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PUBLICLY FUNDED SATELLITE TELEVISION IN ALASKA:
LOST IN SPACE

13'
We Alexander Isett

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Mass Media PhD. Program
College of Communication Arts and Sciences

1995

ABSTRACT

PUBLICLY FUNDED SATELLITE TELEVISION IN ALASKA:
LOST IN SPACE

by

Rosemarie Alexander Isett

Rural Alaskans are the only television viewers in the United States to
receive a state-owned and operated satellite channel broadcasting U.S.
network entertaimnent to their homes. Small satellite earth stations in 224
rural communities beam the Rural Alaska Television Network (RATNET)
into the homes of nearly 113,000 viewers, most of whom are Alaska Native.

This research combines case study, ethnography and survey methods
to examine the impact of television on Alaska's native culture and lifestyle.
In 1991, a survey was conducted among adults in three Northwest Arctic
Inupiat Eskimo villages, which have received the RATNET signal since the
late 19708. More recently, these villages acquired small cable television
systems. In this new multiple-channel environment, RATNET's
distinguishing feature is Alaska news, weather and a smattering of locally
produced Alaskan programs. RATNET remains the only television channel
in more than half of the villages it serves.

The dissertation argues that RATNET should take into account the
distinct cultures and lifestyles of rural Alaskans, and broadcast more
culturally relevant programs. Respondents indicate they want more
culturally proximate television, which reflects their daily lifestyle and

experiences, or the experiences of other rural Alaskans. The research also
indicates that Inupiats link television to a decline in traditional activities and
lifestyle, although they rank TV at the bottom of a list of machinery,
appliances and other technologies affecting their lifestyle.

The research supports and augments Straubhaar's cultural proximity
theory among Alaska Natives. Straubhaar finds that indigenous Latin
American television viewers actively search for programs that reflect their
lifestyle. The current study argues that cultural proximity also explains the
use of technology to perpetuate a traditional native lifestyle. The preference
for certain technology in the Inupiat villages parallels the preference for
television programming content. Native villagers wish to maintain their
subsistence lifestyle by making it more efficient and convenient. They want
some of the television they watch to reflect their subsistence patterns, as well

as their native culture, history and traditions.

Copyright 1995
ROSEMARIE ALEXANDER ISETI‘
All Rights Reserved

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation would not have been possible without the support
and assistance of many people.

My thanks are first due to my father and mother, Henry and Mildred
Alexander, who encouraged me to capitalize on my Alaska experience and
conduct a research project which would be fun. I enjoyed every aspect of this
work, from searching the archives, to living in the villages, to writing the
results. Only the statistical analysis, however simple, was drudgery, but
Paul Engleman made it tolerable. My thanks to him for his knowledge of
SPSS and his love of crunching numbers. Darla Siver of the Institute of
Social and Economic Research, University of Alaska Anchorage, made it
easier for both Paul and me by entering the data into the computer program.

I would like to thank my graduate committee chair, Dr. Joseph
Straubhaar, for his guidance, direction, and for seeing the potential in this ,
study. He did not, by the way, tell me to adapt his cultural proximity theory
to this research. I stumbled upon it in my journal readings and was delighted
that someone had devised a theoretical explanation for my observations.

Each member of my graduate committee added his own expertise,
encouragement, debate and discussion during the long life of this project. My
thanks go to Dr. Thomas Baldwin, who guided me through my undergraduate
program, later as a master's student, and many years later in the Ph.D.
program. My sincere gratitude also goes to Dr. Joseph Chartkofl', Dr. Bill

Cote, and Dr. Todd Simon, for the individual role each professor played
during my tenure as a graduate student.

Dr. Gail Valaskakis, Concordia University in Montreal, was
instrumental in the formation of this project. During a week in Montreal, she
arranged meetings for me with Canadian television researchers, Inuit
Broadcasting Corporation, and Television Northern Canada officials. I also
spent many hours pouring through Dr. Valaskakis' voluminous private
collection of television studies, which proved to be very helpful in my work.
The Canadian Studies Program at Michigan State University paid for this
fruitful research trip.

The village field work was funded by the Center for Information
Technology (CIT), University of Alaska Anchorage, which operated from 1990
to 1992. My thanks to Dr. Larry Pearson, CIT executive director, for the
many hours of discussion, direction, and editing. CIT‘s Harriet Shaftel
deserves a special thanks for keeping me organized while in Anchorage and
in the field.

Several people assisted with the surveys, and two deserve special
recognition. My sidekick and research assistant, Ruth Mandelbaum-Pope,
accompanied me to all the villages. Ruth's enthusiasm, love of adventure,
sense of humor, and ability to cook nurtured me throughout the field work.
Ruth liked the Arctic so much that she moved to Ambler! Lana J arrard also
assisted with village surveys. My thanks to Lana for her interviewing skills
and ability to keep me organized while living out of a backpack and boxes.

My appreciation to Ryan Air Service Inc., Baker Aviation, and Cape
Smythe Air Service, which provided fiee flights into the villages. The
Kotzebue-based air services provided our transportation because of the

importance of RATNET to the communities they served.

11

Several people assisted during the writing and editing phase of the
dissertation, including Dr. Becky Bear Jackson, Dr. Larry Pearson, Dick Isett
and Pam Dundy. My husband, Dick, asked me so many analytical questions
that I was well prepared for the defense. Pam spent many, many late-night
hours at the computer making changes as I revised chapter after chapter
before the defense, and again for publication. My sister, Dr. Ruthanna
Alexander Metzgar, deserves a special thanks for her constant
encouragement. Having completed her doctorate in 1993, she understood the
need for a periodic pat on the back.

Finally, my gratitude to all the residents of Ambler, Buckland and
N oorvik, who love to talk about television and so willingly answered my
questions. They warmly welcomed me into their village, their schools, their
churches and homes. I hope some of the information gathered in the surveys

will benefit their lives in rural Alaska.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................. vii

M:

I. WON ..................................................................... 1

II. W ........................................... 6
The Native People ..................................................................... 6
Rural Employment .................................................................... 9
Rural Media ............................................................................ 11

III. WW ................... l4
Telephony ................................................................................ 14
Radio and Television Stations ................................................ 15
Mini-TV ................................................................................... 17
Early Satellite Television Demonstrations ........................... 18
Alaska Satellite Television Demonstration Project .............. 21
The TV "Demonstration" Becomes Permanent ..................... 26
Education vs. Entertainment ................................................. 29
The Rural Alaska Television Network .................................. 30
The Current RATNET Council .............................................. 31
RATNET Council Policies and Bylaws .................................. 32
Program Guidelines ................................................................ 33

iv

VII.

Program Guidelines ................................................................ 33

RATNET Audience Surveys ................................................... 34
Alaskana .................................................................................. 37
The RATNET Council vs. the Alaska Legislature ................ 40
W ................................................. 44
The Council as an "Expert Board .......................................... 45
The Channel as a Public Utility ............................................. 47
The Channel as a Broadcast Facility ..................................... 49
Summary ................................................................................. 52
W ..................................... 55
Media Imperialism .................................................................. 56
The Search for Cultural Proximity Among the Inuit ............ 61
American Indians and TV Access .......................................... 65
Self-Esteem, Migration and Other Effects ............................ 66
Alaska Television Research ................................................... 68
Summary ................................................................................. 72
MEIHQDQLQQX ................................................................... 74
RATNET Case Study .............................................................. 74
Blending Ethnography and Survey in Rural Alaska ............ 76
The Sample .............................................................................. 78
The Survey Instrument .......................................................... 79
Hypotheses .............................................................................. 80
W ......................................................... 83
Village Selection Criteria ....................................................... 84

VIII.

Village Demographics ............................................................. 86

Village Employment ............................................................... 87
Subsistence .............................................................................. 89
Language and Other Cultural Indicators .............................. 90
Village N on-Natives ................................................................ 91
The Sample Villages
Noorvik ......................................................................... 92
The Noorvik Sample .................................................... 93
Buckland ....................................................................... 94
The Buckland Sample .................................................. 94
Ambler .......................................................................... 95
The Ambler Sample ..................................................... 96
W ............................................... 98
Noorvik Media ....................................................................... 101
Buckland Media .................................................................... 103
Ambler Media ........................................................................ 104
Pre-Cable Anticipation ......................................................... 106
Addendum ............................................................................. 109
DAIAAHALXSLS ................................................................. 110
Introduction .......................................................................... 110
TV--The Medium of Choice ................................................... 113
Cultural and Theoretical Perspectives ................................ 116
Hypotheses -- Discussion
Cable vs. RATNET Viewing ...................................... 117
Cable Novelty ............................................................. 118
Ambler Viewing .......................................................... 119
Buckland/Noorvik Viewing ........................................ 122
RATNET's Importance Among Village Viewers ....... 125
TV as the Primary News Source ............................... 125
Other Indicators of RATNET's Importance .............. 129
Cultural Profimity ..................................................... 134
"If You Could Produce a TV Program ....................... 135
Native Language Television ...................................... 137

vi

XII.

XIII.

Other Alaskana .......................................................... 139

Cultural Proximity and Leisure Time ...................... 146
Discovery Channel and Cultural Profimity ............. 146
Family Programming ................................................. 147
Possible Effects of Television on Village Life ........... 149
Television vs. Rural Life ............................................ 150
TV Effects on Eskimo Lifestyle ................................. 157
TV Effects on Village Migration ................................ 167
The Effects of Cable TV on Ambler ...................................... 169
Other Television Effects ....................................................... 170
Television Violence .................................................... 170
Beer Commercials ...................................................... 175
Summary of Analysis ............................................................ 177
QQHQLHSIQNS ................................................................... 179
Summary of Findings ........................................................... 179
Theoretical Adaptation ......................................................... 180
Lifestyle Changes ................................................................. 182
Policy and Cultural Proximity ............................................. 183
Recommendations ................................................................. 186
The Economics of Rural Programming ................................ 196
APPENDIX A: Map ............................................................. 196
APPENDIX B: Questionnaires ............................................ 197
APPENDDI C: TV Schedule ................................................ 261
BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................. 263

vii

LIST OF TABLES

Table
1. Village Media Use, Ambler .................................................. 114
2. Village Media Use, Buckland/Noorvik ................................. 114
3. RATNET Viewing, Ambler ................................................... 119
4. Cable Subscribers' Viewing, Ambler .................................... 120
5. RATNET Viewing, Buckland/Noorvik ................................. 122
6. Cable Subscribers' Viewing, Buckland/Noorvik .................. 123
7. Primary News Sources, All Villages

National and International News ........................................ 126
8. Primary News Sources, All Villages

Alaska News .......................................................................... 127
9. Cable Subscription and Cultural Proximity,

Alaska News/RATNET, Ambler ........................................... 140
10. Cable Subscription and Cultural Proximity,

Rural Alaska Shows/RATNET, Ambler ............................... 141
11. Cable Subscription and Cultural Proximity,

Alaska Native Events/RATNET

Buckland/Noorvik ................................... 142
12. Cable Subscription and Cultural Proximity,

Alaska News/RATNET, Buckland/Noorvik ......................... 143
13. Cable Subscription and Education,

Alaska Native Events/RATNET

Buckland/Noorvik ................................................................. 144
14. Changes Affecting Native Villages, Summary .................... 151

viii

Race

15.

16.
17.
18.

19.
20.
'21.
22.

Changes With Greatest Efl‘ect by Gender,

Buckland/Noorvik ................................................................. 153
Changes Affecting Native Villages, Summary .................... 156
Learning Traditional Eskimo Ways ..................................... 160
Learning Traditional Eskimo Ways by Gender,

Buckland/Noorvik ................................................................. 162
Subsistence ............................................................................ 163
Visiting Friends and Relatives ............................................. 164
Community Gatherings ........................................................ 166
Traditional Eskimo Handicrafts .......................................... 167

Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

Now that we have TV, our people mostly seem to
want to wait for their program rather than get their
chores done...0ut here we don't have running water
or sewer, and we have to get wood or stove oil. It
seems those are put aside for TV. It also interferes
with subsistence hunting.1

Like many indigenous cultures around the world, the traditional
lifestyle of Alaska natives is undergoing rapid changes and challenges. The
once nomadic tribes now live in settlements, with modern schools, airstrips,
electricity and telephones. Satellite television dishes occupy a large square of
community land. Satellite television occupies a large portion of community
time.

Satellite television was introduced in rural Alaska in 1977. By the
mid- 19808, a state licensed and operated satellite television channel was
received in 224 rural communities.2 Known as the Rural Alaska Television
Network (RATNET), the channel broadcasts commercial entertainment as
well as some noncommercial programming, and an overnight instructional

classroom feed.3 A 17-member board representing rural viewers and

 

1Answer to "How do you think your life was different before you had TV?" Adult
survey, Fall 1991.

2l‘here were 224 communities with satellite earth stations in 1991. The RATN ET
signal can be picked up in approximately eight neighboring communities without earth
stations. However, this number is not constant, therefore, the number of earth-station
communities will be used throughout the paper.

3For a complete description of RATN ET, see Rosemarie J. Alexander, "Politics, Not
Policy: The Rural Alaska Television N etwork," unpublished manuscript, Michigan State
University, December 1992.

educators selects the daily schedule. Native Alaskans comprise the largest
segment of the RATNET audience. Very little programming is culturally
oriented, or is produced in Alaska.

The satellite television service was created at a time when
telecommunication played an important role in Alaska's rural development
policy. Until recently, RATNET was the only television channel available in
rural homes. Now, challenged by the intrusion of cable and other broadcast
technologies, Alaska satellite television policy goals, direction and purpose
need to be re-examined.4

This study examines satellite television policy and its impact on Alaska
native culture and lifestyle, as reported by rural native Alaskans. Conducted
in three Northwest Alaska Inupiat5 Eskimo villages during the fall of 1991,
the survey focused on Inupiat adults' perception of the effect of television on
rural life. The dissertation is a product of a multi-method approach,
combining a policy case study of RATNET with ethnography and quantitative '
data collection in the field.

The search for a RATNET policy model guided the initial stages of the
inquiry. Driven by the novelty of satellite technology, no models were used to
frame RATNET, resulting in a laissez-faire policy and unclear goals. The
fieldwork phase of the inquiry was a result of the RATNET case study and
the need for quantitative data about village television viewing. Many of the
survey questions reflected assumptions state policy-makers have made -- but
never tested -- that RATNET content has negative effects on rural viewers
and the native lifestyle.

 

4Ibid.
5Pronounced l-nu-pak.

Questions also were driven by the growing number of rural villages
investing in cable television systems. In the late 19808, legislators began to
dispute state appropriations for free entertainment TV to rural viewers, when
many rural viewers seemed willing to pay for similar programming on cable.
Until this research, no one had attempted to empirically observe what role
the free RATNET channel played in the villages with cable systems.

Several broad questions guided the research: (1) What changes do
rural Inupiat Eskimos perceive in village life and culture since the arrival of
television? (2) Is there a cultural impact of television in native communities
which should be considered in Alaska satellite television policy? (3)18 Alaska
programming (Alaskana) important enough to rural viewers that Alaska
should foster an aboriginal broadcasting policy? (4) Is the Rural Alaska
Television Network important enough to rural viewers that they would be
willing to pay for it? (5) If so, what is this importance and why are villagers
willing to pay, considering the availability of cable television?

Data description and analysis demonstrates a general preference for a
"local" TV genre, that is, regional and culturally specific programming. It is
clear fiom the data that native viewers rely on RATNET for news and public
affairs. Due to the paucity of other media in rural Alaska and to the oral
tradition of the native culture, television has become rural Alaskans' "window
on the world." They perceive that TV interferes with traditional lifestyle, but
believe it is only one of a multitude of changes in rural Alaska affecting
native villages. .

The study had three phases: (1) pro-cable surveys conducted in a
village that received only the RATNET channel; (2) post-cable interviews in
the same village after a six-channel cable system had been installed; and (3)

surveys in established-cable villages that have received both RATNET and
a small number of cable channels for several years.

The data collection process was guided by perceived changes in the
village and Inupiat culture since the arrival of television, the village media
environment, and the role of RATNET and cable television within it; as well
as demographic characteristics, particularly those that distinguish rural
natives from other rural Alaskans, such as native language, mobility,
education, occupation and lifestyle.

A village media environment is clearly distinguishable from the data.
Demographics establish a village context. Both provide the context for
understanding media-use habits and attitudes, and perceived changes in the
Eskimo lifestyle since TV was introduced. From the data, the impact of
RATNET programming policy on viewers' use of the channel emerges, as does
the specific function that RATNET performs in the rural television viewing
environment. As cable becomes available, RATNET remains the only
television source of Alaska news and information.

Dissertation chapters two and three describe the rural setting and the
development of the Rural Alaska Television Network from an educational, .
instructional and entertainment service to a primarily commercial
entertainment service. Chapter four examines the applicability of certain
policy models to the state-owned channel. Chapter five discusses research on
the cultural effects of television and the application of that research to policy.
The Alaska-specific material, including the policy history, provides the
context for this literature review. Chapter six describes the methodology
used for the policy and field research, and the hypotheses growing out of the
policy analysis, literature search, key informant interviews, and observation.

Chapters seven and eight establish the sample village setting, including the

media environment. Chapter nine analyzes the impact of RATNET on the
Eskimo lifestyle from viewers' perception, and chapter ten suggests changes
in state policy to foster culturally relevant programming.

Chapter Two
THE RURAL ALASKA SETTING
INTRODUCTION

The Rural Alaska Television Network (RATNET) is unique among U.S.
television systems. Alaska is the only state to own and operate a primarily
entertainment channel that is neither commercial nor public. RATNET is not
a television station, cable channel, repeater, or translator. An analysis of the
system requires an understanding of rural Alaska's population, the
challenges posed to rural communication by Alaska's geography, and a

discussion of Alaska's telecommunication history and policies.
THE NATIVE PEOPLE

Alaska natives were once the only people in Alaska. By 1990, they
comprised only 15.6 percent of Alaska's total population of more than one-half
million.1

Between the first Alaskan census of 1929 and the 1990 census, the
state grew more than eight times, from 59,255 to 550,043. The native
population increased from 29,983 to 85,700. The non-native population
increased by a factor of 16, from 29,272 to 464,343.

Alaska native groups are comprised of Inupiat and Yup'ik Eskimo;
Aleut; Athabascan Indian; and Tlingit, Haida and Tshimian Indian. All are

 

1Data from the 1990 U.S. Census was the benchmark for the 1991 television survey.

6

culturally diverse, but have common political, social, and economic problems
and goals. Among rural natives, the desire to protect the subsistence lifestyle
and traditional native culture and language is especially strong.

Inupiat and Yup'ik Eskimos, estimated at 44,400 in 1990, comprised
Alaska's largest group of indigenous people; the 1,083 Haida Indians were the
smallest group. Southeast Alaska's Indian groups are considered to be the
most acculturated, having had the longest period of contact with Euro-
Americans. Northern Inupiat Eskimos and interior Athabascan Indians may
be the least acculturated, having the shortest history of contact.

Alaska's first explorers were Russian fur traders in the mid- 17008.

The Russians later established a capital at Sitka in Southeast Alaska, then
sold Alaska to the United States in 1867. Alaska was under U.S. military
jurisdiction until 1884, when a civil government was put in place. Alaska's
territorial years were marked by a rush to exploit its rich natural resources -
salmon, whale and walrus, furs and gold. Alaska natives became part of that
process.

The U.S. policy to civilize and absorb the American Indian into Euro-
American society was extended to Alaska. In the late 18008, under the _
direction of Sheldon Jackson, General Agent of Education for Alaska, major
Christian denominations divided their missionary activities among Alaska
natives by geographical region.2 A major element in the missionary plan was
the eradication of native languages. Native students were forbidden to speak
their languages in school, and were punished if they did. This language
policy continued in Alaska schools until about 1970. Alaska native languages
are rapidly dying, despite a 19908 movement among native groups to

 

2Today, certain Christian churches still dominate a given rural area. The
Evangelical Friends Church was the only denomination in the three Inupiat Mple villages.

.7

preserve language and culture.3 Few native children can speak their
language fluently. 4

Alaska is divided into vast geographic regions based on the indigenous
residents who occupied each region before Euro-American contact. By
statehood in 1959, Alaska natives were losing more than language and
culture, they had lost land, and their subsistence hunting and fishing rights
were threatened. The Alaska Federation of Natives (AFN) was formed in
1966 to pursue native land claims with the federal government. The result
was the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (AN CSA), signed into law on
December 18, 1971. AN CSA divided Alaska natives into 12 in-state regional
and 200 village corporations. A thirteenth corporation encompasses Alaska
natives living outside the state. The regional native corporations were given
$962.5 million and 44 million acres of land, a much different system than the
Indian reservations of the continental U.S.5 The corporations were set up to
own and manage the land and money. Individual natives were enrolled in
the corporations based on their birthplace, or where they lived.6

Many of the corporations have invested in natural resource

development in Alaska. Not all native corporations have been economically

 

3The Alaska Legislature has considered, but never passed, legislation requiring
native school districts to establish native language advisory committees, and to encourage
local schools to teach the local language. According to linguist Michael Krauss, 20 native
languages were spoken in Alaska in the early 19908. Krauss estimates that five will be lost
by 2015 and at least 15 by 2055. Michael Krauss, "Alaska Native Languages: Past, Present
and Future," Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska Fairbanks, 1980.

4The most fluent children are Yup'ik Eskimos, who live in very remote and
traditional villages in western Alaska and on St. Lawrence Island. Linguistic studies show
that children learn English better once they have mastered and speak their native language
at home. Native parents, many of whom recall the punishment they received 1n school for
speaking their language, generally encourage their children to speak English. David Hulen,
"Two languages better than one," WW8, (Feb. 12,1994), 1.

5Ala8ka has only one reservation, Metlakatla 1n Southeastern Alaska. After AN CSA,
the Tshimian people were given the option of remaining in reservation status or becoming a
corporation. Tshimians chose to remain a reservation.

6Each enrollee also was given 100 shares of stock. Alaska Natives are members of
both a regional and a village corporation.

successful. Those that are provide village and regional services, offer some
employment, and pay each shareholder born before 1971 an annual dividend.

The more than 224 rural villages served by the Rural Alaska
Television Network are primarily native. Most are unconnected by roads,
although a few are along the road system. Some coastal communities are
served by the Alaska Marine Highway system.

These remote villages offer few health and social services, and many
are plagued with health problems. Only 40 percent of Alaska's rural
communities have piped residential water systems; 37 percent have flush
toilets.7 Outbreaks of hepatitis and other diseases related to unsanitary
conditions are common. The health of Alaska natives is among the poorest in
the nation. The statewide birth rate is highest among Alaska natives, and
the native teen birth rate is 70 percent higher than the national average.8
Alcoholism is a chronic problem in rural villages. The rate of Fetal Alcohol
Syndrome/ Effects among Alaska natives is the highest of any group studied
in the world.9 Alaska's suicide rate is three times the national average10 and

22 times higher for Alaska native men.

Rural Employment
Rural Alaska unemployment was about 14 percent at the time of the
1991 village survey, compared to 8.8 percent statewide.11 An estimated

 

7Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, “A Commitment to Alaskans:
Solving Today's Sanitation Problems While Planning for the let Century,” draft report,
(Juneau, AK: January 1992),15.

8Judith Anderess.llemcgranh1cs:.A_Qase_chEm1it1LixLAlaska. (Juneau: Alaska
Department of Education, June 1991), 29.

9Russ Christensen, "Health Problems Among Alaskan Eskimo Infants and Young
Children, " AmtiaMedisalBaseamh (April 1990) 65; and Anderegg. Demographics. 22

10Alaska State Legislature, Health Resources and Access Task Force, W
WW3. (Juneau: January 1993), 29.

11Neal Fried, "Rural Alaska's Different Employment Picture," AlaskLEmgmig
Trends, (January 1994), 4.

21.4 percent of rural Alaskans lived in poverty, versus 9 percent for the rest
of the state.12 Poverty level in Alaska is derived by adding 25 percent to the
national poverty criteria to take into account the higher cost of living in
Alaska, updated annually to reflect change in the consumer price index.13

In rural Alaska, the term poverty is misleading. Rural natives still
depend on subsistence hunting and fishing for the majority of their food and
livelihood, and "no one has yet to come up with a way to convert subsistence
into cash."14 The role subsistence play in the sample villages is discussed in
chapter seven.

' Rural villages are slowly moving from a subsistence to a cash economy.
Few jobs are available, and skill and education levels are low. Anthropologist
Norman Chance believes that in order to get "money into the villages, more
villagers will have to go elsewhere to work."15 Also, many rural natives do
not "want to fully relinquish their subsistence activities for the supposed
security of wage employment."16

While Alaska ranks first among all states in percentage of high school
graduates, only about 46 percent of its natives have completed high school.17
Until the late 19708, rural natives who wanted to attend high school had to
leave their village. Many went to Anchorage, Fairbanks, or to federal Bureau
of Indian Affairs boarding schools in Sitka and the Lower 48. In addition to
the social disruption caused by sending teen-agers away from their village,

many natives did not attend school. The drop-out rate was high among those

 

121bid., 2.
13Neal Fried and Holly Stinson, "It's Getting Harder to Earn a Buck," Alaska

W. (December 1993), 6.
1“*Holly Stinson, Administrative Services, Alaska Department of Labor, interview by

author, Anchorage, April 28, 1992.
16Norman A, Chance, 1 '

Went, (Fort Worth: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1990), 196.
16Ibid., xiv.
17Andere88.D£mnmnhina. 29.

10

who did. A 1977 court decision required that local school districts provide a
secondary school in communities that wanted one.18 A massive building
program ensued, and most Bush communities now have their own school,

with very few students.

Rural Media

Rural Alaskans are media and information poor. About 40 percent of
those living in the most remote regions still lacked telephones in 1991.19
Daily newspapers were not available on a regular basis. Some regional
centers, such as Kotzebue, Nome, and Bethel, published weekly or biweekly
newspapers, delivered to rural villages. While most communities had access
to radio, reception was often poor. Sixty-nine of the RATNET communities
did not receive radio in 1991.20 When RATNET was introduced in the late
19708 and early '808, it was the only source of news and information in most
rural Alaska villages. It remained the only source in many villages in 1991 at
the time of the survey.21 The village media discussion will be amplified later
in this paper.

At the time of the 1991 survey, approximately 90 of the RATNET
villages had cable television systems. The number of villages acquiring cable

was rapidly growing.22 Sixteen Southcentral Alaska RATNET commmiities

 

13'l‘obeluk v. Raynolds, 4 AAC 05.040 (1976), also known as the "Molly Hootch"
decision.

19Larry Pearson, "Desert Storm and the Tundra Telegraph: Information Diffusion in
a Media-Poor Environment," in Bradley Greenberg and Walter Gantz, ed8., W
We, (Cresskill, N. J .: Hampton Press, 1993), 9.

20Herb Holeman, chief engineer, Alaska Public Broadcasting Commission,
Memorandum to the Alaska Department of Administration, February 1992.

21For a statewide look at rural Alaska media in the late 19808, see Larry Pearson,
"Media-Rich, Media-Poor: Knowledge Gaps and Communication Policy in Alaska" (Ph.D.
diss., University of Minnesota, 1990).

22Cable has been installed' 1n communities with populations as small as 300, but
operators indicate it would be economically impractical to provide cable to villages with 50 or

fewer households Larry Pearson WM

11

also received over-the-air signals from Anchorage public and commercial
television stations that utilized a state-subsidized translator.23 Several
Southeast Alaska communities also received the Juneau public TV station via
state-subsidized translator. Five public radio stations and one public TV
station served a primarily native audience. Three radio and one TV station
were broadcasting in English, Yup'ik and Inupiaq Eskimo.“ Approximately
84 percent of rural residents owned videocassette recorders (VCR) in 1991.25
Home satellite dishes were sprouting up throughout the Bush.

The consumer economy has moved to these isolated subsistence
villages, mostly via the mass media. While no Alaska media studies have
looked directly at rural consumption patterns, the broken and discarded
remains of modern native society sit atop the permafrost as startling

reminders of the transition from subsistence to cash:

There must be hundreds of dead animals here,
maybe a thousand if you dug under the piles of
more ordinary trash -- the cola cans, diapers, pickle
jars, and so on Alongside the animal parts lie
the skeletal snow machine bodies and dead
outboard motor fragments What we have at the
N oatak dump is perhaps unique in world history:
evidence of a high-tech hunter-gatherer society.26

 

 

Legislature, March 1987, revised August 1987), Appendix A.

23At the time RATN ET became available, an over-the-air TV signal could not be
received in these communities.

24Inupiaq is the language of the Inupiat Eskimo people.

25Pearson, "Desert Storm," 10.

2""Noatak 18 a small Inupiat village 1n the Northwest Arctic Borough. "If you visited
any of the ten village dumps' 1n the region, you'd see more or less the same things." Nick

JanaThaLasLLishLBmakinzimnnaArnmaAlaskaflnnniaLEskum (Seattle: Alaska
Northwest Books, 1993), 118-119.

12

The mass media, particularly television, perpetuate this high-tech
hunter-gather society. In the early 19908, most rural communities still
depend on the state-subsidized RATNET channel for their home
entertainment and information. The following chapter recounts Alaska's

satellite television history.

13

Chapter Three
ALASKA TELECOMMUNICATION HISTORY

The evolution of Alaska's state-sponsored satellite television system is
best understood within the history of rural telecommunication development.
The following description of Alaska's telecommunication history may be

instructive in assessing satellite television policy.

Telephony

Telephone came to rural Alaska long after other rural areas of the U.S.
were taking telephones for granted.

By statehood in 1959, Alaska had a confusing combination of U.S.
military, community, and independently owned telephone systems, which
served larger communities and military bases, supplemented in a few rural
villages by high-frequency (HF) radio links. State policy-makers began
taking an active role in telecommunication development in the 19608, and by
1970 an Office of Telecommunications(OT) had been established within the
governor's office, responsible for long-term telecommunication planning and
policy.1

In 1969, the U.S. Department of Defense sold its Alaska
Communication System (AC8) to RCA Global Communications, Inc., which
incorporated in Alaska as RCA Alascom. The relationship that developed
between Alascom and state policy-makers is an integral part of rural TV.

 

1Telecommunication responsibilities now fall under the Department of
Administration.

14

RCA Alascom's early years were marked by a reluctance to invest in
rural satellite communications, although it was the only feasible technology
for Alaska's vast, rugged terrain and extreme weather conditions. For the
most part, state government provided leadership into the satellite age out of
frustration with RCA's resistance. Alaskans also believed that
telecommunication was a lifeline to the Bush and would spur development.

In May 1975, the Legislature appropriated $5 million for construction
of 100 small satellite-telephone earth stations in rural villages with 25 or
more permanent residents? Television was added almost immediately. In
fact, when the Ninth Legislature took up the $5 million satellite-telephone
earth station appropriations bill, it may have been the prospect of television
that sealed the vote.3

Radio and Television Stations

Territorial lawmakers' first foray into broadcasting was a $5,000
subsidy in 1931 to an Anchorage and Ketchikan station "to disseminate news,
executive proclamations and inquiries, information about the Territory, etc."4
Government support of these commercial stations continued until 1936.

Public radio's roots reach deep into state government. Funded with
state and federal grants, the first public radio station began broadcasting in
1962 from the University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF) and remained the only

 

2Session Laws of Alaska 1975, Chapter 88.

3The $5 million appropriation was to begin "procurement and installation of satellite
terminals..." SLA 75, Chapter 88. By 1989, Alascom owned 146 earth stations and the state
of Alaska owned 102. That year, the state paid Alascom $2,304 million in earth-station and
transponder-lease charges. The Legislature authorized purchase of Alascom's earth stations
in 1989, saving more than $4 million over five years. Alascom's charges now are about $1
million annually for satellite distribution. In addition to the savings, it was thought that if
the state owned all the earth stations and transmitters, it could at some point competitively
bid TV service to the private sector, eventually ridding itself of the television business.

4John Thomas Duncan, "Alaska Broadcasting 1922-1977: An Examination of
Government Influence," (Ph.D. diss., University of Oregon, 1982), 33.

15

public station through the 19608. In 1970, the Legislature created the Alaska
Educational Broadcasting Commission (AEBC), charged with facilitating
broadcast services in rural areas. The first rural public radio station went on
the air in 1971 in the Yup'ik Eskimo community of Bethel, broadcasting in
English and Yup'ik. Through the 19708, the political philosophy toward
broadcasting was clearly stated in the intent language accompanying a 1976
legislative appropriation for a statewide public radio network:

A public radio network is an economic way of
bringing the State together. Existing radio stations
can be interconnected in a network to make new
informational material available so that all
Alaskans can be informed as to what Alaska is
doing.6
At the time of the 1991 three-village study, 16 public and 61
commercial radio stations were operating in Alaska.6 Commercial stations
were predominantly located in markets with an economic base large enough
to foster competition and support radio advertising. Rural Alaska was served
by public radio, with stations in 12 communities. The four urban public
stations were carried on state-funded translators into other rural regions.
Alaska public stations are licensed to local community groups or educational
facilities; no stations are licensed to the state. The Alaska Public
Broadcasting Commission (APBC), was created in 197 6 to replace the AEBC,
and to establish guidelines for the use of state funds. The APBC is precluded
from influencing public broadcast content.
In 1952, the Federal Communication Commission allotted Alaska 19

VHF television channels, including four educational and two military

 

5Session Laws of Alaska 1976, Chapter 223, intent language.

61.1madcastias.ansl.£2alzlr.¥sarh9.olL19.9.l,(Washington,D.C: Broadcasting
Publications, 1991)

16

channels. All channels were assigned to larger population centers with a
commercial economic base. No primarily native areas were in the FCC
allotment.7 In 1991 at the time of this research, Alaska had 11 commercial

and four public television stations.

Mini-TV

Rural television began in 1971 as an AEBC experiment with 10-watt
transmitters connected to three-quarter-inch videotape machines. With the
AEBC as licensee, the state built transmitters in about 20 rural sites. A
network director was hired and a "Mini-TV" association created, with
members representing the sites and acting as a program-selection board.
Each site maintained a local "station" and paid a fee to cover tape shipping.
Tapes were a combination of public and commercial television fare, including
a lot of "cops and robbers-type stuff."8 Copyright problems were numerous --
in fact, mini-TV "was probably all illegal."9

The primary objective of the experiment was to test the feasibility of
providing low-cost TV to isolated communities. Few people involved in Mini-
TV showed concern about content. Local Mini-TV stations could originate
production, but aired only pre-taped programs.10 The AEBC also had little

 

7Alaska Allotment: Anchorage: 2, 7*, 11, 13
Fairbanks: 2, 4, 7, 9*, 11, 13
Juneau: 3*, 8, 10
Ketchikan: 2, 4, 9*
Seward: 4, 9
Sitka: 13

‘Reserved for noncommercial educational use. Channels 5 and 6 were reserved for military
use. 17 Fed. Reg. 3905-4048, (May 2, 1952); 41 FCC 148. (April 14, 1952).

8Kay Shepherd, RATNET Council member and former Mini-TV Association member.
Interview by author, tape recording, Anchorage, August 1989.

9Charles N orthrip, executive director, Alaska Public Broadcasting Commission,
interview by author, Juneau, July 1989.

10Only the Aleutian Island community of Unalaska originated local production,
including 57 hours of school activities, weekly basketball games, pottery-making, fishing
instruction, and local news and weather. Alaska Educational Broadcasting Commission,
informal discussion paper on Mini-TV, (1974), 6-7.

17

interest in local origination. A consultant hired to evaluate the experiment
criticized both local operators and the AEBC for not addressing content

issues:

There is a critical difference between laissez-faire
and accepting responsibility for helping
communities help themselves. If this is not done, it
is not unlikely that we shall see some replication in
rural Alaska of the adverse aspects of television
viewing so frequently documented in the nation at
large.11

Content was not an issue for another mini-TV network that operated
during construction of the trans-Alaska oil pipeline. The national networks
considered the pipeline transmitters an extension of two Fairbanks stations'
affiliation agreements, an action which paved the way for network

agreements for the RATNET channel.12

Early Satellite Television Demonstrations
At the time of Mini-TV, satellite companies were being courted to
conduct an Alaska experiment, based on research indicating that satellite
was not only feasible but necessary:
In many respects, the satellite was 'invented' for

Alaska because of Alaska's unique communications
problems, lack of terrestrial communications

 

11Anthropos,’ 'Evaluation of the Impact of Mini-TV Stations Upon Three Remote
Communities' 1n Alaska," in Beverly James and Patrick Daley, "Origin of State-Supported
Entertainment Television 1n Rural Alaska," MW: 31
(Spring 1987), 173.

12The Fairbanks stations were primarily CBS and NBC affiliates, and shared ABC
programming. Under network copyright agreement, the Fairbanks stations were required to
dub 18 copies of each program, one for each camp. Each tape had to be erased after it had
aired once at the camp. The pipeline network operated from 1974 to 1976, with tapes
airlifted daily from Fairbanks to each camp. A. Hiebert, President, Northern Television, Inc.,
interview by author, tape recording, Anchorage, Sept. 1, 1989. Also, Hiebert, Letter to Joan
Kasson, Alaska Office of Management and Budget, Jan. 8, 1988.

18

facilities, mountainous terrain, harsh climate and
sparse population.13
The 1974 - '75 ATS-6 Health/Education Telecommunication experiment
(ATS-6) truly put Alaska into the satellite-television age. Its objective was to
give the state technical and content information on which to plan a future
statewide satellite communications system. Nineteen rural communities
were included in the demonstration, representing Southeast Alaska's Tlingit
Indians, Athabaskans in the Interior, Central Yup'ik Eskimos in the
Southwest and Lower Kuskokwim region, and several non-native villages.14
Medical and educational programs were the top priority of ATS-6.15
Native-based programming, made possible by citizen input, also was a major
concern. Committees from participating communities assisted in the
planning and design of health, language, early childhood education, and
viewer-defined programs. Community aides also were hired to operate local
satellite-terminal equipment, publicize programs and collect audience data.
In most cases, the consumer programming committees recommended
that ATS-6 include native-oriented programming be broadcast in English as
well as some Alaska native languages. State telecommunication advisors .
considered consumer input a top priority of ATS-6 mainly because it was in

"communities isolated from towns and cities that satellite technology is so

 

1:lCassier, H. R. and Wigren, H., "Alaska: Implications of Satellite Communications
for Education," United National Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris,
May 1972, quoted' 1n Office of Educational Telecommunications for Alaska, W
W, Vol. II, (Juneau: Alaska Department of Education, 1982), 3.

l4Sixty-three of 270 mostly rural communities were within the satellite footprint. No
Inupiat Eskimo and only a few Yup'ik villages were represented in the experiment, although
Alaska's largest native group was Eskimo. Many of the selected sites were not as isolated as
most of the northern and western villages beyond the footprint, which any future system
would serve.

15Alaska Office of Telecommunications, WWW

 

1, (Juneau: Office of the Governor, 1975), 12 8: 14.

19

urgently required and can make the most significant contribution."16 State
omcials believed local feedback would increase program relevance, thus
increasing audience size. They also thought audience feedback would help
them determine the most effective use of rural satellite television.17

The eight-month ATS-6 experiment was the forerunner of the
Television Demonstration Project (TVDP), or RATNET as it is known today.
While ATS-6 pioneered the concept of consumer committee involvement and
relevance in programming, none of the culturally relevant programs became
models for TVDP. The success of the ATS-6 project was measured by
technology, not content: A

It got enough attention and showed the capability
of the use of small earth stations...It was good in
that it demonstrated to educators that you can
have distance education and also to the medical
profession that you could supply medical services
or enhance the supply via telecommunication. The
problem was that there were no costs involved for
people. They were being funded by the federal
government and people were getting a free ride on
the satellite, so there was no thought about cost
effectiveness or anything. Everybody said, 'Hot
dog, we got satellites and we can use them.’18

ATS-6 evaluators recommended that future satellite television policy
include culturally relevant and region-specific programming. Evaluations

stated that Alaska natives should have "direct participation in
programming," and be trained and employed as media professionals.19

 

1651,1212, Vol. I, 39.
17W 4; Vol. I. 78.
18Robert Walp, former director, Governor's Office of Telecommunication. Interview
by author, Anchorage, August 1989. Confirmed by Northrip and others, and ALED report.
19Theda S. Pittman and James. M. Orvik, W
W (Fairbanks: Center for Northern
Educational Research, University of Alaska, December 1976), 6.

20

Just as the mini-TV network demonstrated low-power TV technology,
ATS-6 showed the feasibility of satellite television in Alaska. When the
experiment was over, it was easy to transfer the technology to a new satellite,
but any lessons learned about the importance of culturally relevant content
were forgotten. The only carry-over from Mini-TV and ATS-6 to RATNET

has been the use of a consumer board to select programming.

THE ALASKA SATELLITE TELEVISION
DEMONSTRATION PROJECT

At the start of the 1977 satellite Television Demonstration Project, 85
percent of Alaskans received at least one television channel, whether from
commercial or public stations, translator, cable, Mini-TV, or Armed Forces
Television (AFTV). The 15 percent who did not see television were primarily
rural Alaska natives?0

Prior to TVDP, even urban viewers did not receive timely television.
Programs were videotaped at ABC, CBS and NBC commercial network
afiiliates on the West Coast. The tapes were shipped via the scheduled
airlines to Anchorage, where dubs were recorded, then shipped to stations in
Fairbanks and Juneau. Network news had always been seen at least one day
late in Alaska, often more.

The state fostered network-affiliate participation in the satellite
service for several reasons, including the need for network copyright
agreements. A deal was struck whereby Anchorage affiliates would get live
TV, and in return, the stations would tape programs for the TVDP at no cost.

 

20Alaska Office of Telecommunications W
W, (Juneau. Office of the Governor, March 15,1977), 3.

21

The TVDP began its 23-village service in January 1977, several
months after the target date?1 Then, the TV demonstration just "took
off...all the rest that has happened has been legislatively driven."22

Live and same-day broadcasts to the Alaska affiliates had daytime
priority over other transponder uses. A single-channel "bush format" was
developed for live transmission from a tape-delay center in Anchorage, to
rural areas, so timely programming could be seen simultaneously in urban
and village homes. Network agreements required that each program be aired
in its entirety, including all commercials. The state was not charged a fee for
the network programming.

An Anchorage broadcaster, who had negotiated the FCC and network
agreements, said Alaska broadcasters knew it was a "good deal":

(W )e recognized that the Bush is pretty isolated
and if they are deprived of something that we have
here (Anchorage) it's going to create some
discontentment. So we thought it was a good idea
as a service to the Bush. But what the
broadcasters got out of it on a quid pro quo basis
was some live sports and live news...So we got
something and the Bush got something?3

Broadcasters continued to receive live programming from the state
until the mid-19808 when most stations invested in satellite technology.

 

21The appropriation called for earth stations in 24 communities, but it was nearly
impossible to install an earth station in the Bering Sea island village of Diomede. A 10-watt
transmitter was installed and videotapes were supplied to Diomede by mail. State records
indicate other delays were technical in nature, generally because new technology was being
used. OT engineers worked with RCA to establish new technical standards and parameters
for the small receivers, which had one telephone and one public health service line into each
village. Television-receive couplers were added for the TVDP. As the project expanded into
villages with landline or microwave service, television receive-only stations (TVROs) were
installed. T. McIntire, former director, Division of Information Services, interview by author,
Juneau, July 20, 1989.

22Cynthia Halterman, former telecommunications planner, Department of
Administration. Interview by author, Juneau, June 2, 1989.

23Augie Hiebert, general manager, KTVA Television, Anchorage. Interview by
author, Anchorage, August 1989.

22

The first TVDP communities represented specific geographic as well as
native regions of the state, with selection based on these criteria: (1) An
earth station had to be installed in the village, or scheduled for completion,
by the TVDP operations deadline; (2) sufficient electrical power had to be
available in the village; and (3) in regions with more than two earth stations,
villages with a secondary school had priority over those with only a primary
school?4

The original legislation is silent on content. For a few years, the
Legislature appropriated approximately $100,000 for a "video legislative
information service to all broadcast stations, public and commercial,
throughout the state...."25 The Legislature designated an Alaska Federation
of Natives (AFN) committee to select TVDP programs offered by the
Anchorage network affiliates, Alaska PBS stations, as well as education-
material suppliers and in-state independent producers. A TVDP preliminary
report notes:

A great deal of the Committee's time was involved
in discussing whether or not there was sufficient
programs produced in Alaska or by the Canadian
Broadcasters that would be relevant to rural
Alaska...The AFN Committee, in making their
program selections, was acutely aware of the vast
cultural and educational differences in their regions
and of the harmful effects that commercial
television could have. They were also aware of the
fact that they had complete control over what types

 

“83W. Vol. 1. (Juneau:
Governor's Office of Telecommunication, Feb. 1, 1978), 5.

25Alaska Legislature, WI, May 25, 1976: 1571. The program was an
independently produced, daily 30-minute legislative newscast, which was carried on
RATNET and public stations. Segments were offered to commercial stations for use in
newscasts. The Legislative Council, a joint House and Senate committee, negotiated the
contract with commercial or public station producers, or independent producers who
submitted proposals in response to an annual Request for Proposal (RFP). The 1989
legislative session was the last time an RFP was offered.

23

of programs that would be televised to rural
Alaska.[8ic]26

The AFN selection meetings were open to the public, and some guests
"voiced their opinion that commercial television with its violence and sexism
would be harmful to bush villages."27 Similar concerns were raised at
legislative hearings on the TVDP; most were dismissed by legislators as
comments from "academic white eyes."23 The Legislature adopted a policy
that it would not set content standards or intervene in programming
decisions.

During the TV. demonstration, the system delivered 122 hours of
programming per week to both urban and rural viewers. Rural viewers were
treated to an average of 30 1/2 hours of entertainment per week, 15 1/2 hours.
of news and public affairs, and 15 1/2 hours of educational TV. Little
culturally relevant programming was available for rural broadcast.

The demonstration offered "an ingenious combination of things. If it
had been just entertainment TV to the Bush, it probably would not have
flown."29 High school and college-credit courses, children's educational (such
as "Sesame Street") and health-related programs were aired during daytime
hours. Evening hours began at 5 pm. with NBC network news, followed by
network entertainment, then CBS network news.

A year into the TV demonstration, the Hammond administration, wary
of state involvement in an enterprise normally left to the private sector, hired

a Los Angeles-based contractor to program and operate the rural network.30

2W. 36.

27mm.

28Rep. Fred Brown, former member, Alaska House of Representatives. During the
19708, Brown was instrumental in steering telecommunication legislation through the
Alaska Legislature. Interview by author, Fairbanks, August 1989.

29Northrip interview.

3o'l‘he Robert Wold Company also controlled satellite feeds to Hawaii.

 

24

The contract was challenged by Alaskan providers. A subsequent state
ombudsman's investigation recommended it not be renewed, and that a
nationwide search be undertaken for a manager who would establish a user-
pay system. The contract expired, the search for the manager never
materialized, and by 1979 the state was politically entrenched in providing
free TV to remote villages throughout the state.

An important aspect of the contract was its attempt to reduce the
state's costs as sole provider of rural television, by charging a user fee. Later
attempts to establish user fees have been rejected.31 As this study will
suggest, however, a user fee may well be feasible.

The contract also sparked criticism from natives who felt that the Los
Angeles company had little understanding of rural Alaskan programming

needs:

The Wold Company never asked us what we want.
Are they going to put on what we want to see out
in the Bush or just what goes on in Anchorage?32

Bush viewers were not asked what they wanted to watch on TV. They
continue to receive mostly commercial entertainment provided by the
Anchorage affiliates. While this study will show a desire for a regionally and

culturally relevant genre, it is also the first to ask village viewers what kinds
of programs they want outside of those already offered.

 

31Department of Administration officials estimate a cost of $3.33 per month per
household for the current service, based on 1990 U. S. Census figures 35, 440 occupied housing
units. Deborah Gazaway, Division of Information Services, Department of Administration.
Source: Alaska Department of Labor AWN
(Juneau: July 1993).

32[he speaker was a Mini-TV Association member, who asked the question at the
time the contract was announced. Anshmjfimes, Dec. 11, 1978. (Photocopy. Title,
reporter not supplied).

25

The TV "Demonstration" Becomes Permanent
When the Legislature approved the satellite demonstration project in
1978, Gov. Jay Hammond let the bill become law without his signature, with
this caveat:
I agree with the intent of this bill to provide timely
programming for urban as well as rural areas of the
state, not just for news, sports and entertainment,
but also for instruction and social service. I am
concerned, however, that we may be setting a

precedent which will require continuing
expenditures, increasing year after year.33

Hammond predicted the future accurately. As the Alaska state
treasury filled with oil money, state government involvement in
telecommunication grew. In fiscal year (FY) 1980 for example, more than
$13 million was appropriated by the Legislature for telephone, the satellite
television project, public broadcasting, instructional television, data
transmission, electronic mail and radio communications. The prevailing
notion that drove the original telephone/television expenditures remained at
work: telecommunication was seen as a way to improve life in the backwoods
and bind the state together.

The state also had money to spend, and rural television was politically
expedient -- the ultimate pork-barrel legislation for rural lawmakers. "It was
a real badge of honor if (a legislator) could get TV" for his or her district,
according to then-APBC director Michael Porcaro, who was responsible for
tape-delay center operations in the early years of the TVDP. "I was the only
bureaucrat in the world who got ten times more money in my budget than I

asked for," Porcaro said.34

 

336w. Jay Hammond, cited in W Vol. 1, 4.

34Porcaro recalls that some legislators were so anxious to get TV in their district that
they introduced bills for television in villages that had no electrical power. Michael Porcaro,

26

No one state agency had responsibility for planning, coordinating or
administering telecommunication activities; consequently, appropriations
were spread among various divisions within the departments of Education
(DOE), Transportation and Public Facilities (DOTPF), Law, Administration
(DOA), the Governor's Office of Telecommunications, and the University of
Alaska system.

A 1981 executive order by the governor” consolidated all state
telecommunication activities, including satellite TV, under the Department of
Administration. The order also clarified the state's hands-off TV
programming policy:

Decisions and policies relating to programming
under the satellite television project, including
scheduling and allocation policies may only be
made by a network that is representative of
participating rural television users, by commercial

broadcast users or by other participating user
groups and entities...36

In 1981, the name Rural Alaska Television Network (RATNET) was
formally adopted. The 1981 executive order extended RATNET into many
more villages, with continued service dependent upon available revenue.
DOA also was directed to "actively seek alternatives to open-ended state

subsidization of television."37 An educational television channel was given

priority by the Legislature:

 

former APBC executive director, interview by author, Anchorage, Oct. 4, 1990. Confirmed by
Shepherd and others.

35Under Alaska law, the governor can reorganize the executive branch of government
by executive order, subject to legislative approval within 60 days from time of introduction.
Alaska Constitution, 1959, art. III, sec 23.

36Known as Executive Order 50, the order also required DOA to act as liaison
between satellite TV user groups and state government, and to provide management support
and technical assistance for the project. Session Laws of Alaska 1981, Chapter 82, sec. (d),
99.

37113111.

27

A channel for instructional television and a
channel for the state satellite television project
may be provided to communities, which want this
service, with at least 25 year-round residents,
including at least 8 students attending school
there, or taking correspondence courses. This is
not intended to prevent use of state funds for
additional television channels.38

The educational channel, named the Learn Alaska Network (LAN),
went on the air in 1982, leaving RATNET's daytime hours free for
entertainment. Those hours were soon filled with commercial network fare
such as soap operas and game shows. By 1982, both channels were available
in the Bush, but not in all villages.39 At its height, about 227 sites received
Learn Alaska“:0

 

38Alaska Legislature, "Letter of Intent," MM, June 24, 1981, 1731. The
Legislature already had defined educational television in a 1979 resolution as "public aff'airs
and cultural programs of general public interest, as well as instructional programs for (1)
preschool; (2) kindergarten through 12th grade; (3) adult education; (4) post-secondary
education; (5) continuing and professional education; and (6) other specialized education.
The resolution directed the legislature to conduct an educational TV feasibility study.
Session Laws of Alaska 1979, Legislative Resolve No. 25. The first educational television
appropriation, $85,000, was awarded in 1976 to the Department of Education to developan
"educational telecommunications systems proposal." Funds also were given that year to the
DOE and University of Alaska for educational programs to be run on the TVDP. Session
Laws of Alaska 1976, Chapter 213.

39In some villages, the two systems were installed simultaneously, other villages
received RATN ET before Learn Alaska; and some, LAN before RATNET. Alascom received
numerous complaints from viewers in villages that had the education but not the
entertainment channel. For example, in the Bering Sea coastal whaling village of
Shishmareff, villagers soon learned how to flip the transponder switch from Learn Alaska to
RATN ET. Until the village got RATN ET, Alascom engineers were frequently dispatched to
repair broken locks on the Shishmareff earth-station building. Tom Jensen, director of
public affairs, Alascom. Interview by author, Anchorage, August 1989.

40Only a technical upgrade of existing village and regional-center earth stations was
required to receive the second channel. About 43 new low-power transmitters (LPTV's) had
to be installed in other communities. The state owned 80 LAN receivers, the remainder were
owned by Alascom. The state paid Alascom an annual transmission fee of $880,000 and
nearly $1.2 million in uplink and downlink charges for LAN.

28

Education vs. Entertainment

A 1979 consultant's report to the Alaska Legislature concluded that
Alaska could not support both instructional and public television?!1 The
information was ignored in legislative debates regarding the annual
appropriations for Learn Alaska, RATNET, and public broadcasting. The
report accurately predicted the fiiture, which came to pass in 1986 when
Learn Alaska was scrapped because the state could not fund two channels.

When the Alaska economy began to sag in the mid-19808, legislative
proposals ranged f'rom major cuts in public broadcasting to merging public TV
with Learn Alaska. The greatest RATNET and Learn Alaska expense was
satellite transponder time. Consequently, lawmakers could not nibble away
at Learn Alaska or RATNET -- it was necessary to eliminate an entire
channel. In the end, public broadcasting suffered some loss in funding, and
Learn Alaska was "merged" with RATNET. The action saved the state about
$2 million annually.42 Learn Alaska's low-power transmitters (LPTV'S) were
warehoused, to be used as backups for RATNET LPTV's. Legislative intent
language accompanying the RATNET appropriation intended that the
RATNET Council increase the amount of educational content in the daily ‘
schedule. No guidelines were given. r

Legislators generally blame lack of revenue for the demise of the
educational channel, but money was only part of the problem. In retrospect,
local school districts were not extensively involved in program planning, and

 

“Larry Goldin and Becky Bear. WWW

- ‘ (Juneau: Alaska Department

 

of Education, June 1979), 36.

”The state had a 10-year agreement with Alascom for Learn Alaska transmission.
Because the system was terminated before the agreement ended, termination fees were
nearly $2 million. The Alascom satellite, Aurora 11, is the only U.S. satellite dedicated to a
single state.

29

Learn Alaska had few home viewers.43 LAN managers had "failed to produce
a product that people wanted...they didn't take the pulse of the community."44
For those leading the charge for state-supported television, two
channels were always part of the plan, so no thought had been given to
programming a combined channel. The demise of Learn Alaska was a
catalyst for legislative attempts to intervene into the workings of the
RATNET Council. The Legislature's new goal of providing a balance between
education and entertainment on two channels conflicted with the RATNET
Council's policy of programming the entertainment channel to a broad,
homogeneous audience. The RATNET Council had always been an
autonomous group, so legislative intent language without the force of law and
without clear directives could easily be ignored. As an entertainment channel
without Learn Alaska's insulation, RATNET became a more noticeable target
for legislators, simply because it is more difficult to defend state expenditures

for entertainment than for education.

' THE RURAL ALASKA TELEVISION NETWORK
At the time of the 1991 three-village survey, the Rural Alaska
Television Network served more than 224 rural communities. RATNET was
not transmitted to cities and towns which received commercial and public TV
station signals.45 Under the original agreements negotiated for the Satellite
Television Demonstration Project (TVDP), the Anchorage commercial
network affiliates offered the RATNET Council network programs. Alaska

public stations and a few independent producers also offered programs to the

 

43Lois Steigemeir, Alaska Department of Education representative to RATNET
Council, interview by author, Juneau, Aug. 4, 1989.

“Harold Hopper, RATN ET Council representative, interview by author, tape
recording, Haines, Aug. 1, 1989.

45A few rural areas had begun to receive commercial and public station signals via
statesowned transmitter. These signals had not been available at the start of RATNET.

3O

rural satellite service. The state does not pay for the programs RATNET
broadcasts, and rural viewers have never paid a fee for the RATNET service.
RATNET's major expenditure continued to be the Alascom satellite
transponder lease. The fiscal year 1992 RATNET appropriation totaled
$1.361 million, of which slightly more than $1 million went to Alascom for
transponder lease. In 1992, the state of Alaska completed its purchase from
Alascom of all the RATNET earth stations, which significantly reduced state
costs. Appropriations for RATNET maintenance and engineering had been
reduced, as well as RATNET Council travel to Anchorage for quarterly
meetings. State support for all broadcast services, including public radio and

TV, was at an all-time low.

The Current RATNET Council

At the start of the 1977 TVDP, the Legislature enlisted the Alaska
Federation of Natives (AFN) to select programs so "the people who were
getting the programs" would be making the decisions "without any
interference or dictating of government.”6 The AFN programming
committee grew into the 14-member RATNET Council, with 12 members
selected by Alaska's regional native associations (See Chapter Two), and two
at-large members appointed by the governor. After the 1986 legislative
"merger" of LAN and RATNET, the Legislature, through intent language,
required the RATNET Council be expanded to 17 members with the addition
of three LAN representatives?7

 

46F. Brown interview. Confirmed by Northrip and others. Also, RATN ET Council,
"Minutes," Dec. 2, 1981, 3: "It was state policy at that time (1977) that the people that lived
in the rural areas would select the programming..."

47The Learn Alaska members to the RATNET Council represent the Alaska
Department of Education, the University of Alaska Anchorage, and public broadcasting.

31

The council is not named in statute“:8 Its only official recognition as a
"network...repre8entative of participating rural television users" is found in

the section of law that precludes DOA from making content decisions“:9

RATNET Council Policies and Bylaws

A8 a satellite demonstration project, entertainment, news and public
service programs shared the single channel with education and instruction.
Entertainment was selected from popular network shows. Alaska-produced
programs had to be of "value and interest to the general public," affecting a
"significant portion" of RATNET communities.50 Rural instruction, selected
by the Department of Education, could be pre-empted for "programming of
national or statewide importance," such as a presidential or gubernatorial
speech, news conference, natural disaster or other imminent news coverage.51

As the demonstration was expanded to more villages, programmers
were encouraged to carry Alaska-oriented programs, presumably to make the
channel more relevant to its audience. However, with the official formation
in 1981 of the RATNET Council and general acceptance that satellite TV was
no longer a demonstration, state officials encouraged a general-interest
programming policy, without regard for region and ethnicity.52

At the time of this research, council bylaws describe the volunteer

council as the "ombudsman" for the rural residents served by RATNET.

 

48Members of the ill-defined TV programming committee asked the Legislature in
1981 to recognize the committee in statute. Intent language describing the "user groups"
was the result of that request. A second request for official status was made but denied in
1983. Hopper interview. Also, C. Derfner, special assistant for boards and commissions,
Sheffield Administration; and "Minutes," Oct. 19, 1983.

“Alaska Statutes, Article 6, Section 44.21.320 (c), 74.

“Alaska Department of Administration, W, Alaska Satellite
Television System, (1978), 6.

511bid., 8.

521a 1981, the RATN ET Council adopted policies written in conjunction with
Department of Administration officials and approved, where necessary, by the state attorney
general.

32

Satellite TV is to be used to bring rural Alaskans "into sharp focus as viable
members of the current political and economic community."53 The council
also is to "develop the means by which to implement a regular policy of
community assessment to survey community television preferences."54 The
council has never been given funding nor expertise to conduct audience
surveys. Consequently, "community assessment" has been inadequate and
subjective. Neither the bylaws nor program guidelines recognize the

audience's unique native characteristics.

Program Guidelines

RATNET Council program guidelines state that network
entertainment "will be evaluated as required," and sports on a seasonal basis.
"Public service" (including news) is evaluated when the council meets. The
council is to encourage programs produced "for the Alaska statewide
audience."55 The council has no mechanism for soliciting such programs.

Instructional programming, required with the 1986 merger of LAN and
RATNET, must be of network quality and "will be assigned on a time slot
basis."55 Since the merger, the council has reserved 2 a.m. to 5 a.m. for
instructional programming, which is generally for classroom use.

Programming by the 17-member committee is a lengthy and
cumbersome, but democratic process. The 14 rural representatives told the
author they could not imagine another way to select programming. The three
educational members believe the state should hire a professional television

programmer who would suggest, solicit and schedule programs, using the

 

53RATNET Council, "Bylaws," Feb. 12, 1982, revised May 29, 1987, 2.
“RATNET, "Bylaws," amended, Sept. 18, 1984, 2.

55RATNET Council, "Guidelines," adopted 1981, revised 1987, 3.
56Ibid.

33

council as advisors.57 Rural and educational members often disagreed over

content.58

RATNET Audience Surveys

RATNET Council members assume that rural Alaskans' television
tastes are little different from urban-Alaska viewers or those in the Lower 48.
A true "community assessment" of TV preferences has not been done since
1977 when the satellite demonstration project reached only 23 villages. That
survey indicated the most popular shows were action-adventure, crime and
police, including "Six Million Dollar Man," "Bionic Woman," "Charlie's
Angels," and "Hawaii 5-0." The least liked were documentary and
educational programs, news about the Alaska Legislature, and musical
variety, such as "American Band Stand."59 Sports, the perennial favorite in
most markets, rated poorly in 197 7 .60 Viewers requested more movies, police
stories and longer total viewing hours. Setting precedent for future
programming groups, the TVDP committee added an hour to total viewing

time and decreased some sports coverage.61

 

57An Anchorage commercial network-affiliate program manager, who worked with
the council, described the RATNET Council program selection process as a "nightmare." He
marveled that agreement could even be reached. B. G. Randlett, program director, KIMO-
TV, interview by author, Anchorage, Aug. 30, 1989.

68This became clear to the author during several RATN ET Council meetings and in
interviewing the 17 council members, as well as past council members and Alaska
Department of Administration advisors to the RATN ET Council.

59The results were based on 490 responses from viewers in the original 23 TVDP
villages. The total number of open-ended questionnaires, which were mailed with a monthly
TV schedule,‘ 18 unknown. W Vol. II,1978,&9.

60Some sports such as golf or tennis were unknown to most rural Alaskans. Even
basketball, an extremely popular sport in Alaska, was foreign as an "arm-chair" game. Also,
basketball may not have been quite as well-known in the late 19708 because many
communities did not have gyrnnasiums until after the Molly Hootch settlement. Tiny
villages now have high schools with gyrnnasiums and basketball teams that travel
throughout their region playing 1n school and community leagues.

61I!£1212.helirninanr.B.en.0rt.54.

34

Response to a simple questionnaire in a 1977 television program guide
may have been an accurate reflection of viewers' tastes in the few villages
receiving the TVDP at that time. Knowledge of viewer preferences is harder
to gauge now that 224 communities receive the RATNET signal. Since 1977,
several attempts have been made to survey this wide-spread, culturally
diverse population, without much success.

A 1983 questionnaire, distributed by mail with 20,000 Learn
Alaska/RATNET program guides, garnered only 124 valid responses fi'om
75 communities.62 A state DOA report claimed the responses represented "a
good mix of geographic distribution and community size." The report failed to
recognize that the demographic distribution was subject to self-selection bias.
According to the report, tastes had changed since 1977, and the "most liked"
program category was news -- both national and Alaska. Even more
significant were requests that RATNET carry more shows about Alaska.63

Attempts by the RATNET Council in 1985 and 1988 to survey rural
postal patrons fizzled -- "no time, no money; that's the story of (the)
council."64

A 1986 University of Alaska Anchorage (UAA) survey of 100
Anchorage and 100 rural households, funded by legislative appropriation,
reported widespread dissatisfaction with RATNET programming, and
disagreement about what it should be.65 A 1991 UAA media-use survey of
500 urban and rural respondents found, among other things, that rural

 

620ne-hundred sixty responses were received, including letters.

63Alaska, Division of Information Services, "Learn Alaska-Television Project
Program Survey," (Juneau: Department of Administration, Feb. 14, 1984).

64Tony Ramirez, RATNET Project Coordinator, interview by author, Anchorage, Nov.
16, 1990.
6(5an Pearson and Douglas Barry, anEaWaIkianachim

' ' , report to the Joint Committee on Telecommunications,

(Juneau: Alaska Legislature, January 1987), 60.

35

Alaskans preferred television to other media.66 The data to be described here
confirms those findings.

The cost of conducting a truly representative survey in rural Alaska
has been estimated at more than $20,000?7 Alaska telephone surveys cost
more than $20 per completed long-distance call in 1991.68 Mail survey
response generally is low, and would omit many natives who do not read
English. Using the RATNET channel itself as a survey conduit has been
discussed, but the system lacks production and interactive capability.

The annual RATNET budget has never included frmds for audience
surveys. Still, RATNET Council members take seriously their role of
assessing audience needs and desires, reacting to constituents' telephone
calls, postcards and letters. Numerous examples can be found in council
minutes where individual members have attempted to survey the viewers
they represent.69 It is impossible to tell, however, whether those who voice
their opinions are truly representative of the entire audience. An objective
third-party sample would be the most effective method of tapping the rural
audience. The results of the three-village survey reported here provide

baseline data for a broader survey.

 

66Pearson, "Desert Storm."

6"’Costs for attempted, but incomplete, surveys have ranged from $3,500 to $10,000,
paid out of the state telecommunications division budget. John Morrone, Division of
Telecommunications, DOA, interview by author, tape recording, Sept. 1, 1989, Anchorage.
Also, Morrone, teleconference with legislative staff, RATNET Council DOE representative
and at-large member, Juneau, July 14, 1989.

68Based on figures from a 1991 statewide telephone survey conducted by the
Institute for Social and Economic Research and the Center for Information Technology,
University of Alaska Anchorage.

691bid. Prior to council meetings, Russell Nelson, a long-time RATNET Council
member, asked local newspapers to publish questionnaires listing current programs prior to
council meetings. He claims to have received responses from as many as 30 villages. When
"people were given a choice, everyone wanted something different," he said. RATNET
"Minutes," Nov. 13, 1986; also, Nelson, interview by author, tape recording, Anchorage, Aug.
30, 1989.

36

Alaskana

RATNET program selection guidelines offer council members broad
principles, not detailed rules, and require considerable individual
interpretation. The council bases its decisions on "the general value and
interest of the program to the public...”0 This general-interest principle is
bolstered by council bylaws requiring that members "represent the interest of
the rural residents...in the matters of programming..." and serve "without
bias or preferential treatment to any select group, agency or organization?"1

The general-interest principle has caused the council to reject some
locally produced Alaska programs as being too regional, too native, too
controversial, too educational, or "too newsy."72

The council generally has followed commercial network seasons,
picking shows that are popular with national audiences.73 Rather than
encourage local producers to capitalize on Alaska's rich native diversity, the
council has seldom deviated from selecting formula, lowest-common-
denominator programming -- reaching the broadest possible audience?4 A8 a
result, the council has selected shows that appeal to a large, homogeneous
audience. The major difi‘erence between RATNET and commercial broadcast
program selection is that commercial broadcasters base program choice on

audience demographics and ratings. As a RATNET Council president put it,

 

7°RATN ET, "Guidelines," 1981, 2 & 4.

71RATNET, "Guidelines," amended Feb. 17, 1984 and June 14, 1984. These
guidelines remained in effect in 1992.

”RATNET, "Minutes," Feb. 16, 1984, 3.

73For example, top-running shows on CBS are scheduled and balanced by papular
programs from ABC and NBC, and more recently, the Fox Network. Science, nature and
children's' programs from PBS are considered educational material.

“Confirmed by RATNET minutes and program schedules from all years. Also,
Halterman, interview by author, tape recording, Juneau, Sept. 5, 1989.

37

"We try to have something for everyone -- though there's only one channel.
There will always be complaints. Serving 100,000 people is no easy job."75
The RATNET Council has found it difiicult to emphasize Alaska
productions, or "Alaskana," for several reasons: (1) the RATNET Council
general-interest policy discourages the selection of regional, ethnic and
native-language programs; (2) the council's policy on accepting Alaska-
produced programs is erratic and has changed over time; (3) the council has
no empirical data regarding Alaska or native programming, although
informal feedback indicates that rural viewers want more of it; (4) neither
commercial nor public stations can produce a truly statewide newscast, due to
the high cost of rural news gathering; (5) an insufficient number of well-
produced Alaska programs are available; and (6) the RATNET Council does
not have the authority or mechanism to solicit locally produced programs. .
A review of council minutes indicates a need for clear policy on Alaska-
produced programs, including definitions of broadcast quality. Prior to the
late 19808, when the Legislature requested that the council carry more
Alaskana, council members often rejected such shows because there were no
specific selection criteria. For example, the council rejected an Alaska
Federation of Natives request for one hour per day of native-language
programming, although no reference to an "English only" policy is made in
RATNET guidelines.76 Members have always assumed that the "general
value and interest" policy precluded native language programs. The council
consistently refused to carry the Bethe] public station's daily news program

in Yup'ik and English, because of its native language and regional flavor,

 

75Russell Nelson, RATN ET Council president, remarks at Chugach Conference,
Anchorage, Oct. 5, 1990.

76Alaska Federation of Natives, Resolution N 0. 83-08, Annual Convention,
Anchorage, October 1983.

38

despite its regional popularity and the large number of Yup'ik Eskimos who
live throughout the state. The data analysis for the present study indicates
viewer interest in native-language programs.

Program selection committees generally have held fast to the general-
interest policy. An example was a 1983 proposal that RATNET carry a
weekly news magazine on Southeast Alaska. Despite positive viewer

comments, it was canceled after:

Discussion ensued about the entertainment value
of "Southeast Magazine" versus the Council's
commitment to promote carriage of Alaska
produced programming. Comments were made
that "Southeast Magazine" was "too newsy" and
that producers have a difficult time producing
"real" statewide programs due to logistics and
costs.77

That year the council rejected all J uneau-produced programs,
including a statewide call-in with the governor, legislators and other public
officials; a weekly legislative debate; and another weekly Southeast Alaska
news-feature program. The shows could not be aired, the chairman said,
because they were not about "ordinary people; rather, coverage was about
officials, bureaucrats, etc., or about Anchorage and J uneau."78 Such an
attitude defeated the original purpose of the satellite channel, which was to
bring rural residents "into sharp focus as viable members of the current I
political and economic community."79

At the time of this 1991 three-village survey, RATNET broadcast a
weekday average of two hours of Alaska programming each day, including
Anchorage news, which seldom covered rural areas and events. The only

truly statewide program was "Alaska Weather." Had more Alaska

 

”RATNET, "Minutes," Feb. 16, 1984, 3.
781bid.
”RATNET, "Bylaws," 2.

39

programming been available, the council probably would have scheduled it, in

a renewed effort to encourage Alaskana.

The RATNET Council vs. the Alaska Legislature
The 1986 so-called merger of RATNET and Learn Alaska seemed only

to muddle satellite TV policy, which already lacked clear direction. Rural
council members believed education and instruction had little place in the
RATNET schedule. To them, the major purpose of RATNET was
"entertainment and a window on the world" for rural Alaskans.80 In
interviews, rural members told the author:

TV "brings everybody together,“1 and provides

something "for the youngsters to do."82 It was

"awfully hard to include as much education

because of a lack of popularity. Kids are getting an

education by watching entertainment -- be it good

or bad...(The) instructional stuff should stay in the
classroom."83

In 1994, classroom material continued to be run overnight, the policy rural
council members adopted in 1986 when legislators eliminated Learn Alaska
and called for more education on RATNET.

Over the years, the political swipes at RATNET have come most often
from non-native, non-rural legislators, who seem to have little understanding
of the channel, the council and its job, or life in rural Alaska. The council has
been insulated from the Legislature by the staff of the Department of
Administration's Division of Information Services (DIS), which carried its

 

80Nelson interview.

81Peter Twitchell, RATNET Council member, interview by author, tape recording,
Anchorage, Aug. 31, 1989.

82Rhea Knagin, RATNET Council member, interview by author, tape recording,
Anchorage, Aug. 31, 1989.

83Tim Towarek, RATN ET Council member, interview by author, tape recording,
Anchorage, Aug. 31, 1989.

40

budget. The council has not had to interact with the governing body which
controlled its budget.

In 1986, when the Legislature eliminated LAN and required that three
LAN representatives be added to the RATNET Council, legislative intent
called for more educational, instructional and informational programs on
RATNET. The old council resisted both actions, while new educational
members resisted council history. The tension within the council was high in
the first few months after the merger.84 Each group perceived its
responsibility differently -- native members saw themselves as entertainment
programmers and educational members saw themselves as programmers
instructed to carry out the intent of the Legislature, as well as to provide a
balance between education and entertainment.

In the late 19808, council reluctance to devote large blocks of time to
instructional TV was a major reason for legislative attacks and budget cuts.
During FY '93 budget discussions, an Anchorage legislator was bent on
requiring more educational and instructional broadcasts. "I know what they
(rural Alaskans) need," she said in an interview. "Education, education,
education!"85 She authored intent language requiring that a task force study
a combined RATNET, public television, and instructional-television system.
The language was vetoed by the governor.

Over the years, some lawmakers who opposed RATNET or its
programming have become believers. After nine years in the Legislature, the

 

84The merger got off to a bad start when the director of the defunct Learn Alaska
requested that RATNET broadcast a full daytime schedule of education and instructional
material, like the original TVDP. His action heightened RATNET Council members' fear
that Learn Alaska would try to take over RATNET. One Learn Alaska representative noted
"so much hostility" from RATN ET members that meetings were "emotionally draining. You
have to constantly make an effort to not appear threatening," she said, "but you're constantly
perceived that way." Steigemeir interview.

85Rep. Kay Brown, interview by author, Juneau, April 14, 1992.

41

same Anchorage legislator told a House Finance Subcommittee that she had
become "convinced that RATNET is a valuable service." RATNET was a
bridge to rural communities, she said, offering news and information that
rural Alaskans would otherwise be without. In the 19908, the entire
RATNET appropriation was less than $1.3 million, "not a lot of money in the
big context of things, and we're getting a lot out of it."86

Proposed legislation in 1989 to codify the council and set terms of office
for native members, but not for educational members, was the strongest
attempt to tighten council reins. The legislators who sponsored the bills did
so because RATNET was "the only board that has no statutory authority.
The only board that is appointed for life."87 The legislation would have
provided "new blood on the council," according to proponents. "Serving a
certain term makes them (members) more accountable."88 Had the bills
passed, the board would have been controlled by the governor's office.
Despite the failure of the legislation, it is indicative of legislative reaction to
ignoring legislative intent. The rural television service became an even
bigger target in the budget process.

Since the 1986 Learn Alaska/RATNET merger, proposals have ranged
from eliminating RATNET to finding alternatives to the service. By FY 1992,
all RATNET Council travel and meeting funds had been eliminated and
programming was selected during one to two council teleconferences per
year.89 By FY '94, maintenance and engineering budgets had dwindled to the

 

86Brown, House Finance Subcommittee on the Department of Administration, March
10, 1995. .

87Rep. Mike Davis, interview by author, Fairbanks, Aug. 23, 1989.

88Ibid.

89During peak funding years, council members met in Anchorage four times a year,
taking two to three days to select the schedule. In the 19908, the RATNET operations
manager makes video dubs of all proposed programs and sends the half-inch tapes to
members prior to each meeting. Members view the tapes and discuss the merits by

42

point that if a community had "a problem which requires more than a
telephone trouble call to fix, then the cost for travel, shipping, etc. is borne by
the community or an individual or individuals within that community."90 A
1994 House Finance Committee suggestion that RATNET be eliminated
resulted in legislative intent language that public television hold a broadcast
frmd-raiser for RATNET. Broadcasting only to RATNET communities, a
three-hour, four-night telethon raised $92,000 in pledges; $65,000 was
collected. After expenses, approximately $40,000 was available to offset
budget cuts. The public stations received no money for the effort, but hoped
"to see greater broadcast of public TV programs on RATNET."9l

Where once it was a "badge of honor if (a legislator) could get TV" for
his or her district,92 RATNET had become the proverbial political football.

 

telephone conference. A RATNET Council executive committee has the power to make
decisions for the full council between formal meetings.

90Internal memo, Department of Administration, Division of Information Services,
Aug. 1, 1994.

91Ron Clarke, KTOO-TV development director, in "Rural TV network asks viewers to
pledge support. " Mannheim. (Nov. 16, 1994). 3.

92Porcaro interview.

43

Chapter Four
RATNET POLICY MODELS

In theory, RATNET operations policy is to be made by the Alaska
Legislature and programming policy by the RATNET Council. Without policy
directives, however, RATNET has been regulated more by political factors
than actual policy. _

On a government level, policy is generally defined as a particular
course of action which government bodies follow to deal with problems or
concerns. Anderson argues that public policies are not "things that just
happen. They are intended to produce certain results."1 The intended results
of a rural satellite television channel have never been clear. Anderson also
suggests that public policy is authoritative and based on law. However,
neither the channel nor the council have ever been clearly defined in statute.
On the state government level, RATNET policy has changed over the years,
generally in reaction to falling revenues. Such ad-hoc policy has often been.
determined through intent language in the annual RATNET appropriation;
language which is subject to veto by the governor, interpretation by the
RATNET Council, and can even be ignored, since it has no force of law. And
while policy is spelled out in the RATNET Council bylaws and guidelines, it is
subject to interpretation, availability of programming, and insufficient

information about the audience.

 

lJames E. Anderson, W 3rd ed., (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1984), 3.

44

Neither the RATNET service nor the council fit neatly into a particular
policy model. The RATNET service can be analyzed at the channel level as a
quasi-public utility and as a broadcast facility licensed to the state. At the
content decision-making level, the RATNET Council can be analyzed as an
expert board.

The Council as an "Expert Board"

The RATNET Council is not a traditional state decision-making body.
It is neither a state board nor a commission, nor does it act in an advisory
capacity to policy-makers.

While the council has been given the authority to make decisions, it is
only loosely described in law as a user group. Lawmakers involved in the
creation of the channel stayed clear of programming -- "the whole idea was to
not have government telling people what they're going to have on the
television...the decisions (were) to be made by the people who were getting
the programs."2

Hypothetically, as representatives of rural viewers, the RATNET
Council lends a particular expertise to its job. In that sense, both Mosco's
and Ferejohn's descriptions of government agencies seem to apply as possible
models on the content decision-making level.

Mosco defines expertise as a method of processing social claims in
capitalist societies. Using this definition, one could interpret the RATNET
Council as an expert board, a group of "people whose right to governance is

based on socially defined expertise."3 As the RATNET board was originally

 

2F. Brown interview.
3Vincent Mosco, 'T'oward a Theory of the State and Telecommunications Policy,"

WM 39, (Winter 1988); John A. Ferejohn, "The Structure of Agency
Decision Processes," in Matthew McCubbins and Terry Sullivan, eds. ,Wm
W, (Cambridge. Cambridge University Press, 1987),111.

4S

established, members could claim some expertise as village natives
representing a larger rural native population. Under the new board
configuration, educational members can also claim a certain expertise in
selecting educational/mstructional content.

The success of expert boards in reducing social claims against the state
depends on the ability of the experts to "show convincingly that expertise
achieves satisfactory results and that only a select few, highly trained
individuals can claim expert status."4 Such boards proliferate in an advisory
capacity to government. However, the RATNET Council has not acted in an
advisory capacity, nor has the government ever requested that it do 80.
Hence, with a literal interpretation of Mosco's definition, none of the
RATNET Council members can claim expert status as "highly trained
individuals." While the board represents the rural audience, it has fallen
short in showing "convincingly that expertise achieves satisfactory results."5
The board has prescribed programming for the lowest common denominator
instead of using its native experience and culture to define programs that
would inform the audience it serves.6 The board's resistance, and sometimes
failure to fulfill legislative intent has prompted legislators to search for ways
to control the council and prescribe content. On the other hand, the council
has recognized the difficulty of programming to varied ethnic and cultural
groups, considering the constraints of limited sources. Without costly
technology that only recently has become available, narrowcasting to ethnic

groups would be impossible on a single channel.

 

4Ibid., 109.

5Ibid.

6 During annual legislative RATNET budget hearings, primarily non-native
lawmakers make the argument that education and information would be more suitable for

village viewers. Davis, Ulrner, Brown interviews. Also, Sen. Johne Binkley, interview by
author, Fairbanks, Aug. 22, 1989; and others.

46

Ferejohn's study of agency decision-making processes also has some
application to the RATNET Council. He states that expert board members
are likely to have similar preferences and work within a decision-making
structure that anticipates opposition so members can modify decisions.
"Without such a structure, the agency will find its decisions challenged or
reversed, its members demoralized, and its funding cut, or worse."7

A review of programming decisions indicate that rural council
members have similar program preferences. They also have made most
decisions on an ad-hoc, case-by-case basis, described by Ferejohn as a
cumbersome and expensive process that generally does not treat similar cases
equally. The council historically has not treated requests for air time equally,
simply because it lacks audience data and specific criteria for selecting non-
network material. But Ferejohn also says there may be an advantage to case-
by-case decisions, particularly their impermeability to external interference.
In the case of RATNET, decisions are impermeable simply because there is no
mechanism for review until the annual appropriations process. The council's
inability to anticipate lawmakers' challenges has resulted in attacks on its
autonomy, funding cuts, and editorial challenges, as Ferejohn predicts.

The Channel as a Public Utility

Just as the RATNET Council does not fit into a traditional model, the
lack of legal, administrative and economic structure make it difficult to define
the RATNET channel in a strict policy sense. The channel is neither a
television station, cable system, repeater nor translator. Linked to satellite
telephony, which was considered a lifeline to remote regions, rural television

was initially just another aspect of Alaska's satellite technology. If RATNET

 

7Ferejohn, 442.

47

could be strictly considered a satellite service, it could be treated as a quasi-
public utility / common carrier, as defined as in the federal Communications
Act.8

Public utilities were first defined in 1887 by the U.S. Supreme Court in
Munn v. Illinois: When "one devotes his property to a use in which the public
has an interest, he, in effect, grants to the public an interest in that use, and
must submit to being controlled by the public for the common good, to the
extent of the interest he has created...."9

Public interest, as it relates to utilities, means that large sections of
the population become dependent on products and services. "The public
interest appears most clearly where there are both importance of service and
a condition of monopoly."10 Utilities historically are required to serve all
users equally and in a nondiscriminatory manner.

By analogy, Alaska law required RATNET be made accessible to
villages with a stable population of 25 or more. The channel is dedicated to
the public interest of rural Alaska, and for several years, it provided the only
television signal to the rural Alaska public. In many villages, it remains the
only signal. The state, through the RATNET Council, has granted the public
an interest in the use of the channel. In principle, the public controls the
channel by appointing representatives to select programming, and by guiding
their decision-making through communicating television preferences to the
council.

Most public utilities charge a service fee and are subject to government

regulation. RATNET has no user fee, and attempts to set one have been

 

847 USC, Section 702, p 713.
9Munn v. Illinois, U. S. 113, 126 (1887).

10John Bauer. W. (New York: The MacMinan
Co., 1925, reprint, 1976), 8.

48

rejected.11 In terms of regulation, a public utility commission (PUC)
generally regulates utilities; PUC decisions are subject to judicial review.
The state of Alaska, as owner/operator, regulates RATNET through the
annual appropriations process. RATNET Council decisions are not
immediately or formally reviewed by any group, including the Legislature.
Challenges to council decisions come after the fact, during legislative session
budget debates.

One could say RATNET content is regulated by the normal limits of a
broadcast day, by the editorial process of selecting programs from limited
sources, through legislative intent and the budget process. Using the U.S.
Supreme Court's definition of public utility, the RATNET Council, being the
public, would regulate content for the common good. The definition of
common good is subjective, however, and the legislature, the administration
and the council have all had various interpretations.

The utility model also fails in that utilities are generally self-sufficient.
For example, Alaska telephone companies have their own internal and
economic structure, and their operations are subject to regulation by the
Alaska Public Utilities Commission (APUC). RATNET has no internal

economic structure and is entirely dependent upon legislative appropriation.

The Channel as a Broadcast Facility
It also is difficult to apply a broadcast station model to RATNET,
because of the lack of physical, administrative and economic structure.12

RATNET receives state money like public television, but has no other sources

 

11Legislative intent language in the fiscal year 1995 RATNET appropriation
requested the Department of Administration to investigate the feasibility of a RATN ET user
fee.

12See Richard Taylor, "Localizing Television in Alaska." Transcript of presentation
to Center for Northern Studies, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, May 25, 1987.

49

of income or ability to raise funds. It has no power to produce, purchase or
solicit programs.

If RATNET were a broadcast station, the common carrier/public utility
model would certainly fail. The U.S. Supreme Court interprets the 1934
Communications Act as prohibiting broadcasters fi'om becoming common
carriers. The high court "has never approved a general right of access to the
media,"13 as it has for common carriers.

Policy models would be easier to apply if RATNET were a public or
commercial television station, and First Amendment questions raised by the
government as editor would be easier to answer. The 1967 federal public
broadcasting act specifies that public broadcasting provide "programs of high
quality, responsive to the cultural and educational needs of the people...."14
Canby argues that this, in itself, requires specific program selection and
editing.15 He suggests that in state-licensed public radio and TV stations, a
public board be given responsibility for editorial decision-making that
includes well-publicized general policies, prohibits religious advocacy, and
requires fairness16 -- policies similar to those stated by the RATNET Council,
but not always observed. _

The Supreme Court has defined a type of public facility where the state
is allowed some discretion in regulating access and expression." Charkes
suggests a state-licensed television station may belong to this class of public

facilities. Public access is limited, and content-based discrimination is

 

13CBS, Inc. v. Federal Communications Commission, 453 U.S. 367, 396 (1981). See
also, FCC v. Midwest Video Corp. et al., 440 U.S. 689 (1979).

“Senate Reports. No. 222, 90th Cong., lst Sess. 2 (1967). Public Law 90 - 129.

15William S. Canby Jr., "The First Amendment and the State as Editor: Implications
for Public Broadcasting," Wm 52, (1974): 1123-1165.

16Ibid., 1163. Canby suggests that "unreasonable enforcement procedures" should be
avoided in requiring fairness.

17S. D. Charkes, "Editorial Discretion of State Public Broadcasting Licensees,"
W 82, (1982): 1161 - 1182.

50

allowed on subject matter: "Government may draw reasonable distinctions
between types of subject matter when it regulates expression in its facilities
(assuming they are not public forums)."18

Thus, the state could argue that requiring more education, instruction
and information among the mix of commercial entertainment and sports is its
legitimate function as licensee. The original demonstration project was, after
all, a combination of education, instruction and entertainment. And, if
RATNET were a considered a public television station, there would be little
question that broadcasting more education would fall within the public
broadcast ideal of providing alternatives to commercial channels that serve a
mass audience.

Content neutrality is not required by state-operated media, according
to the federal courts, in Muir v. Alabama Educational Television Commission:

The first amendment does not dictate that what
will be said or performed or published or broadcast
in these activities will be entirely content neutral.
In those activities, like television broadcasting to
the general public, that depend in part on audience
interest, appraisal of audience interest and
suitability for publication or broadcast inevitably
involves judgment of content.19

Although the RATNET Council has responsibility for programming,
the state of Alaska could have claimed itself channel editor, by virtue of its

 

18Ibid., 1179.

19Muir v. Alabama Educational Television Commission, 688 F 2d 1033, 1050 (5th cir.
1982., cert. den. 103 S. Ct. 1274); Barnstone v. University of Houston, 660 F. 2d 137 (5th cir.
1981). The en banc decision incorporated two cases involving the broadcast of "Death of a
Princess" on one Texas and nine Alabama public stations. In both cases, the film had been
scheduled, then canceled. Viewers sued to compel the stations to run the film as scheduled.
In Alabama, 8 district court refused to order the Alabama Educational Television
Commission (AETC) to air the film. A Texas federal court held that the Houston station was
a "public forum" and therefore compelled to show it. The Fifth Circuit Court upheld the
Alabama court decision and reversed the Texas decision.

51

license. And while the State has not prohibited RATNET from broadcasting
particular programs, nor edited within programs, legislative intent has not
remained content-neutral?o

By nature of the medium, broadcasters already have less editorial
freedom than the print media?1 Not all speech will be heard, subject to time
and space limitations. Charles Northrip, long-time APBC executive director,
argues that those limitations are enough:

Should the government decide what's appropriate
programming? The FCC has a fairly simple answer
for that...the licensee decides. Here the state is the

licensee. But I don't think that's a politically
acceptable answer.

Ifthe state has power to make a good programming
decision, it also has the power to make a bad one. I
don't want them to have the power to do either
one.22

On a statewide political level, state funding for public TV is easier to
justify than state funding for entertainment TV. Thus, as Northrip notes,
those who "rail out against RATNET say public TV is OK because there's

precedent for it."23
SUMMARY

Alaska telecommunication policy can be divided into two areas: One in

which technology was used to open channels of communication and deliver

 

20Some legislators have suggested that beer commercials within network programs
be eliminated, which would violate network agreements. See chapter nine.

21See, for example, Miami Herald Pub. Co. v. Tornillo, 418 U.S. 241 (1974). The
court noted that "a newspaper is not subject to the finite technological limitations of time
that confront a broadcaster...." (pp 256-257). Also, CBS v. Democratic Nat'l Comm. (DNC),
412 U.S. 94, (1973).

22Northrip interview. .

23Northrip was the first general manager of KUAC, Alaska's first public radio
station. He played an instrumental role in many of Alaska television projects, including
Mini-TV and the ATS-6.

52

information to isolated populations, and one in which the technology was
maintained with little or no regard for content and information.24 A
dependence on technology and a lack of overriding goals have often dictated
Alaska's telecommunication policy. Examples range from Alascom's
arguments with state officials over rural telephone service, to the
Legislature's attempts to regulate the RATNET Council through statute (See
Chapter Three).

The Legislature and the RATNET Council have conflicting principles --
political and administrative. The Legislature plays several political roles - it
is the proprietor of the channel license, it is the RATNET funding agency;
and it is a group of individual politicians who must be re-elected.
Eliminating the channel could certainly affect re-elections. The council is
administrator of channel programming, and thereby, the reflector of rural
viewers' program preferences. At times when the Legislature's political
principles conflict with the council's administrative principles, RATNET
becomes yet a bigger political pawn in the budgetary process.

In creating the channel, the Legislature declined to offer content
guidelines, giving the RATNET Council program responsibility. As the sole-
funding agency, however, the Legislature left open the door of intervention.
Were RATNET a public utility, it would have its own economic structure and
state appropriations would not apply; if it were a public broadcast station,
content would not be an issue for the legislature and cuts in appropriations
could be partially offset by station fund-raising, underwriting and other
grants.

In the grand scheme of Alaska television, education and instruction

may be able to share the same channel once again, if clear content policy is

 

24Pearson, "Media-Rich, Media-Poor."

53

developed, and if a mechanism is provided to ensure the accountability of the
program decision-makers. But where state policy-makers once waived their
administrative option, they cannot expect to exercise control without some
dissent. Ifa court declared RATNET similar to a state-owned public station,
then government could declare itself editor.

54

Chapter Five

CULTURAL AND POLICY ISSUES:
A LITERATURE REVIEW

The Alaska-specific material preceding this literature review provides
the context for the application of the literature to rural Alaska.

This study attempts to intersect Alaska satellite television structure
and policy, and television impact on native culture and lifestyle. During
legislative debate on funding for a statewide channel, the effects of television
content were eschewed by legislators. Television effects research, as well as
major broadcast policy studies from Latin America and Canada, could have
informed Alaska's satellite television policy discussions.

The possible effects of commercial entertainment television in remote
native communities covers a wide range. Third World and Canadian
literature suggests, for example, that an increase in consumption patterns;1 a
decrease in traditional behavior;2 a loss of native language, self-esteem, and

native identity3 are possible by-products of watching commercial U.S.

 

1See, for example, Omar Souki Oliveira, "Consumer Behavior and the Brazilian
Media: Socio-Cultural Implications," paper presented to the International Communications
Association, New Orleans, June 1988; also, Oliveira, "Satellite TV and Dependency: An
Empirical Approach," Gym 38, (1986): 127-145.

28cc. for example. Forbes. WM; Conrad Kottak. Erimslime
W (Belmont, CA; Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1990).

38cc, for example, Gail Valaskakis, "Television and Cultural Integration.
Implications for Native Communities 1n the Canadian North" in R. M. Lorirner and D. C.

 

Kagan and Woo Limited, 1988). Reprint. (No page numb8r8). Also, Thomas Wilson, "Ten
years of Network Television' 1n the Eastern Arctic," (Ph. D. diss., Concordia University,
Montreal, Quebec, Canada, 1987).

55

television. The major policy and effects literature explored in this research
includes media imperialism, cultivation, village migration, cultural

proximity, and Canadian indigenous broadcast policy.

Media Imperialism

Rural Alaska has been likened to a Third World country, and is
sometimes called a Fourth World state, in that it has a large indigenous
population within a dominant Western culture. All of the television beamed
into rural communities represents a culture that is mostly foreign to native
viewers, whether Yup'ik or Inupiat Eskimo; Aleut; or Athabascan, Tlingit,
Haida or Tshimsian Indian. Although the programs that seemed alien to
native viewers in 1977 are now familiar, there is little that is relevant to the
rural native lifestyle.

The dominant paradigm of the early years of television research was
based on the belief that mass media would enhance acculturation and
modernization in undeveloped nations. Lerner4 in the late 19508, for
example, proposed that new media would have direct effects upon the
socialization process when introduced into a society. Lerner and Rogers'
19608 work suggested that development would result from the transfer of
technology.5 Content effects were not part of the framework. As previously
discussed, Alaska telecommunication projects were undertaken as part of
rural development, but very little development in the Bush can be linked

directly to television. The direct effects theories are passe.

 

4Daniel Lerner. Wat
(Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1958).

58cc Everett Rogers, W, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1976), and Rogers,‘ 'The Passing of the Dominant Paradigm: Reflections of
Difi'usion Research," in Wilbur Schramm and Daniel Lerner, eds. ,qumnmmd
,:(Honolulu University of Hawaii, East-West
Center Press, 1978).

56

The free flow of Western media into Third World countries has now
been popularized as media imperialism, which looks seriously at the content
of the technology being transferred to the Third (and Fourth) World. Media
imperialism occurs when a dominant culture, such as the U.S., imposes its
values, beliefs and language on a dependent culture via the mass media?

Beltran's analysis of early Latin American television research noted
the pervasiveness of U. S. television, which attempted "to induce in its
audience an adherence to a number of beliefs about human life and destiny,
which several critics rate as noxious."7 Beltran adopted Hartman and
Husband's proposition that media help create culture and a social reality,8 a
theory refined by Gerbner. Gerbner's cultivation theory will be discussed in
chapter six.

Media imperialism has been blamed for a variety of effects, including
economic and cultural dependency. The loss of cultural and ethnic values and
mores, presumably brought about when foreign programming is all that is
available in a nation, occupies a body of media-effects literature known as

cultural dependency? When considering media content, cultural dependency

 

68ee for example, Elihu Katz and George Wedell, WW
Emmismflerfqnnangg, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977); Chin-Chuan
Lee,(l-o: 111.-:11i. '1 1‘1"“ I1 0 0" z '0 " 11 _ r ,(Beverly
Hill:s Sage Publications, Inc., 1980); and O. Boyd- Barrett, "Media Imperialism: Toward an
International Framework for the Analysis of Media Systems," 1n J. Curran, M. Gurevitch,
and J. Wollacott, eds. ,WMME (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1977).

7Luis Ramiro Beltran S, "TV Etchings 1n the Minds of Latin Americans:
Conservatism, Materialism, and Conformism," W24 (1978): 75.

8P. Hartrnann and C. Husband, "The mass media and racial conflict, in Beltran, 63.

9See. for example. Herbertl Schiller. Communicatinnandfinltnmmnminaficn.
(White Plains, NY. International Arts and Sciences Press, Inc., 1976); Kaarle Nordenstreng
and Herbertl Schiller. eds .Hafimalfisxensimflandlntemifimalflammnnimfim
(Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corp., 1979); Lee, W;
Oliveira, "Media and Dependency: A View from Latin America," WM 34,
(1989): 10—14.

57

may be more appropriately named media dependency. The result is cultural
homogenization, according to some dependency theorists.10

In contrast, media diffusionists posit that Third World nations will
borrow and adapt from the alien culture portrayed in Western media,
eventually developing their own communication industries by adapting and
borrowing elements from imported media. Pool predicted such an
adaptation;11 Blumler, Katz and others theorized that audience members use
the media in various ways, each to gratify a particular need. This is called
uses and gratifications theory.12

Lee's evaluation of media imperialism criticizes the diffusionist theory
as more appmpriately related to technology than to culture. He also suggests
that media dependency theory is overstated. Lee advocates clear media
policies in developing nations that will allow them to control their own media
destiny.13

A later study by Skinner documented U.S. media dependency in
Trinidad and Tobago, although the path from U. S. television viewing to U.S.
dependency was more indirect than direct. Skinner also concluded that Third
World nations need to define their cultural place in the world by developing

indigenous information and cultural enterprises.14

 

1OSes, for example, Cees J. Hamelink,Qn1mm1_Anmnnmun_Glghal
Qannnnnjnatinns, (New York: Longrnan Inc., 1983). Also, Lee's Madiajmnszjalism
Ramsidamd provides an excellent discussion of media dependency and homogeneity.

11Ithiel de Sola Pool, "The Changing Flow of Television," Jnumalnfflommnnigaflgn
27 (1977):139-149.

12See, for example, Jay Blumler and Elihu Katz, eds. ,ThsflsasnflMass
Wasatch, (Beverly Hills: Sage
Publications, Inc, 1974).

13Lee, 52 and 55.

1‘ Ewart C. Skinner, "Foreign TV Program Viewing and Dependency: A Case Study
of U.S. Television Viewing in Trinidad and Tobago," (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University,
1984), 180.

S8

Western media consumption increases the consumption of Western
products among those who can afford it and frustration among those who
cannot.15 Oliveira's research in Belize indicates that viewers who watch a lot
of U.S. television are more inclined to purchase U.S. products. On the other
hand, he also found that viewers who spent more time watching Mexican
television were more likely to consume local and regional products.16 In
Brazilian studies, Oliveira found a preference for TV Globo, the Brazilian
network which resembles the entertainment and commercialism of U.S.
television, but emphasizes Latin American themes.17

In many nations where television was once dominated by imported
U.S. programming, there is now a shift to national and regional
programming. This is especially true in Latin America, where U.S. images
share the broadcast day with Latin American genres.18 For example, Mexico
and Brazil have developed large television industries, and export a significant
amount of programming to other Latin American nations. On a smaller
scale, Venezuela,19 Columbia and Argentina also have national television,
some of which is exported.

Media researchers have found a Latin American preference for
domestic television. Viewers actively search for programs that reflect their

culture and daily experience, which Straubhaar calls a search for cultural

 

15Oliveira, "Media and dependency: A view from Latin America," Madiaflmlnnmant
36: 10 - 14 (1989).

16Oliveira, "Satellite TV and Dependency."

17Oliveira, "Brazilian Media Usage as a Test of Dependency Theory," Canadian
JnnmaLaflflgmmnnigatinn 13: 16 - 27 (1988).

“See, for example, L. Antola and Rogers, "Television Flows in Latin America,"
WM 11 (1984): 183-202.

19Seth F. Geiger, "Social Reality in the Third World: The Influence of American

Television on Venezuelan Values," paper presented to the Mass Communication Division,
International Communications Association, Miami, FL., May 1992.

S9

proximity.20 He has found this to be true in Brazil, which has a well-
developed national television system. While Brazil's TV Globo is patterned
after the U.S. commercial television model, Brazilian genres, particularly
telenovelas, are most popular?1 In the Dominican Republic, where U.S.
television still dominates, Dominican television has several widely watched
genres, including local news and informational programs, plus comedies and
variety shows that reflect Dominican culture.22 Straubhaar finds examples of
cultural proximity in other Latin American nations and in Asia, but found
little evidence in the Caribbean, where English is the cultural language. He
speculates that to develop local genres, populations may need both language
and cultural barriers to U.S. television, as in Latin America and Asia?3

The active audience search for relevant programming plays an
important role in Straubhaar's' new definition of asymmetrical
interdependence. He suggests that asymmetrical interdependence is a more
appropriate term for the extent of media development now seen throughout
the world, which ranges from complete dependency on foreign media to
dominant interdependence. Asymmetrical interdependence reinterprets
media imperialism, dependency, and uses and gratification theories into a .
more flexible paradigm. It suggests that the search for cultural proximity,
the decreasing cost of technology, and a nation's acquired ability to use

 

2°Straubhaar, "Beyond Media Imperialism: Asymmetrical Interdependence and
Cultural Proximity." WW 8 (1991): 39-59

218cc, among others, Straubhaar, "The Development of the Telenovela as the Pre-
eminent Form of Popular Culture 1n Brazil,‘ WW

(1982). 138-150; and Kottak, W.
22Straubhaar and Gloria M. Viscasillas, "Class, Genre, and the Regionalization of

Television Programming in the Dominican Republic," WM 41 (Winter
1991): 53-69.

”Straubhaar, "Regional TV Markets and TV Program Flows: Latin America, Asia
and the Caribbean," paper presented to the International Communication Association,
Miami, FL, May 1992.

60

technology, lead to a new cultural products industry for nations once
dependent on foreign media.

The Search for Cultural Proximity Among the Inuit

Nowhere is the active audience more relevant to Alaska than in
northern Canada, where the Inuit Eskimos demanded access to television
technology and now have their own broadcasting corporation. Straubhaar's
asymmetrical interdependence is an excellent model with which to examine
the media interdependence of the Canadian Inuit Eskimo.

Commercial television was beamed into the rural Canadian north in
the early 19708 in much the same way as satellite television came to Alaska ~-
with little regard for the audience it served, no culturally relevant
programming, and lacking clear government policy?4 The Inuit Eskimos
recognized the challenge to their culture and subsistence lifestyle, and made
the active choice to create their own cultural product -- regional and
culturally specific TV programming in the Inuit language. The result was an
Inuit TV channel and a change in Canadian national broadcast policy to
foster aboriginal broadcasting?5 While government support was crucial to
the development of Inuit broadcasting, it also was receptive.

The Canadian television experience is important to Alaska television
policy because it represents the impact of television on remote Eskimos and
Indians, who are directly related to Alaska natives. Of even greater interest
is the change in Canadian broadcast policy brought about by television

research, and by the Inuit's demand for television access.

 

2“Lorna Roth, "The Role of Communication Projects and Inuit Participation in the
Formation of a Communication Policy for the North," (MA thesis, McGill University,
Montreal, Quebec, Canada, 1982).

25Native-language radio has been heard across Canada since the 19708.

61

After more than a decade of television research in northern Canada
that began with the arrival of TV in the early 19708, Coldevin reported an
increasing cultural gap between Canadian native adult and adolescent
viewers?“ Valaskakis, Wilson, Granzberg and others27 actively researched
the impact of TV among the northern Inuit Eskimos, the Cree and Algonkian
Indians. Their work can be summarized by Valaskakis, who states that
commercial television constitutes one of the most serious assaults on

Canadian native identity and cohesion:

Television has become the major channel bringing
southern information to native people. Images and
concepts of what is valued in the dominant culture
are gleaned primarily through this medium.
Native people must integrate that information into
their lives, but the current process does not lead to
cultural stability or community cohesion?“

Wilson believes that television has permanently altered the northern
Canadian native culture. The early U.S. television which poured across the
satellite contributed only to cultural destabilization. But he also suggests
that the role of television has been somewhat checked as novelty effect

decreased, and with the creation of Canadian regional and native cultural

programming on the Inuit Broadcasting Corporation (IBC)?9

 

26Gary Coldevin, "Effects of a Decade of Satellite Television 1n the Canadian Arctic,"
WM 16 (September 1985): 329-354. See also, Coldevin,
"Satellite Television and Cultural Replacement among Canadian Eskimos," Cnmmnnigatign
Basaamh 6 (April 1979): 115-134.

27Gail Valaskakis, "Media and Acculturation Patterns: Implication for Northern
Native Communities," paper presented to the Canadian Association for American Studies,
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, 197 6 Valaskakis, "Television and Cultural Integration;" also
Gary Granzberg, "Television as Storyteller. The Algonkian Indians of Central Canada,"
Wan 32 (Winter 1982): 43- 52. Granzberg, Jack Steinbring, and John
Hamer, "New Magic for Old: TV 1n Cree Culture,',19nma]_Q£QQmmnnigatig_n 27 (Autumn
1977): 154- 157; and Wilson, "Ten Years of Network Television."

28Valaskakis, "Television and Cultural Integration."

29Wilson, 224 - 235.

62

Canadian television research was seriously considered as Inuit and
government officials worked out an indigenous television policy that would

"strengthen the social, cultural, and linguistic fabric of Inuit life."30

The negative effects on many native communities
of unmitigated southern television programming
not only contribute to cultural and linguistic
erosion, but also weaken the measures being taken
by both the native people and governments to
attempt to strengthen northern native cultures
and languages. On the other hand, as
demonstrated by the Inuit with television, media
can be adapted to serve the needs of native
communities and become a positive and
complementary factor in the development of
northern native languages and serve specific
informational, educational and entertainment
needs.31

Two 19708 Inuit satellite experiments demonstrated that native
cultural and language programming was feasible and would be watched. By
1982, the IBC was producing regional programs in Inuktitut, the Inuit
language. Canadian national broadcast policy now includes a native plan,
called the Northern Native Broadcast Access Plan (NNBAP). Native .
broadcast societies across northern Canada are producing regional and
culturally relevant programs in native languages and English.

A 1984 study in ten Northwest Territory communities demonstrated
that Inuit viewers of all ages wanted more native programming, especially

shows emphasizing traditional skills, hunting, regional news and

 

3°Inuit Broadcasting Corporation, (1982), ii, quoted 1n Kate Madden, "Video and
Cultural Identity: The Inuit Broadcasting Corporation Experience," in Felipe Korzenny and

Stella Ting-Toomey, eds., WWW (Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications, Inc. 1992), 135.

31Canadian Minister of Communications, Secretary of State, and Minister of Indian

and Northern Affairs. WW. DOC-1-83-DP, (1983), 45,
photocopy.

63

information, and Inuktitut language and music.32 Inuktitut language was, of
course, most popular with non-English speakers, but Valaskakis notes that
IBC is "reinforcing the use of Inuktitut among the young; and its emphasis on
traditional knowledge, regional news and practical information is showing
signs of 'spin off ' related to CBC (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation)
programming."33

A more recent survey indicates that 95 percent of Inuit viewers watch
one to three hours of IBC programming per day, a "better record than any
single broadcaster in southern Canada can claim."34

In 1992, Television Northern Canada (TVNC) began to distribute
programming produced by the native broadcast groups. TVNC is a
consortium of six aboriginal broadcasters, including the IBC; two northern
province governments, and a national native organization known as the
National Aboriginal Communications Society. The government provides
educational material and native broadcasters produce culturally relevant
programming. In 1992, more than 90 northern Canadian communities
received the TVNC satellite signal, which is funded by the Canadian
government. The native groups are responsible for their own programming
costs, primarily through grants from the federal NNBAP.

Canadian native broadcasting is not without its problems, particularly
the high cost of television production. IBC and the other native broadcast
societies probably will remain tied to the majority culture of southern Canada

for political and financial support, thus continually riding the roller-coaster of

 

32Gail Valaskakis and Thomas Wilson. WW“

‘d‘ H'lll"'I5l:' -I°e “'1'. I' 5IIII° I' I l 'I ”11110::

(Montreal, Quebec,

 

Canada: Concordia University, April 1984), 78.
33Valaskakis, "Television and Cultural Integration."
34Mary Williams Walsh, "Canadian Natives Take Another Look at Television,"

Warm. Oct. 25.1992

64

national funding. But the programs generally offered are by no means a
Euro-Canadian version of nativeness; IBC programs, for example, are written
and produced by Inuits trained in television production. Madden's content
analysis of IBC programming demonstrates that "the [BC possesses the
potential to create a culturally sensitive television broadcasting service that
can help Inuit preserve their culture...."35

Thus, in Canada, as well as several Latin American countries, an
interdependent indigenous cultural industry has emerged. The Eskimos and
Indians living in Canada's remote northern regions still receive CBC and
American programming, but the genre they prefer reflects their unique
culture and lifestyle, and informs them of their unique political and social
issues and problems. The Canadian native broadcast groups have achieved a
sort of media interdependency. .

The Canadian government was forced to adopt a native broadcast
policy "by dint of political pressure."3“ With the TVNC, the government made
a $10-million, four-year commitment to northern television. Whether this
"dedicated window of programming...will strengthen and contribute to the
flowering of indigenous languages and culture," as Canadian officials claim,37

is the test of the federal policy and of native politics.

American Indians and TV Access
One of the few surveys of American Indian tribes and organizations in

the Lower 48 indicated that native viewers wanted broadcast access, and

 

35Madden, 146.

36Wilson, "Ten Years of Network Television," 222.

37Marcell Masse, Minister of Communications, quoted in "Masse Announces Funding
for Northern TV," (news release), (Ottawa, Quebec, Canada: Information Services,
Department of Communications, May 9, 1990), 1.

65

needed culturally relevant and native-issue programming?“ The 1981 study
by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting showed that television and radio
coverage of natives was inadequate and often negative. It clearly indicated
that local public stations did not serve rural reservation Indians, despite the
stations' proximity to the reservations.

Native viewers believed local broadcasters should provide more tribal
news, and cover specific topics reflecting economic, health and social
concerns, including "how to deal with the dominant society."39 In the study,
they said, "Let us see ourselves, our accomplishments, our talents. Let us
show others.“0 Public broadcasters, however, preferred general-audience
topics such as native art and history, or profiles of outstanding native
Americans. The dichotomy is not unusual. The American Indian stereotype
still flourishes in the U.S.

As native respondents pointed out, the survey was asking the wrong
questions. The adequacy of media coverage is not the issue. It is more
appropriate to ask how native Americans can "learn to utilize and avail
themselves of the services of TV." As respondents put it, "We must learn to

manipulate the mass communication system to better serve our needs!“1

Self-esteem, Migration and Other Effects
While Canadian government policy now fosters native broadcasting, it

took a dramatic effort on the part of native groups and policy-makers to

 

38The surveys were sponsored by the Corporation of Public Broadcasting and the
John and Mary R. Markle Foundation, a major public broadcast program and
communications-research funding organization. E. B. Eiselein, NatixaAmsficanund
Bmadcasting. (Lincoln, NE: Native American Public Broadcasting Consortium, January
1982).

39E. B. Eiselein, W, (Lincoln, NE: Native
American Public Broadcasting Consortium, January 1982), 6

4011.111, 22.

41and.

66

arrive at such a policy. Wilson reports that Inuit leaders considered satellite
television in the Canadian North a "kind of cultural neutron bomb; it leaves
pe0ple alive but kills the culture."42

Television is one of many major changes coming to remote native
groups across North America. Valaskakis reports that the loss of native self-
esteem in northern Canadian villages is more a result of non-native control
and development, than of southern media influence?3 Wilson suggests that
satellite television has reinforced the sense of helplessness in an already
changing culture, especially among young Eskimo males.44 The suicide rates
among young native males is high in both rural Alaska and northern Canada,
but the connection to television remains undocumented.

The fear that U.S. television would lead Canadian, or Alaska natives,
or Third World viewers to migrate "from village to the town, from rural areas
to industrial, and from poor countries to richer countries,“5 has not come to
pass. In Belize, Snyder, et. al., found television to be positively related to
emigration, but secondary to economic and political factors, as well as
personal contact with the US.“ In Alaska, Forbes found that desire to
migrate was related more to living in a larger village, or having already lived
or visited outside the home village.47 Choi observed in Korea that U.S.
television reinforced indigenous viewers' traditional values, decreasing their

desire to travel to the U.S.‘i8

 

42Wilson, 224.

43Valaskakis, "Television and Cultural Integration."

44Thomas C. Wilson, "The Role of Television in the Eastern Arctic: An Educational
Perspective," (M.A. thesis, Concordia University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, 1981).

45Katz and Wedell, 5.

46Leslie Snyder, Connie Roser, and Steven Chaffee, "Foreign Media and the Desire to
Emigrate from Belize," MW 41, (Winter 1977), 117 -132.

47Forbes. W. 4o.

48Jeonghwa Choi, "American Armed Forces Television in Korea and Its Shadow
Audience: Who Views What for What Reasons with What Impact?" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan
State University, 1989).

67

Alaska Television Research

While few Alaska effects studies have been conducted, the Alaska
literature also is enlightening to a state television policy debate. Many of
Alaska's telecommunication projects were conducted to demonstrate the
feasibility of using satellites to overcome Alaska's geography; content was
secondary. Some also were intended to provide guidelines for a statewide
telecommunication system, including the best uses of television in rural
areas.

Forbes' longitudinal study of the cognitive and social effects of TV, and
an earlier two-village study by Madigan and Peterson49 were the first
quantitative measures of TV in Alaska. This research and several later
studies suggested that the impact of TV on isolated native villages be
considered in developing content for a future TV system. Some research
concluded that natives should be involved in all aspects of telecommunication
development, from programming to management. Evaluations recommended
that rural television be region and culture-specific.50 According to one study,
village residents preferred locally selected shows to satellite TV; it prescribed
user-selected programming.51 In the course of setting up RATNET, however,
only a user-representative programming board was adopted from all the
recommendations.

The Madigan/Peterson study was conducted in 1973 when electricity

came to the tiny Eskimo village of Wales on the Bering Sea coast.

 

49R. J. Madigan and W. Jack Peterson, "Television on the Bering Strait," mm
Qnmmnnigatinn 27, (Autumn 1977): 183-187.

50See, for example, James M. Orvik, "ESCD/Alaska: An Educational
Demonstration," Jgnmalflgmmnnjcatjnn 27 , (Winter 1977); also Pittman and Orvik, ATS;

61Michael Porcaro, "Mini-TV: The Case for Cassettes," JgnmaLgfflnmmnnisatinn
27, (Winter 1977).

68

Researchers set up a small cable-television system in the village that
broadcast entertainment and educational material. The six-month
experiment, known as Project Wales, found that new television viewers
watched more than twice as much commercial entertainment as educational
television. In fact, viewers watched educational TV only when entertainment
was not available. Madigan and Peterson also found that nature programs
rated as some of the most popular, a phenomenon that would seem to parallel
the experience of living with nature in rural Alaska.

Madigan and Peterson’s most significant findings were an
improvement in some communication skills, but no differences in educational
achievement between children who were exposed to TV and those who were
not. Forbes' five-year comprehensive research in ten native villages found no
evidence that television, by itself, had a major effect on children's cognitive
abilities. However, the study, which began shortly after the advent of the
1977 satellite project, indicated major social effects. Among other things,
Forbes found that TV significantly influenced native children’s gender-role
stereotypes, their perception of their own and other cultures, and their
knowledge of the outside world. ’

Forbes' study is especially important because it offers data from the
Inupiat Eskimo region in which the 1991 Northwest Alaska village study was
conducted. In Forbes' research, Inupiats were the heaviest viewers of
television of all groups studied. Also, some of Forbes' young respondents
were adult respondents in the 1991 study, and were very important as key
informants.

Forbes adapted Gerbner's theory that television cultivates a social

reality, especially among heavy viewers, who watch more than four hours of

69

TV per day?2 In the late 19608, Gerbner established a TV violence index,
used extensively in the U.S. Surgeon General's investigation of the effects of
TV violence on children and youth. The largest volume of research on
television violence and aggression comes from this federally subsidized
Surgeon General's Scientific Advisory Committee report and subsequent U.S.
Senate hearings. Although controversial and inconclusive, the violence
studies support hypotheses that viewing violent entertainment increases the
possibility of aggressive behavior?“

From his violence index, Gerbner developed a cultivation theory, which
predicts that the more a person is exposed to TV, the more likely his/her
perceptions of social realities will match those represented on TV. Gerbner's
work suggests that "television viewing cultivates a general sense of danger
and mistrust,"54 sometimes called the "mean" or "scary" world view.

Forbes adaptation of Gerbner's social reality studies confirmed that
native Alaskan youth's social reality was affected by TV: The "longer rural
Alaskan children are exposed to television, the more likely they are to believe
that what they see represents expected and usual behavior, even when they

know programs involve actors and acting."55

‘

 

52The national average is nearly seven hours. See George Gerbner, Larry Gross,
Michael Morgan, and Nancy Signorielli, "The Demonstration of Power: Violence Profile No.
10," W 27, (1979), 17 7-196; and Gerbner and Gross, "Living with
Television: The Violence Profile," Jgnmainflflgmmnnigafinn 26, (1976), 173-199; also,
Gerbner, "Communication and Social Environment," Scientific American 228, (1972), 153-
160.

53Gerbner was one of many media-effects researchers contributing to the Surgeon
General's Scientific Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior. For a summary
of the reports, see Shearon A. Lowery and Melvin L. De Fleur, "Television and Social
Behavior: The Surgeon General 8 Report." in MilestcnsailLMasLQcmmunicatianBaseamh.
2nd ed., (White Plains, N. Y.: Longrnan Inc, 1988), 297-326.

54Gerbner, et al., "The Demonstration of Power," 191.

55Forbes, "Television's Effects on Rural Alaska," Summary of Final Report,
(Fairbanks, Center for Cross-Cultural Studies, University of Alaska, March 1984), 4

7O

Forbes demonstrated that much of rural native students' perceptions of
the world beyond the village - especially the majority culture -- was shaped
by satellite television. Increased viewing increased the belief that the values,
attitudes and behaviors portrayed on television represented social reality.
With greater exposure to television, village children saw the city as a less
safe, friendly and trustworthy place. Forbes hypothesized that this effect
would generalize to the village, which it did not?“ TV, however, strongly
influenced natives' perception of their own culture.

In his Brazilian studies, Kottak also found that television cultivated a
social reality among heavy viewers, a more "liberal" view about social issues
and gender roles. In village anthropological research, he concluded that "TV-
biased and TV-reinforced attitudes spread as villagers take courage from the
daily validation of their unorthodox (local) views in (national) programming.
More and more townsfolk encounter nontraditional views and come to see
them as normal."57

While Kottak found more positive results from television's introduction
into rural Brazilian villages, Forbes now believes "the state has been totally
irresponsible," and has polluted native villagers' minds with violence and
other typical television fare seen in mainstream America?“

Early in her study, as the Legislature was extending satellite TV into
more and more villages, Forbes called for government leaders to consider

television-effects research in content decision8?9 Her comments were met

 

5tuna, 104.105.

57Conrad Kottak. WWW 2d ed..
(New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1992), 285.

58Norma Forbes, Alaska Department of Health and Social Services, interview by
author, Fairbanks, Aug. 22, 1989.

59Forbes and James Orvik, "Local, National, and International Policy Implications of
Television Research in Alaska," unpublished manuscript, August 1978.

71

with disdain by legislators who saw television policy as either "we provide the
service or we don't provide the service."“°

Several anthropologists, including Langdon“l and Chance,“2 note that
TV has contributed to cultural change and a diminution of traditional native
Alaskan ways. Although they provide no quantitative evidence of TV's effect
on villages, their ethnographic work shows village changes over time, and
suggest that television has played an important role in cultural change.

Pearson's study of Alaskas media-rich" and "media-poor" used
knowledge gap“3 and uses and gratifications theories to show how media use
is afl'ected by media availability.“4 Throughout most of rural Alaska, the
media environment is limited to public radio and RATNET, with small cable
systems in fewer than half of the RATNET communities. Pearson found that
"channel diversity is not synonymous with content diversity," a conclusion .
that would be useful for policy-makers as they debate the place of RATNET

within a growing cable environment.

SUMMARY
Straubhaar's cultural proximity theory is directly applicable to the
current study, which found a preference for cultural and regional
programming. The Canadian broadcast policy demonstrates the strength of
the cultural relevance debate.

 

60F. Brown interview.

61Steven J. Langdon, WM (Anchorage: Greatland Graphics,
1987).

62Norman A. Chance, W, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, Inc., 1990).

63Tichenor, et al., suggest that people of higher socioeconomic status tend to acquire
information at a faster rate than those of lower status. Phillip J. Tichenor, George A.
Donohue and Clarice N. Olien, "Mass Media Flow and Differential Growth 1n Knowledge,"

WI!“ (1970) 159 160
64Pearson, "Media-Rich, Media-Poor."

72

Historically, fostering aboriginal culture is counter to the U.S. policy of
cultural absorption. And though television-effects research comprises a large
body of American mass communications literature, "In virtually no cases
have the principal broadcasting sources or public policy-makers recognized
the institution of research - or more importantly, the ideas associated with
its particular language, assumptions and methods...," according to Rowland.“5

At a 1990 Alaska telecommunication conference, Canadian researcher
Gail Valaskakis shook her head in disbelief when she heard that Alaska's
rural TV channel carried the pop entertainment of the Lower 48. A strong
proponent of native broadcasting, she told the audience, "If we had a channel
dedicated to rural natives, we'd know how to use it!"““

Valaskakis' remark describes not only the difference between rural
Canadian and U.S. television, but the difference in attitude toward research.
Euro-Canadian officials have funded, studied and applied television research
in an active native broadcasting policy that allows access to the media. U.S.
broadcast policy has "involved less debate over ends and more over means;
the issues were those of technique and engineering, not values and morals."“7

The Alaska experience has simply followed the U.S. model.

 

“5Willard o. Rowland, Jr., WWW, (Beverly Hills: Sage
Publications, Inc., 1983), 24.

66Valaskakis, remarks to Chugach Conference audience, Anchorage, Oct. 4, 1990.
67Rowland, 25.

73

Chapter Six

METHODOLOGY

The policy focus of the dissertation is the result of years of the author's
observation of political events during the life of state-subsidized satellite
television, from its unbridled growth in the early 19808, to major funding
cuts, the dissolution of Learn Alaska, and attempted legislative involvement
in the programming process. The multiple-phase study began with an
historical analysis of the legislation and grew into months of data collection
in the Northwest Arctic villages. The multi-method approach to the research,
combining case study, ethnography, and quantitative survey, has provided a
more holistic analysis than a single method. Each method is described for its
importance to the study.

RATNET Case Study

Case study is a frequently used method for examining contemporary
events. It employs documentary researeh, direct observation and systematic
interviewing. Yin defines a case study as an empirical inquiry that uses
multiple sources to investigate the real-er context of an event or
phenomenon, when the boundaries between the phenomenon and context are

not clearly evident.1

 

1Robert K on. W (Beverly Hills: Sage
Publications, Inc., 1984), 23.

74

Case studies are often used in policy research. Majchrzak defines
policy research as an iterative process in which information and model-
building are continually interchanged and causal theories are induced?
Majchzrak's and Yin's approaches to gathering and synthesizing information
have been modified for this research.

In this case, RATNET history was traced through documentary sources
and interviews with key informants. The reconstruction of the process that
led to the original satellite demonstration, and the long-term problems
associated with a state-operated television channel were the major focus of
the policy research.

Legislation, committee meeting minutes, research papers, letters,
memos and other documents from the Alaska Legislature, as well as
published and unpublished reports, memos, letters and other information
from the Alaska Department of Administration (DOA), were examined.“
Also, a sample of program logs from the first year to 1991 and RATNET
Council meeting minutes were perused.

This documentary evidence was confirmed in interviews with persons
involved in the conceptual and planning stages of the original Satellite
Television Demonstration Project, including legislators, project engineers,
directors and staff, and commercial and public broadcasters. Documents also
were confirmed through interviews with former and present DOA officials
and staff, RATNET operations staff, former and present RATNET Council

members, and former and present legislators. In addition, the author

 

2Ann Majchrzak, WM. (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications Inc.,
1984).

31‘he Department of Administration is responsible for RATN ET operations and
maintenance.

75

observed several legislative work sessions on RATNET and RATNET Council
meetings.

Blending Ethnography and Survey in Rural Alaska

The merger of anthropology and media research is a small but growing
field. Kottak used an anthropological framework to study television among
indigenous Brazilian societies.4 Lull also adopted ethnographic methods to
examine the relationship between television and family life in various world
cultures? Valaskakis' experience in Canadian Inuit Eskimo villages led her
to encourage this researcher to take an ethnographic approach to the Alaskan
villages.“

Ethnography -- the process of describing cultures primarily through
fieldwork -- requires the researcher to become a participant observer and
interpreter of a society; it identifies the “behaviors and the beliefs,
understanding, attitudes and values”7 implied in the society. Although the
time in the Alaska villages was not enough to result in the “thick description”
of Geertz8 and other ethnologists, village context was an integral part of the
current study. A cultural media ethnography would be a natural follow-up if
additional ethnographic research were to evolve from this study.

Ethnography can only describe the impact of television, therefore a
statistical survey was needed to measure the use of RATNET and cable in the
three villages. Any qualitative relationship observed between policy and

audience preference for culturally relevant programming is made stronger

 

4Kottak. W

5James Lull. Wigwam. (Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications, 1988).

6Gail Valaskak1s, interview by author, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, January 1991.

7Gerald D. Berreman, “Ethnography: Method and Product," in R. M. Emerson, ed.,
WW (Prospect Heights, IL.: Waveland Press, 1983),19.

8Clifford Geertz, “Thick Description. Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture,” in
Emerson, 37-59.

76

with measurement. The two methods were successfully merged to
understand the full nature of the issues under study.

From September through December 1991, the principal researcher and
a trained interviewer made two visits to Ambler, Buckland and Noorvik,
extending the stay in Ambler. During that time, patterns in village life
emerged as residents prepared for winter, daylight hours diminished, and
seasons changed. September is the busiest month of the year, when food is
gathered, preserved and stored. By mid-November, village life had stabilized
for the long and cold winter? All survey work was completed before the
Christmas holiday could disrupt village routine.

Before the survey began, the research team spent several days
exploring and mapping each village, establishing rapport with village leaders,
hiring and training local interviewers and Inupiaq-language interpreters.
With the cable system to be installed in Ambler in October, a pre-cable survey
was conducted in September. The post-cable survey was conducted in
December. During each village survey, the research team generally stayed in
the school, the hub of community activities. Before and during each survey,
the principal researcher conducted key informant interviews, and observed
and participated in community events, including family gatherings. As the
survey data was analyzed, the attempt at ethnography gave better
understanding of the influence of television on Inupiat life and culture than

survey method alone would have provided.

 

9Original plans were to begin interviewing simultaneously in all three villages in
mid-October, after much of the fall hunting season was over. It was learned in late August
that Ambler, the non-cable village, planned to install cable. This provided the opportunity to
study the transition from the single RATNET channel to multiple channels. While this
change of course may have resulted in a compromise in the data due to less fieldwork
preparation time, it also resulted in richer data.

77

The Sample

According to 1990 census data, Ambler and Buckland had populations
of 311 and 318; Noorvik, 531.10 Based on the census information, households
became the sampling frame. Each village was mapped for the number of
current households.

The “nuclear family” has never been the norm in Eskimo society, where
extended families, including non-family members, live together in the same
household. Therefore, adult individuals, not households or families, were the
unit of research. One adult per household was randomly selected by birth
date. If the person whose birthday closest to the day of interview was not at
home, an appointment was made for a return call. Substitutions had to be
made in a few cases, when the selected respondent was absent fiom the
village for the entire survey period, or was too ill to respond.

Approximately 220 adults in the three villages were interviewed;

212 were included in the data analysis, 35 percent of the total adult
population. A personal interview was conducted with one adult in almost
every household in Ambler and Buckland. Fewer than ten households were
missed in Noorvik. Advisors at the University of Alaska's Institute for Social
and Economic Research considered the sample to be representative of the
three village populations.11 While they also may be representative of other
Inupiat villages, no attempt will be made to generalize to other RATNET and

cable communities in the Northwest Arctic region.

 

loU.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, "Alaska Population by Sex,
Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1990 Census," compiled by Alaska Department of Labor,
Research and Analysis, June 1991.

11Advisors were John Kruse, director of Institute for Social and Economic Research
(ISER), University of Alaska Anchorage, and assistant Virgene Hanna, both of whom have
directed many rural surveys.

78

The Survey Instrument

The survey instrument was pre-tested on Inupiat village Eskimos who
had recently moved to the Anchorage area. They advised against using
agree/disagree scales because it is an inherent Eskimo cultural trait to agree.
Other rating scales were also found to be confusing. A three-part variation
on a scale was successfully used for RATNET content questions and
measures of traditionalism.12 The Eskimo advisors also suggested "village
English" phrasing, so that questions would be clear to respondents of all ages,
some of whom have little contact with Caucasian English speakers. Many
elders still speak mostly Inupiaq.

In cross-cultural research, not all problems in the field can be
anticipated, consequently, some minor adjustments were made to the Ambler
pre-cable questionnaire after interviewing began, which improved the data-
collection process.

The survey instrument blended open-ended with closed questions.
Some open-ended questions were quantified in the Ambler post-cable and
Buckland/Noorvik surveys in order to be precisely measured. Due to the
small sample and population traits, most of the variables are categorical
(discrete), yielding nominal and ordinal data. This limits the analysis to
summations, percentages, means and rankings. Statistical associations
between dependent and independent variables were observed by using

crosstabulation tables and chi-square tests.

 

12For example, respondents were asked if they wanted "more, less or about the same
amount of " a program category, such as Alaska news.

79

HYPOTHESES

The research design allowed comparison (1) of pre-cable Ambler,
when viewers received only RATNET, with the established-cable villages
of Buckland and Noorvik, both of which had RATNET and cable; (2) pre-cable
Ambler with post-cable Ambler -- after cable was available; and (3) post-
cable Ambler with the established-cable villages. Comparing pre- and post-
cable Ambler indicates the immediate impact of cable TV on RATNET use.
The novelty effect of multiple channels was assessed by comparing post-cable
with the established-cable villages.

The theoretical and policy-oriented questions grew out of the effects
literature and policy analysis of the RATNET system.13 Research questions
regarding the cultural impact of television in rural villages and villagers'
interest in RATNET guided participant observation, key informant and
informal interviews, as well as the quantitative survey. The resulting nine
hypotheses (H1-9) were tested by a systematic analysis of the ethnographic
and quantitative data. The hypotheses are listed in the order in which they
are discussed in the analysis of survey and ethnographic data (See Chapter
Nine).

(H1) Viewers will watch more cable television than
RATNET when cable is available.

(H2) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages
consider RATNET their major source of news and
information about Alaska.

(H3) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages
would be willing to pay a fee for RATNET.

(H4) Viewers have a preference for programming
which reflects their local interests and cultural
characteristics.

 

13See Alexander, "Politics, Not Policy."

80

(H5) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages
want to see more programs on RATNET about the
region in which they live and about their culture.

(H6) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages
want to see more programming about other parts of
Alaska on RATNET, including other regions and

other native groups.

(H7) Inupiat viewers believe other modern
technology has had a greater effect than TV on
their way of life.

(H8) Inupiat viewers believe TV contributes to a
decrease in participation in traditional lifestyle
activities, such as subsistence hunting and fishing,
visiting, native arts, etc.

(H9) There is little relationship between TV
viewing and Inupiat viewers' desire to live outside
the village.

The independent variables include (1) demographic information, such
as sex, age, ethnicity, language, and education. Occupation and income, while
normally considered demographic data, do not vary enough in these villages
to be used as independent variables, as will be discussed in chapter seven.
Other independent variables are: (2) measures of traditionalism and mobility,
which also do not vary enough to be useful predictors. The independent
variable of (3) media use is effective in determining support for the
hypotheses. Media use includes the amount of time spent reading
newspapers and listening to radio, the number of TV -viewing hours, cable-TV
exposure, cable-TV subscription, and VCR ownership. Media use can also be
considered a dependent variable.

The major dependent variables are (1) preferred news source;

(2) medium most enjoyed, most educational, least and most-important;

81

(3) RATNET and cable content preferences; (4) viewers' perception of beer
commercials and TV violence; (5) perceived differences between cable and
RATNET; (6) choice between cable and RATNET; (7) viewers' willingness to
pay for RATNET; (8) the importance of RATNET to cable and non-cable
respondents; (9) villagers' perception of how life has changed since TV; and
(10) the effect of TV on viewers' desire to leave or remain in the village.

While the analysis of the variables is basically descriptive, it does
indicate support for the hypotheses. Chapter eight discusses the
relationships between the variables as defined in the hypotheses.

The following chapters provide a demographic description of the
sample villages and the data analysis.

82

Chapter Seven

VILLAGE SELECTION

The sample villages of Ambler, Buckland and Noorvik are within
Alaska's Northwest Arctic Borough, where the majority population is Inupiat
Eskimo. The Inupiat were incorporated in 1971 under the Alaska Native
Claims Settlement Act as the NANA Regional Corporation. Alaska's Inupiat
Eskimos are directly related to Inuit Eskimos of the Canadian Arctic region.

The Northwest Arctic Borough crosses the Arctic Circle, and spans an
area from Kotzebue Sound, off the Chukchi Sea, to Alaska's interior. (See
map). Ambler and N oorvik lie above the Arctic Circle, on the Kobuk River, a
traditional trade route when Eskimo and Indian tribes were nomadic. The
Kobuk links Ambler, Noorvik and several other villages with Kotzebue, the
borough center and largest community in the region.1 Buckland is south of
the Arctic Circle on the flood plain of the Buckland River. The only village on
the river, Buckland is more remote than Ambler and Noorvik, and has fewer
outside visitors. 8

No roads connect these Northwest Arctic villages to other parts of the
state. Small air carriers fly passengers, freight and mail, depending on the
fickle Arctic weather. If river levels rise high enough in summer, a barge
brings in freight. Four-wheelers and boats are the vehicles of summer;

snowmobiles have replaced most dog teams in winter.

 

1Population 2,952 as of January 1993. Alaska Department of Labor statistics.

83

The American vision of deep snow and Eskimos living in igloos is
strictly a myth. Arctic weather, however, does determine much of the local
lifestyle. For about two months in the winter, the sun never rises. On
cloudless days, daylight -- a sort of twilight -- lasts two and a half to three
hours. Winter temperatures in all three villages can plunge to 50 degrees
below zero Fahrenheit, sometimes colder. Annual snowfall ranges from an
average of 35 inches in Buckland to 80 inches in Ambler. Traditional
clothing, made of animal skins, provides the best warmth in Arctic winter
conditions.

Winter travel depends on weather, as temperatures must be warm
enough to keep snowmobile and airplane engines running. Air carriers will
not fly passengers when temperatures fall to 30 degrees or more below zero,
although some Bush pilots continue to make freight runs at these
temperatures. Darkness also affects the time of travel, because small air
carriers are authorized to operate only in daylight hours, and most rural
village airstrips do not have runway lights.

Winter days begin late in the morning for those who are not working or
do not have children in school.2 On the coldest of days, few people seem to .
venture forth unless they have a destination. By contrast, the long spring
and summer days are busy with subsistence harvest and food preservation

for winter. In the height of summer, the sun never sets.

Village Selection Criteria
The three Inupiat villages were selected in part because data was

available from Forbes' earlier study on the cognitive and social effects of

 

2 During the 1991 survey, home interviews did not begin before 10 a.m., even in
homes with school children. Schools provided breakfasts, and household members without
jobs slept late.

84

television on rural Alaskan children.3 Forbes found that Inupiats, previously
unexposed to television, became the heaviest viewers. Several participants in
the 1991 study were school children in Forbes' study. Others were parents
and had participated in interviews with Forbes regarding the effects they
thought TV would have on their children.

By sampling villages in the same region, ethnic identity could be held
fairly constant, an important consideration in culturally diverse Alaska,
where native economic, cultural and social changes were rapid. On the
advice of Forbes and others, sociological factors such as village history of
alcohol abuse, were considered in the decision to sample the Inupiat villages.4
Conducting house-to-house surveys could be more difficult in "wet" villages
where alcohol abuse was a critical problem. The selected villages had banned
the sale and importation of alcohol in the 19803,5 which reportedly had led to.
a decrease in alcohol-related problems.6

Regional and local cooperation also were major considerations in
village selection. Participation by borough and local community officials,
regional and local native leaders was important to gaining individual

cooperation.

 

3Forbe8. SadaLandflcsnifimEfilests

4Forbes, interview by author; Willie Hensley, president, NANA Regional Corp.,
interview by author, Anchorage, Sept. 7, 1991. Hensley is an Inupiat Eskimo from Kotzebue.
Also, several conversations with Paul Ongtooguk, Ph.D. candidate, Department of Education,
Michigan State University, 1989 - 1990. Ongtooguk is Yup'ik Eskimo from Bethel, AK.

5The Alaska Legislature passed a local option law in 1980, allowing communities to
(1) prohibit the sale of alcohol; (2) prohibit sale and importation of alcohol; (3) place
restrictions on liquor licenses; and (4) restrict alcohol sales to community-owned liquor
stores. Ambler banned the sale and importation of alcohol in 1981, Buckland in 1982, and
Noorvik in 1987 .

6A 1991 Alaska Native Health Board survey indicated that 35 percent of respondents
believed alcohol abuse to be less a problem in a dry village. Anne Marie Holen, "Our Spirit:
Strong and Sober. A Brief History of the Alaska Native Sobriety Movement," unpublished
manuscript, University of Alaska Anchorage, 1991. Many villages find that drunkenness is
simply less noticeable and that bootlegging increases once a village goes "dry."

85

The original study was designed to compare viewing habits of RATNET
viewers with the habits of viewers in communities that had both RATNET
and cable. However, during the preliminary research stage, the city of
Ambler purchased a six-channel cable system, providing an excellent
opportunity to observe the immediate impact of cable TV on RATNET
viewing, while comparing it with villages where the novelty of multiple

channels was no longer a factor.

Village Demographics

All three villages are incorporated under the laws of Alaska, and also
retain a traditional native government. A local sales tax was the major
source of revenue for each community. None of the villages levied a property
tax. Each community maintains a few local services, such as water and
sewer, or honey bucket hauling. The villages have a Village Public Safety
Officer position funded through the state of Alaska. The closest state tr00per
is in Kotzebue. The state of Alaska provided municipal assistance and
revenue sharing to rural communities, as well as periodic grants for capitol
projects.

Each village has a pre-school or Head Start program, elementary,
middle and high school. Eskimo language and cultural studies programs are
a required part of the curriculum in the Northwest Arctic Borough School
District. Basketball is very important in rural Alaska, and is the main school
athletic program. Each village has a high school team that travels
throughout the region. The school gymnasiums are packed for every game,
with village supporters ranging from the youngest baby to the oldest elder.
Basketball, declared one elder in an interview, has done more to change the

village than television or any other modern intrusion. Aside from traditional

86

community holiday celebrations, basketball is the only activity in which

nearly the entire community is involved.

Village Employment

The school district and other government agencies were the major
employers in each village. The communities also operated a state and
federally funded medical clinic, which employed trained health aides.7 The
Red Dog zinc mine, owned by the NANA Corporation and operated by
Cominco, Inc. had the potential to be the largest contributor to the economy
of the region. At the time of the study, however, market forces prevented it
from operating at peak production. A few men and women who were willing
to leave their village for weeks at a time worked at Red Dog, and some had
been laid off during the village survey. Some villagers found work on
summer construction projects outside of the village, as commercial fishers or
crew, and fighting forest fires.

Other sources of income for all village residents were the Alaska
Permanent Fund (about $900 per person in 1991).3 Senior-citizens also
received the Longevity Bonus ($3,000 in 1991).9 All Inupiat Eskimos born
before 1971 received a $500 dividend in 1991 from the NANA Corporation.

An average of one-third of the residents in the three villages drew
some sort of public assistance in 1991, such as Aid to Families with
Dependent Children (AFDC), food stamps, old age assistance, or

 

7Funded by Alaska Area Native Health Service/Indian Health Service, each clinic
had one or more full and part-time aides, who were in contact with doctors and nurses at the
regional hospital in Kotzebue. The aides were trained by Maniilaq Association, a regional
non-profit health and social service organization.

8Created in 1976 as a state savings account for mineral royalties, the Alaska
Permanent Fund pays an annual dividend to all qualified Alaskans.

9The Longevity Bonus paid $250 a month to all qualified Alaskan senior citizens.
The program was started during the oil-boom days as a way to reward pioneering Alaskans.
It was broadened to include all persons age 62 and over, who had lived in Alaska two years.
The Alaska Legislature in 1993 approved legislation to phase out the program.

87

unemployment insurance.10 In addition, rural energy costs were
government-subsidized and natives qualified for low-income federal housing.
At the time of the survey, village housing ranged from one-room, drafty
cabins, to newly constructed two and three-bedroom homes, courtesy of the
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

Data analysis indicated the mean income of non-natives in the three
villages was over $30,000 in 1990, compared to native respondents' reported
average of $14,750, including public assistance and various dividends. The
author does not consider native income reporting to be accurate, however,
because many villagers, particularly elders, had not held daily employment,
and did not seem to understand the concept of wages and income. Alaska
does not collect an income tax, and some villagers do not report federal taxes.
According to 1990 census figures, 23 percent of Northwest Arctic Borough
residents were considered to be living below poverty level, with borough per
capita income at $10,040. Buckland per capita income was $4,479, Noorvik
per capita income was $7,324, and Ambler was $7,189 per capita.11 Income
and occupation do not vary enough in the rural villages to be used as
independent variables.

Forbes has argued that income has no meaning in subsistence
villages.12 The conundrum, of course, is that the new consumerism, much of
it brought into rural homes via television, continues to promote higher
expectations for material goods and community services. As more services
and conveniences are offered locally, more cash will be required to pay for

these services, but more jobs may not be available.

 

10Alaska Department of Health and Social Services, Division of Public Assistance.
January 1992.

“Mamm-

12Forbes' interview.

88

Subsistence

Subsistence was considered to be a major contributor to the economy.
Virtually all species of subsistence fish and game present in the area were
used to some degree for food, clothing, or crafts.13 The Alaska Department of
Fish and Game estimates an annual wild food harvest in the Arctic region of
652 pounds per person per year.“ Ambler and Noorvik Inupiat depend on
large game and fish, supplemented by tundra plants and berries. Buckland
Inupiat depend more on sea mammals, such as seal and beluga whale. All of
Buckland goes to summer whaling camp at Elephant Point on Kotzebue
Sound. Ifa whale is harvested, it is divided among village residents. A
reindeer herd also supplements the Buckland diet and economy. Local
herders are paid in meat.

It is typical for active hunters to share their bounty with elders and
families who are unable to harvest enough for their needs. While subsistence
contributes to the local economy, fish and game are not commodities which
are bought and sold; rather, sharing among the Inupiat is considered a social,
cultural and kinship transaction.15 Because subsistence foods do not
circulate in the market place, it is difficult to attach a dollar value to
subsistence. According to the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, it would
take 31 percent of an Arctic native family's annual income to replace

subsistence foods with imported and purchased food.16

 

13Robert F. Schroeder, et al.

thsistenceinflaslmaAmflantednnmmcentmL
Wes. (Juneau: Alaska Department of Fish and
Game, Division of Subsistence, September 1987) 94.

“Robert J. Wolfe and Robert G. Bosworth, WW2.
(Juneau: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, March 1994) 2.

15Schroeder, 97.

16Assuming a replacement value of $3 to $5 per pound, the cost to replace wild food
harvest in the Arctic region would range from $31.5 million to $52.5 million annually, based
on a mean per capita income for natives of $8,247. Wolfe and Bosworth, 3-4.

89

Women in all three villages still use animal fur and hides for clothing,
mukluks and moccasins. Ambler women are famous for their birch bark and
willow baskets. Buckland women weave traditional baskets from various
tundra and coastal grasses. Traditional handicrafts are carried on by the
elders; many younger women, who are in the work force at least part time,

were much less familiar with skin sewing and basket making.

Language and Other Cultural Indicators

Language was a strong cultural indicator in these rural native
villages. In Noorvik and Buckland, nearly two-thirds of the sample spoke
both Inupiaq and English, with English being the second language for older
adults.17 Three-quarters of the Ambler sample spoke both languages. Some
elders in all three villages spoke little or no English.

Nearly all adults, including non-natives, thought it important that
Inupiat children learn to speak their native language. Many recalled being
punished for speaking their language in school. However, most parents did
not speak Inupiaq at home with their children. While culture and language
were taught in school, it was clear that Inupiat children, like most American
children, were more interested in modern fads than cultural traditions.

Village church activity also was a cultural indicator. The Friends'
Church was the dominant church in the region, and the only active
denomination in Buckland, Noorvik and Ambler. Inupiat elders, who had
grown up among village missionaries, were the most active in the church.

The Noorvik Friends' Church was the busiest church in the three

villages, and the site of regional missionary conferences. Several non-native

 

1"’W'hen questioning elders who had difficulty with English, Caucasian interviewers
were accompanied by an Inupiaq-language interpreter, or the elder was queried by a trained
Inupiat interviewer. Inupiat is the spelling of the people and culture. The language is
Inupiaq.

9O

missionary families had settled in the village, and other non-native residents
regularly came to services. Like the church buildings in other rural villages,
it was used for community activities, such as the Noorvik Thanksgiving Day

feast, a symbol of the strong family and community orientation of the Inupiat.

Village Non-natives

The entire community, native and non-native, turned out for the
Inupiat Thanksgiving, which was the fruit of the summer and fall subsistence
harvest. Thanksgiving was representative of many Inupiat community
celebrations, and illustrated the acceptance, though not necessarily
integration of, non-native village residents.

Most non-natives in the sample villages were employed by the school
district. In all villages, non-natives generally were definedrby their role in
the community, such as school teacher, lodge or store owner, or as a member
of an ethnically mixed family. Many non-natives were active participants in
school and sports, but remained cultural observers in other activities, such as
church and celebrations.

In all three communities, a definite polarity existed between natives
and non-natives in terms of lifestyle, work, and education. This was more ‘
noticeable in Buckland and Noorvik, where plumbed, warm and modern
housing located away from the rest of village residents and near the school
was available for teachers. Ambler did not offer teacher housing.

The number of non-natives in rural Alaska is small, but growing. N on-
natives make up the transient part of the rural Alaska population. Chance
described many of the non-natives living in rural Alaska as "drawn by the
high wages. Others, seeing numerous opportunities, planned to stay. Still in

the back of every one's mind was the realization that if the economic

91

problems became too severe, non-native inhabitants could always go home.

For the Inupiat, they were already home."18

THE SAMPLE VILLAGES

Email:

Noorvik was established as Oksik in the early 19003 by Eskimo
fishermen and hunters from two other villages in the region. About 1914,
Oksik became known as Noorvik, which, in Inupiaq, means "a place that is
moved to."

The small village on the bluff of the Kobuk River lies down river from
the 1.7 million acre Kobuk Valley National Park. Like the remote park,

N oorvik has few visitors from outside the region. The seemingly endless, flat
tundra surrounding the village supports only small bushes and trees. Low,
rolling hills can be seen in the distance.

Incorporated as a second class city in 1964, Noorvik had both a native
village council and mayor/council form of government. Local revenue was
generated by a 3 percent village sales tax.

The city operated an above-ground water and vacuum sewer utilidor‘
system, which required special vacuum toilets and water valves controlled
from a central utility building. In 1991, more than half of the vacuum system
was inoperable for the second year, to be repaired and upgraded sometime in
the future with federal and state funds.

Residents in homes without water hauled treated Kobuk River water
from one of several sites. Monthly water and sewer bills averaged $60 to $80

 

18Chance, 192. Chance's description of Barrow, the farthest north Inupiat
community, is an appropriate description of other rural villages.

92

per household. The Arctic Village Electrical Cooperative provided diesel-
generated electricity at 37.2 cents per kwh for residential service.19

The Noorvik Sample

Noorvik was the largest village in the sample, with a 1990 U.S. Census
population of 531. The average size of the 105 households was 4.96.20 Nearly
94 percent of Noorvik residents were Alaska native. As discussed in methods,
the 1991 survey reported here attempted to sample one person from each
household, but fell slightly short in Noorvik. The 93 Noorvik survey
respondents included 37 Inupiat male adults, 43 Inupiat females, one
Athabascan female,21four non-native males, and eight non-native females.

Census data shows that 149 native male adults, 117 native females,
11 non-native males, and 11 non-native females lived in the village in 1990.
One-half of all respondents were between the ages of 18 and 39; half were
over 40. The mean age of Inupiat respondents was 42.8 years, and 41.2 for
non-natives. The average Noorvik Inupiat had completed eleventh grade,
while non-natives had completed college. Fourteen had some college or
vocational school, and three had a bachelor's degree. While Noorvik adults
were not an especially mobile group, three-fourths of the sample had lived '

somewhere else, mostly in the northwest region.

 

19A monthly average was not available.

20U.S. Census data.

21This woman was married to an Inupiat and had lived in Noorvik for many years.
She spoke Athabascan, Inupiaq, and English.

93

Buckland
Buckland, the most remote of the three villages, is located on the west

bank of the Buckland River. Nearly all Buckland residents were descendants
of five Eskimo families.

Only a few low bushes dotted the barren Buckland tundra. Across the
river, remains of the old village could be seen, abandoned when the school
was built on the west bank in the 19703.22

Buckland was incorporated in 1966 as a second-class city, with a
mayor-council form of government. City revenue was generated by a
2 percent sales tax.

The village had the barest of necessities. In 1991, only the school,
nearby teacher housing, and the medical clinic had water and sewer. All
native homes used honey buckets, with containers supplied by the city at a
rate of $15 per month. The buckets were dumped in city-owned receptacles,
and pumped out weekly. Residents showered, did laundry, visited and hauled
treated Buckland River water from the community washeteria.23 A Buckland
cooperative, subsidized by the NANA Regional Corporation, provided oil-
generated electricity. At 33 cents per ln'lowatt hour, residential electricity A
averaged more than $100 per month.

The Buckland Sample

The 1990 Buckland census population of 318 included 154 adults. The
average size of the 69 households was 4.61. N inety-four percent of Buckland
residents were Inupiat Eskimo. Sixty-six adults comprised the 1991 sample,
nearly one from every household. Almost 91 percent were Inupiat. The

 

22Buckland has existed under various names at other sites along the river. The
village generally was moved due to flooding.
23A joint U.S. Public Health Service/City of Buckland project.

94

sample included: 25 Inupiat males, 34 Inupiat females, one Athabaskan male,
one Cherokee female, two non-native males, and three non-native females.
1990 census information shows 76 native and five non-native adult males;

69 native and four adult non-native females.

The mean age of Buckland Inupiat respondents was 40 years.
Buckland Inupiat had completed an average of 11.9 years of school. Seven
had attended college or trade school. Although 47 of the 66 Buckland
respondents (71 percent) said they had lived elsewhere, Buckland Inupiat
were not very mobile people. Most had lived at previous Buckland sites along
the river, at a nearby defunct mining community, or other parts of the region.

Only the five non-natives in the sample were considered mobile.

Ambler
Ambler, a tiny village at the base of the Jade Mountains in Alaska's

Brooks Range, was the newest community in the region. Near the confluence
of the Kobuk and Ambler rivers, the fertile ground supports aspen trees, a
spruce forest, all the wild foods of the Arctic, and bountiful gardens. Ambler
has a much different setting than the other barren Arctic villages.

Ambler was settled in 1958 by Kowagmuit Eskimos from the villages of
Shungnak and Kobuk, who moved up river for the rich hunting, fishing and
vegetation. Ambler is one of the few Arctic villages where ample wood is
available.

The village was incorporated as a second class city in 1971, with a
mayor/council form of government. A 2 percent sales tax provided some
services, including sewer and water at a rate of $50 per month. Residential

electricity averaged $37.2 cents per kwh. An Ambler traditional native

95

council represented the village native corporation, but the extent of
traditional council activity was hard to gauge.

The Ambler Sample

Ambler's 311 residents lived in 71 households during the 1990 census.
Average household size was 4.38. Most residents -- 276 --were Inupiat
Eskimo, 30 were Caucasian. i

In 1991, there were 63 full-time households. Sixty-two people were
interviewed during both phases of the survey, with 53 included in the sample
analysis. Ten native homes,24 under construction in September, were
completed in December 1991, changing the number and configuration of
households in the post-cable survey. Some of the new householders were
interviewed at their request, with the information used only for anecdotes.

To compare television viewing before and after cable, pre and post-
cable surveys were matched, with 53 in the final sample for both phases. The
nine respondents who were dropped from the final analysis (1) did not own a
television set; (2) were temporarily away from the village during the second
phase; (3) had moved permanently from Ambler; or (4) had moved into
different households within Ambler.

The 53 Ambler respondents included 15 Inupiat males and 27 Inupiat
females; six non-native males and five non-native females. Census data
showed 68 Inupiat male adults and 60 Inupiat females; 16 non-native males
and 10 non-native females.

Several reasons could account for the fewer number of males in the
survey: (1) During the September phase, many adult men were hunting, or

were searching for an Eskimo man who had been missing from another

 

24'The homes were built by the Northwest Inupiat Housing Authority, with a grant
from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

96

Northwest Arctic community;25 (2) Some men were working away from the
village; and (3) More women than men had birthdays closest to the time of
the survey. Due to their absence, no effort was made to sample more men
than women.

The mean age of Ambler Inupiats was 44 years. Non-natives' average
age was 42. The 1991 survey indicated that the average Ambler Inupiat had
completed ninth grade. Three Inupiat had some college or vocational school;
one had a bachelor's degree. The eldest Inupiat had completed fifth grade.

Most Inupiat adults had lived all their lives in the Northwest Arctic
region, having moved to Ambler from Shungnak. They were not considered a
mobile group.26 For most, travel was limited to other villages in the
Northwest region.

The non-natives in the village were the most frequent travelers.
Ambler's 30 Caucasians were either teachers, part of a teacher family, or had
come to Ambler years before as teachers and stayed after retirement. Some
had met their Eskimo spouse outside the village and moved there to raise
children. This group was generally well-integrated into the community. A
few non-natives who did not seem comfortably integrated into village life ‘
were teachers who were there only long enough to salt away the high salary.
For a non-native, Ambler was the most comfortable of the three communities
in which to work.

The following chapter describes the village media environment.

 

25A missing person, an accident, a suicide or other tragedy seems to bring the
Northwest Arctic villages together. During the survey period, men from all three villages
joined the search for the missing elder. Also drowning deaths in the Kobuk River at Noorvik
brought men into the village from other communities to search for the bodies, while women
from other villages came to feed the searchers.

26A mobility variable was created by combining three questions. Mobility is
discussed in greater detail in the analysis chapter.

97

Chapter Eight
VILLAGE MEDIA CONTEXT

Ambler CB radios crackled every morning as residents awoke and
greeted their neighbors: "Good morning, Ambler."

"Good morning, Ambler."

"Good morning, Ambler."

These Inupiat relied on CB radio for communication between homes,
calls to the store, post office, school, city offices. Telephones were sparse and
required a monthly payment. The phone was not an efficient medium for
these close-knit Bush communities; it could not reach an entire village at
once, or talk to relatives at fish camp. The CB had been in rural villages long
before the telephone, and it will still be used in the villages long after every
home has a telephone. As the early morning greeting portrays, the CB gives
these Inupiat villagers a more personal feeling than the telephone.

Pearson's characterization of rural Alaskans as "media poor"1 was an
apt description of Ambler, Buckland and Noorvik residents. During the 1991
survey, the only regional newspaper, the W was published
weekly, although it did not always arrive in the villages weekly. A few copies

of Wines and Anchczagellailxfiem were delivered each
week to the village schools, seldom to get beyond teachers' desks.2 Data fi'om

 

lPearson, "Media-Rich, Media-Poor," 4.

W has since stopped publishing. The only statewide native
newspaper, the W published for many years until 1991, when economic troubles
forced it to stop publishing. It began publishing again in 1992.

98

the 1991 survey indicate that nearly all Inupiat respondents read
newspapers less than once a week. The W was the newspaper
read most often.

The regional public station, KOTZ, provided local and regional news
and a message service. Its Inupiaq-language programs were especially
important to older Inupiat. But KOTZ reception was spotty in the sample
villages. In the 1991 survey, radio was generally ignored by the youth; it was
secondary to TV for adults.

Computers and facsimile machines were found in schools and local
government offices. Only a handful of teachers and business owners had
personal computers.

Television was a window on the world for these remote Eskimos, as it
was for many rural Alaska natives. Survey results indicated that TV was the
medium used most often, considered the most enjoyable, the most
educational, and the most important. It was the most important source of
international and national news in all villages. RATNET, specifically, was
the most important source of Alaska news. Media use will be described in
more detail in chapter nine.

While television was one of several changes in these subsistence
villages, it emphasized the dichotomy between the old and the new ways
more than any other instrument of change. It was not unusual to see an
elder woman tanning a caribou hide for mukluks while watching a soap opera
showing the glitz, glamour, and broken relationships of the rich and famous.
TV brought a consumer economy into the village that many had never before
experienced. Stories abound of the early days of television when children
came to school asking teachers if something they saw on TV portrayed the

rest of the world. Now, many children have traveled outside their village.

99

Television is taken for granted and RATNET has been joined by cable
systems offering several channels.

The Ambler, Buckland and N oorvik cable systems were similar to
other community-owned systems in rural villages. Most were six channel
systems operated and maintained by the local community. Microcom, an
Anchorage-based company specializing in Bush cable systems, provided the
satellite dish, cable installation and financing.

Private Cable Company, a Microcom partner, supplied programming.
Microcom offered villages a choice of a community-owned and operated
system, or a utility system similar to telephone. For communities interested
in becoming cable owners, Microcom provided a revenue model based on
population and probable number of subsczibers. A village-owned system
generally created one to two local jobs.

Ifthe community selected ownership, Microcom financed the system,
hired and trained local residents to help install, connect households and
maintain the cable system after installation. The company provided local
access and message channels, as well as a graphics computer and video
equipment.3 Few Microcom villages purchased the video-access channel,
while most selected the graphics-message channel. Like rural public radio
and the CB, the message channel provided a local and regional message 9
service for individuals, the community, school, church and other local entities.

Cable penetration reached 90 percent in rural villages that purchased
a cable system. Penetration was as low as 30 percent in villages where cable
was operated by Microcom as a utility.4 With a community-owned system, all

revenue stayed with the village once the Microcom loan was paid. The

 

3The video camera, editing and switching system cost about $4,000. Sandra
Blinstrubaus, director, Microcom Corp., interview by author, Anchorage, August 1991.
4Blinstrubaus.

100

community levied connection and monthly fees, and regulated the service.
Residents voted for the channels they wanted on the system. Private Cable
offered basic packages which included premium channels. By contrast, the
Anchorage cable system ofi‘ered 60 channels in 1991, with substantial price
difl'erences between basic and premium channels.

Although the state of Alaska maintained a RATNET dish in
224 villages, Microcom added RATNET to village cable systems as a way of
being "a good neighbor."5 The quality of the RATNET signal was sometimes
poor, but was clearer on cable. Also, RATNET was the only source of
Alaskana, and Microcom realized that villagers depended on it for local and
statewide news and weather.

Cable undoubtedly will be sought by more rural communities as they
seek to expand their revenue base. The impact of cable on RATNET viewing
and viewers' attitudes toward TV is discussed at length in chapter nine.

Village demographics and each village cable system are discussed
below.

N oorvik Media

All Noorvik Inupiat respondents remembered life without television.
The RATNET channel became available in 1978. In 1991, each household
had at least one television set,6 and 61 of the 93 households (66.7 percent)
had a videocassette recorder (VCR). Noorvik purchased its cable system in
1986. Fifty-one of the 93 Noorvik respondents subscribed to cable during the
1991 survey; most subscribers recalled being connected in 1988. Thirty-eight
did not subscribe to cable in 1991, mainly because they could not afford it.

Seven non-subscribers said cable was not worth the fee.

 

5Ibid.
6Village average was 1.7 sets per home.

101

Village-wide, rented or purchased videotapes were viewed an average
of three hours and 40 minutes a week. Cable subscribers watched an average
of three hours, 25 minutes of tapes each week. The highest VCR use was
among non-cable respondents, who watched tapes nearly four hours each
week. Cable, RATNET and videotape viewing was the most important
leisure-time activity for 22 N oorvik respondents.

The city-owned, six-channel cable system carried HBO, ESPN, CNN,
WTBS, Family Channel, Discovery, an unused local-access channel, and
RATNET. Some city officials expressed hope that the local-access channel
would be used to broadcast church and other community meetings, plus high
school basketball games.7 HBO was the channel watched most often.
Discovery and CNN tied for second place; RATNET ranked third.

The Noorvik system had been purchased and installed with a $76,000
loan financed by Microcom. Programming was supplied by Private Cable.
The city paid Microcom approximately $2,000 per month, which was
scheduled to be paid off in the mid-19908.8 Local cable revenues and state
revenue sharing had been used to pay off the loan.

Noorvik had opted for ownership because city officials did not "want an
outsider to come in and take all that money out."9 Cable had created a part-
time job for one person.

Noorvik cable hook-up was $50, with a $50 security deposit. Monthly
subscription fees were $50, plus 3 percent sales tax. Rates would be reduced,
according to city officials, when the Microcom loan was paid off and the
number of subsc1ibers increased. The security deposit and a $60 fee for a

second hook-up had been imposed in 1991, because of the high cost of

 

7At the time of the 1991 survey, basketball games were broadcast on CB radio.
8Ivan Field, mayor, City of Noorvik, interview by author, September 1991.
9Ibid.

102

defaults. Between 1989 and the November 1991 survey, the city had
terminated service to nearly one-third of its subscribers for non-payment.
Considering the high cable default rate and the low income for Noorvik
residents, it was surprising that only 12 Noorvik subscribers reported having
adjusted their household budget for cable.

Buckland Media

Many Buckland homes - 25 of the 66 respondents - still did not have a
telephone in 1991, but every home had at least one TV set.10 Most adults
remembered village life before RATNET, which came in 1978. More than
one-half of the village-homes had a VCR. Respondents from non-cable homes
watched an average of seven hours and 45 minutes of videotapes per week --
far more than cable subscribers who reported watching an average of two and'
one-half hours of tapes.

Buckland had acquired a four-channel cable system in 1983, which had
grown to eight channels by 1991. At the time of the survey, 55 of the 66
Buckland respondents subscribed to cable. One-third recalled connecting to
cable in 1983. The original four-channel package cost $50 per month, based
on a rate of $12.50 per channel, with a reduction for bad reception. Every 8
three years since 1983 the city had conducted a survey of subscribers to find
out what new channels they wanted. Four channels had been added and the
monthly rate capped at $50. In 1991, city officials declared that any future
additions would increase the monthly fee.

Villagers paid a $20 cable connection fee, but no security deposit. If
they did not pay their cable bill for three months, service was disconnected.
Cable was reconnected for a $20 fee, but not until all payments were made.

 

10The village average was 1.6 sets per home.

103

Over the years, nearly halfof the Buckland subscribers had discontinued
their subscription for a time, mainly because they could not make their
monthly payment. Nearly half also reported making no changes in their
household budget to afford the $50 monthly cable fee. Many of those who
made budget changes said they staggered their payments of cable and other
monthly utilities.

Watching RATNET and cable TV was the major leisure-time activity
for 16 of Buckland's 66 respondents (24 percent). Premium and basic cable
channels were mixed into one package: TNT, ESPN, CNN, WTBS, WGN,
USA, HBO, and Discovery. RATNET also was on cable. HBO was the
channel watched most often; ESPN ranked. second. RATNET tied for third
place with CNN and USA Network. Forty-three subscribers said they would
like more channels, preferring more children's programming such as the
Disney and Discovery channels. Most subscribers said they were not willing
to pay more for the additional channels.

Unlike Noorvik, Buckland had not borrowed money from Microcom
when it acquired cable in 1983; rather, it had paid cash. In 1991, monthly
cable revenue to the city averaged $2,500. Programming payments to Private
Cable Company were $613 per month. The remainder of the cable revenue
went into the city treasury to reimburse itself for its original investment.
Cable installation and maintenance created a part-time job for one Buckland

resident.

Ambler Media
Ambler was as information poor as Buckland and Noorvik. Thirty-
three of Ambler’s 53 respondents had a telephone (62 percent), while every

household in the survey had at least one TV set.

104

RATNET came to the village in 1978. Watching television was the
most important leisure-time activity for 10 of the 53 respondents
(18.9 percent). Forty-three of Ambler's 53 respondents had videocassette
recorders, used mainly for watching purchased or rental tapes. Before cable,
Ambler VCR owners watched videotapes an average of three hours each
week. In the post-cable survey, subscribers watched videotapes about one
hour and 20 minutes each week.11 It was expected that videotape viewing
would decrease with cable,12 which was evidenced in Buckland/Noorvik.

Ambler was one of the last villages in the Northwest Arctic Borough to
get cable. When the city council decided to go into the cable business,
members believed cable would become a major revenue producer for local

government:

I look at it as a good investment for our city It
will pay our water and sewer and other expenses.13

Ambler purchased a six-channel system, financed with a nine-year,
$70,000 loan from Micr‘ocom. Programming was supplied by Private Cable
Company, at a cost to the village of $1,300 per month in 1991.

As a cable operator, Ambler was clearly feeling its way. Cable had
been not included in the 1991 fiscal year budget, resulting in a $5,000 general
fund deficit in the first month of cable operation. When the city

administrator reported the problem, council members sounded unconcerned:

 

11The nine non-cable respondents watched VCR tapes for two hours, 45 minutes
after cable - only slightly less than before.

12This effect of cable was not predicted in the hypotheses.

13Louis Commack, mayor, City of Ambler, Dec. 17, 1991 council meeting.

105

Wait 'til next month to see how it settles out. Once
all houses are hooked up, we may have to increase
the monthly fee.14

City officials did not seem to understand the relationship between
Microcom and city government, or their role as cable administrator and
operator. Cable policies were unclear and fees were continually changing as
city officials felt their way along. The initial $85 hook-up fee was increased to
$100 after Ambler's first month as a cable operator. A month into operation,
it was discovered that several villagers who had moved to new homes had not
paid the re-connection fee.

Ambler's monthly cable subscription rate was $50, the same as water
and sewer. No security deposit was required. The TV service was to be
disconnected if a subscriber's bill was not paid by the fifteenth of the
following month. A $25 fee, plus the balance of the bill was to be paid before
the city would reconnect the cable.

Ambler's attitude toward operating a cable system seemed typical of
government in all three villages. From interviews and observation, it seemed

all the communities sort of "ran themselves" until a crisis developed.

Pre-cable Anticipation

The possibility of new TV channels in Ambler generated a high level of
anticipation among villagers. Prior to cable, 39 respondents said they
planned to subscribe, five were not sure, and only seven said they definitely
would not subscribe, because of the cost of cable. After cable was available,
42 subscribed; eleven did not, some because the cable did not reach their

homes. Of the eleven non-subscribers, only four said they would connect to

 

14Wallace Cleveland, Ambler city council, Dec. 17, 1991 council meeting.

106

cable if it were available to their home, mainly for more news, sports and
movies.

Before cable was installed, Private Cable Company provided a list of
available channels to every villager, who then voted for the channels they
most preferred. Discovery, Disney, TNT, CNN, ESPN, and HBO received the
greatest number of votes. Once installed, ESPN was replaced with USA
Network, to the disappointment of many sports fans. Discovery was the most
popular channel among the 42 subscribers, with 15 saying they watched it
most often. CNN ranked second, with six responses. RATNET was fifth of
seven, a ranking which likely shows the novelty effect of multiple channels.

The pre-cable phase of this research attempted to assess Ambler
residents' experience with cable and their expectations. Most respondents
had watched cable during visits outside the village. Only the elders generally
were unfamiliar with cable, and many planned to subscribe just to find out
what it was.

Experience with cable aside, most Ambler respondents knew there
would be some major differences between RATNET and cable. In
spontaneous answers to an open-ended question, 30 respondents
(58.8 percent) believed choice and variety of programs would be the biggest
difference. Choice and variety were also the reasons most villagers planned
to subscribe. Only eight (15.7 percent) noted that cable would have more
movies than RATNET, although it was clear that movies were very popular
in Ambler, especially among youth, who kept the local video outlet busy.15

Four respondents were concerned that cable would have a negative
impact on the community, including an increase in vandalism. It was

thought that expense would be an obvious difference between cable and

 

15The Kobuk Valley Lodge general store rented videotapes.

107

RATNET, but only two pre-cable Ambler respondents noted that cable cost
money, whereas RATNET was free.

More than half the respondents believed the $50 monthly cable fee was
reasonable, but said they would not want to pay any more. Adjusting the
household budget did not seem to be a priority for those planning to
subscribe. Only six respondents said they planned to give up something in
order to afford cable, including "junk" food and video rental. One respondent
planned to travel less on his "gas-guzzling" snowmachine, another said the
family would cut its use of other utilities.

Once cable was available, the reasons pe0ple subscribed were not
nearly as clear as the reasons they thought they would subscribe. Among
other things, subscribers cited too little entertainment in Ambler, more
program variety on cable, and curiosity about cable. Most of the
42 subscribers said they were satisfied with Ambler's new cable system,
although more than half wanted more channels, including a religious
channel, sports, country music and more movies. Most were not willing to
pay for additional channels.

Once cable was offered, six respondents said they had subscribed .
because other adults wanted them to. At least three grandmothers said they
subscribed to cable because their adult children wanted the grandchildren to
have more channels to watch when they visited their "aana."16 These
grandmothers continued to watch their favorite and familiar RATNET
programs when they were by themselves. One adult daughter said she paid
the monthly cable fee for her elderly mother, so the grandchildren would have
more entertainment at aana's house. For the price of the cable, which this

aana did not watch and could not understand, the 87-year-old Inupiaq- and

 

16Inupiaq for grandmother.

108

Athabaskan-speaking woman could have been reconnected to sewer and
water, which she had been without for several months, because she could not
afford the $50 monthly fee. Instead, she hauled water everyday and used a
honey bucket, while her grandchildren watched cable TV.

Addendum

Ambler cable was being strung in September 1991 as this researcher
was conducting the first phase of the survey. After numerous satellite
equipment delays, about half the village was wired by October 27.
Installation was completed by mid-December.

The post-cable phase of the survey was conducted between December 1
and December 19, 1991. Subscribers getting cable late in the survey period
were not interviewed until they had watched cable for at least one week.
This could be considered a weakness in the research; conversely, the novelty
of cable could last for many months, so the effects probably would have been
apparent several months later. The survey was purposely designed to control
for novelty effects by comparing Ambler with Buckland and Noorvik, where
cable had been available since the 1980s. As will be seen in the quantitative
analysis chapter, novelty effect did not seem to be as strong as expected and
was often explained by the comparison. Ideally, the post-cable survey would
have been conducted at a later time and would be followed much later by

another survey.

109

Chapter Nine

DATA ANALYSIS

INTRODUCTION

The village research includes cable television impact on the state-
owned RATNET channel, as well as the function of television in traditional
native communities.

The analysis focuses on the attitudes, opinions and television use of
Inupiat Eskimos, who comprise the largest, most stable and most important
group in the Northwest Arctic region. As previously discussed, Inupiat lives
are in transition, caused by an onslaught of changes affecting their
traditional subsistence lifestyle. Many feel their culture is threatened by
these changes, including television. The sample included 181 Inupiat
Eskimos.

Only 28 non-natives, all Caucasian, participated in all phases of the
survey. Like most non-natives living in the Bush, none had grown up in
rural Alaska, but had moved there from the Lower 48 states, or other parts of
Alaska. For many, rural Alaska was a short-term adventure, not a
permanent home. Non-natives were peripheral to the study, and there were
not enough in the sample to support ethnic comparisons. Where appropriate,
ethnic differences will be discussed in the narrative. The significance of
ethnic differences will not be reported, however, because it cannot be

supported by the non-native sample size. For nearly all variables, survey

110

results will describe Inupiat villagers, who were the focal point of the study.
While the text amplifies Inupiat results, some tables reflect the entire village.

The analysis included 53 Ambler, and 159 Buckland and Noorvik
residents.1 Due to the small number of participants in the surveys, both
numbers and percentages will be reported for individual villages. In most
cases, Buckland and Noorvik is presented as a single group in comparison
with Ambler.

The Ambler survey was conducted in September 1991, before cable
television was available, and between December 1 - 19, 1991, after cable had
been hooked up. The same 53 respondents were interviewed in the pre- and
post-cable Ambler surveys. Buckland and Noorvik interviews were completed
between November 14 - 28, 1991.

In addition to the independent variables of ethnicity, language, age,
sex, and education, a mobility variable was created. This variable combined
questions that measured whether respondents had lived elsewhere, if they
had traveled outside of Alaska within the past year, or if they had traveled to
major Alaska cities within the past year. In all three villages, mobility was
an ethnic trait, with Inupiats being the least mobile. Non-natives were
considered mobile, many of them being teachers who left the village during
school breaks and several other times a year. In the three villages, mobility
was linked to education, those with a high school diploma or less being the
least mobile. Education also was an ethnic trait, with non-natives having
attended college or completed at least a bachelor's degree, and natives having
attended but not completed high school. When sex and mobility were
associated, a greater number of females (25) than males (15) were considered

immobile, although the association was not significant. In traditional Eskimo

 

lSeveral individuals were interviewed for an over-sample in each village.

111

culture, men were hunters and therefore more mobile. In the 1990s village,
some men travel outside their communities for employment. Mobility is an
interesting descfiptive variable, but it is not used as a predictor.

Language was thought to be a cultural indicator of traditionalism,
which was more appropriate in Buckland and Noorvik, where 34 Inupiats did
not speak the Inupiaq language, than in Ambler, where all Inupiat
respondents spoke their native language.

Cross-tabulation tables were used to observe associations between
dependent and independent va1iables. Cross-tabs, however, do not determine
causality,‘only that a relationship eidsts. Chi-square tests were used to
determine if the relationships found in the sample could be generalized to the
population from which the sample was drawn. For example, if the
relationship between the amount of television viewed and cable subscription
was statistically significant, one could consider cable subscription to be a
factor in determining how much TV these rural villagers watched. The
.05 level of significance was the standard used in determining whether the
observed relationships would be of interest. If significance is not mentioned,
the relationship was not significant. In many cases, relationships were not
significant, but cOnsistent patterns could be seen, which could be considered
support for the hypotheses. Many of these cases are discussed.

Interval data includes hours spent watching cable and RATNET.
Analysis of variance (AN OVA) was used to compare means and to test for
significant differences. Missing data were not figured into any of the
percentages used in the analysis. Where appropriate, ethnographic and
anecdotal information is used to support and provide clarity to the survey

analysis.

112

Due to the small numbers of non-natives in the sample, any differences
observed between the mobile and non-mobile, Inupiaq speakers and English-
only speakers, Inupiats and non-natives, or educational differences cannot be
supported in the population. These variables will be discussed in the
narrative only when noteworthy. The following analysis is primarily

descriptive and concentrates on Inupiat responses.

TV -- the medium of choice

Television is the medium of choice for entertainment and information
in rural Alaska, as well as the primary medium. Seventy-three percent, or
155 of the 212 native and non-native respondents in the three villages said
they used television more often than any other medium. About 58.5 percent,
or 124, considered it the most enjoyable medium; 41 percent, or
87 respondents thought TV the most educational; and 42 percent, or
89 respondents rated TV as the most important of all media?

Table 1 and Table 2 summarize media use by village. Community by
community, relationships between media variables and demographics were
not always significant, but as a whole, percentages show television's
continuing importance to the entire village, and especially the Inupiat people.
In pre-cable Ambler, where RATNET was the only channel, 33 Inupiats, more
than 78 percent, cited TV as the medium they most enjoyed. The relationship
held for TV as the most important medium, although radio fought for

importance?

 

2Magazines were considered the least important of all the media, probably because of
their unfamiliarity and cost. They are not sold in the local store, and subscription costs are
high. A few, mostly news magazines, were purchased by the school. Caucasians, most of
whom were teachers, read magazines more than Inupiats.

3Slightly more than 35 percent, or 15 Inupiats cited TV; 33.3 percent (14) cited radio
as most important.

113

Table 1: Village Media Use, Ambler

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

N853
Native and non-native respondents
Media used Most Most Least Most
most often enjoyable educational important important
media media media media

Freq.l % Freq./ % Frqu % Freq./.% Frqu %
Radio 8 / 15.1 5 / 9.4 2 / 3.8 9 / 17.0 14 l26.4
FTTV 38 / 71.7 35 / 66.0 27 /50.9 6 /11.3 19 /35.8
Magazines 1 / 1.9 1 / 1.9 5 / 9.4 21 /39.6
Newspapers 4 / 7.5 5 / 9.4 4 / 7.5 3 / 5.7
moon 3 / 5.7 8 / 15.1 12 / 22.6 6 / 11.3 10 / 18.9
'fion't know 3 / 5.7 2 / 3.6 7 / 13.2 7 / 13.2
Table 2: Village Media Use, Buckland and Noorvik combined sample

N I 159
Native and non-native respondents
Media used Most Most Least Most
most often enjoyable educational important important
media media media media

Freq./ % Freq./ % Freq./ % Freq.l % Freq./ %
TEdio 19 / 11.9 20 / 12.6 11 / 6.9 25 / 15.7 34 / 21.4
TV 117 / 73.6 89 / 56.0 60 / 37.7 11 / 6.9 70 / 44.0
Magazines 6 / 3.8 15 / 9.4 17 / 10.7 73 / 45.9 p 1 / .6
Newspapers 1 / .6 8 / 5.0 19 / 11.9 11 / 6.9 16 / 10.1
Books 15 / 9.4 26 / 16.4 49 / 30.8 29 / 18.2 34 / 21.4
"Font know 1 / .6 1 / .6 3 / 1.8 10/ 6.2 4/ 2.5

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

114

 

Television was considered the most educational medium for Ambler
Inupiats. This is in contrast to the non-native group which rated books,
newspapers and magazines as the most educational, more important than
other media, and more enjoyable than TV. While the number of non-natives
in the sample is too small to support ethnic comparisons, some general
contrasts can be made. For example, at the time of the survey, teachers,
retired teachers and other more highly educated people made up the largest
non-native group in the three villages. This would also be true in native
villages statewide.

A significant association was apparent between language and
television, one of the few language associations which can be discussed due to
larger numbers of English/Inupiaq speakers. Nearly 60 percent of Inupiaq
speakers considered TV the most educational. English speakers, including
those who also spoke Inupiat, consistently preferred print media. In most
other cases, language comparisons fell strictly along ethnic lines, with the
number of English-only speakers reflecting the non-native sample, which is
too small to support comparisons.

In Buckland and Noorvik, 44 of the 106 bilingual respondents believed
TV to be the most educational medium‘(41.5 percent). Thirty reported that
books were most educational (28.3 percent). Newspapers, magazines and
radio rank a distant third. Of the 46 English-only speakers, 23 reported
newspapers and books to be more educational for them (50 percent), while
16 selected television (34.8 percent).4 These relationships were significant.

Especially for elders who speak English as a second language, the
combination of pictures and words makes television more understandable

than other media. As one Inupiat woman said, “I learn words from ‘Wheel of

 

‘This includes 34 Inupiats who did not speak their language.

115

Fortune,’ and numbers from the ‘Price is Right.’ ” These and other game
shows were popular among older women, primarily for these reasons.
Anecdotal information indicates that reading dropped off quickly
among Inupiat adults once television was introduced. In Buckland, for
example, the Buckland school principal noted that Inupiat adults, once daily
visitors to the school library, stopped checking out books immediately after
cable became available in 1983. Between 1983 and the 1991 survey, school
records show no Buckland Inupiat adults had borrowed school library books.5

Cultural and Theoretical Perspectives

Field observations intersect cultural impact and current policy issues
in the study, to answer several major research questions: (1) What changes
do rural Inupiat Eskimos perceive in village life and culture since the arrival
of television? (2) Is there a cultural impact of television in native communities
which should be considered in RATNET policy? (3) Is Alaskana important
enough to viewers that Alaska should foster an aboriginal broadcasting policy
to "strengthen the social, cultural, and linguistic fabric"6 of native life, similar
to the Canadian broadcast policy? (See Chapter Five). (4) Are rural viewers
willing to pay for the RATNET channel? (5) If so, why are villagers willing to
pay, considering the availability of cable television and the similazity of
entertainment programming on RATNET and cable?

A relationship between rural television policy and TV viewers'
interests and attitudes toward RATNET clearly emerged from the data
analysis. The analysis confirmed that indigenous societies prefer indigenous

television as noted in the television effects literature (See Chapter Five).

 

5School libraries were the only libraries in these villages, and were open to the
public. John Bania, Buckland School Superintendent, interview by author, Sept, Nov. 1991.
6Inuit Broadcasting Corporation, quoted in Madden, 135.

116

Respondents indicated a general preference for a "local" TV genre, that is,
regional and culturally relevant programs that would be related to their daily
lives and experiences. This suggests that RATNET would provide a better
service if the rural Alaska context was considered. Current RATNET policy
calls for general-interest entertainment and information (See Chapter Three).

The statistical analysis illustrates the impact of this policy on viewers'
use of RATNET and cable channels. It suggests that an increase in
Alaskana, plus regional and cultural programming on RATNET, would be
appropriate in rural Alaska's new multiple-channel environment.

The analysis clearly indicates that cultural issues are important
considerations in setting content policy. This confirms such cultural effects
literature as Straubhaar, Valaskakis and Skinner. One could also argue that
a survey of a larger, more culturally diverse sample of rural Alaska villages .

would produce similar results.

HYPOTHESES
C H BBDIEIM‘ .

(H1) Viewers will watch more cable television than RATNET when cable is >
available.

Television did not absorb as much time in these native villages in 1991
as it did in the average American home, where TV viewing occupied about
seven hours a day.7 During the coldest, darkest month of the year, the
Inupiat villagers watched only about five hours of TV on a weekday, slightly
more on weekends, and some of that could be attributed to the novelty of

cable television.

 

7A Short Course in Broadcasting, 1991,” WW1,
(Washington, D.C.: Broadcasting Publications, 1991).

117

Cable Novelty

As TV dials began flipping from channel to channel in Ambler, total
television viewing increased an average of one hour and 10 minutes daily.
Total RATNET viewing decreased among all viewers, as cable subscribers
discovered new channels. In Buckland and N oorvik, where cable television
was far from a novelty, RATNET viewing also was lower than cable, though
the differences were small. .

Other components affected Ambler viewing. During the September
pre-cable survey period, viewing probably was lower because Ambler
residents were busy fishing, hunting, gathering and preserving food for the
winter. Also, school was just beginning, and September weather was
exceptionally warm and dry. During the post—cable phase in December, much
of the winter's food had been preserved, temperatures were well-below zero,
snow covered the ground and days were very short. The anticipation of cable
TV was high, as subscribers had waited two months longer than expected for
the new channels.

While these considerations affect only Ambler, the amount of RATNET
and cable viewing in all villages with cable has statewide policy implications.
Policy issues are much more complex than viewing habits. It is clear from
the data that RATNET has a specific function in rural Alaska households and
without it, rural viewers would have little access to Alaska news, weather,
and other information unique to their state. Cable cannot replace this
service.

Notwithstanding viewers' admission that they watch less RATNET
than cable, survey responses showed that viewers clearly want more regional,

cultural and statewide information, which only RATNET can offer. As

118

Alaska policy-makers decide the future of rural television, including issues
raised by the encroachment of cable, RATNET's function is continually being
reevaluated, but never from a cultural perspective. Even if RATNET was
privatized, the information gathered from this small pilot study will be
enlightening to channel programmers.

Ambler Viewing

Data fiom all three villages support the hypothesis that RATNET
viewing will decrease once cable is available in the home. As illustrated in
Table 3, Ambler RATNET viewing declined by more than one-half after cable
was installed. Ambler's 53 respondents reported watching an average of
three hours, 10 minutes of RATNET each weekday before cable was
available, compared to one hour, 20 minutes of RATNET viewing for all
respondents after cable.8

Table 3: RATNET Viewing, Ambler

 

 

 

N-53
Native and non-native respondents
September 1991 December 1991
Pre-cable RATNET Post-cable
RATNET
N = 53 N = 53

fleekday 3:10 1:20

Weekend

(2-day total) 6:41 3:22

 

 

 

 

 

Daily television viewing in the 42 new cable households increased
nearly one hour and 45 minutes once cable was installed. During the
December post-cable survey period, cable subscribers reported watching an
average of one hour, 39 minutes of RATNET each weekday, compared to

 

8Using a T-test of independent mean s, the differences between the two means were
significant at the .001 level. All means are rounded to the nearest tenth of an hour. All
means exclude missing responses and those who reported "don't know."

119

about three hours and 15 minutes of cable. Weekend television viewing
among cable subscribers totaled eight hours and 47 minutes. RATNET
accounted for three hours and 22 minutes; cable consumed five hours,

25 minutes. The weekend total is the sum of Saturday and Sunday viewing
averages. (See Table 4). Only two non-cable household respondents reported
going to cable homes to watch TV during the survey period. One reported
watching one hour of cable, the other three hours of cable, both on a Saturday

evening.

Table 4: Cable Subscribers' Viewing, Ambler

 

 

 

N-42
Native and non-native respondents
RATNET #Cable
‘ N = 42 N = 42
Weekday 1:39 3:15
Weekend
(2-day total) 3:22 5:25

 

 

 

 

 

Due to the small number of non-natives in the survey, ethnicity was
not a statistically significant determinant of television viewing in Ambler, but
it is interesting to note the differences. Thirty-eight Inupiat and four non-
natives subscribed to cable. On weekdays Inupiats averaged one hour,

30 minutes of RATNET and three hours, 24 minutes of cable viewing. The
four non-natives watched about one hour of RATNET on weekdays, and one
hour, 56 minutes of cable. These differences could be due to several factors,
0 including non-native interest in other media, non-native experience with
cable prior to coming to the village, as well as non-native work load. As
previously indicated, most non-natives had full-time jobs, while Inupiats did

not.

120

Among other demographic groups, gender, age and education were
statistically significant factors in determining the amount of cable TV
viewing in post-cable Ambler. Men watched almost two hours more cable TV
each weekday than women. All adults, ages 18 to 28, watched an average of
six and oneohalf hours of cable on the average weekday, while viewing was
less than half of that amount for all other age groups. Age also was
statistically related to the amount of RATNET viewing among the 42 Ambler
cable subscribers. Respondents ages 29 to 39 watched about one hour of
RATNET, compared to nearly three hours for those ages 18 to 28. The over-
40 age group watched about one hour, 30 minutes of RATNET on the average
weekday. From observation and interviewing, it was clear that these two age
groups were more busy than younger adults, with full or part-time work, or
traditional Eskimo activities such as visiting or handicrafts.

Education also affected viewing, with averages varying from
30 minutes for two respondents with graduate degrees, to four hours and
40 minutes for 21 respondents who had attended high school. While the
association between education and TV viewing was significant, it is affected
by ethnic sample size. As previously stated, the average native educational
level in Ambler was ninth grade, while non-natives had completed college.
Education, therefore, is an ethnic characteristic and significance cannot be
supported due to the small non-native sample size. The differences are worth
noting, as will be discussed in the Buckland/Noorvik sample.

121

Buckland/Noorvik Viewing

As predicted, total RATNET viewing was consistently lower than cable
in the established-cable villages of Buckland and Noorvik, where cable had
been available since 1983 and 1986, respectively. Of the 159 respondents in
the combined-village sample, 106 subscribed to cable. Average weekday
RATNET viewing among both cable and non-cable respondents was two and
one-half hours? The weekend RATNET total for cable and non-cable homes
was four hours and seven minutes.

The 106 Buckland and N oorvik cable subscribers average an additional
two and one-half hours per day of total TV viewing, both cable and RATNET.
(See Table 5 and Table 6). They watched RATNET for about two hours each
weekday; compared to three hours of cable. Weekend RATNET viewing
among cable subscribers totaled four hours and 11 minutes, compared to six

hours, 36 minutes.

Table 5: RATNET Viewing, Buckland and Noorvik combined sample,
November 1991

Native and non-native respondents

 

 

 

 

 

 

Village sample Cable subscribers
N I 159 N I 106
Weekday 2:30 2:00
Weekend
(2-day total) 4:07 4:11

 

 

 

9During the Buckland and N oorvik survey period, RATNET was off the air for 29 and
one-half hours, from Thursday, November 22 to Friday, November 23. To compensate,
respondents who were interviewed on Friday and Saturday were asked how much RATNET
and cable they had watched on Wednesday, November 21. Although attempts were made to
mitigate the effect of the outage, it could have affected self-reporting.

122

Table 6: Cable Subscribers' Viewing,
Buckland and Noorvik combined sample, November 1991

Native and non-native respondents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RATNET Cable
_ N I 106 N I 106
Weekday 2:00 3:00
Weekend
(2-day total) 4:11 6:36

 

Although the number of Buckland/Noorvik non-natives in the sample
is low, ethnic comparisons are worth noting. Overall, the 98 Inupiat cable
subscribers in Buckland and Noorvik watched more TV than their six non-
native counterparts -- about three hours and 10 minutes of cable, and two
hours, 10 minutes of RATNET on the average weekday. Non-native
subscribers watched an average of one hour of cable, and 40 minutes of
RATNET on a typical weekday. Some of the differences could be explained by
employment and interest in other media.

Education was a significant factor in cable viewing in Buckland and
Noorvik, but it was not a factor in RATNET viewing. Respondents with some
college or vocational training watched nearly two hours less cable than those
with a high school education. These people would be more apt to use other .
sources for entertainment and information, such as newspapers, magazines,
books and public radio.10 While the educational level of natives was slightly
higher in Buckland and Noorvik than in Ambler (See Chapter Seven),
education in the two established-cable villages appeared to be associated with
ethnicity, as it is in Ambler and in most rural native villages statewide.

Comparing the villages, it is clear that Ambler viewing was affected by
the novelty of multiple channels. In the established-cable villages of

Buckland and Noorvik, cable subscribers watched about one hour more cable

 

10'l\velve respondents indicated that they had some post-secondary education.

123

than RATNET on a weekday. In the new cable village of Ambler, cable
respondents watched approximately one and one-half hours more cable than
RATNET each weekday. The differences between RATNET and cable in
Buckland and Noorvik indicate that cable viewing will level off in Ambler
once the newness wears ofi'. It also suggests that RATNET provides a specific
service which cable cannot replace. From the data, which will be discussed
below, it is clear that special service is Alaska news and information.

The competition between multiple cable channels and the single
RATNET channel is little different in tiny Inupiat Eskimo villages than in
large television markets across the nation. Throughout the United States,
local stations, whether network affiliates or independents, continue to lose
audience share to cable.11 To improve ratings, networks and local stations
are forced to adjust programming and schedules to compete with cable
channels. On the local level, stations often counterprogram or increase local
and regional news and other public affairs programming to compete with
other local and distant cable channels.12 In rural Alaska, RATNET no longer
has the monopoly on television. As villages install cable systems, RATNET
becomes an even greater policy question than it has in the past. If the state
is to live up to its policy of making "new informational material available so
that all Alaskans can be informed as to what Alaska is doing,"13 RATNET
needs to provide more information "as to what Alaska is doing." Cable
actually provides RATNET an opportunity to pay greater attention to rural,
ethnic and cultural needs. -

 

11"'I‘V Viewing Shares: Broadcast Years 1983 - 1992," Cable Television

Developments, June 1993. In: Funk and Wagnalls Corp., W
W 295
12Susan Tyler Eastman, Sydney W. Head, and Lewis Klein, We

W3. (Belmont, CA. Wadsworth Publishing Company,
1989)

13Session Laws of Alaska 197 6, Chapter 223, intent language.

124

The small decrease in RATNET viewing indicates potential audience
support for the channel and its unique role in rural Alaska. The following
hypotheses examine .an audience preference for increased regional and

cultural programming on RATNET.

W
(H2) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages consider RATNET their
major source of news and information about Alaska.

(H3) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages would be willing to pay a
fee for RATNET.

The continuing importance of the RATNET channel for village
audiences is represented in hypotheses 2 and 3. Inasmuch as current cable
television channels cannot replace the Alaskan programs that RATNET
offers,14 both hypotheses have state policy implications. The following data
indicate that policy-makers probably would find ample support in a statewide

survey for the Alaskan programming carried on RATNET, and a willingness

by viewers to pay a household fee for the channel.

TV as the Primary News Source

The oral tradition remains strong in the Inupiat culture, one reason for
the popularity of television. Given the culture and paucity of media voices in
these rural communities, TV became the primary news source almost by
default.

Support for the hypothesis that RATNET was villagers' major source of

Alaska news and information was found in media use, news source and

 

l‘l'Cable companies offer video camera and editing equipment to produce local and
regional programs for a local access channel. No examples of local production were found
among rural cable communities.

12S

content questions, as well as observation. Nearly 80 percent of all
respondents reported getting most of their world and state news from TV.
RATNET became the source of Alaska news primarily because it was the only
televised source, and because so few alternative news sources were regularly
available in the villages. (See Table 7 and Table 8). RATNET was so
important that viewers in all three villages said they would be willing to pay

a monthly fee for it, generally because of Alaska news.

Table 7: Primary News Source, All Villages
National and International News

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

AMBLER BUCKLAND/NOORVIK
N n 53 N - 159
_ Native and non-native respondents _
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Triends 6 3.8

Family 4 2.5
Radio 4 7 .5 12 7.5
Newspapers 3 5.7 5 3.1
Television 41 77.4 128 80.5
Radio & TV 5 9.4 1 .6
Don't know/ 3 1.9
No answer

 

 

 

 

 

 

126

 

Table 8: Primary News Source, All Villages

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Alaska News
AMBLER BUCKLAND/NOORVIK
N - 53 N - 159
Native and non-native respondents
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
Friends 2 3.8 4 2.5
Family 1 .6
Ttadio 5 9.4 24 15.1
Newspapers 1 1.9 27 17.0
Television 38 71.7 100 62.9
Tzadio & TV 7 13.2
'I'Jon't know/ 3 1.8
No answer

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

During the pre-cable Ambler survey, RATNET was the only television
channel available. Thirty-three, or 78 percent of Inupiats said they got most
of their world news from TV, compared to four who said they listened to radio
for world news. Five used both broadcast media for news, but no Inupiats
mentioned newspaper as a news source. Despite the small number of non- '
natives, ethnic comparisons are worth noting, due to the primacy of TV in
rural Alaska. Eight non-natives watched TV for news, three got it primarily
from newspapers. Television also was the main source of world news for all
age, gender and educational groups, though none of the relationships were
significant. In the post-cable Ambler survey, 36 of 38 Inupiat cable
subscribers (94.7 percent) relied on TV for national and international news;
two of the four non-native subscribers used TV.

Ambler's new cable subscribers were asked whether they used Cable

News Network or RATNET for national and world news. Twelve cable

127

subscribers were tuning into the 24-hour CNN, while 18 stayed with
RATNET's "NBC Nightly News," presumably because it was familiar, was
broadcast at a regular time, and was a concise half-hour.15 Six reported
using both channels equally. Overall, RATNET also was used for national
and world news by 18 respondents from all age and education groups, plus
men and women. CNN's popularity with some subscribers was observed
several times. For example, one December afternoon, Ambler's mayor, an
avid news viewer, told CB radio listeners to "Turn on channel five, turn on
channel five!" One could envision TV dials all over town being flipped to
channel five, including this author's, to see the verdict of the William
Kennedy Smith rape trial being reported live on CNN.

RATNET was the only TV source of Alaska news in post-cable Ambler,
as well as the medium used most often for Alaska news by all demographic
groups. The majority -- 34, or 81 percent -- of all native and non-native
respondents continued to switch to RATNET for Alaska news after they had
cable. While this was to be expected, it also indicates the dependency rural
Alaskans have on the channel for Alaskana.

In Buckland and Noorvik, 128 of the 159 native and non-native ’
respondents (80.5 percent) relied on TV for their national and international
news; 100 used it as the major source of Alaska news (63 percent). Again,
RATNET was the only television channel offering Alaska news in Buckland
and Noorvik. As in Ambler, Inupiats and all other demographic groups used
television for both world and Alaska news. None of the relationships with

sufiicient sample size were significant.

 

15Familiarity was key to other programming after cable hook-up. In spontaneous
conversations, many new subscribers reported flipping the TV dial to learn what each new
channel had to offer, and then coming back to RATN ET because the programs were familiar.

128

Another indication that RATNET was the primary Alaska news source
was seen in responses to programs that all villagers said they would miss if
the channel was no longer available. In spontaneous answers to an open-
ended question, most of those who said they would miss RATNET mentioned
Alaska news as the reason.16

The data clearly support the hypothesis that RATNET was the major
source of Alaska news for villagers. In fact, many respondents wanted more
Alaska news. In closed-answer questions about RATNET content, 19 Inupiat
Ambler respondents (37.3 percent), and 82 of Buckland and Noorvik
respondents (53.6 percent) preferred more Alaska news than RATNET
carried at the time. The findings of two previous statewide surveys,
conducted by telephone in 1986 and 1991,17 were similar: Rural Alaskans
wanted more news and information about their region and their state.

Support for the news hypothesis verifies the regional and cultural
proximity hypotheses, which will be discussed later in this chapter. The high
viewership and the desire for Alaska news corroborate the prediction that
rural villagers prefer programming about their region and about their
lifestyle, traditions, their ethnicity and other aspects or their culture.

Other Indicators of RATNET's Importance
Even when viewers have a choice of channels, RATNET remains
important, primarily because of Alaska news and Alaskana. Thirty-eight of

Ambler's 53 pre-cable native and non-native respondents (75 percent)

 

16Qualifying question: "If you had only cable, and not RATN ET, do you think you'd
be missing anything?" Those who answered "yes" (80 percent) were subsequently asked:
"What kinds of shows do you think you'd be missing on TV if you had cable and not
RATNET?"
17Larry Pearson and Doug Barry, "Talking to Each Other, Talking to Machines:

Alaska's Telecommunication Future." BMW
Alaska State Legislature, January 1986. Pearson, "Desert Storm."

129

indicated that RATNET was important or very important to them. While .
RATNET's importance decreased among Ambler's 42 new cable subscribers,
24 still indicated it was important or very important to them (57 percent).18

It was clear that RATNET played a major role in these media-poor
villages, even in Buckland and Noorvik, where the novelty of multiple
channels had disappeared long before the survey. Of the 159 cable and non-
cable (native and non-native) respondents in Buckland and N oorvik, 129
considered RATNET important or very important (84 percent). It remained
so to the 106 cable subscribers, of which 89 indicated that RATNET was
important or very important to them (58 percent).

Thirty-one Ambler Inupiat viewers considered RATNET important to
very important. Of the 139 Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats in the sample,
114 rated RATNET as important or very important (84.4 percent). RATNET
was more important to Buckland/Noorvik respondents over the age of 40 than
to those under 40, a relationship which was significant. One reason may be
familiarity with the channel - after all, RATNET was the first television in
these villages, and for many over the age of 40, it was the first television they
had ever seen. It had even withstood the competition of multiple channels in

Buckland and Noorvik. Age was not significant in Ambler, nor were there

 

18The question was asked in pre-cable Ambler, Buckland and Noorvik. It was
deliberately stated: 'There's been some talk in recent years about the possibility of taking
RATNET off the air. How important is RATN ET to you? Is it very important, important,
somewhat important, or not important at all?" It was common knowledge among viewers in
all communities that RATN ET was periodically threatened with extinction, and that the
current administration had proposed eliminating the channel. As previously indicated, the
question most asked by respondents was, "Are they (state officials) going to take RATN ET off
the air?" After pre-tests and pre-survey telephone interviews with regional and village
leaders, it was determined that use of the qualifier with the question was appropriate. On
the one hand, it could have skewed the answer for some respondents. It also indicates,
however, the importance of RATNET for Alaskana in cable communities. The post-cable
Ambler question also included a pre-qualifier: "Now that you have cable, how important is
RATN ET to you?" This also may have skewed the answers for some cable respondents;
however, it was intended as a way of putting RATNET in its rightful place with cable.

130

any other statistically significant relationships found when importance was
cross-tabulated with demographics in the three communities. However,
overall percentages among all demographic groups corroborate audience
support for the channel.

The importance of the rural channel also was clear in villagers'
willingness to pay for it, both before and after cable. Most pre-cable Ambler
respondents -- 44 of 53 -- said they would be willing to pay a $10 monthly fee
for the channel (86.3 percent). In the post-cable survey, 32 of the 42 cable
subscribers (76 percent) indicated their willingness to pay.

Of the 159 Buckland/Noorvik respondents, 125 indicated a willingness
to pay for RATNET (81.7 percent); 82 of the 106 cable subscribers
(77.4 percent) also would pay. Based on the data from these established-cable
villages, the post—cable Ambler figure likely would not decrease and may even
increase once cable becomes familiar. ‘

Pre-cable Ambler's Inupiat respondents were more enthusiastic about
paying for RATNET than post-cable Inupiats. Before cable, 35 Inupiat, or
87 .5 percent, said they would pay a fee for the service. After cable, that
decreased to 29, or 76.3 percent of the Inupiat respondents. In the
established-cable villages of Buckland and Noorvik, 81.5 percent of Inupiat
Viewers indicated a willingness to pay for RATNET. Again, based on this
data, the post-cable Ambler figure likely would not decrease and may even
increase once cable becomes familiar.

Differences among all demographic groups were slight, except age:
Older respondents were more likely to be willing to pay a fee than those
ullder age 29. In Buckland and Noorvik, age differences were significant; not

30 in post-cable Ambler. The lack of differences among most demographic

131

groups indicates RATNET's importance to all rural Alaskans, not just to
certain groups.

This data also supports a policy to charge viewers for this unique
service to rural Alaska. A $10 monthly RATNET fee had once been suggested
by legislators; however, according to Department of Administration figures,
RATNET delivery costs are about $3.33 per household per month, based on '
an estimated 35,449 occupied housing units in the 224 villages with earth
stations. At the time of the survey, monthly bills for Ambler and Noorvik's
six cable channels (including RATNET) were $50, or $8.33 per channel.
Buckland charged $50 per month for eight channels (including RATNET), or
$6.25 for each channel.

Even when respondents were forced in the survey to choose between
cable and RATNET, it was evident that RATNET was valued nearly as much
as all other cable channels combined. In response to "If you had to choose
between cable and RATNET, which would you choose?" 75, or 49 percent, of
all Buckland/Noorvik respondents said they would select cable, while 69, or
45.1 percent, chose RATNET. Seven said they did not know. Of the Inupiat
respondents, 68 preferred cable (50.4 percent); 59, or 43.7 percent, preferred
RATNET; and 7, or 5.2 percent, did not know. Fourteen non-natives -- not
enough to indicate ethnic differences, but worthy of mention - answered the
question; eight preferred RATNET, six cable. Of the 106 Buckland/Noorvik
cable subscribers, the difi'erence between those who preferred cable over
RATNET was smaller than expected: 55, or 51.9 percent preferred cable, and
44, or 41.5 percent preferred RATNET.

In pre-cable Ambler, where anticipation for cable was high, overall
differences were greater: 27, or 52.9 percent of the 53 respondents, said they
would choose cable; 19, or 37.3 percent, would choose RATNET; and five, or

132

9.8 percent, could not decide. Of the 39 who said they planned to subscribeto
cable, 23 thought they would prefer cable, and eleven said they would prefer
RATNET. Five could not decide. Broken along ethnic lines, 23 Inupiat
selected cable; 12 selected RATNET; five did not know. The choice question
was not asked in post-cable Ambler. 19 Had it been, responses may have been
similar to pre-cable, since cable had been available to most households for
less than a month and novelty effect was high. However, considering the
smaller difference in preference between cable and RATNET in Buckland and
Noorvik, the gap probably would decrease over time.

No significant relationships were found between preference for cable or
RATNET and demographic groups. Cable novelty makes the comparison of
natives and non-natives interesting, despite the small number of non-natives.
More than one-half of Ambler Inupiat respondents (23 of 42) chose cable; one- -
quarter, or 12, chose RATNET. Of the eleven non-natives, four selected cable
and seven, RATNET. It was expected that the novelty of cable would have
had little impact on the non-native group, and that they would appreciate
RATNET for its Alaskana programming.

Although gender differences were not significant, gender provided
another interesting comparison. As indicated, a greater number of women
participated in all three village surveys; more women than men preferred
RATNET?0 When RATNET was compared to individual cable channels, it
ranked second to HBO as the channel watched most often by

 

19 The question was dropped in the second survey because it had been suggested that
questions assessing the importance of RATNET and viewers' willingness to pay were
redundant. In the first survey, respondents perceived several questions as being the same.
In retrospect, the question concerning choice between cable and RATNET should have been
asked.

20Pre-cable Ambler, RATN ET preference = 13 females, 6 males. Cable preference =
13 females, 14 males. Don't know = 4 females, 1 male. Buckland/Noorvik, RATNET
preference = 45 females, 24 males. Cable preference = 38 females, 37 males. Don't know = 4
females, 4 males.

133

Buckland/Noorvik women. In post-cable Ambler, women's viewing was more
fragmented. More women were interested in Discovery, Cable News
Network, and Disney, than RATNET.

While more choice and variety of programming were the predominant
reasons respondents wanted cable, the preference for RATNET is strong
enough to argue that it will retain its importance even as cable expands
throughout rural Alaska.

Although the data suggests that viewers are willing to pay for
RATNET, this representation should be considered in light of cable collection
experiences. Also, Ambler data indicates that cable subscribers were not
interested in paying more than the $50 monthly fee for additional channels.
It may be that $50 to $60 per month would be the maximum households
would be willing to pay for TV service. It also may be likely that subscribers
would be willing to substitute RATNET for one of the cable channels.

[Ill 12 ..|

(H4) Viewers have a preference for programming which reflects their local
interests and cultural characteristics.

(H5) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages want to see more programs
on RATNET about the region in which they live, and about their culture.

(H6) Viewers in both cable and non-cable villages want to see more
programming about other parts of Alaska on RATNET, including other
regions and other native groups.

Hypotheses 4, 5 and 6 refer to the same data, but hold different
theoretical and policy implications. A preference for regional and culturally
familiar programming has been demonstrated in the literature, especially in

Latin America and northern Canada, where indigenous viewers actively

search for programs that reflect their culture and daily experience.

134

Straubhaar calls this a search for cultural proximity.21 The data supports,
Straubhaar's theory, and also raises policy questions about RATNET content
(1) because it is the only TV channel available in many rural, mostly native,
communities, and (2) in light of the increase of cable systems and home
satellite dishes in rural Alaska.

The data, to be discussed elsewhere, indicates that these Inupiat
Eskimos liked living in their village and the Northwest Arctic region, and had
little aspiration to move elsewhere. One-half of respondents in Ambler,
Buckland and Noorvik said they preferred to live in their village. Those who
wanted to live somewhere else selected the Northwest Arctic region.
Villagers' preference for their own cultural setting is consistent with the
cultural proximity hypothesis. As more cable systems move into rural
Alaska, data supporting the cultural proximity idea should be considered by
RATNET programmers and policy makers, because RATNET is the only
rural, statewide channel.

"If You Could Produce a TV Program..."

Television has the potential to perpetuate a culture, not just document
a culture for historical purposes. This was evident to villagers, who showed a
strong preference for programs relevant to viewers' local interests, geographic
region, and ethnic culture. It was clear in answers to such open-ended
questions as, "If you were making a TV program to be shown in rural Alaska,
what do you think it should be about?" Responses fell into these categories,
ordered according to category totals: (1) traditional subsistence hunting,
fishing, and outdoor life; (2) traditional Inupiat Eskimo cultural activities,
such as local handicrafts and art, Eskimo storytelling, Eskimo dance, or

 

21 Straubhaar, "Beyond Media Imperialism."

13S

Eskimo games; (3) life among other native groups; and (4) current social
issues such alcohol and drug abuse, health and education. The categories
reflect the transition in which rural natives find themselves as they move
from a traditional Eskimo lifestyle to a more modern, technological one.

Both natives and non-natives in all three villages thought traditional
Eskimo life was important. Forty-one of Ambler's 53 respondents
(77.4 percent), and 114 of the 159 Buckland/Noorvik respondents (71.7
percent) preferred TV programs that depicted the traditional Eskimo way of
life, from subsistence to basket making to storytelling.

Among Ambler Inupiats, television depiction of subsistence far
outweighed a preference for culture: subsistence = 30 of 53 (or 56.6 percent);
culture = six of 53 (or 11.3 percent)?2 Again, the number of non-native
responses was too small to discuss ethnic differences. In general
conversations and in-depth interviews, non-natives placed a great deal of
importance on subsistence and culture, concerned that Alaska native
traditions were quickly disappearing. They also were concerned about social
issues, and thought television would be a good mechanism for discussing
these issues. It was clear from numerous conversations with village non-
natives that they believed the Inupiat should attach more importance to
education. They also were concerned about major social problems such as
alcoholism, which gripped other villages and some families in the sample
villages. Inupiat respondents seldom mentioned social concerns as worthy of
television discussion.

Perhaps because of the larger sample, Buckland/Noorvik Inupiat
Eskimos rated social issues a slightly more popular topic for TV than Ambler

 

22Four answers fell into an "other" category because they could not be classified; two
respondents said they did not know how to answer this question.

136

Eskimos. Subsistence, however, still ranked as the most important subject
among Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats: 72, or 94.7 percent of Inupiat
respondents. Eskimo culture rated second: 27, or 81.8 percent of Inupiats.
Overall numbers corroborate an Inupiat preference for programs that reflect
their local interests and cultural characteristics. Although ethnic differences
cannot be supported due to the small numbers of non-natives, traditional
cultural activities and social issues were also the most important among non-
natives.

Despite the small number of those with higher educational levels,
education was found to be an interesting variable when cross-tabulated with
the program-preference variable in Buckland/Noorvik. The less educated had
greater interest in subsistence and culture than social issues, while
respondents with some post-secondary education put social issues before
culture. But all education groups considered subsistence their first
preference.

In all three villages, more men then women preferred subsistence as
the topic of a TV program, while more women preferred Eskimo culture and
social issues. Although not statistically significant, the difference between
the sexes was predictable, if one considers male and female roles in Eskimo
society. In traditional Eskimo culture, men were hunters, while women
tanned and sewed animal skins for clothing, preserved food, and raised
children.

Native Language Television

If native-language TV were offered, it would likely be popular in
Ambler. Ninety-five percent of pre-cable Ambler Inupiat respondents said
they would watch RATNET programs in Inupiat.

137

All Ambler adults in the survey spoke their language fluently, or were
at least conversant. They preferred local interest and cultural topics, similar
to the kinds of programs viewers said they would like to produce for rural TV:
(1) traditional Eskimo subsistence lifestyle and outdoor survival; (2) Eskimo
culture, including language teaching; and (3) programs about other Alaska
natives. Some said they would watch any program in the Inupiat language.

More than two-thirds of Ambler Inupiats also said they would watch
RATNET programs in other native languages, even if they did not
understand the language.23 Age was a determining factor here, as those over
29 reported a preference for programs in other native languages. Despite the
language barrier, they said they would watch such shows to learn how other
native groups live and work.

Native language programming is both a policy and theoretical issue.
The preference found here supports the premise that native viewers favor
programs which are culturally proximate. It also suggests that a change in
RATNET policy could be warranted. Current policy specifies general
programming to the exclusion of native-language programs, and often to the
exclusion of regional and cultural programs in the English language. For
several years, productions have been available in Alaskan Yup'ik and
Canadian Inuit languages,24 but have not been carried on the channel.
Although the Ambler responses represent only a small sample, they indicate
that other rural ethnic groups may well watch such native-language

 

23Af’ter the pre-cable survey was conducted in Ambler, the question was dropped in
the Buckland/Noorvik survey due to its redundancy with other cultural programming
questions. In retrospect, the language questions should have been attempted in the other
villages, however, it is expected the outcome would be the same.

2‘l'Television Northern Canada (TVN C) offers quality native produced programs, in
Native languages as well as English, which would be available for airing on RATN ET.
KYUK-TV, a public station in Bethel, AK produces the evening news in Yup’ik, and
periodically offers other Yupik-language programs.

138

programs because of their interest in their own culture and that of other
native groups.

Other Alaskana

A regional programming bias also was evident in responses to
questions about RATNET content?5 A greater percentage of all respondents
-- 64.7 percent, or 33 of the 53 pre-cable Ambler respondents, as well as 81.7
percent, or 125 of the 159 Buckland/Noorvik respondents - favored more
information about rural Alaska. As discussed above, many wanted more
statewide news: 37.3 percent, or 19 of pre-cable Ambler, and 53.6 percent, or
82 of Buckland/Noorvik respondents. Both content choices reflect a
geographic and cultural preference.

A cultural and geographic preference was supported by the number of
respondents who wanted more programs about native issues and events --
41 of 53, or 80.4 percent of Ambler; 127 of 159, or 83 percent of
Buckland/Noorvik. An increase in educational material, most of which fell
into geography and nature categories, also was preferred by 36 of 53 Ambler
respondents (70 percent), and by 73 of 159 of Buckland/Noorvik respondents
(47.7 percent.)

Several Ambler demographic groups -- Inupiat, men and women,
respondents with a high school education or less (Inupiat), and villagers who
planned to subscribe to cable -- desired an increase in the amount of RATNET

coverage of rural Alaska, and/or native issues and events. (See Table 9 and

 

25The question: "About how many (gamma) shows do you think RATN ET should
have? What it has now, more, or less?" Categories were distinctive to RATN ET: family
shows, such as "The Cosby Show," popular in 1991; sports; Alaska news, including news
about state government; programs about rural Alaska, Alaska natives and native events;
cartoons; and PBS educational programs for children and adults, such as "Sesame Street"
and "Nature." The question was not asked in the post-cable survey, because it was believed
the answers would change little, as indicated in Buckland/Noorvik responses.

139

Table 10). While only the relationship between cable subscription and a
preference for more rural Alaska programs was significant, the variables
support both hypotheses that village viewers prefer regionally and culturally
proximate programs.26 And, as stated earlier, Ambler Inupiats also wanted
RATNET to carry more Alaska news.

Table 9: Cable Subscription by Cultural Proximity, Ambler
Alaska News

D2 PLAN TO SUBSCRIBE TO CABLE by C3 ALASKA NEWS/RATNET

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

C3 Page 1 of 1
Count
Row Pot WHAT IT MORE LESS DON? KNO
Col Pct HAS NOW W Row
Tot Pct 1 2 3 8 Total
oz
1 21 17 1 39
YES 53.8 43.6 2.6 76.5
70.0 89.5 100.0
41.2 33.3 2.0
2 6 l 7
ND 85.7 14.3 13.7
20.0 5.3
11.8 2.0
8 3 1 1 S
DONT KNOW 60.0 20.0 20.0 9.8
10.0 5.3 100.0
5.9 2.0 2.0
Column 30 19 1 1 51
Total 58.8 37.3 2.0 2.0 100.0
Chi-Square Value 0? Significance
Pearson 12.34462 6 .05471
Likelihood Ratio 8.28274 6 .21811
Mantel-Haensael test for 4.67858 1 .03054
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - .098
Cells with Expected Frequency < S - 10 OF 12 ( 83.3%)

Number of Missing Observations: 2

 

26As indicated, sample size for non-native and higher education groups is too small to
support the significant association in the population. The numbers, however, corroborate the
argument for support of the hypothesis.

140

Table 10: Cable Subscription by Cultural Proximity, Ambler
ShownnAboutIhnmdanska

D2 PLAN TO SUBSCRIBE TO CABLE by C5

RURAL AK SHOWS/RATNET

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CS Page 1 of 1
Count
Row Pct WHAT IT MORE LESS DONT KNO
Col Pct HAS NOW w Row
Tot Pct 1 2 3 8 Total
oz
1 12 24 3 39
YES 30.8 61.5 7.7 76.5
85.7 72.7 100.0
23.5 47.1 5.9
2 7 7
N0 100.0 13.7
21.2
13.7
8 2 2 1 5
DONT KNOW 40.0 40.0 20.0 9.8
14.3 6.1 100.0
3.9 3.9 2.0
Column 14 33 3 1 51
Total 27.5 64.7 5 9 2.0 100.0
Chi-Square” Value DF Significance
Pearson 14.36763 6 .02579
Likelihood Ratio 12.26044 6 .05640
Mantel-Raenszel test for 4.51787 1 .03354
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - .098
Cells with Expected Frequency < 5 - 10 OF 12 ( 83.3%)

Number of Missing Observations: 2

141

Table 11: Cable Subscription and Cultural Proximity

Buckland and Noorvik

KD6 AK NATIVE EVENTS/RATNET by KBl

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SUBSCRIBE TO CABLE TV

K31 Page 1 of 1
Count
Row Pct YES NO
Col Pct Row
Tot Pct 1 2 Total
KD6
1 94 33 127
MORE 74.0 26.0 83.0
88.7 70.2
61.4 21.6
2 12 13 25
WHAT IT HAS NOW 48.0 52.0 16.3
11.3 27.7
7.8 8.5
3 1 1
LESS 100.0 .7
2.1
.7
Column 106 47 153
Total 69.3 30.7 100 0
Chi-Square Value DF Significance
Pearson 8.91297 2 .01150
Likelihood Ratio 8.61909 2 .01344
Mantel-Haenszel test for 8.66153 1 .00325
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - .307
Cells with Expected Frequency < S - 2 OF 6 ( 33.3%)

Number of Missing Observations: 6

142

Table 12: Cable Subscription by Cultural Proximity
Buckland and Noorvik, Alaska News

KD3 ALASKA NEWS/RATNET by KBl SUBSCRIB TC CABLE TV

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

K31 Page 1 of 1
Count
Row Pct YES NO
Col Pct Row
Tot Pct 1 2 Total
KD3
l 64 18 82
MORE 78.0 22.0 53.6
60.4 38.3
41.8 11.8
2 41 28 69
WHAT IT HAS NOW 59.4 40.6 45.1
38.7 59.6
26.8 18.3
3 l 1 2
LESS 50.0 50.0 1.3
9 2.1
7 .7
Column 106 47 153
Total 69.3 30.7 100.0
Chi-Square. Value DF Significance
Pearson 6.46369 2 .03948
Likelihood Ratio 6.47658 2 .03923
Mantel-Haenszel test for 6.35203 1 .01172
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - .614
Cells with Expected Frequency < 5 - 2 OF 6 ( 33.3%)

Number of Missing Observations: 6

143

Table 13: Cable Subscription and Education
lBuckhuuiandJNoorvflr

KDG AK NATIVE EVENTS/RATNET

by KEDGRP

Education grouping

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

KEDGRP Page 1 of 1
Count
Row Pct 9th grad 9th grad Some pos Bachelor Post Gra
Col Pct e or les e throug t High 5 5 degree duate ed Row
Tot Pct 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 5.00 Total
KD6
1 29 69 18 1 8 125
MORE 23.2 55.2 14.4 .8 6.4 82.8
76.3 92.0 85.7 20.0 66.7
19.2 45.7 11.9 .7 5.3
2 9 5 3 4 4 25
WHAT IT HAS NOW 36.0 20.0 12.0 16.0 16.0 16.6
23.7 6.7 '14.3 80.0 33.3
6.0 3.3 2.0 2.6 2.6
3 1 1
LESS 100.0 ,7
1.3
.7
Column 38 75 21 5 12 151
Total 25.2 49.7 13.9 3.3 7.9 100.0
Chi-Square Value DF Significance
Pearson 24.61208 8 .00131
Likelihood Ratio 20.86555 8 .00751
Mantel-Haenszel test for 2.65746 1 .10306
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - .033
Cells with Expected Frequency < 5 - 9 OF 15 ( 60.0%)

Number of Missing Observations: 8

144

In Buckland/Noorvik, Inupiats wanted more Alaska news, more native
events and more programs about rural Alaska. Cable subscription also was
significantly associated with a preference for more Alaska news and native
events. (See Table 11 and Table 12). Those with some high school or less also
wanted more Alaska news and native events, an association which was
significant. (See Table 13). Both associations further corroborate villagers'
appetite for cultural proximity and RATNET's importance in the Bush.
Those with less than a high school education were Inupiat viewers, who
would be less inclined to seek information from other media. Cable viewers
who want more Alaskana realize that cable cannot fulfill one of RATNET's
basic functions, to provide Alaska news and information to those who have
little access to other media.

A regional preference was supported by the importance that
respondents attached to "Alaska Weather," a nightly half-hour program,
particularly meaningful in rural regions where small planes are a major form
of transportation?" Overall reporting showed that a large number of
residents in the three villages considered the weather forecast important to
very important (Ambler = 43, or 84.3 percent; Buckland/Noorvik = 115, or
75.2 percent). Villagers especially rely on the program in winter when i
temperatures can dip to 50 or more degrees below zero, preventing any kind
of travel. IfRATNET were no longer available, many said they would miss
"Alaska Weather."

 

27"Alaska Weather" was produced by an Anchorage public television station and
offered to the RATNET.

145

Cultural Proximity and Leisure Time

While television is a popular leisure-time activity in rural Alaska, it
does not consume as much time as other activities. An analysis of all leisure-
time activities supports the idea that these rural villagers want more
culturally proximate television programming.

Only 10 Ambler viewers and 38 in Buckland and Noorvik reported
watching TV during their free time. Other activities ranged from making
traditional handicrafts to doing chores. A leisure-time variable was created
from individual responses by combining media-oriented activities (watching
TV, listening to radio, and reading); traditional activities (attending
community, church and school events, visiting, making handicrafts or doing
other hobbies, participating in outdoor activities, and doing chores); and play,
(playing games and doing nothing).

Percentages from a cross-tabulation of the leisure-time variable by
RATNET content supports the cultural proximity hypothesis that viewers
prefer culture close to their own. However, none of the leisure-time activities
were significantly associated with program preference. Most respondents in
all three villages -— the media-oriented, those considered more traditional, .
and those reporting "play" activities —- said they wanted RATNET to
broadcast more educational material, as well as more programs about rural
Alaska and native events. General satisfaction was found among the
traditional and play groups for the present amount of Alaska news, while the

media-oriented preferred more news.

Discovery Channel and Cultural Proximity
It could be argued that support for the cultural proximity hypothesis

was found in cable-channel preference. Many pre-cable Ambler viewers

146

hoped cable would offer The Discovery Channel and more wildlife programs.
Once cable was available, Discovery was the channel watched most often by
Ambler Inupiat viewers.28 While the relationship was not statistically
significant, a preference for outdoor and wildlife programs is consistent with
the Inupiat experience, which has always depended on the outdoor
environment for physical survival. This preference was corroborated through
participant observation: Ambler elders, especially women, liked the travel,
outdoor, wildlife, and educational documentaries found on Discovery and
other channels. In Noorvik, Discovery could not compete with movies, which
were far more popular among Inupiats?9 Although Noorvik was also a
traditional, subsistence-oriented village, one could speculate that the longer
cable has been available, and the more channels the cable system has, the
more disparate the viewing will be. Discovery was not available in Buckland,
but several cable subscribers said they hoped Discovery would be added to
the Buckland cable system.“

Family Programming

The Discovery Channel provides family entertainment, a program
category many villagers would like increased on RATNET. The desire for i
more family shows probably reflects the family-oriented character of these
Inupiat villages. In Ambler, nearly one-half of Inupiats preferred more
family programs. In Buckland/Noorvik, almost two-thirds favored more
family entertainment. Family programs have always been popular on the
RATNET lineup and rated high among all groups at the time of the survey.

 

28Discovery = 13 Inupiat viewers. CNN and USA Network were tied for second place
with five each.

29HBO = 201nupiat viewers; Discovery = 7 Inupiats.

3001‘ the 43 Buckland cable subscribers who said they wanted more channels,
children's programming ranked first = 13; Discovery = 8; more movies = 7. Other channels,
ranging from more sports to country music, drew one and two votes.

147

Even 69 of Buckland/Noorvik's 106 cable subscribers said they would
like more family entertainment on RATNET. Other data indicate that this
may be more an indication of viewers' dissatisfaction with all television
channels, not just RATNET.31 For example, 86 of the 106 Buckland and
Noorvik cable subscribers said they would like to have more cable channels
available, particularly the Disney channel and others offering family
entertainment. While movies ranked second,32 many Buckland/Noorvik
adults limited the kinds of movies children could watch, confirming the
conclusion that villagers wanted more family viewing.33

Ambler respondents planning to subscribe to cable favored more
RATNET family entertainment. And while variety and choice were the major
reasons that most Amblerites wanted cable, a few said they would subscribe
to cable so their children would have more channels such as Disney.

Many adults in the three villages claimed to set limits on the kinds of
programs children could watch, limiting adult and R-rated shows, violence
and "scary movies." They said they were concerned that children would learn
"bad things" from these shows. This data also supports an interest in more
family-oriented entertainment.

Viewers in all three villages also wanted more educational programs.
Public television's "Newton's Apple," "3-2-1 Contact," and "Sesame Street"
were popular, perhaps because viewers considered them family shows. Other
results indicated general satisfaction with the amount of sports and cartoons
offered on RATNET.

 

31The question quizzed viewers only on RATN ET.

32Respondents had three opportunities to list a channel they would like added to the
local cable system. Disney and children's programming consistently ranked first in Buckland
and Noorvik, 21 of 86 who said they wanted more cable channels; 19 preferred more movies.

33In Buckland/Noorvik, 114 respondents had children in the household. Sixty-eight
percent said they set limits on television viewing, particularly "R" and other adult-rated
movies, violence and the Home Box Office channel, or HBO, an all-movie cable channel.

148

Viewer preference for various kinds of RATNET content is an
important consideration in the cultural proximity discussion. Requests for
more family and educational programs, concern over violence, and
satisfaction with sports and cartoons, reinforce the hypotheses that village
viewers would value culturally proximate TV programs. Adult Inupiats say
they are distressed about the loss of Eskimo family values in their changing
society. They also express alarm at the loss of their heritage, language and
traditions. As seen in the discussion below, some Inupiats blame television

for part of that loss.

2 '1] EN | [I] .. If]! 11

(H7) Inupiat viewers believe other modern technology has had a greater effect
than TV on their way of life.

(H8) Inupiat viewers believe TV contributes to a decrease in participation in
traditional lifestyle activities, such as subsistence hunting and fishing,
visiting, native arts, family cooperation, etc.

(H9) There is little relationship between TV viewing and Inupiat viewers'
desire to live outside the village.

Hypotheses 7, 8, and 9 address the impact of television on a macro
level -- the relationship of television to the rural villag -- and on the micro
level -- the relationship of television to mobility, traditional Eskimo activity,
and to other technologies influencing modern Eskimo life.

In simple conversations and in-depth interviews, villagers reported: (1)
Television has changed their daily routine; (2) TV has had an effect on their
children; and (3) TV has slowly gnawed away at traditional Eskimo lifestyle.
But when television is stacked against other fairly recent changes in the

villages, it apparently plays a minor role.

149

Compared to other parts of the United States, television came late to
these rural Alaska villages. Its effects are intermingled with many changes
brought into this primarily native context. It is impossible to study the efi'ect
of television alone; during the 1991 study, it was necessary to rely on
villagers' perception of television's impact on their society, and on

observation.

Television vs. Rural Life

Television is so new in rural Alaska that 86.5 percent of all viewers in
the three villages remembered life without it (188 of 212). They admit TV
has changed their lives -- and not always for the better. Most, however,
actually rated television toward the bottom of a list of other modern
technologies that have changed village life (hypothesis 7).

Buckland, N oorvik and post-cable Ambler respondents were asked to
rank the impact of various technologies on their way of life according to the
first, second and third greatest efi‘ect. The changes fell into categories that
make rural life easier: (1) improved transportation (i.e., airplanes, four-
wheelers, snowmobiles, and motor boats); (2) household conveniences (i.e.,
electricity; oil, propane and gas heat) water and sewer;34 and (3) modern
communications (i.e., CB radios, telephone, television and computers).

As summarized in Table 14, transportation and household
conveniences were considered to be the most important. The efi'ect of modern
communications was slight by comparison. Even in post-cable Ambler, where

the novelty of cable was high, television ranked poorly among other changes.

 

3“As previously explained (see chapter two), water and sewer are available in less
than half of rural Alaska communities.

150

 

Table 14: Changes Meeting Native Villages, Summary

Question: Many changes have come to Alaska villages in the last few years.
Which one do you think has had the greatest effect on your way of life?

 

N n 139
Transportation - 42.4 percent
Modern Conveniences - 41.7 percent
Communications - 13.6 percent

AMBLEBJNIIEIATS

N I 42
Transportation - 35.7 percent
Modern Conveniences :- 35.7 percent
Communications . 23.8 percent

 

Electricity and snowmobiles had the greatest impact on modern village
life. And while many rural villages got television about the same time as
electricity, it wasn't long before electrical appliances and gadgets --
refrigerators, VCR's, microwave ovens, etc. -- filled their homes. Such
things came late to rural villages compared to urban Alaska, and all are part

of the recent wave of modernity. As one respondent stated:

“Many things came all at the same time, such as
snow machines, water, electricity, etc. They all
together changed people TV was just a part of it
all.”

In these rural villages, unconnected to the rest of the world,
snowmobiles allowed travel over greater distances in a shorter period of time.
Electricity brought many things, from heat and lights to microwaves, all of

which has made life more convenient. Television was simply a bonus of

electricity. As for sewer and water, all of Buckland and most of Noorvik were

151

 

still waiting for it. Buckland natives hauled water from the public
washeteria, where they also did laundry and showered. They dumped their
honey buckets into a receptacle near their homes. Only about half of Noorvik
was connected to an operational sewer and water system.

Thirty-three Inupiats (23.7 percent) in Buckland/Noorvik ranked
snowmobiles, 37 ranked electricity (26.6 percent), and 12 ranked television
(8.6 percent) as having the greatest effect on their way of life?5

Buckland/Noorvik males thought snowmobiles had the biggest impact
on their lives, although the "iron dogs" were not nearly as important to
females: 25 of 69 males, or 36.2 percent; compared to 10 of 90 females, or
11.1 percent. Electricity was nearly as important to males as to females:

15 of 69 males, or 21.7 percent; and 25 of 90 females, or 27.8 percent. As for
television, only four males and 10 females (5.8 percent and 11 percent,
respectively) ranked it as having had the greatest effect on their way of life.
At the .05 level of significance, gender was statistically associated with the
importance of these changes in village life. (See Table 15). While age was not
significant, the numbers are worth noting in that electricity was more
important to elders than the snowmobile. The "snowgo," as it was called y
locally, had the greatest impact on villagers ages 18 to 39. From observation,
the convenience of a comfortable home was more important to older natives,
especially women, who traveled less in the winter. Their younger
counterparts were more apt to want greater mobility. The snowgo also is
important for hunting during several months of the year. (See Chapter
Seven).

 

35Most Buckland/Noorvik non-natives lived in village teacher housing which had
modern conveniences, including flush toilets and running water. If teacher housing lacked
such, they had access to showers, laundry facilities and flush toilets at the school. In
Buckland, no Inupiats had ever enjoyed such comfort in their homes, and only a few in
Noorvik had these luxuries.

152

Table 15: Changes with Grestest Eflect by Gender
Imuckhumdauulhkxnndk.

KAI CHANGE W/GREATEST EFFECT by KSEX SEX OF RESPONDENT

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

KSEX Page 1 of 2
Count
Row Pct MALE FEMALE
Col Pct Row
Tot Pct 1 2 ' Total
KAI
1 9 11 20
AIRPLANES 45.0 55.0 12.6
13.0 12.2
5.7 6.9
2 2 3 5
4-WHEELERS 40.0 60.0 3.1
2.9 3.3
1.3 1.9
3 25 10 35
SNOWMOBILES 71.4 28.6 22.0
36.2 11.1
15.7 6.3
4 2 3 5
BOATS 40.0 60.0 3.1
2.9 3.3
1.3 1.9
6 5 4 9
OIL/PROPANB/GAS 55.6 44.4 5.7
7.2 4.4
3.1 2.5
7 4 12 16
WATER/SEWER SYST 25.0 75.0 10.1
5.8 13.1
2.5 7.
8 15 25 4o
ELECTRICITY 37.5 62.5 25.2
21.7 27.8
9.4 15.7
9 1 9 10
TELEPHONE 10.0 90.0 6.3
1.4 10.0
.6 5.7
Column 69 90 159
(Continued) Total 43.4 56.6 100.0

153

Table 15, continued

KAI CHANGE W/GREATEST EFFECT

by KSEX SEX OF RESPONDENT

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

KSEX Page 2
Count
Row Pct MALE FEMALE
Col Pct
Tot Pct 1 2
KAI
10 4 10
TELEVISION 28.6 71.4
5.8 11.1
2.5 6.3
11 1
COMPUTERS 100.0
1.1
.6
12 l 1
50.0 50.0
1.4 1.1
.6 .6
98 I
DONT KNOW 100.0
1.4
.6
99 1
NA 100.0
1.1
.6
Column 69 90
Total 43.4 56.6
Chi-Square Value
Pearson 23.2429
Likelihood Ratio 25.4635
Mantel-Haenszel test for .4565
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - .434

Cells with Expected Frequency < 5 -

Number of Missing Observations: o

154

of 2

Row
Total

14

8
S
l

14 OF

UP Significance
12 .02573

12 .01277

1 .49926

26 ( 53.8%)

A similar story was told in post-cable Ambler, where 10 of 42 Inupiats
(23.8 percent) ranked snowmobiles, eight ranked electricity (19 percent), six
ranked water and sewer (14.3 percent), and five selected television
(11.9 percent) as the change with the greatest effect. All age, education and
gender groups ranked snowmobiles and electricity in first place (snowmobiles
= 10, electricity = 10 of 53); only five members of each group ranked television
as the most important change.36 Among these groups, only education was
statistically significant. Those with high school or less ranked snowmobiles
higher than other forms of transportation, and ranked electricity the most
important of the household conveniences. As previously stated, education
reflects ethnicity: Inupiats generally had less than a high school education,
and non-natives had some post-secondary or a college degree. Therefore,
statistical significance could be considered problematic here.

New, fully modern homes may be one reason household conveniences
took a higher profile in Ambler. Ten federally subsidized houses had just
been completed at the time of the post-cable survey. There was much
excitement in Ambler as the Inupiat occupants moved into their new homes.
(See Chapter Seven).

Of the changes with the second greatest effect, summarized in Table
16, transportation devices and household conveniences were again the most
highly ranked in all villages. Modern communications increased slightly in -
importance. Among changes with the third greatest effect, communications

surpassed modern conveniences.

 

36Despite the newness of cable, only 9.5 percent of Ambler cable subscribers ranked
television in general as the change with the greatest effect. Cable offered, after all, more of
the same type of entertainment that RATNET carried. It also was not a new medium. Had
cable been the first television to come to this rural native community, it may have ranked
higher among changes affecting the village.

155

Table 16: Changes Afl'ecting Native Villages, Summary

Question: Which change do you think has had the second greatest effect on
your way of life?

 

 

NI 139
Transportation I 39.6 percent
Modern Conveniences I 30.9 percent
Communications I 25.8 percent

W

N = 53
Transportation I 47.6 percent
Modern Conveniences I 38.1 percent
Communications I 11.9 percent

 

Question: Which change do you think has had the third greatest effect on
your way of life?

 

 

W
Transportation I 40.3 percent
Modern Conveniences I 22.3 percent
Communications I 31.7 percent

W
Transportation I 49.6 percent
Modern Conveniences I 9.5 percent
Communications I 33.3 percent

 

156

 

 

TV Effects on Eskimo Lifestyle

Television steals time from all who let it, whether a rural Eskimo, or a
non-native oil executive in urban Anchorage. In rural native villages it is
clearly just one of many factors accelerating cultural change. The important
difference is lifestyle. In the Inupiat villages, where hunting and fishing are
the main source of food, a move away from subsistence has a definite impact
on daily life. Although the amount of change due to television cannot be
precisely measured, it seemed to concern many people. And while adults said
cooperation and neighborliness have been in decline since television, both
remain an important part of Eskimo life. There was no evidence that anyone
in the three villages would go hungry watching television instead of feeding
their family and sharing with their neighbors. Still, TV was thought to be
the culprit of wasted time:37

(Before TV) everybody would do more subsistence
activities like gathering wood and water.

It was better without TV, because we had more
time to do other things. Things like knitting,
sewing and hunting.

(Before TV, I) used to do more hunting. Used to
visit friends a lot. Used to use less alcohol.38

Respondents in all three villages were given several opportunities to
spontaneously assess the impact television has had on their life and their
communities (hypothesis 8). In an open-ended question at the beginning of

 

37These comments from three respondents are in response to: "How do you think
your life was different before you had television?"

38As previously discussed, alcohol could not be sold nor legally brought into the
sample villages. Alcohol consumption as it relates to television viewing was not part of the
survey. This was the only mention of alcohol by any respondent in an open-ended question.
Some comments were made in response to the closed question, "The number of beer
commercials on RATNET, do you think that is a problem?" That question is discussed later

in the dissertation.

157

the survey, they were asked how their personal lives had been difi'erent
before television. They reported different daily living patterns, in which:
(1) Families communicated, cooperated, worked and played together more;
(2) Friends and families visited each other more; (3) Villagers took a more
active part in the community; and (4) All maintained a traditional Eskimo
lifestyle: '

(We) got more work done, but now that we have TV

our people mostly seem to want to wait for their

program rather than get their chores done...Out

here we don’t have running water or sewer, and we

have to get wood or stove oil. It seems those are

put aside for TV. It also interferes with subsistence

hunting.39

Pre-cable Ambler Inupiats were especially concerned about the loss of
family cooperation and communication, and attributed part of that loss to TV.
Eighteen ranked this loss ahead of other concerns (52.9 percent). Eight
Inupiats believed that television -- as a provider of information and
entertainment -- had a positive effect on their village (23.5 percent).40 Other
demographic groups showed the same concern, although the associations
were not significant. As might be expected, women were more disturbed than
men by the loss of family cooperation and communication.41 Those over 29
also noticed this loss more than those 18 to 28, who were youngsters when TV
arrived in the village (no significance).
Concerns were similar among Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats. Of the 137

Inupiats who said they remembered life without TV, 67 reported loss of

 

39Response to: "How do you think your life was different before you had television?"

40Forty-six of the 53 Ambler respondents remembered life without TV. The N for the
ethnic breakdown on the first response to this question was 42, with four answers
categorized as "other," "don't know" and "no answer."

41Women = 13, or 31 percent of the total answering this question; men = 7, or 16.7
percent.

158

family communication and cooperation as the major difference in their lives
since TV (54.9 percent). Twelve (9.8 percent) thought life was better since
television, because they were now better informed and more entertained.
When cross-tabulated with sex and age, 39 women (28.3 percent of the
sample) and 35 men (25.4 percent) were concerned about the loss of family
activities. Those 29 and over were more concerned than younger adults.
Neither variable was significant. '

In an open-ended question at the end of the survey, respondents were
asked how television had changed life in their village. Several of the
spontaneous answers were similar to personal-life changes: (1) Villagers
participated less in traditional activities, including subsistence; (2) Adults
and children were less physically active; and (3) Many stayed at home more.
Some thought their "at-home" time, as well as their neighbors', was used to
watch TV rather than do essential household chores. Responses indicate that
Inupiats believe TV contributes to a decrease in participation of traditional
Eskimo village life (hypothesis 8).

Open-ended responses to pre-cable Ambler questions about TV impact
on personal and village life were quantified in the post-cable and
Buckland/Noorvik surveys. Villagers were asked if they spent more, less or
about the same amount of time (1) hunting, fishing, berry picking and
gathering other food; (2) visiting friends and relatives; (3) going to community
gatherings; (4) doing traditional Eskimo handicrafts. They also were asked
(5) if children were spending about the same amount of time, more, or less
time learning traditional Eskimo ways.

This data indicates that TV has led to a decrease in all adult
traditional activities, however small it might be. Villagers also partially
blamed TV for the fact that Eskimo children were not being trained in

159

traditional ways. Table 17 indicates that 24 of 42 post-cable Ambler Inupiats
said children spend less time learning about Eskimo ways now than before
TV (57.1 percent), while 13 (31 percent) indicated that things were about the

same.42

Table 17: Learning Traditional Eskimo Ways, Inupiat Eskimos

Question: Thinking about how children learn traditional Eskimo ways, do
they spend about the same amount of time, more or less time learning them
now than they did before television?

 

 

 

 

Learning Eskimo Ways
Inupiat Eskimos
More time About the Less time Don't know,
__same no answer

Freq./% Freq.l% Freq./% Freq.l%
Ambler 2 / 4.8 13 / 31.0 24 / 57.1 3 / 7.1
_N I 42
Buckland! 8 / 5.9 39 / 28.9 84 / 62.2 4 / 3.0
Noorvik
N I 135

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In Buckland/Noorvik 84 of the 135 Inupiats answering this series of
questions (62 percent of Inupiats)43 agreed that children were not learning
traditional ways as they had before television; 39 (or 28.9 percent) thought
there was little change.“ (See Table 17). It is interesting to note that in y
survey and in-depth interviews, the small number of non-natives in both
communities agreed that Eskimo children were not learning traditional
Eskimo culture, or even subsistence skills. Both men and women were
concerned about this, a relationship which was significant. Cross-tabulation
shows 54 of the 87 women (62 percent) and 45 of 66 men (68 percent) in

Buckland/Noorvik believed that children were spending less time learning

 

4zl‘wo believed that children were spending more time learning traditional ways
since television; three did not know.

43Four respondents did not answer this series of questions.

“Eight said children spent more time learning traditional ways; four did not know.

160

the old ways. (See Table 18). One-third, or 29 women thought there was
little change, while 12, or 18 percent of men indicated little change.45
Observation and in-depth interviews verified the survey results. Some
Inupiat adults seemed genuinely concerned that the Eskimo lifestyle would
be forever lost on the young.

“They are learning some in school,” a 30-year-old Inupiat male said,
“but learning about traditions at home would have a much better and lasting
effect.” A thoughtful child noted, "TV takes time from my parents away." In
one village, the elders organized annual weekend outings to teach young
native boys about camping and hunting. In the past, it was expected that all
boys from an early age would accompany their fathers on subsistence hunts.
As Ambler high school teacher and author Nick J ans writes of former times,
"Education for boys meant learning to hunt, travel and make tools; girls
learned to sew skins, cook and store food, and raise families. All their needs

came from the land."“'6

 

45In Ambler, gender was not significant, although the numbers reflect a similar
concern among women.

46Jams. Was 42.

161

Table 18: Learning Traditional Eskimo Ways by Gender

Buckland and Noorvik

KFB KIDS TIME LEARNING TRADL WAYS by KSEX

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

KSEX Page 1 of 1
Count
Row Pct MALE FEMALE
Col Pct Row
Tot Pct 1 2 Total
KF8
1 S 4 9
MORE TIME 55.6 44.4 5.9
7.6 4.6
3.3 2.6
2 12 29 41
ABOUT THE SAME 29.3 70.7 26.8
18 2 33.3 ‘
7 8 19.0
3 45 54 99
LESS TIME 45.5 54.5 64.7
68.2 62.1
29.4 35.3
8 4 4
DONT KNOW 100.0 2.6
6.1
2.6
Column 66 87 153
Total 43.1 56.9 100.0
Chi-Square Value
Pearson 9.27036
Likelihood Ratio 10.85044
Mantel-Haenszel test for 5.32728
linear association
Minimum Expected Frequency - 1.725
Cells with Expected Frequency < 5 - 3 OF

Number of Missing Observations: 6

162

SEX OF RESPONDENT

DF Significance
3 .02590
3 .01256
1 .02099

8 ( 37.53)

Television is one factor among many contributing to an erosion of
tradition among native village youth. Given the changing times, some
Inupiats thought television could be used to teach children traditional native
customs, outdoor survival, hunting and fishing skills, and native languages.
These adults were less concerned about the impact that TV has had on their
own lives, than on children. In fact, when quantified, many of the concerns
about a loss of traditional activities diminished. (See Table 19). Most Ambler
Inupiats -- 32 of 42 -- said they spent about the same amount of time in
subsistence activities now as they did before they had TV (76.2 percent).

Only seven reported spending less time gathering food (16.7 percent).47

Table 19: Subsistence, Inupiat Eskimos

Question: Thinking about the amount of time you spend hunting, fishing,
berry picking and gathering other food, do you spend about the same amount
of time, more, or less time now than you did before TV?

 

 

 

 

Subsistence
Inupiat Eskimos f
More time About the Less time Don't know,
same no answer

Freq./% Freq.l% Freq./% Freq./%
‘Ambler 3 / 7.1 32 / 76.2 7 / 16.7
NI42
Buckland! 8 / 5.9 73 / 54.1 53 / 39.3 1 / .7
Noorvik
N I 135

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Differences were greater among Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats, with 53
Inupiats reporting that they spent less time in subsistence activities (39.3
percent), while 73 said they spent about the same amount of time with

subsistence (54.1 percent).48

 

4"’Three reported spending more time with subsistence.
48Eight reported more time.

163

Visiting also was traditionally an important pastime in native
communities. In spontaneous answers to open-ended questions, many
Inupiats said visiting had declined since the arrival of television. When the
question was quantified, however, most reported visiting with friends and
family as much after television as before. (See Table 20). Twenty-six of
42 Ambler Inupiats said they continued to visit relatives and friends
(61.9 percent), while 13 noticed a decrease (31 percent)“9 Seventy-five
Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats visited less (55.6 percent), compared to 51 who

said they visited the same amount now than before TV (37.8 percent).50

Table 20: Visiting Friends and Relatives, Inupiat Eskimos

Question: Do you 'visit your fiiends and relatives (in the village) about the
same amount of time, more or less time now than before you had TV?

Visiting Friends and Relatives

 

Inupiat Eskimos; _r
More time About the Less time Don't know,
same no answer

 

le‘b Freq.l% Freq./% Freq.l%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ambler 2 / 4.8 26 / 61.9 13 / 31.0
NI42

Buckland! '

Noorvik 9 / 6.7 51 / 37.8 75 / 55.6
N I 135

 

Visiting among the elders sometimes included television. For example,
elder women would gather to watch TV at news time, or when a documentary
or nature program was being brOadcast. Conversations often revolved around
the program, or ceased as their attention turned to an interesting scene, or
would. Ifa non-native person were present, questions often were asked about

the meaning of the broadcast, especially news stories. A statistically

 

49'l‘wo said they visited more; one did not know.
5ONine indicated more time.

164

significant relationship between this variable and age was found in
Buckland/Noorvik. All age groups reported spending less time visiting,
especially those between ages 18 and 39. Television may have had little
impact on those over 50, most of whom reported visiting as much since the
box had invaded their homes as before. As previously indicated, Inupiat
elders remained quite traditional despite the numerous changes in their
villages.

Ambler Inupiats said they were still as much involved in community
activities in 1991 as they were before TV -- 35 of 42, compared to four who
reported spending less time (83.3 percent and 9.5 percent, respectively).51
(See Table 21). Participant observation, however, belies the Inupiat data.
During two months in Ambler, the number of villagers attending city council
meetings, school board or church could be counted on one hand. In fact,
meetings were often canceled for lack of attendance. High school basketball
games were always well-attended, as were Open gym nights. Village histories
and informal conversations indicated that fewer community activities are
held now that rural villages have television.

Buckland/Noorvik meetings also were sparsely attended, but
basketball games were packed. More than one-half of Inupiats, or 76
reported about the same amount of attendance at community events now
than before TV (56.3 percent), while 51 reported less attendance (37.8

percent).52

 

51The question: "Do you go to community gatherings about the same amount of time,
more or less now than before you had TV?" The question did not distinguish between
sporting events and other community gatherings. One respondent indicated more time
spent; two did not know.

52Six said they spent more time; two did not know.

165

Table 21: Community Gatherings, Inupiat Eskimos

Question: Do you go to community gatherings about the same amount of
time, more, or less time now than you before you had TV?

 

 

 

 

Community Gatherings
Inupiat Eskimos _
More time About the Less time Don't know,
same no answer

Freq.l% Freq.l% Freq./% Freq.l%
Ambler l / 2.4 35 / 83.3 4 / 9.5 2 / 4.8
a -42
Buckland]
Noorvik 6 / 4.4 76 / 56.3 51 /37.8 2 / 1.4
N I 135

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Finally, 22 of 42 Ambler Inupiats (52.4 percent) said they spent about
the same amount of time doing traditional handicrafts as they did before TV;
12 of 42 spent less time (28.6 percent).53 (See Table 22). Traditional Eskimo
handicrafts included such things as building dog sleds, making ulus54 or
other tools, skin sewing and basket-making. As previously discussed, Ambler
elders prided themselves in well-made Eskimo crafts. If one could judge from
participant observation, these percentages would be fairly accurate.

Sixty-three Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats also said they spend less time
with traditional handicrafts (46.7 percent), while 53 said they still actively
worked at traditional handicrafts (39.3 percent).55 Again, in Buckland and
Noorvik, the traditional handicraft variable is age-oriented and was
statistically related to age. Twenty-seven of those over age 50 reported that
television had little effect on the amount of time they spent making
traditional Eskimo handicrafts; ten, or 25.6 percent, admitted spending less
time.

 

53Four said they spent more time; four did not know.

54A11 ulu is a triangular knife used by Eskimos in skinning and cutting the flesh of
animals and fish.

55'l‘wo said they spent more time; 17 did not know.

166

Table 22: Traditional Eskimo Handicrafts, Inupiat Eskimos

Question: Do you do traditional Eskimo handicrafts about the same amount
of time, more or less time now than before you had TV?

Traditional Eskimo Handicrafts

 

Inupiat Eskimos
More time About the Less time Don't know,
same no answer

 

Freq./% Freq.l% Freq./% Freq./%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ambler 4 / 9.5 22 /52.4 12 /28.6 4 / 9.5
NI42

Buckland/

Noorvik 2 / 1.5 53 /39.3 63 /46.7 17 /l2.6
N I135

 

TV Effects on Village Migration

While adults believe television has had an effect on their personal lives
and on the collective life of the village, it does not seem to influence their
desire to leave the village. Most respondents said TV shows them places they
would like to visit, but beyond that TV seems to be a factor that makes them
want to stay in the village. In Buckland/Noorvik, 124 of all native and non-
native respondents said television made them glad to live in their village
(82 percent). A greater percentage of Ambler respondents agreed -- 48 or
91 percent of all natives and non-natives. Far fewer villagers said TV made
them want to experience life somewhere else (Buckland/Noorvik = 55, or
about 36 percent; Ambler = 15, or 28.3 percent). An experience away from
the village probably would be temporary, judging by other responses that
indicated most villagers preferred to live in their home community. Overall
results of this data support the contention that television has little affect on

mobility.

167

When these variables were cross-tabulated with ethnicity, l5 pre-cable
Ambler Inupiats (53.7 percent) indicated that television made them "want to
get out of Ambler and experience life somewhere else," while 24 (or 57
percent) said it did not. The opposite question: "Does what you see on TV
make you glad that you live in Ambler?" elicited nearly a 93 percent positive
response (39 Inupiat respondents). Only two answered "no."

Inupiats felt similarly in Buckland and Noorvik, where 83, or
61.5 percent said TV had no effect on their desire to experience other places,
while 50, or 37 percent, said it had an effect. More than 80 percent, or 109
Inupiats said TV made them glad they lived in Buckland or Noorvik. In
contrast, less than 15 percent, or 20 Inupiats said TV made them dissatisfied
with their tiny community. No statistically significant associations were
found between these variables and village demographics. However, the
overall numbers support the hypothesis that there is little relationship
between TV viewing and Inupiat viewers' desire to live outside the village.

Many villagers cited TV news stories about big cities with the
homeless, crime, violence and pollution as reasons to be satisfied with their
village. What they saw on television made them grateful for the bounty of
the Arctic:

Here, food is available. We don’t have to starve like
the homeless and hungry in other places. Even
those without money here will not go hungry.

Said another way, "We (Inupiats) are closer than non-native people. They
really don't care for each other much."56

The fear that watching television would spur village migration57 has
not been supported in any Alaskan studies or other literature. According to

 

56Response to" "Does what you see on TV make you glad that you live in Ambler?"
5" Katz and Wedell.

168

Forbes' earlier RATNET study, the desire to migrate from native villages was
related more to living in a larger village, or having already lived or visited
outside the home village.58 In Belize, economic and political factors, as well
as personal contact with the U.S., were greater indications than television of
the desire to emigrate.59 Other foreign studies, such as Choi's research in
Korea,“ show that U.S. television reinforces traditional values among
indigenous viewers. In the Canadian north, Euro-Canadian and U.S. TV
served to mobilize the Inuit Eskimos into starting their own television system
with native programming. As previously discussed, the Inuit Broadcasting
Corporation is very popular in Arctic Canada.

The Effects of Cable TV on Ambler

The post-cable survey was conducted about a month after cable TV
came to Ambler. Although it may have been too early to tell what impact, if
any, the additional channels would have on Ambler, more than one-half of all
respondents (34 of 53) believed that cable would have a detrimental effect.
From categories emerging from the open-ended question "What kinds of
changes do you think you will see in Ambler, now that it has cable TV?"
respondents were concerned that (1) adults would become less physically
active, watching TV more and working less; (2) children would watch TV
more and play outside less, an important activity for village children;
(3) children would learn bad things from TV, such as fighting, vandalism, and
bad language, and act them out in the village. One Inupiat respondent noted
that many villagers would have trouble paying their bills. Seven saw positive

 

“Forbes. et al.. WWW.
69Snyder, Roser and Chaffee.

60Choi.

169

influences from cable: more information, kids staying out of trouble, a quieter
village.

These responses support the hypothesis that Inupiat viewers believe
television contributes to a decrease in traditional life, especially family

communication and cooperation.

0|] 1] .. EEEI

Television Violence

The efl'ects of television violence are both theoretical and policy
considerations. During RATNET's infancy, when programming was still a
balanced mix of news, public affairs, academic instruction, and
entertainment, Forbes suggested the legislature consider television effects,
including the literature on violence. (See Chapter Five). Many of the violence
studies support hypotheses that viewing violent entertainment increases the
possibility of aggressive behavior.61 The U.S. Senate hearings on television
violence held in the 19608 set precedent for politicians' questions about
television content.62

In Alaska, politicians did not question the effects of television violence
until the RATNET channel was well-established in nearly every rural village.
Then questions were framed without research and fact, only conjecture. Part
of RATNET's legislative history includes proposed legislation in 1989 to
codify the RATNET council, setting terms of office for native members only,

not for the educational representatives. The legislation was introduced to

 

61For a summary of the reports, see Lowery and De Fleur, "Television and Social
Behavior."

62An excellent case study of television effects research and political policy can be
found in Rowland.

170

make "them more accountable," according to the non-native, urban
sponsors.63 Had the bills passed, the RATNET programming board would
have been controlled by the governor's office, making it easier to control
channel content.

These legislators were among RATNET critics who charge that much
of the violence televised on RATNET has led to more social problems in rural
villages, many of which are already rife with high rates of alcoholism and
suicide. Politicians' criticism of RATNET generally is split along non-
native/native lines, as seen in this 1989 House Finance Committee dialogue:

"I don't see entertainment as an essential
function," a non-native Anchorage-area
representative said. "If we maintain it (RATNET),
I think it would be appropriate to shift its focus to
more educational (programming)."

A Juneau non-native legislator agreed: "We've got
lots of problems in the villages. There's a lot of
violence on TV. Maybe you could take away
'Miami Vice' and maybe there'd be fewer problems
in the villages."64

A rural native legislator responded that many
social problems in rural Alaska are caused by a
lack of activities, and TV helps fill the void.65

To date, none of the Alaskan television research studies has looked
directly at television's effects on violence or aggression, although Forbes used
a picture frustration test designed to elicit verbal aggression from children
and found no effect of TV.66 Forbes also asked parents whether they thought
the amount of violence on TV was a problem.67 Forbes had the opportunity to

 

63Davis interview.

64RATN ET is not seen in Juneau or Anchorage.

65Larry Persily, "Legislators Question if State-Funded TV is an Essential Service,"
Associatedfircss. March 3.1989.

66Forbes. SmiaLandchnitimEffents 119112.
67Ibid., 61.

171

asked the question twice -- in 197 9, shortly after television had been
introduced in the villages, and again in 1982, when the novelty of TV was no
longer a factor.

In both cases, fewer than half of the Northwest Arctic parents
interviewed were concerned about the number of RATNET programs that
portrayed violence. However, the percentage believing violence was a
problem increased between 1979 and 1982, from 40 percent to 45 percent.68
It would be expected that the increased concern is due to exposure to
television. It could also be due to an increase in the amount of violence in
1982 programs compared to 1979, but without a content analysis, such an
explanation is strictly conjecture.

The same question was asked in 1991 three-village survey, although it
was not limited to RATNET content, because of the presence of cable in two of
the three villages. In the case of pre-cable Ambler, most viewers had some
previous experience with cable. All demographic groups in pre-cable Ambler,

Buckland and Noorvik, affirmed that TV violence was a problem:69

Most of the movies we watch are so violent. Cops,
even "Matlock." We need more family-type of
movies like we used to have "Little House on the
Prairie." ‘
More than 90 Buckland/Noorvik respondents, or nearly 60 percent,
thought televised violence was a problem; 59 respondents, or 38.6 percent, did

not. In Ambler, 34 respondents, or 66.7 percent, said it was a problem;

 

68The N in 1982 was 75. It is impossible to tell from the Forbes' report how many
Northwest Arctic parents were interviewed in 197 9.

69Only sex and TV violence in Buckland and Noorvik were statistically related ~-
nearly twice as many women as men felt that TV violence was a problem. The relationship
was not statistically related in Ambler.

172

29.4 percent said it was not a problem. Several explanations are possible for
the increase between 1982 and 1991: (1) In Forbes' 1982 survey, the question
referred to the single RATNET channel; (2) In 1982, as a "demonstration
project," RATNET still carried educational and instructional programs during
the day, with entertainment at night. (3) In the 1991 survey, the question
referred to all television channels, including cable. More programs could be
categorized as "violent" in 1991 than in 1982. (4) In the minds of some
viewers, sex, profanity and violence may be one and the same. From survey
comments and general conversation, it seemed that these respondents put
programs using profanity, and portraying partial nudity or sexual activities
(such as R-rated movies on HBO) in the same category as violence.

Responses show greater concern about violence among cable
subscribers than non-cable subscribers. In Buckland/Noorvik, 67 of the 106 -
cable subscribers, or 63.2 percent, thought the amount of violence on TV was
a problem; 37 subscribers, or 34.9 percent, did not. Of the 47 non-cable
subscribers, 24 indicated violence was a problem (51.1 percent), and 22 said it
was not (46.8 percent). The question was not asked in post-cable Ambler. It
was expected the answers would not change, given unfamiliarity with the _
new channels.

Among Ambler Inupiat viewers, 27 said they thought televised violence
was a problem (64.5 percent), while 11 did not (27.5 percent). In
Buckland/Noorvik, 76 labeled it a problem (56.3 percent), and 56 did not
(41.5 percent). None of the demographic variables were significant when

cross-tabulated with the television violence responses.

173

Informal comments in the 1991 survey indicated that some adults,
especially grandparents, believed children learned "bad things" from cable
TV, especially sex, profanity and fighting. As two elderly women stated:

HBO has too many sex films. Us old people were
not raised that way. Kids are learning bad things
from the HBO movies.

Violence should not be there. It causes too much
trouble with the young kids nowadays!

Teachers also were concerned that students were acting out what they

saw on I V:

When you work with the school system and you see
children come in and imitate TV in the classroom,
you know that they're influenced by it.

While RATNET carries some violent and R-rated programs, the
RATNET Council generally schedules such shows later in the evening, after
most young children might be in bed. Whether or not violent programs
should be part of the RATNET broadcast day is not a legislative question for
several reasons: (1) The legislature has delegated the programming function
to the RATNET Council; (2) The council has limited sources from which to
select programming; (3) The council has no means to solicit or produce
programs. RATNET simply broadcasts what is available to Anchorage
viewers via the commercial network affiliates, or what is offered from Alaska
sources. And while this researcher would argue that the channel should
attempt to carry more Alaskan and culturally relevant programming, the
argument that rural native villagers should not watch the same shows as
their Anchorage counterparts, is, perhaps, bigoted and parochial.

174

Beer Commercials

Television also has been blamed as a contributor to village alcohol
problems. Alcohol abuse is a chronic problem in native villages, and most
rural suicides and violent deaths are alcohol-related.

In the late 19808, the Alaska Legislature questioned whether the state-
subsidized RATNET should carry beer commercials. The question was
irrelevant, however, because network agreements require the channel to
carry programs in their entirety, including all commercials. Since the mid-
19808, RATNET has aired a disclaimer several times daily, which declares
that the state of Alaska does not endorse the alcohol commercials or alcohol
consumption seen on the channel.

The beer question occupied a major portion of a Senate Finance
Committee debate in 1989. The debate was largely emotional and
uninformed, but resulted in plans for at least one senator to visit network
officials in New York to ask that Alaska network programs be edited. The ‘
trip was eventually scrapped, and the beer question has not received much
attention since that time. Editing the programs would have been a logistical
nightmare for the small crew at the RATNET operations center, where
network programs are recorded off the satellite.

The legislative debate prompted a question on the 1991 survey.
Villagers were asked whether RATNET viewers thought televised beer
commercials were a problem or not a problem. In Buckland and N oorvik,

72 viewers said they believed the number of alcohol commercials on RATNET
were a problem (47 percent); 77 said they were not (50.3 percent). In Ambler,
28 said beer commercials were a problem (54.9 percent); 20 said they were

not (39.2 percent).

175

Although the question requested information about RATNET only, the
presence of cable in Buckland and Noorvik could have skewed some
responses. When the beer commercial variable was paired with cable
subscription, there were few differences between percentages: 52 cable
subscribers, or 49 percent, said RATNET beer commercials posed a problem
for viewers, and 51, or 48 percent, said they did not. Non-cable respondents
thought beer commercials were less a problem than cable subscribers: 20
non-cable subscribers (42.6 percent) said beer commercials were a problem,
while 26 non-cable respondents said beer commercials were not a problem on
RATNET - the only channel they could watch at home. Had the question
been asked in post-cable Ambler, a cable effect might have been apparent,
which could help discern a cable effect in Buckland and Noorvik.

In recent years, more attention has been paid to finding a solution to
the alcohol abuse problem among Alaska natives. The sample villages were
"dry," meaning alcohol could not be brought into the village, or bought and '
sold. Alcohol problems still existed in these villages. The 1991 survey
reflected some concern about these problems. Among Ambler Inupiats,

22 thought beer commercials posed a problem (55 percent); 15 did not

(37.5 percent). Buckland/Noorvik Inupiats were less concerned: 63, or f

46.7 percent, said the commercials were problematic, and 68, or 50.4 percent,
said they were not.

Most respondents who offered comments thought that beer

commercials were generally a problem for the young, not the old:
They (beer commercials) are a very bad influence
on all the kids. They cause them to want to try
liquor.

Too many (beer commercials) in sports. When
you're trying to teach kids not to abuse drugs and

176

alcohol, it makes them wonder. Different ads are
needed.

While none of the demographic variables were significant when cross-
tabulated with the beer commercial question, the numbers do not support the
1989 legislative request for a change in network agreements so that beer
commercials could be edited from network programs. The effect of beer
commercials, like televised violence, is not a question within legislative
purview. Lawmakers gave up that authority when they brought commercial
network television into the Bush. The "quid pro quo" of the original satellite
demonstration was, after all, live TV for Anchorage viewers -- who see the
same beer commercials as their rural counterparts.

The results of the questions regarding TV violence and beer
commercials reinforce the hypothesis that village viewers would value
culturally proximate TV programs. As previously indicated, adult Inupiats
are distressed about a loss of Eskimo family values in their ever-changing '

culture.

SUMMARY OF ANALYSIS

In summary, survey results clearly support several points: ( 1) Rural
viewers want more regional and culturally proximate television. This
preference seems to be stronger among Inupiats, who are most closely tied to
rural culture, than among the small, transient, non-native population.
(2) Despite decreases in RATNET viewing as cable is introduced, RATNET
still plays an important role in rural Alaska. Alaska news, weather, and
other Alaska or native-oriented content is particularly important to Inupiat
viewers, and it is not carried on cable channels. (3) RATNET remains

important enough to these Inupiat that they say they would be willing to pay

177

for it, just as they now pay for cable. (4) The fear that television is the cause
of migration from the village is unsupported in this study, just as it is in
similar studies. (5) Inupiats perceive that television is related to a decline in
traditional activities and lifestyle, but this cannot be precisely measured.
(6) Television is only one of many technological changes having a major effect
on rural Alaskan natives. It ranks at the bottom of a list of machinery,
appliances and other technologies affecting change in the village. (7) Native
viewers are somewhat concerned about the effects that TV violence, sexual
content and beer commercials may have, particularly on children.

The theoretical and political importance of these results will be

discussed in the conclusions.

178

Chapter Ten

CONCLUSIONS

Isn't the white man's burden great. You're telling
them that they have to stay pure -- stay pure for
what? If they say they want it, they get it. The
public policy decision is we provide the service or
we don't provide the service. The well-intentioned
academic that wants to keep the anthropological
unit pure in its own innocent little ethos is
garbage...1

If rural Alaska natives had never seen commercial television, the
anthropological unit still would not be "pure in its own innocent little ethos."
The march of the outside world into the rural village was, and is, inevitable._
Television is simply one of many changes affecting the rural native lifestyle.
Its effect cannot be isolated and precisely measured, nor can it be reversed,
but, as this study demonstrates, television can become more relevant to its

viewers.

Summary of Findings
While causal statements cannot be made from the nominal and ordinal
data of this study, implications for RATNET policy can be drawn from the

data analysis and informed by cross-cultural effects theory and literature.

 

1Brown, in response to questions about content discussions during early legislative
Satellite Television Demonstration Project debates.

179

Cultural relevance is the strongest conclusion that can be drawn fi'om
the ethnographic and quantitative data. Relevance, in its simplest definition,
means "relation to the matter at hand especially social applicability."2

Viewers in the three Inupiat villages have little media to search for
cultural relevance and social applicability. Newspapers are sparse and
untimely; reading has only recently become a part of Eskimo life, which is
traditionally an oral culture with no written language.3 Public radio is the
most timely and provides local and regional news, information, and Inupiaq-
language programming, but radio reception in these villages is spotty.
Television is the most pervasive and most enjoyed medium. The few
programs applicable to the native culture are found mainly on RATNET;
cable's Discovery channel offers nature and wildlife programs that are akin to

the rural native lifestyle, or at least of great interest to many native viewers.

Theoretical Adaptation

This is the first study among the Alaska native population to apply
Straubhaar's cultural proximity theory. Taken as a whole, the major findings
support and augment the theory.

Theoretically, Straubhaar defines social applicability as cultural
proximity, a term he has applied to Latin American television viewers' active
search for programs that reflect their culture and daily experience.4 A
refinement of uses and gratifications theory, cultural proximity is an
excellent term for native societies who find most of U. S. commercial

television alien to their lifestyle and daily experience.

 

WWW. (Springfield. MA: G. & C. Merriam Co., 1975).

3A written Inupiaq language has appeared very recently.
4Straubhaar, "Beyond Media Imperialism."

976.

180

Cultural proximity anticipates a preference for cultural relevance and
social applicability. It is not surprising that an ethnic group's values,
philosophies and traditions would be reflected in its preference for
entertainment and informational content. People everywhere have a desire
to reinforce their particular lifestyle and experience. News media predicate
their sale of news on local coverage. But cultural proximity could have other
adaptations. It is evident from this study that cultural proximity theory goes
beyond content -- it reflects the use of technology to perpetuate, as well as
ease the burden of a particular lifestyle, in this case, subsistence.

Cultural proximity theory helps explain the use of and preference for
certain technologies. The introduction of technology in the Alaska Bush --
new weapons for hunting, vehicles for travel, electricity for convenience,
telephones for communicating, and TV sets for entertainment -- has had a
tremendous impact on the rural lifestyle. The context for this introduction
was a traditional hunter-gatherer society that has slowly changed, even with
new technologies. In the 19908, subsistence remained a very important
aspect of life in the sample villages.

The present data indicate that village natives prefer technologies that
improved transportation, made food gathering quicker and more eficient,
and made life more convenient and comfortable. When ranked with other
technologies, television fell to the bottom of the list. (See Chapter Nine). The
two technologies with the greatest effect on villagers' personal lives -- the
snowmobile and electricity -- make rural life easier and are far more relevant
to the culture and daily experience than television. A snowmobile takes
people greater distances in a shorter period of time to hunt; electricity makes

life more comfortable, more convenient with time-saving appliances. TV was

181

a byproduct of electricity. Television provides information and
entertainment; it cannot feed the family.

The cultural proximity theory is useful in explaining native villagers'
desire to maintain a traditional subsistence lifestyle by making it more
convenient and eficient, while at the same time perpetuating that lifestyle
through the mass medium of television. In the native village context, the
preference for certain technology parallels the preference for entertainment.

Lifestyle Changes

The theory that television may be a factor in leading new viewers away
from the village is refuted here, as it is in other studies. Many adults in the
study said television is one reason they are glad to live in the village. They
cite the negative aspects of life seen on TV, such as war, violence, crime and
homelessness as reasons to be satisfied with their surroundings. Choi found
similar reactions among Koreans who watched Armed Forces television. His
research indicates that Koreans‘ desire to visit the United States decreased
after viewing the violence depicted on American TV.5

Because other media generally are not available in these villages, these
Inupiat villagers seldom see or hear "the rest of the story," which limits their
knowledge of the outside world to television. Whether this has cultivated a
social reality of the world away from the village was not tested here.6
Television seems to reinforce villagers' satisfaction with village life. IfTV
were an indicator of dissatisfaction with their lifestyle, it's doubtful there
would be the desire to see more of that lifestyle on TV.

 

5Choi.
6As previously described, Forbes confirmed Gerbner's cultivation theory among rural
village children who were heavy viewers of television (see chapter five).

182

Traditional activities and lifestyle are declining in rural villages, one
reason villagers cite for wanting more programming about subsistence and
other native traditions. The fact that Inupiat villagers blame some of this
decline on television lends support to the cultural proximity theory. And
while they would not want to give up TV, its place among other instruments
of change may indicate that TV does not detract as much from traditional
rural life as some policy-makers would like to believe.

Policy and Cultural Proximity

Years before satellite television came to the villages, Madigan and
Peterson summed up the policy eventually adopted by the state for rural TV:
"Television will come to most communities in the state. The decision as to
whether, or when, a particular village should have television (or electricity, a
water system, sewers, or an airport), it seems to us, should be based on only
two considerations. Is it in any way economically feasible, and do the people
of the village want it?"7

The people of the village wanted television and it was economically
feasible, so the policy to provide or not to provide was one of politics. As
described in the history portion of this paper, Alaska broadcast systems have
evolved from an initial stage in which technology was utilized as a
coMunication and information lifeline to isolated Alaskans, and "a
maintenance stage in which technology issues pushed information issues off
stage."8

When the state joined with Alascom in 1975 to install satellite
telephone earth stations, the need for a communication lifeline to the Bush

was significant; television was added because it was affordable. Current

 

7Madigan and Peterson, 128.
8Pearson, "Media-Rich, Media Poor," 126.

183

satellite television policy is the result of technology, political expedience and
the economics of that time. Content was generally avoided in discussions by
policy-makers who saw any content discussion as trampling on villagers'
First Amendment rights.

The state of Alaska started providing satellite television at a time
when it was economically impractical for private enterprise to do so. Such a
policy is relatively easy to justify when governments have plenty of revenue.9
In the mid-19708, state oil coffers were bulging, and a spending frenzy was in
the air. But these times can be risky for decision makers, according to House,
"when policies are set to aspirations predicated on plenty, and the
administration of these policies must be carried on in a period of scarcity."10
Now Alaska lawmakers must focus on the benefit and need of government
programs and policies rather than want, as oil revenues decline in the
unavoidable cycle of an economy built on the boom and bust of natural
resource extraction.

Because rural TV was part of a larger satellite-services package,
assessing its benefit is difficult. It must now be analyzed apart from other
telecommunication services. RATNET has remained protected simply '
because of its popularity. Providing commercial entertainment television is
not an essential service of state government, if essential services are defined
as maintaining health and safety. However, in this current information age,
rural television which informs, educates and unites Alaskans could be
considered essential. After all, the private sector does not provide such a

service. Rural television serves an important social and informational

 

9Peter W. House. Walrus. (Beverly Hills= Sage
Publications, Inc., 1982), 207.

101516.

184

function in rural Alaska, a function which many of its detractors do not
understand.

Inupiat village viewers understood the threats against RATNET. “Are
they (state legislators) going to shut off RATNET?” was the most common
question respondents asked when interviewers approached them about the
survey. For years, it has been common knowledge among rural viewers that
the channel was threatened by non-supportive administrations, falling
revenue, and legislators who blamed TV for making rural social problems
worse. A budget crunch in 1986 had already forced Learn Alaska off the air.
When the 1994 House Finance Committee proposed to eliminate RATNET,
letters from the public flooded the 60 legislative offices with this message:
RATNET is rural Alaska's only source of Alaska news, weather and other
information.

State-supported satellite television in an environment in which private
enterprise is expanding presents both policy and theoretical questions. In the
academic world, theory would be central to policy debate. The idea that
viewers desire culturally relevant TV runs counter to the RATNET Council
policy to program to a broad homogeneous audience, similar to commercial .
TV station policy. Straubhaar's cultural proximity hypothesis even suggests
that RATNET should be programmed to account for population differences.

Broadcast funding in a period when essential state services are in
jeopardy prescribes a strong policy that would give RATNET a distinct
programming function. Whether it remains state-operated or becomes a
private service, channel content and access are crucial to meeting the needs
of the rural Alaska public.

Local and regional media voices are few in the Alaska Bush. Rural

Alaska does not have the economic base required to support commercial TV.

185

Commercial stations find it difficult to produce statewide or rural programs.
Public stations' ability to fulfill local program responsibilities and offer ‘
regional and statewide productions is becoming increasingly difficult due to
declining state and federal grants. As media voices diminish in rural Alaska,
audiences will be even less informed. RATNET, therefore, becomes an

essential service.

Recommendations

In cable and non-cable communities, RATNET is the only television
channel which can provide a distinct service to rural Alaska, similar to local
stations in an urban market. No Alaska broadcast stations are carried on
Bush cable systems. The Alaskana feature of RATNET is important enough,
even to cable subscribers, that most respondents are willing to pay a small fee“
for receiving the state channel.

Cultural proximity theory could form the basis for a policy that would-
allow RATNET to function more as an Alaskan television channel than a
general satellite service. In rural Alaska as elsewhere, television primarily
provides an entertainment function. But rural audiences also want more
Alaskana, i.e., news and information about Alaska, rural areas, and native '
issues, events, culture and lifestyle -- culturally proximate programming.

As a pilot study, the current research offers some descriptive data on
which to base recommendations for further research. An empirical review of
television use and attitudes across a broader and more culturally diverse
spectrum of RATNET villages would be the next logical research phase.
Policy recommendations include charging a household fee for RATNET,

which could be used to develop a culturally relevant genre; and involving

186

local village natives in the development and production of programs, similar
to the Canadian model.

Those policy-makers who now wonder if RATNET content has a
negative affect on rural native villagers are too late. Rural Alaskans are like
other Americans, and enjoy all kinds of commercial television entertainment.
Northrip is probably correct in his assessment that "The same people who
decry the programming mix (of RATNET) are probably not about to want to
be known as the programming czar who took away the First Amendment
rights of rural Alaskans."ll

As cable becomes increasingly available in the Bush and revenue
continues to decline, RATNET's detractors see one option: eliminate the
channel. Any plan to eliminate should provide an alternative service and
redefine satellite television policy to reflect the interests and unique cultural
characteristics of the rural, native audience.

In several publications during her five-year Alaska study, Forbes
stressed the importance of considering content in policy. Several years into
satellite TV, her final report pointed out the basic flaw in the policy:

The emphasis of the state's original Television
Demonstration Project was on hardware and the
delivery system, not on the possible social and
cultural impact television might have on the
viewing audience. This same emphasis continues
to dominate policy and the allocation of funds.
There are alternatives. Among them are the
regionalizing of television and the support of
programs to show adults and children how to
critically use television. Policy-makers need to
recognize that the television delivery system they
support has influenced, and will continue to
influence, attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of its
viewers throughout Alaska. Whether its influence
is good or bad is a value judgment, not a research
question...we hope we have provided information

 

11Northrip interview.

187

which policy-makers will use in making those
judgments.12

The pr0priety of using state money for entertainment television does
remain a legitimate and important question. It is not too late to consider
research in formulating RATNET policy which would answer this question.
Latin American, Canadian and Native American studies, among others,
indicate a preference for an ethnic genre' along with their U.S. television
shows; therefore stressing cultural proximity and more local production
would seem to be the better model for Alaska.

Ironically, in 1984 then-Gov. Bill Sheffield requested that Alaska
telecommunication experts research Canada's rural television distribution
services, systems and policies.13 The report makes no mention of the
applicability of Canada's native broadcast services to Alaska, although it
notes the similarities of Canada's and Alaska's vast geography and native
population. Like any of the research cited above, the report would have been
useful in television policy debates. So far, it has gone unnoticed.

The Canadian report is like many described here. A well-known state
economist frequently criticizes Alaska decision-makers for making
uninformed public policy decisions that‘are "chronically burdened by
information gaps that could and should be overcome...."14 Hence, the failure
of Learn Alaska and the political nature of RATNET. Both might have been
avoided had research been considered in the public policy process.

Some of the native leaders who were involved in the push for rural

television now wonder why they weren't more concerned about the human

 

12Forbes. MW: 150-151

13Mel Hoversten,1¢lensjgn_fldjmmlflanada, (Juneau Department of
Administration, September 1984).

14D. Reaume, "Policy-makers often source of misinformation," Anghnmgeflaflx
ms, (April 19, 1992), F-2.

188

aspects of putting a satellite-TV earth station in every village. "If we had it
to do over again...I think we would have thought a lot harder about the
ultimate effects on human beings. (Television) is such a powerful medium
it has the potential for good and knowledge. But it, along with all the other
things, has made us weak. Between the four-wheelers and the TV, we're just
turning into soft people."15 The current research indicates that TV may have
less to do with this than the four-wheelers.

Alaska native and non-native leaders originally viewed satellite TV as
a political and informational tool. While television is a source of information,
some studies show a significant knowledge gap between "media-rich" urban
and "media-poor" rural Alaska. (See Chapter Five).16 However, the "chasm
of ignorance would have been a lot greater today" had Alaska not developed a
satellite system of communications.17 Many political leaders believe
"telecommunication has helped to bring about a greater sense of statewide
unity."18 Some native leaders have touted the local-access channels of
village cable systems as a partial solution to informing their people and
passing along cultural traditions.19

Rural Alaskans are more politically aware in the 19908 than they were
in 1977, but much of that is due to better educational opportunities in the
villages, improved transportation, natural resource development resulting in
more jobs, and to the native corporations, which have attempted to politically

mobilize and inform their people. In areas where public radio is strong, radio

 

15Hensley, comments to the Chugach Conference, Oct. 5, 1991, Anchorage. Hensley
served in the Alaska Legislature during the first years of the satellite project.

168cc Pearson, "Desert Storm." Also, Pearson, "Media-Rich, Media Poor."
17 Hensley, Chugach Conference remarks.

18151.1

19Hensley interview.

189

is considered a more useful informational medium than television,20 because
it is more localized and offers more news.

RATNET no longer has the monopoly on presenting the outside world
to its audience. As more viewers have the option of cable television, home
satellite receivers, and VCR, rural Alaska satellite TV should more closely
represent its constituents. Cable and home satellite systems duplicate and
supplement commercial entertainment; they cannot offer Alaskana.

Television "is a different thing to different people and its impact varies
according to the cultural traditions that surround it."21 In the midst of CBC
and cable programming, rural Canadian natives have discovered that viewing
culturally familiar programs is a way of retaining a sense of identity in their
changing world, where the traditional lifestyle is greatly influenced by many
modernization factors, such as education, mobility, new technologies,
resource development, government policies affecting native land and
subsistence, social and economic problems.

As Forbes said, there are alternatives to Alaska's satellite
programming policy. The current study supports anecdotal information from
the RATNET Council which indicates that Alaska news and weather, travel
and nature programs are among the most popular shows on the channel. The
RATNET Council could alter its general-interest policy to allow the selection
of more Alaskana. It could carry Canadian native programming, available
through the TVN C, and more national and Alaska public broadcasting
programs. It would be feasible for the state to foster a native broadcast policy
through mechanisms already in place, such as public television and the

Alaska Public Radio Network. The private sector, including native

 

20Pearson, "Media-Rich, Media-Poor."
21 Granzberg, Steinbring, and Hamer, "New Magic for Old," 157.

190

corporations, some of which are involved in public broadcasting, could be
encouraged to participate and even develop culturally proximate broadcast
programs.

The popularity of the few native radio and TV programs being
broadcast statewide supports the data presented here. The RATNET Council
believes the annual Alaska Federation of Natives convention, the annual
Iditarod sled-dog race, and a weekly native feature called "Heartbeat Alaska,"
always draw a big audience. "Heartbeat Alaska," was said to give "the state's
far-flung Eskimos, Aleuts and Indians a way to stay in touch, a sense of being
part of the whole."22 A RATNET Council member claimed that "Heartbeat
Alaska" connected rural Alaska communities. "It's a spiritual thing. It

touches on our cultures." 23

The Economics of Rural Programming

In this era of declining revenue and changing attitudes toward
government-supported broadcast services, it is clear that politics, not policy
will determine broadcast funding. In the rush to eliminate government
subsidies for broadcast, policy-makers would be wise to allow alternatives to
develop before pulling the plug.

When RATNET was in its infancy, Hills and Morgan24 proposed a
statewide nonprofit corporation be set up to operate a system that would
integrate local access, network programming, and local control, with partial
funding from local community taxes. "If the state does find it feasible and
desirable to play a wider financial role," they said, "that support should be

 

22Robin Mackey Hill, Associated Press, "Alaska's 'Heartbeat' to go nationwide,"

Beninallaflannn. (May 2, 1994), 1 & 14.
23Peter Twitchell, RATNE'I‘ Council member, in Hill, "Alaska's 'Heartbeat," 14.

2“Alex Hills and M. Granger Morgan, 'Telecommunications in Alaskan Villages,"
W211, (Jan. 16, 1981): 241- 248.

191

used to facilitate the production and distribution of special state, regional,
and local educational program materials."25

Mechanisms, such as a RATNET user fee, local taxes, or Hills' and
Morgan's non-profit corporation, could be used to help fund new Alaskana
programming. State officials argue that creating an eflicient collection
mechanism has beenthe biggest obstacle to charging a RATNET fee.
Nevertheless, this data indicates viewers' willingness to pay $10 per month
for RATNET, which is even higher than the $3.33 it costs to provide the
service to each of the estimated 35,449 rural households. The study suggests
that rural viewers would be willing to pay a fee for the opportunity to watch
Alaska news, information, and other programming that is more socially
applicable.

As Hills and Morgan suggested, part of that fee could be used to
produce Alaskana. The cost of providing regularly scheduled culturally
relevant programming for RATNET may not be prohibitive. To compete with
cable channels such as Discovery, Arts and Entertainment, and others, public
stations and independent producers now find it necessary to produce more
local and regional material for their home audience, programs which could .
run on RATNET. Rural Alaska's diverse audience does not want an all-
Alaska or an all-indigenous channel. Viewers would simply like more
programs that are relevant to their region, the rural and native culture, and
that provide information they can use to make informed decisions, such as
when to hunt, or for whom to vote in an upcoming election.

Since data collection for this study, Alaska's four public television
stations have formed the Alaska Public Broadcasting Service (APBS) with the
goal of increasing Alaska-produced programming. APBS proposed to produce

 

251bid., 248.

192

and distribute Alaskana, including programs of interest to native Alaskans,
for statewide distribution on RATNET. To bring costs down, the Alaska
public stations also proposed to centralize services, co-produce and share
programs, and purchase programs from non-PBS sources as a state
organization?6 Public broadcasters believed it was in their best interest to
facilitate RATNET. In 1994, the public television stations raised $92,000 for
RATNET in a four-night telethon. After expenses, $65,000 were available to
RATNET operations.

For years, state policy-makers were not willing to pull the RATNET
plug without alternatives to the service, but in the 19908, the RATNET
appropriation was no longer guaranteed. Content remained a legislative
concern, and always will be as long as RATNET receives state funds.
Content also will be an issue for RATNET viewers simply because a single
channel cannot serve the viewing desires of all television viewers. 1

Until RATNET is privatized, or the state develops a clear set of goals '
and policy, it will continue to be politicized. Proposals to privatize the
channel have failed -- no telecommunications operators were interested.
Turning a public TV channel into a RATNET service has been proposed, but
in the 19908 Alaska public broadcast funding was in jeopardy. A proposal to
blend public, commercial and Alaskan programming transmitted by the
Bethel public station, was submitted in 1993 to the Department of
Administration, but at publication of this dissertation, it had not yet been
acted upon. .

Digital compression of the satellite transponder signal would provide a
technical solution to the RATNET programming problem. The RATNET

 

26Bill Legere. "WWW.
(Juneau: Alaska Public Broadcasting Service, October 1994), 4.

193

transponder now relays one TV channel. Through compression, four to eight
video channels would be available. One could be educational; another, public;
another, commercial entertainment; perhaps another could provide news and
information. But digital technology is costly and has few proponents in state
government. Additional channels also require more programming and more
programming sources. Whatever solution is reached necessitates clear goals
and policy directives. Given Alaska's telecommunications history and the
political nature of legislatures and administrations, clear policy with goals for
future service would be problematic.

The increasing availability of commercial entertainment channels
continues to make it difficult to justify state support of RATNET if its
programming is primarily entertainment and otherwise similar to cable
television. The fact that state officials seem willing to let the system slowly
die reflects the chronic burden of "information gaps" among lawmakers "that
could and should be overcome."27 '

If RATNET survives as a state-owned channel, becomes a
public/private entity, or is privatized, it will need an informed policy based on
empirical data. This pilot study indicates that rural viewers' prefer culturally
proximate programs that recognize their cultural uniqueness. As Pearson
indicates, "There is no assurance that additional broadcast channels or
greater diffusion of cable systems would provide content more responsive to
the wishes and needs of rural Alaskans."28

Future justification of the RATNET service under any operator should
be based on more knowledge of the RATNET audience, an assessment of the
importance of RATNET to rural viewers, as well as the role RATNET viewers

 

2"’Reaume.
28Pearson, "Media-Rich, Media-Poor," 163.

194

may be willing to play to keep the channel on the air. The broadcast policy of
any operator must be facilitated by expertise and diversity among those who
select the programming. The policy must provide clear guidelines for content
selection. It must also provide resources to survey the audience and to solicit
programs. Alaska has devised a unique service which fulfills a special
function and could be even more responsive to the audience it serves. If
Alaska policy-makers were to recognize RATNET's true function as rural
Alaska's local channel, they could justify a broadcast policy that would
celebrate diversity, preserve and enhance native and rural culture, and

inform Alaskans "as to what Alaska is doing."29

 

29Session Laws of Alaska 1976, Chapter 223, intent language.

195

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A:

ALASKA MAP

 

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196

APPENDIX B:

QUESTIONNAIRES

LIST OF QUESTIONNAIRES

manila: me Em
Pre-cable Ambler September 1991 197
Post-cable Ambler December 1991 218
Post non-cable Ambler . December 1991 230
Buckland and Noorvik" November 1991 239

 

‘ I Buckland and Noorvik were conducted simultaneously. The questionnaires
were the same, except for the title page. Only the Noorvik title page has been included here.

 

ADULT SURVEY/ AMBLER
“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER: ‘ ID NUMBER:
RECORD OF CONTACT ATTEMPTS: STUDY ID NUMBER: _—
DATE TIME COMMENTS
FIRST A'I'I‘EMPI‘
SECOND ATTEMPT
THIRD ATTEMPT
RESPONDENT’S NAME: SEX:
DATE: TELEPHONE NUMBER:
INTERVIEW START TIME: —— FINISH TIME:
TOTAL MINUTES:
DEGREE OF PRIVACY:
D Done only with interviewee.

D Done with interviewer, interviewee and helper.

D Done with others present. Specify:

 

 

OVERALL QUALITY OF INTERVIEW: 1 2 3 4 5
Poor Excellent

COMMENTS:

CODER: CODE DATE:

 

REVIEWER: DATA ENTRY DATE:

 

 

197

 

ADULT SURVEY/ AMBLER
“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

 

 

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER ID INTERVIEW NO.
STUDY NO.
INTRODUCTION

The Center for Information Technology, University of
Alaska Anchorage, is studying the role of television in rural
Alaska. We want to find out how important RATNET and cable
television are to viewers. To do this we need to ask Ambler
residents some questions about RATNET and cable television.
We plan to follow up our survey later this fall with some ques-
tions over the telephone. Also, we’ll be conducting a series of
interviews in other Northwest Alaska villages. Your answers
will be kept confidential and will only be used in combination
with those of other rural Alaskans. We won’t be using any
names in presenting the survey findings.

We appreciate your help with our survey. You can choose
not to participate at all, or not answer some of the questions.
But all your answers are important to the success of our study.

Do you have any questions before we begin?

SECTION A
MEDIA USE

First, we’d like to ask you some questions about the kinds of media you use.

A1. How many working TV sets do you have in your home?

F

9. DON’T KNOW, NOT ASCERTAINED
SETS

 

 

198

A2. Can you remember a time when you didn’t have TV?

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. YES _'
2. NO
9. DK, NA
IF YES
A2a. How do you think your life was different before you had
television?

 

 

 

 

 

 

A3. Do you have a video cassette recorder?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. YES —-——- A3a. About how many hours did you watch VCR tapes

2. NO during the last week?

9. DK, NA ‘ 99. DK, NA
HOURS

 

 

 

A4. Do you have a camcorder?

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

A5. About how many hours did you listen to radio yesterday?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

A6. About how many hours do you listen to the radio on an average day?

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

A7. Have you ever used a computer?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. YES —-n'
2. NO
9. DK, NA
A7a. Do you have a computer in your home?
1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

199

 

 

IF R HAS COMPUTER IN HOME
Do you use the computer for
A7 a1. Playing games?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

 

 

A7a2. Doing school work?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

 

 

A7a3. Word processing?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

 

 

A7a4. Doing work for an employer?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

A7a5. Spreadsheets/personal bookkeeping?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

 

 

A7 a6. Writing computer programs?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

 

 

A7a7. Electronic mail?

1. YES
2. NO

 

 

 

 

 

A7a8. Other uses? Please specify

 

 

1. YES

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO

 

 

A8. Have you ever used a fax machine?

 

 

 

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

200

A9. About how many long-distance phone calls did you make in the last two weeks?

98. NO PHONE
99. NOT ASCERTAINED

 

 

 

 

CALLS

A10. How often do you read a newspaper? Would you say you read one never, less than
once a week, 2 to 3 times a week, or almost every day?

NEVER

LESS THAN ONCE A WEEK
2 TO 3 TIMES A WEEK
ALMOST EVERY DAY

DK, NA

 

 

 

 

$0993.53!“

 

UNLESS R SAYS “NEVER”
A108. Which newspaper do you read most often?

 

A10b. Do you read any others?

 

(IF R SAYS “THE TIMES” ASK: Is that the Tundra Times or the
Anchorage Times? IF R SAYS “TUNDRA,” ASK: Is that the Tundra
Times or the Tundra Drums?)

 

 

 

All. Do you read magazines?

1. YES
2. NO l
9. DK, NA l

 

 

 

 

 

 

Alla. Which ones?

 

 

 

 

 

A12. Do you read books?

1. YES
2. N0 l
9. NA

 

 

 

 

 

12a. What kinds of books do you mostly read?

 

 

12b. When was the last time you read a book? Was it yesterday or
today, within the past week, 2 to 3 weeks ago, a month ago
or longer ago than that?

YESTERDAY OR TODAY
WITHIN THE PAST WEEK
2 TO 3 WEEKS AGO

A MONTH AGO

LONGER AGO THAN THAT
DK, NA

 

 

 

 

$95"?pr

 

 

 

201

 

IF R READS BOOKS
A12c. Do you recall the name of the last book you read?

 

 

 

Here’s a list of various places we can get information from (INT’R HANDS R CARD 1).
It may be helpful to refer to it as I ask you the next questions.

A13. Where would you say you get most of your information about national and

international news events?

 

1. FRIENDS
2. FAMILY
3. BOOKS
4. RADIO

 

 

 

pesos

NEWSPAPERS
TELEVISION
NEWSLETTERS
OTHER, SPECIFY

 

 

DK, NA

A14. Which one do you use for most of your news about Alaska?

 

1. FRIENDS
2. FAMILY
3. BOOKS
4. RADIO

 

 

 

NEWSPAPERS

. TELEVISION
. NEWSLETTERS
. OTHER, SPECIFY

 

. DK, NA

Considering radio, magazines, newspapers, books, and television, which one

A15. Do you use most often?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

 

A16. Is most enjoyable?

 

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

A17. 18 most educational?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

A18. Is most entertaining?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

use

copies

NEWSPAPERS
BOOKS
DK, NA

. NEWSPAPERS

BOOKS
DK, NA

. NEWSPAPERS

BOOKS

. DK, NA

NEWSPAPERS
BOOKS
DK, NA

202

A19. Is least important to you?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. RADIO 4. NEWSPAPERS
2. TV 5. BOOKS
3. MAGAZINES 9. DK, NA
A20. Is most important to you? .
1. RADIO 4. NEWSPAPERS
2. TV 5. BOOKS
3. MAGAZINES 9. DK, NA
A21. To fill your free time, what do you do most often? (LET RESPONDENT ANSWER
WITHOUT PROMPTIN G.)
1. READ
2. GO TO COMMUNITY, CHURCH OR SCHOOL ACTIVITIES
3. LISTEN TO RADIO
4. WATCH TELEVISION
5. DO ARTS OR CRAFTS
6. HOBBIES
7. GO HUNTING, FISHING OR TRAPPING
8. PLAY SPORTS
0. OTHER, SPECIFY
9. DK, NA
SECTION B
TELEVISION

Now I’d like to ask you some questions specifically about television.
(GO TO QUESTION 010 ON PAGE 12 FOR R’S WHO DON’T HAVE TELEVISION.)

Bl. Please describe the quality of the RATNET picture on your TV screen.

 

B2. How many hours did you watch RATNET yesterday (last Friday IF INTERVIEW

TAKES PLACE ON MONDAY)?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

B3. About how many hours do you usually watch RATNET each weekday?

 

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

HOURS

203

B4. How many hours did you watch RATNET last Saturday?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

B5. About how many hours do you usually watch RATNET on a Saturday at this time
of year?

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS
36. How many hours did you watch RATNET last Sunday?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS
B7. How many hours do you usually watch RATNET on a Sunday at this time of year?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

B8. How often would you say that you do something else at the same time you watch
TV? Would you say that you do something else always, more than halfthe
time, about half the time, less than half the time, or never? (PROMPT: For
example, washing dishes, fixing something. OR REPEAT THE ANSWERS.)

ALWAYS

MORE THAN HALF THE TIME
ABOUT HALF
LESS THAN HALF
NEVER

OTHER. SPECIFY
DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

SDP’P‘PP’NE“

B9. What are your three most favorite RATNET programs? (IF GIVE PROGRAM
CATEGORIES, PROBE FOR SPECIFIC SHOWS)

 

 

B10. What are your three least favorite RATNET programs?

 

 

204

B11. How many people live in your household?

 

 

 

 

PEOPLE

99. NA

 

 

IF OTHERS LIVE IN HOUSEHOLD
Blla. What is your relationship to these people?

 

 

Bllb. Who mostly decides what television programs are watched
in your home? (LET RESPONDENT ANSWER WITHOUT
PROMPTING.)

 

HUSBAND

WIFE

KIDS
GRANDMOTHER
GRANDFATHER
OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

9999.5?!"

 

 

 

IF CHILDREN LIVE IN HOUSEHOLD

B1 16. How many hours a day do the adults and children in your
household watch RATNET together?

 

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

HOURS

 

 

 

IF RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN
Blld. Do you limit the amount of time your kids can watch

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RATNET?
1. YES—j
B11D1. What are these time limits?
2. NO

Blle. Why or why not?

 

 

205

 

 

 

IF RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN,

Bllf. Do you limit the kinds of RATNET programs your children
watch?

1. YES—)

B11f1. What kinds of shows do you not let
them watch?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bllf2. Why?

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO—j
B11f3. Why not?

 

l
l
l
J

 

 

 

B11g. Do you have any other household rules regarding television
viewing?

 

1. YES—l

 

 

 

 

B11g1. What are these rules?

 

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

206

 

SECTION C
CONTENT

Now we want to ask you some questions about the kinds of programs you see on TV.

Cl. About how much family entertainment do you think RATNET should have? Do
you think it should have about what it has now, should it have more, or should it
have less? '

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

C2. About how much sports should RATNET have? (PROMPT: About what it has
now, more, or less?)

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

C3. About how much Alaska news should RATNET have?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

C4. About how much news about state government should RATNET have?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

C5. How many shows about rural Alaska should RATNET have?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

C6. How many shows about Alaska Natives and Native events?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

207

C7. How many weather reports?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

C8. How many cartoons should RATNET have?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

09. And how many educational programs for young people and adults?

1. WHAT IT HAS NOW
2. MORE

3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

C10 How important to you are the RATNET weather reports? (SHOW CARD.
PROMPT: Very important, important, somewhat important, not important at all.)

1. VERY IMPORTANT

2. IMPORTANT

3. SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT
4. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

C11. Do you think kids watch too much television?

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

IF RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN
012. TV interferes with my children’s schoolwork.

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

C13. Do you think most adults watch too much television?

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

208

C14. The number of beer commercials on TV, do you think that is a problem?

 

 

 

 

3. DK, NA

1. YES, A PROBLEM
2, NO, NOT A PROBLEM

C15. The amount of violence on TV, do you think that is a problem?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. YES, A PROBLEM
2, N 0, NOT A PROBLEM

3. DK, NA
C16. 18' TV for you powerful or weak? (PROMPT: Would you say that it has a
powerful or a weak influence?)
1. POWERFUL
2. WEAK
9. DK, NA
SECTION D
CABLE TV

Now I’d like to ask you some questions about cable television.

D1. Have you watched cable TV when you visited other towns or villages?

 

1. YES—
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dla. What kinds of channels did you watch? (CHECK ALL
ANSWERS R GIVES. FIRST PROMPT: Did you watch any
other channels? 2ND PROMPT: Any others?)

SPORTS
PREMIUM MOVIES (SUCH AS HBO, CINEMAX)
OLD MOVIES

NEWS

GENERAL TV CHANNELS (SUCH AS WGN, WTBS)
RELIGIOUS

SHOPPING

MUSIC TV

DISNEY

DISCOVERY (SCIENCE, NATURE)

ARTS & ENTERTAINMENT (ARTS, CRAFTS)
EDUCATIONAL

WEATHER CHANNEL

C-SPAN (GOVERNMENT)

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

209

 

D2. Do you plan to subscribe to cable TV when it comes to Ambler?

 

1. YES\

 

 

 

‘ D2a. Why?

 

 

 

D2b. Will you have to give up anything? (PROMPT: So
you’ll have enough money to pay for it?)

1. YES—-
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

D2b1. What will you give up?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO
I D2c. Why not?
D2d. Will you go to other places in Ambler to watch cable?
1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA
9. DK, NA

D3. In what ways do you think cable TV will be difi'erent from RATNET?

 

 

 

D4. If you had cable, do you think you’d watch more, less, or about the same amount of
TV as you do now with RATNET?

1. MORE

2, LESS

3. ABOUT THE SAME
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

210

 

IF RHAS CHILDREN

D5. Ifyou had cable, do you think your kids would watch more, less, or about the
same amount of TV as you do now with RATNET?

1. MORE

2. LESS

3. ABOUT THE SAME
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

D6. If you had to choose between cable and RATNET, which would you choose?

1. CABLE
2. RATNET
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

D7. Ifyou had only cable, and not RATNET, do you think you’d be missing anything?

 

1. YES—
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

D7a. What kinds of shows do you think you’d be missing on TV if
you had cable and not RATNET? (REPEAT QUESTION IF
NECESSARY. PROVIDE NO OTHER PROMPT. CHECK
ALL RESPONSES R GIVES.)

AVIATION WEATHER

ALASKA NEWS

PUBLIC BROADCASTING PROGRAMS
PROGRAMS ABOUT ALASKA NATIVES
PROGRAMS ABOUT RURAL ALASKA
ALCOHOL DISCLAIMER

IDITAROD SLED-DOG RACE

ALASKA BASKETBALL COVERAGE
AFN CONVENTION COVERAGE
EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS
NOTHING
OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

 

 

211

D8. If you had to pay $10 a month for RATNET, would you be willing to do that?

 

1. YES\

 

 

 

‘D8a. Why?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\~ D8b. Why?

 

 

 

 

 

 

9. DK, NA

D9. Cable rates vary from community to community. What is the most you’d be
willing to pay per month for cable service? Would you pay nothing, $10 a month,
$30 a month, $50, $70, $90, or would you pay more than $90 for cable?

 

 

 

 

1. NOTHING 5. $70
2. $10AMONTH 6. $90
3. $30 7. MORE
4. $50 9. DK, NA

D10. Basic cable service in Ambler will cost $ each month. Do you think this is
very high, high, low, very low or about the right amount for the service?
(PROMPT. REPEAT CHOICES.)

VERY HIGH
HIGH

ABOUT RIGHT
LOW

VERY LOW
DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

serene

D11. The premium cable service will be $ each month. Do you think this is
very high, high, low, very low or about the right amount for that service?

VERY HIGH
HIGH

ABOUT RIGHT
LOW

VERY LOW

. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

meager

212

D12. There’s been some talk in recent years about the possibility of taking RATNET
off the air. How important is RATNET to you? Is it very important, somewhat
important, or not important at all? (PROMPT: REPEAT CHOICES OR SHOW

CARD.)

. VERY IMPORTANT

. IMPORTANT

. SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT
. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL
. DK, NA

£0.5me

SECTION E
DEMOGRAPHICS

Now I’d like to ask you some questions about yourself.
E1. What is your age?
99. NA

 

 

 

 

YEARS

112. How long have you lived in Ambler? (IF R SAYS “ALL MY LIFE,” WRITE AGE IN
BOX)

 

99. NA

 

 

 

YEARS
E3. Have you ever lived anywhere else?
1. YES

 

 

 

 

\ E3a. Where?

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO
9. NA

E4. Do you plan to move away fi'om Ambler permanently in the near future?

 

1. YES\

 

 

 

\ E4a. Where do you plan to move?

 

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO
9. DK, NA

213

E5. How many years of school have you completed?

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

YEARS

 

IF THERE ARE CHILDREN IN R’S HOME:

E6. How old are the children in your home and what grade are they in school?

 

In school? Grade
yes I no
4L

 

 

 

Child 1:

 

Child 2:
Child 3:
Child 4:
Child 5:
Child 6:
Child 7:
. Child 8:
Child 9:
Child 10:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

E7. To earn money, what do you and the people who live in your home do?

Interviewee

 

L..—“L... ._

 

Others in home

 

 

 

IF R HAS CHILDREN
E8. When your children are adults, where would you like them to live?

 

 

 

 

E9. Have you visited other Alaska towns or villages in the past year?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. YE
S\~ E9a. Where?
E9b. How often do you go there?
2. NO
9. NA

214

E10. Have you travelled outside Alaska within the last year?

 

 

1. YES\

 

 

“ElOa. Where?

 

E10b. How often do you go there?

 

 

 

2. NO
9. NA

E11. Would you say the way of life in Ambler is better, worse, or no different than life
in other parts of Alaska?

1. BETTER
2. WORSE
3. NO DIFFERENT

 

 

 

 

Ella. Why?

 

 

 

E12. Ifyou could live anywhere, including Ambler, where would you like to live?

 

1. AMBLER
2. ELSEWHERE IN ALASKA. SPECIFY
3. OUTSIDE ALASKA. SPECIFY

 

 

 

 

 

E12a. Why?

 

 

E13. Are you Inupiaq (or white)? (INTERVIEWER: IT SHOULD BE CLEAR
WHETHER R IS NATIVE OR WHITE. IF NEITHER, ASK FOR ETHNIC
AFFILIATION. DO NOT PROMPT. )

ALEUT

ESKIMO/ALEUT

YUPIK

ATHABASCAN

TLINGIT OR HAIDA

BLACK

HISPANIC

ASIAN OR PACIFIC ISLANDS
OTHER. SPECIFY

NA

 

 

 

 

PPQNS’QPP’P!‘

215

E14. What languages do you speak? (DO NOT PROMPT.)

1. ENGLISH ONLY
2. ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ
3. INUPIAQ ONLY

4. OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

 

 

 

IF R SPEAKS NATIVE LANGUAGE
E15. What language do you mostly speak at home? (DO NOT PROMPT.)

1. ENGLISH ONLY
2. ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ
3. INUPIAQ ONLY

4. OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

 

 

E16. What language do you mostly speak with your friends?

1. ENGLISH ONLY
2. ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ
3. INUPIAQ ONLY

4. OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

 

 

E17. Do you read Inupiaq?

1. YES
2. NO

IF RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN

E18. That your children speak Inupiaq, would you say that is very
important, important, somewhat important, or not at all important?

. VERY IMPORTANT

. IMPORTANT

. SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT
. NOT AT ALL IMPORTANT
. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

OIhCDNI-i

 

 

E19. Would you watch any RATNET programs in Inupiaq?

1. YES—
2. NO
3. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

E19a. What kinds of programs would you like to see
in Inupiaq?

 

 

 

 

 

216

 

 

 

IF R SPEAKS NATIVE LANGUAGE

E20. Would you watch any RATNET programs in other Alaska Native
languages?

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

E21. If you were making a TV program to be shown in rural Alaska, what do you think
it should be about?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

E22. How do you think television has changed life in Ambler?

 

.

E23. Does what you see on TV make you want to get out of Ambler and experience
somewhere else?

 

 

E24. Does what you see on TV make you glad that you live in Ambler?

 

 

Thank you very much!

217

 

 

ADULT SURVEY/ Post-C able Ambler
“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1991

INTERVIEWER: ID NUMBER:
RECORD OF CONTACT ATTEMPTS: STUDY ID NUMBER: _—

DATE TIME COMMENTS
FIRST ATTEMPT
SECOND ATTEMPT
THIRD ATTEMPT
RESPONDENT’S NAME: SEX:
DATE: TELEPHONE NUMBER:
INTERVIEW START TIME: —— FINISH TIME:
TOTAL MINUTES:
DEGREE OF PRIVACY: Location of TV in room:

Is VCR in room?

D Done only with interviewee. Was TV on during interview?

D Done with interviewer, interviewee and helper.

D Done with others present. Specify:

 

 

OVERALL QUALITY OF INTERVIEW: 1 2 3 4 5
Poor Excellent

COMIVTENTS:

CODER: CODE DATE:

 

 

REVIEWER: DATA ENTRY DATE:

 

 

218

Pre-Interview Questions
About Household

. How many male adults live in this household? (PROMPT: Age 18 and Older.)
i

Male adults

 

 

1a. What are their ages?_

 

. How many female adults live in this household?

 

 

 

 

Female adults

2a. What are their ages?

 

. How many male children live in this household?

)
l .
l
l

L__—_

Male children

3a. What are their ages?

 

. How many female children live in this household?

__l
Female children ‘

 

 

4a. What are their ages?

 

. Of the adults who live here, whose birthday is closest to today?

 

That is the person I would like to interview. (INTERVIEWER, PLEASE NOTE
CATEGORY FOR R.)

219

 

 

ADULT SURVEY: Post-Cable Ambler
“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER ID INTERVIEW N 0.
STUDY NO. __
INTRODUCTION

The Center for Information Technology, University of Alaska Anchor-
age, is studying the role of television in rural Alaska. We want to find out how
important cable television and RATNET are to viewers. TO do this, we’re con-
ducting a series of interviews in several Northwest Alaska villages. Your an-
swers will be kept confidential and will only be used in combination with those
of other rural Alaskans. We won’t be using any names in presenting the survey

findings.

We appreciate your help with our survey. You can choose not to take
part at all, or not answer some Of the questions. But all your answers are im-
portant to the success of the study.

DO you have any questions before we begin?

SECTION A
TECHNOLOGY

First, I’d like to ask you some questions about the kinds Of technology you use.

A1. Many changes have come to Alaska villages in the last few years. Which one do
you think has had the greatest effect on your way Of life? (SHOW CARD A1-3.
PROMPT: Please select the one that has had the most effect.)

 

 

 

 

01.
02.
03.
O4.
05.
06.
07.
08.
09.
10.
ll.
12.

AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES

BOATS

CB RADIOS

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS

WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS
ELECTRICITY

TELEPHONE

TELEVISION

COMPUTERS

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

220

 

A2. Which change do you think has had the second greatest efi'ect on your way of life?
(SHOW CARD. PROMPT: Please select the one that has had the W951 effect.)

 

h—_—J

F—_ 01.
' 02.
03.
04.
O5.
06.
07.
08.
09.
10.
11.
12.

AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES

BOATS

CB RADIOS

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS

WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS
ELECTRICITY

TELEPHONE

TELEVISION

COMPUTERS

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

A3. Which one do you think has had the third greatest effect on your way Of life? (SHOW

CARD. PROMPT:

"——3 01.
I a 02.
03.
04.
05.
06.
07.
08.
09.
10.
11.
12.

—————4

Please select the one that has had the 111m effect.)
AIRPLANES 98. DON'T KNOW

FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES

BOATS

CB RADIOS

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS
WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS
ELECTRICITY

TELEPHONE

TELEVISION

COMPUTERS

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

SECTION B
CABLE TELEVISION

Now I’d like to ask you some questions specifically about cable television.

B1. Why did you decide to get cable television?

 

 

 

 

B2. When did cable get to your home?

 

221

B3. Is cable all

 

1.

 

 

 

2.

9.

you expected it to be?

YES

 

\ B3a. In what ways?

 

 

_wd

 

 

 

N O\
FB3b. Why not?

 

h——-—~__..4

 

DK, NA

B4. Which channel do you watch most Often? (SHOW CARD. PROMPT: Please list
the channel you watch more than any other.)

' 101

302

 

 

04.

06.

10.

12.
13.

98
99

. CNN (ALL NEWS)
. ESPN (ALL SPORTS)

DISCOVERY (SCIENCE AND NATURE SHOWS)

HBO (CURRENT MOVIES)

RATNET (THE RURAL ALASKA TELEVISION NETWORK)
USA (VARIETY, INCLUDING MOVIES, CARTOONS, SPORTS)
DISNEY (CHILDREN’S MOVIES, CARTOONS)

.DK
.NA

B5. Ambler cable service is $50.00 each month. Do you think this is very high, high,
low, very low or about the right amount for the service you now receive?

 

 

 

 

SOP‘PFDE‘?!‘

VERY HIGH
HIGH

ABOUT RIGHT
LOW

VERY LOW
DK, NA

B6. Have you had to make any changes in your household budget in order to be able to
make cable TV payments each month?

 

1.

 

 

 

2.
9.

 

 

YES—TB6a. What changes have you made?
i

 

 

 

 

NO
DK, NA

222

B7. Would you like to have more cable channels available?

l 1. YES—"f

i 2. NO

9. DK, NA

 

 

l B7a. Which ones?

 

 

' B7b. How much more would you be willing to pay per month

' for more channels? Would you pay nothing, $10 more
a month, $20 more a month, $30 more a month, $50 a
month, or more than that for additional channels?

NOTHING

$10 MORE/MONTH
$20 MORE/MONTH
$30 MORE/MONTH
$50 MORE/MONTH
MORE

DK, NA

 

$9959”?pr

 

 

Here’s a list Of various places we can find information. (INT’R HANDS R CARD) It
may be helpful to refer to it as I ask you the next two questions.

B8. Where would you say you get most of your information about national and
international news events?

 

l, l 1. FRIENDS 5. NEWSPAPERS
{__1 2. FAMILY 6. TELEVISION
3. BOOKS 7. NEWSLETTERS
4. RADIO 8. OTHER, SPECIFY
9. DK, NA

B9. Which one do you use for most Of your news about Alaska?

 

 

 

 

 

1. FRIENDS 5. NEWSPAPERS

2. FAMILY 6. TELEVISION

3. BOOKS 7. NEWSLETTERS

4. RADIO 8. OTHER, SPECIFY
9. DK, NA

223

SECTION C
AMOUNT OF VIEWING

Now I’d like to ask you some questions about how much RATNET and cable television
you and your family watch. It may help you to think in terms of the times of day you
watch TV.

Cl. How many hours did you watch RATNET yesterday? (“last Friday" IF INTER-
VIEW TAKES PLACE ON MONDAY. IF R HAS DIFFICULTY, REFER TO TV
SCHEDULE.)

i 99. DK, NA

,;___’

HOURS

 

CZ. How many hours did you watch RATNET Saturday?

i 99. DK, NA

5

5—

HOURS

 

C3. How many hours did you watch RATNET Sunday?

T‘ 99. DK, NA

L_.__J

HOURS

 

C4. How many hours did you watch cable channels yesterday? ( “last Friday” IF
INTERVIEW TAKES PLACE ON MONDAY.) (PROMPT: Not the statewide
channel.)

 

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

HOURS
C5. How many hours did you watch cable Saturday?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS
C6. How many hours did you watch cable channels on Sunday?

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

224

C7. How often would you say that you do something else at the same time you watch
TV? Would you say that you do something else always, more than half the
time, about half the time, less than half the time, or never? (PROMPT: For
example, making baskets, fixing something. OR REPEAT THE ANSWERS.)

{_fi

 

l__

59999.”?

 

 

ALWAYS
MORE THAN HALF THE TIME
ABOUT HALF '
LESS THAN HALF
NEVER
DK, NA
IF OTHERS LIVE IN HOUSEHOLD
08a. Who mostly decides what television programs are watched
in your home? (LET RESPONDENT ANSWER WITHOUT
PROMPTING.)
1. RESPONDENT IF MALE
1 2. RESPONDENT IF FEMALE
‘ 3. HUSBAND/BOYFRIEND
4. WIFE/GIRLFRIEND
5. KIDS
6. GRANDMOTHER
7. GRANDFATHER
8. OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

225

 

 

5F RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN

C8b. Do you limit the amount of time your kids can watch
television?

'———-.

I I 1. YES:
__4 : C8b1. What are these time limits?___ I .

 

 

 

 

2. NO

C8d. Do you limit the kinds of television programs your children
watch?

 

I
I
I
I 1. ms—

 

I
I
|
I
I
C8c. Why or.why not? i
I
I
I
I
I

I ’ C8d1. What kinds of shows do you not let
them watch?

 

 

 

j C8d2. Why?

 

 

 

 

2. NO..—

I

Toads. Why not?

 

 

 

 

I
9. DK, NA

 

C8e. Do you have any other household rules regarding television
viewing?

 

 

 

1. YES
_I

 

 

IC8e1. What are these rules?

I
I
l

2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

226

C9. Think back to when you had just one channel, the RATNET. Do you m watch
more, less, or about the same amount of TV with cable?

1. MORE

2 ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

ClO. Again think back to when you had just one channel, the RATNET. Do your kids
now watch more, less, or about the same amount of TV with cable?

1. MORE

2 ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

011. In what ways do you think cable is different from RATNET?

 

 

 

 

C12. If you had to pay $10 a month for RATNET, would you be willing to do that?

 

F’j. 1. YES
I \ C12a. Why?

I
I

 

 

 

 

 

2.NO

 

\I C12b. Why?

I
L

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

013. Now that you have cable, how important is RATNET to you? Is it very impor-
tant, important, somewhat important, or not important at all? (PROMPT:
REPEAT CHOICES OR SHOW CARD.)

1. VERY IMPORTANT

2. IMPORTANT

3. SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT
4

9

 

 

 

 

. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL
. DK, NA

 

 

C13a. Why?

 

 

 

 

 

 

227

014. What kinds of changes do you think you will see in Ambler, now that it has cable
TV?

 

 

 

 

 

C15. Are you Inupiat, other Alaska Native, white, or other?

7 01. INUPIAT
I 02. WHITE
03. ALEUT
04. TLINGIT OR HAIDA
05. ATHABASCAN
06. YUPIK
07. BLACK
08. HISPANIC
09. ASIAN OR PACIFIC ISLANDS
10. OTHER. SPECIFY
99. NA

 

 

 

Ambler has had television for about 10 years.

C16. Thinking about the amount of time you spend hunting, fishing, berry picking and
gathering other food, do you spend about the same amount of time, more, or less
now than before you had TV?

' I 1. MORE TIME
__L' 2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

Cl7. Thinking about how children learn traditional Eskimo ways, do they spend about
the same amount of time, more or less time learning them now than they did
before television?

 

1. MORE TIME

2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

228

C18. Do you visit your friends and relatives about the same amount of time, more or
less now than before you had TV?

I 1. MORE TIME
‘____. 2. ABOUT THE SAME

 

 

3. LESS TIME
9. DK, NA
019. Do you go to community gatherings about the same amount of time, more or less
now than before you had TV?

i 1. MORE TIME

i__. 2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME
9. DK, NA

CZO. Do you do traditional Eskimo handicrafts (“hobbies” FOR NON-NATIVES) about
the same amount of time, more or less now than before you had TV?

! g 1. MORE TIME

L__. 2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME
9. DK, NA

C21. What was your combined household income for last year? (from all sources?)

 

 

Thank you very much!

639.. 00 gov» have 0» VCJQI

\, yes
ANO
q. DK,NA

(.3301. ‘15 I155. Show hW’ "‘0” hairs did Homwa’rch V62
tapes during The \asi we 3’

D 9.0K, NA

Hooks.

229

 

ADULT SURVEY/ Post-Cable Ambler
“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER: ID NUMBER:
RECORD OF CONTACT ATTEMPTS: STUDY ID NUMBER: _
DATE TIME COMMENTS

FIRST A'I'I‘EMPT

SECOND A'I'I‘EMPT

THIRD A'I'I‘EMPT

RESPONDENT’S NAME: SEX:

DATE: TELEPHONE NUMBER:
INTERVIEW START TIME: —— FINISH TIME:

TOTAL MINUTES:

DEGREE OF PRIVACY: Location of TV in room:

Is VCR in room?

I] Done only with interviewee. Was TV on during interview?

I] Done with interviewer, interviewee and helper.

U Done with others present. Specify:

 

 

OVERALL QUALITY OF INTERVIEW: 1 2 3 4 5
' Poor Excellent

COMMENTS:

CODER: CODE DATE:

 

 

REVIEWER: DATA ENTRY DATE:

 

 

230

 

Pre-Interview Questions
About Household

. How many male adults live in this household? (PROMPT: Age 18 and older.)

 

 

 

 

Male adults

1a. What are their ages?

 

. How many female adults live in this household?

 

 

 

 

Female adults

2a. What are their ages?

 

. How many male children live in this household?

 

 

 

 

Male children

3a. What are their ages?

 

. How many female children live in this household?

 

 

 

 

Female children

4a. What are their ages?

 

. Of the adults who livehere, whose birthday is closest to today?

 

That is the person I would like to interview. (INTERVIEWER, PLEASE NOTE
CATEGORY FOR R.)

231

 

 

ADULT SURVEY: Post-Cable Ambler
“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER ID INTERVIEW N 0.
STUDY N O. _—
INTRODUCTION

The Center for Information Technology, University of Alaska Anchor-
age, is studying the role of television in rural Alaska. We want to find out how
important cable television and RATNET are to viewers. To do this, we’re con-
ducting a series of interviews in several Northwest Alaska villages. Your an-
swers will be kept confidential and will only be used in combination with those
of other rural Alaskans. We won’t be using any names in presenting the survey

findings.

We appreciate your help with our survey. You can choose not to take
part at all, or not answer some of the questions. But all your answers are im.
portant to the success of the study.

Do you have any questions before we begin?

SECTION A
TECHNOLOGY

First, I’d like to ask you some questions about the kinds of technology you use.

A1. Many changes have come to Alaska villages in the last few years. Which one do
you think has had the greatest effect on your way of life? (SHOW CARD A1-3.
PROMPT: Please select the one that has had the moat effect.)

 

 

 

 

01.
02.
03.
O4.
05.
06.
O7.
08.
09.
10.
ll.
12.

AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES

BOATS

CB RADIOS

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS

WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS

ELECTRICITY
TELEPHONE
TELEVISION
COMPUTERS
OTHER. SPECIFY

232

 

 

A2. Which change do you think has had the second greatest effect on your way of life?
(SHOW CARD. PROMPT: Please select the one that has had the W effect.)

-..-__.._. 01.
02.
03.
04.
05.
06.
07.

- ' 08.
09.
10.
1 1.
12.

 

AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES '
BOATS

CB RADIOS ' '

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS
WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS

ELECTRICITY

TELEPHONE

TELEVISION

COMPUTERS

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

A3. Which one do you think has had the third greatest effect On your way of life? (SHOW

CARD. PROMPT:

 

 

 

 

01.
02.
03.
04.
05.
06.
07.
O8.
09.
10.
ll.
12.

Please select the one that has had thefln’rdmt effect.)

AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES

BOATS

CB RADIOS

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS
WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS

ELECTRICITY

TELEPHONE

TELEVISION

COMPUTERS

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

233

Section B
CABLE and RATNET VIEWING

Now I'd like to ask some questions specifically about cable television.

3 1. (ll cable is available at R's home): Why did you decide not to get cable?

 

 

 

32. (ll cable is not available at R's home): Would you connect to cable if it
was available in this part of town?

YES
____NO

 

32a. Why or Why not?

 

 

 

83. What kinds of changes do you think you will see in Ambler, now that it
has cable TV?

 

 

 

 

234

SECTION C
AMOUNT 01' TV VIEWING

Now I'd like to ask you some questions about how much RATNET and cable
television you watm. It may be helpful to think of how much you watch
television at different times of the day.

C 1. How many hours did you watch RATNET yesterday? (‘last Friday' 11'
INTERVIEW ON MONDAY. IF R HAS DIFFICULTY, REFER TO TV- SCHEDULE.)

99.1mm.

HOURS

CZ. How many hours did you watch RATNET Saturday?

C3. How many hours did you watch RATNET Sunday?

- 99. DE, NA

C4. How often do you go to friends' or relatives' homes in Ambler to watch
cable? Would you say you go almost every day, two to three times a week,
once a week, less than once a week, or never? (CARD)

5. ALMOST EVERY DAY

4. TWO T0 THREE TIMES A WEEK
3. ONCE A W-

2. LESS THAN ONCE A WEEK

I. NEVER

9. DK, NA

235

C5. (If R visits others' homes to watch cable): Now many hours did you watch
cable channels yesterday? ('last Friday“ IF INTERVIEW TAKES PLACE ON
MONDAY.) (PROMPT: Not me statewhlde channel.)

99.11:, NA
HOURS

C6. (If R visits others' homes to watch cable): How many hours did you watch
cablechannels Saturday“ - ,= , .-_ ._ , .

   

U 99. DE, NA

HOURS

C7. (If R visits others' homes to Watch cable): How many hours did you watch
cable channels yesterday? (“last Friday' IF INTERVIEW TAKES PLACE ON
MONDAY.) (PROMPT: Not the statewhlde channel.)

 

C6. Do you have a VCR (video cassette recorder)?
\\.¥(.a-5 Elmo qmbKKfll

Cea. 11' YES, about how may hours did you watch VCR tapes during the
last week?

99. or, NA

HOURS

236

section a
sour FINAL ouamoas

Ambler has had television for about 14 years.

01. Thinking about the amount of time you spend hunting, fishing, berry picking and
gathering other food, do you spend about the same amount of time, more, or less
now than before you had TV?

 

1. MORE TIME

2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

D2. Thinking about how children learn traditional Eskimo ways, do they spend about
the same amount of time, more or less time learning them now than they did
before television?

 

1. MORE TIME

2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

93 Do you visit your friends and relatives about the same amount of time, more or
less now than before you had TV?

 

1. MORE TIME .
2. ABOUT THE SAME

3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

237

04. Do you go to community gatherings abOut the same amount of time, more or less
now than before you had TV?

 

 

 

 

1. MORE TIME
2. ABOUT THE SAME

3. LESS TIME
9. DK, NA

05. Do you do traditional Eskimo handicrafts (“hobbies” FOR NON-NATIVES) about
the same amount of time, more or less now than before you had TV?

 

 

 

 

1. MORE TIME
2. ABOUT THE SAME

3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

D6. What was your combined household income for last year from all

sources?

 

D7. Are you Inupiat, other Alaska Native, white, or other?

 

 

 

 

0 1.
02.
03.
04.
O5.
06.
O7.
08.
09.
10.
99.

INUPIAT

WHITE

ALEUT

TLINGIT OR HAIDA

ATHABASCAN

YUPIK

BLACK

HISPANIC

ASIAN OR PACIFIC ISLANDS . -

OTHER. SPECIFY _.___.....__.. _.-.

NA man roe vur MUCIII
TAIKUUI

 

 

 

238

 

 

ADULT SURVEY/ Noorvik

“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER: ID NUMBER:
RECORD OF CONTACT ATTEMPTS: STUDY ID NUMBER: _
DATE TIME COMMENTS
FIRST ATTEMPT
SECOND ATTEMPT
THIRD ATTEMPT
RESPONDENT’S NAME: SEX:
DATE: TELEPHONE NUMBER:
INTERVIEW START TIME: FINISH TIME:
TOTAL MINUTES:
DEGREE OF PRIVACY: Location of TV in room:

[I Done only with interviewee.

 

Is VCR in room?
Was TV on during interview?

[I Done with interviewer, interviewee and helper.

D Done with others present. Specify:

 

 

OVERALL QUALITY OF INTERVIEW: 1

COMMENTS:

CODER:

 

REVIEWER:

 

Poor

239

2 3 4 5
Excellent

CODE DATE:

 

DATA ENTRY DATE:

 

 

Pre-Interview Questions
About Household

. How many male adults live in this household? (PROMPT: Age 18 and older.)

——I

___1

Male adults

 

1a. What are their ages? _

 

. How many female adults live in this household?

 

 

 

 

Female adults

2a. What are their ages?

 

. How many male children live in this household?

I 3

Male children

 

 

3a. What are their ages?

 

. How many female children live in this household?

 

 

 

 

Female children

4a. What are their ages?

 

. Of the adults who live here, whose birthday is closest to today?

 

That is the person I would like to interview. (INTERVIEWER, PLEASE NOTE
CATEGORY FOR R.)

240

 

 

ADULT SURVEY: Noorvik

“The Role of Television in Rural Alaska”

UAA Center for Information Technology

 

 

1991
INTERVIEWER ID INTERVIEW N 0.
STUDY NO. __
INTRODUCTION

The Center for Information Technology, University of Alaska Anchor-
age, is studying the role of television in rural Alaska. We want to find out how
important cable television and RATNET are to viewers. To do this, we’re con-
ducting a series of interviews in several Northwest Alaska villages. Your an-
swers will be kept confidential and will only be used in combination with those
of other rural Alaskans. We won’t be using any names in presenting the survey

findings.

We appreciate your'help with our survey. You can choose not to take
part at all, or not answer some of the questions. But all your answers are im-
portant to the success of the study.

Do you have any questions before we begin?

SECTION A
TECHNOLOGY

First, I’d like to ask you some questions about the kinds of technology you use.

A1. Many changes have come to Alaska villages in the last few years. Which one do
you think has had the greatest effect on your way of life? (SHOW CARD A1-3.
PROMPT: Please select the one that has had the most effect.)

 

 

 

 

01.
02.
03.
04.
05.
06.
07.
08.
O9.
10.
11.
12.

AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
SNOWMOBILES

BOATS

CB RADIOS

OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS
WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS

ELECTRICITY

TELEPHONE

TELEVISION

COMPUTERS

OTHER. SPECIFY

 

241

 

A2. Which change do you think has had the second greatest effect on your way of life?
(SHOW CARD. PROMPT: Please select the one that has had the W effect.)

5 '—: 01. AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
I I 02. FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
03. SNOWMOBILES
04. BOATS
05. CB RADIOS -

06. OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS
07. WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS

O8. ELECTRICITY

O9. TELEPHONE

10. TELEVISION

11. COMPUTERS

12. OTHER. SPECIFY

 

A3. Which one do you think has had the third greatest effect on your way of life? (SHOVI
CARD. PROMPT: Please select the one that has had them effect.)

I ; 01. AIRPLANES 98. DON’T KNOW
I ' 02. FOUR-WHEELERS 99. NO ANSWER
O3. SNOWMOBILES
O4. BOATS
05. CB RADIOS

O6. OIL, PROPANE, GAS HEATING SYSTEMS
07. WATER AND SEWER SYSTEMS

O8. ELECTRICITY

O9. TELEPHONE

10. TELEVISION

11. COMPUTERS

12. OTHER. SPECIFY

 

A4. How many workng TV sets do you have in your home?

 

 

 

 

 

 

j 9. DON’T KNOW, NO ANSWER
SETS
A5. Can you remember a time when you didn’t have TV?
1. YES -—I A5a. How do you think your life was different before you had
2. N O I television?

 

 

9. DK, NA 2

 

 

 

I

 

I

 

 

 

242

A6. Do you have a video cassette recorder?

1. YES—fiIABa. About how many hours did you watch VCR tapesI

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO I during the last week?
9. DK, NA 3 ' 99. DK, NA
: I
I HOURS
A7. Do you have a camcorder?
I I 1. YES
——~ 2. NO
9. DK, NA

A8. About how many hours did you listen to radio yesterday?

' I 99. DK, NA

._—_J

HOURS

A9. Have you ever used a computer?

I I 1. YES

I i 2. NO .
9. DK, NA 6

IA9a. Do you have a computer in your home?

 

 

I

 

" ""7. 1 YES——I
. I__I 2 NO I
9 DK, NA I

I Do you use the computer for
A9a1. Playing games?

a i
I I I "" 1.YES
' I

 

. 2. N O
A9a2. Doing school work?

;—— 1.YES
I 2.NO

 

 

A9a3. Word processing?

' I 1. YES
I 2. NO

 

 

 

A9a4. Doing work for an employer?

1 $323?
3

 

 

 

24

I A9a5. Spreadsheets/personal bookkeeping?

I
I
I I I 1. YES
I L__i 2. NO
I
I

A9a6. Writing computer programs?

T_I 1. YES
,____I

2. NO

 

 

A9a7. Electronic mail?

1. YES
2. NO

 

II

 

A9as. Other uses? Please specify

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. YES
: V 2. NO

A10. Have you ever used a fax machine?

; I 1. YES

I__J 2. NO

9. DK, NA
All. About how many long-distance phone calls did you make in the last two weeks?
I 98. NO PHONE

I 99. NOT ASCERTAINED
CALLS

A12. How often do you read a newspaper? Would you say you read one never, less than
once a week, 2 to 3 times a week, or almost every day? (SHOW CARD)

NEVER

LESS THAN ONCE A WEEK
ONCE A WEEK

2 TO 3 TIMES A WEEK
ALMOST EVERY DAY

DK, NA

UNLESS R SAYS “NEVER”

A12a. Which newspapers do you read most often?

 

 

 

 

SDP‘PPF’I"

 

 

I

 

(IF R SAYS “THE TIMES” ASK: Is that the Tundra Times or the
Anchorage Times? IF R SAYS “TUNDRA,” ASK: Is that the Tundra
Times or the Tundra Drums?)

 

 

244

 

Here’s a list of various places we can find information. ( SHOW CARD A13-14.
It may be helpful to refer to the card as I ask you the next two questions.)

A13. Where would you say you get most of your information about national and

international news events?

 

1. FRIENDS
2. FAMILY
3. BOOKS
4. RADIO

 

 

 

NEWSPAPERS
TELEVISION
NEWSLETTERS
OTHER, SPECIFY

 

99:49)?"

DK, NA

A14. Which one do you use for most of your news about Alaska?

 

1. FRIENDS
2. FAMILY
3. BOOKS
4. RADIO

 

 

 

5. NEWSPAPERS

6. TELEVISION

7. NEWSLETTERS
8. OTHER, SPECIFY

 

'9. DK, NA

Considering radio, magazines, newspapers, books, and television, which one ( SHOW

CARD A15-19)
A15. Do you use most often?

I I 1. RADIO
' l 2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

A16. Is most enjoyable?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

 

A17. Is most educational?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

 

A18. Is least important to you?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

 

A19. Is most important to you?

1. RADIO
2. TV
3. MAGAZINES

 

 

 

 

4. NEWSPAPERS
5. BOOKS
9. DK, NA

. NEWSPAPERS
. BOOKS
. DK, NA

{DOlé

. NEWSPAPERS
BOOKS
. DK, NA

cosh».

. NEWSPAPERS
BOOKS
. DK, NA

top“;

4. NEWSPAPERS
5. BOOKS
9. DK, NA

245

A20. To fill your free time, what do you do most often? (LET RESPONDENT ANSWER
WITHOUT PROMPTING.)

READ

GO TO COMMUNITY, CHURCH OR SCHOOL ACTIVITIES
LISTEN TO RADIO

WATCH TELEVISION

DO ARTS OR CRAFTS

HOBBIES

GO HUNTING, FISHING OR TRAPPING

PLAY SPORTS
OTHER, SPECIFY
DK, NA

—

 

v

I___.

 

999°35’39"!“pr

SECTION B
CABLE TELEVISION

Now I’d like to ask you some questions specifically about cable television.

B1. Do you have cable television?

5 I 1. YES
.___. 2. NO —; smp TO QUESTION B10 ON PAGE 9;

 

 

B2. What were your reasons for getting cable?

 

 

 

B3. When did you first connect to cable?

 

B4. Which channel do you watch most ofien? (SHOW CARD B4. PROMPT: Please
list the channel you watch more than any other.)

01. CNN (ALL NEWS)
02. ESPN (ALL SPORTS)

 

O4. DISCOVERY (SCIENCE AND NATURE SHOWS)
05. TNT (MOVIES, NBA, AND OTHER SPORTS)

06. HBO (CURRENT MOVIES)

07. THE FAMILY CHANNEL

09. WTBS (TV STATION FROM ATLANTA)

10. RATNET (THE RURAL ALASKA TELEVISION NETWORK)
11. THE MOVIE CHANNEL

98. DK

99. NA

246

B5. Is cable all you expected it to be?

 

 

 

1. YES— B5a. In what ways?

I

 

 

 

 

 

 

2. NO'--—jI B5b. Why not?
I

 

 

 

 

9. DK, NA

B6. Noorvik cable service is $50.00 each month. Do you think this is very high, high,
low, very low or about the right amount for the service you now receive? (CARD)

VERY HIGH
HIGH

ABOUT RIGHT
LOW

VERY LOW
DK, NA

 

[I

599”!“9’9"?

B7. Have you had to make any changes in your household budget in order to be able to
make cable TV payments each month?

 

"—fi

I 1. YES——-: B7a. What changes have you made?

.—

--_I

 

 

 

2. NO
9. DK, NA

- B8. Would you like to have more cable channels available?

(_—

1 1. YES—:
L__, 2. NO ‘
9. DK, NA I

 

 

I B8a. Which ones?

 

B8b. How much more would you be willing to pay per month
for more channels? Would you pay nothing, $10 more
a month, $20 more a month, $30 more a month, $50 a
month, or more than that for additional channels?

”__I NOTHING (CARD B8b)
$10 MORE/MONTH

$20 MORE/MONTH

$30 MORE/MONTH

$50 MORE/MONTH

MORE

DK, NA

 

 

I
__I

 

$995999???

 

247

B9. Have you ever cut off your cable subscription for a period of time?

 

 

1. YES B9a. Why did you cut it ofi‘?

 

 

 

 

 

r
I
I
I
l
I
I

 

 

2. NO
9. DK, NA

(SKIP TO SECTION C. REMAINING QUESTIONS IN SECTION B ARE FOR NON-
CABLE HOUSEHOLDS ONLY.)

B10. Why do you not have cable?

 

 

B11. Have you had cable in the past?

 

1. YES —-——: Blla. What were your reasons for getting cable then? I

 

LI

 

I
I
I
I

 

 

2. NO
9. DK, NA

B12. How often do you go to friends’ or relatives’ homes in N oorvik to watch cable?
Would you say you go almost every day, two to three times a week, once a week, less
than once a week, or never? (CARD A12, B11)

r—*
L_I

ALMOST EVERY DAY

TWO TO THREE TIMES A WEEK
ONCE A WEEK

LESS THAN ONCE A WEEK
NEVER

DK, NA

 

PEPPERS"

248

SECTION C
FAMILY VIEWING

Now I’d like to ask you some questions about family TV viewing.

 

IF OTHERS LIVE IN HOUSEHOLD

Cla. Who mostly decides what television programs are watched
' in your home? (LET RESPONDENT ANSWER WITHOUT
PROMPTING.)

 

RESPONDENT IF MALE
RESPONDENT IF FEMALE
HUSBAND/BOYFRIEND
WIFE/GIRLFRIEND

KIDS

GRANDMOTHER
GRANDFATHER

OTHER. SPECIFY

IF RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN
C1b. Do you limit the amount of time your kids can watch

 

 

 

@SQP‘PP’N!‘

 

 

 

 

 

 

television?
' I 1. YES——r——q
,_J 1 Clb1. What are these time limits?—
I
I
2. NO '

Clc. Why or why not?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

249

 

Cld. Do you limit the kinda of television programs your children
watch?

 

I

: 1. YES _—
: I I I
I C1d1. What kinds of shows do you not let
i them watch?

 

 

 

 

L

 

I IC1d2. Why?

 

 

 

 

L

 

I 2. NO_I

I C1d3. Why not?

 

 

I
I

I
9. DK, NA

 

C1e. Do you have any other household rules regarding television
viewing?

 

I I 1. YES—I

I I i

 

 

I Clel. What are these rules?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I 2. NO
: 9. DK, NA

 

 

 

Now I’d like to ask some questions about how much RATNET and cable television you
watch. It may be helpful to think of how much television you watch at difl'erent times
of day.

C2. How many hours did you watch RATNET yesterday? (“last Friday” IF INTER-
VIEW ON MONDAY. IF R HAS DIFFICULTY, REFER TO TV SCHEDULE.)

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS

250

C3. How many hours did you watch RATNET Saturday?
99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

HOURS
C4. How many hours did you watch RATNET Sunday?

I 99. DK, NA

HOURS

C5. How many hours did you watch cable channels yesterday? ( “last Friday” IF
INTERVIEW TAKES PLACE ON MONDAY.) (PROMPT: Not the statewide
channel.)

I I 99. DK, NA >

I

HOURS

 

 

C6. How many hours did you watch cable Saturday?

I I 99. DK, NA

~—

HOURS

 

C7 . How many hours did you watch cable channels on Sunday?

I 99. DK, NA

1

L..——

HOURS

 

C8. How often would you say that you do something else at the same time you watch
TV? Would you say that you do something else always, more than halfthe
time, about half the time, less than half the time, or never? (PROMPT: For
example, making baskets, fixing something. CARD 08.)

I I ALWAYS

I MORE THAN HALF THE TIME
ABOUT HALF

LESS THAN HALF

NEVER

DK, NA

 

SDR‘F‘P’NE"

C9. Think back to when you had just one channel, the RATNET. Do you may watch
more, less, or about the same amount of TV with cable? (CARD CQ-D8.)

—I_ 1. MORE
I 2 ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS
9. DK, NA

 

251

C10. Again think back to when you had just one channel, the RATNET. Do your kids
now watch more, less, or about the same amount of TV with cable?

I 1. MORE

Lg. 2 ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS
9. DK, NA

 

C11. Do you think kids watch too much television?

 

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

012. Do you think most adults watch too much television?

 

 

 

 

1. YES
2. NO -
9. DK, NA
SECTION D
RATNET CONTENT

Now I want to ask you some questions about the kinds of programs you see on
RATNET.

D1. About how many family shows do you think RATNET should have? Do
you think it should have what it has now, Should it have more, or should it
have less? (PROMPT: For example, “The Cosby Show.” CARD D1-D8.)

 

 

' 1. MORE

I___I 2. WHATITHASNOW
3. LESS
9. DK, NA

D2. About how much sports Should RATNET have? (PROMPT: About what it has
now, more, or less?)

1. MORE

I 2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3. LESS
9. DK, NA

 

D3. About how much Alaska news should RATNET have?

1. MORE

2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

252

D4. About how much news about state government should RATNET have?

 

1. MORE

2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

D5. How many shows about rural Alaska should RATNET have?

 

F 1. MORE

I 2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3. LESS
9. DK, NA

D6. How many shows about Alaska Natives and Native events?

1. MORE

2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3. LESS

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

D7. How many cartoons should RATNET have?

"— 1. MORE

I 2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3.LESS

9. DK, NA

 

D8. And how many educational programs for young people and adults? For example,
programs like “Sesame Street,” “Mr. Rogers’ Neighborhood” or “NOVA.”

 

l I 1. MORE

2. WHAT IT HAS NOW
3. LESS

9. DK, NA

D9. How important to you are the RATNET weather reports? (SHOW CARD D9-10,
D16. PROMPT: Very important, important, somewhat important, not important
at all.)

 

h————m

 

1. VERY IMPORTANT

2. IMPORTANT

3. SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT
4. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

253

D10. How important to you is the Statewide News? (CARD D9- 10, D16)

F

;—_I.

 

©0118me

. VERY IMPORTANT

. IMPORTANT

. SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT
. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL
. DK, NA

D11. The number of beer commercials on RATNET, do you think that is a problem?
I ‘ 1. YES, A PROBLEM
I

 

2, NO, NOT A-PROBLEM

3. DK, NA

D12. The amount of violence on TV, do you think that is a problem?

 

 

 

 

1. YES, A PROBLEM (PROMPT: Both RATNET and
2, NO, NOT A PROBLEM cable, not VCR tapes.)
3. DK, NA

D13. If you had to choose between cable and RATNET, which would you choose?

'——.

I 1. CABLE
.__I 2. RATNET
9. DK, NA

 

D14. If you had only cable, and not RATNET, do you think you’d be missing anything?

P‘_——'

 

2. NO
9. DK

I
I
I

 

,NA

1. YES—e

D14a. What kinds of shows do you think you’d be missing on TV if
you had cable and not RATNET? (REPEAT QUESTION IF
NECESSARY. PROVIDE NO OTHER PROMPT. CHECK
ALL RESPONSES R GIVES.)

_ ALASKA WEATHER

__ ALASKA NEWS

—— PUBLIC BROADCASTING PROGRAMS
—— PROGRAMS ABOUT ALASKA NATIVES
—— PROGRAMS ABOUT RURAL ALASKA
—— ALCOHOL DISCLAIMER

—— IDITAROD SLED-DOG RACE

_— ALASKA BASKETBALL COVERAGE
_ AFN CONVENTION COVERAGE

__ EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS

—— NOTHING

__ OTHER. SPECIFY

 

 

 

254

 

D15. If you had to pay $10 a month for RATNET, would you be willing to do that?

——I 1. YES \

——.—J

 

 

D15a. Why?

 

 

 

 

 

2

 

 

. NO
\I D15b. Why?
I

I
I

 

 

 

 

9. DK, NA

D16. There’s been some talk in recent years about the possibility of taking RATNET
off the air. How important is RATNET to you? IS it very important, important,
somewhat important, or not important at all? (PROMPT: REPEAT CHOICES
OR SHOW CARD D9-D10, D16.)

. VERY IMPORTANT

. IMPORTANT

. SONIEWHAT IMPORTANT
. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL
. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

(015me

SECTION E
DEMOGRAPHICS

Now I’d like to ask you some questions about yourself.
E1. What is your age?
99. NA

 

 

 

 

YEARS

E2. How long have you lived in Noorvik? (IF R SAYS “ALL MY LIFE,” WRITE AGE
IN BOX)

 

99. NA

 

 

 

YEARS

255

E3. Have you ever lived anywhere else?

 

 

 

 

I I 1. YES\I
I.__1 i E3a. Where?
I
2. NO
9. NA

E4. How many years of school have you completed?

99. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

YEARS

E5. To earn money, what do you and the people who live in your home do?

Interviewee

 

Others in home

 

 

E. 5a. What was your combined household income for last year? (from all
sources?)

 

E6. Have you visited other Alaska towns or villages in the past year?

 

' I 1. YES I
I \I E6a. Where?

h—-————l

 

 

IF TRAVEL TO ANCHORAGE, FAIRBANKS, JUNEAU:
E6b. How often do you go there?

 

 

 

2. NO
9. NA
E7. Have you travelled outside Alaska within the last year?

 

 

1. YES\

 

 

E7a. Where?

 

 

 

E7b. How often do you go there?

 

 

 

 

2. NO
9. NA

E8. If you could live anywhere, including Noorvik, where would you like to live?

 

1. NOORVIK
2. ELSEWHERE IN ALASKA. SPECIFY
3. OUTSIDE ALASKA. SPECIFY

 

 

 

 

 

E8a. Why?

 

 

256

E9. Are you Inupiat, other Alaska Native, white or other?

01. INUPIAT

02. WHITE

03. ALEUT

O4. TLINGIT OR HAIDA
O5. ATHABASCAN

06. YUPIK

07. BLACK

08. HISPANIC

O9. ASIAN OR PACIFIC ISLANDS
10. OTHER. SPECIFY
99. NA

 

 

 

 

SECTION F
SOME FINAL QUESTIONS

I have just a few more questions about television.

F1. Ifyou were making a TV program to be shown in Alaska villages, what do you
think it should be about?

 

 

F2. How do you think television has changed life in Noorvik?

 

 

 

 

F3. Does what you see on TV make you want to get out of Noorvik and experience
somewhere else?

 

 

 

 

F4. Does what you see on TV make you glad that you live in Noorvik?

 

 

F5. Do you learn things from TV?

 

1. YES
2. NO
9. DK, NA

 

 

 

 

 

 

F5a. What kinds of things do you learn?

 

 

 

 

 

 

257

 

IF RESPONDENT HAS CHILDREN

F6. Do your children learn anything from TV?

I_I 1. YES—i

L———I 2. NO I
9.. DK, NA I

 

 

F6a. What kinds of things?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Noorvik has had television for about 10 years.

F7. Thinking about the amount of time you spend hunting, fishing, berry picking and
gathering other food, do you spend about the same amount of time, more, or less
now than before you had TV?

 

1. MORE TIME

2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

F8. Thinking about how children learn traditional Eskimo ways, do they spend about
the same amount of time, more or less time learning them now than they did
before television?

 

1. MORE TIME

2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

F9. Do you visit your friends and relatives about the same amount of time, more or
less now than before you had TV?

 

1. MORE TIME

2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

 

 

258

F10. Do you go to community gatherings about the same amount of time, more or less
now than before you had ‘I'V?

F‘_' 1. MORE TIME

‘ I 2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LESS TIME

9. DK, NA

 

F11. Do you do traditional Eskimo handicrafis (“hobbies” FOR NON-NATIVES) about
the same amount of time, more or less now than before you had TV?

I 1. MORE TIME
,L_J' 2. ABOUT THE SAME
3. LEss TIME

9. DK, NA

 

Thank you very much!

259

E10. What languages do you speak?
""“ ENGLISH

. ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ

INUPIAQ ONLY

OTHER? SPECIFY

bUNH

 

IF PERSON SPEAKS ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ, OR OTHER LANGUAGE:

E11. What language do you mostly speak at home?

r"'*' 1. ENGLISH
ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ

2.
3. INUPIAQ ONLY
4. OTHER

 

E12. What language do you mostly speak with your friends?

. ENGLISH

ENGLISH AND INUPIAQ
INUPIAQ

OTHER

a
I

bump—-

E13. Do you read the Inupiaq langauge?

1. YES

r._——
___4 2. NO

 

E13. How important is it that your children be able to speak the
Eskimo language? (CARD)

VERY IMPORTANT
IMPORTANT

SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT

. NOT IMPORTANT AT ALL

LI

#wNH

 

260

APPENDIX C:

RATNET SCHEDULE
NOVEMBER 1991

 

RATNET DAYTIME SCHEDULE

 

(DAYTIME - MONDAY THRU FRIDAY)

 

5:30 Am
630%
7:9@
QIOO
10300
10:36
illOO
12:30
1:Q@ PM
2:08
3:00
3:3@
4:@0

4:3a

520%

5:30
E:@O

THIS MORNINS'S BUSINESS
ABC WORLD NEHS THIS MORNING
GOOD MORNINB AMERICA
CARTOONS

FAMILY FEUD

CLASSIC CONCENTRATION
SESAME STREET

ALL MY CHILDREN

THE PRICE IS RIGHT

GENERAL HOSPITAL

MR. ROGERS

GOVERNOR'S NINDOH
MON.TUE.THURS.FRI

(TINY TOON ADVENTURES}

NED - THE ALASKA REPORT
MON - PETER PAN & THE PIRATES
TUE - READING RAINBOW

NED - MERRIE MEDOLIES

THU - ONL-TV

FRI - NEWTON‘S ADPLE

3-2-1 CONTACT

NBC NEUS

STATEWIDE NEWS (KIND/CH 13)

261

 

g

 

SUNOAN 11/17

 

6:00 AM
0:30
0:00
0:30
9:00
3:00 PM
3:30
4:00
4:30
3:30
0:00
6:30
7:00
0:00
3:00

11:00
11:30
12:30 Al
1:00

NUSTsts NORLD

SUNDAY TODAY

NRTT TH: paras

NFL TOOAT

NTL FOOTBALL (DOUBLBHBADZB)
CARTOON

RAIN COUNTRY

ALASKA NONE AND OARDzN
AUSTIN CTTT LINITB
NATIONAL NTNS

CHANNEL 2_was

ALASKA vTTERAns OROATR
:0 NINUTRS -
NURDNR. sun NROTO

Gas NTNT-SERTNS: TN A CNTLD'S
NAME (1 or 2)

NLRSH‘N aLOOD

CONTC STRIP Lrvn
NARRIED NTTR CRILORRN
BEST or PEOPLE'S COURT

 

HONOR! 11/18

 

7:00 Pl

10:00
10:30
11:00
11:30

NTL TOOTNALL
(DUTRALO vs MIAMI)
THE ROYAL TANTL!

 

TUESDAY 11/19

 

 

 

4:00 PM CBS SCHOOLERIAK SPECIAL
. (DEDICATED TO Tl: ON! 1 LOVI)

7:00 STIR 3: STEP

7:30 OROONLTN NRIDCN

0:00 CNS NINT-SERIND: IN A COTLD's
NANR (z or 2)

10:00 UNSOLVCD MYSTIIIBB

11:00 CNANNEL 2 Nan:

11:30 ARC NIGHTLINN

12:00 I'LL PL! ANA!

1:00 An ANERICAN DTTOCTIVB

NEONOSDA: 11/20

7:00 EN fOLL nous:

7:30 AMERICA'S FUNNIEST HON! VIDEOS

0:00 CHEERS

0:30 ORONING RAIN:

9:00 OUANTUN LEAR

10:00 L. A. LAW

11:00 CHANNEL 2 NENS

11:30 mews NOST NANTND

13:30 AN SISTNRs

 

262

Mae‘s: gem-m.1°:.:°::::u

 

 

 

THURSDAY 11/21

 

7:00 P!
7:30
0:00
3:30
9:00
10:00
11:00
11:30
12:00
1:00 A!

DINOSAURS
NAJOR DAD

EMPTY NNST

NURSES

NAccvsz

TH: CAROL OURNRTT SHON
CHANNEL 2 NTNS

ABC NIGHTLINI
RONRTRONT

DEAR Joan

 

TRIDAY 11/22

 

 

 

7:00 RN Tan NONDER TEARS

7:30 Tut c080! 300!

0:00 RESCUE 911

3:00 20/20

10:00 NORTHERN EXPOSURE

11:00 COANNBL 2 NEW! .

11:30 COPS

12:30 AR RIASONAELB DOOITS

SATURDAY 11/23

0:00 An CARTOONS

0:00 ABC's COLLIOB FOOTBALL
(DOUBLsnnADIR)

3:00 In CARTOON

3:30 Ta: INFINITE VOYACB
(CRISIS 13 TH! AEIDSPIBRB)

4:30 ' DREXILL'S CLASS

5:00 rAMILY IATTERS

3:30 NATIONAL NEWS

0:00 CHANNBL 2 Nil!

6:30 STIR 123:: r a 3 I I x T
0 8 N I R A.!’I O I

7:30 mar BROWN

0:00 000 NanAnT ANNIVIIBAR!
SPECIAL

9:00 A BART! 708 RICHARD BRIO!

11:00 BOMB InPROVZHluT

11:30 SATURDAY NIGHT LIV!

1:00 Al NIGHT COURT

 

r

OCIB 8C!DOLBRIII.8PICIAL#

'DEDICATED TO THE ON! I LOVE. 18 A
NEN SCHOOLBREAK SPECIAL EPISODE
ABOUT.A TEENAGE GIRL COPING NIT!
A FORMER BOYFRIEND'S DRAIN AND IE!
SUBSBQUENT DISCOVER! TEN! I! HAD
BEEN EXPOSED TO 1103.

HITCH I! -'TUISDIY-OPI

 

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274

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