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PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL EXPLOITATION AND RESOURCE
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YoIanda Monica Sanchez

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PERCEPTIONS OF FINANCIAL EXPLOITATION AND
RESOURCE EXCHANGE WITHIN HISPANIC FAMILIES

By

Yolanda Monica Sanchez

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Family and Child Ecology

1994

ABSTRACT

PERCEPTION S OF FINANCIAL EXPLOITATION AND
RESOURCE EXCHANGE WITHIN HISPANIC FAMILIES

by

Yolanda Monica Sanchez

The purpose of this research project was to explore perceptions within the context
of Hispanic families as they relate to consideration of exchanges and resources (financial
and others), in an effort to determine how they were perceived and whether they were
perceived as exploitative by the individuals within the family.

The results of the quantitative data suggest that Hispanic families did not perceive
exchanges between individuals and within their families as having positive value. It also
appears that there is a perceived notion that there is a similarity to other Hispanic
families in terms of how they manage their finances, and a difference from non-Hispanic

The results of the qualitative data suggest that Hispanic families perceived
exchanges between individuals and within their families as having positive value, offering
a contradiction to the quantitative data. Thus, this research serves to underscore the
significance of the need for more qualitative research directed at identifying the dynamics
within Hispanic families. Due to the importance of interpersonal relationships between
Hispanic family members, an indepth interview allows for more dialogue and informa-

tion.

To Paul, my companion on a path that led us to where we need to be,

and to Leticia, the light of my life.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This study could not have been completed without the help of the following
persons who were a vital part of this process.

. Sincere gratitude is due to Dr. Lillian Phenice, Professor, academic program
advisor, and dissertation director, for her constant and continuous vital support,
encouragement, and affirmation during the entire course of my graduate study. She is
, committed to the belief that students are most familiar with what they need and her
actions have always reflected support for my efforts, while at the same time offering
insight, recommendations, and encouragement. She is also responsible for facilitating
financial support which enabled me to expedite my edueational process. For all she has
‘ done I am ever grateful. Without her, this process would have been far more difficult.

Sincere thanks is extended to my dissertation committee. Dr. Dennis Keefe, for
sharing his insight and valuable comments and srggestions; Dr. Larry Schiamberg for
support of my research topic and for his valuable comments and suggestions; Dr. Sharon
King, for understanding the significance of my topic and my commitment to the elderly,
and for her unending support and encouragement; and Dr. Francisco Villarruel, for
encouragement, support, and insight.

I thank and appreciate Paul for his support throughout bmy studies, and for
encouraging my development and growth while recognizing the ultimate outcome and yet
sharing with pride my accomplishments. To Leticia, who never doubted and always
accepted the role of a graduate student’s daughter while seldom complaining. To my
family of origin for instilling the value of edueation.

To a vital support system: Karen Veenendaal, for guiding me through difficult
hours of discussion in relation to my topic and assisting in gaining clarity; Pat Richey,
who took an 80-year-old-looking woman and helped her look 31 again by ordering the
data; Debra Dawsey, for clerical assistance and a sense of humor; and finally, Tish
Vincent who, in countless ways, was and is the ultimate support in my life.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE

LIST OF TABLES ................................... viii
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF

THE PROBLEM ............................ 1
Backgromd of the Problem ............................. 5
Theoretical Framework ............................... 7
Overview ........................................ 1 1
CHAPTER 11: REVIEW OF LITERATURE .................... 13
Social Exchanges ................................... 15
Hispanic Families ................................... 15
CHAPTER III: DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURES ............. 21
Subjects ......................................... 21
Research Design ................................... 24
Operational Definitions ............................... 25
Financial Exploitation ............................. 25
Perception .................................... 25
Elderly Individual (Elder) ........................... 26
Family ...................................... 26
Majority Culture ................................ 27
Minority ..................................... 27
Hispanic ..................................... 27
Selection and Description of Instruments ..................... 28
Demographics ..................................... 28
v Financial Management ................................ 28
Family Relationships ................................. 29
«1 Cultural Values .................................... 29
Family Contact and Proximity ........................... 3O
Q-Sort .......................................... 30
Data Analysis ..................................... 33
Research Questions .................................. 34
Hypotheses ....................................... 34
Basic Assumptions .................................. 35

CHAPTER IV: ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS ........ 38

Profile of the Participants .............................. 38
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 39
Household Composition ............................... 39
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 40
Rooms in Household ................................. 41
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 41
Financial Behaviors ................................. 42
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 42
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 43
Hypothesis 1 ................................... 47
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 49
Family Relationships ................................. 49
Hypothesis 2 ................................... 54
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 55
Cultural Values of Other Hispanic and Non-Hispanic Families ....... 55
Hypothesis 3 ................................... 58
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 59
Q—Sort .......................................... 59
Hypothesis 4 ................................... 6O
Hypothesis 5 ................................... 60
Hypothesis 6 ................................... 60
Researcher’s Comments and Reactions ................... 64
Additional Information ................................ 65
How the Respondents Answered the Statements ............. 65
Discussion of Findings of Additional Information ............... 67
CHAPTER V: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS . . . 70
Review ......................................... 70
Descriptive Conclusions ............................... 72
Limitations of Research ............................... 73
Implications for Future Research ......................... 74
Implieations for Practieal Use ........................... 76
APPENDIX A: PARTICIPANT CHARACTERISTICS ............. 78
APPENDIX B: FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT .................. 79
APPENDIX C: ASSESSING AND PREVENTING FINANCIAL
EXPLOITATION ........................... 81
APPENDIX D: FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS .................... 82
APPENDIX E: CULTURAL VALUES ....................... 84
APPENDIX F: CONTACT AND PROXIMITY .................. 86

vi

APPENDIX G: Q-SORT ................................ 89

APPENDIX H: CONSENT FORM .......................... 90
APPENDIX 1: PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHICS ................ 91
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................... 92

LIST OF TABLES

NUMBER TITLE PAGE
3.1 Sex of respondent ............................. 22
3.2 Preferred language use of respondent ................. 23
3.3 Reliability analysis on health variable ................. 31
3.4 Reliability analysis on neighbor variable ............... 32
3.5 Reliability seales on self variable ................... 32
3.6 Methods used in analysis of data ................... 37
4.1 Resident status .............................. 38
4.2 Profile of living arrangements ..................... 40
4.3 Number of rooms in household .................... 41
4.4 Elderly self-management of finances ................. 42
4.5 Others who manage an elderly person’s finances .......... 43
4.6 Managing finances for relatives .................... 44
4.7 Financial Exchanges Group 1 (23-59) ................ 45
4. 8 , Financial Exchanges Group 2 (64-93) ................ 45
4.9 Financial exchanges by age ....................... 45
4.10 Financial exchanges testing for sex of respondents ......... 46
4.11 Exchanges testing for language preference .............. 46
4.12 Visitation/contact with family ..................... 47

4.13
4.14
4.15
4.16
4.17
4.18
4.19
4.20
4.21
4.22

4.23

4.24

4.25

4.26

4.27
4.28

4.29

4.30

4.31

Visitation/contact with family per week ...............
Visitation testing for age ........................
Contact with family maintained ....................
Adult children obligation ........................
Parent obligation .............................
Adult children’s obligation to eare for parent ............
Adult children who care for their parents ..............
Obligation testing for age of respondents ..............
Obligation testing for sex of respondents ...............
Obligations testing for language of respondents ...........

Perceptions of financial management:
personal vs. non-Hispanics .......................

Perception of financial management: testing for
sex of respondents ............................

Perception of financial management: testing for language of
respondents (Hispanic vs. non-Hispanic individuals) ........

Perception of financial management: testing for age
of respondents ...............................

Rank order of variables by individual Hispanics (micro) .....
Rank order of variables for respondents’ families (meso) .....

Rank order of variables for other Hispanic families
by individual Hispanics (exo) ......................

Rank order of variables for non-Hispanic families
by individual Hispanics (macro) ....................

Summation of findings ..........................

47
48
50
50
51
51
52
53
53

54

56

56

57

57
61

62

62

63

69

CHAPTERI

INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

Changing demographics resulting in dramatic increases in the Hispanic population
and Hispanic elderly in the U.S. have served to focus attention on the needs of these
populations. The lack of empirieal studies in the area of financial exploitation and
specifically in relation to Hispanic elderly, reflects the need to conduct research that
exceeds earlier simplistic formulations of Hispanic families.

There is a need to focus on exploring perceptions within the context of Hispanic
families as they relate to consideration of exchanges and resources (financial and others).
This is important in that these efforts may assist in determining how exchanges are
perceived and whether they are perceived as exploitative by the individuals within the
family. This information is vital and may assist in identifying and understanding the
needs of Hispanic families, as well as Hispanic elderly. It is important that we begin to
gain a clearer understanding of exchanges and interactions within the context of these
families in an effort to understand the signifieant implications for service access and
service delivery.

There are now more than 27 million people aged 65 and older in the United
States. This group represents the fastest growing age group in the U.S. population.
Projections reflect that by the year 2050, individuals over the age of 65 will account for
22.9% of the population in the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1991).
Brotman (1992) reports that life expectancy at birth is expected to increase. Newborn
males in 1991 have a life expectancy of 70.7 years and newborn females are expected

to live 78.3 years. By the year 2005, the life expectancy is expected to increase an

1

2

average of 10 years. These changes necessitate that we consider the issues relevant to
this population and that we design research to gain an understanding of the problems
specific to this population.

Within the past deeade, concern for the elderly has been a result of a larger
number of people living longer, and we have witnessed increased research attention to
the problems of the elderly (Steams, 1985). One area of interest that is currently
receiving attention is the research area dealing with elder abuse. Elder abuse is not a
new phenomenon and certainly predated modernization in Western culture and may, in
fact, have been more serious in the premodem past than in recent times. The recurrent
theme of intergenerational conflict appears to have gone through three cycles in the past
several centuries. In the 17th and 18th centuries, concern about conflict with respect to
one’s elders appears to have been dominant. In the 19th and 20th centuries, despite
interest in family problems, there was less concern for elders and we began to see the
devaluation of aging.

Within the context of the study of elder abuse is the need to research the
increasing incidence of financial exploitation. Financial exploitation includes the stealing
of cash or personal belongings, the unauthorized sale or transfer of property or the
withholding of life necessities, despite adequate and available resources. Exploitation
may involve coercion or manipulation, threats, intimidation or promises of lifelong eare
and devotion (San Francisco Institute on Aging, 1987). Although it is difficult to
determine the prevalence of financial exploitation, indications are that it is the fastest

growing form of abuse against the elderly.

3

There are many complex factors involved in dealing with the phenomenon of
financial exploitation and elder abuse ranging from difficulty with definitions to difficulty
with etiology. The problems are difficult to understand. When these problems are
considered in relation to Hispanic elderly, the issues are further complicated by specific
cultural dynamics within Hispanic families. Contributing to this complexity is the
shortage of empirical studies on the Hispanic family. As noted by Ramirez and Arce
(1981), this shortage presents difficulty in determining the expected roles that individuals,
especially the elderly, play within families. Therefore much remains at the conjecture
and recitation level of old work and stereotypes with few hard facts. This problem is
further complieated by the fact that the Hispanic population is not homogeneous, but
composed of numerous Spanish-speaking ethnic groups, whose cultural origins are rich
and diverse and each group maintains distinct intergenerational and acculturation
characteristics. For the purpose of this project the term Hispanic will be used
interchangeably and will refer only to groups of people who have a Mexican or Mexican-
American heritage.

Dramatic changes in demographics reflect major changes in the composition of
the population in the United States. A major finding of the 1991 census report on the
Hispanic population in the United States indicated a large increase in this segment of the
population. As recently as 1980, Hispanics made up 6.4% of the total U.S. population.
By 1988, they had increased by 34% (five times the population growth rate in the United
States) to 8.1% of the population (19.4 million). By the year 2000, Hispanics are
projected to total 29 million (10% of the total population), and by 2020 they will be the

largest minority group (National Council of La Raza, 1992).

4
In spite of the increases in the Hispanic population, data on Hispanics have not

been routinely collected and tabulated. This results in limited information and great
speculation. Many of the data on Hispanics are incomplete, inconclusive, and often
outdated. Federal agencies have not historieally separated and analyzed data on
Hispanics, and few provide information or separate analyses of Hispanic subgroups.

In relation to Hispanic elderly, the need to separately analyze and report data on
the Hispanic elderly is vital for they are one of the fastest growing segments of the
elderly population. It is projected that the Hispanic elderly may quadruple by the year
2020 (Andrews, 1989). More significantly, the 85 and older segment of this Hispanic
group is growing at an even faster rate than that of other age eategories of the elderly in
the group as well as elderly persons in the United States in general (Gallegos, 1991).

Minority status, coupled with age, makes this group doubly disadvantaged.
Laeayo (1982) suggested a triple-jeopardy status based on the high percentage of
Hispanic persons who have an annual income less than the poverty level, are members
of a minority group, and are old. Guttman and Cuellar (1982) used the phrase "multiple
jeopardy” to describe other disadvantages, such as lack of education and poor health.
Historically, Hispanics have experienced discrimination and racism and, as a result, the
Hispanic elderly population has faced greater educational and employment barriers than
have persons from other elderly groups. These jeopardies reinforce the significance of
investigating issues related to this population in an attempt to better understand these

problems.

5
Background of the Problem

The first evidence that elderly persons were being physically abused, neglected,
and exploited appeared in the social science literature of the late 19605. It is important
to note that this attention occurred with the increased prevalence of child abuse and
domestic violence. Estimates in the United States are that about 3.2% or 2.5 million
elderly are abused annually (Schlesinger & Schlesinger, 1988). The House Subcommit-
tee on Health and Long Term Care reports that one out of every 20 older Americans may
be a victim of abuse each year (NCLR, 1990). Zborowsky (1985) points out that the
number of older people vulnerable to abuse, neglect, and exploitation has continued to
increase along with the general increase in the United States’ population aged 65 and
older.

The National Aging Resource Center on Elder Abuse (1990) reports that neglect
accounts for 32.2% of all reported eases, physieal abuse for 26.3%, and financial
exploitation for 20.0% of all reported cases of abuse. The remaining 23.8% are
classified under varied categories. However, the accuracy of the statistical reporting is
difficult to ascertain. Due to inconsistencies in reporting elder abuse, it is difficult to
know the exact incidence. There is a strong indication that statistical information on the
incidence of elder abuse is representative of the eases that are identified in a reporting
system and does not represent eases that are never reported, although suspected. There
is, however, evidence of elder abuse occurring and indications are that it is increasing
at an alarming rate. In support of the incidence of elder abuse, Pepper (1985) reported

that of all adult abuse cases investigated annually, 82 % involved elderly persons.

6
Most literature addressing elder abuse does not distinguish and separate physical

abuse from neglect or exploitation. Rather, these are often eategorically considered
under an umbrella statement without much distinction between the different forms of
abuse. The umbrella statement usually refers to self or other inflicted suffering
unnecessary for the maintenance of the quality of life for the older person (Johnson,
1986). Abuse defined as financial exploitation and the subsequent effects have seldom
been considered independently. Yet, there has been an alarming increase in its
prevalence and it is fast becoming the crime of the 1990s (New York Times,l991).
Investigators, prosecutors, and social service agency officials say there are signs that
money and property are being stolen by trickery and coercion from the elderly at a
disturbing rate and presumably a large portion is being committed by family members.
Descriptive research data supporting these allegations and experiences have unfortunately
not been documented. What is available is often limited to hearsay evidence, if available
at all.

There are few empirical studies on the specific subject of financial exploitation
as a separate and distinguishable entity. Sengstock and Barnett (1984) addressed
financial exploitation (e.g. , theft or misuse of property and finances), and reported an
incidence in 50% of respondents. Officials working with statistics on elder abuse report
that more than 80% of such cases never come to light. Information that currently exists
is widely distrusted by officials.

There are many factors involved in dealing with abuse of older persons.
Problems arise in defining and documenting financial exploitation as an abuse

phenomenon. Incidence rates and prevalence data have been difficult to establish due,

7
in part, to the social stigma surrounding this problem. The public and professionals have

difficulty in recognizing the phenomenon of financial exploitation, as well as difficulty
in maintaining a consensual operational definition of financial exploitation (Myers &
Shelton, 1987). However, it appears there is consensus that elder abuse within the
context of the family does occur. Furthermore, it is often rooted in exchange and
interactions within and between family members. Moreover, there is a need for these
studies to be conducted by researchers 'who are familiar with the language and who are
sensitive to the culture. This project was undertaken in consideration of these issues and
undoubtedly has served the purpose of reinforcing for the researcher the need for

continued work and contribution on issues specific to Hispanic elderly.

Theoretieal Framework

One of the problems in studying financial exploitation is that the theoretieal
foundations utilized have often been broad in nature and have drawn on the auspices of
elder abuse. This failure to recognize the distinctness of exploitation and the nature of
interactions within a heterogeneous population has resulted in a limited understanding of
this phenomenon. Likewise, one of the greatest obstacles facing researchers in the area
of ethnic and minority research has been a lack of theoretical integration, recognizing the
special problems involved in conducting research on ethnic minorities. In investigating
perceptions of exchanges of resources and services within the context of the Hispanic
family, it becomes necessary to develop a theoretical explanation that may consider the
nature of the interactions and transactions within a cultural milieu.

Considering interactions within and between families, social exchange postulates

that in a relationship people seek to maximize their rewards and minimize their losses or

8

punishments. These are voluntary social actions that are contingent on rewarding ‘
reactions from others. They cease if the actual or expected reactions are not forthcom-
ing. All social exchange involves mutually held expectations that reciprocation will
occur.

Social exchange is based on the notion that social interaction involves the
exchange of rewards and punishments between at least two people. Blau (1964) made
a significant contribution on the nature of exchange and its relation to social life. He
viewed exchange as central in social life. Individuals are assumed to posses basic needs,
motives, interests, and goals which can be fulfilled throughout social interaction. When
an individual gives services to another, the person is obliged to give the latter in return.
Blau reported that social exchange tends to engender feelings of personal obligation,
gratitude, and trust.

Boulding (1972) focused on the ramification of social exchange when he
developed his theory of the grants economy. According to Boulding, an exchange occurs
when there is an exchange that is reciprocated. On the other hand, a transfer refers to
a situation where there is an exchange but no reciprocation and differs from an exchange
in that it is usually multi-party. According to Boulding, exchange is conditional while
reciprocity is formally unconditional, although exchange almost always develops out of
reciprocity.

When one considers the family environment, it is often considered to be the most
critical to human development. Consideration of kin and family networks as vital to the
family system is important, in that interactions within and between social systems often 1

reflect the family’s openness or closedness to the environment and are necessary to

9

ensure interfamily resource exchange. In particular, when one considers Mexican
Ameriean families, the notion of familism is vital to this consideration. Familism, yr this
v,
context, refers to a strong and persistent farnilistic orientation with consistent preference
for relying on the extended family for support as the primary means for coping with

emotional stress (Ranrirez & Arce, 1980). Comparing Mexiean Amerieans, Anglos, and

 

Blacks, Mindel (1980) found that Anglos maintained the lowest level of extended
familism and Mexiean Americans the highest. Other studies have found that they engage
in a unique sort of ”resource specialization” (Baca—Zinn, 1990).

In consideration of the concept of familism in Mexican American families,
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological perspective provides a relevant framework for
understanding dynanrics within Hispanic families. Bronfenbrenner proposed that an
ecologieal environment is conceived as a set of nested, interrelating structures each inside
the next. The innermost level is the immediate setting containing the developing person.
The next level requires looking beyond single settings to the relations between settings.
The third level evokes a hypothesis that the person’s development is profoundly affected
by events occurring in settings in which the person is not even present. Finally, the
ecological perspective recognizes that the complex of nested, interconnected systems is
viewed as a manifestation of overarching patterns of ideology and organization of the
social institutions common to a particular culture or subculture.

Bronfenbrenner (1979) defined the microsystem as "a pattern of activities, roles,
and interpersonal relations experienced by the developing person in a given setting with
particular physical and material characteristics. " Critical to this definition is the term

"experienced, " in that it accounts for objective properties and the way in which these are

10
perceived by the person in that environment. Consideration of the microsystem is
particularly relevant to this study in that ~acpwbesrrolesrand interpersonal relations as
experienced and perceived by the individual may be reflected in behaviors or values.

The phenomenologieal view which allows for perception, knowledge and attitudes
is also relevant at the W. Bronfenbrenner describes this as “the interrelations
among two or more settings in which the developing person actively participates. . . ."
In essence, this system is formed or extended whenever the developing person moves into
a new setting, or may take additional form. For the purposes of- this study, it was
assumed that individuals function within the context of varied settings which are often
rooted in definitions maintained by the majority culture and often extend outside of the
nricrosystem. It is apparent that these functions are vital and relevant to the development
of the individual.

The exosystem is “one or more settings that do not involve the developing person
as an active participant, but in which events occur that affect, or are affected by, what
happens in the setting containing the developing person" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In this _
839496 community level was considered a part of the exosystem and these events were
relevant to understanding interactions within the context of the family.

Bronfenbrenner refers to the macrosystem as "consistencies, in the form and
content of lower-order systems (micro, meso and exo) that exist, or could exist, at the
level of subculture or the culture as a whole, along with any belief systems or ideology
underlying such consistencies. " In this study the macrosystem was analyzed in terms of

perceptions of values and definitions as they are perceived to be maintained within

majority culture.

11
The utilization of an ecologieal perspective which emphasizes the subject’s

definition of the situation accords for more importance to the knowledge and initiative
of the persons under study because it emphasizes the subject’s definition of the situation.
It is not the model’s intent to independently address components of exchange that have
been established between and within families; therefore, soficral exchange theory in
conjunction with an ecologieal perspective appears to offer greatest opportunity. This
will assist in understanding the dynamics involved in exchanges and interactions, while
also considering the significance of environment. We thus may begin to understand how
parts of one’s environment are interrelated and may gain understanding of dynamics
involved in exchanges and the perception of these exchanges within the context of the
Hispanic family.

For the purposes of this project, th‘e‘exchanges and interactions within families
and between family members investigated at the micro level were considered as a part
of the, ,nricrosystem. Exchanges and interactions within the Hispanic cmynii that
individuals and family members maintained were considered at the meso level and as a
part of the mesosystem. The exosystem was investigated drawing on information that
individuals and families maintained regarding the Hispanic community, while the
macrosystem was analyzed in terms of perceptions of policy and definitions as they are

maintained or defined within the larger community or majority culture.

Overview
Chapter II includes a review of current literature as it relates to elder abuse—es-
pecially exploitation, Hispanic families, and the Hispanic elderly. The selection of the

sample as well as a description of instruments and the procedures used for collecting and

12
analyzing the data are discussed in Chapter III. A description of the subjects and

discussion of the data and results of the study are presented in Chapter IV. Summary,

conclusions, and recommendations for further research are explicated in Chapter V.

CHAPTERII

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Due to the sparseness of literature on financial exploitation, a good deal of the
literature related to elder abuse will be looked at. Because financial exploitation is a
form of elder mistreatment, information derived from elder abuse will form one of the
bases for this study. Research on elder abuse suggests that the study of elder abuse often
involves propositions and theories that have been developed and applied to other forms
of intrafamilial abuse (Block & Sinott, 1979; Podnick-Comell & Gelles, 1982). A
common approach has been to test selected theories that provide the most plausible
explanations of elder abuse (Rourke, 1981). There are many overlapping and competing
theoretieal explanations for elder mistreatment with specific consideration given to:
l) situational model, 2) social exchange theory, 3) symbolic interactionism, and 4) social
learning theory.

Briefly, the situation model has its premise that as the abuser experiences
increased stress due to situation or structural factors, the abuser is more likely to be
abusive toward a vulnerable person associated with stress (Gelles, 1985). Applying this
theory to elder abuse, the elder is perceived to be the source of the nristreating person’s
frustration and of his or her perceived diminished status.

Second, social exchange theory postulates that in a relationship, people seek to
maximize their rewards and to minimize their losses or punishments. People expect the
rewards that are due to them and expect to pay for costs incurred. As elders may require

more services thereby draining other’s resources, the elderly are unable to reciprocate

13

14

with goods or money and, therefore, may tolerate abuse, neglect, or exploitation as a
form of exchange and as a means of preventing rejection (Tomita, 1990).

Symbolic interactionism describes a process between two individuals that takes
place in three phases: the cognitive process, the expressive process, and the evaluative
process. In the cognitive process, each person assigns meanings to the encounter with the
other person, based on prior encounters, belief systems, and current perceived roles. In
the expressive process behaviors are based on improvised and imputed roles. The third
phase, the evaluation process, consists of negotiations between the individuals. From this
perspective, elder abuse may occur as a result of role asynchrony, when a discrepancy
exists between the elder’s and earegiver’s expectations of one another’s roles ('Tomita,
1990). Of all the theories considered, symbolic interactionism may best account for the
interactional nature of abuse.

Social learning theory postulates that abuse is a result of learned behavior and that
it ean be unlearned (Ganley, 1982). Although this theory has been widely accepted to
explain child abuse and neglect and spouse abuse, the same cannot yet be said for elder
nristreatment. It is not yet known whether adult children who are abused in the past
grow up to repay the elder by nristreating them in return.

None of the aforementioned theories by themselves sufficiently explains all aspects
of elder nristreatrnent. Although popular, the situational model does not explain why
some people never commit elder mistreatment. Similarly, social learning theory does not
explain why some adult children care for their parents in a kind manner in spite of a
history of an abusive childhood. A limitation to the situational model is that it does not

explain why some people with a strong relational system do not mistreat or exploit

15

significant others or whether a reversal of the abuser’s adverse situation would result in

the cessation of mistreatment of the elder (Tonrita, 1990).

Social Exchanges

Support networks and resource exchange networks are vital to family and have
often been described as networks that are composed of partially autonomous nuclear
households that serve as the context for exchanges and social integration of kin (Sussman,
1965). Support and resource exchange networks share common characteristics, the most
important being that they tend to be not for profit, emphasize informal arrangements, and
facilitate the exchange of various goods and/or services, particularly during times when
resources are scarce (Samson and Lorentz, 1979; Sotomayor, 1989).

Mutual exchange, collective and collaborative efforts, egalitarian relationships,
and equitable resource distribution also play key roles in supporting Hispanic families
(Cox 1989; Goodstein, 1985). Danes, in her 1976 study of non-migrant Mexican
Amerieans in Michigan, found that they nrade a great number of family transfers that
were non-economic in nature, frequently taking care of family members and providing
transportation. Although the makeup of the family varies substantially among and within
Hispanic subgroups, for most, the extended family includes relationships other than those

defined by consanguinal and/or conjugal lines (Sotomayor, 1989).
Hispanic Families
A key to understanding the Mexican American family and the resources that lead

to their satisfaction with quality of life often lie in a thorough examination of the dynanric

l6
relationships that occur in family, as well as the Mexican American community (Padilla

& Ruiz, 1976).

It is unrealistic to expect traditional values to solely account for how Hispanics
behave in the context of the family; however, it is equally unrealistic to overlook the fact
that for Hispanics, the family is a significant source of pride. Moreover, one must bear
in mind that migration/immigration (forced vs. voluntary) and availability of family
networks may also affect family exchanges.

In terms of family patterns, Hispanics tend to be family-oriented with strong kin
networks. Fertility rates are about 60% higher than in the rest of the U.S. population
varying, however, by subgroups. The high birthrate means that Hispanic families are
relatively larger than the U.S. average and more Hispanic families have children living
at home (52%) than is found among other U.S. families (41%) (Davis, Haub, & Willette,
1983).

It has also been noted that Hispanics tend to rely strongly on family and consider
family members as primary sources of support. Additionally, Catholicism plays a vital
role in the lives of Hispanics, and priests, folk healers, and religious leaders are often
strong resources for families in times of distress and stress (Beckett & Dungee-Anderson,
1991).

In observing the traditional Hispanic family, we find it has been characterized by
familism, male donrinance, and subordination of younger persons by older persons.
Changes in ethnic, racial, and religious group identification, as well as demographic
changes at the macro level, have all been associated with changes in family structure and

family norms (Goldscheider, 1989). Evidence suggests that extended-family patterns are

17
being broken down by urbanization and that Hispanic are beginning to adopt the middle-
class Ameriean custom of not expecting family members to support their relatives
(Newton, 1980). Although roles and values have changed, the debate continues as to
whether traditional supports of the Hispanic family have been irrevocably eroded.

Various research has yielded contradictory results about the role of the elderly in
the Hispanic family (Beckett & Bungee-Anderson 1991; Becerra & Shaw 1984).
Therefore existing data ean only suggest general patterns of family life because the
lifestyles of the subgroups are different. Evidence, however, suggests that Hispanic
elderly in this country believe in the extended family orientation more than other
minority elderly groups (Beckett & Dungee—Anderson, 1991). This is of particular
interest in that the tendency to characterize Hispanic families as more fanrilistic than the
general population has dominated‘the literature (Keefe, 1980). Hispanics are perceived
as valuing family relationships so that collective needs take precedence over extended
needs.

Although gerontologists agree that family relationships among the elderly are
signifieant, they tend to disagree about the extent of family support of minority elderly
persons. Prior to the 1970s, it was customary to describe the Hispanic family as
extremely warm and supportive of the individual. Recent literature on the Hispanic
family, however, criticizes the perpetuation of the stereotype that the family unit is
cohesive, strong, and capable of fending off all external threats to individuals in the
context of the family. Recent data have pointed to the erosion of intergenerational and
lateral interdependence of familism in the Hispanic family network (Mindel, 1981). In

areas where neighborhood, friends and churches provide support services, the function

18

of family is shifting and other institutions are increasingly assuming greater functions
(Beckett & Dungee—Anderson 1991; Becerra & Shaw 1984; Torres-Gil, 1976).
Furthermore, mobility and acculturation have separated the Hispanic family from the
elderly; subsequently the elderly frequently end up living isolated lives in urban barrios.
Cultural traditions have further been weakened by increased distance (Miranda, 1991;
Korte, 1981; Galaraza, 1981).

It is important to note that the Hispanic identity involves a complex integration
of cultural, philosophical, and behavioral experiences and values and is not a homoge-
neous population. The identifies of Hispanic individuals are a complexity of similarities,
as well as differences. These identities are continually changing and this process serves
tocreateandchangeethnictraditions. Thisprocesshasbeenaffectedingreatpartby
the social events and conditions experienced as an ethnic cultural group. Massive
imnrigration and internal nrigration have had far reaching consequences for family
formation and structure among Hispanics. This process of change may aid in
demythologizing the Hispanic family in the past, present, and future or in fact reinforce
the stereotypes in existence.

The stereotype that Hispanics are more family oriented than Anglos has been a
consistent theme in the social literature for decades acting as a cornerstone of the
extended traditional family. The extent of familism within Hispanic families in the
United States is unclear and available literature has been overwhelmingly concentrated
on families of Mexiean origin. Yet, it is clear that we still do not have enough of the
right kind of information to adequately explain the complexity and volatility of Hispanic

l9

Keefe (1984), in a study of immigrant and non-immigrant Mexican American
fanrilies, notes that despite adaptive requirement of acculturation and urbanization,
Mexiean Americans, a subgroup of the Hispanic ethnic group, are still credited with
enjoying large extended-family networks. However, one of the most notable differences
in family network and support between Mexican Americans and other non-Hispanics is
the tendency for Mexican Amerieans to participate in relatively large kin networks and
to engage in a high rates of visiting and exchange. This pattern was true for immigrant
and non-immigrant Mexiean Americans. Non-Hispanics, on the other hand, maintained
ties with fewer kin, and often these relationships were long distance contact situations.
Zuniga-Martinez (1980) describes Mexican culture as being family oriented and the
family as being extend and intradeperrdent. She found that Mexican Americans, like their
counterparts in Mexico, maintain the primacy of the family as a cultural tradition in
neighborhoods in the United States. Kin will often live next door, on the same block,
or within walking distance of one another.

Differences were also found in the greater willingness of Mexiean Americans to
agree that the family should be the resource for dealing with problems. Differences
appear to lie in the proximity of the extended kin networks, which facilitates visiting and
exchange behaviors resulting in the Mexican American family being more available and
used to meet instrumental and affective needs; the assumption is that this is true of all
Hispanic families (Bercerra, 1984).

Griswold Del Castillo (1984) reflects that the Mexiean American family has to
be flexible, pluralistic, and adaptive to survive. These changes reflect an identity that

is diverse and complex, composed of both modern and distinctive cultural elements

20
(Baca-Zinn, 1990). The role of the family and its changing structure have significant

implieations for service access and health eare. In order to develop programs that will
effectively meet the needs of the Hispanic elderly and their families, it is imperative to
recognize the changes as processes of cultural change and to address these changes as
program policy is developed at a macro level.

Given the non-comparability of most contemporary findings about the Hispanic
family, and the lack of a consistent conceptual grounding, it is difficult to develop
hypotheses about cultural similarities or differences in family process that may exist
among Cubans, Puerto Rieans, or Mexiean Americans. Therefore, research must begin
to address the issue of viewing the Hispanic family as heterogeneous, with perhaps as
many similar values and behaviors as differences.

Establishing the need to address perceptions of financial exploitation within the
context of the Hispanic family is vital. The growth of the Hispanic population and the
increase of the Hispanic elderly population necessitates the need to identify and
investigate this population as a unique and distinct population in constant process of
change, which ultimately effects behaviors. We must recognize the limitation of not
having consistent conceptual grounding in this area. However, it remains vital that an
effort be made to clearly begin to understand the process of changing ethnic traditions
within Hispanic families. The mutual interaction of social exchange among the
generations could be influenced by social external conditions that could influence that

relationship in Hispanic families.

CHAPTERIII

DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURES

Subjects

Participants for the project were identified utilizing snowball sampling, which
enables initial participants to provide information of additional potential participants.
Utilizing this method, the first wave of participants is identified for participation and
interviewed. In turn, these participants provide information of potential participants who
are then contacted by the researcher. As participants are identified they will continue to
provide potential participants until the sampling requirements are met.

The first wave of participants identified for participation in this research project
included individuals who participated in services at a community center in a large city
in Michigan. This center provides on site services to a large portion of the Hispanic
population in this city in Michigan and enabled this researcher to have direct contact with
potential participants.

Initial approval to engage participants was received from the executive director.
He thus directed other program supervisors to extend as much assistance and cooperation
as possible. This process was vital ensuring that the investigator had the flexibility to
access potential participants.

The initial process of identifying participants was a unique process in that it
entailed becoming familiar with the range of services and programs offered through the
community center and gaining a sense of the population that was serviced. After this had
been completed, prior to proceeding with the identifieation of potential participants, this
investigator spent three weeks engaging with program participants in an effort to build

21

22

a sense of trust and interaction that would be vital to the collection of data. This was
viewed as necessary by this investigator in that many of the questions that were sought
in the interview were of a sensitive nature. .

The ability to communicate with potential participants in Spanish was considered
an asset by this investigator. In most circumstances, the first encounter was met with
resistance and rigidity on the part of potential participants. However, once they learned
that the investigator spoke Spanish, they began to converse more freely. During this 3-
week period, this investigator was also engaged in social activities such as playing
Spanish bingo, playing eards, and partaking of the meals. As familiarity between the
investigator and potential participants was attained, discussion regarding participation in
the research project ensued.

The data were collected from 30 self-identified Mexican Americans. The
participants were either citizens of the United States or Mexico, but maintained primary
residence in the United States. The sample was purposive in consideration of the
accessibility and characteristics within the sampling parameter.

For the project as a whole, data were collected from both males and females.

The sample included more females than males as shown in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1 Sex of respondent

 

 

Sex of Respondent Number of Percent
Respondents

Female 19 63.3

Male 1 1 36.7

Total 30 100.0

 

23

When considering the age of respondents in the sample, the mean age for
participants was 59 with the median age of 66. The youngest participant was 23 years
of age and the oldest was 93 years of age. Fourteen of the participants were under the
age of 60, while 16 of the participants were over the age of 60.

Verbal consent to participate in the research process was obtained from each
participant. Each participant was verbally advised of the consent requirements and when
possible, each signed a consent form in the language of their preference. Each
participant identified a language of preference, with 66.7 % identifying Spanish as their

preference as reflected in Table 3.2.

Table 3.2 Preferred language use of respondent

 

 

Ianguage of Respondent Number of Percent
Respondents

English 10 33.3

Spanish 20 66.7

Total 30 100.0

 

For individuals who were unable to read and sign a consent form the process of
consent was tape recorded and participants were instructed to place an X on the consent
form. This process was necessary with 15 of the research participants, 13 having
identified Spanish as language preference. Although survey questions regarding
edueational levels of the research participants were not requested, the participants who
were not able to sign the forms often volunteered that they had not had opportunities to

receive formal educational training.

ll

24
Research Design

In addressing the objectives of this research project, the research design utilized
included a quantitative component and a qualitative component. The purpose of this
project was to explore perception of exchanges of Hispanic elders and younger
generations within Hispanic families in an effort to determine how these exchanges are
viewed.

The study was a descriptive, explorative cross sectional study. The study was
designed as explorative because information regarding the perceptions of exchanges of
Hispanic elders and younger generations within the dynamics of Hispanic families’
interactions is insufficient. Subjects were selected based on non probability, purposive
sample because of the limitations of random sampling. Random sampling was considered
highly inefficient for the purposes of this research project. For example, even if
identifying a significant number of individuals with Hispanic surnames was possible,
initial identifieation would not enable the researcher to determine whether the potential
participants were of Latino/Hispanic descent. In addition, contact with potential
participants would have had to be made via phone, and that often yields a low rate of
participation in this particular ethnic group as reported by other researchers.

The technique of using snowball sampling, which enables initial participants to
provide information on additional participants, was identified as an acceptable means of
identifying research participants. The first wave of potential participants were identified
at a community center in a large city in Michigan and they in turn provided information

on participants in this city.

25
Operational Definitions
In the course of the project, the need to develop and utilize definitions was

necessary. Each definition is identified and the basis for the development of each

definition is provided.

3 . l E l . .

Financial exploitation is defined as any situation involving the mistreatment or
improper use of older individuals with regard to their resources, which may include
money, property, objects of value, or goods and services. The exploitation may involve
coercion or manipulation, threats, intimidation, and/or pronrises of lifelong eare and
devotion (Trapp, 1987).

When developing the definition of financial exploitation, several sources were
initially accessed as a means of developing a definition that integrated components that
would adequately address what this researcher perceives as vital to the definition.
However, it must be noted that this definition is drawn from the literature on elder abuse
and financial exploitation. It is a definition that has been developed and applied to our
society as a whole, without specific consideration to any cultural or ethnic differences.

This definition may be inappropriate for defining practices in particular ethnic groups.

Retention

Perception is a capacity for comprehension whether through experience or sense.
In this definition, comprehension means "knowing."

When developing the definition of perception, it was assumed that comprehension,

whether through experience or sense, was more signifieant than the reality of any given

26
experience. The reality of given experiences is different for individuals and is often

rooted in cultural values, personal belief systems, and past experience.

Ell l 1...} lLElll

For the purposes of this paper, the term elderly individual, or elder, will mean
any Hispanic individual 60 years of age or older.

Although it is difficult to define age and to conceptualize what it means to be old,
this researcher felt that by limiting the definition to a chronological nature, the definition
would eapture the targeted population to be researched. The chronologieal cutoff of 60
years of age was made with specific consideration to the life expectancy of the Hispanic
individual who maintains a life expectancy lower than their white counterparts (Schaie

& Willis, 1991).

Family

A family is a continuing system of interacting personalities bound together by
shared rituals and rules even more than by biologieal factors (Boss, 1988). It can also
be described as an extended multi-generational (more than one generation) group of
persons with specific social roles ascribed to members of each group. It involves mutual
support, sustenance, and interaction.

The definitions that are utilized in regard to family are broad in scope and
recognize that the boundaries assigned to family are distinguishable beyond bloodlines.
In observing the traditional Hispanic family, we find that it has been strongly

characterized by familism. Hispanics have a highly integrated kin network and provide

27
each other mutual aid and informal support implicit in the extended family (Mindel,

1983).

I I . . C l

A majority culture is a social eategory of people in society holding superordinate
power and successfully imposing their will on less powerful (minority) groups (Baca-
Zinn, 1990). The utilization of this definition was based on its use in prior research as
it relates to minority issues and populations. It appeared to adequately capture the

concept and was not modified or altered.

Minoan:

A minority is a social category composed of persons that differ from the majority
(Baca-Zinn, 1990). For people in this category, access to power is limited. This
definition is, once again, a concept that has been utilized consistently throughout

literature addressing the issues and needs of minority populations.

mm

The terms Hispanic and Latino are to be used interchangeably in this study and
will refer only to groups of people who have a Mexican or Mexiean American heritage
and are currently residing in the United States. This researcher recognizes that Hispanics
are comprised of many subgroups with Latin heritage and distinct characteristics;
however, due to the concentration of Mexican Americans within the sampling parameter,

the focus of this study was on individuals with Mexican and Mexican American heritage.

28

Selection and Description of Instruments

The instrument administered to all participants was developed by the researcher
and included six sections. The sections were:
1. Participant Characteristics
2. Household Composition Demographics
3. Financial Management
4. Family Relationships (Nature! Quality)
5 . Cultural Values
6. Contact/Distance

7. QSort

Demographics
Information requested in Section I includes participant and household composition
demographics including age, sex, and language preference. Language preference
includes the choices of English or Spanish. Section II includes questions that were
designed to solicit information on size of household and living arrangements (see

Appendix A) and agreement to participate (questions 1-4 in instrument administered).

Financial Management
A section of the instrument addressed the financial behaviors of Hispanic families
and Hispanic elderly (see Appendix B). As a guide in the development of these
_,. OHM” (Appendix

C) was reviewed and considered. It served as a guideline for this section. Questions

questions, information from . ~~ ‘ '

 

included specifics on management of finances and actual behaviors concerning this issue.

29
Individuals elaborated on specific behaviors related to financial management and the

nature of their interactions within families. Questions included self management of
finances, as well as management of finances by other members of the family for the

elderly.

Family Relationships

This section of the instrument was developed with the intent of assessing
perceptions of the quality of interpersonal relationships within the family. Included were
statements that each respondent would answer and each would then elaborate on their
answers. The statements were developed utilizing positive societal perspectives and
expectations as they related to family responsibility for elderly family members (see
Appendix D).

To address the reliability of the questions in this section, reliability analyses were
conducted. Analysis shows reliability coefficients at a = .8429 when N eases = 30 and

N items = 30.

Cultural Values
This section addresses cultural values that specifically relate issues of management
of finances. Participants were asked specific questions pertaining to their perceptions of
how other Hispanic fanrilies in their community manage their finances and whether they
perceive any difference from their own ways of managing their finances. In addition,
respondents commented on their perceptions of behaviors of non-Hispanics in their
community related to the management of their finances. When necessary the researcher

encouraged individuals to elaborate on their answers (see Appendix E).

30
The analysis of reliability of the questions in this section shows reliability

coefficients at a = .6728 when Ncases = 30 and Nitems = 5.

Family Contact and Proximity

This section was developed and designed in an effort to ascertain the extent of
contact within and between Hispanic families and to attempt to determine whether
respondents in this sample supported the literature on Mexiean Americans. Review of
the literature suggests that Mexican Amerieans maintain close proximity with their kin
and engage in extended contact. Therefore questions in this section were directed
towards gathering information related to personal contacts, phone contacts and living
proximity of family households. Each respondent reported on the extent of personal
contact with parents, siblings, adult children, grandchildren and other relatives. In
addition, each respondent reported on the extent of phone contact with all identified
relatives. Respondents also reported the proxinrity of identified relatives and households
and further commented on whether they perceived the distance to be problematic, and

if so why was it a source of concern (see Appendix F).

Q-Sort
This section was developed with the intent of identifying variables that would
assist in prioritizing cultural values. Through the process of piloted sampling of
individuals in the Hispanic community, nine variables were identified for inclusion in this
instrument. In the piloted process individuals were asked to identify variables that they
felt were significant within the Hispanic community. The nine variables identified as a

result of this process include: self, family, work, neighbors, money, friends, church,

31
God, and health (see Appendix G). A reliability analysis of the nine variables utilized

in the Q-sort is shown in Table 3.3. Reliability scores were lowest for the health

variable with a = .3874.

Table 3.3 Reliability analysis on health variable

Question Seale Mean if Scale Variance Corrected Item Alpha if
Number Item Deleted if Item Deleted Total Correlation Item Deleted

 

Q359 6.4828 2.1158 .2151 .3196
(micro)

Q369 6.3103 1.5788 .4823 .0023
(mew)

Q379 6.1379 1.9803 .3261 .2183

(9x0)

Q389 6.4138 2.1798 -.O378 .6492
(macro)

 

Note: for reliability coefficients, N eases = 29; N of items = 4; a = .3874.

Table 3.4 reflects that reliability scores were highest for the neighbor variable
with Alpha of .9680.

Table 3.5 indicates that the self variable yielded consistent ranking as a variable
that was least important with 75.8% of respondents ranking this as least important. The

mean value of this variable was 2.526 and skewness of -l.353.

 

32

Table 3.4 Reliability analysis on neighbor variable

 

 

Question Seale Mean if Scale Variance Corrected Item Alpha if
Number Item Deleted if Item Deleted Total Correlation Item Deleted

Q354 8.7931 .5985 .8012 1.0000
(micro)

Q364 8.7586 .6182 .9718 .9442
(mesa)

Q374 8.7586 .6182 .9718 .9442

(9x0)

Q384 8.7586 .6182 .9718 .9442
(macro)

 

Note: for reliability coefficients, N eases = 29; N of items = 4; a = 9680.

Table 3.5 Reliability scales on self variable

 

 

 

Value Value Frequency Percent Valid Cum
label Percent Percent
Self 1.00 l 3.3 3.4 3.4
Family 1.25 1 3.3 3.4 6.9
Work 1.75 2 6.7 6.9 13.8
Neighbors 2.00 1 3.3 3.4 17.2
Money 2.25 2 6.7 6.9 24.1
Friends 2.50 9 30.0 31.0 55.2
Church 2.75 2 6.7 6.9 62.1
God 3.00 11 36.7 37.9 100.0
Health " 1 3.3 Missing -
Total 30 100.0 100.0

Mean 2.526 SD .100 Median 2.500
Mode 3.000 SE .540 Variance .292
Kurtosis 1.562 SE Kurt .845 Skewness -l.353
SE Skew .434 Range 2.000 Minimum 1.000
Maximum 3.000 Sum 73.250

 

33
For the purposes of the research, each participant was asked to place the q-eards

in rank order for four levels: nricro, meso, exo, and macro.

In order to determine the validity and reliability of the instrument, the instrument
was piloted within the Hispanic community. The initial piloting of the instrument was
administered to five respondents. This process enabled the investigator to make changes
that were necessary. The redesigned instrument was readministered to five more
respondents. Upon completion of the second piloting of the instrument and determination
of validity, reliability coefficients indicating the proportion of the instrument’s variance

was secured.

Data Analysis

The computer program used for analyzing the data was the Northwestern
University Statistieal Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The inferential statistical
tests used in this study were descriptive and included reliability coefficients, t-tests, and
interpretative analysis. The alpha level of significance was set at .05 for decisions about
rejection of the hypotheses using inferential characteristics.

When t-tests were conducted controlling for age, the participants were assigned
to two groups. Group One included participants under the age of 60 and Group Two
included participants over the age of 60.

The variable sex was controlled. Females were designated as group one and
males designated as group two.

Language was controlled by dividing the groups according to language preference.
English speakers were assigned to group one and Spanish speakers were assigned group

tWO.

 

34

Research Questions

During the course of this research, answers were sought for the following
questions:
1. What is the perception of exchanges between the Hispanic elderly and other
family members?
2. How do Hispanic family members perceive exchanges between individuals and
with members of their families?
3. What is the perception of Hispanic family members regarding the exchanges of
other Hispanic individuals and families in the Hispanic community?
4. What is the perception of Hispanic family members regarding the exchanges
between individuals and within family in the larger non-Hispanic community?
5. How do Hispanic family members perceive their cultural values in relation to their
family, families in the Hispanic community, and non-Hispanic families in the larger

community?

Hypotheses
The research was directed at addressing the following research hypotheses:
1. Ho: Hispanic families do not place positive value on exchanges of care and
obligation between elderly and other family members.
H1: Hispanic families place positive value on exchanges of care and obligation
between elderly and other family members.
2. Ho: Hispanic families do not place positive value on exchanges of care and

obligation between individuals and within their families.

35
Hispanic families place positive value on exchanges of care and obligation

between individuals and within their families.

Hispanic families do not perceive that exchanges of care and obligation for
other Hispanic families within the community are similar to their families.
Hispanic families perceive that their exchanges of care and obligation for
other Hispanic families within the community are similar to their families.
Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ from their culture
values prioritizing for their own families.

Hispanic culture values prioritizing differs from their culture values
prioritizing for their own families.

Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ from their culture
values prioritizing for other Hispanic families.

Hispanic culture values prioritizing differs from their culture values
prioritizing for other Hispanic families.

Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ from their culture
values prioritizing for non-Hispanics in the larger community.

Hispanic culture values prioritizing differs from their culture values

prioritizing for non-Hispanics in the larger community.

Basic Assumptions

The following were considered basic assumptions:

Hispanic elderly have some form of resources they perceive as valuable.

Financial exploitation is not linrited to the elderly.

Financial exploitation is not limited to Hispanic elderly.

36

4. Exploitation is not limited to money or cash transactions.

5. It is desirable to know about financial exploitation.

6. It is desirable to know about the perception of financial exploitation within
Hispanic families.

7. There is a degree of interaction between family members in order for individuals

to be exploited within the context of the family.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

Exchanges occur between individuals.

Exchanges occur between and within families.

Both male and female are subject to financial exploitation.

Both male and female are subject to being exploited.

People who respond to the notion of perception are responding honestly.
Individuals function at the micro-level, meso—level, and exo—level.

Actions at the macro-level affect individuals.

Random sampling of Mexican Americans in the area is inadequate to meet

sampling needs. Snowball technique for sampling this population will yield a higher

number of participants than utilizing random sampling.

Table 3.6 illustrates the methods used in analyzing data.

“misfit: 63m
. I

R:

 

 

37

Table 3.6 Methods used in analysis of data

 

 

Purpose of Analysis Data Used in Analysis Statistics
2 . . l l l .
Wm:
Demographic profile Demographic data Descriptive Frequency
Count/Means
Financial behaviors Demographic data Descriptive Frequency
Count
Relationship quality Demographic data Descriptive Frequency
Attitude data Count
Cultural behaviors Demographic data Descriptive Frequency
Attitude data Count
Q-sort Attitude data Descriptive Frequency
Count
W:
l, 2, 3 & 4 Reliability analysis, t-test,
Descriptive (Frequency
Count/Means)
5 & 6
Descriptive (Frequency

Count/Means), t-test

 

 

CHAPTERIV

ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

This chapter reports on data collected from the respondents and results are
discussed and reported in relation to each of the hypotheses. Quantitative data are
provided followed by discussion in relation to the hypotheses. Qualitative data are
utilized throughout this chapter and are usually discussed under the subheading of

comments and reactions.

Profile of the Participants
The sample pool consisted of more females than males with a mean age of 59.
All of the respondents were of Mexiean American origin. The most striking characteris-
tic of the participants as shown in Table 4.1 is that 53.3% of the respondents reside

independently, 10% live with a spouse and 20% reside with adult children.

Table 4.1 Resident status

 

 

Status Number of Percent Valid % Cum %
Respondents

Live Alone 16 53.3 53.5 53.3
Live with Spouse 3 10.0 10.0 63.3
Live with Adult Children 6 20.0 20.0 83.3
Live with Other Relatives l 3.3 3.3 86.7
Other 4 13.3 13.3 100.0
Total 30 100.0 100.0

 

These findings appear to support research by Miranda (1991), Korte (1981) and

Galaraza, (1981) who reported that a large number of Hispanic elderly are residing

38

39
independently. Of the six respondents who reported residing with adult children, only

one respondent was over the age of 60, while the other five respondents were primary

homeowners who had their adult children living in their homes.

WWW

Of the 53.5% of respondents who reported living alone, almost all of them
expressed the desire to remain independent in their living environment. They spoke with
pride of their ability to live independently and manage their daily affairs with very little
or little assistance.

The number of Hispanic elderly who reported living independently was
anticipated, in part, due to the mean age of the respondents. However, of interest in the
evaluation of the data related to Resident Status was the number of individuals over the
age of 60. They reported that their adult children were currently residing with them in
their homes. A number of these individuals indieated that the shared living arrangements

were rooted in econonrics and vital to the economic well being of their adult children.

Household Composition
Table 4.2 reflects the living arrangements of the 30 respondents, 20% who
reported owning their own homes, and 70% who reported they were renting an apartment

or a home.

 

40

Table 4.2 Profile of living arrangements

 

 

 

Living Arrangements Number of Respondents Percent

Own a House 6 20.0

Rent 21 70.0

Live with Family 2 6.7

Other 1 3.3

Total 30 100.0
W

The figures reported in this section indicate a large number of the respondents
rent rather than own their own property. The respondents who reported living with
adult children or who reported having adult children reside with them also reported
renting a home or apartment rather than owning it. Economic conditions was the factor
most often identified as the reason for renting rather than buying property.

One of the respondents reported that she had rented her house for about 20 years
prior to purchasing the property. She indicated that she was able to get a good price on
the property after the original landlord died. She reports that she was only able to
qualify for the property beeause it was sold very cheap. Yet she claims that after she
pays the mortgage, taxes and insurance, she is left with very little money and cannot
afford any of the luxuries of life. In observing her home, it was evident that the
structure was in need of repair and that it appeared to have excessive wear. However,
she perceived owning her home as a luxury and indieated she would not trade it for any

other housing option.

 

41
Rooms in Household

Another interesting characteristic reflected in the data as reported in Table 4.3

indicates that 46.7% of the respondents report four as the total number of rooms in their

 

 

 

 

homes.
Table 4.3 Number of rooms in household
Number of Rooms Number of Respondents Percent
1 1 3.3
4 14 46.7
5 3 10.0
6 or more 10 33.3
Total 30 100.0
E l , C l B .

This is an interesting characteristic in that this researcher observed that all 14
respondents who identified four rooms in response to this question reside in low income
subsidized housing and are over 60 years of age. Although respondents were not asked
questions regarding their socioeconomic status, this statistic reflects a characteristic that
is reflective of a majority of Hispanic elderly rendering support for Guttman and
Cuerllar’s (1982) concept of "multiple jeopardies. " ”Multiple jeopardies” describes
conditions of deprivation such as linrited edueation, limited resources and limited mastery

of the English language.

42
Financial Behaviors
In response to the question as to whether each individual managed their own
finances, an overwhelming number of respondents reported managing their own finances

as reflected in Table 4.4.

Table 4.4 Elderly self-management of finances

 

 

 

 

Response Number of Responses Percent ”5

Yes 25 83.3 E

No 5 16.7 ‘-

Total 30 100.0
Was

The information provided in Table 4.4 does not adequately report the number of
respondents who reportedly received assistance with financial management. The initial
question indieated self management; however, as the interview proceeded and more
information regarding actual behaviors was secured, two female respondents who initially
reported self management later self disclosed that they also received agency assistance
in paying their bills and managing finances. Table 4.5 reflects the number of
respondents who reported receiving assistance in managing finances; 6.7% reported that
they received their assistance from an agency and 9.9% from family or friends. A total

of 83.3% managed their own finances.

43

Table 4.5 Others who manage an elderly person’s finances

 

 

Financial Manager Number of Respondents Percent
Spouse 1 3.3
Daughter 1 3.3
Son 1 3.3
Other/ Agencies 2 6.7
Self-Managers 25 83.3
Total 30 100.0

 

This table does not consider the two respondents who, during the course of interview,
reported they had actually received agency assistance in management of finances. If they

were included in the data, the percentage would be 13.3% instead of 6.7%.

Won:

It is important to note that these two respondents perceived that they were truly
managing their own finances and were quite independent. The two respondents did have
adult children in the area. However, they indicated the reason for not asking their
children or family for help was because they felt that their children and family members
had a responsibility to their own families and could not be rendering assistance. The
elderly felt they could secure assistance elsewhere.

In responding to questions in this section, the participants appeared more cautious
in the responses provided. Some of the respondents questioned why this information was
necessary. One respondent later indicated that her concem was that the researcher was

attempting to assess her ability to function independently.

 

44
However, as respondents were questioned regarding their feelings about managing

financial matters for other relatives, most responded positively to this question. There
appeared to be some uncertainty as reflected in the percentage (26.7%) of those who
reported that they were unsure about handling a family member’s finances. Another
10.3 % were uncomfortable managing someone else’s financial matters whereas 6.9% felt

a sense of obligation as reflected in Table 4.6.

Table 4.6 Managing finances for relatives

 

 

Respondents’ Feelings Number of Respondents Percent
No Problem 16 53.3
Uncomfortable 3 10.0
Unsure 8 26.7
Feel Obligated 2 6.7
Missing Information 1 3.3
Total 30 100.0

 

Regarding the nature of exchanges within and between families, five respondents
in each age category reported engaging in financial exchanges and exchange of services.
Only responses were considered, and for statistieal purposes were assigned a value of 1.
As eategorized in Tables 4.7 and 4.8, frequency of exchanges did not vary substantially
according to age groups.

In order to determine the level of significance of observed associations, t-tests
utilizing p < .05 were utilized. In relation to exchanges, when age was controlled for and
a pooled variance estimate utilized, there was no significant difference in mean value of

exchanges according to age as reported in Table 4.9.

45

Table 4.7 Financial exchanges Group 1 (23-59)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency of Exchanges Number of Respondents Percent
0 9 64.4
1 1 7.1
4 1 7 .1
5 2 14.3
6 l 7 .1
Total 14 100.0
Table 4.8 Financial exchanges Group 2 (6493)
Frequency of Exchanges Number of Respondents Percent
0 1 l 68.75
2 l 6.25
3 l 6.25
4 1 6.25
5 1 6.25
7 l 6.25
Total 16 100.0
Table 4.9 Financial exchanges by age
Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error
Group 1 14 2.5612 .428 .115
(23-59) 16 2.2500 .655 . 164
Group 2
(64-93)
E l l 1! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t-value df 1.31

1.52 28

 

45

Table 4.10 reflects t-tests with p< .05, controlling for sex of respondents and

utilizing a pooled variance estimate at .431. In these results there was no signifieant

difference in mean value of exchanges according to sex.

Table 4.10 Financial exchanges testing for sex of respondents

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error

Group 1 (male) 11 2.5357 .549 .123

Group 2 (female) 19 2.5143 .632 .200

E l l I! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t-value df .431
-.80 28

 

Table 4.11 reflects t-tests with p < .05 controlling for language preference of

respondents utilizing separate variance estimate of .485. In these results there was no

signifieant difference in mean value of exchanges according to language preference.

Table 4.11 Exchanges testing for language preference

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error
Group 1 (English) 10 2.5844 .480 .145
Group 2 (Spanish) 20 2.2857 .606 .139
E l l I! . E .
2-Tai1 Probability
t-value df .173

1.41 28

 

47
Hmthesiu
Ho: Null Hypothesis:
Hispanic families do not place a positive value on exchanges of care and
obligation between individuals and within their families.
H,: Alternative Hypothesis:
Hispanic families place positive value on exchanges of care and obligation
between individuals and within their families.
The quantitative data addressing financial behaviors appear to support the null
hypothesis; therefore, this hypothesis was not rejected. ' E
In addressing visitation and contact with family members, the data reflected that
21 respondents (70.0%) had contact with family members, while 9 respondents (30.0%)

had no contact, as shown in Tables 4.12 and 4.13.

Table 4.12 Visitation/contact with family

 

 

Response Number of Respondents Percent
Yes 21 70
No 9 30

 

Table 4.13 Visitation/contact with family per week

 

 

Number of Contacts Number of Respondents
0 9
l 6
2 10
3 5

 

48

In addition, when t-tests controlling for age were conducted on five categories
addressing visitation which included parents, adult children, siblings, grandchildren, and
other relatives, four of the t-tests were not rejected at p < .05 . The category addressing
visitation with parents yielded .048 utilizing separate variance estimates and thus

was rejected at p<.05. as reflected in Table 4.14.

Table 4.14 Visitation testing for age

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error

Group 1 (23-59) 14 1.9571 .561 .150

Group 2 (64-93) 16 1.5750 .449 .112

S I! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t-value (if .048
2.07 28

 

This would appear to indicate that visitation with parents shows the most contrast
yielding positive value for the younger age category. This researcher speculates that age
may factor in this because older participants may not have parents with whom they can
visit on a regular basis.

The qualitative findings appear to confirm the literature and studies by Danes
(1976) and Keefe (1984) which suggest that Hispanic families engage in extensive
resource exchange and visitation. The interpretative data secured from respondents
reflect that there appears to be a question of perceptions of strain placed on a family due

to a perceived sense of obligation as reported by respondents.

49

WW

During the course of the interview process, the vast majority of respondents
consistently reported their concerns for inconveniencing the family as a main reason for
not engaging in more visitation or requesting more assistance. The quantitative data
supports accepting the null hypothesis; however, qualitative data would render support
for the rejection of Hypothesis 1 and suggests that it is not a matter of not placing a
positive value on exchanges between individuals and within fanrilies; rather it is a matter
of perceived strain placed on family members. The sense is that the demands and strains
that families are faced with are perceived as being excessive. Rather than placing even
more demands on family members the respondents felt that they should attempt to remain
self reliant or adjust to their limitations. A 71-year-old female respondent stated:

"It is important for me not to place demands on my family by telling them I need

this or I need that. IfI do, they are going to be worrying about what I am doing

without and trying to figure out how to get it for me. They might then become

involved in crime or do something wrong to take care of me and that wouldn’t

be right. They also have their own families whom they must take care of and

who should be the most important to them. "

Therefore, HypOthesis 1 suggesting that Hispanic families do not place a positive
value on exchanges between individuals and within their families is supported if
quantitative data is the sole basis for consideration. However, if information gathered

through qualitative data is utilized, this hypothesis would be rejected. This presents a

dilemma and warrants further exploration at a later time.

Family Relationships
Questions in this section were designed to address the nature of the interactions

between individuals and family members with particular consideration of interactions

50
between adult children and parents. In order to address the reliability of the questions

in this section, reliability analysis scales were developed.
Table 4.15 reflects responses to questions regarding obligation of family contact.
Seventy-three percent of respondents felt that contact with family should be maintained

even when it is not convenient, while 16.7% responded to this negatively.

Table 4.15 Contact with family maintained

 

 

Response Frequency Percent
Yes 22 73.3
No 5 16.7
Not sure 3 10.0
Total 30 100.0

 

In response to questions regarding adult children’s obligation to parents, 63 %

reported that they felt they had an obligation to their parents as reflected in Table 4.16.

Table 4.16 Adult children obligation

 

 

Response Frequency Percent
Yes 19 63.3
No 8 26.7
Not sure 3 10.0
Total 30 100.0

 

In response to questions regarding parents’ obligation to adult children, 53 %

reported that parents had an obligation to adult children as reflected in Table 4.17.

51

Table 4.17 Parent obligation

 

 

Response Frequency Percent
Yes 16 53.3
No 9 30.0
Not sure 5 16.7
Total 30 100.0

 

The most interesting characteristic in this reporting appears in the number of
respondents who reported uncertainty regarding parental obligation to adult children. In
review of the categories addressing adult children’s obligation to parents and parental
obligation to adult children, it appears that a larger percentage of respondents felt greater
uncertainty in regards to parental obligation to adult children (16.7%) versus adult chil-
dren’s obligation to parents (10%).

The question regarding adult children’s role in caring for parents when they are
sick is consistent with respondents who reported that adult children have an obligation

to their parents as reported in Table 4.18.

Table 4.18 Adult children’s obligation to care for parent

 

 

Response Frequency Percent
Yes 19 63.3
No 2 6.7
Not sure 9 30.0

Total 30 100.0

52
The most signifieant finding in this area is reflected in Table 4.19 and is related

to the number of respondents who reported taking eare of their parents when they were
sick. Although 43.3% reported caring for parents when they were sick, 46.7% of
respondents reported that they do not or did not take care of their parents when they
were sick. Responses to this question often included reactions such as:

'I don’t think I could provide the eare that they receive from someone else but
I would try. "

" . . . .my mother and I do not have the kind of relationship where that would be
comfortable for either one of us but for people who do I think family should be there. "

”Family should try and keep parents at home as long as they can but sometimes
they get so sick that they can get the attention they need in a nursing home. They ean

get help from nurses and doctors and things like that. "

Table 4.19 Adult children who care for their parents

 

 

Response Frequency Percent
Yes 13 43.3
No 14 46.7
Not sure 3 10.0
Total 30 100.0

 

In order to determine the value on exchanges between elderly and other family
members as perceived by the respondents, t-tests were utilized. Testing for age and
utilizing a pooled variance estimate of .141, p< .05, results indieate there was no mean

difference as reflected in Table 4.20.

53
Table 4.21 reflects that when testing for sex of respondent and utilizing a pooled

variance estimate of .882 with p<.05, there was no significant difference in mean

values.

Table 4.20 Obligation testing for age of respondents

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases , Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error

Group 1 (23-59) 14 1.6429 .500 .112

Group 2 (64-93) 16 1.3714 .376 .119

E l l I! . E .
2-Tai1 Probability
t-value df .141
1.52 28

 

Table 4.21 Obligation testing for sex of respondents

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error
Group 1 (female) 19 2.5357 .549 .123
Group 2 (male) 11 2.5143 .632 .200
E l l 1! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t-value df . 882
-. 80 28

 

As Table 4.22 illustrates, t-tests testing for language preference and utilizing a
pooled variance estimate of .173 with p< .05 reflect that there was once again no

signifieant difference in mean values.

54

Table 4.22 Obligations testing for language of respondents

 

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error

Group 1 (English) 10 2.5844 .480 .145

Group 2 (Spanish) 20 2.2857 .606 .139

E l l I! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t—value df .173
1.40 28
Hmthesisz

Ho: Null Hypothesis:
Hispanic families do not place positive value on exchanges of care and obligation
between elderly and other family members.
H1: Alternative Hypothesis:
Hispanic families place positive value on exchanges of care and obligation
between elderly and other family members.
In reviewing the quantitative data in this section, it would appear that Hypothesis
2 would not be rejected, indicating that exchanges of care and obligation between elderly
and other family members are not viewed positively by the participants in this research
project. This again would offer a contradiction to research findings that suggest Hispanic
families are highly integrated with family members often serving as the primary support

system.

55
13W

The quantitative information reported may be a result of several factors on which
this researcher can only speculate and may include things such as level of acculturation
and length of time in the vicinity, or may reflect specific characteristics of the sample
population.

However, a careful review of the qualitative data suggests that a number of
respondents felt that there was an inherent obligation to family; however, because of
statistical parameters, this was not reflected.

Qualitative data suggest that there is a sense of obligation within the context of
the family. It is important to recognize that the respondents recognized their limitations
in terms of adequately providing care and support; however, most stipulated that they
would utilize outside resources as a last alternative.

Utilization of quantitative data as the sole consideration of Hypothesis 2 would
require rejection indicating that Hispanic families do not place positive value on
exchanges between elderly and other family members. However, in using qualitative
data a reconsideration is warranted. It appears by comments made that Hispanic families
do place positive value on exchanges between elderly and other family members and that

this is the desired relationship.

Cultural Values of Other Hispanic and Non-Hispanic Families
Questions in this section were designed with the intent of determining perceptions
of financial behaviors regarding other Hispanic families and non-Hispanic families in an
effort to determine if this sample of Hispanic families perceives that their exchanges are

similar.

56
In responding to whether they felt that the way they managed their financial

affairs was different than other people who were not Hispanic, 50% answered yes, 30%

answered no, and 20% reported not being sure as reflected in Table 4.23.

Table 4.23 Perceptions of financial management: personal
vs. non-Hispanics

 

 

Response Frequency Percent
Yes 15 50.0
No 9 30.0
Not sure 6 20.0
Total 30 100.0

 

When t-tests were conducted controlling for sex with pooled variance estimate at
.036 with p < .05 , the indication was that there was a difference in perception regarding

the management of financial affairs according to sex as reflected in Table 4.24.

Table 4.24 Perception of financial management: testing for sex of respondents

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error
Group 1 (female) 19 2.0500 .444 .099
Group 2 (male) 11 1.7000 .330 .104
E l l 1! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t-value df .036

2.20 28

 

57
However, when t-tests were conducted testing for language, utilizing pooled

variance estimate .209 with p < .05, the indication was that there was no significant
difference in mean values regarding the management of financial affairs, as reported in

Table 4.25.

Table 4.25 Perception of financial management: testing for language of respon
dents (Hispanic vs. non-Hispanic individuals)

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error
Group 1 (English) 10 1.8000 .390 .118
Group 2 (Spanish) 20 2.0105 .454 . 104
E l l I! . E .
2-Tail Probability
t-value df .209
-1.28 28

 

When t-tests were conducted testing for age and utilizing a pooled variance
estimate of .008 with p< .05, there was a mean value difference in how individuals
perceive the management of financial affairs for their own families as opposed to other

Hispanic families as reflected in Table 4.26.

Table 4.26 Perception of financial management: testing for age of respondents

 

 

 

 

 

Category Cases Mean Standard Standard
Deviation Error
Group 1 (23-59) 14 1.7143 .390 .104
Group 2 (64-93) 16 2.1250 .392 .098
E l l I! . E .
2.1m] Probability
t-value (if .008

-2.87 28

58
It appeared that 20% of the respondents had difficulty answering questions as they
related to non-Hispanics and other Hispanic fanrilies’ management of financial behaviors.
The respondents were leery of reporting on phenomena of which they had no basis on
which to report (see Table 4.23). One respondent indicated:
”1 really can’t say. It is difficult for me to tell you how other non-Hispanics, or
for that matter Hispanics, live their lives. I would think that even when we
consider other Hispanics, we would all be different. I am not so sure that we
would be that different from non-Hispanics but I really can’t say. "
Another respondent stated:
”I can only speak for myself."
Yet another reported:

"I have Amerieano friends, but we don’t talk about those things so I really don’t
know."

11mm
Ho: Null Hypothesis:
Hispanic families do not perceive that exchanges of care and obligation for other
Hispanic families within the community are similar to their families.
H1: Alternative Hypothesis:
Hispanic families perceive that exchanges of care and obligation for other
Hispanic families within the community are similar to their families.
In reviewing data and t-tests when testing for sex and age, it would appear that
the hypothesis was rejected which would indicate that Hispanic families perceive their

exchanges as similar to other Hispanic families.

59
Want

In relation to this hypothesis, quantitative and qualitative data render support for
the hypothesis; however, when considering differences according to language preference,
the hypothesis was not rejected indicating that Spanish—speaking respondents do not
perceive differences in how other Hispanic fanrilies manage their financial affairs. It is
difficult to speculate as to the factors that affect this; however, some of the Spanish-
speaking respondents indicated that they felt that many other Hispanic families were
becoming like ”gringos" (slang for Anglo). They indicated that they were no longer
teaching their children the values that they were once taught and that it was a loss to the
culture. They attributed the ability to retain the language as the most influential factor
in retaining the culture.

English-speaking Hispanic families and Spanish-speaking Hispanic families were
similar in response to how other Hispanic families managed their financial affairs.
Through further probing of questions, subjects indicated that what made them distinct and
similar to other Hispanic families was rooted in cultural values and upbringing. The
respondents reported that although there were changes from the times that they were
children, they were raising their families with the same core values. These values
included respect for life and family. They reported that money was secondary, and al-

though vital to survival, it would mean nothing if there was not strong family support.

Q—sort
A Q-Sort was used to determine how Hispanic families rank order values. The

variables were self, family, work, neighbors, money, friends, church, God, and health.

Individuals were asked to rank them according to high, medium, and low categories.

60

High was assigned a value of 3, medium a value of 2, and low a value of 1. The results

of Hypotheses 4, 5, and 6 are reported together.

Hmihesiu.

Ho: Null Hypothesis:
Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ from their cultural values
prioritizing for their own families.

H1: Alternative Hypothesis:
Hispanic culture values prioritizing differs from their culture values prioritizing

for their own families.

Hmthssisi

Ho: Null Hypothesis:
Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ from their culture values
prioritizing for other Hispanic families.

H1: Alternative Hypothesis:
Hispanic culture values prioritizing differs from their culture values prioritizing

for other Hispanic families.

methesiafi
H0: Null Hypothesis:
Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ from their culture values

prioritizing for non-Hispanics in the larger community.

61
H,: Alternative Hypothesis:

Hispanic culture values prioritizing differs from their culture values prioritizing
for non-Hispanics in the larger community.
Table 4.27 reflects the ranking priority assigned by the participants when asked

to place the cards in the order of significance/importance for themselves.

Table 4.27 Rank order of variables by individual Hispanics

 

 

 

(micro)

Variable Value

High Medium Low
Self 6 2 22
Family 16 10 4
Work 3 12 15
Neighbors 3 27
Money 1 19 10
Friends 2 1 l 17
Church 6 9 15
God 20 5 5
Health 6 l9 5

 

Table 4.28 reflects the ranking priority assigned by the participants when asked
to place them in the order they believed their family would consider them.

Table 4.29 reflects the ranking priority assigned by the participants when asked
to place them in the order they believed people in the Hispanic community might place

them in.

62

Table 4.28 Rank order of variables for respondents’ families

 

 

 

(mcSO)

Variable Value

High Medium Low
Self 4 3 23
Family 15 l 1 4
Work 4 18 8
Neighbors 1 29
Money 8 13 9
Friends 2 15 13
Church 6 6 18
God 16 6 9
Health 5 16 9

 

Table 4.29 Rank order of variables for other Hispanic fami-
lies by individual Hispanics (exo)

 

 

 

Variable Value

High Medium Low
Self 2 3 24
Family 19 7 3
Work 2 16 ll
Neighbors 2 27
Money 4 15 10
Friends 1 17 11
Church 7 5 17
God 21 3 5
Health 2 ll 16

 

Table 4.30 reflects the ranking priority assigned by the participants when asked
to place them in the order they believed non-Hispanics in the larger community might

place them in.

63
In reviewing the nine variables considered in this Q-Sort, the variables of family

and God were consistently identified as having priority across 3 of the 4 levels (micro,
meso, exo). However, when the nine variables were prioritized as perceived that non-
Hispanics nright prioritize, the variable of family ranked highest, followed by God and
self. Hispanics perceived non-Hispanics as ranking God and self equally high following
family.

Table 4.30 Rank order of variables for non-Hispanic families
by individual Hispanics (macro)

 

 

 

Variable Value

High Medium Low
Self 11 3 15
Family 14 8 7
Work 6 15 8
Neighbors 2 27
Money 4 22 3
Friends 4 18 7
Church 4 1 24
God 1 l 6 12
Health 4 12 13

 

Descriptive rank ordering was utilized for analysis and no statistical tests were
conducted for significant differences. Thus, the null hypothesis of Hypothesis 4 and
Hypothesis 5 are not rejected. Participants in this research project perceived that their
values prioritizing was consistent with values prioritizing of other members of their
family, as well as other Hispanic families within the community.

The null hypothesis of Hypothesis 6 is rejected indicating that participants in this
research project perceived that their values prioritizing differed from non-Hispanic

families in the community.

8W

An interesting observation was noted in the variable category of friends. In the
course of the interviews, the concept of ”amistad" was identified by several respondents.
In its literal translation, "amistad" is translated to friendship. However, the significance
of this variable is not captured in the translation and it is difficult to translate the
signifieance of this term. An example of anristad is best explained by this 81-year-old
male who elaborated on this while completing the Q-sort:

'Amistad is the most important thing in life. Without it, you’re nothing. It is
important for people to be able to trust in this. We don’t have much of it anymore these
days. "

A 71-year-old female respondent stated:

“Oh, amistad is the most important thing to have in one’s life. If you have that
and offer it to people, you have peace in your life. If you don’t, life can be very hard.
I would like to believe that I have this in my life..."

It is this researcher’s observation and sense that it is greatly valued, yet
difficult to conceptualize in that its cultural value cannot be adequately captured in
translation.

The variables of church and God were distinguished as being related; however,
each maintained its own significant value. God was identified as more of a perceived
being or spirit and church was categorized as an institution, much like the family

variable.

65
Similarly, money and work variables were considered as being related yet

maintaining distinct differences. Most participants reported that money was attained

through some form of work.

Additional Information

Further analysis of the qualitative data derived from the interviews was utilized
in an effort to gain a clearer understanding as to how respondents perceived financial
exchanges and whether they perceived the exchanges as exploitative. There were five
respondents who reported having experienced problems with family members because of
the handling or management of finances; therefore, the respondents were re-contacted in
an effort to secure greater detail on their specific circumstances. Of the five respondents
who reported difficulty, only three would speak to the specific issues. Two of the
respondents were willing to discuss the specific circumstances with me, but requested that
I not include the information in that they were embarrassed by the circumstances.

A description and discussion of data are reported for the 3 of the 5 respondents.

Yet identifying information will not be given on the respondents in an effort to ensure

their anonymity.

 

Question: Have you ever experienced any problems with family members because
of the handling/ management of your finances?
Respondent Number 1

"I have a daughter who is not doing very well. She always complained about the
things I didn’t do for her and how I never helped her when she was a child. She
doesn’t understand that I had to work to keep food on the table and that I did
what I had to do. Now I hear that she is living 'entre las casitas" (from house

66

to house) because she was kicbd out of her house. She gave her two older
children to her ex-husband because she wasn’t taking care of them. She has two
other children from someone else and those are the two that I worry about. She
will call me up and ask me for money because she needs to feed them. I tell her
to bring them to my house and I will feed them, but she gets mad at me and tells
me I don’t want to help her. I used to take care of her kids about three years
ago. They use to practically live with me. The only time she would come by is
when the welfare check would come in. She would pick up the check and
disappear. Finally I told her I couldn’t do it anymore and I told her I would
report her to the welfare office. She got angry and took her kids.

”She thinks I’m lying when I tell her I don’t have money. She will come over
to my house and yell at me and will leave the house angry. In a couple of weeks
she comes back asking for money or food. Sometimes I give her what I can. "

Respondent 2

”I don’t think I have problems with this, but sometimes my daughter gets angry
because I don’t tell her where my money goes. She tells me that she is worried
because she thinks I am giving too much to my church. My church has been
important to me. When I first eame to this areal was told thatI was dying and
had very little time to live. I became very upset and didn’t know what to do.
That is when I became involved with this church. They prayed over me and like
a miracle my tumor disappeared. Shortly after that my husband got sick and had
to stop working. That was so hard because we didn’t have money. As he got
sicker and sicker we had to place him in a nursing home. I spent as much time
as I could with him but sometimes he was very nasty and mean. After he died,
I found that I had more time to give to the church. They pick me up and take me
there every Sunday and for special occasions. My daughter got mad when she
found out that I was making tamales for the church to sell. I was making up to
50 dozen a week and I was buying all the ingredients. I also gave and still give
the church whatever little money I can. My daughter thinks that I can’t handle
my own money and she is starting to ask a lot of questions. I get mad at her
because it is my money and I should be able to do with it what I like, don’t you
think? As long as I pay my rent and I don’t ask her for money I don’t have to
explain things to her.”

Question: Do you think the way you manage your financial matters for parents,
children, family differs from other people who are not Hispanic?
Respondent 3

"I think my situation is different than others. I have a trabajadoda (worker) who

helps me out a lot. She will do my cleaning and grocery shopping and helps me
pay my bills. I don’t know what I would do without her. Sometimes if she is

67

short on money I loan her some. It doesn’t happen often, but she has a big

family and I think that things get hard for her. You know they don’t pay them

much for all they do.”

In relation to responses provided by Respondent 3, I was contacted by her
assigned worker who indicated that the respondent became concerned that this researcher
was going to take her worker away from her and that she wouldn’t have the help she
needed. She had apparently become so alarmed that she had called her adult daughter
in a panic. I met with the respondent and reassured her that it was not my intent to take
her worker and that the information she had provided me was very useful but would not
and could not be identified back to her. After lengthy discussion and reassurance, she
agreed to let me include the information.

In the course of the project, financial exploitation was referred to as any situation

involving the mistreatment or improper use of the older individual with regard to their

resources, which may include money, property, objects of value, or goods and services.

Discussion of Findings of Additional Information

In adhering to this definition, it appears to this researcher that all three
respondents are in some manner being subjected to financial exploitation.

Respondent 1 appears to have been exploited in the recent past in relation to the
care she was providing to her grandchildren. Although she had a sense of obligation,
she had been subjected to having to provide care and be responsible for their care and
well-being. Presently, she is repeatedly subjected to threats and harassment by her
daughter. She indicated that there were times that she would " give her what she could. "

She had also indicated that her daughter would continuously call her and harass her.

68
Respondent 2 appears to have been exploited in relation to the services and goods

she is providing to her church as perceived by her daughter. However, the respondent
perceives that she provides goods and services and in exchange perceives that she
receives goods and services. Although there may some question as to the motive of
specific institutions, exploitation in these situations are difficult to identify.

Respondent 3 appears to have been exploited in the sense that there is a level of
dependency that the respondent has on her caregiver and, therefore, feels compelled to
provide her financial assistance on an occasional basis in an effort to avoid rejection.

As is evident in the presentation of the aforementioned situations, financial
exploitation is difficult to conceptualize. The problems of identifying and documenting
the abuse are apparent. These circumstances are often complicated by stereotypes and
misconceptions that have permeated the literature in regard to Hispanic elderly and
Hispanic families. These stereotypes have made it difficult for researchers, including this
researcher, to distinguish between cultural expectations and exploitation. Discussion
concerning the limitations and further recommendations will be provided in the
conclusion section of this project.

Table 4.31 summarizes research hypotheses and findings in relation to this study.

69

Table 4.31 Summation of findings

 

Hypotheses Findings

Null Hypothesis 1 Not Rejected
Ho: Hispanic families do not place positive value on ex—

changes of care and obligation between elderly and

other family members.

Null Hypothesis 2 Not Rejected
Ho: Hispanic families do not place positive value on ex-

changes of care and obligation between individuals

and within their families.

Null Hypothesis 3 Partially Rejected
Ho: Hispanic families do not perceive that exchanges of

care and obligation for other Hispanic families within

the community are similar to their families.

Null Hypothesis 4 Not Rejected
Ho: Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ
from their culture values prioritizing for their own

Null Hypothesis 5 Not Rejected
Ho: Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ

from their culture values prioritizing for other His-

panic families.

Null Hypothesis 6 Rejected
Ho: Hispanic culture values prioritizing does not differ

from their culture values prioritizing for non-Hispanics

in the larger community.

 

CHAPTERV

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS

Review

Review of the quantitative data secured in this research sample indicated that
Hispanic families in this sample did not appear to place positive value on exchanges
between individuals and within their families as measured by the number of identified
exchanges and the rate of reported visitation and contact. The respondents did not appear
to differ when controlling for sex and language preference. When tests were conducted
controlling for age, the only category that yielded a difference was the category
investigating visitation with family members. It appeared that respondents in this sample
placed a high value on visitation with parents, although this was the only significant
pattern. The difference accorded to age may reflect in actuality that the younger set of
respondents still had parents who they could visit and the older respondents no longer
had living parents to visit.

Hispanic families in this sample did not appear to view exchanges between elderly
and other family members positively. Responses did not appear to differ according to
age, sex, or language preference.

In considering how Hispanic families in this sample perceive the management of
finances, it appears that the perception is that there is a similarity to other Hispanic
families, with the exception of respondents who perceive differences according to
language preference. Spanish-speaking respondents perceive that they are different from

other Hispanic families in the community in terms of the management of their financial

70

71
affairs. It is difficult to speculate as to why respondents varied according to language

preference and reinforces the need to further attempt to analyze this variable.

Hispanic families in this sample did not appear to perceive their cultural values
as being different for their own families or from values of other Hispanic families in
their community. However, they did perceive that their cultural values were different
from non-Hispanics in the larger community.

Data gathered by conducting an interview yielded information that could not be
gathered by a quantitative approach. The descriptive data offered depth to the nature of
the research project and reflected that quantitative methods do not always accurately
capture the dynamics of interactions within Hispanic families. The descriptive data show
that Hispanic families are being influenced by the stresses and strains encountered by
families today. Further studies with a larger sample size are needed to investigate the
stereotypes of the Hispanic family unit as being cohesive, strong, and capable of fending
off external threats in the context of the family and are needed to further evaluate its
dynamic nature. It may be that Hispanics and Hispanic families are faced with the
additional burden of attempting to adhere to expectations that the stereotypes have
created. It would be valuable and beneficial to conduct greater in-depth qualitative
research in order to gain a clearer understanding as to factors affecting Hispanic families
and individuals.

The sample consisted of 30 Mexican Americans from a large city in Michigan.
The respondents were initially identified through participation in services provided to the
Hispanic community and additional respondents in the community were identified through

the use of snowball sampling.

72

The design of the study was based on an empirical and interpretative component.
The study was exploratory in nature and was designed with the intent of gaining an
understanding of the perceptions maintained regarding the exchanges within the context
of the family.

Data from the respondents were obtained by the use of an instrument developed
by the researcher. Questions were designed to obtain data on the demographic profiles
of the respondents, information regarding financial behaviors, and information regarding
the nature and quality of relationships and cultural values as perceived by the respon-
dents.

The statistical procedures included reliability analysis scales, t-tests, and means.
The alpha level of significance was set at .05 as a basis for the decision to reject the null
hypothesis which was analyzed by using inferential statistics. Descriptive data was also

used to further evaluate the data.

Descriptive Conclusions

The descriptive conclusions were based upon information secured during the
course of the administration of the questionnaire. Selected responses are presented as a
means of providing the foundation for the analysis of the data.

When respondents were asked whether contact with family members should be
maintained even when it is not convenient, responses included such statements as:

Family should always be first; only when it is convenient; there are too many
demands on the family; one should always make time for family; what is convenient?

When respondents were asked whether adult children had an obligation to

their parents, responses included such statements as:

73

They took care of me when I was young; it’s our responsibility because they took
care of us; should always respect them before anything else; they have an obligation to
their family first; they have their own families.

In response to questions regarding whether parents had an obligation to their adult
parents, respondents indicated:

Have already completed it; raised them; once they’ve left home they are on their
own; they are always a parent’s responsibility.

In response to whether adult children should take care of their parents when they
are sick, respondents indicated:

It would be nice; it would be great if they could but these days it is too hard; if
they can manage.

In response to children/family taking care of aged parents rather than a nursing
home or social agency, respondents indicated:

It would be nice but not easy; nursing homes provide good care; family can’t
always manage; family should never dump the older parent in a nursing home, that is
dumping; sometimes nursing homes can do what family can’t.

In response to questions regarding adult children assisting with financial help
when necessary, respondents indicated:

When necessary; if they can manage it; yes, because who will help if family

doesn’t; they should always provide their own family first.

Limitations of Research
Specific limitations of this research project include, but not restricted to, the

following:

74

l. The research did not control for socioeconomic status, educational levels,
and length of time in the United States. These factors may have contributed to a clearer
understanding of dynamics that may influence exchanges and may have resulted in a
different outcome of the research.

2. The research did not consider cohort differences for sampling purposes.
This would have afforded the opportunity of pairing comparisons with generational and
historical perspectives which may contribute to dynamics within families.

3. The research did not include all subgroups of Hispanics, choosing rather
a convenient sample of Mexican Americans.

4. The administration of a survey instrument did not allow flexibility in the
process of securing information. The importance of sterility in the interview process was
recognized. With this particular sample this was a particularly critical issue in that many
of the respondents considered the lack of engagement as distancing. This particular
sample wished to engage in a level of interaction that exceeded the restrictions of the
survey. This was evident in their response to the questions, as well as in their attempts
to engage the researcher in conversation that was not relevant to the research topic.

5. The lack of experience in the development of instrumentation and carrying

out research interviews may have contributed to a restricted collection of data.

Implications for Future Research
As a result of this study, the investigator recommends further research designed

at addressing some of the specific linritations of this project.

75

l. The study should be repeated using a larger sample of participants
controlling for socioeconomic status, educational levels, and length of time in the United
States.

2. The study should be repeated contrasting younger cohorts and older
cohorts of Hispanics.

3. The study should be set up so that the project is inclusive of all subgroups
of Hispanics. This will enable cross comparative evaluations, which may assist in a
clearer understanding of dynamic cultural factors.

4. This study should be set up so that observation and interview procedures
are used. The administration of the questionnaire was heavily structured and did not
adequately allow for probing of information, which may possibly have yielded substantial
data.

5 . If research on perceptions of financial exploitation by Hispanic families
is to be developed, the process of securing information will need to be refined.

6. The process of ensuring reliability and validity will need to be refined.

7. The study should narrow the focus of addressing one of the categories in
the current instrument and investigate the one component thoroughly.

The investigator further recommends research designed at addressing issues as
they relate to subgroups of Hispanic families and Hispanic elderly in particular.

1. Studies should be devised to study the importance of socioeconomic status,
educational levels, and levels of acculturation in relation to the utilization of support

services for Hispanic elderly.

76

2. Studies should be devised to determine majority culture perceptions
regarding Hispanic elderly.

3. Studies should be devised to determine Hispanic elderly perceptions
regarding the ability to access services.

4. Studies contrasting urban and rural samples of Hispanic elderly, and
Anglos, Hispanics and African Americans, should be conducted.

5 . Regional studies should be conducted on Hispanic elderly in an effort to
determine similarities and differences regarding the supports and needs of this population.

6. If research on Hispanic elderly is to continue, instruments to address
specific issues will need to be developed and refined.

7. The researcher must build rapport and trust before collecting data.

Implications for Practical Use
The results from this study could be useful to individuals concerned with issues
related Wd especially the needs of the Hispanic population.
These findings may be of specific interest to investigators attempting to determine the
status of the elderly in Hispanic families and who are interested in advocating for the

needs of this particular population. In addition, individuals involved in the development

 

of services and policy may be assisted in developing strategies for addressing the specific

concerns encountered by this population. The _results may also serve to underscore the

 

need/Exfor more, (Luantitative and qualitative research conducted on Hispanic families,
Moreover, there is a need for these studies to be conducted by researchers who are
familiar with the language and who are sensitive to the culture. This project was

undertaken in consideration of these issues and undoubtedly has served the purpose of

77

reinforcing for the researcher the need for continued work and contribution on issues

specific to the Hispanic elderly.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

PARTICIPANT CHARACTERISTICS

APPENDIX A

PARTICIPANT CHARACTERISTICS

What is the total number of people in your household?

1 One 3 Three 5 Five
2 Two 4 Four 6 Six or more

What type of living arrangement do (you/other household members) have?

1 Live in a house you own

2 Rent a house or apartment

3 Live with your family in a house they own or rent
4 Rent a room

5 Other (specify)

 

How many rooms are in your household, including kitchen and bathrooms?

1 One 5 Five

2 Two 6 Six or more

3 Three 7 Declined to respond
4 Four

Who else lives in (your/other household members) your home with you?

Live alone

Live with spouse/partner, minor children
Live with adult children or grandchildren
Live with parents and/or siblings

Live with other relatives

Other (Specify)
Not sure! Declined

 

«autumn»—

Who in your household is over 60?

1 Self 5 Siblings
2 Spouse (Husband/wife) 6 Other
3 Children (how many) 7 No one

 

78

APPENDIX B

FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT

10.

11.

12.

APPENDIX B

FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT

Do you manage your own finances?
(Yes = 1;No = 0; Can’t Say = 2)

If you are age 60 or older, do you complete any of the following:
(Yes =1;No = 0; Can’t Say = 2)

a. __ Complete check deposits

b. __ Complete bank withdrawals

c. __ Pay bills

d. __ Sign legal papers

e. __ Offer family members loans (money)

f. __ Offer to pay or do something in exchange
g __ Pay family children’s bills

h. __ Pay family members’ bills

i. Other

If you are age 60 or older and do not manage your own finances, who does it
for you?

Spouse
Daughter

Son
Granddaughter
Grandson
Other relative
Neighbor
Other

 

5"!" 1'”? P.“ F”?

 

79

13.

14.

15.

What does he or she do for you? (Yes = 1; N0 = 0; Can’t Say = 2)

a.

b.

Complete bank deposits

Complete bank withdrawals

Pay bills for you with your money
Help you with money

Sign legal papers for you

Ask you for money

Borrow money from you

Ask you to do something in exchange for things he or she has
done for you

Other

If you are less than 60 years of age, do you do any of the following for a family
member? (Yes = 1; N0 = 0; Can’t Say = 2)

a.

b.

Complete check deposits
Complete bank withdrawals
Sign checks for the person

Pay bills. What bills?

 

Have power of attorney
Complete shopping

Sign legal forms

How do you feel about helping manage finances for your relative?

1 No Problem 2 Uncomfortable 3 Unsure 4 Feel Obligated

Describe

 

80

APPENDIX C

ASSESSING AND PREVENTING FINANCIAL EXPLOITATION

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APPENDIX C

ASSESSING AND PREVENTING FINANCIAL EXPLOITATION

What are sources of income, dollar amounts and payment due dates?

Where are checks deposited?

How is cash obtained?

How are bills paid? Who writes and/or signs the checks?

What is the amount of the monthly bills?

What debts exist?

Does the client have any credit cards or automated teller cards? Does s/he use them?
Who else is listed on the accounts?

What is the total number of bank accounts? Where are they located, what is the
approximate balance in each, what type of accounts are they? Is anyone else listed
on any of the accounts?

Does the client have stocks or bonds? Where are they located? Does s/he have a
brokerage account?

Does the client own a home and is anyone else listed as a joint tenant? Who has
deeds to the property?

Does the client have any safe deposit boxes? Where are they located and who has
the keys? Does anyone else have access to them?

Does s/he have jewelry, valuable collections, art or other valuables? Where are they
kept?

. Does the client have insurance policies? What kinds?

Is anyone using the client’s residence or utilities without permission?
Have loans or gifts been made recently?

Has the client given power of attorney to anyone?

Does the client have a conservator or guardian?

Does the client have a lawyer or accountant?

Is there a will and where is it located?

Has the client signed any papers recently?

ls s/he getting adequate food, clothing, etc?

Will any new forms of income become available soon?

. What is the income of the client’s supporters?

Does the client have any pets which may nwd to be cared for if the living
arrangement changes?

Are other relatives available to help? Are they geographically and emotionally close
to the client? Are they burdened with children or other concerns? Could they
monitor someone else?

What is the frequency of the client’s contact with this support system?

81

APPENDIX D

FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

APPENDIX D

FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

Indicate whether you agree or disagree and why.

16.

17.

18.

19.

Contact with family should be maintained even when it is not convenient.
Yes No Not Sure Refused

Describe

 

 

Adult children have an obligation to their parents.
Yes No Not Sure Refused

Describe

 

 

Parents have an obligation to their adult children.

Yes No Not Sure Refused

Describe

 

 

Adult children should take care of parents when they are sick.

Yes No Not Sure Refused

 

Describe

 

 

82

20. Do you take care of your parents when they are sick?

21.

22.

Yes No Not Sure Refused

Describe

 

 

Aged parents should be cared for by children/family rather than by a social agency.

Yes No Not Sure Refused

Describe

 

 

Adult children should give their parents financial help when necessary.

Yes No Not Sure Refused

Describe

 

 

83

APPENDIX E

CULTURAL VALUES

26. j

APPENDIX E

CULTURAL VALUES

Indicate whether you agree or disagree and why.

23.

24.

25.

26.

Do you think that the way you manage your financial matters for parents, siblings,
and children (family) differs from other people who are not Hispanic?

Yes No Can’t Say Refused

Describe

 

 

Have you ever experienced any problems with family members because of the
handling/ management of their finances?

Yes No Can’t Say Refused

Describe

 

 

Do you know of other Hispanic families who manage finances for relatives?
Yes No Can’t Say Refused

Describe

 

 

Do you know of any problems they have had because of this?
Yes No Can’t Say Refused

Describe

 

27. Do you know of families that aren’t Hispanic who manage finances for relatives?
Yes N 0 Can’t Say Refused

Describe

 

 

85

APPENDIX F

CONTACT AND PROXIMITY

28.

29.

30.

APPENDIX F

CONTACT AND PROXIMITY

Do you have regular contact with your family? (Yes = 1; N0 = 0;
Not Sure = 3; Refused = 4)

a. _ Parents
b. _ Adult children
c. __ Siblings
d. __ Grandchildren
e. Other relatives

If you answered yes, whom do you visit regularly?

a. Mother e. Sister(s)

b. Father f. Brother(s)

c. Grandmother g. Grandchildren
d. Grandfather h. Other

 

 

ll
0—5
'0

How many hours a week to you spend with family? (Less than 1
Less than 5 = 2; Less than 10 = 3; More than 10 = 4)

a. __ Parents

b. __ Adult Children
c. __ Siblings

d. _ Grandchildren

e. Other Relatives

86

If you answered no, what is the reason for not visiting family? (Distance = 1;
No time to visit = 2; Poor relationship = 3; Other = 4)

 

a. _ Parents

b. _ Adult Children
c. __ Siblings

d. __ Grandchildren
e. Other relatives
Describe

 

 

How close do you live to your family? (less than 1 mile = 0; Between 1 and 5
miles = 1; Between 5 and 10 miles = 2; Between 10 and 24 miles = 3; Between
20 and 50 miles = 4; More than 50 miles = 5)

a. __ Mother

b. __ Father

c. __ Grandmother
d. __ Grandfather
e. _ Sister

f. __ Brother

g __ Grandchildren
h. Other

87

33.

34.

Do you believe that distance is a problem for you and your family?
1 Yes 0 No 3 Not Sure 4 Refused

Describe

 

 

How often do you talk to your family on the telephone? (Less than 1 time per
week = 0; Between 1 and 3 times per week = 1; Between 4 and 6 times per week .
= 2; Between 7 and 9 times per week = 3; Between 10 and 12 times per week = I
4; More than 12 times per week = 5)

 

a. __ Parents

b. _ Adult Children

0. __ Siblings F‘
d. _ Grandchildren

e. Other Relatives

88

APPENDIX G

Q-SORT

 

APPENDIX C

Q-SORT

35. I am going to give you these ten cards and I would like you to place them in the
order of significance/importance for you.

Cards: Self
Family
Work
Neighbors
Money :, .
Friends E a.
Church I E
God
Health

 

 

l

36. Next, I would like you to place them in the order that you believe your family
considers them.

37. Next, I would like you to place them in the order that you believe pe0p1e in the
Hispanic community might place them in.

 

38. Next, I would like you to place them in the order that you believe non-Hispanics
in the larger community might place them in.

89

APPENDIX H

CONSENT FORM

APPENDIX H

CONSENT FORM

In signing this form, you indicate your voluntary agreement to participate in a study
concerning economic issues within Latino households in Lansing, Michigan. This
interview will consist of open ended questions pertaining to you and your family and will
take approximately one session of 30 minutes to complete. Your responses during the
entire process will be tape recorded; however, you may request that the tape recorder be
turned off at any time during the interview process. Your name will not be mentioned
during the interview process ensuring your confidentiality. In addition, any information
you provide that is documented by the researcher will be coded so that your responses
cannot be identified by anyone other than by the principal researcher. Please be advised
that you can quit at any time during this process and do not have to complete the survey.
If you decide to quit, the information you provided will not be utilized and the recorded

portion of the interview will be erased in your presence.

If you have any questions or concerns regarding the process of this study, please contact

Dr. Lillian Phenice at 355-7680.

Signed:
Participant

 

Researcher

 

90

 

, .
its...

APPENDIX I
PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHICS

 

. GENDER

. AGE:

APPENDIX I

PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHICS

. What term for your Latino heritage would you prefer to be used throughout this
interview (e.g. Mexican, Puerto Rican, Chicano)?

1 Mexican

2 Puerto Rican

sewn Fe
4 Other E2

. What language would you prefer?

lame
2wmm

 

1 Female
2 Male
3 Refused
4 Other

 

 

 

91

 

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