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MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Inst' ution
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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER:
A THIRD SPHERE

presented by

Bonnie Arlene Geers

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

MastersdPgrge in History

Date 3 \O( 873

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Major professor

MSUi: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

I

 

i ”.2; A

ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER:
A THIRD SPHERE

BY

Bonnie Arlene Geers

AN ABSTRACT OF A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of History

1988

5/:7'/JJ6

ABSTRACT
ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER:
A THIRD SPHERE
BY

Bonnie Arlene Geers

Elizabeth Margaret Chandler (1807-1834) regularly
contributed poems and essays to Lundy's Egg Genius of
Universal Emancipation and Garrison's Liberator, both
abolitionist newspapers, and served as women's editor of Egg
genius from 1829 until 1834 despite her move to the Michigan
territory in the summer of 1830. Elizabeth fashioned an
argument for women’s public activity in reform, more
specifically against slavery, based on the moral independence
of women and her accountability as a moral being. However,
she also appealed to the tradition of woman’s piestic
benevolence which was an accepted aspect of woman's sphere in
nineteenth century America. Interested in both moral and
domestic reform she accepted the ideology of separate spheres
but also proposed a sphere of activity that was not gender
specific. In both her writings and by her own personal
experience she helped to create new images for women of the
nineteenth century that would last beyond the period of

antislavery activity.

II.

III.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

A Quiet Testimony, 1807-1830

A VOice in the Wilderness 1830-1834:
Domesticity, Women's Moral Rights and Duties,
Education

A Legacy

Conclusion

Bibliography

Appendix A: Dating of essays from Elizabeth
Chandler's Essa s, Philanthropic and Moral.

Appendix B: E.M. Chandler's poems as found
in George W. Clark's The Liberty Minstrel.

Appendix C: Date and publication source

'of poems from Elizabeth Chandler’s

Poetical Works.

 

iii

17

43

84
96
99

103

106

111

 

I. Introduction

Nineteenth century Americans experienced changes in
virtually all phases of life. Physically, they had grown from
a nation settled predominantly on the Atlantic seaboard to
include land explored as far as the Pacific. Politically, the
young nation struggled to create an atmosphere conducive to
democracy while fighting strong regional interests and
political loyalties. The nation's population multiplied many
times as a result of internal growth as well as continued
immigration. Even though nineteenth century America offered
its citizens seemingly unlimited possibilities, it was a
period of intense anxiety as the restless, unsettled society
sought its destiny.

In the early nineteenth century many factors combined to
make rapid industrial growth possible. Improvements in trans-
portation and the expanding ranges of business activity
created, for the first time, a national market economy. As
the American population grew and spread a larger labor supply
provided for both the production of goods and a market for the
sale of them. Such a supply of labor was made up increasingly
of immigrants, many of whom resided in cities and towns in the

North. The concentration of labor in urban centers in

2

addition to technological advances and an expanding
transportation and communication network enabled the North to
industrialize. Thus, the 18203 and 18303 marked the beginning
of dramatic economic growth in the United States, particularly
those states in the North.

The new industrializing society of the Northern regions
produced a profound change in the nature and function of the
family. {At the heart of the transformation was the shift of
income-earning work out of the home and into the shop, mill,
or factory. Up until the industrializing period, both men and
women were largely confined to the home and its environs,
where the extended family worked together to provide the ne-
cessities of life. The family itself had been the principal
unit of economic activity. However, industrialization and an
industrial economy diminished the importance of the urban
household as a center of production. Increasingly, men left
the home each day to earn income elsewhere. Women, no longer
producers, now became more important as consumers. A distinc-
tion began to emerge between the public world of the work—
place--the world of commerce and industry--and the private
world of the family--a world dominated primarily by domestic
concerns.

The distinction between a private and public world was no
more evident than among members of the growing middle class.
Within the middle class the distinction between the workplace
and the home was accompanied by an equally sharp distinction

between the roles of men and women. The Separatedness of

 

3
roles not only within the family but also in society strength-

ened the emergent ideology of separate spheres. Women’s
sphere was the home while men's sphere was the significantly
less circumscribed "world". In this period of intense social,
economic and political change the home was the bulwark against
social disorder, and woman was the creator of the home. Men's
and women's spheres served a societal purpose for separate
spheres enabled the rhetoric of progress and virtue to co-
exist; men left the home to build roads and bridges and sit in
the legislative councils while women instilled virtue into her
future statesmen and maintained an escape for her husband from
the pressures of the world.1

Women's sphere in the nineteenth century, while subord-
inate to men’s, gave women certain responsibilities and duties
not only to their families and communities but also to the na-
tion at large. In a period of intense republican debate
women's duties became an issue of importance for both sexes.
Since the Revolutionary era it had been a commonplace theme in
American republican ideology that the government's success de-
pended on the stability of virtue among its citizens.2 Popu-
lar literature responded by emphasizing women’s responsibili-
ties as wives and mothers insisting that it was women's ac-
tions in these roles that would safeguard the Union and pro-
vide for the future security of the Republic. Women as a group
were vested with virtue; therefore, women had an immensely
important role as moral guardian and could claim social

recognition as the guarantors of a successful Republic.

4

As women answered the call to take seriously their re-
sponsibility in securing the moral and religious interests of
the nation women, particularly of the middle-class, involved
themselves in numerous matters of reform. In doing so Ameri-
can women in the nineteenth century pushed the limits imposed
on them outward so that reform activity became not only an ac-
ceptable concern for women but women also had a special obli-
gation of both a national and religious nature to become in-
volved in reform. Even though the extent of women's activity
remained restricted and political power to effect changes in
society was denied, numerous women lent their support to re-
form activities. Reform activities were particularly suited
for women's participation because reform assumed the existence
of some form of social disorder that must be remedied, hence
women's involvement in reform did not take her beyond her
sphere.3

Women involved in reform effectively employed religious
and moral questions to excite the interest of other women.
What is notable about women’s interests after 1825 is that
much of their concern focused on the particular problems of
women. Movements for moral reform and temperance, and against
slavery, appealed to women because women and the family were
_the principle victims of the evils which they attacked. Sus-
tained by religious convictions and a faith in progress many
women joined in community to protect their position and that
of the family in the ante-bellum period. Female societies

which addressed specific reforms provided women with a

5
supportive network out of which to act. Indeed, female

societies were themselves acceptable in ante-bellum society
because the fact that women would work together to promote
female interests simply reinforced the notion that men and
women were different and that they could operate in separate
spheres dedicated to separate interests and yet be equal.

The issue of slavery was a particularly urgent concern
for women because it could neither be reconciled with the
rhetoric of "republicanism" nor could it be denied that
slavery threatened the bonds of the family and victimized
women and children. Slavery's assault on womanhood was
emphasized by the antislavery literature produced between 1830
and 1860.4 Such literature urged women to extend the
I"privileges of the sex" to all women regardless of race.
According to such literature, slavery was more than a national
sin but a crime against humanity: a crime against thousands of
her own sex. Thus middle-class women of the North came to
identify with the black female slave of the South for they
both shared a common womanhood, a sense of sisterhood.

Two remarkable women who appreciated the sisterhood of
women were the famous abolitionists Sarah and Angelina
Grimke'. Born in the South and growing up in a slaveholding
family these two sisters were not likely adherents to
abolitionists appeals. However, as children on their own
family farm they knew of the mistreatment of slaves and the
buying and selling of slaves which could result in the

separation of family members. Being sensitive and offended by

 

6
the inhumanity of slavery they developed an early abhorrence

to slavery and did what they could to improve conditions for
their own slaves.

As adults, they salves both traveled north to
Philadelphia where they became formerly associated with the
Society of Friends. Although showing outward support of the
Quaker community, even adorning the drab-colored dress, Sarah
became frustrated with the Friends refusal to acknowledge her
in the ministry. Even in her frustration, though, she
remained loyal to the Quaker community because of the
Philadelphia Quakers’ commitment to the antislavery cause.
After reading the journal of Quaker John Woolman she was
convinced of the efficacy of the free produce movement and
appreciated the Quaker stand on gradual emancipation. After
Angelina’s acceptance into the Society of Friends she occupied
herself with charity visits and prayer meetings at a local
prison in an attempt to practice the self-denial of the Quaker
faith as well as achieve "usefulness". But neither woman was
personally satisfied with the Quaker community; Sarah felt
thwarted by the more orthodox elders while Angelina regretted
the Quaker objection to immediate abolitionism. Even though
their formal break with the Society of Friends did not take
place until 1841 their frustration was growing as early as
1834.

Increasingly committed to her early interest in the
abolitionist movement and influenced by Garrisonian

antislavery views Angelina wrote her "Appeal to the Christian

 

 

7

Women of the Southern States". She urged women, if they owned
slaves, to set them free, insisting on the equality of the
slave and his natural right to freedom. In the fall of the
same year both sisters responded favorably to an invitation
from the American Anti-Slavery Society in New York asking the
Grimkes to "meet with Christian women in sewing circles and
private parlors"5 for discussions of slavery.

In May of 1837 the sisters attended the Anti-slavery
Convention of American Women in New York City. Both Angelina
and Sarah stressed the issue of race prejudice while Angelina
also stated their belief in the sisterhood of black and white
women. The Convention published Angelina's "Appeal to the
Women of the Nominally Free States" which concluded that women
had equal responsibilities with men in moral issues and
political concerns. This was a truly radical statement.

The sisters continued the debate over women’s duties and
women's rights into the summer of 1838; however, they hoped
that they might yet focus their public speaking on the theme
of opposition to slavery and women's duties in the antislavery
field. However, the sisters’ public speaking, particularly
Angelina's, came increasingly under fire from both Protestant
clergymen and even some male abolitionists. Some critics as—
sumed that as members of the Society of Friends, which
permitted women to preach, the sisters were simply carrying
out a denominational practice. But Angelina insisted that "We
do not stand on Quaker ground, but on Bible ground and moral

right. What we claim for ourselves, we claim for every woman

 

 

8
who God has called and qualified with gifts and graces."6. In

her speech at Pennsylvania Hall, May 16, 1838, Angelina called
for universal female support for the antislavery movement,
particularly in the form of spreading petitions. She asserted
that, "men who hold the rod over slaves, rule in the councils
of the nation: and they deny our right to petition and to
remonstrate against abuses of our sex and of our kind. We
have these rights, however, from God".7

Writing a series of letters to the New England Spectator
in 1838 Sarah echoed Angelina's teaching on the moral equality
of men and women. At the outset, she claimed total dependence
on the Bible, arguing that most commentators had misconceived
"the simple truths revealed in the Scripture..." According to
her reading of Scripture God created woman to be man's equal.
"God---is our King and Judge, and to him alone is woman bound
to be in subjection..." Sarah insisted that women should lead
in all reform work, for "she is fulfilling one of the
important duties laid upon her as an accountable being..."8
However, custom led women away from their true rights and
duties. Writing from her own experience, Sarah declared that
women’s education was "miserably deficient: that they are
taught to regard marriage as the one thing needful...hence to
attract the notice and win the attention of men, by their
charms is the chief business of fashionable girls".9 Instead,
she argued, education should make women aware of their duties

as moral beings.

 

9
Gerda Lerner and other historians have noted that the

Grimke' sisters' writings concerning women’s rights played an
important role in the development of American feminist
thought. As Lerner observes, the sisters' argument with "its
strongly religious derivation made it particularly adapted to
the American scene. Considering that it appeared ten years
before the Seneca Falls Convention and seven years before
Margaret Fuller's figmeg ig LEE Nineteenth Centur , the
outraged reaction with which so many of even the most radical
reformers greeted it, is quite understandable".10 Lerner
noted that the Grimke' sisters were pioneers for women's
rights, advocates of the movement of the mid-nineteenth
century.

Sarah and Angelina Grimke's contributions to later
feminist thought and to antislavery ideology have been
documented by numerous historians of both the abolitionist
movement and the women’s rights movement; however, their
argument was not necessarily unique.11 Elizabeth Margaret
Chandler, the object of this study, wrote antislavery poems
and prose for the antislavery journal The Genius e: Universal
Emaneipation between 1826 and 1834 and became women's editor
of that journal in 1829. Her writings, as the Grimke’s,
concentrated on the he inhumanity of slavery, women's moral
obligation to work on behalf of the slave, the pervasiveness
of racial prejudice, and the need for immediate emancipation
of the slave. Elizabeth, a Quaker, also used a highly

religious argument, insisting on the incompatibility of

 

10

slavery in a Christian nation and explaining the Scripture's
teaching against the institution of slavery. Just as the
Grimke' sisters declared no less than five years later,
Elizabeth insisted that a sisterhood existed between the white
women of the nation and the black female slave, at once
demanding that all women work to restore to the female slave
the "privileges of the sex" while instructing her towards
morality. According to Elizabeth the power of women was great
in effecting change thus her responsibility for doing so could
not be ignored:

Can then the female sex, who form so large a part

of her population, be free from the pollution of this

sin? Had they all used properly their influence as

Christian women, in opposition to this crime, would

it till this day have darkened the volumes of our

country's history? We have no hesitation in saying

that it would not...

Abolitionists, Elizabeth among them, attributed an impressive
amount of power to women while insisting on their redemptive
capacity.

The argument for moral independence and individual
accountability, which is credited most often to the Grimke'
sisters, was also furthered by Elizabeth Chandler. Elizabeth
asked American women: "...if you are acting contrary to the
commands of God, shall the opinions of men sustain you in a
career of sinfulness?"13 Elizabeth argued that when one’s in-
dividual conscience was awakened and one was able to discern
truth, that person, whether male or female, had a moral obli—

gation to act in accordance to the moral imperative. "If,

then, right and wrong are distinctly pointed out,"she argued,

 

11

"are we to be governed in our choice of them by expediency, or
the customs of the world, or the opinions of men? Certainly
not."14 Elizabeth translated the argument for moral indepen-
dence into a declaration of moral equality; equality was,
according to her, not only the freedom but also the obligation
to exercise morality. She asserted, "you know, my friend,
that we are to be answerable each for ourselves".15 On moral
issues men and women operated as equals; actions on behalf of
moral issues, such as slavery, represented a sphere which men
and women shared that was not determined by sex or custom but
by their obligations as moral beings.

Elizabeth Chandler heeded her own call to put faith into
action by becoming a public advocate for Emancipation. As a
female editor she placed herself in a position, as others
would in later years, to shape the opinions on the issue of
slavery, particularly among women. In doing so, she
encountered criticism not only as a public advocate of
Emancipation but also as an advocate of women’s "rights".
Such a commitment to act and to demand the immediate
extinction of slavery did not develop in a vacuum but can be
attributed in large part to her Quaker heritage. Elizabeth
was deeply religious and remained true to Quaker principles
throughout her short life. Her personal relationships, her
writing and the direction it took, and her participation in
antislavery organizations help to explain what motivated this
young Quaker woman to devote her life to the antislavery

cause .

 

12
This study of Elizabeth Chandler's life and writings

focuses on a number of different factors in the history of the
antislavery movement in ante-bellum America while at the same
time addressing the relationship between women's expanding
sphere and their work with men, or independently of them, in
the antislavery movement. The "woman question" which arose in
the movement in the 18303 and became a distinctly divisive is—
sue during the 18403, grew to be, among the Garrisonians, not
a question at all but instead a commitment to equal
participation of both sexes in abolitionist activities. The
debate over women’s participation in antislavery work
illustrated the relationship between abolitionism and women's
rights. The refusal to seat Lucretia Mott and her party of
delegates at the World Antislavery Convention in 1840 is
familiar when reading the records of antislavery or women’s
history. But, the event continues to be significant because
it not only shows that women wished to participate in the
organization and decision—making of the Convention, but also
that they were denied participation precisely because they
were women.

There are numerous studies of Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth
Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and the Grimke' sisters to
name only a few which organize their analysis of these women’s
lives and accomplishments around their activity in the
antislavery movement. Often the conclusion is drawn that
these women, among others, joined the antislavery ranks in

response to an intense commitment to quality and

 

13
egalitarianism, and through their activity on behalf of the

slave, which excited considerable opposition from within and
without, realized their own "marginal" status in society and
the inequity of social relations based on gender distinctions.
Also of significance was that Garrisonian women, finding the
prevailing sentiment in favor of their participation, gained
valuable training in the antislavery movement which aided them
in taking the lead as advocates for women's rights only a few
decades later. Activity in the antislavery movement, then,
raised a feminine consciousness while, at the same time,
equipped women participants with valuable organizational
skills and leadership training. Much of the scholarship that
draws this conclusion analyzes the results of women's
antislavery activity and fashions it into an explanation for
the rise of the women's rights movement of mid-century.16
Although Elizabeth Chandler died in 1834, she had already been
involved in antislavery organizations and experienced
criticism, particularly concerning her call for womenfs public
action, and her response introduced some of the issues around
which the later women's movement organized.

Even though Elizabeth Chandler advocated women's public
involvement in the antislavery movement, and argued for the
moral equality of the sexes, she did not challenge the
ideology of separate spheres. She was both a moral reformer
and a domestic reformer. The home and family were what shaped
the lives of the majority of nineteenth century women; the

tenets of domesticity strongly influenced women's thoughts and

14
actions. Elizabeth Chandler's participation in antislavery

organizations was motivated by the traditional belief in
female benevolence which was an accepted aspect of women's
sphere. But, Elizabeth also justified women’s action on the
basis that women were essentially human; therefore, their
duties as moral beings were equal with men, only in social
roles were their responsibilities different. Women’s
participation in the antislavery cause was, according to
Elizabeth, an obligation of her social role, but, because
slavery was a moral issue, her participation did not have to
be justified in terms of what was appropriate to women’s

sphere.

15
NOTES

10D the economic changes and its effect on the family see
Mary P. Ryan, Cradle pf the Middle Class: The Family 1p Oneida
Counpy, Neg York, 1790-1865, (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1981). On industrialization see Thomas C. Cochran,
Frontiers e: Change Early Industrialieetion ip America, (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1981).

2For a discussion of the relationship between
"republicanism" and the ideology of separate spheres see
Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine Beecher: A Study ep American
Domesticity (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1973).

3Keith Melder, The Beginnings e: Sisperhood: The Ameriean
Woman's Rights Movement, 1800-1850 (New York: Schocken Books,
1977), p. 50. Also Ronald G. Walters The Antislavery Appeal
American Abolitionism Aftep 1830 (New York: W.W. Norton and
Company, 1978), pp. 92—98.

4One example is the essay "Slavery As It Is" written by
the famous evangelical and abolitionist, Theodore Weld, with
the help of his wife, Angelina, and Sarah Grimke'.

5Gerda Lerner, The Grimke’ Sisters From South Carolina
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1967), p. 137.

6Angelina Grimke’ to Theodore Weld, August 12, 1837 in
Keith Melder, The Beginnings p; Sisterhood, p. 84.

7"Speech in Pennsylvania Hall, May 16, 1838" reprinted in
Gerda Lerner, The Grimke' Sispers From South Caroline, p. 381.

8Melder, p. 86.
91bid., p. 87.
10Lerner, p. 194.

11See Blanche Glassman Hersch, The Slavery pf Sex:
Eeminist-Abolitionists ip America, (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press), 1978. Aileen S. Kraditor, Tpe Means epe Ends
ip American Abolitionism: Garrison egg His Critics pp Strategy
egg Tactics, 1834-1850, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1969.

12Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Essays, Philanthropic egg
Moral, principally related pp phe Abolition e; Slavery ip
America (Philadelphia: L. Howell, 1836), "Letters on Slavery,
No. II" p. 45. .

16
13Chandler, Essa 3, "Right and Wrong", p. 34.

14rbid.,.p. 35.
15Chandler, Essa 3, "Letters to Isabel No. III", p. 55.

16Ellen DuBois, Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence p:
eh Independenh Women's Movement Th Americe 1848-1869 (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1978), pp. 31-33. She does not
locate women's discontent in the abolitionists' movement but
does emphasize the organizational skills women gained in the
organizations. See also Blanche Glassman Hersh, The Slavery
e; gee: Pepinist-Abolitionists Th America, Chap. 1 and 2.

 

II. A Quiet Testimony 1807—1830

Elizabeth Chandler was born on December 24, 1807 in Cen-
tre, Delaware and was the youngest of three children born to
Thomas and Margaret Evans Chandler. Thomas Chandler was a
farmer by occupation and lived in easy circumstances. He had
received a liberal education and had also studied medicine,
but had chosen to reside in the country where he took up farm-
ing. Thomas married Margaret Evans in March of 1802. They
were both of English stock and conscientious members of the
religious Society of Friends.1

Elizabeth’s mother died when she was but an infant, after
which her father moved the family to Philadelphia and set up a
practice in medicine. In Philadelphia, Elizabeth attended a
Friend's school where "she manifested a particular fondness
for literary pursuits, and very early gave evidence of a rare
talent for poetical composition".2 Although the importance of
primary education was widely accepted for boys, the enrollment
of girls in formal schools remained uncommon until the mid-
century.3 When she was nine her father died, leaving her in
the care of her grandmother and three aunts, Ruth, Jane and

Amelia Evans, the sisters of her deceased mother.

17

18
As a child, Elizabeth was unusually solemn. In her early

years she was highly introspective, subjecting every action
and thought to examination. Undoubtedly the Friend's meeting
which she attended with her grandmother and aunts impressed on
her the importance of humility and the necessity to guard
against worldliness. Elizabeth, like her young Quaker compan-
ions, wore the drab gray Quaker dress with an unornamented
bonnet. But, the dull, colorless garb could not diminish the
bright and sensitive features of the young Elizabeth. A
portrait of her shows a full oval face with large dark eyes
under heavy arching brows, dark hair, and bow mouth.

Elizabeth’s grandmother took care that Elizabeth's
religious training did not fall into arrears.4 In addition to
that religious training, Elizabeth also studied literature,
art, music, and "figures", or arithmetic, an important skill
for city Friends many of whom were shopkeepers, carpenters, or
merchants.

In her training she gained knowledge and appreciation for
her religious ancestors, particularly for their belief in the
dignity of all beings and their commitment to social justice.
Whether in Friend’s school or in weekly meetings, Quaker
children came to learn the history of the Society of Friends;
George Fox and William Penn were familiar names to Quaker
children. Elizabeth herself described the Friends as the
"despised sect of Fox and Penn" suggesting her knowledge of
the sect's history of persecution and the opposition that

confronted the Society from the beginning.

 

 

 

19
Elizabeth left the Friend's school at the age of twelve

or thirteen; however, she was an avid reader which allowed her
to continue her education on her own. After the death of her
grandmother in 1827, Elizabeth lived with her aunt Ruth and
brother Thomas still in Philadelphia.5 (The other two aunts
also lived in Philadelphia, aunt Jane having married and aunt
Amelia teaching. Her eldest brother, William, did leave the
Philadelphia area spending some time in Lancaster county,
Pennsylvania, where he married Sarah Taylor in 1829).6

At the age of nine Elizabeth wrote her first piece
entitled, "Reflections on a Thunder-gust", inspired by the
occurrence of a violent storm. As her writing progressed,
friends and relatives, impressed by its quality, solicited and
occasionally obtained permission to publish selected articles.
Benjamin Lundy, editor of The Genius pf Universal Emancipation
and Elizabeth’s biographer wrote that, "Some of the most
popular periodicals of the day were thus enriched by the
production of her pen", probably referring to the gift annuals
which published a number of her poems.'7

As Elizabeth herself recalls, "The Slave Ship", was her
"first piece written upon the subject of slavery...and was the
effect of reading a sermon delivered"8 at a meeting of the
Friends. At the age of eighteen she submitted this poem for a
competition sponsored by the Casket, however, was quite
insulted when it was judged third. According to Frank L.
Mott, the affording of prizes was a common device the early

magazines used to attract original work in both poetry and

 

20
prose.9 Shortly afterward Benjamin Lundy published the poem

in The Genius and it was her first piece published in the
abolitionist press. Elizabeth was introduced to Lundy at
which time he requested that she regularly submit works for
publication.

Benjamin Lundy began The Genius in 1821 and it was only
the fourth philanthropic journal published in the United
States, and the second which was devoted exclusively to the
destruction of slavery.10 Lundy, a Quaker, was first employed
as a young man in the leather trades. As an apprentice
saddler in Wheeling, Virginia, Lundy became increasingly upset
by the slave trade. Wheeling was a center of slave traffic at
the time and the young Lundy saw the "coffles", or gangs of
manacled slaves, sold and driven off. In 1816, at the age of
twenty seven, Lundy left Wheeling and moved west to Ohio where
he organized an antislavery society he called the Union Humane
Society;11

Not long after the move Lundy became a contributor to The
Philanhhropis , a paper begun by the Quaker minister, Charles
Osborn, in Mt. Pleasant, Ohio in 1816. Lundy and Osborn
intended to become partners in the publication of the paper,
but Lundy instead traveled to Missouri where he remained until
the fate of the new southwestern state had been settled.

After the defeat of the antislavery cause there Lundy returned
to Ohio and published the first issue of The Genius. He
published only eight issues in Ohio and then moved to

Tennessee where he used the printing press of recently

21
deceased, Elihu Embree, founder of the short-lived paper, The

12

 

Emencipator.

After attending the American Convention for the Abolition
of Slavery in 1823 in Philadelphia, Lundy was convinced that
his antislavery opinions would find more support in the East.
Shortly he moved The Genius to Baltimore and renewed the
publication in the fall of 1824.13 The editorials and letters
published in the paper demonstrated Lundy’s increasing
commitment to the plan of colonization. Lundy wrote numerous
articles supporting plans to colonize Haiti, Liberia, and
areas of Canada with the black freed slaves. This plan of
gradual emancipation found almost universal support among his
fellow Quakers as well as the general population of the North.
It was also in Baltimore that Lundy met William Lloyd Garrison
who shared Lundy’s commitment to the antislavery cause and
soon lent his writing and editorial skills to Lundy's paper.14

It was at approximately the same time that the young
poet, Elizabeth Chandler, responded to Lundy’s request for her
work and in 1826 became a regular contributor to The Genius.
Elizabeth commonly signed her earlier works with the pen name
"Emily". In an introduction to "The Wife's Lament" published
July 8, 1826, Lundy wrote, "I have seldom met with anything
more touching or better calculated to awaken the feelings of
sensibility, than the following beautiful lines from my fair
correspondent ‘Emily'".15 Lundy, increasingly impressed by
her "chaste and virtuous" pen asked Elizabeth to assume

responsibilities of the women's department of The Genius. On

 

22
September 2, 1829, Elizabeth was introduced to the readers of

the paper with much praise by Lundy. As editor Elizabeth
could now publish both her poems and essays.

Though studiously inclined and habitually reserved, she
had selected a few female acquaintances, as her intimate and
confidential friends. According to Lundy, "With these
friends, particularly Hannah Townsend and Anna Coe, both of
Philadelphia, she spent a portion of her time in social
intercourse, and also corresponded with them freely".16
Carroll Smith Rosenberg found in her study of nineteenth
century women's diaries and letters that female friendships
provided women with intimate relationships with other women
and such relationships were socially acceptable. Rosenberg
insisted that in the nineteenth century women carried on
distant relations with men, particularly before marriage,
which allowed for long-lasting often emotionally intensive
relationships with other women}.7 The exchange of letters
among Elizabeth and her female friends did indicate that such
friendships were a source of emotional support and involved a
certain degree of intimacy. Anna Coe wrote to Elizabeth,
"Mind Lizzy, write to me once a month, and do not write any
formal letters to me, but let it be as though we were
conversing, and thee was by my side".18 When about to leave
Philadelphia, Elizabeth presented Hannah with a piece she
wrote entitled, "Remember Me". Elizabeth and Hannah adopted a
plan of keeping regular journals which they shared whenever

possible. Hannah wrote of their friendship; "My intimate

 

23
acquaintance with Elizabeth, previous to her removal, and our

regular correspondence afterwards, afforded me the opportunity
of understanding the bent of her mind...as we came to an
agreement to journalize, we were accustomed to writing without
much formality, under different dates".19

Elizabeth joined these friends as a member of the Free
Produce Society in Philadelphia whose members consisted of
primarily Quaker women. While the Quakers had a long-standing
opposition to slavery and were generally regarded as
presenting a united front in the vanguard of the antislavery
movement, this was not the case. The slavery question
agitated, confused, and divided the Society of Friends, even
as it did other denominations. Even though Quakers condemned
slavery they could not agree on the means or manner of
opposing it. In the early nineteenth century, many Friends
belonged to manumission societies and other mild organizations
for the gradual abolition of slavery. However, such societies
were increasingly condemned by more conservative Friends
because they were "mixed societies", accepting members from
different religious denominations. A controversy ensued over
Quaker membership in the abolition societies which resulted in
disownment for some individual Friends. In seeking a
satisfactory form of activity many Friends formed free produce
societies, in which they agreed to boycott all products raised
by slave labor, so far as that was possible.20

Even before the last Quaker had manumitted his/her

slaves, the most advanced members of the Society, among whom

24
was John Woolman, argued that the use of slave produced goods

was a bad as slaveholding itself, for it gave to the owner
tacit approval of his actions and served as an economic
support of the system. As long as it was in the interest of
the slaveholder to use slave labor, Woolman argued, he would
continue to do 30. John Woolman joined with fellow Quakers
Benjamin Lay and Ralph Sandiford in abstaining from slave
products. Woolman wrote, "...the oppression of the slaves
which I have seen...hath from time to time livingly revived on
my mind, and under this exercise I for some years past
declined to gratify my pallate with those sugars".21 His
boycott of slave products elicited reactions varying from
outright opposition to bewilderment, particularly when Woolman
offered the slaves themselves reimbursement for services
rendered to him on his travels in the South.22

The Free Produce Society of Philadelphia to which
Elizabeth refers in her writings was organized in 1827 with
the intent that abolition would be promoted by the use of free
labor products, and that the South should be convinced that
the use of free labor was as profitable as slave labor. The
society presented a boycott of slave produced goods as a
proper, just and reasonable means of opposing slavery. At the
meeting of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition
of Slavery and Improving the Condition of the African Race in
December, 1829, the Free Produce Society of Philadelphia
asserted that, "It is no more than the exercise of an elective

franchise, for the free man to purchase the products of the

 

25
labour of freemen, in preference to that of Slaves".23 In

support of the cause, delegates announced the formation of the
Female Association for Promoting the Manufacture and Use of
Free Cotton which quickly shortened its name to the Female
Free Produce Society.24

Whether Elizabeth was among the small group of women
present at the first meeting in January, 1829, is uncertain,
but her early commitment to free labor as an abolitionist
measure wholly suited to women was clear. In that same year
Elizabeth wrote in an essay to her female readers of The
Genius:

Let societies be formed among you to promote this...

It is true, some inconveniences will at first be

unavoidable, the texture of your garments will perhaps

be coarser than that which you were accustomed, but

they will cling less heavily around your forms, for

the sighs of the broken hearted will not linger among

their folds.2
Elizabeth and other members undoubtedly felt they had met with
some success at the opening of the first free-produce store in
Philadelphia before the close of that year.

As Elizabeth notes in her many essays on free produce,
women were particularly suited to supporting free produce and
by purchasing only those goods they might work towards the
extinction of slavery in the United States. Elizabeth’s
statements concerning free produce reflect nineteenth century
women's new role as consumer. Elizabeth, whose family was
involved in "store-keeping" and to which even Elizabeth,

perhaps, gave some of her time, appreciated the fact that

urban women in the last few years might increasingly buy

26
products that they had formerly produced themselves or done

without. She wrote that, "Yet, as close attention to
household economy is certainly the duty of every female, let
us enquire if it is not possible to indulge their feelings of
humanity, and satisfy the claims of justice, without extending
the limits they have prescribed for their expenses".26
Elizabeth’s writing on domestic economy attempted to
appeal to women’s moral nature, sought to motivate women out

of their own sense of guilt, and at the same time, hoped to

 

convince women that they as individuals were important to
bringing about the abolition of slavery. Elizabeth insisted
that one "might change from slave to free produce...without
adding one item to the expenditure...It is but to forego some
paltry gratification, to resign some trifle in which the
vanity only is concerned...and a fund is at once provided".27
While appealing to nineteenth century women as consumers, she~
applied moral pressure by demanding that women be
introspective and self-denying.

As a young writer, Elizabeth did not look only to
antislavery journals to publish her work, nor did she limit
her writing to antislavery poems and prose. Elizabeth
submitted her poetry to both The geepT and The Atlantic
Souvenir, finding the latter more receptive to her work. Both
The PeepT and The Atlentic Souvehir were gift books, also
known as gift annuals, published yearly by various publishing
companies. Carey and Lea, the renowned Philadelphia

publishing house, issued the first copy of The Atlantic

27
Souvenir in 1826 with the purpose of fostering "native

literature and art".28

Elizabeth actively sought publication in these annuals
and her reference to their publication suggest a degree of
self-confidence in her writing ability. On May 19, 1829,
while she was visiting relatives in Brandywine, she wrote that
she was trying "to get something ready for the Pearl" and
requested in the same letter that her brother, Thomas, ask
Carey and Lea "how they liked the entitles sent to them--and
what will be published".29 Evidently Elizabeth did receive
some form of remuneration for her efforts for on February 12,
1830, her brother Thomas explained to their brother William
that the families trip to the Michigan territory was delayed
because Elizabeth was "engaged in a little work which will
probably bring her something handsome."30

The cost book of Carey and Lea confirms Elizabeth's
receipt of remuneration by the appearance of her poems and
revealing the amount that she received for them. According to
the accounts of the Philadelphia publishing house, five and a
half pages of her poetry were printed in The Atlantic Spuvenir
for 1829 and brought her $12.00. Two pages of poetry--
"Night"-- in the 1830 Souvenir brought her two free copies of
that publication and five pages in the 1831 annual--"The
Brandywine"--earned her three copies of the book.31 These
amounts seem consistent with findings that writers of this
period received, in general, very low sums of money for their

work if they were paid in cash at all.32

28
Publication in the gift annuals gave Elizabeth a more

varied audience, including abolitionists and a growing,
literate middle-class. In the 18303 the publication of
magazines, journals, newspapers and pamphlets increased
rapidly in an attempt to create a body of peculiarly American
literary work.33 One observer who lived at the time noted:
"The United States are fertile in most things, but in
periodicals they are extremely luxuriant".34 Elizabeth's
poems, then, were being read by a greater percentage of the
general pOpulation and gaining recognition in the same annuals
which published the work of renowned authors such as Nathanial
Hawthorne and Henry Longfellow. Publication in the annuals
gave Elizabeth not only a more varied audience but also a
larger one. Ten thousand or more copies of The Souvenir were
published annually in 1830, 1831, and 1832,35 while Lundy’s
publication The Genius had in 1827 subscriptions totaling less
than a thousand.36

Elizabeth's career as a writer, though not necessarily at
odds with her Quaker commitment, led to a struggle with her
own pride. Elizabeth struggled with Quaker teachings on
humility and self-denial while at the same time recognized her
own ambitions and the personal gratification which accompanied
a degree of notoriety. She wrote to Hannah that she was
"continually humbled in detecting mixed motives in almost all
I do. Such struggling of pride in my endeavors after
humility—-such irresolution in my firmest purposes...such

fresh shoots of selfishness where I hoped the plant itself was

29
eradicated".37 Not only did Elizabeth struggle with her

Quaker ideals, but many men in the antislavery ranks
discouraged her from "professional" writing on the topic of
slavery by charging her with impropriety. In what Lundy
described as a "tale of fancy" Elizabeth described women's
position as she saw it in the fight against slavery in rather
surprising ways in her piece entitled, "The Tears of Woman":38

The Angel p; Justice stood before the throne of the
most High. Father, said ehe, behold the creature whom
thou hast made. Lo! The children of earth have lifted
up their hearts to oppression; their hands are full of
wrong and violence, and they have laden their brother
with heavy fetters, that he might be to them a bondman
forever. I called unto them; I warned them of the evil
of their way, but they refused to hearken to my voice;
give me, my sword, oh Father! that I may smite them
before they fall.

Oh not yet, my sister! exclaimed the pleading tones of

a sweet voice:--and the young Angel e: Philanthropy bowed
himself before her, and looked up from the midst of his
fair curls with a face filled with beseeching
earnestness. Not yet, beloved sister, said he, do thou
unsheathe thy sword for vengeance. I will descend to

the earth by thy side, and plead with the erring one for
his unhappy brother. I will win for thee an offering of
penitence from the hearts of the guilty, and with thy
blade break asunder the heavy fetters of the slave.

The eyes of the beautiful boy were suffused with tears
while he addressed her, and Mercy bent over him as he
turned towards the heavenly throne, joining her appealing
glance to his petition. (my emphasis)

In the allegory the Angel of Justice, a female, asked
that her sword might end the oppression of the slaves by their
white brothers. But, the Angel of Philanthropy, a boy, asks
that he might first descend to earth that he might change the
hearts of the oppressors. It is a child, a young boy, who was
yet innocent and unspoiled by the "world" who Elizabeth chose

to portray philanthropy. Significantly, the young boy was

30
endowed with a "sweet voice and fair curls" which are

typically considered feminine features. Perhaps the
femininity of the boy was necessary to convince the reader of
his virtuous character while reaffirming the prevailing claim
of females on the character of virtue. Demonstrating the
influence of Enlightenment thought Elizabeth emphasized the
innocence of the child. Elizabeth, who had found Locke's
treatise on the mind quite convincing, was apparently
rejecting the strict Calvinist teaching on the depravity of
children and original sin accepting instead the Enlightenment
writers' view on the unspoiled nature of youth. Reflecting
popular sentiment, the allegory suggested the moral life might
be found in a state of perpetual childhood. It was a boy, who
was likely not yet old enough to enter the public world of
commerce and industry, who could yet speak out against
slavery, a sin that industrial capitalism had not yet
condemned.

Even though the style of Elizabeth's writing and the
degree of religiosity was similar to those writers described
by the historian Ann Douglas, the topic Elizabeth chose to
concentrate on in her writing, slavery, makes it impossible to
categorize her with Douglas' control group who "determined
modern mass culture and defined consumerism".39 According to
Douglas, female writers of the nineteenth century reacted to
the "disestablishment" of women as producers by heightening
the importance of women as consumers. Through their

sentimentalized fiction they used the argument of motherhood,

31
pointing out that while women’s role as producer and

practically disappeared middle class women's role was
transformed into one of moral and psychic nurture. In their
verse these writers prescribed, as Douglas points out, that a
"lady’s pre-occupation is to be with herself: her clothes, her
manners, her feelings, her family".40 But-this was not
-Elizabeth's message. Elizabeth agreed with her contemporaries
that women's sphere was the domestic sphere and that her
responsibility was to her family, but her vision for women of
her century included more. She asked women to cross the
barrier between the public and private worlds by becoming
public advocates for the anti—slavery cause. The female
Victorian writers idealized middle class women not as doers
but as display cases for the accoutrements they might
purchase. On the contrary, Elizabeth asked women to be
participants in a cause that affected not only their own
families but was also a national concern.

It is interesting that Elizabeth placed a woman, the
Angel ovaustice, in a position to strike down the oppressors
of the slave. It is a female who will take up "the sword" in
defense of the black brother and sister and mete out
punishment on his white oppressors to restore all men to their
created state of equality. Placing a woman as the Angel of
Justice, even though an appreciation for justice was typically
a masculine characteristic, suggested that women had the
capacity to think and reason and were able to act justly.

Woman as judge contradicted the popular, contemporary

32
literature of the nineteenth century which denied woman's

rational powers. In her essay, "Anti-Intellectualism and the
American Woman" Barbara Welter insisted that popular
literature of the nineteenth century accepted and perpetuated
a dichotomy between rational and non-rational powers, the
former a characteristic of men and the latter of woman.
Welter found that men were portrayed as actors while women
simply reacted; men reasoned and were just while women loved
and were merciful.41 Elizabeth’s portrayal of women’s
activity in the antislavery movement insisted that women
understand the injustice of slavery.

Ironically, the other female in the allegory was an angel
of Mercy who assisted the young boy, the Angel of
Philanthropy, in his attempt to stir the consciences of the
guilty oppressors. According to Elizabeth’s portrayal women
could judge and declare punishment but also love and extend q
mercy. ~In a subtle way Elizabeth was presenting the dichotomy
between the rational and non-rational, realizing that women's
involvement in the antislavery movement might challenge
traditional beliefs about women’s nature and duties. In this
allegory Elizabeth, though probably without intent, was
setting the stage for a new dialogue for women based on new
images and these images would continue long after the
antislavery action ended. The allegory continued:

It was well nigh to eventime. The sunlight fell in

yellow gleamings through the branches on the gliding

waves of the stream beside which the Angel of Justice
stood leaning on her empty scabbard--She was watching

with a calm eye the eager and untiring attempts of
Philanthropy as he strove to free the shackled limbs

 

 

33

of a sad group who wept before him. He called on man

to aid him in his exertions. He pointed to the threat-
ening attitude of Justice as she lifted up her stately
brow and stretched out her hand with a stern glance to-
wards the sun, whose setting was to be her signal. But
prejudice and selfishness were strong in the human heart;
and they to whom the earnest appeal was sent gazed on
oddly for a few moments and departed. Already the hand
of Justice was extended to resume her blade, and her eye
bent in lowering anger on the inpenitent oppressor. Yet
still the unwearied boy with the passionate earnestness
of approaching despair, steadily persisted in his exer-
tions.

Then he called on woman. He pointed to her sister--
suffering—-miserable--and stretching out her manacled
hands to her for succour. The call was heard. Slowly,
and with uncertain steps, and eyes averted from the sad
spectacle before her, woman approached him. Her heart
was touched with the wrongs ef the injureg ones, but she
felt that her erm was weak, and her strength powerless;
and, bowing down her head, she wept Th pity and sorrow
over the objects pf her compeesion. But her aid was not
in vain. The tears shed rusteg the chains eh which they
fell!--and the exulting about of the young angel, as he
again snatched up the sword of Justice, rung like a
victorious battle-cry upon the ear of the oppressor. (my
emphasis)

—Surely the allegory is to some extent typical of the
sentimental, flowery writing which reigned as the predominant
and accepted style of many of Elizabeth's female
contemporaries, but she, having as her purpose "usefulness",
and having dedicated her writing to the cause of humanity
undoubtedly sought to present a moral issue and impress on
women the importance of duty in the above lines.

According to the allegory the woman moved with "uncertain
steps" to aid the slave, but this should not suggest that
women doubted the immorality or evil of the institution of
slavery. Instead, the uncertain steps were the recognition

that activity on the part of women, particularly on an issue

to which men had remained indifferent, was undoubtedly foreign

 

34
territory. Perhaps Elizabeth realized that such steps to

bring about the abolition of slavery would meet with
opposition and charges of female impropriety.

Even though the woman of whom the allegory spoke desired
to aid the slave the lines point out that she was overwhelmed
by her "powerlessness". Elizabeth acknowledged that women of
the nineteenth century had no real power, only influence.
Although Elizabeth insisted that woman's influence was great
it could not directly bring about social, political, or
economic reform. Nineteenth century woman did not have the
vote by which she might alleviate the bitterness of the slave,
nor did she, if she were a married woman, have a legal voice
regarding the estate she lived on or the purchase and selling
of the slaves in her own home.42 Perhaps the subsequent
"tears" were out of pity for the slave as the lines suggest.
Perhaps, they were also out of the frustration that she felt
being unable to free the black slaves that included many of

her own sex. In his book, The Antislavery Appeal Ronald

 

Walters maintained that the middle-class woman was frustrated
"by the fact that she was excluded from the world of public
event while being told she had spiritual qualities it
desperately needed".43 Regardless, the "tears" held a power
of their own for they rusted the chains binding the slave thus
illustrating how women might indirectly, through influence,
achieve gains in the antislavery movement.

Elizabeth herself was not content to limit women’s

influence and activity to the power inherent in "womanly"

35
tears. Elizabeth did not depend on such tears for too much

sentimentality might alienate her brother in the cause whom
she would work with if at all possible. Elizabeth’s
seriousness, demonstrated by the brevity with which she
addressed the topic of slavery in her poems and essays,
motivated her to a reasonable and logical attack on slavery.
Wholly consistent with Quaker teaching it was action, or as
Elizabeth referred to it, exertion, that was the fruit of
one's faith and necessary to liberate the southern slaves.
Elizabeth assured her readers in The Genius that in working
for the antislavery cause "your exertions will not be wasted—-
you can do much".44 That individuals must act in accordance
with one’s conscience was a recurring charge in her essays; a
charge significantly directed toward woman.

Elizabeth's own action did not go unrewarded. Shortly
after the formal acknowledgement of her position as editor in
The Geniue in the fall of 1829, she received a letter from a
free black woman,Sarah Douglass, who lived in the
Philadelphia area. Sarah and her mother Grace Douglass were
Friends and attended the Arch street meeting. Since 1796,
Philadelphia Friends agreed to accept applications for
membership without "distinction of color". Negro membership
thus became possible among Quakers but not common. Sarah and
her mother were consigned to "Negro benches" in Quaker
meetinghouses. The segregation of blacks and whites upheld by
the Quakers own actions led the famous abolitionists, Angelina

and Sarah Grimke', to join with Sarah and Grace Douglass in

 

36
their criticisms of the Friends on this matter in 1839. In

her letter to Elizabeth, Sarah Douglass thanked Elizabeth and
referred to her ongoing work as editor as Elizabeth’s
"untiring work in the cause of Emancipation", encouraging her
to continue on the same course.45 While Elizabeth did not
refer to the letter she was undoubtedly encouraged by such a
measure of support.

Support for her antislavery work by friends and family,
not to mention her supervising editor, Lundy, came at an
important time for within the Society of Friends a division
was taking place. Toward the end of the eighteenth century,
Quaker beliefs came increasingly under the influence of
evangelical teaching. Up until this time, Quakers had been
able to reconcile Scriptural teaching with their insistence on
an "inner light". George Fox had believed in the
compatibility of Christ as revealed by Scripture and Christ's
presence in; the individual believer. However, Friends who
were influenced by evangelical thought became convinced that
Scripture was the final authority and should be regarded as
the direct revelation of God. Even though the evangelical
movement did emphasize a direct religious experience, it also
demanded that the believer accept the divinity of Christ and
understand that Christ’s crucifixion was an act of atonement
for the sins of all believers.46

The division of 1827-28 centered on an individual, Elias
Hicks, a rural minister from Long Island and a strong opponent

of slavery and of the new evangelicalism. Hicks's

 

 

37
controversial opinions included the primacy of the Christ

within the believer over the Christ of Scripture, and his
refusal to acknowledge the significance of the crucifixion.47
Hicks, a strong supporter of free produce, traveled to
numerous Friends' meetings wearing unbleached linen to avoid
the use of slave products and taught his more radical, to some
even heretical, beliefs. In the following years, Yearly,
Monthly and Weekly meetings split into two groups: Orthodox
Friends and Hicksite Friends, the latter attracting the
greater number of followers. By some accounts, the schism
that divided the Friends was not simply the result of
doctrinal differences. Lydia Maria Child went so far as to
suggest in 1853 that the Hicksite separation resulted from
differences over the use of slave produce rather than over
religious beliefs.48 Child was not a Quaker herself so it is
not surprising that she did not know that both Orthodox and
Hicksite Friends supported the use of free produce; however,
her interpretation of the division reflected the disagreement
among Quakers over the manner in which slavery should be
abolished.

Elizabeth and her relatives were numbered among the
Hicksite Friends.49 It was evident from her writing that
Elizabeth drew from her Quaker heritage its commitment to the
antislavery cause; her poems that celebrate Quaker figures,
such as "John Woolman" and "Anthony Benezet", demonstrated the
relationship she saw between her faith and her views on

slavery. It is not surprising she and other Philadelphia

 

38
Friends, included among them the well-known abolitionists

James and Lucretia Mott, were attracted to the more radical
teaching of Elias Hicks and his willingness to speak out for
the slave. Perhaps Elizabeth recognized that she would be
given greater freedom to become involved in public activity
for, according to Margaret H. Bacon, Hicksite Quaker women
became "more assertive [than Orthodox Quaker women],
initiating actions and undertaking concerns".50

Elizabeth continued her writing for The Genius and her
involvement in the Female Free Produce Society when, in the
spring of 1830, her brother, Thomas, decided to move to the
western territories. After reading articles in the Saturday
Evening Egg; and the Atlehtic Monthly he was convinced of
Michigan's beautiful landscape, the fertility of the soil, and
the ease of transportation. He explained to their brother,
William, that he was "heartily sick of store-keeping and have
every reason to believe that I should like the life of a
farmer better than any other..."51 Elizabeth had lived with
her brother, Thomas, and her aunt Ruth for the past three
years so as Thomas made preparations to leave Philadelphia so
too did she and her aunt Ruth. While her brother spent the
summer as an "apprentice" to a farmer outside the city,
Elizabeth visited friends and family whom she might not see
for some time. No doubt she and her aunt Ruth packed those
items they would need for their new household in the Michigan
Territory. Elizabeth also packed books and papers. Finally

she made arrangements to continue her editorial duties for The

-39
Gehihe so that the move to Michigan would not interrupt her

work on behalf of the slave.

40
NOTES

1Sarah G. Bowerman, "Elizabeth Margaret Chandler", in the
Diehionary p; American Biography, (New York, 1929), 3:613.

2Carl F. Kaestle, Pillars e: the Republie: Common Scheels
end Ameriean Society 1780-1860, (New York: Hill and Wang,
1983)! Pp. 13'29.

3Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Poetical Works e; Elizaheth

 

Benjamin Lundy (Philadelphia: L. Howell, 1836) p.9.
4Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 8.
5Ibid., p. 10.

6William Chandler in Lancaster, Pennsylvania to Elizabeth
Chandler in Philadelphia, March 18, 1829 in Chandler Papers.

7Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 10.

 

8Ibid., p. 13.

9Frank L. Mott, h Hishory e: American Magazines, 1741-
1830 (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1930), p. 14-15.

10Mott, A History e: American Magepinee 1741-1830, p.
162-164.

11Rufus Jones, Later Periods pf Quakerism (London:
McMillan and Co., Limited, 1921) II, p. 561.

12Merton Dillon, Benjamin Lundy and the Struggle for
Negre Freedom (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1966),
pp.17-22, 52-54.

13Ibid., p. 85.

14Jones, Later Periods pf Quakerism, p. 566.

lsihe Gehehe e: Universal Emancipation, American
Periodical Series, reel 1272, June 3, 1826, p. 319.

16Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 10-11

 

17Carroll Smith Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and
Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth—Century America"
Signe, Autumn 1975, Vol. I, pp. 9-13

 

 

41

18Anna Coe in Philadelphia to Elizabeth Chandler in
Michigan August 30, 1830 in Chandler Papers.

19Chandler, Poehical Works, pp. 28—29

 

20Ruth Ketring Nuermberger, The Free Produce Movement, e
Quaker Propeet Againet Slavery (Durham: Duke university Press,
1942), p. 3. On Free Produce see also Norman B. Jackson, "The
Free Produce Attack upon Slavery"_The Pennsylvania Magazine_ef

Hiehor and Biegraphy, LXVI, No. 3 (July, 1942), pp. 294-313.

21John Woolman, The JourneT and Essays pf John Woolmeh
(Philadelphia and London, 1922), p. 283 quoted in Nuermberger,
The Free Produce Movement.

22Thomas Drake, Quakers and Slavery Th America (Yale
University Press, 1950), p. 59.

23American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of
Slavery and Improving the condition of the African Race,
Minutes (1829), pp. 57-60 quoted in Nuermberger, The Free
Produee Movement.

24Nuermberger, The Free Produce Movement, p. 16.

 

 

 

251he,§ehihe e: Universal Emancipation, American
Periodical Series, reel 1272, September 16, 1829.

26Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Essays, Philenthropic and
Morel, principally related he the Abolition pf Slavery Th
Ameriea (Philadelphia: L. Howell, 1836), p. 75.

27Chandler, Essays, "Domestic Economy" p. 75.

 

28The Ahlantic Souvenir p: 1828 (Philadelphia: Carey and
Lea), p. ii, in the Special Collections of the Michigan State
University Library.

29Elizabeth Chandler in Brandywine to Thomas Chandler in
Philadelphia May 19, 1829 in Chandler Papers.

30Thomas Chandler in Philadelphia to William Chandler in
Lancaster February 12, 1830 in Chandler Papers.

31David Kaser, The Cost Book e: Carey and Lea, 1825-1838
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), pp.
279, 281, 282, 284.

 

 

32Mott, A History e: American Magazines 1741-1830, p. 30.
33Ibid., p. 31.

34Ney Teph MTTpr, VI 151 (November 15, 1828) quoted in
Mott, h Hishery e: American Magazines.

 

42

35Kaser, The Cost Book pf Carey and Lea, p 281-82, 284.

 

 

p.
36Dillon, Benjamin Lundy and the Struggle for Negro
Freegom, p. 128.

37Chandler, Peetical Works, p. 37.

 

331bid., pp. 25-27

39Ann Douglass, The Eeminization p: American Culture,
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1977).

401bid., p. 57.

41Barbara Welter, "Anti-intellectualism and the American
Woman in Dimity Convictions (Athens: Ohio University Press,
1976): P. 77-78.

42Suzanne Lebsock, The Free Woman p; Petersburg Status
and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860 (New York: W.W.

Norton & Company, 1984), pp. 22-23.

43Ronald G. Walters, The Antislavery Appeal Americen
Aholipionism After 1830 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company,
1978), P. 102.

44Chandler, Essays, "Opposition to Slavery" p. 28.

45Sarah Douglass in Philadelphia to Elizabeth Chandler in
Philadelphia, 1829 in Chandler Papers.

46Margaret Bacon, Quiet Rebels: The Story pg Quakers Th
hmerice (New York: Basic Books, 1969), pp. 86-88.

47The Friend; e religious and literary jeurnal edited by
Robert Smith, American periodical Series, reel 523, vol. I.

48Drake, Quakers and Slavery Th America, p. 117.
49Laura S. Haviland, A Woman's Life Work: Including

Thirty Yeare' Service eh the Underground Railroad and Th the
War (Grand Rapids, 1897), p. 32.

O
H)

soMargaret Bacon, Mothers e: Feminism: The Story
Quaker Women Th America (New York: Harper & Row, 1986), p. 93.

51Thomas Chandler in Philadelphia to William Chandler in
Lancaster, Pennsylvania February 12, 1830 in Chandler Papers

III. A Voice in the Wilderness 1830-1834: Domesticity, Women's
Moral Rights and Duties, Education

"I sat at the side of the vessel, gazing on the scenery
that was passing before me with my thoughts divided between
the land I had left, and that which was in view, now reverting
to the past, and now dwelling on the untried future".1 In
August of 1830 Elizabeth moved with her brother, Thomas, and
her aunt, Ruth Evans, to the Michigan Territory. They had
reached Detroit by steamship, still a fairly costly mode of
travel but which would, in the next few years, become less
expensive and highly practical as thousands of new settlers
would make a similar trip to Michigan. Expecting to find a
significant amount of work in their new home they also took
with them a young girl, a bond servant, Emily.

Elizabeth detailed the trip to Hannah in a letter ex—
plaining their less than favorable first impression of the
Territory:

Detroit is a rather dirty looking place; here we

remained, however, only one night, and set off early

the next morning for Tecumseh. After proceeding

a short distance, the stage suddenly stopped, and the

passengers began, very orderly, to make preparations

for leaving it. For what cause this was done, I was

at a loss to determine, as, besides that it was much

too early for breakfast, there was no appearance of

a house anywhere in the vicinity. However, we quietly

imitated the example of our fellow travelers, and
descended to terra firma, when it appeared the measure

43

44

was one of prudence, required by our approach to

a long series of worn, loose, and uneven logs, denom-

inated a bridge! and stretching across a stream dig-

nified by the appelation of the river "Rough"! A real

heck-woods bridge! (her emphasis)
Elizabeth’s apparent disgust with the ill-kept roads was re-
peated six years later by the English writer, Harriet Mar-
tineau, who made her visit to the Michigan Territory. In her
highly critical book, Society Th America, she too complained
of the roads and wrote in 1836 that it took her six days
rather than the advertised four to travel the road from
Detroit to Chicago.3

When the family reached their destination Elizabeth's
brother, Thomas, was pleased more by the land in the vicinity
of Adrian rather than that surrounding Tecumseh, so he chose
eighty acres near Adrian.4. Not an entirely practical
decision for the only grist mill in the area lie in Tecumseh
which was six miles to the northeast; however, the region he
chose was settled by a strong Quaker community led by Darius
Comstock. Since Darius' son, Addison, had founded Adrian in
1826, the interests of that group were in large measure drawn
to that town.

Even though the region of southwestern Michigan was not
dominated by Quakers, numerous Friends were instrumental in
the early settlement of the area. Michigan, thanks to the
energetic advertising campaign of her territorial governor
Lewis Cass, was just beginning to look attractive to

Easterners seeking new land.5 Up until the mid-twenties

settlers had been discouraged by adverse government reports,

 

45
bypassing Michigan's "swamps and sandhills" in favor of

Indiana or Ohio. However the denominated, "Tecumseh Company",
made up of Musgrove Evans and Joseph Brown, and financed by
Austin E. Wing, founded the interior settlement of Tecumseh in
1824.6 By the end of the first year the settlement boasted
about a dozen families, each family adding to the security of
the settlement. Evans, a Quaker, had migrated from New York
and before leaving that state had campaigned strongly for
others to come. Records of land sales for the area showed
that out of one hundred-ninety individuals who bought land by
1830 one hundred thirty-seven were from the state of New
York.7

While by no means yet a town, Tecumseh did gain in that
first year a sawmill and a store, perhaps reflecting the imme-
diate needs of the settlement. By 1825, the settlement ac-
quired neighbors. Hervey Bliss and two other families had
settled in the lower Raisin river to form the nucleus of the
town of Blissfield, and Joseph Brown was assisting a brother
Quaker, Darius Comstock, in starting a settlement south and
west of Tecumseh.8

Darius Comstock, a neighbor of the Chandler family and
who Elizabeth referred to in letters as "Uncle Darius", set-
tled in a region he named "Pleasant Valley". He had completed
only a few months earlier an excavation and building contract
for a portion of the Erie Canal which opened in the fall of
1825.9 The completion of the Erie Canal, connecting Lake Erie

with the Hudson River, was an event of major importance to the

46
Michigan Territory because it facilitated the transportation

of passengers and freight between the eastern seaboard and
Michigan ports. Elizabeth wrote repeatedly of the rapid in-
crease of families into their settlement, noting once that
"Tecumseh and Adrian both seem to have nearly doubled in size
since we came here last summer..."10

The Chandler family, after a short stay at the Company
House owned and operated by Musgrove Evans and his family,
lodged with the Comstock's until their own home was com-
pleted.11 After completion they were undoubtedly proud for
the house was pronounced a "real slick one" by their neigh-
bors.12 Thomas, trying his skill at carpentry, made some fur-
niture, while Elizabeth and Ruth Evans completed the furnish-
ings with "aunt Ruth's rocking chair...A whisk broom--brushes
are not in vogue. Some kitchen utensils, and the red chest
placed on one of its ends against the partition to support my
desk, with Benjamin Rush and thy landscape hanging over
it..."13 Elizabeth, as much as possible, went about recreat-
ing the comfortable surroundings the family had enjoyed in
Philadelphia. Elizabeth promptly assured friends and rela-
tives that even though Michigan was a semi-wilderness, and by
her own definition "out of the world", "bumpkins" were very
scarce. Elizabeth found that resuming their religious routine
also was not difficult because the Friends community of which
they were now a part had already erected a meeting house.

It was after this move to Michigan in the period between

1830 and 1834 that Elizabeth Chandler produced the bulk of her

47

writing. While focusing much of her writing on the topic of
slavery, she also wrote some purely sentimental verse on
death, nature, and friendship. In her essays on slavery she
repeatedly called women to work on behalf of the slave but
this should not_suggest that Elizabeth proposed a signifi-
cantly different social role for women of nineteenth century
American society. The "Female Repository" of The Genius of
which she was editor carried essays and articles of a decid-
edly domestic nature. The American woman, according to Eliza-
beth, gained her strength and influence in the home; woman's
sphere of activity was appropriately the home which likely in-
cluded raising children. It should be, then, a woman’s goal
to acquire the proper domestic skills for only then can she
fashion a home that is pleasant and nurturing. Such thought
reveals that Elizabeth was influenced by and sought to perpet-
uate through her writings the canon of domesticity.

Unlike others of this period who felt that the ideology
of domesticity was irreconcilable with women's expanding
rights, Elizabeth found that women's traditional domestic role
made it even more important for women to recognize their
rights as moral beings. The ideology of separate spheres and
women's moral rights were made compatible through religious
arguments, the popular ideology of republicanism, and an em—
phasis on the family. Elizabeth used a highly religious argu-
ment for women's moral right and for expanding women's sphere
stressing the individual accountability of women as moral be—

ings made in God's image. But, in maintaining women's rights

48
and responsibilities as moral beings she did not deny that men

and women operated in separate spheres determined by different
social, political and economic roles. However, on religious
and moral matters women had responsibilities equal to men to
act according to their consciences. Such a sphere of activ-
ity, a third sphere, afforded women the opportunity to act and
speak at times, in places, and on matters that they had for-
merly been told to keep silent. Elizabeth also argued for
women’s moral rights and duties as citizens of a republic.
Although women’s sphere expanded to include teaching the re-
publican argument primarily heightened the importance of women
in their role as wives and mothers. Finally, Elizabeth in-
sisted that the viability of the republic was intricately wo-
ven with the future of the family and that it was the task of
women to protect and sustain the home.

Education became important to Elizabeth as a means by
which she as a single woman might answer the call to moral and
civic responsibility. Women as educators, whether that be a
mother instructing her children or a young single woman teach-
ing children in a school, could demonstrate their commitment
to a Christian republic. Particularly significant for single
women was that teaching offered the opportunity for a career
which was compatible with women’s domestic role. Teaching
children at school came to be seen as merely an extension of
the education they received in the home; therefore, teaching
was appropriately women's work. The call for female education

grew as the number of women sought careers as teachers.

49
Elizabeth was one of a small percentage of young women in the

early nineteenth century who had received a formal education
and out of her experience argued for all women to be educated.
Women's education would, according to Elizabeth, give women a
greater appreciation for their moral and civic responsibili-
ties to the young republic while not taking them one step be-

yond their appropriate sphere.

Domesticity

Historians of women and the family of nineteenth century
American society agree that the central convention of domes-
ticity was the contrast between the home and the world.14 The
home was a shelter; a refuge from the pressures of the world
while the world was ruthless and a place where men might com-
promise their principles for the sake of financial or politi-
cal interests. However, the home was also a source of power
for women during this period. The role of wife and mother
gave women influence over her children and husband. Woman's
influence affected not only her own home but could also have
social ramifications. "The influence of Woman, in determining
the amount of human felicity, is perhaps," Elizabeth wrote,
"even more powerful than that of her brethern. They must go
out, and endure the rudest buffetings of the world, in nerving
their minds to a stern pursuit of their various purposes; but

she, in the sheltered bower of her domestic retirement, has

50
leisure to analyze the strange workings of the human heart,

and to instill into it high principals of virtue".15

Elizabeth defended the existence of separate men's and
women's spheres but she did regret the lower status typically
attached to women's activity and women’s sphere. Rather than
advocating identical rights for men and women, a demand made a
decade later by more radical proponents of women’s rights,
Elizabeth called for a greater recognition for women's domes-
tic activities. Her vision for women’s rights did not involve
equal civil rights; she hoped to keep alive the differences
between men and women. She believed that men and women could
be equals in their respective spheres and the status of women
could be raised if women’s contributions were given greater
recognition. Elizabeth supported female education explaining
that "the great effort of female education should be, to qual-
ify woman to discharge her duties, not to exalt her till she
despises them; to make it her ambition to merit and display
the character of the most amiable and intelligent of her sex,
rather than aspire to emulate the conduct and capacity of
men".16 One way that women's contributions, intelligence, and
"amiability" would be recognized was through literature. In a
review of the renowned poet, Felicia Hemans, Elizabeth found
most noteworthy her piece titled, "Records of Women" noting
that "for in what should female genius be supposed capable of
excelling if not in dwelling proudly on the exalted merits of
her own sex, or extracting from their heart's chords all their

hidden melody..."17 She went on to explain that the "merits

51

of her own sex" included a woman's "buoyant spirt and womanly
affection".

Women's character because of nature and custom was, ac—
cording to Elizabeth, different than the character of men.
While men were ambitious, active, and destined for "sterner
pursuits", women "have patience, [a] fondness for children,
and are accustomed to seclusion, and inured to self-govern-
ment."18 Giving even greater evidence of her belief in men's
and women's differences was Elizabeth’s description of women
in the role of nurse. As various historians have suggested,
nursing the sick was seen as a central aspect of the woman's
domestic role in the nineteenth century and both men and women
viewed nursing as women's work.19 But understanding why nurs-
ing was women’s work, as Elizabeth described, was due to her
peculiarly feminine qualities:

The woman feels no weariness, and owns no recollection

of self...and thus, night after night she tends him

like a creature sent forth from a higher world: when

all earthly watchfulness has failed, he; eye never

winked, he; mind never palled, her nature, that at

other times is weakness, now gaining a superhuman

strength and magnanimity; herself forgstten, and her
sex alone predominant. (her emphasis)

 

By performing the tasks assigned, not by men, but by the "hand
of Providence", women could achieve true "female excellence".
The true standards of female excellence, according to
Elizabeth, were frugality, usefulness, and selflessness. It
was not men alone who were the cause of women's marginal sta-
tus but women themselves through unthoughtfull, frivolous, and
inconsistent behavior could not expect the admiration and re-

spect of men. A specific concern that she addressed

52
frequently in essays which, in part, reflected her Quaker her-

itage was women's preoccupation with fashion. Her essay
"Fashion Spectacles" was highly critical of the votaries of
fashion at the expense of their domestic duties as wives and
mothers. The "Temple of Fashion", as described in the essay,
housed a despotic goddess whose power dictated not only the
proper dress, but held a powerful sway over manners and opin-
ions. Her dress and manner were instantly imitated by the fe-
males at her side. But she would quickly become dissatisfied
with an article and discard it and this too was copied by the
female followers. Outside the temple "were heard the clamour
of many voices, uttering murmurs and revilings against" the
goddess and the obsequious compliance with which her orders
were attended to. "These were the fathers and husbands, who
had been ruined, both in happiness and wealth, by the folly
and extravagance" of their wives and daughters.21 Elizabeth
held home and the family in high esteem; consequently, she was
consistently critical of "worldly" influences which threatened
the home and encouraged women in vain pursuits. Not only was
such frivolous behavior a threat to home and family but also
stood in the way of achieving "female excellence".

Even though the family and domestic sphere were women's
proper place, the family did not escape all criticism, partic-
ularly the institution of marriage. Elizabeth believed that,
unfortunately, idealism often characterized women's expecta-
tions of marriage which could only result in disappointment.

She explained in her essay titled, "Harriet Rogers", that

53
young Harriet "wedded in her bright youth, with a high hope

that life should be to her a long and sunny dream of happi-
ness. But she had leaned her heart upon a broken reed, and it
gave way and crushed her".22 Although Elizabeth does not give
an account of the faults of the husband, she insisted that
"long before Harriet Rogers became a widow, her husband had
ceased to be worthy of her".23 Criticisms of marriage were
not unique to advocates for women's rights but abolitionists,
too, criticized the institution of marriage. According to
Ronald G. Walters abolitionists' critique of marriage was a
part of their wider desire for domestic reform. Since aboli-
tionists' rhetoric heralded the family as the one morally
reliable institution in a fluid and diffuse society, domestic
reform became viewed as essential to preventing social disor-
der.24

Abolitionists of the early nineteenth century were quick
to point out that slavery was to blame for what appeared to
them to be the uncertain future of family life. "Destruction
of the home fit with slavery’s symbolic function as the exem—
plar of what could go wrong with society".25 Pamphlets such as
"Slavery and its Effects on Women and Domestic Society" and
Elizabeth's own essay titled, "Influence of Slavery on the Fe—
male Character" successfully combined the abolitionists’
rhetoric regarding the sanctity of the home and Slavery’s de-
struction of it with an illustration of the adverse influence
slavery had on the very character of women. In her essay,

Elizabeth maintained that the system of slavery gave women

54
undue leisure time so that what might have been "noble

energies" and "habits of industry and extensive usefulness"
are "frittered away on trifling excitements of vanity and
fashion".26 She concluded that "with a heart undisciplined by
self-control, a mind enervated to frivolous pursuits, and a
temper accustomed to indulgence of all its humours...How im-
perfectly is she calculated to fill the station and perform
the duties assigned her by the hand of Providence".27 Such
adverse effects and a leading away from the true standards of
female excellence were not only the fate of Southern women who
lived in such close proximity to the slave system, but North-
ern women's character was also threatened. Elizabeth claimed
that "the ladies of the north imitate those of the south, and
a fondness for show, ornament, and extravagance, almost to the
exclusion of a desire for the better wealth of substantial ac-
quirements and moral excellence, invades all classes of soci-
ety".28-

Slavery, then, was a national problem that upset families
in the North as well as the South. Seeing slavery as more
than a regional problem was important for abolitionists, par-
ticularly the Garrisonians, who argued that race prejudice in
the North was effectively supporting the slave system in the
South. Elizabeth, too, saw slavery as a national ill and made
accusations of racial prejudice against men and women.both
North and South. Using the theme of national guilt for the
continued existence of slavery she hoped to mobilize all

women, regardless of region, to work on behalf of the slave.

55

"Or should we not," she declared, "every woman of us, north
and south, east and west, rise up with one accord to demand
that the system of slavery be destroyed".29

But there was something of a paradox here. Throughout
her writings Elizabeth sought to mobilize women presumably for
action, but, action of what nature? If woman's sphere was the
home and it was precisely the home and her seclusion from the
world that allowed for her moral excellence and incomparable
virtue how was she to demand that slavery be brought to an
end? As Aileen Kraditor points out women in the nineteenth
century who were involved in the reform movements were guilty
of inconsistencies. "Most of the time they accepted the cult
of domesticity and the doctrine of inherent sexual differences
in temperament and talents, while they demanded freedom to
work outside the domestic sphere and to be recognized as indi-
viduals with temperaments and talents as varied as men".30
But women's demand for freedom as an outgrowth of nineteenth
century individualism was not the theme of Elizabeth’s writ-
ing. She called for women's activity because it was precisely
women and the family, the domestic sphere, who were the vic-
tims of slavery in as much as the black slave and his family.
Elizabeth was not asking for female "autonomy" as Kraditor in-
terprets the writings on women’s action in the nineteenth cen-
tury, but instead, asked women to oppose slavery through av—
enues already open to them. Her essay titled, "Tea-Table
Talk" illustrated her adherence to domesticity for it was at

the tea-table, a strong symbol of women's domestic life, that

56
women might oppose slavery. For some women it would be enough

to spread the demand for the abolition of slavery through con-
versation with friends and family in their own homes.
Elizabeth, being single, did not use only those avenues
traditionally open to women of the nineteenth century, thus,
she could become a role model for a new type of woman. Even
though she remained largely true, in theory, to the social
prescriptions of her day, she expanded her own role in society
to include public activity. Elizabeth's sense of moral duty
and "calling" convinced her that her work as editor was within
the proper sphere of her activity. Elizabeth's belief in the
moral rights and duties of every human being provided the ide-
ological underpinning for both her call to liberate the slave
and her demands for women’s public activity. The connection
between women's status in society and that of the slave would
become increasingly important in the antebellum period as Gar—
risonian abolitionists rallied for the emancipation, and even-

tually, the vote for both groups.
Women's Moral Rights and Duties

Although she was able to recreate familiar surroundings
in their home in the Michigan territory and found company in a
community of Friends, Elizabeth did not find the break from
family an easy one. "I have been thinking so much about
Philadelphia," she wrote to Jane Howell, "that I am almost be-

wildered in finding that I am not actually among you".31 As

 

57
Marilyn Motz points out in her study of Michigan women in the

nineteenth century, female kin networks proved to be viable
and stable family units even in the face of geographic separa-
tion brought about by the settlement of the West.32 Eliza-
beth's correspondence with her aunt Jane indicates that female
kin did provide emotional support and gave practical advice on
managing household affairs. According to Motz, female kin
networks also offered married women some independence from
their husbands because they had an alternative means for eco-
nomic support.33 But, in Elizabeth's case, her female kin af-
forded her a community of support while providing a model of
self-supporting single women. It is significant that Eliza-
beth was raised by her grandmother and three single aunts.
Even though Elizabeth wrote of friends' marriages she makes no
mention of a desire for such a relationship for herself. In
moving to Michigan, she did not improve her chances for mar-
riage for by the 18303 Michigan was being settled primarily by
families.

The move to Michigan distanced her not only from family
but also from fellow advocates of the antislavery movement,
and yet, she continued writing antislavery prose and poetry.
An acquaintance suggested to her that perhaps the move would
end her work for the antislavery movement which inspired
Elizabeth to write her piece titled, "Oh Tell Me Not, I Shall
Forget" in which she insisted that she could not forget the
plight of the slave. After her arrival in Michigan and a

short time previous to one of its stated meetings, she

58
addressed these lines to the Ladies Free Produce Society in

Philadelphia:

You’re gathering day! and I am not,/ as erst, amid

you set;/ But even from this distant spot,/ my thoughts

are with you yet,/ Oh faint you not, ye gathered band!/

Although your way be long,/ And they who raged against

‘you stand,/ are numberless and strong;/ While ygg but

bear a feeble hand,/ unused to cope with wrong.

Communication through letters, newspapers and books was
extremely important to Elizabeth, particularly in her work as
editor. At the time of her coming to Logan township (later
Lenawee County) there was yet no library in either Adrian or
Tecumseh and she listed among her greatest grievances the
scarcity of books.35 The lack of books, but especially the
absence of current newspapers, worried Elizabeth because she
often gleaned topics of her antislavery poems and essays from
these sources. Elizabeth noted that the Saturday Eyening Post
and other correspondence from Philadelphia took almost two
weeks to reach the Michigan territory.

Not long after Elizabeth became editor of the "women’s
department", she received an uncomplimentary letter from a
young woman who did not agree that women should pursue an ac-
tive role in the antislavery movement. The young woman
charged that such behavior rendered women unfeminine or
"unsexed". The woman also claimed that slavery was a topic of
law and politics; therefore, it should be left to the
Wenergies of men". Stimulated by the criticism Elizabeth re-
sponded to such charges with an analysis of women’s moral

rights and duties and argued that women’s position both in the

North and the South was inextricably bound with the condition

 

59
of the female slave. Elizabeth maintained that a sisterhood

existed among black and white women which rested on their com-
mon roles as wifes and mothers. In her call for women’s ac-
tion on behalf of the slave Elizabeth insisted that, "In fact,
if we confine our views to female slaves, it is a restitution
of our own rights which we ask-~their cause is our cause-~they
are one with us in sex and nature".36

Even in advocating a public role for women, Elizabeth did
not propose a radical reordering of roles for women in soci-
ety. She consistently stressed the compatibility of both a
domestic role and a broader, societal role. "It is on all
sides acknowledged that, the domestic circle is the proper
sphere of woman," she wrote, "[but] we do not say that her
talents and influence should be confined within these bound—
aries".37 She still did not seriously question either the
definition of the family or the appropriateness of some spe-
cial spheres for men and women. But, she advocated a third
sphere, a public sphere, shared equally by men and women.
Elizabeth's appreciation for a third sphere was undoubtedly
influenced by the Quaker's stand on spiritual equality. She
argued that the cause of emancipation did require the
"energies of men" but "it requires also the influence of
women. She was given to man to be a helpmeet for him; and it
is therefore her duty...to lend him her aid..In this her coop-
eration may be of essential service, without leading her one
step beyond her own proper sphere".38 Even though the word

"helpmeet" has since taken on negative connotations in the

60

Quaker tradition "helpmeet" was used to describe a relation-
ship in which men and women operated as equals.

Spiritual equality, for Elizabeth, was translated into
individual accountability. In other words, as both men and
women are independently instructed by the "inner light" and
the light dwells in each person, the individual, both male and
female, were accountable for their actions or inactions.
Elizabeth argued that if "men refuse to abide by the laws of
God, eh; responsibility to do so is not in any degree less-
ened, because custom or even nature has made us subordinate to
them".39 Hence, this third sphere is a sphere not determined
by society but by a woman's own religious need to follow the
dictates of her faith, whether that means acting in concert
with men or independently of them.

Elizabeth asked questions of her female readers that made
them aware not only of their duties to the antislavery move-
ment but also to make comparisons between themselves and the
black female slave of the South. She asserted that women
should not seek "to direct, or share with men the government
of the state; but she should entreat them to lift the iron
foot of despotism from the neck of her sisterhood".4O It is
not wholly surprising that Sarah Grimke’ used the same phrase
but instead of the iron foot crushing the neck of the black
female slave she extended the metaphor to include the oppres-
sion of women in general. Grimke' stated in her Letters eh
hhe Egualihy ef the Sexes and the Condition QT Weheh that,

"All I ask of our brethern is that they will take their feet

61
off our necks, and permit us to stand upright on the ground

which God has designed for us to occupy".41

Although Elizabeth did not extend her analysis of the op-
pression of the female slave to include all women, her state-
ments do imply that her thoughts did entertain such a possi~
bility. She posed the question in her essay titled,
"Opinions" by asking: "Should our wise lawgivers see fit to
reduce he to the same condition as our southern female slaves,
would the dread of violating the softness and propriety of the
female character, deter us from remonstrating against the
tyranny and demanding an immediate restitution of our rights
and privileges?"42 Even though the question she posed was, in
her mind, purely hypothetical she was emphasizing a sisterhood
that would transcend distinctions of race. "We should feel
her indignity," she wrote, "as though nature had placed no
distinguishing colour [sic] between us".43 I

Elizabeth, then, fashioned an argument in which women not
only had the right but also the duty to extend the antislavery
cause. Her response to society's criticism served to intro-
duce many of the questions on the status of women and the ap-
propriateness of women’s sphere that were taken up later by
women in the women’s rights movement of mid-century. However,
Elizabeth's use of the word "rights" was not identical with
the meaning it held for women two decades later. Throughout
her writing she had called women to exercise their rights most
often referring to these rights as "privileges of the sex".

These "privileges" were by no means political privileges but

62
they were privileges of both a private and public nature.

Moreover, Elizabeth stressed that such privileges went hand in
hand with duties. Elizabeth used the model of moral
rights/duties, a popular argument for most women moral reform-
ers of the nineteenth century, to broaden the sphere of
women’s actions. She used the concept of moral rights to
claim for women duties which included a public realm of ac—
tion.

Elizabeth began her argument for women’s action by first
appealing to the nurturant, highly conventional view of nine-
teenth century woman. She wrote, "Woman was not formed to
look upon scenes of suffering with a careless eye..."44 That
the character of women was one of moral uprightness embodying
a concern for the less fortunate was supported by the popular
literature of the day. Women were perceived as the more sen—
sitive, emotional sex ruled by the "Heart" rather than the
head. Because women were of this character, "it is alike her
privilege and her duty to impart consolation to the sorrows of
the afflicted, and relief to the necessities of the desti-
tute."45

Elizabeth moved from the nature of women being particu-
larly sensitive to the less fortunate to insist that women
practice benevolence and exercise their gifts in the area of
philanthropy. She had faith that women would not ignore the
duties that accompany the privileges of being a woman. "Can
you be insensitive", she pleaded, "to the bliss of pouring the

oil of gladness over the heads of them that are despised and

63
afflicted? No: it is impossible that you should be thus dull

to the pleasures of benevolence."46 According to her argu-
ment, philanthropic work would reaffirm women’s worth and
demonstrate her moral nature. According to Kathryn Kish
Sklar's study of Catharine Beecher, devotion and service to
others, selflessness and sacrifice were seen as a positive
good and as the nineteenth century female equivalent to self-
fulfillment.47 Elizabeth was especially attracted to this
formula for it described her own experience.48

Elizabeth then sought to convince her female readers that
the slave should be the object of their work. She asked,
"whose cup is so crowded with wretchedness as that of the
slave? From whom may he hope for sympathy if her heart is
closed against the cry of his agony".49 Elizabeth concluded
that the slave had been forced to occupy the lowest rungs on
society's ladder. The slave was given no rights, and what was
worse, he was not even afforded measures of common decency.
The slave worked not for himself, but only to provide luxuries
and wealth for the slaveholder. His position was at all times
unsure, she argued, for without provocation he might be sepa-
rated from his family, his wife and children taken from him
and sold to distant plantations.

Elizabeth believed that the slaves' state was far worse
than the laboring poor in the North. On the topic of free la-
bor she insisted, "what matters it that, from the rising to
the setting of the sun, they may have bent their limbs to the

service of another? The twilight brings them their reward,

64
they go onwards to their humble homes with an unstooping mien,

and the blessed consciousness that no hand dare invade the
privileges of their home sanctuary. But the slave--how may he
lift up a glad eye to yon bright messenger? A release from
toil, if release indeed it bring him, lifts not the heavy yoke
of servitude off his neck. He too may have a home, a wife,
and a smiling group of young loving ones...but the threshold
that he left at the early dawn...may now be stripped and deso-
late".50 Elizabeth maintained that to hold another being in
subjection as the South held the slaves was a crime against
humanity. She countered the popular Southern argument that
the slaves were happy with their lot by insisting that one's
dignity and sense of security were necessary for human happi-
ness.

Women, therefore, must work against the institution of
slavery for this is her privilege and her duty. "American
women," she wrote, "Your power is sufficient for its extinc-
tion! and, oh! By every sympathy most holy to the breast of
woman, are ye called upon for the exertion of that potency!"51
Elizabeth then encouraged women to form societies, like that
of her sisters in England, so that their action might be uni—
fied. She believed that forming women's societies was not
only proper for women but also imperative because a united
voice would have a greater effect on public sentiment and pub-
lic opinion. In calling for women's societies, Elizabeth sup-
ported women as public advocates who must influence public

opinion against slavery. She asserted that societies gave

65
"the supporters of that cause an opportunity of numbering

their friends-~they are evidence that the opinions expressed
are not merely the effervescence of excited feeling in scat-
tered individuals...52 Moreover the societies provided women
with a supportive network out of which to act.

Elizabeth did agree that slavery was a political issue.
She wrote, "It is true that it is a question of government and
politics". 53 But she insisted that "it also rests upon the
broader basis of humanity and justice; and it is on this
ground only, that we advocate the interference of women."54
She argued that endeavors to alleviate the bitterness of the
slave borne out of a condition of injustice can never be un—
feminine. She stated, "Let her not give credence to those who
would persuade her that her interference is uncalled for and
unfeminine; that the existence of slavery is no concern of
hers, and the attempt to alleviate the condition of its vic-
tims, without the pale of her duties".55

And yet, Elizabeth appreciated the emptiness of moral
suasion without changes in policy and the legal structure;
therefore, she did encourage agitation in the form of articles
and pamphlets which might put pressure on those in government.
Before the gag—rule of 1836 which effectively cut off discus-
sion of slavery in Congress pamphlets and petitions were a
popular means of opposing slavery.56 Elizabeth wrote, "By
forming societies for the publication and distribution of
tracts and pamphlets relative to that subject, information re-

specting slavery might be largely disseminated..."57

66
Elizabeth's own verse was printed on the pamphlet "Slavery in

its Effects Upon Women and Domestic Society".58 The
frontispiece bore the seal first adopted by the British female
antislavery societies showing a kneeling slave with the
inscription: "Am I not a Woman and a Sister?" On the
frontispiece of this highly inflammatory pamphlet, printed
above and below the seal, were quotations, one from "E.M.
Chandler", and one from "L.M. Child".

Even as Elizabeth was writing these sentiments to her fe-
male readers in The Genius, changes were occurring in the edi-
torial staff of the paper. Not long after Elizabeth reached
her western home, Philadelphia relatives sent word that
William Lloyd Garrison, who had formerly been one of Lundy’s
editorial assistants, had been in the city publicizing plans
to establish a new abolitionist journal. On January 1, 1831,
less than five months after the Chandlers arrived in Michigan,
the first issue of his Liberetor was published in Boston.

The concept of immediatism which Garrison adopted a few
short weeks before he joined Lundy and his paper in Baltimore
provoked the split between these two abolitionists. Taken
aback by Garrison's move toward immediate emancipation Lundy
decided, "Thee may put they initials to thy articles, and I
will put my initials to mine, and each will bear his own bur-
den".59 The Lundy-Garrison partnership lasted only from
September 2, 1829, until March 5, 1830. While Lundy was gone
canvassing for new subscriptions, Garrison was jailed for

libel and ordered to pay $100. Garrison refused to pay but

67
Lundy persuaded Arthur Tappan, the New York silk merchant

prominent in antislavery circles, to pay the fine after Garri-
son had been incarcerated for forty-nine days. The partner-
ship was dissolved. Lundy blamed Garrison for exposing The
Genius to what started as a $5,000 libel suit while Garrison
thought Lundy too gentle to be effective.60 But Lundy bore no
grudge. In the January, 1831 issue of The Genius, he an-
nounced:
Just as this paper was going to press I received the
first number of the Liberator published at Boston by
William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp...It is neatly ex-
ecuted and, as might be expected, a warm "enthusiastic"
advocate of the total, immediate, abolition of slavery.
Lundy, desiring that Elizabeth be kept informed of all
important developments in antislavery thought, requested that
Garrison make sure she received a copy regularly.61 Thus,
from the start of its publication, Garrison's Liberetor
reached southern Michigan. Garrison, no longer an advocate of
gradual emancipation, allowed the newspaper to reflect a mili-
tancy that Quakers ordinarily did not indulge in; yet the hih:
epahor was read with favor by the Quaker settlers in Lenawee
County. Both Elizabeth and Thomas corresponded with Garrison
and he published Elizabeth's "Letters to Isabel", a series of
free—produce essays, in the Liberator early in 1832.
Although Elizabeth was able to continue her editorial du-
ties for The Genius by mail, Lundy was troubled that she had
removed herself from much of the antislavery activity occur-

ring in the East. My valued friend," he wrote, "if thee but

knew half the good thee is going in the holy cause..., I am

68
sure thee would see the propriety of placing thyself in a sit-

uation where thee might have every advantage that the most ex-
tensive and early information of passing events would give
thee".62 However, Lundy himself described his own position as
an "itinerant" editor. He traveled a great deal and carried
with him in his trunk his direction book, his column rules,
and his type heading so that he could put out the paper wher-
ever he happened to be. In 1826, when Elizabeth began con-
tributing to The Genius the newspaper was a weekly publica-
tion; however by the end of 1831 it was published only once a
month due largely to Lundy's own pre-occupation with the anti-
slavery fight in Texas.

Yet, before his removal to Texas, Lundy stopped in Michi-
gan. In February 1832, after touring the Negro settlement in
Ontario, Lundy arrived at the Raisin river community, where he
was a guest of the Chandler family. While he was there he
discussed recent events in the antislavery movement, particu-
larly those concerning the colonization effort, while also re—
newing friendships and persuading some members of the commu-
nity to subscribe to his paper. Elizabeth anticipated impor-
tant results from Lundy's visit, believing that he might orga-
nize an antislavery society before he continued his travels.
Even though he did not do this, Elizabeth was encouraged be—
cause the wider circulation of The Genius among her neighbors

was a step toward extending the Emancipation spirt.63

 

69
Education

While Elizabeth kept up her writing she found that con-
centrating on writing and participating fully in the work and
life of the farm and community was draining. She wrote to
Jane Howell, "I have just, my dear aunt, finished a number of
The Qeniue e; Universal Thencipetion and in spite of some
weariness of the pen and a headache...I have continued at my
desk...I wrote until the dusk last evening and then laid aside
my pen till the return of the daylight".64 Elizabeth took an
interest that year in spinning while also occupied by garden-
ing and housework which might include an afternoon of candle-
making with her aunt Ruth. In addition, Elizabeth wrote to
her aunt Jane, in May, 1832, that she had "had several invita-
tions to keep school".65 She requested that she be sent some
additional books so that "now while I have the opportunity of
doing so, I wish to fit myself to become a teacher, if at any
time it should be necessary or advisable for me to follow that
occupation". Evidently she no longer considered pursuing a
literary career the prospect of which had led her to struggle
with pride and ambition a few years prior. Perhaps, still a
single woman, she sought an occupation with more financial
security for she took some satisfaction in noting that she
could "always depend upon herself and her own resources for
support".67

Elizabeth’s numerous essays on education demonstrated her

interest in this area. Echoing the sentiments of Catharine

7O
Beecher, an educator writing at the same period, Elizabeth

noted that, "while there are so many pursuits, more lucrative
and agreeable to active and ambitious young men, there will be
a lack of gpeg instructors--of those who are willing to make
it their business. Let, then, the employment of school-heep;
ihg be principally appropriated to females".68 Perhaps at the
time that she wrote these lines she was even then considering
the occupation of teacher for herself. According to Keith
Melder, however, the opportunity to teach was ambiguous in the
nineteenth century because women could not expect to earn de-
cent wages. "As teachers, women could achieve the prestige
awarded to a noble calling, yet practically speaking they were
servants of a frequently unappreciative public".69 The educa-
tional system that emerged in the 18303 exhibited a pattern of
discrimination against women that became entrenched in Ameri-
can society's views on education. Women would teach particu- -
larly younger children where their emotions rather than the
intellectual capacities would be valued. Elizabeth's thoughts
on women as teachers substantiate the claim that women's expe-
riences as child nurturer, one of woman's traditional tasks,
was what equipped her for school teaching. Elizabeth defended
female teachers by insisting that "they are both by temper and
habit admirably qualified for the task-~they have patience,
[and] a fondness for children".70

Female education by the second quarter of the nineteenth
century promised to train women in the skills needed to fill

their "stations" as daughter, sister, wife, and mother. As

71
Nancy Cott points out women of this period were educated for

social usefulness; therefore, women’s education had to be
functional.71 Elizabeth's argument for female education,
then, was not fundamentally different than the fairly accepted
philosophy underlying female education. In defense of female
education she argued that only through education may women
"hope to take their true, their most dignified stations as the
helpers, the companions, of educated and independent men."72
True to the tenets of domesticity even the rationale for fe—
male education was gender specific; women should be trained to
fulfill the societal role ascribed to her sex, and likewise,
should the training for men suit him for his role in society.
If it was argued that female education would prepare women for
her "station" in life, then female education could be seen as
useful and, moreover, train women in social usefulness.

Elizabeth argued that a deficiency of the mind was not
the reason for women's supposed lack of intellect, but in-
stead, the result of social prescriptions. She insisted that
young women "be assured that, to sing, to dance, to dress, to
troll the tongue, and roll their eyes, is not all that is re-
quired to make young ladies agreeable or sought by gentle-
men".73 Around the turn of the century, according to Cott,
most all—female schools provided courses in social
"accomplishments" which seemed to contradict the emergent ide-
ology of functional education for women.74 Such a direction
in female education did not please the young, pious Quaker.

Elizabeth agreed with her contemporary critics that women's

72
"accomplishments are showy, superficial, frivolous...[but] the

fault is their education, not in the female mind".75 In
short, women should be expected to be rational and required to
be useful.

Elizabeth was an early advocate for universal public edu-
cation. She wrote, "It is necessary that all our people
should be instructed, as universal education is the main pil-
lar that must eventually support the temple of our liberty.

It is therefore a duty sacredly binding on our legislators to
provide for the instruction, during childhood and youth, of
every member of our republic."76 Elizabeth combined the call
for universal education with the fate of the nation. The re-
publican argument advocating female education, made popular by
Catharine Beecher, but even before her by the famous Quaker
educator Benjamin Rush, proposed that the welfare of its citi-
zenry demanded that the United States educate women. "While
our citizens are endeavoring so to improve their inestimable
privileges, that the men of future ages may be better and hap—
pier for their labours," she insisted, "have women no share in
the important task. Their influence on the manners is readily
and willingly conceded by every one; might not their influence

on the mind be made quite as irresistible..."77 What was

 

needed, according to Elizabeth, was female education that rec-
ognized women's mental capacities and appreciated women’s own
destiny.78

Educating women was important, then to the still rela-

tively young republic. In good Revolutionary style, Elizabeth

73
argued that women’s education should not encourage women to-

ward vanity and the love of luxury. Luxury and its incompati-
bility with an industrious republic had been a concern for the
revolutionary statesmen. Revolutionary Americans had placed
their greatest emphasis on industry for it was luxury and
idleness which had been the ruin of countries such as
Britain.79 Such revolutionary rhetoric continued into the
nineteenth century and as the security of the republic became
increasingly tied to the family, women's political value in-
creased. Not only were educated wives and mothers important
for maintaining social order but also for furthering political
stability. The citizenry of a republic must be educated and
since primary responsibility for educating the youth was often
left in the hands of their mothers the argument for educated
women was powerful.

Women's task in restoring social order was, according to
Elizabeth, no more necessary in any other area than the cause
of emancipation. Her essays on education capitalized on the
impressionability of children and the importance of women's
role as guardian and instructor. She wrote, "will not the
name of Africa--poor injured Africa--rise to her thoughts, and
that she, at least, will never lead the young beings who are
sporting by her side to become instruments in the work of op—
pression?"80 Elizabeth demanded that mothers keep their chil—
dren from worldly pleasures, especially those encumbent on the
slave system. Self—denial must reign over gratification. "To

instill juster sentiments into the minds of those who are to

 

74
be the future guardians of her welfare, her statesmen and her

counsellors, should be the task of woman".81

Women's tasks as educator did not stop with her own chil-
dren, nor according to Elizabeth, should it be restricted to
the white race. Elizabeth was an early advocate for the edu-
cation of blacks and called women, particularly of the South,
to educate their slaves:

Let not his [the slave's] moral character be com-

plained of, nor his intellectual powers be vilified,

until the experiment of his instruction has been

fairly tried...Let it be her task--the task of those who

wish to behold their country freed from a crime in

which they are perhaps compelled to participate--

to extend the hand of compassionate guidance to those

unfortunate beings.
Her commitment to educate the slaves demonstrated her right to
claim the title "abolitionist". As Larry Gara explained in
his essay "Who was an Abolitionist?" it is difficult to form a
strict definition of an abolitionist, but as most abolition-
ists defined themselves they included in the litany of requi-
sites a belief in the equality of the races.83 Elizabeth up-
held the call for race equality in her essays on educating the
slaves. She recognized that "there are many who are per-
fectly convinced of the injustice of the system of slavery,
and who would joyfully aid in its abolition, did they not con-
sider its victims...totally unfitted for liberty..."84 As
Elizabeth rightly concluded and historians have since sup-
ported one of the most formidable obstacles to the abolition
of slavery and the extension of equal rights to free blacks

was the widespread popular belief, North as well as South, in

the innate inferiority of the black race.

 

 

 

75
Beside the racist argument, southern slaveholders refused

to educate their slaves for they associated knowledge with re-
bellion. The uprisings of Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner chal-
lenged the slaveholders’ belief in their own paternalistic
benevolence toward the slaves who, in turn, were supposed to
be happy in the slaveholders' home. Southerners, seeking to
explain these uprising, thought Northern abolitionists had in-
cited the slaves to rebel and also concluded that educating
the slaves led to discontent. In her essay entitled,
"Ignorance", Elizabeth repeated the argument in order to re-
ject it:
But if mention is made of the propriety of emancipating
the slaves in their present condition, then instantly
their masters are alarmed at the consequences that they
are pleased to think must necessarily ensue, if so many
uneducated and degraded beings were, as they term it,
"let loose upon society". Thus although they acknowledge
that slavery is an evil...they cannot consent that it
should be abolished, until their slaves are fitted for-
emancipation by a preparatory education, and still, on
account of a just regard to their own safety, cannot suf-
fer them to receive the blessings of instruction.
As most abolitionists agreed, it was prejudice and the
"effects of long continued habits" in the South, rather than
innate deficiencies, which were responsible for the seemingly
apparent inferiority of the black race in American society.
Therefore, the responsibility for any intellectual or moral
deficiency on the part of the slaves rested squarely on the
shoulders of the entire white race.
While generally arguing that the slaves would respond
with gratitude when given their freedom Elizabeth did not be-'

lieve that the institution could operate indefinitely. Aboli-

tionists also knew the history of slave revolts both in the

76
United State and Haiti and almost universally sensed that the

race situation in the South was explosive. Indeed, they be—
lieved that slavery would end in bloodshed. Elizabeth's poem,
"The Slave's Wrongs", which described a slave revolt, was
reprinted and put to music by George Clark in his The hihephy

Minetrel first published in 1844:

Then came the scene! Oh! such a scene

I would I might forget

The ringing sound of the midnight scream,

And the hearthstone redly wet!

The mother slain while she shrieked in vain

For her infants threatened life;

And the flying form of the frighted child,

Struck down by the bloody knife.

Ah, know they not, that the tightest band,

Must burst with the wildest power?--

That the more the slave is oppressed and wronged,

Will be fiercer his rising hour?
Elizabeth’s work in this antislavery songbook support Lundy's
claim that her verse was commonly sung at meetings of anti-
slavery societies. The editor of the collection, George W.
Clark, on occasion a preacher and teacher, began singing at
temperance and antislavery meetings in New York and the Mid-
west in the 18303 and continued such activity all his life.87

To avoid the dire consequences of a slave uprising and to
alleviate the heavy consciences of men, both North and South,
the abolition of slavery should be immediate. If gradual
emancipation was to be adopted, she argued, prejudice and dis-
crimination would be qualified only by time and no longer con-
sidered an issue of right and wrong. Elizabeth, then, called

for a "desire for its immediate extinction, and an individual

resolution to promote that end".88 Such was Garrison's—

77
influence on Elizabeth’s antislavery thought that the female

editor of The G nius, a paper which championed the cause of
gradual emancipation by colonization, would demand immediate
emancipation. By the spring of 1833, she repeated her
commitment to the immediate abolition of slavery for she no
longer asked Southern women to educate their slaves, but
instead, insisted that "his emancipation must first be
accomplished, for till then," the slaves’ intellectual and
moral elevation "cannot be effectually secured".89

In the summer of 1832 her aunt Jane responded positively
to Elizabeth’s desire to be a teacher noting that, "my friends
all approve of thy keeping a school"90; however, Elizabeth did
not pursue the idea. Perhaps her decision was influenced by
the introduction of an "Academical School" which opened in
Tecumseh in the fall of 1832, only months after she had writ-
ten of her interest in teaching. Perhaps it was due to the
increasing receptivity of her community to antislavery ideas
for in October, 1832, a group of Quakers under her leadership
founded the first antislavery society in Michigan Territory
which they named the Logan Antislavery Society.91 At the time
of its inception the society proposed that they hold meetings
at least once a month. It was expected that twelve new mem-
bers would be added only a few weeks after the society’s first
meeting.92 Antislavery principles continued to gain ground in
the community, particularly among the Quakers who made up a
substantial number of the Raisin river settlers. In the

spring of 1834, Daniel Smith, the Quaker preacher in the

 

78
settlement, delivered a public sermon on the subject.93 But,

later that year, Elizabeth fell victim to a fever and her work
in the movement in her own community as well as her work as

editor came to an end.

79
NOTES

1Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Hannah Townsend in
Philadelphia, Summer, 1830 in Chandler Papers.

2Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Hannah Townsend in
Philadelphia, Summer, 1830 in Chandler Papers.

3Harriet Martineau, Society Th America (New York:
Saunders and Otley, 1837) vol. I, pp. 233-238.

4Thomas Chandler in Michigan to William Chandler in
Lancaster, Pennsylvania, September 8, 1830 in Chandler Papers.

5F. Clever Bald, Michigan Th Four Centuriee (New York:
Harper and Row, 1961), p. 146

6Clara Waldron, One Hundred Years: A Countpy Town, the
Village pf Tecumseh, Michigan 1824-1924 (published by Thomas
A. Riordan, 1968), p. 13-15.

7Ibid., p. 20.
8Bald, Michigan Th Four Centuries, p. 168.

9Memoirs p: Lenawee Count , Michigan, from phe Earliest
Time Down he phe Present, Including e Genealogical ehg
giographical Record pf Repreeentative Families Th Lenawee
thhhy edited by Richard Illendon Bonner (Madison, 1909) vol.

I, p. 311.

10Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia, April 15, 1831 in Chandler Papers.

11Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia, December 23, 1830 in Chandler Papers.

12Ibid.
13Ibid.

14The home as woman’s sphere is the organizing concept in
Nancy Cott’s The Bonds e: Womenhood, Women’s Sphere Th hey
England 1780—1835, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977).
See also Mary Ryan's Cradle pf the Middle Class: The Family Th
Qneide County, New York, 1790-1865, (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1981). Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine
Beegher: A Study Th American Domesticity, (New York: W.W.
Norton & Company, 1973).

 

15Chandler, Essays, "Time" pp. 90-91.

80

16Chandler, Essays,"Female Education" p. 8.

17Chandler, Essays,"Review of Mrs. Hemans Poetry" p. 70.

18Chandler, Essays,"Female Education" p. 9.

19See Marilyn Motz True Sisterhood: Michigeh Women and
their Kin 1820-1920, (Albany: State University of New York.
Press, 1983), pp. 97-100. Also Barbara Welter, "The Cult of
True Womanhood, 1800-1860" American Quarterly, vol. 18
(Summer, 1966) p. 162. '

0Chandler, Essays,"Female Character" pp. 50-51.

21Chandler, Essays,"Fashion Spectacles" p. 41.

22Chandler, Eesays,"Harriet Rogers" p. 36.

23Ibid., p. 36.

24Ronald G. Walters, The Antislavery Appeal: American
Abolitionism after 1830, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company,
1978), pp. 92-95.

251bid., p. 95.

26Chandler, Essays,"Influence of Slavery on the Female
Character", p. 117.

271bid., p. 117.

28lbid., p. 117.

291bid., p. 117.

3OAileen Kraditor, gp From the Pedestal: Landmark
Wripings Th the American Women’s Struggle for Equelity
(Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1968), p. 8-11.

31Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia, April 4, 1831 in Chandler Papers.

32Marilyn Motz True Sisterhood: Michigeh Women and their
Kin 1820-1920 (Albany: State University of New York Press,
1893), p. 14.

33Ibid., p. 14.

34Chandler, Poetical Works, "To the Ladies' Free Produce
Society", p. 175.

35Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia, February 12, 1832 in Chandler Papers.

81
36Chandler, Poetieal Works, p. 23.

 

37Chandler, Eesays,"Influence of Slavery on the Female
Character" p. 116.

38Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 22.

 

39Ibid., p. 24.
401bid., p. 23.
41Sarah Grimke’, Letters eh the Equality pf hhe Sexee

quoted from Gerda Lerner The Grimke’ Sisters from Souhh
Cepolina (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1967), p. 192.

 

42Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 25.

43rbid., p. 23.

44Chandler, Essays,"The New Year" p. 34.

45Ibid., p. 34.

46Chandler, Essays,"Letters on Slavery No. III" p. 48.

47Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine Beecher: h Shpgy Th
Ameriean Domesticity (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1973),
p. x1v.

48Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 36.

49Chandler, Essays,"The New Year" p. 34.

50Chandler, Essays,"The Favourite Season", p. 120.

51Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 19.

52Chandler, Eeeays,"Associations", p. 70.

53Chandler, Poetical Egghe, p. 22.

54Ibid., p. 23.

55"Slavery" in The Genius e: Universal Emancipetion,
American Periodical Series, reel 1272, April 1831, p. 188.

56Gerald Sorin Abolitionism: A New Perspective (New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1972) pp. 132-33.

57Chandler, Essays,"0pposition to Slavery", p. 28.

58Issac Knapp, (Boston) 1837.

82

59William Lloyd garrison 1805-1879 The Shory g; Hie Life
Telg hy His thlgren (New York): The Century Co., 1885) vol.
I, p. 140.

60Russell B. Nye, William Lloyd Qerrison and the
Humanitarian Reformere (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1955)
pp. 26-27.

61Benjamin Lundy in Philadelphia to Elizabeth Chandler in
Michigan April 2, 1831 in Chandler Papers.

62Ibid.

63Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia February 12, 1832.

64Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia September 8, 1833 in Chandler Papers.

65Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia May 5, 1832 in Chandler Papers.

66Ibid.

671bid.

68Chandler, Essays,"Female Education", p. 9.
69Keith Melder, The heginnings e; Sisterhood: The

American Woman’s Rights Movement 1800-1850 (New York: Schocken
Books, 1977), p. 27.

 

70Chandler, Essays,"Female Education", p. 9.

New England 1780-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1977), pp. 105-109.

72Chandler, Essays,"Female Education", p. 9.
731bid., p. 9.

74Cott, ephee pr Womanhood, p. 115.

75Chandler, Essays,"Fema1e Education", p. 9.
76Ibid., p. 9.

77Ibid., p. 9.

78Carl F. Kaestle, Pillars e: the Republic: Common

Schools and American Society 1780-1860, (New York: Hill and
Wayng, 1983).

83

79Drew R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic: Pelihieal Eeenomy
12 geffersonian America (New York: W.W. Norton & Company,
1980). Or, Gordon S. Wood The Creation pf the Ameriean
Republic, 1776-1787 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1969).

80Chandler, Essays,"Maternal Influence", p. 98.

81Chandler, Essays,"Associations", p. 69.

82Chandler, Eesays,"Education of Slaves", p. 52.

83Larry Gara, "Who Was an Abolitionist?" in The
Anhielavery Vanguard: New Essays eh the Abolitionists edited
by Martin Duberman (New Jersey: Princeton University Press,
1965)! p. 41.

84Chandler, Essays,"Education of Slaves", p. 52.

85Chandler, Essays,"Ignorance", p. 42.

86Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 14.

 

87George Washington Clark, The History and Geneology

(Detroit: Press of Morrison Printing Co., 1898), pp. 25-58.
88Chandler, Essays,"Letters on Slavery No. II" p. 45.
89Chandler, Essays,"Selfishness" p. 68.

90Jane Howell in Philadelphia to Elizabeth Chandler in
Michigan June 3, 1832 in Chandler Papers.

91Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 40.

92Ruth Evans in Michigan to Jane Howell in Philadelphia
October 22, 1832 in Chandler Papers. See also Laura Haviland
h Woman’s Life Work: Including Thirty Years’ Service eh hhe
Underground Railroad ehg Th phe We; (Grand Rapids, 1897) p.
32.

 

93Elizabeth Chandler in Michigan to Jane Howell in
Philadelphia March 9, 1834 in Chandler Papers.

IV. A Legacy

In the fall of 1834, Elizabeth contracted a "remittant
fever" which brought her writing and her work in the antislav-
ery movement to an end. She died on November 2, 1834 at the
age of twenty-seven after an extended illness of almost four
months. The illness came on so gradually and progressed so
slowly that she and her family had strong hopes that she would
recover. Her aunt Ruth wrote to family in Philadelphia that,
"a few weeks before her departure, she asked me if I supposed
she would recover. I told her that I supposed she would be
spared, if no new complaints set in".1 But, her fever climbed
and her body weakened.

After Elizabeth’s death, her brother Thomas wrote in a
letter to William Lloyd Garrison that, "after an illness of
eleven weeks, during which time she was wholly confined to her
bed, on the morning of the First day and 2d inst., she
breathed her last".2 Garrison published an obituary in the
Liberator of November 29, 1834 entitled, "Death of a Meritori-
ous Female Abolitionist". Lundy, who had been absent in Texas
and Mexico during her sickness and death, received the news on
his return in 1835 and also published an obituary in The Ge;

nius. Both Garrison and Lundy expressed their desire that

84

85
Elizabeth's best works would soon be collected and published

with a biography of her life, "so that she being dead, may yet
speak warningly to the oppressor, and soothingly to the
slave".3

William Lloyd Garrison's admiration for Elizabeth Chan-
dler and his appreciation for her work in the antislavery
movement was reflected in the words he used to describe her.
"Elizabeth M. Chandler is a name not familiar either to the
eye or the ear even of abolitionists," he wrote, "and yet
there is not a female in the United States who has labored so
assiduously, or written so copiously, in the cause of the op-
pressed..."4 Lundy echoed Garrison’s sentiments: "Well may
the philanthropist mourn; and long will the enslaved have
cause to lament the loss of one who was...a powerful and effi-
cient advocate of the cause of suffering humanity."5 Lundy
listed Elizabeth second only to Elizabeth Heyrich, English au-
thor of "Immediate, no Gradual Emancipation" printed in 1824,
on his list of philanthropic writers.6

Garrison was equally impressed by Elizabeth’s humility, a
quality he perhaps appreciated in others because it was some-
thing he himself lacked. "It was owing to a modesty, as rare
as it is admirable, that her name was not given to the public
- for she cared not for her own celebrity, but only for the
triumph of mercy and justice".7 Through her antislavery poems
she sought to place the slave, stripped of his dignity, as the
centerpiece. It was her wish that her poetry and prose might

be "useful" in awakening other’s senses to the injustice of

86
the institution of slavery and the bitterness of the slave.

It was out of such a purpose that she chose not to come be-
tween that message and the reader. Assurances from family and
close friends that her writing had resulted in forwarding the
cause of emancipation was enough. "Deserved praise," she
wrote, "may be pleasant, when it is on account of benefit that
has been imparted to others".8

Elizabeth Chandler, then, was little known by her contem-
poraries and has been almost completely ignored by historians
of the antislavery movement. She had published the majority
of her work either with only her initials or under numerous
pen names. In addition to "Emily" which she chose to sign to
many of her early works, she also credited her writing to
"Gertrude", "Agnes", "Bertha", "Constance", Edna", and
"Catherine". She undoubtedly felt that she had chosen wisely
when she set out on the path of the reformer, but must have
also realized that in limiting her writing almost entirely to
"philanthropic" matter and refusing personal acknowledgement
of her work, she was turning her back, not only on recognition
of her literary achievement, but on a literary career itself.
Perhaps it was a conscious sacrifice for the holy cause.

After her death, her family had considered asking Garri-
son to prepare a memoir of her life and serve as editor of a
collection of her works, but they found sentiment against Gar-
rison's antislavery views exceedingly strong in Philadelphia.
Jane Howell, Elizabeth's aunt, was particularly concerned for

Elizabeth’s reputation and that her work for the slave might

 

87
not be marred with too close of an association with Garrison.

She wrote, "I applied to three of the editors of our city pa-
pers, but they all made one objection, and that was to the
name of William Lloyd Garrison...they thought it would be
great disadvantage to the memory of the departed to have his
name in any manner connected with it. Would it then be
proper, my dear sister, for him to publish her biography?"9
Ruth Evans was at first undecided because she knew of Eliza-
beth’s respect for Garrison and was assured that her own com-
munity held him in the highest esteem. She was disappointed
that her former acquaintances in Philadelphia "generally feel
so much hardness toward him" for she "did not give credence to
all that [was] said against him".10

Meanwhile, Benjamin Lundy again approached Elizabeth’s
family asking for permission and assistance in publishing a
book on Elizabeth’s life and writings. Seven months after
their apprehension regarding Garrison as editor Jane Howell
wrote that Lundy "was very desirous to take upon himself the
publication of the book...He says he would like to have her
biography" and any of the papers that her brother, Thomas, had
collected.11 Lundy insisted that "the best plan that we can
probably adopt, will be to sell the copyright, for the first
edition, to some popular and influential bookseller".12 Lundy
admitted that his own work in the antislavery movement meant
that he was too busy to oversee the printing and sales of the
book himself. He mentioned to Elizabeth's family the

possibility of the publishers, Carey and Lea, taking over

88
distribution of the book because they had shown interest in

her work in the past.

Lundy proceeded to complete the piece, taking care that
Elizabeth’s antislavery work as well as her sentimental and
generally philanthropic endeavors were represented. He as-
sured Elizabeth’s brother, Thomas, that "thy aunt and Lucretia
Mott have both seen the completed manuscript, and expressed
their satisfaction with it".13 However, by the spring of
1936 Lundy had found that the mood in the North was not con-
ducive to printed material concerning antislavery. Frus-
trated, Lundy wrote, "I have, after preparing the biography of
our dear lamented Elizabeth, endeavored to dispose of the
copyright of her writings, but I have not found a book seller
willing to take it in that way, and I may add, they are afraid
to hepeh the "unpopular" subject of slavery" (his emphasis).14
Finally the collection of works was published by subscription.
Elizabeth’s Poehical flpphe with a memoir by Lundy was pub-
lished in Philadelphia in 1836. ‘Another volume, consisting of

her essays, entitled Essa s, Philenthropic and Moral, prinei-

 

peTTy related he hhe Abolition pf Slavery Th America was pub-
lished in the same year.

Even though the family had decided against asking him to
serve as editor, Garrison bought several copies of the pub-
lished collection to give to friends as gifts.15 Garrison
himself continued to refer to Elizabeth’s writings in his work
among the antislavery societies which were growing in numbers

across the northern United States. In a letter to "The Aboli-

89
tionists of Massachusetts" on July 17, 1839 Garrison quoted

Elizabeth’s verse in his argument for equal participation for
men and women in that state's antislavery society:16

Think of the frantic mother

Lamenting for her child,
Till falling lashes smother,
Her cries of anguish wild
Shall we behold, unheeding,
Life’s holiest feelings crushed?
When woman’s heart is bleeding,
Shall woman’s voice be hushed?17
Using these lines, Garrison went on to emphasize the unreason-
ableness of asking women not to speak out against slavery, a
sentiment that repeated Elizabeth's own call to women for ac-
tion on behalf of the slave.

Had she enjoyed a longer life no doubt she would have had
an opinion on the "woman question". Unfortunately, it is dif-
ficult to determine what her opinion would have been. While
she did regret the inferior status that society had assigned
her as a woman and she did advocate a public sphere for women,
she also demonstrated in her writing a respect for the sepa-
rate spheres and duties of men and women.

In a trip West in the fall of 1853, Garrison visited
Adrian, Michigan and stayed with Thomas Chandler and his fam-
ily. Garrison requested that he might visit Elizabeth’s
gravesite.’ He spent "an hour alone at the grave of Elizabeth
and pencilled a Sonnet on the post of the railing erected
around the deceased, expressive of my estimate of her virtues,
and the feelings of my heart". 18 In the Liberetor, December

2, 1853 Garrison detailed his visit to Michigan and included

the sonnet that he had written in her honor:

90

Tribute to the Memory
of
Elizabeth Margaret Chandler
In thee what glorious attributed combined,
To make thy life, (though all too brief in years
A blessing to the lowliest of mankind,
That earth no more might be a vale of tears!
Intrepid heroine in the noble cause,
Of outraged nature and the rights of man,
Shunning no cross, and seeking no applause;
In every conflict always in the van!
Here rest the body--dust to dust returned--
What soul more pure e’er tool its flight to heaven?
A deathless fame most nobly hast thou earned--
All honor to thy memory be given!
I consecrate anew, beside thy grave,
My life to bring redemption to the slave.19
Garrison noted that the reception the Raisin river commu-
nity gave him and his antislavery views was encouraging and
heart-warming. An antislavery agent from Oberlin College who
had completed a tour of Michigan in 1837 reported similar
findings that "in no part of the state have I found fairer be-
ginnings made" than in Lenawee County.20 According to Merton
Dillon,'"Antislavery sentiment in Lenawee County had been
placed on too firm a basis for its progress to halt with the
death of its principal exponent".21 Lenawee County had for so
long contained a center of both Quaker and Garrisonian anti-
slavery ideas; the appeals of both Lundy and Garrison had be-
come popular in that part of the state through the agency of
Elizabeth Chandler and other Quakers.
Although the initiative for establishing the Michigan An-
tislavery Society in 1836 apparently came from Presbyterians,

members of the Quaker settlement in Lenawee County took a

leading role in its formation. One hundred and six Lenawee

91
County citizens--more than twice as many as from any other

county in Michigan--signed the call to hold the antislavery
convention that organized the state society. Darius Comstock
acted as chairman of the organizational meeting held in the
Presbyterian church at Ann Arbor on November 10, 1836. Thomas
Chandler served on the three-man committee that drew up the
society's constitution; Darius Jackson, a neighbor of the
Chandlers, was made a member of the executive committee; and
Darius Comstock was elected vice president.22

In choosing to write almost exclusively on the topic of
slavery, Elizabeth Chandler became America’s first poet to
concentrate her creative activity on this theme. Although
other writers had published poems about slaves at the time
that Elizabeth’s poems were appearing they had not limited
their work to this subject. Lydia Sigourney, for instance,
did offer a number of antislavery poems but she generally
wrote more sentimental verse, often with nature as a theme.
Although Elizabeth’s works were not published until 1836, they
had appeared in several national newspapers in the period
1826-1834. However, John Greenleaf Whittier usually claims
the title of America’s first antislavery poet. Almost a
decade after Elizabeth made her choice, he chose a similar
course and put his literary ability in the service of the abo-
litionist movement. Initially he was associated with the Gar-
risonian antislavery vanguard and let his poetry carry a mes-
sage of reform. A collection of his antislavery verse ap-

peared as Peeme Written During the Progress ef the Abolition

92
Queshion in 1838, and another, voices pf Freedom in 1846. The

publication date confirms Elizabeth's prior concentration in
the field.

Although both Elizabeth Chandler and John Greenleaf Whit-
tier served as editors of abolitionist newspapers, the former
for The Genius (1829-1834) and the latter for the gehheyTyehTe
Freeman (1838-1840), Elizabeth had more in common perhaps with
other women editors at this time, for instance Lydia Maria
Child and Jane Grey Swisshelm. While Whittier might have re-
ceived criticism for the antislavery views he supported, Eliz-
abeth and other women editors were criticized on two counts.
Women editors met opposition not only for their views on slav-
ery but also as women in a traditionally men’s occupation.

And yet, these women were impressed by the special obligation
women had in speaking out against slavery and proceeded to ar-
range their lives around such a conviction. Although the op-
position Elizabeth experienced was not comparable in its ex-
tent to Jane Grey Swisshelm, whose press was smashed by a mob
and thrown into the Mississippi River in 1858 in an attempt to
silence the Sh. Cloud Visitep [sic]. Nor had she given up a
writing career that had enjoyed the success of Lydia Maria
Child’s who had published two novels and her children's maga-
zine before she directed her energies to the theme of slav-
ery.23 However, she stood alongside these women to ask that
freedom and rights be given to the slave and in doing so saw
to varying degrees that they too had rights which had been

withheld.

93
Elizabeth, too, walked a similar path of reform activity

that other Quaker women would walk for a variety of causes. A
recent study found that 14 women out of 30 of the abolition-
ists in the nineteenth century were Quakers, numbered among
them were Lucretia Mott and Abby Kelly Foster.24 The Quaker
tradition encouraged Elizabeth and other Quaker women to up-
hold the cause of humanity in order that equality between the
sexes as well as among different races might be restored. The
'tenets and members of the Society of Friends provided examples
of moral independence and reliance on an inner conscience, as
well as a guide to survival as a righteous but unpopular mi-
nority. Elizabeth’s own sense of moral rights and duties
translated into a challenge of society’s view of woman’s
proper sphere because it expanded woman’s sphere to include

both public work and private duties.

94
NOTES

1Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 42.

2William Lloyd Garrison, The Liberator, American
Periodical Series, reel 391, November 29, 1834, p. 191.

31bid., p. 191.
4Ibid., p. 191.

5Benjamin Lundy, The Genius e: Universal Emancipetion.
American Periodical Series, reel 1273, July 5, 1835, p. 6.

6Chandler, Poetical Works, P. 13.

7William Lloyd Garrison, The Liberator, American
Periodical Series, reel 391, November 29,1834, p. 191.

8Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 38.

9Jane Howell in Philadelphia to Ruth Evans in Michigan
January 21, 1835 in Chandler Papers.

10Ruth Evans in Michigan to Jane Howell in Philadelphia
March 5, 1935 in Chandler Papers.

11Jane Howell in Philadelphia to Ruth Evans in Michigan
July 20, 1835 in Chandler Papers.

12Benjamin Lundy in Philadelphia to Thomas Chandler in
Michigan August 6, 1835 in Chandler Papers.

13Benjamin Lundy in Philadelphia to Thomas Chandler in
Michigan February 16, 1836 in Chandler Papers.

14Benjamin Lundy in Philadelphia to Thomas Chandler in
Michigan February 16, 1836 in Chandler Papers.

15The Letters p: William Lleyd Garrison 1836-1840 edited
by Louis Ruchames (Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 1971)
Letter No. 51, p. 163.

16Ibid., Letter No. 158, p. 518.

17Chandler, Poetical Works, "Think of Our Country’s
Glory" second and fourth stanzas, p. 64.

18The Letters pi William Lloyd Garrison 1850-1860 edited
by Louis Ruchames (Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 1971),
Letter No. 64, p. 262. .

 

“l

95

19William Lloyd Garrison, The Liberator, American
Periodical Series, reel 396, December 2, 1853, p. 190.

 

20John P. Cowles in Oberlin to "Friend [Darius] Comstock"
in Michigan February 16, 1837 in Chandler Papers.

21Merton L. Dillon, "Elizabeth Chandler and the Spread of
Antislavery Sentiment to Michigan" Michigan Histor , December,
1955, p. 492.

22For a discussion of antislavery development in Michigan
see Merton L. Dillon "Elizabeth Chandler and the Spread of
Antislavery Sentiment to Michigan" and Maurice Ndukwu,
unpublished Phd Dissertation, Antislavery in Michigan: A Study
of its Origins, Development, and Expansion from Territorial
period to 1860, Michigan State University, 1979.

23Dorothy Langdon Yates, "Belles of Freedom Three Women
Antislavery Editors: Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria
Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm, MA Thesis, Michigan State
University, 1969.

24Carol Stoneburner, The Influence e: Quaker Women eh
Ameriean Hishory (New York: Mellon Press, 1987), p. 477.

 

 

96

V Conclusion

Elizabeth Chandler’s life and writings demonstrated both
her commitment to the ideology of separate spheres and to
women's participation in the antislavery movement, which in
turn, prompted women to step outside their prescribed sphere.
She recognized that slavery was a political issue yet she
called women to action so that woman could fulfill their du-
ties as moral beings. Thus, Elizabeth made two different ar-
guments for women’s action, one gender specific and one based
on the humanity of both men and women, black and white. Eliz-
abeth argued that women in her societal role as wives and
mothers should use their "station" to oppose slavery whether
that be by educating her children on the injustice of slavery
or by purchasing only free produce. But, Elizabeth also ar-
gued that women should oppose slavery not only because it was
necessarily a threat to the home and the family, but because
woman was a moral, individually accountable being. Despite
woman's role as daughter, sister, wife, and mother, woman had
a moral obligation to work on behalf of the slave even if men
chose not to join her. Therefore, although Elizabeth defended
the existence of separate spheres for men and women she also
proposed a third sphere, a sphere in which men and women func-

tioned as equals.

97
Although her argument was not a feminist argument she did

introduce in her writings some of the issues which became im-
portant to later feminist ideology. In addition to her argu-
ment for the moral equality of the sexes, she also advanced
the belief in a sisterhood of all women, regardless of race.
In the following years, feminists would make even more ex-
plicit comparisons between themselves and the black female
slave. These comparisons would lead them to demand equality
for both the slave and themselves. Elizabeth's antislavery
argument held the implicit assumption that slaveholding was a
male institution; southern white woman were seen most often as
victims, not perpetrators, of the system of slavery. She came
quite close to an idea that would be expressed a few years
later and that became the underlying principle of the feminist
rhetoric: women, like slaves, were in bondage.

Elizabeth’s own personal experience as an editor made her
a role model for other women who sought out public activity.
Although she was criticized for her writings on women’s public
activity, particularly for calling women to form antislavery
societies, she was strengthened by a supportive female commu-
nity, an abolitionist community, and her own moral purpose and
sense of "calling" to work against slavery. As a female edi-
tor, she sought to influence public opinion. Although she
left many of her articles unsigned she still placed herself in
a position that was daring for women in the early nineteenth
century. She sacrificed her own personal ambition as a writer

to direct all her creative energies into writing antislavery

98
verse. Such a decision led into what she viewed as a righ-

teous but unpopular cause. But it was in her position as edi-
tor that she became a pioneer in many senses - a settler in
the western territories, an editorial fighter for equality for
women, an early advocate for universal education, and a

pioneer writer in the antislavery movement.

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Welter, Barbara. DimiTy Canictions: The American Woman Th the
Nineheenth Cenhury. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1976.

-------------------- The AnTielavery Vanguard: New Eeeays Qh
The AthitiQniets. edited by Martin Duberman. New Jersey:

Princeton University Press, 1965.

.Nma .o ones .H surname

RN .d hpo>m~m ou :owuwnooqo

 

 

 

.mwausma .aa aNpH .mN mongoose .o.z.m am .a oaaseesana to promos one
use .a amps .ra nauseous ow .a muonsrmsm one
bad .d mmma .wa.uopEooon opsuupoo mm .d seaflooz anon

.oaa .a swap .aH sensuous moam< or .a 8 .oz . HosauH on usouuoa

.ooH .d aNmH .3 nonsense mocm< mm .d m .02 n aonmmm ou museum;

Na .a aNaH .am nonso>oz eosm< km .a 3 .oz u sesame on spouses

.Na .a aNaH .aN senso>oz so .a sass:

me .e aNrH .oN senso>oz ransom AN .a assasoaaaz

.55 .d mNmH .mH Monso>oz popmwumz he .9 nausea: may

.ek .a aNeH .me songs>oz me .a assuage

.ok .a amps .MH senso>oz assm< am .a m .oz . sesame on season

m suppose: as as .a owns .o nonso>oz .sH .a mousse use
1 .mo .a swap .8 non2o>oz roam< an .a N .oz . Harare on spouses
.oo .o awed .om ponoeoo mosm< mm .a fl .oz . ampere on spouses

coo .a a~w~ .on sonosoo .NH .a oososoeesese

:wcmeoz .mp2: we we .a meH .oa Honouoo On .a mnemom .mcmEoz .mp2 mo 3ow>om

.nn .d mmma .m popouoo opspuuou ca .9 wEAEmouo

:soanaoaem: as em .a onH .oN horseshoe an .d ao>eam mo soauaosem

.qa .o mNmH .ma quEoudom on .d pouompmno panama

.c..d amma .~ popsoudom w .d :oHumooom mameom

.q .d mNmH .N popEouoom uopmmumz m .d huo>mam mo muoommm

noduadwocmem Hmmuo>waa mo meadow ousumcwam mmm owddpnucmaasm .mmwmmm

posesaro

.2 nuonauaam .mhmmmm mo
« xHozmmm<

 

:« canon mm museum

.mmalnma
.hmH
.qma

.-~|H~H

HNH
MNH

.a ones
.a ones
.a ones
.a ones
.a ones
.a ones

.uonEoooa
.uopEooon
.uopso>oz
sponso>oz
.uop2o>oz

.uonso>oz

.mos .a ones .sonosoo
.am .a pass .ssse
.am .a ones .ssse
.pmnsm .a ones .ssse

.metwc

.o ones .osse

.wsuss .a ones .ss:
.oN .a ones .ss:
.Ns .a ones .sssaa
.ss .a ones .sssa<

104

mas .o ones .as serenade

.aruams .a ones .ss assesses
.oas .a ones .ss assessed
«as .a ones .m sensuous

oars .m sensuous
ones .as ssasaae
ones .ss spassae
ones .NN surname
ones .ss sunsets
ones .ms suppose
.sas .a oNps .r surname

.NNH .d

.aos .a

:woaomuoodm one: no sea .Q
.nmanoma .d

.oms .Q

was .a

dam

unnamed:

mam

mam
Hosanna:

mam
.umumwomz

onwosmuoo
cospawuoo
assume

mocm<

sss .d endow consum <

ass .a anoraszusso:

dos .a masssomusoz

.nos .d woodwomcoo mo opso> one
ma .o muscsquQEH

mm .o huo>msm

ma .d mooossmoa suspend:

so .9 womcam

om .a mass

mm .a ooaaseono

sp .a «assesses

mm .a o>asm passe one

cm .9 muozosm wosudm

sw .a ssmss pram

mm .o unoaomssocmumsm one
me .o m .02 I huo>mam so House;

as .d momsoxm

me .Q N .o: u zum>msm :0 Houses

Na .d oocmuoows

me .d H .02 I huo>mam :o muouuoq
me .Q moocoomscsEom sauce:

on .d mosomuoodm cownmmm

mm .d muowom wowuum:

we .9 muowumwOOmm<

5 .oz so .a senses o» spouses

on .d moon: pom unwsm

105

.mm

.d mmms .umnEoooa

sss .a news .eonEosaom
.oNs .o amps .osae
.d «mas .ssua<

.HMIom
.mHIcH
.mqa
.QOH
.HNH
.HNH
.Hmaloua
.moa

.mm
.n
.Q
.Q
.n
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.Q
.a
.9

Nmma
umwa
waa
Hmma
HmmH
Hmma
Hmwa
HmmH

.popsoomn
.pmpEo>oz
.humsupom
.uopsooon
ahumsunom
.ssmospom
.zumsppom

.humsupom

.emunms .e smas suppose
.mms .a sees .ssesaao

.mms .a sees
:eoousom: ma ans .o seas
.ams .a seas

.humsomh
.humoomw

ahpmooap

assumnumo

mam

mocm<

assumed:

mam

Hos .d mo>msm on» mcsmmoam pom accomom

mos .a easssu sense:

or .a euosrusssom

has .a assnam

Nos .d mcsuumm one

so .a xsae osnaeuaoe

Nm .d one» 382 0:9

mm .d mosusxss o>msm

ow .d EOsummuo>coo

ass .a assorosnansoz sensor
was .d wouomumno osmEom so mocossmcH
mas .n mumesmcoo

mm .d raccoon osumosoo

on .d honoumswcoocH

cm .o Hopeweuo>mam one

mm .d woooosmcs mo mwousom

om .d on mudguo mm mason

 

trel

1115

Liberty M

1!"!

106
Chandler's Poems

Appendix B:

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111

mm .m .omma .¢ .>oz

me .m .ommH .Ha .uoo

mmm .m .omma .m masn

mam .m .mNmH .m «can

 

 

ova 4m .com ucaucH

was mo woom way um>o

aaflsm :OMumucmqu m.uwnumm Cummz may

mafism
mNmH .oe
aaflem sum ..mawnm
owma numm .oa

aafiem sum ..mflfigm

¢wa .m .mmco no
mcom mnu 0» nuanmmamo
mnd .m
.ucwqu m.mu«z was
“mg .m

.ccmm mo mummua was

 

 

 

 

 

hm .m
.wmma .am& on .m umom seam .ummm
.mmmmmm .Nmma .Hm .umz mma .m .mmma .e .nwm xawem mNQH me .m .mfinm m>MHm was
flea .m .cmucaflcu one
mmlmmma «0 sumac way :0 mmcfla
muwczmwam acumHmnfia :Ouummfiocmem ammum>aca manumcmam ceaufimomeou mxuoz Hmofiumom cw
m.:0m«uumo :H . mm msacmu an no mama .oz wmmm .500m «0 «Haas

memom mo mcwumo

» 0 593mm?

 

AJ------IIIIIIIIIIIIllIlIIIIIIIIIIIII-II------------------—---——

 

 

 

mva .m .muoa .ma .cmn .mHm mm .m .cmoz
om..m .mmma .ma .>oz maflem boa .m .ummouao use
mwma zuw oE

oma .m .mNmH .vm an: xawem cum .omafinm mm .m .zo> m.mnunmon.

FNcH omm oE mm .m
mm .m .mmma .N .nmm xawem uma ..mdfinm .m>mam cmusummoom use

”Nod sand oE «a .m
gm” .m .FNQH .m .omo. aflfism nuHH ..mdflnm .mmm may no mzumma was
«mu .m .saoa .ou .>oz mm .m .smoumsm

“ceamuo> mumameoov ma .m .30:
.mm m .m .smma .q has» _aafiew mus» oaosmn H .auucaoo a:
ova .m .FNmH .N «can adage and .m .usmficcwz

ma .m .mmcfiz HH

uo nouamco nucmoumcfiz
va .m .hmma .vm .nom mafiem on» «o uumm mo ammunmmumm c

n~oH .suma

oma .m .nmofl .pu .cmn mafiem .cmn ..afifizm. oma .m .«wwsa ouc onus:

ouoszomam uOuMuuan ca msacwo an manumcmam vane .02 mmmm .uuuwa

 

 

113

 

 

 

 

 

 

”ma .m .omma .mu .cmn .m no .a .uaofim magnum use

nma .m .omwa .a .cmu .m mma .m .mcfiuwuuo m.ummw 3&2 4

mma .m .aan .mm .oua mcsuuuou mm .m .zmuoono may no Haomm¢ one

had .m .mmmH .md :own .0 .2 .m. an .m .uwaoum m.uo«vaom 0:8

mm .m .mmoa .bw .>02 .0 .2 .m on .m .mcaucwocc use

mm .m .mmoa .on .>02 .0 .2 .m co .m .2590 can name

Nm .m .mmma .m~ .uoo onauuuoo «NH .m .nouoxm <

vv .m .muwa .oa .uoo .0 .2 .m mwa .m .m>m~m are

mN .Q .mmma .N .uoo uwummumz oh .m .cmuo>wa was
aha .m .com

o~ .m .mmma .mm .ummm .0 .2 .m no: 0» umnuoz cmfiocn 059

m .m .mmoa .m .umwm .o .z .m mm” .m .maucuum
«a .m .mmmw_mmm umaocono “NH .m

uwcm>=om caucuauc .z .u .Ham3mumm m.umwuomcoo was
~m~ .m .mmma mmm uoavcmzo mad .9

uacu>=om caucuau< .2 .m .umunuuao n no asoodaaom
oumn3omam uOuouwnwa :H maficwo :H ousuacmuw wumo .02 «man .ouuma

114

mma .m .ommH How

 

uwcm>som cavemaut

 

 

omma .umEEsm «gag

umavcmso .2 .m mm“:

mea .0 .m2 umnEwEmm

baa .m .usmfiz

 

 

 

N» .m .mmoa sous: “mm .m .omoa mash noummumz a» .m .umnuam “so
an .m .oan hash .m no .m .eooo
«a..m .mmoa .om .cmn «e .m .onoa «can umummuuz mm .m .o>mam wcgaawcx was
vv .m .omoa wash monuuuou mm .m .WCMHHoHUMuOum
mm .m .Hmma .mm .nm& mm .m .omma an: uwuamumz mm .m .0» mam: co>am=
o~ .m .Hmma .~H .nom aw .m .omma an: mmcm< mm .m .w>oq cmwumwusu
.Hma .Hmuumcfiz me..m
Nmmmmmm .Hmma .wm .um2 AH .m .ommd Hanna mmcmd hm .m .Hmmmmtvm.w>mam was
mad .m .omoH .ow .nmm mocm< Had .a .cofiuommocoem
had .m .omma .ma .nmm. .o .z .m Neg .m .omxoumnu use
nmma .mo2 Aamcwmuuo EOum cwmw>mmv

mm” .m .uoxmoo. and .m .omma .NH .num mosuuuoo no .m .ugmaacooz
mod .m .omma .mm .cmn ozuuom mad .m .o>auu co>axm use

mumnzomam acumumnwa CH msucwo :H musumcmqm once .02 ommm .ouuwa

 

«A .m .Hmwa am2 .0 .2 .m mu .m .c0maum huge coumcunmoz

mm .m .uomuom

 

 

 

hm .m .HmoH .mH «can , «H .m .Hmma an: ousuuumo .Hamnm H uoz «2 H209 no
, mma .m .Hmoa Hanna mosuuumw mad .m .mocmom«c«§om
om .m .Hmoa scum: youamuaz mm .m .uonumm oopaouom «as
cu .m . . . an .m
.Hmuumcfiz .Hmma .aa .nmm «pa .m .Hmmd .nwm mmcmc mm .m .o>mflm «nu no xcwga
and .m .Hmma .nwm umuamumz ho .m .mmocomm
H .m .HnoH .m .nmm wma .9 .amoa .cmn mocuumcoo eh .m .uosmwumcwx was
mm .m on .m
5
u .Hmuumcfiz .unca .oa .umz Ema .m .Han .can unnumuaz . mm .m .m>oa H «none as
and .m .mmmm.mmm _ uoacangu omma .uoo
aficm>som caucmHuc .2 .m and: quMmm sq .& .m:«3ac:Mum «:8

mm .m .wumczquMCD

. or .m .omwa umamsc umummumz . «cu mo.m>muo use
.xcfina. ac .m .m .auoao
o .m..anmu .m .cmn wb .m .onma umamac .m m.»uucsou "so no gages

 

unanzmmdm uOuoumndq :H madame :H uuaumcmfim vane .02 «man .muuwa

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hma .m .Nnma .H .uma «a .m .mmoa .>oz yoummum: moa .m .uumfioaom .5» an mcfixooq
mm .m .mmma .mm kumc wcsuuumw «Ha .m .owmmoummo on» man «manna cc
. .m .m .Nmma .HN Hfium< oma .m .mamo cmwccu 0:9
«ma .m .Nmma Haumg acauuumo an .m .cmsaoo: anon
om rm .mnma .mH am2 qua .m .Nmoa nowmz mcsuuumo Nv .m .ummw us» no unawmmoucoo
mwm .m .mmmm.mmww, med .m .mmmH .nmh . .m mm .m .m>m m.umo» 3oz
.. uflco>som caucmau¢ moa .m .Han .oon. mcsuuuoo mu .m .usom umncsm was
om .m mofi .m Hoaccmso
.mmmmmmmmm .Hmoa .ma .>oz mm .m .Hmma nonouoo .z .u mm“: om .m .Emauo m.o«uu< may
6 mu .m .umwuuomwmcwm ummna
u wad .m .Hmma .m .omo cm .9 .Hme maneuoo ocauuumu .0» mo>mam comwnocmuucm one
om .a .Hmma u¢nOuoo umummum2 cu .m .mcwcuoz umessm
mma .m .Hnoa .om wash mu .m .HmmH .umwm .m «HH .9 .muoum m.oomm mauufig
aqa .m .Hmma .m .ummm c. .m .HmoH aasn mauumm Had .m .oosooum m>mam
on .m .Hmma «can mmcmc «ca .m .mugmaosa aamwfiwza
mu .m .Hmmd .5 an: an .m .Hmoa wean .o .z .u as .m .ss»: mcwco>m u.uaflso one
om .m .Han .w «as» mu .m .Han an: umuumuuz cu .m .«umsuoz .u>aflm a uH ans:
msficmo an muaumcmwm mama .oz wmmm .maufla

oumnzumam uouauwnaq :H

 

 

 

H7

1

 

 

.a .m .vnoa ..N an: m. .m .vmmH Haum< ocsuuuao MOH .m .noaaam onus 4
on .m .qmma noun: ocauuuoo mmd .m .weoz omauuou a:
an .m .vmoa swan: .aHm ooa .m .o:«a<.

ca .m .vnma .cmn .aam wha .m .Haaccmuo oococaum OB

o~ .m ..naa .ma noon ca .m .qmoa .cun gunman»: «NH .m .amsumfiuno

and .m .nmma .uoo gm: odd .m .uumcauum a as

oma .m .mmca .uoo ousuuuuu qu .m .......< on

mud .m .nan .umwm uuuumumz and .m .msoouu a 08

and .m .man .054 .cam moa .m .EuOum

”NH .m .mnaa mean musuuuuo cod .a .uucmaona mcacu>m

«e .m .man .nwm ausuuuuu ma .m .cHom use

no .m .mmma .nom .uam ooa .m .eooao

Av .m .nmoa .cab .U .2 .m mm .m .uauucwm acozuc¢

ca .m .mnau .om .cmn an .m .Nan .omo uwummuaz QOH .m .mEsHmnuumsm was
mod .m .c«am<

mad .m..~nma .H .ooo .uHu munch cu uoz «2 mmoum no
auuzzomam uOuauvn.3 :H mam CH vusumcmuw vane .02 ommm Java.

 

 

 

«maa .aaam m. .m

«ma .9 .mmmH umnEmomo ca cwuufiuz .ummmum can mmwmum
m «mma .Hamm

1 Ca cwuufiuz and .m .m:w> ammuom one

mod .9 .mp um.o
, mu~..@..vnma .m .m=< . mm .m .vmmH mean .mHm numammm “unease use
.. mm .m .oan .Hn an: .o .z .m mma .m .umuuncmz moon: was
vw .m .vmma .vw >m2 .o .2 .m MNH .m .mocmucwmmm
om .m .vmma .na an: no .2 .m mad .m .mmmumm an scan

muwnzwmam mmwmmmmmm CH mmmmmm cH muaumcmwm oumo .oz wmmm .mauwa