.... moo-gonna?“- .1,'..A :.; _A» 4.: . . 'Q. ' :3§~”.1 ‘5 J; z ‘ fi ' . x I "" '3. t-u. 333‘. A an .n.. «n; a ‘l 3’ . . , ‘ 5‘1"? i‘tfi , : v1:; 1..."... c-un~.—.mfi u - a q n .4.- - , :‘l’ ' '.f 1523’ ,V «may.-. GHQ . u. 9 ,r1‘ ’5‘ 'I '1 r . 4 '1 £13, 5395’ a ..= ‘HHIIHIIIIHIIWWI!IUIHHIIIHI hi 'i 301390 7831 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled NIARA'S STORY: A (REPRESSED) IMPULSE FOR ARTISTRY REFLECTIONS ON STAYING IN SCHOOL OR DROPPING OUT BY MIDDLE SCHOOL AFRICAN-AMERICAN GIRLS IN AN URBAN SETTING presented by Shirley A. B. MuTTer has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. dqyeeh] Teacher Education / 7/ a/ , Major professor /’ [fine August 1993 M'SU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771 LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACED! RETURN Boxwmwombchockouflunywnoord. TO AVOID FINES Mum on at Mon duo duo. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE usu lsAn Ainrmum ActioNEqunl Opportunity IMW 1 NIARA’S STORY: A (REPRESSED) IMPULSE FOR ARTISTRY REFLECTIONS ON STAYING IN SCHOOL OR DROPPING OUT BY MIDDLE SCHOOL AFRICAN-AMERICAN GIRLS IN AN URBAN SETTING BY Shirley A. B. Muller A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Teacher Education 1993 ABSTRACT NIARA’S STORY: A (REPRESSED) IMPULSE FOR ARTISTRY REFLECTIONS ON STAYING IN SCHOOL OR DROPPING OUT BY MIDDLE SCHOOL AFRICAN-AMERICAN GIRLS IN AN URBAN SETTING By Shirley A. B. Muller The study centers on the story of an African-American high school student. Her name is Niara. Although she carries the name of a prominent female scholar and possesses an excellent mind, she is contemplating dropping out of school. Eighteen middle school girls react to, further develop, and reflect on her story. Through story-completion, drama, and poetry, these urban African- American girls identify with Niara and explore the facets Of her dilemma. Their sympathies toward Niara elicit a forceful picture Of their worldview, the beliefs, feelings, and attitudes that underlie their own feelings toward schooling. The components Of the worldview are the girls’ mothers, families, peers, teachers, other role models, God, language, and dreams. The study is grounded in the concept Of artistry, which the author defines as opportunities for creativity and personal independence. The data, in the form of descriptions and quotes from the subjects (as well as supporting comments Shirley A. B. Muller from authoritative sources, highlight the severely restricted opportunities within the girls’ educational program for them to develop and maintain feelings and actions in accordance with their culture and the expectations Of Black women that schooling be a freeing experience. The participatory, conversational, choice-centered method used in the field work for the study suggests that its motivational power and intellectual content are appropriate instructional approaches for these students. All girls in the study believe it is better to stay in school and graduate, but the price they pay for their resolve is the real story. And it is intimately related to the story of the author’s stress-riddled experience in the doctoral program that spawned “Niara’s Story.” Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Mark Conley Copyright by SHIRLEY A. B. MULLER 1993 All children are artists; The problem is To keep them that way Once they are grown up. -Pablo Picasso Our "poets" have saved us. -Maya Angelou If you haven’t lived it spokenit felt it you do not belong to it own it or adhere to it like I do. You may approximate it perhaps say it play with it (or escape it) but you cannot hope to know it inside the membranes of your being as I do. So, at least grant me the privilege a right-Of-way of inhabiting without fear of molestation my inner place. —Niara iv PREFACE This study was conceived with a transformative vision of education in mind. The vision is one Of students soaring beyond their roots (where necessary) onward to the fruition of their dreams. Competent, empathetic, and sympathetic school staff and environment are keys to this picture of achieving, cared for, responsive young people. That the girls’ schooling in this study fell so far short Of my wonderful imagining and was, in fact, a conglomeration Of transmission-focused, custodial, repressive measures is reflected by my attitude in the early portion of ’Niara’s Story.” Those pages reflect my consternation and anguish at the evidence Of yet another massive assault on the Often-unfulfilled promise Of African-American womanhood. The tenets of Black feminism represent the spirit Of rather than the sole philosophical basis for my several voices in the study—voices of friend, Of sister, of other-mother, of teacher and protector. I begin my travels through the perceptive and lived experiences of "silent" girl students in a typical school that mouths the mantra of ”change.“ I am Observer, other-mother, and protector as I chronicle and analyze the vulnerability Of girls being robbed of their life-force, their artistry. Then, as their voices, in a limited arena, grow and persist, overwhelming the outrage Of my pen, I am their friend and fond sister-teacher. If any label can be applied appropriately to my positioning in terms of this work (and not liking labels, lam reluctant to believe that any can be suitable for more than a paragraph or a moment), it is probably my own interpretation of the nonstylish term ”humanistic.“ Humanism implies love Of learning, love of people, and holistic attitudes toward helping children live healthy mental, physical, and spiritual lives. Where Black feminism (an emancipatory, awareness, and nurturing doctrine) and humanism intersect, somewhere about there, is where this work is "positioned.” In their mutual regard for human freedom and the transcendence Of people labon'ng at the base of personal and sociopolitical mountains, Black feminism and humanism combine. WhyBlaglsfeminism, more than White feminism, is that Black feminism honors the continuation of the (long, difficult, and ultimately purifying if not personally devastating) march Of over 300 years of African-American womanhood. It is not an essentially new march, as is White feminism. It does not seek to blow the horn for the ”new working woman." We have always had to work. It is not a disavowal of the historic role and ”place" of our mothers, but a filled-eye love song to them. An acknowledg- ment (with gratitude) that ”Here, because of you, stand we.“ As powerful as it is, the philosophy of Black feminism must be undergirded by the broader concept of humanism in this paper in order to adequately embrace my attitude that the liberation of the girls without that of the boys (and without the full—blooming of all the ”others" now scorned or diminished by society) represents an obscenity on a massive scale. A slander of the still-shackled and the physically released alike. So, although "Niara’s Story" is, in the first instance, an inquiry about African- American girls, it is, also, in a larger sense, a research into the hurts, loves, vulnerability, and resiliency of the human spirit. In the middle and later parts Of the story, having documented a partial tale Of public abuse in the name of ”education,” I give my pen over to the joie de VII/re vi of the girls’ personalities (for the most part), their sense of humor, the vibrancy of their “questions,“ and the distinctiveness of their intelligence. My voices in these sections depict both the humanistic and the Black feminist visions, the possibilities for the girls’ rising, walking, and talking. I have been called, by someone who knows my work and my ways of interacting with children, "a profound humanist." If any label can apply to one who is always looking for hope and seeking to learn (from people and from books) and to grow, perhaps this is the one that suits what I have attempted here. It is also the thing that most closely connects me with Niara—her search, her belief that mindless conformity is certain death, and her refusal to yield to "mainstream” mediocrity paid for at a high personal price. And so, in this qualitative-story research, my indignation (never absent), under the influence and attractiveness Of the girls’ personalities, relents so that a more penetrating tale Of the students’ lives in their school can be told through their writing and their words from conversations and drama improvisations. The reform/research agenda of the College of Education has been more about the desire of technicians to excel than the need of children to breathe freely. Somehow in education, we must honorthe students’ stories and struggles as much as our own. We cannot continue not to hear the voices of young people who have pushed suicide rates to crisis proportions. We cannot continue to reform without input and feedback from our students. We cannot continue to shine the spotlight on Black males and leave the souls of Black girls to shrink quietly and die unnoticed. "Niara’s Story” is a story I tell because no one is chronicling enough the story of beautiful bright eyes that grow quickly cloudy. Right in front Of Our eyes. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. Review of Literature ................................ 1 II. The Need for Artistry—”I, That’s Why” .................. 32 Ill. Identity and Alienation: "Like We Don’t Belong Here" ..... 46 IV. Independence and Recognition: "Say My NAME!” ........ 87 V. Mother Love: ”You Could GO to Her for Anything“ ....... 122 VI. Talking-With as Teaching: "He Talks to Us and Tells Us Things” ................................. 141 VII. The Language Of Learning: "How They Want Us to Talk-White?” .................................. 182 Vlll. Summary and Conclusion .......................... 212 IX. Recommendations for Education .................... 231 APPENDIX ................................................ 257 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................ 261 viii I. Review Of Literature The qualitative studythat this review of literature supports is one designed to tap the reflective thinking Of middle school African-American girls1 on the problem of staying in school or dropping out. All eyes are focused on the plight of the African-American male today, while the female suffers in relative silence. Previous work with the subjects of this study has intimated that a serious domino effect will occur in families and community if these girls "choose" not to finish school. There is little information on the Black, adolescent, female student in the educational literature. There is, also, little on the reflective use Of the arts in teaching and Observation, the methodology Of the focal study which arises from the Theatre-in-Education movement in England and the traditional use Of expressive arts in Black culture. The research question is why girls may believe it is better to stay in or drop out. It is necessary for this literature review to be grounded in four areas in order to discuss the important components Of the topic, to discuss relevant material on African-American females, and to give a good idea of the philosophy 1This study was based on participant Observation Of eight seventh-grade girls and ten eighth-grade girls in an urban school. The girls responded to a story Of a Black girl who was considering dropping out Of school. Their responses were in the form of drama, story-response, and poetry. 1 2 behind the study methodology. The four topical areas are dreefluts, student alienaticn. WW and W W. Each area contributes some key understandings about the realities Of early adolescent Black girls who voice their thoughts on the dilemma of remaining in school until graduation or dropping out early. In one sense, the research question is about the meaning of school to these subjects. Pertinent studies on drop-outs (from a tremendously large field) illuminate the seriousness of the problem to schools, society, and the ex-students themselves. Studies on youth/student alienation have highlighted the mental-health underpinnings and implications Of the problem. Works on the African-American girl help to gain a better perspective on the dimensions of her life, the nonstereotyped existence of a girl who is more like other American girls than not, but who, nevertheless, has her own kinds of uniqueness that need to be honored. Literature on the reflective use of the arts in education guides educators to ways of better understanding students—and themselves—in the course of educating cognitively and holistically. W The topic of drop-outs is a broad one. Because this is necessarily the largest portion of the literature review, it has been subdivided into five topics: (1 - 2) contexts and characteristics of dropping out, (3) structure of schooling, (4) interventions, and (5) consequences of early school leaving. Important also are the category-overlapping descriptive accounts of the motivations and 3 circumstances Of dropping out and remaining in school for particular students. For the present study, these, in the main, proved the most valuable. Contexts One such descriptive account is Willis’s (1977) renowned study of working-class youths in England, WWW WW. Although this was not a drop-out study per se and dealt with males, it clearly delineated the contextual factors leading to large numbers of disaffected working-class students: the cultural asymmetry between home and school, low expectations of teachers, powerlessness of students, and subsequent (passive or active) heightened resistance to the schooling process. WIllis’s research, situated in cultural-reproduction theory, gave insights into the circularity of student resistance as perhaps no other study has done. In the process Of raising imperative questions about the social and personal costs Of resistance by working—class youths, he implied questions as great about the students who remain in school. Michelle Fine continued this questioning in an updated mode in her studies of drop-outs. In ”Being Wrapped Too Tight: When Low Income Women Drop Out of High-School” (1989), she presented a sympathetic portrait of young women unable to endure the rule-bound, impersonal world of secondary school. She 33"“ "'0“? POIntedlv. in W 4 Wighfieheel (1991), what causes students to drop out and what it ”costs” those who remain in (pp. 4, 229-230). Lois Weis’s study of Whmitfladtjlghfiahmlfludants WM 990) addressed the identity formation of young white women in an urban environment that is on a downward spiral, similar to that of the African-American girls in the present study. She stated, Schools play a major part in this process of identity formation. Yet, schools, and the students, teachers, and parents involved in them, are situated in a larger constellation of institutions. . . . The industrial plants of the City are dark, its future far from rosy. What does this mean to the school experiences of its students? (p. vii) But Patricia Hill Collins (1990) and other writers have stressed that a depressed urban employment situation, with all its related ills, is nothing new in the larger socioeducational context of the African-American student. The female student’s identity is formed between the pluses and minuses of her own culture as it accepts, rejects, is delimited by, or transcends White, patriarchal, mainstream culture influencing its own Black, patriarchal, nonmainstream identity. Ofthe entwined worlds affecting the schooling of the African-American female, Collins remembered: I saw nothing wrong with being who I was, but apparently many others did. My world grew larger, but I felt I was growing smaller. I tried to disappear into myself in order to deflect the daily, painful assaults designed to teach me that being an African-American, working class woman made me lesser than those who were not. And as I felt smaller, I became quieter and eventually virtually silenced. (p. xi) 5 Her schooling experiences were largely of being the only or "one of the few” Blacks in White environments (p. xi), and the stress is understandable. But this negative situation served to undermine the wonderful feelings Ofworth and power she had felt earlier in an all-Black environment. Leanita McClain was an African-American child of the Chicago housing projects who became an award-winning journalist. Her schooling experiences, radically different from Collins’s, enabled her to escape poverty and hopelessness. But, just ten years later, the girls in her old school could not dream of similar relief. Clarence Page, the editor of her book, A_Eo_o_t_iIJ_Eaen mm (1986), declared: Perhaps nothing shocked her more than the deterioration of the all-female inner-city high school she and her sisters had attended only a few years earlier. In less than ten years, literacy rates at her alma mater had declined as dramatically as its teen pregnancy rate had shot up. All-girl gangs had appeared, and the faculty seemed to be afflicted with a growing malaise. (p. 156) The teachers at the school resorted to a wide array of measures to keep afloat with their changed student body, but they were truly overwhelmed. In the midst of increasing school, neighborhood, and City problems, however, the girls had the same need for a good education and some affect in their school day. Many of McClain’s newspaper columns dealt with the sorry state of education in the public schools of Chicago. They explored the ills that undermined motivation, concentration, and self-esteemnfamiliar precursors of dropping out in both boys and girls. 6 Other African-American female writers and scholars, such as bell hooks in Iallslngfiaalt (1989), Septima Clark in W (1986), and Maya Angelou in Ltgnewflhythefiagedflrdflngsu 969), have documented excerpts of their own past schooling and mentioned reasons for dropping out that they personally overcame. Gwaltney collected oral narratives of Black Americans in W (1980). "Avis Briar” and several others have mentioned lies that they were forced to listen to in school. Avis recalled, "In high-school they told methat it was the wonderful world of work and my father told me, ’Shug, it’s a bitch out there’“ (p. 190). "Nancy White” said that the teaching did not fit her learning style: ”That’s how they tried to teach you then. They’d show you what they could and teach you what they showed you. Now, Ithink I learned that way better than I did in school” (p. 144). In a more reflective piece. ”Estelle O’Connor Kent” told her story of mounting learning frustration at school, being labeled, and finally dropping out, despite her desire to graduate (she eventually became a community leader): I mean, I’d try really, really hard! I’d study, but I’d get to school and the teacher would mix the words up and I’d get a big, fat F. lwouldn’tjust get an F, but a big, fat, Led F! I’d think to myself, “I studied so hard! I mean, I knew these words when I got to school!" When she gave the papers back Ijust knew I had a C or a B! But there would always be another big, fat F, again. After that, when I left Central, I really got a complex because they put me in a school for slow kids. Everybody knew that school as a school for dummies. "O, you’re a dummy"-that’s what they’d say to you if you went to that school. They sent retarded kids there. I wanted to stay with the rest of the girls and graduate with them. I never got to graduate from anything! Ijust went to another grade. I would have even felt good if I had got a diploma from the grammar school. By the time they were passing out diplomas, they had put me into a school that was slow. 7 Everybody knew that this school was for anybody that couldn’t read, write, or spell. I used to feel so ashamed because everybody else was going ahead. I was kept back twice and that second time just did me in. The first time I felt that I might still have a chance; I knew that everybody was ahead of me, but I knew that I’d be coming back next year and I thought I might have a chance. . . . Oh! I just found it very hard to catch on. I have really tried. I have tried to all extent! I mean, I’d be going whole hog at it, but ifthat lady asked me to spell something, Ijust couldn’t do it. (pp. 210-211) Still haunting and instructive are the spate of books chronicling the abuse of minority children under the guise of education. Kozol’s QaatflaLaDEadlAga (1967) and other works highlight mistreatments that fester into dropping out or unproductive staying in. Another public school teacher, Haskins (1979), also wrote powerfully of the cultural incongruities and lack of respect by teachers that alienated youngsters and must have led, eventually, to a high number of drop- outs. The latest in this genre of educational exposé research/writing is Kozol’s Savage_lneguelities (1991), which tells the tale of the growing disparities between America’s poor and better—off schools. At one point in the book, Kozol discussed some little African-American girls whom he met in a dilapidated school in the eastern United States: I look into the faces of these children. At this moment, they seem full of hope and Innocence and expectation. The little girls have tiny voices and they squirm about on little chairs and lean forward with their elbows on the table and their noses just above the table’s surface and make faces at each other and seem mischievous and wise and beautiful. Two years from now, in junior high, there may be more toughness in their eyes, a look of lessened expectations and increasing cynicism. By the time they are 14, a certain rawness and vulgarity sometimes sets in. Many will be hostile and embittered by that time. Others may coarsen, partly the result of diet, partly self-neglect and self-dislike. Visitors who meet such girls in 8 elementary school feel tenderness; by junior high, they feel more pity or alarm. (p. 183) A teacher described these children’s backgrounds as deprived, neglected, and unsheltered. Children whose personal lives are too demanding for sustained interest in school for long. Pre-drop-outs, some of them. How many? III I . I' The profile of students at-risk for dropping out of school represents a long- term link among poverty, family, and academic performance (Ensminger & Slusarcick, 1992, p. 96), ordinarily a poorly functioning link. Now, however, increasing numbers of middle-class youths also are becoming drop-outs. Based on cohort studies rather than census statistics, the most reliable drop-out statistic for all students is 25%, with boys comprising a significantly higher percentage of the total than female students. The rates are higher for. 1. Unbanjtaas where as many as 50% of school-age cohorts fail to graduate. 2. Mineritwyeuths (in Chicago, 38% for Whites, 56% for African- Americans, and 57% for Hispanics). 3. Ijjgheeheelfiudents (at present). For the past 15 years, the drop-out rates for middle-class, White, high- achieving students (achievement scores 75% and above) have been climbing. This is also true for youths from middle-class ethnic backgrounds. This middle- class figure is growing, whereas that for African-Americans as a whole is decreasing slightly. 9 Thus, according to Lefl