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thesis entitled

"Empowerment of Women in Self-Employment
Creation Programs: A Study to Conceptualize
Empowerment"

presented by

Satoko Kurata

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WW1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN
IN SELF-EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS:
A STUDY TO CONCEPTUALIZE EMPOWERMENT
BY

Satoko Kurata

A THESIS
Submitted to Michigan State university
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1994

ABSTRACT
EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN

IN SELF-EMPLOYMENT CREATION PROGRAMS:
A STUDY TO CONCEPTUALIZE EMPOWERMENT

BY
Satoko Kurata

The notion of "empowerment" emerged as a goal of Women
in Development in the late 19705 and is currently very
popular. However, the concept of empowerment has not yet
been clearly defined. This thesis explores the concept of
empowerment through a commonly planned intervention schem --
income generation/small enterprise projects. Empirical data
were collected from an equivalent intervention scheme, self-
employment creation programs for women in poverty in the
mid-Michigan area in the United States. Focus group
discussions with the women entrepreneurs who graduated the
programs and interviews with the programs directors revealed
that empowerment consists of four dimensions: economic,»
social, psychological, and political. These four dimensions

are interrelated. The data also showed that empowerment is a

process which starts from awareness within individual
consciousness, grows into action, and broadens to the
collective level. Empowerment also is a bottom-up process
involving challenge to the social structure by the
marginalized. It is a transformational process in which a
victim to becomes an agent of change. Some implication of
the empowerment of Third World women are also made out of

the American women's experiences.

Copyright by
Satoko Kurata

1994

To the memory of my father

Shoichiro Kurata

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am very grateful to the members of my MA guidance
committee, Dr. Rita Gallin, Dr. Maxine Baca Zinn, and
Dr. William Derman for their guidance and encouragement. My
special appreciation goes to Dr. Gallin for her patience and
intensive support. This thesis would have not been possible
without her generous counsel.

I deeply appreciate the women entrepreneurs who
participated in this study. I am grateful not only for their
time but also for sharing their insights about their own
lives and society. I also appreciate the help of the
directors of the self—employment creation programs, Ms.
LeAnne Moss of Grand Rapids Opportunity for Women (GROW),
and Ms. Lendell McEwen of Women's Initiative for Self-
Employment (WISE). Thanks is also due to the Executive
Director of the Ann Arbor Community Development Corporation,
Michelle Vasquez, and Inger Giuffrida of GROW. The

generosity and cooperation of all these people made this

vi

study possible.

I am grateful to the Zimbabwean women--women in income‘
generation projects and women in Zimbabwe Women's Bureau--
whom I met in Summer, 1993. My original research question
developed out of the interaction with them.

I acknowledge the support and friendship my colleagues
at Michigan State University have extended to me.

Finally, I thank the International Development Center
of Japan, which sponsored me for two years, and the Japan
International Cooperation Center, which allowed me the leave

of absence that made my study in the United States possible.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter
1.INTRODUCTION .................................... l
2.THEORETICAL EXPLORATION OF THE CONCEPT OF
EMPOWERMENT .................................... 4
(1)Income Generation/Small Enterprise
Project Literature ....................... 6

(2)General Women in Development Literature.... 11

3.METHODOLOGY ...................................... l6
(1)The Research Setting ....................... 16
(2)Data Collection ............................ 20
(3)The Sample ................................. 21
4.FINDINGS ......................................... 26
(1)Four Dimensions ............................ 26

a. Economic Empowerment .................. 26

b. Social Empowerment.................... 29

c. Psychological Empowerment ............. 34

d. Political Empowerment ................. 37

viii

(2) Overall Nature of Empowerment ............. 41
5 .DISCUSSION ....................................... 45-
(1) Structure and Nature of Empowerment ....... 45

(2) Implications for Women in the Third

World............‘ ....................... 50
APPENDIXES ......................................... 57
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................... 80

ix

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. Demographic Data, Focus Group Respondents .............. 24
2. Employment and Income of the Respondents ............. 25

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Basic Data on Two Self-Employment Creation
Programs in Mid-Michigan ......................... 19

xi

1. INTRODUCTION

The impact of Ester Boserup's 1970 work, ngen's Role
in Ecgnomic Develgpment, is reflected in the discourse on
both development and feminism. The need to acknowledge
women's roles in economic activities in developing
countries, and the necessity to eliminate the negative
impact of development projects on women were emphasized.
Through the development of the Women in Development (WID)
discourse, not only integrating women in development
projects but also fulfilling women's specific needs became
important.1 The feminist discourse in contrast, stressed
equality as a goal for women in development. This theme was
articulated by feminists influenced by the 1975 United
Nations meeting in Mexico City which led to the designation
of 1975-85 as the UN Decade for Women. These ideas urged a
departure from welfarist approach for women, which "treated"

them within the framework on their reproductive role as

 

1I use the term "Women in Development<WID)" to refer to
the broad literature and discourse about women or gender
issues and development in this paper for simplicity of
discussion. Thus, the term includes the "Women and
Development (WAD)" and "Gender and Development (GAD)"
literature and discourse as well (Rathgeber, 1990).

2

wives and mothers and assumed that women were passive
beneficiaries of development programs, to an "equity"
approach (Moser, 1993, pp. 62-66).2

From the late 19705 to 19805, the concept of
"empowerment" began to attract attention as a goal of those
involved in the field of women in development. This
attention reflects both a de-emphasis of the notion of
equality, which development agencies and Third World
governments perceived as threatening, and the emergence of
Third World feminism thought. Although still a relatively
new term, "empowerment" has gained much popularity among
both academics and practitioners. Especially in the 1990s,
the emphasis is shifting toward "empowerment," and the
abandonment of the pursuit of efficiency as a goal of women
in development (Young, 1993, p.131). In practice, the
concept of empowerment sounds less threatening to the status
quo, more realistic and grounded, thus more promising than

the notion of equality. However, the concept of

 

2According to Moser (1993), the equity approach aims to
gain equity for women in the development process,
recognizing women as active participants of development. It
challenges economic and political gender inequality. State
intervention and legislation were emphasized as a strategy.

3

"empowerment" has not yet been clarified theoretically. What
is empowerment? How is it different from the "equity"
approach? How is it different from being benefitted by
welfare? It is important to clarify the meaning of
empowerment in order to achieve the goal embedded in it.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the meaning of
"empowerment" through a popular development program for
women in poverty-—income generation/self-employment
creation. This program is designed to help poor women gain
income outside of the home through income generation groups,
co-operatives, and small or micro enterprises for women
clients.

The trend toward the "feminization of poverty" is
taking place not only in developing countries but also in
the United States. Issues of women in development thus are
also relevant to women in poverty in the United States.
There are programs in mid-Michigan that help poor women to
become self-employed and that aim to empower poor women. The
goal of this thesis is thus to conceptualize "empowerment"
through the study of self-employed women who graduated from
such programs. In the thesis, I explore the conceptual

structure and nature of empowerment theoretically and

4

empirically and discuss some implications of the study for

the empowerment of Third World women.

2. THEORETICAL EXPLORATION OF THE CONCEPT OF EMPOWERMENT

The concept of empowerment is best sought through an
actual program which is designed to support and empower poor
women. Income generation/small enterprise projects are one
of such programs. They represent a scheme not only popular
as a development intervention for the poor in general, but
also popular and important as a development intervention for

women in particular.3 Income generation projects were one of

 

3Income generation projects are a popular kind of
project in developing countries. Five to fifty members in a
community form a group for the production and sales of
commodities. A supporting organization often helps organize
a group by providing funding and skill training. Members
share the production, marketing, management, and profits,
which become members' additional income. In the case of
women's income generation, production tends to be limited to
"women's work" such as sewing, knitting, crocheting,
catering, handicraft (basket making, etc.). Sometimes, other
productive activities such as agriculture (poultry,
vegetable cultivation), brick making, housing construction--
non-traditional work for women-—are included. '

Many Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs, such as
church clubs or women's organizations), PVOs (Private
Organizations, such as the Ford Foundation), the Peace
Corps, and international organizations such as UNICEF carry
out this type of project. The grass-roots orientation of
this type of project also has political appeal.

5

the earliest development interventions created in the mode

of welfare and in the tradition of missionary work (Hellings
and Martens, 1992). Moreover, they have remained a popular
type of intervention because they are easy to start and it
requires little capital, and meet the urgent needs of cash
income for women and their families. They also mirror the
traditional forms of community cooperation in most parts of
Africa (Mayoux, 1988). In addition, because they have
multiple functions (economic, social, educational,
administration), income generation projects have gained
popularity among people who seek efficient development in
the name of "self-sufficiency." Economic problem of
inflation and high unemployment rates as a result of
Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPS) in Africa also have
accelerated the income needs of the household. Moreover, it
is well supported in the literature on the debt crisis in
the Third World that SAPS minimize the state's investment
and maximize a private, monetary orientation (Grown and
Sebstad, 1989, Tinker, 1990, Moser, 1993.)

Income generation projects that strive to meet basic

human needs thus are popular from the viewpoint of efficient

6

development. Moreover, creating employment and income for
women symbolically was perceived to generate a productive
role for women, improves women's status, and meets their
urgent need of cash for household survival. Finally, such
schemes do not threaten the larger society, especially if
they maintain a "mother role" type of production and stay
small scale. Therefore, examining income generation/small
enterprise schemes in terms of empowerment offers a good

place to begin to explore the concept.

(1)Income Generation/Small Enterprise Project Literature

Research about income generation/small enterprise
schemes, however, has rarely discussed the notion of
empowerment in depth. Nevertheless, there are strands in the
literature that can provide a guide for the study of
empowerment. Below I briefly review three approaches to such
schemes to develop a theoretical basis for the study of the
empowerment of women through income generation/small
enterprise programs.

Discussions of the impact of income generation/small
enterprise schemes can be divided into three approaches. The

first involves a technical analysis of projects. The

7
assessment of the project (success or failure) is discussed
in terms of its profitability and viability. This approach
is often adopted by practitioners and planners of supporting
organizations. On the basis of case studies, they analyze .
constraints to the project such as lack of marketing
strategy, under-funding, lack of organizational strength,
women's multiple burdens in reproductive, productive, and
community work, lack of women's orientation toward business,
lack of women's education, and so on."Rhe solutions they
call for are technical remedies, such as providing
technical/literacy training, information, and access to
credit, generating more incentives to participate, and
increasing the numbers and improving the qualifications of
personnel of the supporting organizations.

The second approach involves a theoretical analysis of

projects and is often undertaken by academics who question

 

‘It is often pointed out that women are already
overburdened due to their multiple roles and they do not
allocate enough time to income generation activity. '
Especially in female-headed households in Africa, where
husbands have migrated to urban center to earn cash income,
woman's workloads become very heavy (Mayoux, 1988, p.9).
"Income generation activity gives women an additional
burden" is an often mentioned critique of such projects.
(See p.10.)

8
the goals and the meaning of success of projects. Issues
such as under-achievement of economic success, welfare mode
vs. production mode, women's multiple needs, balance between
women's productive and reproductive roles, women's control .
over earned income, and women's income and status within the
household are discussed. In this approach, income generation
projects are often criticized for their "misbehavior"
(Buvinic, 1984) because they adopt a welfarist approach and
perpetuate female stereotypes.

The third type of impact analysis involves an
assessment of project impact on individual woman. There are
not many systematic studies of this kind (perhaps because
researchers lack the access to documents in development
agencies). In addition to the technical assessment of a
project, this approach addresses issues about changes in
individual participants in terms of economic resources, the
intra-household division of labor, women's status in the
household, gender relationship with male partner, and
women's attitudes, self-esteem, roles, and activities in the
community.

Approaches such as those outlined are not used only for

projects in the developing countries. Analyses of women's

9
self-employment creation programs in the United States have
also adopted these approaches. For example, SEEDS, a series
which deals with the economic roles and needs of low-income
women all over the world, also includes a monograph about a.
women's business development program in Minnesota (SEEDS,
No.15, 1993). It analyzes technical issues as well as
assesses the impact of the program on women who are its
graduates.

Although none of the approaches discussed above
systematically addresses the issue of empowerment, income
generation/small enterprise schemes do provide benefits for
women. They meet poor women's need for cash income for
survival. They also help strengthen women's bargaining power
(based on economic power), thereby improving their status in
the household. Such schemes can also be expanded from a mere
economic project to a social and educational project: skill
training often gives participants vocational training and
literacy training; birth control and other health
information can be disseminated through group meetings;v
women can learn about their legal rights; women can break

out of domestic isolation by establishing networks to

support each other.

10

In spite of the general popularity of such schemes,
those in the WID community often question their effects and
criticize them. They are considered less profitable than
expected and to result in insignificant economic gains by
participating women or their households. Because the social
aspects rather than the economic/production aspect of
projects are well developed, they do not grow into a viable
business. Moreover, even if a woman earned enough from such
a project, the control over the income is not necessarily
hers. Projects tend to remain with traditional women's
domains, thereby perpetuating female stereotypes. They are
also problematic because they place additional "burdens" on
already overburdened women without considering how to reduce
their principal workload (Grown and Sebstad, 1989, Hellings
and Martens, 1992, Tinker, 1990). They exclude women from
the process of the setting up of the project (Hellings and
Martens, 1992). Most fundamentally, this non—threatening
approach is a "soft option" that demands no structural

changes which might result in the "emancipation" of women.

ll
(2) General Women in Development Literature

The overall Women in Development approach provides
another perspective to conceptualize empowerment. Strands in
the literature suggest that empowerment involves not only a.
single aspect but multiple aspects of power. In other words,
empowerment is a multiple dimensional concept. One of the
few definitions of empowerment available is provided by
McKee (1989) who perceives that empowerment is one of four
measures of effectiveness of programs that support poor
women's income earning, and argues that empowerment takes
place in social, political, and economic lives of women.
More specifically,

"empowerment"...[is] evidence that women mobilize

and gain more control over their social,
political,and economic lives(McKee, 1989:993).

In McKee's view, then, empowerment includes an economic
dimension. Women's income earned outside the home is often
considered an important factor leading to economic power,
thereby giving them intra—household bargaining power and
improving their status within the household. Essentially,
the most fundamental need of women in poverty is to gain

income for the survival of their families, especially of

their children. Income, however, does not mean only money

12
for survival. It also represents a way for women to gain
power within the household. The linkage between income and
independence, bargaining power over intra-household decision
making, and control over household resource allocation has '
been pointed out (Evans, 1992, Moser, 1993, Rossetti, 1993,
Sen, A.K., 1990, Young, 1992). Women's income decreases
intra-household inequalities by improving women's status
inside the household.

Nevertheless, we have to look at dimensions of
empowerment other than the economic. Women's income does not
automatically relate to their power within the household.
The amount of a woman's income, the perception of her income
within the household based on normative expectations, and
whether or not she controls her earnings in the household
are intervening factors that affect the ability of money to
translate into social (especially within household) power.
As a result, women may realize no increase in control over
resources and in bargaining power. Indeed, their income and
participation to income generation activities may bring'

negative consequences.5 Therefore, we must look at the

 

5Mhango (1993) reports that in some families in the
program in which she was involved, tension between the wife

13

social aspect of power as a second dimension of empowerment,
separate from the economic aspect, paying attention to the
gender division of labor, women's bargaining power in the
intra-household decision-making process, and their control
over resource allocation and entitlement. However, these two

dimensions are interrelated: not only economic empowerment

 

leads to social empowerment, but also needs of economic
empowerment come from the needs of social empowerment. It is
because women's economic needs can be an expression of a
need that arises out of an unequal gender relationship
within the household.“

Attention should also be paid to women's relations
outside the household such as the socializing and networking
that women do with kin and members in the community. These
relationships constitute a social dimension of empowerment

as well as a source of social support to women.

 

and the husband emerged because of the husband's jealousy
toward his wife's interactions with the world external to
the household.

6Rossetti (1993) asserts that a "hot" issue which
emerges in the field within the projects of income
generation always is the gender conflict within the
household that women face who crave more income.

14

Although McKee (1989) did not mention it, a third
dimension of empowerment is psychological. Women's self-
esteem and sense of self-worth play an important role in
intra-household bargaining and mobilizing external strength.
(Moser, 1993, Young, 1992). In the clinical sociology
literature, women's empowerment has been analyzed in terms
of self—determination and autonomy, especially with regard
to male domination of society (Hall, 1992). The
psychological aspect of empowerment is also interrelated
with the economic and social dimensions of power. In
discussions about income generation/small enterprise
projects, women's low self-esteem, lack of aggressiveness,
and attitudes about their position in the labor force (e.g.,
secondary income earner in the household) affects their
earning capacity (Mhango, 1993, Young, 1992).

A fourth dimension of empowerment is political. Third
World feminists, who are the main supporters of empowerment
as a goal of development, emphasize the political aspect of
empowerment. They assert that empowerment includes
collective action. Young, citing the 1986 Program of Action

of the Government of India National Policy on Education,

indicates that:

15

"Women become empowered through collective

reflection and decision-making. The parameters

of empowerment are: building a positive self-

image and self-confidence; developing the

ability to think critically; building up group

cohesion and fostering decision-making and

action." In other words empowerment includes

both individual change and collective action

(1993:158).

The political activism of women is critical to the
global structural transformation that they seeku7'rhird
World feminism define power not as the domination over
others but rather as the capacity to increase self-reliance
and internal strength (Moser, 1993). Power based on such a
notion is necessary for them to pursue larger social change.
In this sense, we can say that the political aspect of
empowerment involves two issues: the importance of being an
agent of change by women themselves, and broadening change

by moving from the personal to the collective to the

structural. The organization of women and the generation of

 

7The ultimate goal of Third World feminism is the
structural transformation of the present global economic
system in which Third World countries are dominated by the
First World through a hierarchical division of labor (Moser,
1993, Sen and Grown, 1987,). In the clinical sociology
context, empowerment as social change is also emphasized as
a goal in terms of emancipation and liberation of all (Hall,
1992).

16

a movement directed toward changing their external world in
order to create the change that they seek is critical in
this dimension.

The discussion that follows is based on these four
dimensions of empowerment. To explore the concept of
empowerment and the nature of the interrelationship among
those four dimensions of empowerment, I examine the concept
of empowerment through the voices of women graduates of two
income generation/small enterprise schemes in the mid-

Michigan area.

3.METHODOLOGY

I explored the meaning of "empowerment" among poor and
low-income women in the mid-Michigan area who were involved
in a program that was equivalent to a scheme of planned
intervention for development conducted in the Third World.
The concept was examined with attention to four aspects of

empowerment--economic, social, psychological, and political.

(1)The Research Setting
The programs researched were Women's Initiative for

Self—Employment (WISE) and Grand Rapids Opportunities for

17
Women (GROW), which are self-employment creation programs
for poor and low-income women in Ann Arbor and Grand Rapids.
Both programs aim to "empower" poor and low-income women by
helping them achieve economic self-sufficiency. They provide
business training and assist women in completing individual
business plans at the end of the course. (See Appendix I for
information on each program.)

Participants are screened at the time of entrance into
'the programs on the basis of their readiness for business.
It is expected that they will start their own businesses
after graduation based on developed business plans. Personal
development seminars are also a part of the courses because
the organizations think it is important to increase the
participants' self-esteem. They also provide follow-up
services such as loan and lease programs, technical
assistance, networking and advocacy.

As can be seen in Figure 1, both programs were started
in the late 19805. Although WISE has enrolled more women,
both have graduated a fairly equal proportion of women.-The
graduates of WISE, however, were more likely to be self-

employed than were those of GROW. This may be because,

although both programs prefer that graduates become self-

18

employed, GROW has an explicit policy which lets graduates
work as employees rather than as entrepreneurs if they find
such employment more suitable for them” Employment is after
all a means to obtain economic self-sufficiency. .

WISE has a larger proportion of women who are in
poverty than does GROW. The difference is probably due to
their entrance policies. While GROW serves women in poverty,
they also accept women who do not live at or below the
poverty level, i.e., those who live just above the poverty
level and are not recipients of public assistance. GROW
also accepts women who want to leave an abusive employment
situation such as sexual harassment at workplace or minimum
wage. The majority of the enrollees at WISE are African
American (70%), while the majority at GROW are Caucasian

(61%). Although numerical data were not available, both

programs serve many single mothers (program directors).

19

IIRSURE 1

BASIC DATA ON TWO SELF-EMPLOYMENT CREATION PROGRAMS

IN MID-MICHIGAN

 

WISE

GROW '

 

Implementer

Ann Arbor Community
Development Corporation

Grand Rapids Opportunity
for Women

 

Year of the
Start

1987

1989

 

Target Area

Washtenaw County, MI

Kent and Ottawa
Counties, MI

 

 

Total 250 163
Enrollment

Total 178 (71%) 112 (69%)
Graduates

 

Business in

150 (84% of graduates)

65 (58% of graduates)

 

Operation

Economic 90%--at or below national 52%—-at or below poverty
Background poverty level* level

of lO%--lived less than 50% of 84%--less than the median
Enrollees the median income in Ann income in Grand Rapids

at EHNIFanCG

Arbor

(Statistics of Class
9/94)

 

 

 

 

Race 70%--African American 61%--Caucasian
28%--Caucasian 40%--African American
2%-—Other 4%--Other
Age Varies Varies
Marital Varies (single mothers Varies (single mothers
Status included) included)

 

 

 

*National Poverty Level, 1994

Size of Family Unit

1
2
3
4

Source: Federal Register Vol. 59, No. 67, April 7,

Gross Aggual Income
$ 7,360
$ 9,840
$ 12,320
$ 14,800

1994.

 

20

(2)Data Collection

I used the focus-group method to explore the meaning of
empowerment. The focus group method is used in fields such
as the social sciences or marketing in order to examine in-
depth attitudes and preferences. Usually small groups are
brought together for a guided discussion on a focused
subject. While the group does not represent the population
under study, focus groups are a time- and cost-effective
method, especially suitable to questionnaire development for
survey research (Babbie, 1990). The questions asked during
the focus group session centered on the women's ideas about
empowerment and its economic, social, psychological and
political dimensions. (See Appendix III for the issues
discussed.) The discussions were audiotaped and later
transcribed and analyzed for their content. I also
interviewed the directors of both programs to obtain their
views of empowerment. (See Appendix IV for questions.)

Five graduates from WISE program and four graduates
from GROW were recruited as respondents. The criteria for
inclusion were: (1) graduated from WISE or GROW more than
one year ago; (2) started their own businesses or were

presently employed; and (3) were originally low-income or

21

depended on public assistance when they entered the program.
Graduates were included because they have theoretically been
"empowered" through the self—employment creation programs.
Further, respondents were limited to graduates who had
completed the program one year prior to the study to obtain
a clear picture of change.

Each focus group engaged in approximately two hours of
discussion. Prior to the discussions, each respondent
completed a written questionnaire about their demographic

background. (See Appendix II for the questionnaire.)

(3) The Sample

The respondents age ranged from twenty—three to forty-
one, with an average age of thirty-four (see Table 1). The
groups consisted of four African Americans and five
Caucasians. Three of the respondents were married, five had
never married, and one was divorced. In sum, six out of nine
were single, although two of the single women reported that
they were involved in a relationship with a significant;
others.

The size of the respondents' households varied from two

to five, with an average of 3.4. The number of dependents

22

ranged from zero to three, with an average 1.6. All of the
dependents were the respondents' children. Seven respondents
had children and five of them were single mothers. While one
of the single mothers lived with her mother, others were ’
heads of households who were solely responsible for their
children.

The respondents had high educational backgrounds. Six
had some college education or had graduated from college
(either two- or four-year colleges).

The type of business the respondents operated is as
varied as shown in Table 2. Although all respondents were
self-employed, their mode of operation was not same: four
were self-employed on a full-time basis while the self-
employment of five was part-time. Out of these five
respondents, two also worked part-time for wages while two
worked for others on a full-time basis in addition to
operating their own enterprises. One of full-time self—
employed and another of part-time self-employed also
received public assistance. What this means is that the-
women could not solely depend on self-employment as a means

to obtain economic self-sufficiency; it is time-consuming

23
and risky to become successful women entrepreneurs. They had
to combine other sources of income with self-employment.

The respondents' individual income varied greatly, from
$5,552 to $21,000. Their median individual income was .
$11,000. The sources of their income includes money from
their self-employment as well as from other sources. Three
respondents received public assistance/social security for
the disabled. The respondents' total household income also
varied, ranging from $10,000 to $24,692, with a median
income $20,846. Total household income included partner's

or father's income, if there were sources other than a

respondent's own income.

24

TABLE 1

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA, FOCUS GROUP RESPONDENTS

 

 

 

Category Person(s)
Age 208:2

308:5

408:2 (mean:34)
Race African American:4

Caucasian:5

 

Marital Married:3
Status Divorced:1
Never Married:5

 

 

Size of 2 people:2
Household 3 people:2

4 people:3

5 people:1

N.A.: 1 . (mean:3.4)
Education Some college:3

2-year college graduate:2
4-year college graduate:2
Technical/vocational school:1
Other (15.5 years):1

 

Number of None:2

Dependent 1 dependent :2

2 dependents:1

3 dependents:3

N.A.:l (mean:1.6)

 

 

 

 

N.A.: Not Ascertained.

25

TABLE 2

EMPLOYMENT AND INCOME OF THE RESPONDENTS

 

 

 

 

Category Person(s)
Mode of Full-time self-employment:4
Employment Part-time self-employment:1
Part-time self-employment and part-time
employment:2
Part-time self-employment and full-time
employment:2
Type of Sewing (customized clothing, etc.):2
Business in Handicraft(jewelry, crotchet, etc.):l
Operation Video/Multi-Media production:1
Musical Recordings/Production:1
Safe sex/Women's sexuality shopzl
Word processing:1
Filing/Organizing personal finances:1
Foreign language translation:1
Amount of Less than $10,000:3
Individual $10,000 - $14,999:1
Income $15,000 - $19,999:2

$20,000 and above:1

N.A.: 2 (median:$11,000)

 

Source of

Self-employment only:3

 

Individual Self-employment and employment:2
Income Self-employment, employment and public
assistance:1
Self-employment and public assistance:3
Total Less than $10,000:3
Household $10,000 - $14,999:1
Income $15,000 — $19,999:2

$20,000 and above:1
Don't know:l

N.A.:l (median:$20,846)

 

 

Source of
Household
Income Other
Than

 

Husband's/partner's income:3

Father's income:1

Husband's income and social security: 1
Don't know:1

 

Respondents' N.An: 2
Inap.: l
N.A.: Not Ascertained. Inap.: Inapplicable.

 

26

4. FINDINGS
In addition to discussing the four dimensions of
empowerment, respondents were asked to define the concept of

empowerment. The analysis of their responses follows.

(1) Four dimensions
a. economic empowerment

In the discussions I asked the respondents to describe
how the changes that took place in their financial and
economdc lives had helped them.become economically or
financially better off. Most reported positive changes,
adding that their individual incomes varied from $5,552 to
$21,000. One respondent indicated that she doubled her
income, while another reported that she earned "pretty
decent" money. Two reported an overall betterment of the
material aspects of their daily living (e.g., clothing,
car.) Five said that their credit rating had improved so
that they were able to obtain a loan; pre-approved credit
cards had been mailed to them.

Nevertheless, only one respondent was solely dependent
on self-employment. The remainder combined other economic

sources, such as employment or public assistance, in order

27

to survive, to maintain their daily lifestyles, or to raise
money for capital investment. Married women were likely to
depend on husbands' incomes because their individual incomes
were the smallest in the sample. .

The women's degree of economic betterment did not
appear to be overly impressive because of the general
difficulty involved in developing micro-enterprises and
their multiple roles as entrepreneurs and parents (seven out
of nine), especially when a woman was a single parent.
Nevertheless, most respondents who had depended on public
assistance or lived at the poverty level prior to
participating in the program, and those who were living just
above the poverty level and working for the minimum wage,
expressed greater economic self-sufficiency compared to the
past. They did not have to worry all the time about whether
they could make ends meet. Moreover, their improved credit
ratings gave the women the financial capacity to expand
their businesses by acquiring loans.

Becoming economically self-sufficient and acquiring
better financial capacities seemed to be indicators of

economic empowerment, particularly economic self-sufficiency

(meeting basic needs) (WISE program director). This is

28

critical for poor and low-income women who are marginalized
in the labor market.

The group discussions and the interviews with the
program directors suggested, however, that there isa strong
relationship between economic betterment and psychological
change. One of the respondents expressed an increase in
self-worth when she began earning more than the minimum
wage, while another reported that she attained a "successful
and stable attitude" when she was able to leave public
assistance. Moreover, the program directors indicated that
the economic aspect of empowerment cannot be separated from
its psychological aspect. Psychological betterment is
necessary for women to achieve economic self-sufficiency and
to further develop of their businesses. As a result,
personal development is given special attention in the
courses.

One notable case was a respondent who became "worse
off" after first operating a business with high
profitability. She lost her store due to trouble with the.
landlord and is currently running her business out of her
home by a telephone/mail-order system. Because her income

has decreased, she is now on public assistance (Aid to

29

Families with Dependent Children [AFDC]). Nevertheless, she
believes that she remains empowered. In her words, she is
not "going back down the ladder." She will "continue to go
up," "changing direction [not developing her business but
lecturing at universities and other institutions]," knowing
there is more money to come from what she is now doing.
This case history implies that empowerment is neither a
matter of economics, nor is it an ultimate goal. After all,
as one respondent revealed, "empowerment is not just the
matter of money; you can make money through empowerment."
Economic betterment (becoming self-sufficient and developing
a business) thus seems to have more than an economic
meaning. I discuss the interrelation between the economic
and psychological dimensions of empowerment below. (See 4.

(1) . C:)

b. Social empowerment
To explore the social dimension of empowerment, I
focused on women's relationship with their spouse, other

family members (children and parents), and "significant

30

others" (if they had one outside the household), and women's
capacity to obtain social support.8

The respondents described the changes that had taken
place in their social lives, particularly in their
relationships with their male partners. One respondent left
her partner after she started her business because she
realized that her partner was not growing and felt resentful
about her "change." Another respondent who was divorced and
a third who had never married reported that they had broken
the "cycle of needing a man in life." The divorced
respondent added that her perception toward men had changed:
she expects men to respect her and she will not depend on a
relationship. She is careful not to be abused and, if
threatened, takes the initiative to change the situation.

One married respondent expressed an increased feeling
of happiness about her relationship with her partner; he is

supportive and she works with him for the non-profit

 

8In the questionnaire I asked whether they had a
"partner" outside the household in order to consider women
and gender relationship in a broader setting. I think it is
necessary to include non-formal relationship with or without
co-habitation, because issues of power and control also take
place outside the boundaries of the home.

31

organization he established, in addition to working part~
time as a self-employed word-processor.

Another married respondent reported that her husband
was jealous of her because, she thought, she was less
available to him. Nevertheless, she revealed, his jealousy
is not a serious problem so far and he also supports the
development of her business by providing transportation and
some marketing ideas. Yet another respondent reported that
the professional, rich man she dated became intimidated when
he learned she was developing her own business.

These revelations suggest that self-employment may
provide women's independence and autonomy. But they also
suggest that employment has the potential to create conflict
between partners as a woman's development of business
challenges existing gender stereotypes about women as wives
and mothers.

Information was not collected about changes that took
place in intra-household bargaining power, the decision—
making process, a woman's control over household resource-
allocation and entitlement, and her control over her own

income. It is because only three of the respondents were

32

married and, of these, one left the group discussion in the
middle of the session due to her personal schedule.

Three out of four single mothers in the focus groups,
however, reported that they delegated more household
responsibilities to their children after they started
participating in the self-employment creation program and
established their own businesses. In this sense, the women
were better able to mobilize family members to share
household chores, rejecting traditional gender ideology that
assigns primary responsibility for reproductive work to
women.

Another social dimension discussed was women's capacity
to mobilize a support system by networking with other women
and other community members. Respondents indicated that they
gained long-term friendships, mutual understanding,
mentorship, and sisterhood by participating in self-
employment creation programs. Even though the program
participants are becoming individual entrepreneurs, in
contrast to most women who participate in income generation
groups in the Third World, they placed great emphasis on the
networking potential of the programs. Such a process is

important to them because, as women in poverty, they were

33

isolated and alienated from the larger society, having few
people to empathize with them and support them.

These benefits were evident in comments such as: "They
} don't give up on you";"[The program] helped me to tell
myself, 'you can do it.'";"Sometimes we stumble...but they
tell you how to dust yourself off and get up";"It was nice
to have a place to meet women who came from the same
background and had dreams as wel...It [the program]helps to
network other people." The program, therefore, has become
their "new sludge," or "Kwanzaa”"9‘The mental and technical
support that women received not only reduced their isolation
and alienation and created a support system, but also had
the potential to create a political coalition among poor and
low-income women. One respondent addressed the social
meaning of the program as "fighting against a lot of
traditional attitudes towards women...minorities...

especially this community, which is really white, male,

 

”Kwanzaa is an Americanized African tradition that
celebrates the first harvest in the African American
community from December 26 to January 7. There are seven
principles to be practiced: unity, self-determination,
cooperative economics, collective work, responsibility,
purpose, and faith: One respondent mentioned that the
program from which she graduated represented these
principles.

34

business group." Similarly, the respondents felt that their
participation in other social organizations, such as church
and professional associations, provided them with resources,
benefits, and support. They thus are mobilizing and taking °
advantage of these resources to help themselves. Although
the women did not speak to the issue, such mobilization
could serve them politically if extended to action within

local government or society in pursuit of their interest as

is discussed below.

c. Psychological Empowerment

Respondents reported that tremendous changes had
occurred in their lives and its meaning. While living in
poverty or living just above the poverty line, the women
suffered from, in their words, "poverty mentality," a
feeling of "defeated, low, desperation, total devastation,
lack of hope." Being on public assistance was "depressing,
stressful, miserable," and "isolating, feeling fearful of
being cut off assistance." It made one's life "meaningless
and horrible" and, according to the WISE director, led to
low self-esteem. These are the psychological repercussions

caused by economic deprivation. Two college-educated

35
Caucasian respondents added yet another consequence of such
deprivation. They spoke to the frustration that came from
the contradiction between their theoretical marketability in
the labor force and the reality that they were turned down .
for full-time, or part-time jobs, or even full-time jobs at
a minimum wage.

Some respondents analyzed the notion of "poverty
mentality," explaining that it came from dealing with social
barriers that perpetuate stereotypes of women and
minorities. According to their analysis, society does not
give hope to women, ethnic minorities, or the poor. Rather,
it "keeps the rich and powerful rich and powerful." One
respondent added that an abusive childhood also creates
similar psychological effects. And the GROW director
mentioned that a life time of negative experiences,
including not getting the education needed to move forward,
and being constantly under the control of a husband, an
employer, or a government that provides public assistance,
also affect women in a similar way.

The psychological changes respondents experienced

through their participation in the programs and the

development of their own businesses after graduation were

36

described as follows: they gained a stronger sense of hope;
they were more relaxed and less overwhelmed by a lack of
hope or the constant anxiety for survival; and they felt
good and gained a sense of accomplishment, respect for
themselves, confidence, self—worth, and self-acceptance.
They felt they were living real, meaningful lives and they
were satisfied with their lives. They believed that they
were no longer victims and did not have to take abuse any
longer. Two respondents went from being introverted to
extroverted.

Becoming an entrepreneur (the process) and economic
betterment (the outcome) seem to contribute to psychological
empowerment. At the same time, some respondents and the
program directors asserted that psychological "empowerment"
is important to become an entrepreneur and to generate a
good business performance. As discussed above, and as one
respondent said, "...these [personal] things definitely
affect my own business....You can't really divide your
professional life and your personal life." Psychological
empowerment is closely related to the process of becoming
self-sufficient by establishing a business. In addition to

creating a sense of self-worth, high self-esteem, and hope,

37

attitudinal changes such as rejecting the victim role,
taking control, and not making excuses that keep people down
were emphasized. In this way, psychological empowerment and
economic empowerment are closely connected. Psychological .
empowerment has an important meaning for women in poverty

because economic deprivation penetrates deep inside the

individual.

d. Political empowerment

I defined "political" broadly, as any activity designed
to pursue an interest collectively, or any "attempt to
change social and economic institutions that embody the
basic power relations in our society"(Bookman and Morgen,
1988, p.4).

Respondents indicated increased participation in the
professional associations that influence public
administration or politics while pursuing their own
interests. One respondent belonged to GROW's Speaker's
Bureau while another belonged to a Speaker's Bureau at the
national level. A third respondent has worked and will
continue to work another term as a board member of the

program from which she graduated. Other respondents

38

participated in professional organizations, such as
Professional Women's Network, Coalition of Community
Investment, Association of Self-Employed, all of which have
the potential to work politically representing the members'
interests. Yet another respondent maintains her political
activities in community black organizations, in which she
was involved before entering the self—employment creation
program. Although the last case does not indicate that
change was created by becoming self-employed, the other
examples provided can be seen as indicators of increased
political empowerment.

Indeed, most of the respondents indicated an increased
political awareness as women entrepreneurs. This awareness
grew out of their experiences dealing with the public
assistance system as they strived to attain economic self—
sufficiency. Their experiences as entrepreneurs developed
their political awareness as well. In addition to Michigan's
upcoming off-year elections, respondents participated in a
heated discussion about local politics as well as policies
at the federal level that affected women and single or
divorced mothers in poverty. They had explicit ideas about

what they wanted and what they expected. They criticized

39

local politicians and the national legislature, saying that
the laws and politics protected men's privilege. "This is a
man's world," two respondents said, while another corrected

them.by adding, "This is a white man's world. It's not a

 

man's world, it's a white man's world" (emphasis added).

Two respondents indented to establish an organization
through which they could make changes in society. They said
that in a long term, they wanted to use their businesses as
spring boards to begin philanthropic efforts.

Although the women's political awareness is greater
than it had been earlier, most of their political activity
seems to be within professional associations. Nevertheless,
their political involvement could be seen in other areas at
the community, local, state, and federal levels. While the
GROW director did not expect participants to become
politically active, the WISE program director anticipated
that graduates would become active politically in their
community and continue their involvement as they felt more
cmmfortable. Nevertheless, the GROW director also indicated
the graduates' involvement in community activities is an

outcome of empowerment.

40

Political involvement benefits women in poverty when
they acknowledge the oppressive nature of the social
structure and confront it. One respondent emphasized that
personal empowerment must become broad, although she did not
address how. She thought that what she and other women were
doing through this type of programs was "very
revolutionary": changing the social system that keeps women
and minorities poverty stricken and pressed down with low
self-esteem. Political involvement is necessary for such a
"revolution."

In this sense, both programs could serve as
organizations that politically represent women in poverty.
In addition to their advocacy function on behalf of their
participants and graduates at the state level, they are a
good political channel through which women can become
politically active. In fact, a state-wide network "Michigan
Women's Self-Employment Network" in which GROW and WISE
participate, acts as an advocate for and suggests policy
changes about women on public assistance so that they can-

start their own businesses without being penalized or

without any other difficulty.

41

(2) Overall Nature of Empowerment

The respondents and the program directors were asked to
define the concept of empowerment. While their conceptions
varied, some common features emerged from their definitions.

First, empowerment is an awareness of both one's
reality and capacity. Respondents emphasized that
empowerment is an awareness of their own capacity: it
involves "realizing one's own capacity or power to do
whatever one wants to," "a will to do things, strength in
heart and soul," "having faith" and "confidence" in oneself.
The program directors added that empowerment is being aware
of one's reality: "Taking a look at the vision and values of
your life," and "understanding where I was, where I am,
where I want to go, and how."

But such awareness about one's reality and capacity
does not come by itself; it comes from the rejection of
social ideology about women, minorities, and the poor. As
one respondent said, "Don't accept the hype [that] somehow
you're less than [others], you don't deserve the very best."
Such "hype" makes women feel worthless and hopeless because
they are "women," "black," are on "AFDC," or have "bad

credit." To become aware is to get in "touch with power that

42
is lost in the process of going through life not being
affirmed-—your worth as an individual...doubted and not
valued"; it is "realizing the power they have within" (GROW
director). Thus, empowerment involves understanding one's .
reality in the context of the social ideology that controls
her, and then refusing to accept the "societal view on
oneself," confronting it, and realizing her own capacity
that has been deprived.

Second, empowerment is awareness translated into
action. Respondents insisted that becoming assertive, making
decisions, and taking action to gain knowledge and
resources, as well as taking advantage of opportunities, are
necessary to "make things happen." It is "creativity."
Empowerment is "not just sitting back and waiting for a
situation to change," but creating a change in one's
environment for oneself. One must "stop blaming life and
take responsibility" for effective change in her life. As
the WISE program director explained, "Nobody is going to
rescue me, I have to rescue myself. I have to take control."
In short, as one respondent and the WISE program director

further emphasized, empowerment is determined action which

"makes thing happen ng matter wha " (emphasis added).

43

Third, empowerment takes place first at the individual
level and then is broadened to include action at other
levels---family, community, local, and national. "Making
things happen" starts when each woman begins making change
in her own life. But empowerment does not stop there.
Rather, it is sustained as women mobilize and act
collectively at the community, local, and national levels.

Empowerment involves "helping and empowering others,"
and moreover, it involves the empowerment of all women.
According to the respondent who argued that what she and
other women were doing was something "very revolutionary,"
women are socially empowered when they act, not just at
personal level but at the societal level as well. "We're not
waiting for society to change, we're going ahead and doing
it and-it will change the society....It's trade, not aid."
Such action grows out of the awareness that the
circumstances in which individual lives are embedded are
closely related to larger institutions and cannot be
separated from their effects.

In sum, empowerment means "taking control of one's
life" (the program directors). For women in poverty,"taking

control of one's life" means retrieving the control that has

44

been taken by social institutions. It is to change from
being a victim to becoming an agent of change. Empowerment
is a transformation of women's standpoint from margin to
center, in their own lives and in society. Moreover,
empowerment--"taking control of one's life"--is a process.
This process involves three stages: (1)becoming aware of
one's reality and capacity and rejecting the social ideology
that undervalues and marginalizes women, minorities, and the
poor; (2)taking action at the individual level to gain
greater control over one's life; and (3) mobilizing and
acting collectively to change the larger social structure.
This process of empowerment "starts within" (GROW
director) rather than outside the individual. Empowerment is
not something given by somebody, but rather is generated by
a woman herself. Empowerment at the individual level thus
may involve different agendas for different woman.1°
Empowerment is a bottom-up process which starts from each
individual's biography and broadens its influence to

society.

 

1"For example, one respondent said that, for her,
empowerment meant going to the store on the corner of the
town; she suffered from agoraphobia which inhibited her from
going out by herself.

45
5 . DISCUSSION
(1) Structure and Nature of Empowerment

From theoretical exploration and the data developed, we
can conceptualize empowerment as follows. .

First, empowerment is a holistic concept that is
composed of four dimensions of life. Second, these four
dimensions of empowerment are related, particularly the
economic and the psychological dimensions: psychological
empowerment strongly affects economic empowerment, and
economic empowerment contributes to psychological
empowerment.

Economdc empowerment, defined by the self-employment
creation programs as "economic self-sufficiency," is the
primary goal for women in poverty. Economic empowerment,
however, is not the sole or ultimate goal in overall
empowerment. Psychological empowerment is also important to
women overwhelmed by poverty. Poverty is not only an
economic problem, It is the expression of the larger
structure of society on women's biographies. In poverty,

women experience a social oppression of the matrix of

domination of race, class, and gender in U.S. society, which

46
deeply penetrates individual minds and lives.11 The
importance of psychological empowerment comes from.this
context.

Nevertheless, psychological empowerment is not the sole
dimension of empowerment. If we concentrate only on the
psychological dimension, we overlook the importance of
everyday survival for women in poverty. We must look at the
psychological dimension in relation to the other dimensions
of empowerment (especially to the economic dimension) for
two reasons. First, as this study shows, these women who
participate in self-employment creation programs are not
upper- or middle-class women, struggling for survival;
psychological empowerment is thus not their only agenda.
Second, the psychological dis-empowerment of women in
poverty is primarily a product of economics; it is an
economic expression of their marginality in society. Thus,

psychological empowerment cannot be treated separately from

economic empowerment.

 

11Baca Zinn (1993) argues that the nature of social
oppression in the U.S. society is not a simple dichotomy
within each category of race, class, and gender, but an
intersection between them, which is experienced in
individual life.

47

Although social empowerment, especially in an intra-
household gender relationship, was not explored in this
study, it too is important. The relationship between
economic and social empowerment seems to involve challenges
to the social ideology of gender. The data indicate that
changes in the economic and psychological dimensions of
empowerment affect women's relationships with their partners
and women's perception of their partners.

Further, women's ability to mobilize family members to
share household chores can be measured not only in terms of
their partners but in terms of other family members as well.
As the data showed, the respondents were able to lighten
their domestic burdens by redefining their children's roles
in the household division of labor. Women's capacity to
obtain external social support through social an
professional networking, while not necessarily political in
nature, has the potential to empower women politically.

Finally, political empowerment broadens a woman's
personal level of empowerment to the larger society.
Although economic, social, and psychological empowerment are
political in that they signify women's confrontation of and

struggle against social oppression, political empowerment is

48

important if women wish to change the larger structure and
effect social change in a collective manner.12

These four dimensions of empowerment must be understood
as three stages of a total process. The first stage—- .
awareness—-starts in the psychological aspect of a woman's
life. She rejects the social ideology that causes her
"poverty mentality" and starts restoring her sense of self-
worth and self-esteem. She becomes psychologically
empowered. Then, she takes action, which corresponds to the
second stage. Her awareness is carried out in her life in
the family, work, and community. She searches for a way to
become economically self—sufficient (economically
empowered.) She may leave an abusive relationship or search
for a way to get out of it. She might bargain with her
partner about the division of labor in the household or

resource allocation within it. Her income gives her

bargaining power. Moreover, she may well obtain external

 

12It is evident that empowerment is a complex concept
and, as the preceding discussion suggests, a number of
variables should be considered when the concept is
operationalized. Although the intent of this study is not to
develop a measure of empowerment, a number of variables
which are important for future research are suggested in
Appendix V.

49
social support by networking with other women of similar
backgrounds and within supporting organizations. She is
socially empowered. At this point, her action evolves at the
collective level. She takes action collectively to gain .
greater control over her life and those of others. She
strives for social change that ends the intersecting
oppression of gender, race, and class (Baca Zinn, 1993). She
is politically empowered.

Moreover, economic as well as social and political
empowerment enhance her psychological empowerment.
Therefore, these four dimensions are not only linearly
related but are interrelated. Collective action gives a
woman strength at the individual level as well. Empowerment,
in short, is cyclical in nature.

Empowerment, then, is different from a welfare or
equity approach. It is not merely becoming a recipient of
aid, nor is it a top-down campaign that is not grounded in
the diversity of women's reality. Poor women taking control
of their lives means that they are retrieving the control
and power that was deprived them by the intersecting nature

of social oppression. It means not being a victim any more

but rather being an agent of change. Empowerment is not a

50

"soft option." Rather, empowerment is a bottom—up, holistic
transformational process that is rooted in a woman's
biography and grows into the structural level when she
pursues systemic change that stops the deprivation of the
marginalized's power. In the words of Bookman and Morgen
(1988, p.4), "...empowerment is a process aimed at
consolidating, maintaining, or changing the nature and
distribution of power in a particular cultural context." In
the introduction to their edited volume on working women's
political action in the United States, they also write,
"...empowerment begins when...[women] recognize the systemic
forces that oppress them, and when they act to change the
conditions of their lives" (1998, p.4), a description
consistent with the findings of this study. The empowerment
of poor women thus involves changing the distribution of
power, not only in a particular cultural setting, but in the

larger structure of society as well.

(2) Implications for Women in the Third World
This research explored the meaning of empowerment
through a case study of women in the United States. Before

drawing out the implications of the study for women in the

51

Third World, some of its limitations should be mentioned.
First, there are Contextual differences between the United
States and other parts of the world. In many parts of the
Third World, the patriarchal control of women is greater
than it is in the United States. Issues of intra-household
bargaining power and gender relations within the household
are critical to the empowerment of women within the
international setting. A woman's control over her income is
also an important variable to look at in order to transform
her economic empowerment to social empowerment. Because this
study did not develop much data about this issue, further
study is needed to explore the social dimension of
empowerment and its relation to other dimensions. Cultural
context should also be taken into consideration when we
examine psychological empowerment. Moreover, the cause of
"poverty mentality" is not the same in the Third World. The
oppression of poor women does not come only from the
intersection of race, class, and gender at the national
level, but also stems from the global hierarchical
relationship among nations.

Second, this study was conducted in a particular

research setting, and the meaning of empowerment revealed

52
cannot be completely separated from the form of women's
activity--self—employment--examined. Self-employment has a
positive cultural meaning in the United States; it connotes
independence and invention. Thus, the cultural meaning 3
attached to entrepreneurship might have given additional
importance to the psychological dimension of empowerment. In
the Third World, however, many women are self-employed in
different circumstances, such as in the informal economy.
Thus, the mode of operation and cultural and social meaning
attached to self-employment may not be the same as it is for
the American women in this study. Moreover, income
generating/small enterprise projects are conducted
collectively in the Third World, while the American programs
studied use approaches customized to individual women. The
issues surrounding and the dimensions of empowerment may
vary according to the setting.

Nevertheless, this study of American women in poverty
can provide some insights applicable to the empowerment of
women in the Third World. First, empowerment must be rooted
in individual biography. We must pay close attention to the

needs and survival issues of poor women in developing

countries. We need to understand that an equity approach

53

which emphasizes "'top-down' legislative and other measures
as the means to ensure equity" (Moser, 1993, p.64) for women
in the Third World must be well rooted in poor women's
reality. We must remember that Third World women are not a
homogeneous group. We must examine the context carefully if
we are to pursue equality and equity for women. We should be
careful not to make false assumption, as have First-World,
white middle-class feminists. Feminism.must be class- and
race-conscious, acknowledging the diverse social locations
of women which result from the intersecting inequality in
society.

Second, this study of American women's empowerment has
another message as well. It showed that empowerment starts
from the awareness of one's reality and capacity, and the
rejection of the social ideology that oppresses poor women.
This finding has implications for agendas of change for
Third World women, linked as it is to definitions of reality
and capacity. We must eliminate assumptions too often
embedded in Western development interventions in the Third
World and listen to local knowledge. We must oppose the
stereotypical image of the Third World women as vulnerable.

And we must listen to Third World women who, as they become

54

agents of change, reject the "other"ness created by Western,
white middle-class feminism.13

Although attention to the differences among women and
importance of daily survival for women in poverty is
critical, poor women's daily needs of survival should not be
the sole emphasis of development interventions, as they have
been in the traditional gender-role framework of the
welfarist approach. Poverty is an economic expression of
social ideology that creates and maintains racial, class,
and gender inequality. By participating in self-employment
creation programs to pursue economic self-sufficiency, the
women in this study challenged this social ideology and the
current institutions that are created by the ideology.
Women's survival needs thus must be viewed not only from the
perspective of their reproductive role, but also must be
seen as an expression of resistance against gender, race,
and class inequality in society. In this sense, women's
daily struggle is "politicized" and evolves into collective

action (Kandiyoti, 1988. p.13). Although Third World

 

13Parpart (1993)raises this issue in a discussions of a
postmodern feminist perspective toward women and development
issues.

55
feminists did not concretely address how to achieve their
ultimate goal--the structural transformation of the global
system--the empowerment of poor women, by challenging
inequality within society, has the potential to expand into.
challenges to the inequality between societies engendered by
alliances based on internal dominating powers and external
economic and political interests (Sen and Grown, 1987,
p.84).

We must be realistic as well as ambitious in
acknowledging the prgcess of reaching structural change.
Empowerment is not just a top-down slogan. Rather,
empowerment is a bottom-up, continuing process that embraces
women's lives holistically.

Empowerment is not a "soft option" that avoids conflict
within existing society. It is a quiet "revolution" which
makes each woman an agent of change who pursues structural
transformation. If income-generating/small enterprise
projects for poor women in the developing world are to
empower women, their efforts must be grounded in individual

context as well as committed to broaden the individual

empowerment to the collective and structural levels.

56

As this study of American women has shown, external
stimulus and support are important in the process of
empowerment. Although empowerment starts within the
individual, institutional support such as that provided by
the self-employment creation programs in this study helped
the growing process and broadened the scope of women's
mobilization. Planned interventions in the developing world
can play an important role as a catalyst in the empowerment

of poor women.

APPENDIXES

APPENDEX I.

INFORMATION OF
THE SELF-EMPLOYMENT CREATION PROGRAMS
IN MID-MICHIGAN

APPENDIX I—a. GROW PROGRAM
APPENDIX I-b. WISE PROGRAM

APPENDIX I—a.

GROW PROGRAM

INFORMATION OF THE PROGRAM
AND THE STANDARD SYLLABUS

G£i®W1994 OPPORTUNITY CAMPAIGN

WHAT IS GROW?

GROW helps to build a stronger community for us all. GROW graduates develop new businesses to
co our economic base. And hundreds of women’s lives are touched through the mentors and

instructors who nurture their business idea.

GROW is about empowerment and education. It’s a plan for business success.

The GROW Program
“151:! 5 ' "121w.
‘ ‘. s.‘ A , ' .

Business Readiness Assessment:
During this initial phase, GROW's partici-
pants receive an orientation to small busi-
ness ownership. Each woman assesses her
skills, support system, and overall business
readiness.

Business Training:
(17 weeks). Leaders from the corporate
community volunteer their time to teach
GROW participants vital business skills.
The program curriculum includes:
0 business plan formation

0 goal setting

Financing:
Financing a small business can be a difficult
obstacle for some entrepreneurs. GROW’s
curriculum incorporates a review of invest-
ment options, including traditional and non—
traditional lending. And thanks to a sup-
portive corporate partner, First Michigan
Bank, GROW graduates are eligible for
small business loans to help get them
started.

Personal and Interpersonal Growth:

The development of confidence and in-
creased self-esteem are valuable products of
the GROW program. Participants learn
communication skills and how to develop

 

creative solutions to potential obstacles to
their success. The relationships formed with
peers in the program also provide a forum
for problem-solving, support and encom-
agement.

Continuing Support:

The GROW program doesn't end at the last
training session. Successful women entre-
preneurs from the community volunteer as
mentors to help GROW graduates through
their important first steps as small business
owners. Professional development seminars
and continued peer groups provide more
business expertise and promote success.
Marketing experts from the community
provide individual consultation. And free
legal advice is offered through Varnum,
Riddering, Schmidt and Howlett.

58

GRQDW 1994 OPPORTUNITY CAMPAIGN

GROW’S MISSION, GROW’S SUCCESS

MISSION STATEMENT

GROW empowers women to achieve economic self-sufficiency.

Business Start-ups:

Job Creation:

Economic
Self-sufficiency:

GROW‘S SUCCESSES

60 new businesses have
successfully been developed
in our community.

55% of the women who have
graduated from the GROW
program are now
entrepreneurs.

Gross sales of these new
businesses total close to
$300,000.

 

One GROW graduate has employed as many as 22 people at
one time.

An additional 16 people are employed by other GROW
graduates.

Many participants received some form of public assistance at
the time of their enrollment in GROW.

25% are no longer in need of public assistance.
14 loans totalling over $14,000 have been made to GROW

graduates who wouldn’t have otherwise been able to receive a
traditional loan.

59

Gm

GRAND RAPIDS OPPORTUNITIES FOR WOMEN
CentuforWomenOZSSheldonBlvd.SEOSuHeZIOOOrmdmmm0(GlQ4S&3404

 

GROW OVERVIEW

GROW is a non-profit organintion whose missioin is to empower women to achieve economic self-
suficiency. To fulfill that mission, GROW provides the necessary training and financial resources to
womenwhoarestartingorexpanding smallbusinesses.

GROW’s program consists of the following components:

- Orientation and Assessment

- Business Training

- Follow-Up:
Linkages with Mentors
Access to Financing
Continuing Technical Assistance
Access to Legal Advice
Networking Groups

A. ORIENTATION AND ASSESSMENT
Thisfirststepofthe programisdesignedtohelpeachpersonclarify herbusinessideaandherown
strengths and weaknesses. Participants for GROW's business training program are selected during
the assessment process.

B. BUSINESS TRAINING - "Minding Your Own Business"
This intensive 32-session course is designed to help participants write a business plan while
deveIOping the technical and interpersonal skills needed to be a success. Two three-hour sessions
are held each week (weekday evening and Saturday morning) and cover topics such as marketing,
financial management, taxes. bookkeeping, cash flow, communication skills, and self-esteem. Over
25 business professionals volunteer as trainers for this class.

C. FOLLOW-UP
GROW graduates are offered a variety of follow-up services. These services include:
1) m- Many business women serve as volunteer mentors. Mentors act as confidantes,
supporters, and business guides to the GROW graduate.
2) W— First Michigan Bank 18 GROW’s partner in providing seed money to
these new businesses while waiving the need for collateral.
3) Wm-Bothfmancial managementandmarketingteclmicalassistanceare
available to GROW graduates. GROW stafi' will provide general business cormseling, technical
needs assessment and individual'md technical support.
4) M - Varnum, Riddering, Schmidt & Howlett provide GROW graham with fine
legal advice.
5) mm- «Each month GROW gradtmes and GROW volunteers meet to discuss
an important business topic and to network. Topics are selected with mput from GROW graduates.

6O

CLASS IX
‘ SEPTEMBER 1994 - FEBRUARY 1995
All classes will be held in the GROW Office In the Center for Women.
Saturday Classes will be from 9:00 am to 12:00 pm.
Wednesday Classes will be from 0:00 pm to 9:00 pm.

am ELY may. mama

09/10 Sat 1 Retreat Ann Steslickl
Inger Giuffrida

09I14 Wed 2 Communication SkiilslProt. Behavior Ann Steslickl

Asslgunent 91: m Obsrvatlon
AssigrunentFiS: Rest-no

 

09I17 Sat OFF

09121 Wed 3 Values and Visioning/Mission Ann Steslicki
Inger Giuffrida
Kim Croy
Patti Dewey

Assignment :2: Assessing Your Attlhrdes Abou Money

09124 Sat 4 Goal SettingIPIanningIOrganIzatlon Ann Stesiicltl

Inger Giuffrida

Assigmnent F7: Start-Up Costs
Assignment”: Goals

09(28 Wed 5 Problem SolvingIDecision Making Ann Steslicltl
Assiganent 84: Fromm
10I01 Sat 6 Investment lntrolBus. PlaanIn. Overview Kim Coston
lnger Giuffrida

Assignment“: MormIIyExpeneee
AssignmentMP: MertetlngS‘ectlonotuIeBi-lneesl’lsn

10(05 Wed 7 Attitudes About Money Inger Giuffrida
Money Management Sandra Jennings
Aesigunent 90: Spending Plan

10108 Sat 8 Business Writing Kate Democouer
Business Math - inger Giuffrida

Asslgrvnent M1: History and Description

10I12 Wed 9 Intro to MarketinglLocation Vicki Hudson
Asslgrunent M3: Location

10l15 Sat 10 Market Research I Bobbi Schindo-
Asslgrlnent 37: Library Resotleee
Assigned M4: Target Market (Grammars)
Assigned MR1: Competition

10119 Wed

10122 Set

10120 Wed

10129 Sat

1 1102 Wed

11105 Sat

11109 Wed
11112 Sat
11116 Wed

11119 Sat

11123 Wed
11120 Set
11130 Wed

12103 Sat

12107 Wed

12110 Sat

11

12

13

14

15

18

17

18

19

20

21

22

61

Market Research ii Bobbi Schirado
Features and Benefits Ann Staeiicki
Name and Logo

Asslgranam M2: Mules Beau-flan

Pricing Ellie Wagner
Asslgrunent MU’ Pricing

Promotional Strategies I Marcia Roberts
Assignrners M52: Promdiorni Sundae

Promotional Strategies lllMedia Marcia Roberts

Bonnie Zimmerman

Business Panel Graduates and Local

Business Owners
Break-Even Inger Giuffrida
MultIService or Product Pricing
Sales Projections

Assi'snerIF12: Bresk-EvenAmiysh
Aaslgrunenti-‘P: HnaneiaiSectionettheBt-ineasl’hn

011 (Office Hours Available)
Of! (Office Hours Available)

Bookkeeping Evelyn Boas
Aesigranent SS: Bookkeeping Outta Aaron
Personal Change LeAnne Moss
Empowerment Barbara Jordan
Off (Thanksgiving Holiday)

017 (Thanksgiving Holiday)

income Statement Brad Vandemreer

MARKETING SECTION OF THE BUSINESS PLAN DUE
Assigrunent F11: income 8mm '
Assignment BP: Business Plan

Balance Sheets Linda Harber
Asslgrunent F10: Balance Shae.

Taxes Tom Murphy
and Forms of Business Ownership

Assigrlnent SI: Tamas

Cash Flow Holly Schackow

Assignment": CaehPiowProiection
Assigrsnentfl: CaahflowAssranptiorn

12114 Wed

12117 Set
12121 Wed
12124 Set
12128 Wed
12131 Set
01104 Wed

01107 Sat

01111 Wed

01114 Sat

01118 Wed

01121 Sat

01125 Wed
01128 Sat
02101 Wed
02104 Sat
02108 Wed

02111 Sat

25

28

28

30

31

62

Inventory
Financial Workgroup

W W: W
on (Winter Holidays)
on (Winter Holidays)
on (Winter Holidays)
on (mm Holidays)
on (Winter Holidays)
Promotional Copy.
Financial Case Study

EvernBoea
KlrnCroy
OzettaAaron
IOmberIyCostnn
IngerGluffrlda

Inger Giuffrida

FINANCIAL SECTION OF THE BUSINESS PLAN DUE

Sales/Negotiations
Aseigrsnera S10: Sales Call

Banking SystemILoana
Assiusnent F13: Fir-neing Plan
Assimrnent F14: Personal FInanciai Statsmara

Legal Issues I

Legal Issues II and Insurance

Business Plan Workgroup
Leadership

Off (Office Hours Available)
Off (Office Hours Available)
Off (Office Hours Available)
Final Session

BUSINESS PLANS DUE

Craig Owens

Cami Klein-Budaynski

Laurie Murphy

Herb Tanner
Joyce Torrsy

GROW Staff and Grads
GROW Staff and Grade

Inger Giuffrida
Ann Steallcki

APPENDIX I-b.

WISE PROGRAM

INFORMATION OF THE PROGRAM
AND THE STANDARD SYLLABUS

    

”W . 0

63

   

Women's Initiative for Self-Employment -

 

sponsored by the Ann Arbor Community Development Corporation

WISE Program
Provides Multiple Paths
to a Self-Sufficient Future

Started by the Ann Arbor

1

I
1
I

Community Development Corp. ‘

(CDC) in 1987, WISE has developed

a comprehensive strategy to assist .

low-income people in overcoming
the barriers to self-sufficiency that
leads to self-empowerment.

At the heart of the WISE program is
a twelve-week series of Business

Education seminars, combined with 1

Personal Development sessions. In ‘

the, Business Education seminars,
r r I' b] 3:?

.‘L - I. J I a. '
runs:

into effective business plans.

Personal 1‘

participants bolster their personal

skills as well as learn new ones to 1

L' a.

accompany balancing self-employ-
ment and family.

WISE knows that building Inward
self-sufficiency takes more than
planning. The program also offers
ongoing support and technical
assistance. (one r)

W I S E

Women 3 Initiative for Self- Employment
2008 Hogback Road, Suite

Ann Arbor, MI 48105

Tel: (313) 677-1400

Fax.- (313) 677-1465

WISE - Women's Initiative for Self-Employment

Sponsored by the Ann Arbor Community Development Corporation, WISE is
an innovative program designed to empower low-income women to achieve
economic independence through self-employment.

The women who reach WISE come out of pain, looking for hope. They are
searching for a way out of poverty—for tools and resources just to survive.

The women who staff WISE are committed to supporting participants in their
struggle—but they aim for more than survival. As WISE staff and participants
work together as a team, participants gather the strength to achieve self-
sufficiency, self-employment, and self-empowerment.

The goals of the WISE program are to

0 support and empower WISE members in their efforts to achieve
personal growth through economic independence

0 build pride, respect, and self-esteem as entrepreneurs and good, strong
businesses' in the com

0 create an ongoing network to support the success of WISE women, their
families, and their enterprises

The WISE Program is supported by grants from the U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, and the Michigan Women's Foundation.

 

Women in Poverty, Families in Despair

Though different sources give different figures, there is no doubt that women,
especially single mothers, and children bear the brunt of American poverty.

0 Single women head 17% of all American households, and 22% of
households with children.

0 Average income for female-headed households is less than half that for
households with husbands—women head half of America's poor
families, and more than a quarter of America's children live in these
households

0 Women are 6% of America's workforce; in turn 43% of those women
work for below poverty-level wages. Two thirds of minimum-wage
workers are women.

Paths to the Future . . .

Through Networking meetings,
Workshops, and other Membership
activities, WISE participants offer
each other the mutual support and
understandingthatfightisolationand
discouragement.

Staff specialists provide Technical
Assistance to WISE members, offering
continuing help to participants in
achieving the goals they've set.
Through WISE technical assistance,
participants can work on perfecting
their business plans, locating
necessary resources, developing a
marketing image and package, and
working out the details of their
financial planning.

Access to credit is probably the most
significant obstacle in the path to
business success. WISE financial
planning assistance supports mem-
bers in preparing applications for the
WISE Loan Fund and Capital Leasing
programs.

WISE involves its members in col-
iective Advocacy work to overcome
social and institutional barriers to self-
sufficiency and self-empowerment
WISE members serve on the WISE
Advisory Board and Committees. The
DSS Action Committee encourages
social service agencies to make their
programs more consistent with the
goals of self-sufficiency and business
ownership. The Benefits Committee
researches possibilities in areas like
health insurance, child care and

discount purchasing that would be ~

available to WISE members.

Two final keys to' WISE success are
Outreach and Recognition.’ WISE
participants work on marketing and
publicity that keep both WISE
members, future members, and the
community at large informed.

Each program year concludes with a
gala Awards Banquet to recognize the
achievements of WISE- members,
celebrate the fellowship WISE has
built, and rejoice in the victories that,
together and as individuals, the
women of WISE have won.

64

Self-Employment for Low-Income
Women '

The WISE program operates with the philosophy that self-employment has the
power to lift people from poverty into self-sufficiency. Successful entrepreneurs
share much with women who come to WISE—in particular, a drive to change
their situation and improve their economic livelihood.

To be successful in making that change, an entrepreneur requires extensive
support. The WISE program provides the key support elements for women
seeking recovery from poverty through self-employment.

0 a twelve-session series of business planning workshops, supported
with credit education and personal development sessions

0 individual counseling and technical assistance

0 loan programs

0 an ongoing support network

WISE knows that different women will use this support differently. Not all
women will start a business right away, or even start a business at all.

But with this support, they move toward their ultimate goals—self-sufficiency,
being fully responsible for their families, and being able to take their rightful place
in the community.

 

How Can YOU Help WISE?

WISE believes that encouragement from the society is another key element in
supporting WISE women. And the building blocks of help come in many forms.

0 Of course, financial and in-kind support is the foundation:
contributions to WISE (in care of the Ann Arbor Community
Development Corporation) are fully tax-deductible. Or can you offer
goods or services that will help WISE operate with less expense?

0 Can you offer counseling or educational opportunities to WISE
program participants, either during their business workshop training or
to their ongoing network? If you have achieved professional success,
per-haps you could create a message of encouragement for WISE
women.

0 Can you help bring more publicity to WISE? For example, media pro-
fessionals could visit WISE to see how it works to break the poverty

 

 

'cycle of dependency, then in him, "tell the world" about it.

From Despair 'to Dreams

WISE is a common-sense, no-nonsense program: WISE staff know what's needed
to help other women change their situations, and they make it happen. But they
are sensitive to how fragile and far-reaching hopes and dreams can be.

Dreams define us all as humans, and the dreams of WISE women are universal:
to be someone, to achieve something, to say "I have done what I set out to do."

Help to a WISE woman is like dropping a pebble in a pond; hopeful ripples reach
out and gather in their children, their friends, and their community.

65

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66

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. The Ann Arbor Community Development Corporation ad-'
B 115111855 minister's several small business revolving loan funds. the W. I.S.E .
program a technical assistance network, and business services in-
Development cluding equipment leasing.
- W.I.S.E. .

WOMEN ’s INITIATIVE roa SELF EMPLOYMENT

A comprehensive business development program designed
to address the special needs of low-income women, the
W.I.S.E. program encourages economic self—sufficiency
through nu rturance of service skills.

 

 

 

.;;;:s~:~; Financing
—_

Business
Services

 

 

Technical Assistance Service

 

Technical Assistance Staff provide "hands-on" assistance to
small business owners in: Marketing, management,
pricing, bookkeeping and financial planning.

 

Ann Arbor CDC Loan Funds

CDC loan funds provide a credit opportunity to members
of the community not adequately served by traditional
financial institutions. With the support of CDC business -
education and technical assistance programs the loan funds
have been unusually successful. .

 

 

Capital Equipment Leasing
Program

 

Long-term leasing offers small businesses an alternative to
financing capital equipment needs. The CDC‘s ability to
convert these costs into operating expenses can add signifi-
cantly to a business's success potential.

 

 

The Ann Arbor
Community Develop-
ment Corporation ofl'ers
. _ ; residentsa way to

it participate in local
' ' economic development
projects. Incorporated in 1984 as a non-profit, the;
CDC encourages community control of the local econ:
omybypromoting thedevelopmentand growth ofwomen
and minority-owned businesses, and cooperatives.

 

 

 

Black Business and Professional Directory
6'
W.I.S.E. Directory

 

Ann Arbor CDC publishes the Washtenaw County Area Black
Business and Professionals Directory and the W.I.S.E.
Directory to encourage consumer support of these impor-
tant businesses.

Technical Assistance Network

 

A network of community volunteers provides free or low-
cost technical assistance for businesses owned by low-
income individuals.

Becoming a
Member

 

The CDC's thirteen member Board of Directors is
elected from a diverse membership base of Ann
Arbor residents concerned with small scale,
community oriented economic development. All
Ann Arbor residents are eligible to join. Mem-
bers are entitled to voting rights at membership
meetings and participation in CDC Committees,
and receive the CDC quarterly newsletter.

 

Ann Arbor COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION
2008 Hogback Road, suite 2A, Ann Arbor, MI 48105, (313) 677-1400

67

AT GE
FOR THE

W.I.S.E. PROGM CLASS

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Personal balance sheet

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M
. 3/” .. W 6 , :57
..~" M".
If. ,.;."‘M '
poi" March 31 Introduction
a" fly‘April l A. Staff Introductions
/ Who we are
.5 '5 How we came to WISE
B. Class Introductions
C. Personal Development - What is it?
D. Dream Charts
E. Journals
April 7 & 8 Ecomaps
What kind of energy am I putting out?
How can I find better balance in my world?
April 14 & IS Self-Esteem
What is it?
How can Ibuildmore ofitin mylife?
April 22 & 23 Life Lines and Personal Support Systems
April 28 & 29 CDC/WISE Department Presentations
May 5 8t 6 Guest Speaker - Beverly Howard
May 12 & 13 Conflict Management
May 18 & l9 Persistence 8: Perserverance
Panel Discussion
May 26 8t 27 Another Look at Our Dreams

Ways to Take Action Steps - Dina Sanders
Picture Mel

APPENDIX II.

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE FOCUS GROUP RESPONDENTS

71

APPENDIX II.
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR FOCUS GROUP RESPONDENTS

Researcher Use Only: No.

UESTIONNAIRE

Q1. How old are you now?

years old

 

Q2. Which do you feel best describes your ethnic background

or origins?

Caucasian Asian-American
African-American Native-American
Hispanic Other (specify)

Q3. Are you currently married, separated, divorced, widowed
or have never married
Married ( Skip to Question 5.)
Separated Divorced _____ Widowed

Never Married

Q4. Are you currently having an intimate relationship with
another adult?

‘Yes; 1N0

72

QS. Please list below all the people who are currently

living with you below. (See example.)

Relationship to you Age Is that person your dependent?
(example) child 3 Yes

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q6. What is the highest level of education that you have
completed?

some high school

high school diploma or equivalent

some vocational/technical

vocational/technical certification

2-year college degree

4—year college degree

other (specify)

 

Q7. What is your individual income at the present time?

$ / a year

Q.8 What is the source of your individual income?

 

 

73

Q.9 What is your total household income? (This includes all
wages, earnings, public assistance, and so forth for all the
people who live with you.)

$ / a year

Q.1O What are the source(s) of household income other than

your income?

 

 

Thank you for your cooperation.

APPENDIX III.

QUESTIONS FOR FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION

74

APPENDIX III.

QUESTIONS FOR FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS

1. Why did you participate in the program? Why were you
interested in self-employment?
[situation before being "empowered"]

2. What was your financial, family, and personal situation
before you participated the program?
[situation before being "empowered"]

3. What did you learn form the business training and
personal development courses?

[Where does empowerment come from? What aspect of
empowerment was emphasized in the course?]

4. How did your business establishment and development go
after graduation?

[the process of empowerment, relationship among different
dimensions]

5. [for the respondents who are self-employed] Do you run
your business now? How is your business going?
[for the respondents who are not self-employed] Are
you employed now? Why didn't you become self—employed?
[the process of empowerment, relationship among different
dimensions]

6. How would you describe the changes that have taken
place in your life through this experience in the following
areas: [dimensions of empowerment]

a. financial/economic [economic]

b. domestic chore and child/elderly care (workload,
share with other members of the family, help from
outside) [social]

c. relationship with male partner [social]

e.

f.
g.

75

relationship with other family members [social]
self—esteem, self-image [psychological]
attitude [psychological]

activity in or interaction with any societal

organizations (such as business, religious,

educational, health, political, and so forth), lawyer,

or political representatives [political]

7. What do you think caused these changes?
[relationship among different dimensions]

8. What is your future goal? [all aspects of empowerment]

9. What does "empowerment" mean to you? Do you think that
you were empowered because of your completion of the program
and your experiences after graduation?

[overall]

APPENDIX IV.

QIESTIONS FOR INTERVIEW WITH DIRECTORS

76

APPENDIX IV.

QUESTIONS FOR INTERVIEW WITH THE PROGRAM DIRECTORS

1.What kind of change do you expect your program
participants and graduates to have in their lives through

this program? [dimensions of empowerment]

2. What does "empowerment" mean to you? [organizational

View of empowerment, overall]

3. What kind of role do you think this organization plays
(or will be able to play) in the "empowerment" of poor or

low-income women? [political dimension of empowerment]

APPENDIX V.

SUGGESTION OF VARIABLES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

 

77

APPENDIX V.

VARIABLES TO BE CONSIDERED
TO OPERATIONALIZE EMPOWERMENT

A. ECONOMIC DIMENSION OF EMPOWERMENT

-Amount of a woman's individual income

-Control over her own income

-Proportion of woman's income in the total household
income

-Proportion of public assistance in the total household
income

-Economic self-sufficiency

-Betterment of material aspect of daily life

-Credit rating

-Attitudes toward a woman's income

-Sense of economic self-reliance

B. SOQIAL DIMENSION OF EMPOWERMENT

-Effect of intra-household bargaining power in
decision making
-on woman's own activity

-on woman's family activity

78

-on reproduction/sexuality
-on resource allocation and woman's entitlement
-Gender division of labor in household
-Ability to mobilize of family members for
household responsibilit
-Perception of relationship with
partner/significant others
-Control over abuse in relationship
-Woman's ability to obtain external support

(kin,friends, institutional support)

C. PSYCHOLOGICAL DIMENSION QF EMEQWERMENT

-Self—esteem

-Sense of self-worth

-Sense of internal control
-Sense of self-reliance
-General satisfaction with life

-Attitude toward external world

D. POLITICAL DIMENSION QF EMPQWERMENT

-Participation in collective activities/

Organization/facilitation of collective activity-

79

—in professional organizations
-in other societal organizations
-in community
-Interaction with political
representatives/activists
-on community level
-on state level
-on national level
-on international level

-Political/legal awareness/attitude

8O

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