in this study underscore the need to promote awareness of
cultural diversity in higher education. Through gradual awareness of the cultural differences and diversity
as well as their own cultural limitations and strengths, international graduate students, in this study
demonstrated, tremendous potential to make academic and social adjustments. Likewise, by coming to
understand the needs of international students as being rather complex, institutions can help facilitate
easier integration (Sovic:2009). It was also evident that both formal and informal mechanisms must be
mobilized in supporting the students. Hence, cross-cultural adaptation or adjustment can be rendered as an
interactive process that involves both the newcomers and the host environment (Monzo and Rueda:
2006). However, it is not an easy task to come to terms with the full complexity of levels on which
77

international students experience difficulties during their transition. This is mainly because international
students are a varied group, with different backgrounds, skills, ages, experience, and command of
English. Even those from the same country can display very different characteristics; and therefore
experience a unique process of acculturating into their new environment. Given this complexity, a variety
of interconnecting solutions and approaches need to be explored in order to help these students make a
smooth transition.

78

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