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ROUNDBALL AND RESISTANCE:
PICKUP BASKETBALL AS SITE OF BLACK CULTURAL EXPRESSION

By

Michael Stephen Hanson

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1995

ABSTRACT

ROUNDBALL AND RESISTANCE:
PICKUP BASKETBALL AS SITE OF BLACK CULTURAL EXPRESSION

By

Michael Stephen Hanson

This study isolates and explores differences in playing styles and
approaches to pickup, or informal, basketball by racial-cultural group.
Informed by the theoretical contributions of cultural studies, particularly
the work on black cultural resistance, the central argument advanced is
that pickup basketball can possess different cultural meaning for black and
white participants. The study identifies three areas where these differences
are revealed: a) aesthetically, in style of play; b) verbally, in degree of vocal
engagement; and c) performatively, in terms of positive impression
maintenance. The three areas were observed while conducting in-depth
participant observation in a pickup basketball setting. Racial-cultural
differences are explored for the broader meanings they may hold for further
understanding the relationship between urban black social location and

black cultural practices in the US.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank friend and advisor Steve Gold who was most Open and
sympathetic to my true scholarly interests. Richard Child Hill and Kevin
Kelly provided many wonderful hours of stimulating discussion, feedback,
and support. Big thanks to Ruth Simms Hamilton and the members of the
African Diaspora Research Project for the much-desired intellectual rigor.
As committee member, Peter Manning offered many valuable comments to
the discussion herein. And "big ups" must go to the ballers like Glenn
Robinson, Penny Hardaway, Rasheed Wallace and the thousands of
unnamed players on playgrounds and in gyms across the nation. Their art
inspired this work. Finally, many thanks to my parents, Lynn and Perry
Hanson, for their love, support, and spirit. They taught me the importance

of critical thought long before I knew its terms.

II.

III.

.<'

VII.

VIII.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

Basketball, Race, and Performative Difference

Black Expressive Style as Cultural Resistance

Basketball and the Metaperformance

Method: The Writer as Player Ethnographer

Race, Court Selection, and Style of Play

Findings
A. The Basketball Aesthetic and Metaperformance
B. Verbal Styles
C. The "Face" and Impression Management

Conclusion

Bibliography

iv

Page

11
17

21

35
39

LIST OF FIGURES

1M Facility--General Floorplan

Page
13

[J]azz is an art of individual assertion within and against the group. Each true
jazz movement . . . springs from a contest in which each artist challenges all the
rest, each solo flight, or improvisation, represents (like the successive canvases of a
painter) a definition of his identity: as individual, as member of the collectivity and
as link in the chain of tradition.

Ralph Ellison

Basketball is jazz: improvisatory, free, individualistic, corporate, sweaty, exulting,

screeching, torrid, explosive, exquisitely designed for letting first the trumpet, then

the sax, then the drummer, then the trombone soar away in virtuoso excellence.
Michael Novak

Recently, much scholarly attention has been directed toward understanding
the complex of issues which influence the contours of collective social
identity for African-Americans (see for instance Gilroy 1987 & 1993; Mercer
1994; Dyson 1993; West 1990, Julien 1992). A primary site for locating
these discussions has been African-American pepular culture (see Dent
1993). Basketball, as a popular American sport with widespread black
participation and identification at all competition levels, offers a rich space
in which to explore the broader dynamics of race, class, and cultural
practice which are salient in contemporary African-American intellectual
discourse.

The game of basketball, from informal playground contests to the
elite arenas of professional play, is often perceived as a racialized activity, a
sport which is given meaning, value, and articulation through a particular
African-American aesthetic. According to Michael Eric Dyson (1993), the
game is the "metaphoric center of black juvenile culture, a major means by
which even temporary forms of cultural and personal transcendence of
personal limits are experienced" (73). For black urban youth, basketball
provides a space within which is located a complex of signifiers where

identity, inspiration, social meaning, and cultural information is stored and

1

produced.

This paper seeks to isolate and explore differences in styles and
approaches to pickup basketball by "racial" group. The central argument
that underlies this work is that pickup basketball can possess different
cultural meaning for black and white participants and these differences are
reflected in three facets of play: aesthetically, in playing style; verbally, in
degree of vocal participation; performatively, in terms of positive self-
presentation and impression management. For this task I will employ the
theoretical work of cultural studies, particularly the work focusing on
cultural resistance, symbolic interactionism, and sociology of sport
treatments of race-performance difference. Thus far much of the relevant
work in cultural studies has remained at the level of theory construction or
criticism. This project, then, is an attempt to apply and link some of these
concepts to data collected through participant observation.

Basketball, Race and Performative Difl'erence

Although the immediate focus of this project concerns the cultural meanings
that basketball holds for its participants, it should nonetheless be useful to
enter this discussion by briefly identifying some scholarly treatments of
basketball, race, and skill. Much of this body of work seeks to account for
the disproportionate frequency of participation of African-American males in
the upper-levels (NCAA Division I and II and various professional leagues)
of competitive basketball and as skilled participants at all levels of play.

Donal Carleton (1983) identifies and systematically critiques four
general theories, often combined or overlapping, which are oft-cited
explanations for this disproportion: physiological, personality differences,

socio-structural factors, and patterns of socialization (32).

3

Carlston notes that each of these projects summarily reveal at best only
tenuous and partial relationships in explaining perceived performance
differences by race. For instance, paradigms which emphasize
constitutional differences by racial group (physiological and personality
explanations) are refutable on the grounds that there usually exists as
much intrarace physiological/personality difference than extrarace.l The
thesis that a greater urgency toward "making i " in basketball among young
African-American males due to constricted access to other modalities of
empowerment cannot explain skill differences between whites and blacks
who possess equal commitment to participation (Carlston 32-33). Finally,
and particularly relevant to my discussion is the persistence of quite
distinct styles and orientations toward the game which remain inexplicable
when any or all of these theses are applied. Carlston asserts that even

if all of these different theories were substantiated, there would

still be glaring ga s in our understanding of race differences in

playin styles. . . do black players emphasize scoring over

other acets of play? do white and black youn sters play

pick-up games using diff:rent rules to govern play. Existing

theories are clearl unable to provide satisfactory answers to

such questions (3 , my emphasis).
With any of the above explanations, what is left unexplained in the final
instance is not that there exist perceptible differences in skill level or innate
physiology but rather that the styles of play and orientation to the game are
significantly different. And it is this prominent absence which prohibits a
complete understanding of. race, sport, and performative differences.

In response to this absence, Carlston offers an "environmental theory"
as a useful alternative framework for conceptualizing these perceived race-
performance differences. Emphasized here is the complex of local forces in

urban versus non-urban settings, which each tend to reveal particular racial

concentrations, that enhance and shape varied styles, tendencies, and

4

orientations to the game among players. The social processes which
circumscribe the "inner city game" for instance--higher concentration of
players competing for more limited recreational space, high presence of
spectators, Cultural exigencies requiring heightened attention to positive
outward-appearance maintenance-~provoke a high degree of competitiveness,
an orientation toward individuality, tolerance of high levels of physical
contact, and a pronounced emphasis on the maintenance of positive self-
presentation or front. What emerges and is continually reproduced from
this complex of forces is a particular urban (mostly black, male) playing
style which has come to be regarded as "more self conscious, more
expressive, more expansive, more colorful, more intense, more assertive,
more aggressive, and more focused on the individual than is the style of the
larger society [white]" (Kochman 1982, 130). 'Alternately, the non-urban
area, according to Carlston, is an environment which engenders a more
egalitarian and team-oriented approach. In areas where playing space is
ample and access to facilities is high, players have increased opportunities
to develop individual skills. Intensive focus may be directed toward the
practice and refinement of technical components of the game, particularly
with regard to shooting form and technique, but this often occurs without
the rigorous conditioning of game-like competition. Thus non-urban players
are less likely to develop the aggressiveness, competitiveness, and
orientation toward self-sufficiency in performance which urban areas evoke.

The environmental thesis is a useful corrective to those theories
which seek to explain disproportionate racial representations in basketball
in terms of physiology, sociobiology or psychology. I would like to extend
this theme and propose that not only does the environment produce the

forces that affect the development of particular playing styles and abilities,

5
but that the differences are also a product of larger socio-structural forces
which continually police, restrict, and limit--physically, psychically,
symbolically-~the opportunities for full development and access to life
chances for individuals differentially located within society by race and
class. As a result, the cultural terrain of basketball becomes an especially
important arena for self expression and affirmation.

Conceiving basketball as a dynamic cultural field which demands that
social actors acquire certain strategies of participation may prove useful for
understanding held racialized perceptions of the game (that is oft-received
notions of its dominance or mastery by African-American males). I offer the
argument that insofar as basketball operates within its own particular
aesthetic register which provides the criteria for evaluating "g " or "bad"
play and this register is constructed on stylistic elements which are
generated disproportionately over race (socio-cultural location) thus lending
to racialized perceptions, certain actors (black players) become the I
archetypal performers upon which "good" play is based. In other words, if
"black" or "urban" style is viewed as the aesthetic model for making value
distinctions, then "good" players are perceived to be disproportionately
reproduced by race. Having revealed this distinction, we must then engage
a range of other-~social, historical, political--issues for understanding what

is seen as "black" overparticipation in the sport.

Black Expressive Style as Cultural Resistance
Recognizing the risks inherent to the reduction of highly nuanced,
continually shifting cultural traits to a racial category which itself is an
imposed ideological construct, I will here attempt cautiously to articulate
some prominent elements of black cultural style. Style, according to

6
members of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), is
created through the "activity of stylisation--the active organisation of objects
with activities and outlooks, which produce an organised group-identity in
the form and shape of a coherent and distinctive way of 'being-in-the-world'"
(Jefferson et a1. 1975, 54). Shaped at the interstice of collective experience,
historical memory, and shared subordinate social location, black culture is
polysemic, assembled from an extensive catalog of social-cultural forms,
traditional African "survivals.", prevalent Western practices, and various
local forms. It is driven by an ethos of spirituality, expressivity, and an
often self-conscious prioritizing of the stylized and performed self (Kochman
1981). Black culture celebrates the highly emotive and affective, often
privileging aesthetic form and process over conclusive moment as modes of
symbolic exchange in themselves (Gay 4-5); while emphasizing perpetual
social re-creation through an orientation toward neotony; where high oral
competence and an emphasis on the power of the spoken word, or name
(Baber 1987), organize the fundamental means of viewing and negotiating
reality. Black expressive style, writes Geneva Gay, is " at once pragmatic
and aesthetic, poetic and paradoxical, sustaining and enriching, ironic, and
incredibly imaginative" (3). It is a syncretic and heterogenous expression of
the complexities and ambivalence which frame the African-American
experience in the New World.

One central feature of black cultural form has been, and continues to
be, the means through which unique black cultural practices articulate as
modes of resistance, equipping black actors with strategies with which to
negotiate and accommodate collective black identity. Black style provides
the tools and space for making sense of, adapting to, and transcending the

myriad forces which continually locate them at the margins of society.

7

Revealing the complexities which characterize the relationship between the
collective black experience and larger American society is crucial in
situating the unique source of black cultural form. For the CCCS group
(1975) cultural meaning emerges precisely when "symbolic objects--dress,
appearance, language, ritual occasions, styles of interaction, music"--are
appropriated, developed, and deployed by particular social groups to "form a
unity with the group's relations, situation, experiences: the crystallisation
in an expressive form, which then defines the group's public identity"
(Jefferson et a1. 56). They continue:

The symbolic aspects cannot, then, be separated from the

structure, experiences, activities, and outlook of the groups as

$335333??? a§3§°§§i§é§1nSffiiiii’iiiefn‘ine‘éfiem (56).

Expressive culture, as a subversion of dominant culture's hegemonic
norms and sanctions, can be a highly effective means for group negotiation
of a dislocated social space. Scholarly treatments of black cultural
resistance and the sociohistorical context from which it manifests are well-
developed (Majors and Billson, 1992; Dyson, 1993; Kochman 1972; Kelley,
1992; Gay 1987). Robin D.G. Kelley (1992), in his historical discussion of
black expropriation of mainstream clothing styles, emphasizes the body as
site of representation and resistance, where "clothes constitut[e] signifiers of
identity and status" (1992, 163). books (1989) cites the multiplicity of black
aesthetic forms which are enlisted in acts of "cultural intervention."

Perhaps the most radical treatment of black expressive culture and
modes of resistance has been cultural critic Manthia Diawara's development
of a "homeboy cosmopolitanism" (Diawara 1994)2. For Diawara, hyper-

consumption of mass-produced fashion products, stylistic overdetermination

of the public self, and the affectation of a "hard", defiant outward demeanor

8
are foundational to the urban black aesthetic and are themselves a special
form of social and symbolic resistance which disturb conventional notions of
the "place" or "role" of the black male subject. Full, even radical over-
participation in mass commodity consumption is viewed here as an active
inversion of a hegemonic capitalist edifice which has historically excluded
and exploited black subjects. The clean and tidy surface appearance
embodied in the black appropriation and re-inscription of widely available
mass-cultural commodities becomes a symbolic act of resistance as the
articles' meanings are re-evoked on the black urban body. Diawara's
homeboy cosmOpolitanism, then, is confrontational, interventional, and
activistic ipso facto. But this is an extreme treatment and elides the many
concrete problems of institutional access and participation for black youth in
American society. To simply celebrate as activistic and interventional this
form of radical consumerism by the disempowered without some sustained
critique of structure and sociohistorical emergence is highly problematic.
Diawara's construction does however retain utility for discussions of
meaningful acts of expression at the level of the body.

Cultural resistance can borrow from a large repertoire of symbolic
strategies: a particular fashion ensemble (Hebdige 1979), an expressive
form of presenting oneself in public space (Cooke 1972), or the use of
exclusionary, in-group gestures or vernacular styles (see Kochman, ed.,
1972; 1981). In place of creating identities and meaning through
participation in mainstream institutional process, from which they have
been largely excludedand denied, subaltern groups utilize immediately
available forms of opposition--the vernacular, the body, the gesture, etc.--as

sources for expression or what Eco (1986) might term "semiotic guerilla

9
warfare." How then do these forces emerge in the context of pickup
basketball?

Basketball and the Black Metaperformance
Basketball has become a central site for black cultural production. The
prominence of basketball in any number of specifically black cultural
spheres has emerged in concert with the late-19808 resurgence in the sport's
national popularity and the broader social and cultural transformations of
this period. The unprecedented, explosive growth in average salaries and
public visibility for elite basketball's mostly black participants", the mass
culture industry's aggressive marketing strategies which both target and
represent urban black youth through the circulation and exploitation of
"street" and "playground" aesthetic images, and the strong symbolic and
participatory identification with the sport by black youth have had the
effect of enhancing the already uniquely black symbology which
characterizes the game. The sport is now firmly embodied in a sort of
transcendent black cultural aesthetic which synthesizes music, fashion,
youth culture, and urban style‘. Basketball then represents a multifarious
source for African-American males (in particular) to have affirmed notions
of self and identity and to clear for themselves a space for expression and
positive being.

Finally, it is in terms of actual play and approach to the game and
playing space, where I argue that particular black cultural styles are
evident and meaningful. Basketball should be grouped, along with music
and dance, among what Matthew Brown (1994) has identified as "black
expressive culture's privileged aesthetic modes . . . [which] are syncretic,

non-representational, often non-verbal [and] articulate their protest at

levels beyond that of literal content" (486). The black stylistic form in
basketball--where emphasis is placed on individual expression, intragame
contests, self-conscious and at times ironical presentation of a "cool" and
stylized self, and orientation toward maintaining a strong, confident exterior
image--gets articulated in a metaperformative modality. It is a self
presentation that is mediated symbolically above, while also simultaneous
with, the actual dynamics and flow of play and interaction which would
comprise Goffman's primary "performance" (1959, 22). Here, the black
player's "expressive equipmen " is deployed both in the immediate space of
the contest, performatively, but also in a way that attempts to transcend,
metaperformatively, the expressional and functional conventions which
frame traditional processes of play. It is this notion of metaperformance
and its articulation across culture and social space that comprises the focus

of attention for my study.

10

Method: The Writer as Player Ethnographer
Occurring in a social space which functions according to a highly refined,
context-specific, and often non-verbal communication system, pickup
basketball prohibits or problematizes certain field research conventions.
Particularly, forms of direct verbal engagement or explicit elicitation of
information from participants risk transgressing the widely accepted norms
and expectations of this cultural space. A

The flow of primary events and action, the selection of teams or the
jurisdiction of rules for instance, occurs in highly sophisticated but often
non-verbal and tacit manner. These primary codes of conduct then
comprise the foundation upon which the flows of interaction, of play, take
place.

In this sense the "rules of the game," those codes of communication
and understanding, the main foci of ethnographic inquiry, are unspoken,
implied, and presupposed. And paradoxically, the level at which this
communicative system operates, discourages certain explicit verbal
interventions. Certain typical forms of verbal interaction can be perceived
as disruptive or worse reveal the naivety or inexperience of the
transgressor. The consequences of such noncompliance to these norms is
not insignificant. As will be demonstrated later, the means by which
individuals present themselves as competent, talented, and desirable is
paramount to successful participation in pickup basketball culture. For
someone to be "out of the know" could significantly weaken the status which
is derived through public mediation, not to mention the likely threat to
actual playing time.

Research strategies for understanding the underlying principles
which organized social interactions and flow of activity had to account for

11

12
the heightened non-verbal quality of the environment. Thus, a large portion
of the data necessarily consists of direct non-verbal, or not explicitly or
disruptively verbal, participant observation with a high degree of attention
attuned to the space's visual, emotive, expressive, and physical dynamics. A
strategy of this type obviously increases the already present problematics of
ethnography involving authorship, interpretability, ascription of meaning,
and representation of others (see Clifford and Marcus 1986). In light of
this, perhaps the most effective means for negotiating these methodological
snares is to simply concede that the subject position from which my.
observations are made is an interested, political, and partial one.

Over a six-month period I was a frequent participant, as player,
observer, and casual social interlocutor, at an indoor recreation facility at a
large midwestern university. This newly-constructed intramural facility
(herein referred to as 1M) housed two large arenas in which each was
located two college-regulation basketball courts (see figure 11.1 below). Two
courts in particular, those in arena II and furthest from the main entrance,
here referred to as courts C and D, were consistently the site of peak use by
participants over the course of my research. It was here that the major
portion of my. observations were conducted.

I conducted observations with a frequency of once to as many as four
times a week. During weekdays I played and observed in the evenings,
generally from about 6:00-8:00pm. On weekend days I usually attended the
IM in the early afternoon. Over the course of my research, these time slots
revealed both the highest frequency of participation and the highest
standard of competition in my judgement. Weekend games, in particular,
were highly competitive and included large pools of participants.

My technique for obtaining data usually consisted of direct

13

 

 

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14
observations from some location in the arena. I often joined other IM
participants along'the east wall of courts C or D and observed play with
them as they waited for their opportunity to participate. This provided
opportunities to engage other players in casual social encounters and from a
location within earshot of the general courtside action. At other times I sat
alone in some removed area and simply watched games and action on the
sidelines. A '

I would usually arrive at the 1M wearing appropriate playing attire
and fully prepared to participate in games. This enabled me to maintain a
certain undisturbing presence when conducting observations. Wearing
playing clothes also allowed me to alternate my locations of observation. As
was often the case I would observe from the sidelines for a portion of the
evening and play for another. In this way, I was able to more fully
integrate into the social processes of this space than had I simply observed
from the sidelines in street clothes.

Extensive fieldnotes were recorded immediately following observation
periods. Notes were never recorded on site. In those instances when I was
unable to fully record my observations immediately following an encounter,
general notes and key events were recorded and full elaboration was
conducted later. Included in my fieldnotes were diagrams, transcribed
verbal exchanges, typologies of style and approach, in-depth descriptive
passages, and relevant commentaries and analyses. 1

Use of the general 1M facility was open only to students, faculty, and
employees of the University. Entry was highly monitored and display of
official university identification cards was required. From this, we can
assume that a very high majority, if not all of the participants, the majority

of whom were students, were members of the local university community.

15
Over time, a loose aggregate of about 20-30 "regulars" became identifiable
as a core group of participants.

Six months of intensive exposure is perhaps a relatively brief span of
time for establishing some sense of the intricate structures which govern
play and interaction. Here it should be useful to illuminate some features of
my own biography that help situate me as a participant and researcher.

I have been an active participant in the broad realm of basketball
from player, to coach, to fan during a large part of my life. As an NCAA
basketball scholarship athlete I competed at both the Division I and
Division II levels as a college student. Following graduation I played
basketball professionally in an Australian state league. This long, active
involvement with the sport has no doubt equipped me with particular
"common-sensical" or habituated understandings of basketball culture writ
large. I thus bring to this research some a priori knowledge and
expectations, what Anselm Strauss (1987) describes as "experiential data,"
which may not be available to a distanced or uninitiated "outsider."
Likewise, my analyses will be shaped by my personal proximity to the
environment, both my access to and presuppositions of this particular
milieu, as well as the features deemed noteworthy during the course of
observation.

Midway through the six-month period I also conducted some in-depth
interviews utilizing a photo-elicitation technique to learn about participants
background, familiarity, and understanding of pickup basketball. This was
achieved by presenting informants with a series of black and white photos
of various pickup basketball scenarios and eliciting from them in an a very
open-ended manner their comments and descriptions of the information in

the pictures. With the pictures, which were selected from Wielgus and

16
Wolfe (1986) excellent treatment of pickup basketball culture, I attempted
to represent a range of player characteristics and game settings (race, age,
skill level; - indoor/outdoor, geographic location, racial composition, half/full-
court, etc.) and particular game situations (various depictions of
offensive/defensive moves, fouls, negotiations over calls, etc.). Photo.
elicitation interviews provided the opportunity to generate open verbal
responses from participants which were otherwise made difficult due to the

aforementioned communicative dynamics of the IM space.

Race, Court Selection, and Style of Play
A discussion of race in terms of the social ecology of IM is an important
entry point and should establish a general conceptual map of the milieu
under study. Although the observed patterns of racial congregating is
centrally important to an analysis of the pickup basketball culture, I only
want to outline some general features with the hope that explanatory
accounts may emerge later in the discussions concerning style, approach,
orientation, sociality, etc. That is, I do not want to simply emphasize racial
division without contextualizing the various forces that may produce it.

Very early in the observation process, there emerged a dynamic of
what I will term "racial selection" on courts C and court D. In an very high
majority of instances, court C was predominated by white players while
court D with black. Though these demarcations were by no means rigidly
bound or immutable, often times there were one or two participants in the
racial minority on each of the courts, this general distinction nevertheless
maintained throughout the course of my participation at the IM facility.
Notwithstanding the aberrant circumstances--a broken rim on one court,
volleyball nets requiring the use of other courts, one "integrated" court when
the potential pool of participants was too low to utilize both courts--a
discemable pattern was in place.

Insofar as these racial divisions were readily discemable superficially,
the forces which underlied the patterns were difficult to identify. Were
players somehow cognizant of the racialization of courts and thus
consciously basing there decisions to play on one or the other court in light
of this information? Was the perceived selection imposed by the actions or
influence of one or the other or both of the groups? If segregation was not

imposed or consciously conceded, what non-verbal information was being

17

18
passed along to dictate this visible division? Was the perceived racial
grouping the spurious result of something other than race--skill or style of
play for example?

It would appear that racial selection by court probably was the effect
of a number of these issues working in concert. As was often the case, I
would observe white players enter the arena through the main doorway
(located off of court D; there was another doorway off of C but its use was
limited due to its inconvenient location within the general traffic schema of
the facility) and with little or no pause or hesitation proceed along the
baseline of D toward C. Alternately, black players upon arrival would often
wait, standing, in or by the doorway and observe the action on and around
court D.

There would thus seem to be a voluntary or tacit system of selection
at work here. I was never aware of hostile or exclusive action on the part of
either white or black participants and numerous instances of integrated
games and what could be perceived as semi-fluid boundaries between the
courts would indicate that there were no explicit modes of channelling court
participation by race. Indeed, the initial games in the early evening at IM
were usually comprised of all available participants, regardless of race or
court affinity.

Nevertheless, when asked of their perceptions of the social dynamics
of the IM people were very quick to point out that indeed, in the words of
one white woman with whom I spoke, "that court [C] is white and that one
[D] is African-American." Other comments by IM participants provide
further insight about racial selection: '

"It's too run and gun over there" (a comment made by a white
magto another white male who asked to participate in a game
on .

19

”The pace [on D] is definitely faster, you want to warm up here

[C] first before tryin to et in games over there [D]" (from a

white male whom I Erie y interviewed).

"Let's wait for a game here [D], it's too slowed down over there

0]" a comment made by a newly arrived black male player to
is b ack male friend).

These comments tend to explain racial selection in terms of style of
play. Court D, for both black and white observers, appears to be
characterized by a faster, uptempo pace. Play on court C on the other hand
is slower and apparently perceived by some as more oriented toward team
participation over individualistic or "run and gun" styles.

To fully understand this dynamic of self-selection one would have to
explore the more fundamental play of black-white relations on this campus,
the social interaction tendencies of the student body in general, and
perceived experiences of racism, racialism (awareness of racial elements in a
particular social instance), and intergroup relations. One might conjecture
that the IM dynamics closely mirror the patterns of the campus at large and
are perhaps mediated by identical codes and norms.

. The decision to play on one or the other court may also reflect a
difference in intenSity and orientation toward competitiveness, vocal
expressiveness, and general sociality. As will be discussed in the analysis,
the level of contention over calls and the degree of verbal exchanges--
jawing, boasting, mocking--was in general higher on court D. What may be
perceived by some players as playful, good-spirited banter may be
interpreted by others as aggressive and threatening (Kochman 1981). This
may also help explain why some white participants, who are perhaps not
equipped or sympathetic to an interactional style which requires a higher
intensity of contestatory self-representation, would be turned off by what

may appear to them to be inordinate contestation of calls which in turn

20
creates more frequent stalls in play.

Perhaps some insight into racial selection dynamics can be revealed
obliquely in the analysis of other features of the 1M culture which may
shape perceived racial divisions. What follows is an extended discussion of
cultural style and differing orientations to the game and social space which

were revealed in during the course of my research.

FINDINGS
There was much evidence to suggest that particular styles, orientations, and
approaches to playing, observing, and negotiating the public space differed
over race. These differences were revealed in various forms that included
playing style and the tendency to engage in what I have termed a
metaperformance of play among many black players, the degree of verbal
interaction among players during games, and differences in presentation
and awareness of self in a public realm. Isolation of these differences
should be perceived in terms of typological constructs. They are not
intended to be universal or immutable instances. Particular features of
each of these forms and how they were revealed during the course of

investigation at the IM are discussed below.

The Basketball Aesthetic and Metaperformance

What I have termed the metaperformance is enacted through the use of a
rich catalog of what Goffman terms "expressive equipmen " to evince in
others the recognition that you are talented, skilled, suitably "hard", and
worthy of respect. Goffman (1959) writes that

[wlhile in the presence of others, the individual t icall

infuses his activity with signs which dramatically ighllght and

portray confirmatory facts that might otherwise remain

unapparent or obscure. For if the individual's activity is to

become sifinificant to others, he must mobilize his activity so

that it wi express during the interaction what he wishes to

convey (30).
The projection of confidence and self-revelation of perhaps otherwise
unrecognized clues becomes a mediating force in establishing yourself as a
player attractive to others. At the IM, any number of strategies were
enlisted to elicit this symbolic recognition of status in others. Playing

apparel, from the type of shoe to the cut and style of shorts to legitimating

21

22
"insider" basketball references on t-shirts, seemed to be highly prioritized by
many participants as vehicles for establishing and suggesting competence.
Warm-up and informal shooting styles also revealed self-conscious
orientation to indicating to others that "one's got skills."

For many African American participants pregame shooting sessions
were approached with a casualness and partial disengagement, where the
stylization of shooting and dribbling form was privileged over some
concerted effort at game preparation. I witnessed, for instance, numerous
players who were highly proficient at performing manuevres such as
delivering the ball between the legs on a dribble and retrieving it with the
same delivering hand; an impressive, stylistic move but one that is perhaps
superfluous and potentially risky in a game situation. White players, on the
other hand, often appeared to be more focused on literally "warming up"--
loosening muscles, practicing particular shots and correcting for perceived
flaws in technique, etc.

This finding is supported by Carlston (1983)who writes:

The inner city player is more likely to try to keep his

composure ("cool") and self-confidence rior to ames, viewing

the ame itself as a contest between p ayers. ere is less

emp asis on "psyching up" or "concentrating" intensely . . .

[and] inner-city players often view individual shooting practice

as irrelevant to game situations, and thus a waste of time (47).

For black players to place more emphasis on the form and aesthetics of the
shoot around where white players view it in terms of an inward moment for
game preparation perhaps reflects both the elevation of expressive and
emotive style within black culture and a heightened urgency to establish
and maintain "respect" through appearances in black urban social spaces.

Looking good is paramount, and a necessary concomitant, to being good.
A strong surface presentation indicative of skill is only partially

23
determinant in convincing others of one's authenticity and ability; the
player must also deliver in terms of actual performance. The most
persuasive aesthetic presentation is the one that is supported, indeed
amplified, by good play. And much is at stake in negotiating one's
presentation, as expressed by Kochman (1981):

[wlhen stylistic expression is not accompanied by a successful

execution, the result is humiliating, because the audience

regards the performer as having laid claim to a greater

expertise than he can demonstrate. . . . 'everything must come

together' (139).

A dialectic of sorts emerges where players must mediate through self-
reflection their perceived ability in purely skill terms vis-a-vis a
presentation of self that is congruous with that range of skill. A highly
talented player, the determination of which itself is dictated in context, has
a wider plane on which to project their image of being talented and can
even take "risks" or overtly display arrogance knowing that a general level
of respect has been established upon which his actions, even if momentarily
unconvincing, are judged and respected. Likewise, a highly skilled player
may feel less pressure to present himself in a particularly overdetermined
or self-conscious manner, instead basing his presentation on a deeper
confidence and assuredness of ability.

This is presentation-skill dialectic was clearly evident at [M as
players "announced" themselves in highly stylized and self-consciously
assembled outfits while correspondingly exhibiting a wide range of actual
basketball talent. In an attempt to provide a general framework of styles I
include below two excerpts from my. field notes which describe two players,
one black (referred to here as William) and one white (Daniel), who were

frequent participants at IM. In a sense, we might view their particular
style and approach as typological constructs of prominent actors in this

social space.

William:

William's outfit was pristine--white-with-white-stripes classic
hi-top Nike Air Force shoes, mid-shin level white socks
consciously tucked under to appear double thick, bright white
Champion brand shorts that aped to just above the knees,
with two inches of green and white boxer short ex osed at the
tap. He wore a black t-shirt, which he removed w en he
plged, with a picture of a gold Sphinx on the front. Three
m es of white plastic straw dangled out of his mouth (he
played the first three points with this still in his mouth!). . . .
William was a talented player. But ma be more than
highly-skilled or physically-gifted, William 100 ed good. His
playing style was smooth and crafty; he had a lot of "moves."
e di not seem to engage in any small talk or banter and
instead smiled to register notable plags or mistakes both by
him and on his behalf. He was confi ent then, but in a passive
or self-assured sense. When ar ments over calls between
other players erupted he only 0 served quietly. William
seemed very well respected as both player and as a general
presence among his peers.

Daniel:

Daniel was an older player, perhaps a aduate student,
probably in his late twenties or early t irties. He wore a (pair
of well-worn, black Nike mid-cuts withthick double-paire
socks ushed down around his lower shins.

aniel dominated the play on court C toni ht. At
approximatel 6-3 he is of above average height or the IM and
is a very skil ed shooter and aggressive rebounder. What most
struck me about Daniel's style was his over-determined
seriousness toward competition. I had the sense that playin
well (without mistakes, ag essively, "fundamentall sound"?
and winning was of crucia im ortance for Daniel. at is not
to say that my experience in o servin at any other time has
lead me to view "winning" as a secon ary virtue for other
players, but rather he took a very serious approach to the final
score.

Two rather distinct approaches to and presences within the game are
revealed here. Both players are "good" but the criteria for establishing each
player's particular ability is different within the context of play (William on
the predominantly black court D, Daniel on mostly white C). William's

25
overall aesthetic presence was cool and assured where Daniel possessed a
style which appeared to be much less concerned with outward appearances,
one where "expressive equipment" was used to communicate seriousness
and competitiveness.

Interestingly, these two players' abilities might be read differently if
they were to have switched contexts; On court C, William may have
appeared aloof, self-centered, and less committed to winning than making
the spectacular play. Daniel may be perceived humorously by court D
participants who feel he has no grasp of the appropriate level of
engagement. Not that playing hard is in itself disregarded for D players
but rather Daniel might be viewed as having no sense of the game's levity,
no irony. According to Kochman:

Whites view com etitive sports exclusively in terms of winning

and losing. Blac view com eting in sports in terms of

Eiffslgnating the field, being a best, and performing in a show
Although Kochman has perhaps over-simplified this distinction in
orientations, the point is made. For black players the realm of pickup
basketball provides a locus for competitive play, but also offers a
metaperformative space where a range of expressive and stylistic codes are
displayed and mediated.

Finally, brief attention must be given to an IM regular, whom will be
referred to here as Shane, whose exceptional status served in an ironical
sense to confirm the black-white stylistic typologies. Shane was a white
player. who usually played on the predominantly black court D. I continue
with an excerpt from my field notes:

At approximately 6-6, [Shane] is not only the most talented

player in urely skill and athletic terms on the court at any

moment, ut he performs in a highly stylized, smooth, and
expressive manner. At one point, I was observing play from

26
the east sideline along court D when he made an offensive
move toward the basket and, heavily guarded, successfully
executed a difficult and athletic reverse lay-up. The response
of the black observers on the sideline was a kind of
exaggerated display of awe--"NOOO!"; "Tell me he didn't just
hit at", etc. ne regular exclaimed, "he's so cityll"
"He's so city!" says much about the nature of race, culture, and playing
style in pickup basketball. By identifying a white player's style as "city"
this comment serves to conflate racial and cultural metaphors. "City" takes
on a racialized meaning which evokes aparticular catalog of styles and
behavior specific to urban black culture. But by acknowledging and
affirming the presence of city (black) style in a white player, notions of
racio-biological essence are removed leaving only cultural-environmental
forces, the lifeworld of the city, to explain black-white differences in playing
style and ability. It is also significant to note that much of Shane's high
status, among both black and white players, was derived from his particular
playing style. That this style was "urban" reflects perhaps a general
orientation within basketball culture that privileges urban black expressive

aesthetic forms over others.

Verbal Styles
Observations at the IM revealed that orientations toward vocal expression
and interactional styles in the pickup basketball space differed perceptibly
by racial-cultural group. In most instances the degree, frequency, and
intensity of verbal participation was greater among black participants. It
was often the greatest when the contest was most homogenous by race (in
all black settings). This finding clearly resonates with the body of research
which identifies the emphasis on oral practice and verbal countenancing of
self or "signifying" in black culture (Gates 1988; Gay and Faber 1987;
Kochman 1981).

27

As indicated above, pickup basketball culture is mediated through a
highly ritualized, often nonverbal system of communication where "sound is
displaced by vision and words are generally second to gestures" (Gilroy
1994, 56). Those actions which are fundamental to flow and process of play-
-the negotiation and coordination of moving bodies in physical space, the
many reflexive, intuitive, and kinetic elements of sport--rely heavily, if not
entirely, on phenomenologically-derived perceptions rather than explicit
verbal utterances. Even those social negotiations which are ancillary to
actual play, choosing sides or negotiating the social norms of the cultural
milieu for instance, contain a primary nonverbal element which generates
from tacit knowledge. The use of and motivation for explicit verbal
expressions in this space are often secondary and thus provide significant
instances of varied speech and expressive practices by culture.

Within the context of play, and it is important to note that the
"con " at IM extended far beyond a court's four sidelines to include
nonplaying bystanders and various environmental elements, use and type of
verbal expression was varied. Practical verbal interactions, the process of
calling a foul or inquiries about who had "next" game, were widespread,
even if secondary to the unspoken negotiations. But it was the more
"gratuitous" types of verbal expression--taunting, bounding, signifying,
celebrating, announcing, riffing, denouncing-which revealed the most about
cultural style.

We might name the general catalog of verbal styles in the pickup
context by referring to the oft-used term, "talking trash."5 These
pronouncements include an variety of verbal or expressional tactics which
serve to boost, celebrate, or affirm one's own play or to denounce,

embarrass, or humiliate an opponent. Use of expressive verbal tactics is

28
often closely linked to particular moments during play which result in a
player being "shown up" or "faced" by another (see below). 'IVvo general
types of "trash talk" may be roughly distinguished by identifying the subject
for whom the statement is intended. For the purposes of discussion, I will
term these two types outward gestures and inward gestures.

Outward gestures can be characterized as those verbal
pronouncements which are explicitly targeted at another player. Here we
identify the range of common verbal sparring techniques and "taunting"
rituals: "You can't hold mel"; "You're game is weak!"; "Oooh, you just got
dunked onl"; etc. The intent of the outward gesture is to call attention to a
player's (usually opposing) weaknesses and thus demean or denounce. In
turn this gesture also serves, implicitly, to elevate the status and
performance of the player doing the talking. Outward gestures can vary
widely in degree of intent (from playful to ironic to malicious) and degree of
reception or effectiveness (ignored, flustering, enraging, or entertaining).

An interesting instance of an outward gesture occurred during a
game on court D between a team of three African-Americans and two white
players (team A) and a team of four African-American players and one
white (team B). During the course of play a black player from team A
scored a high percentage of his team's points against the concerted
defensive efforts of a black player from B. Three of his successful shots
were long jumpshots from three-point range“. Upon making the third three
pointer he exclaimed with his back turned to his defender and in the
general direction of other players, "Who's gonna guard me?!" The players
registered his comment with smiles and giggles. Although he did not
explicitly engage his defender, his comment served indirectly to single out
the defender's inadequate performance. The comment had the quality of an

29
outward gesture in that it was targeted at the ability of a particular player,
but rather than addressing his defender directly, be "called him out" by
commenting on his weak play to everyone but him. By ignoring his very
presence the offensive player's gesture could be perceived as even further
denouncing the status of the defender.

The inward gesture is characterized by self-referential exclamations.
Boasts and "signifying" are examples of this practice. Statements such as
"I've got mad handles" [a claim that one is a talented ball-handler] or
uttering "butter" just prior to releasing a shot as a confident prediction of
its success, indicate forms of announcing one's positive status in public
space. The inward gesture serves as a form of self-enhancement where
verbal commentary accompanies one's physical performance in projecting
the complete image of talent. In elevating the status of the speaker they
may also function to weaken, indirectly, the status or image of opposing
players; Ceola Ross Baber (1987) writes that the function of the signifying
act is to "talk about, put on, put down, or 'sOund on' through innuendo and
implication" (emphasis added). Inward gestures, at once, serve to promote
and enhance one's "on-stage" status while undermining this public presence
in others.

The expression of inward gestures was widespread at IM. During one
evening game on court D, a particularly vocal black participant made a
series of notable plays. At one point he drove to the basket under heavy
defensive pressure and made a lay-up over a much taller defender. He then
jogged back down the court toward his defensive end with his arms dangling
by his side, head tilted back, yelling "RESPECT MY GAME! !, RESPECT
MY GAME!!"

This act was a self-initiated comment on his own performance.

30
Aware that he had accomplished a meritable move in the game, he verbally
recognized the action and used it as a means of self-affirmation. Whether
or not his performance actually was "respected" seemed to have less
relevance than the moment of boasting that it provided. Demanding
"respect" in this instance seem to serve as a comment on this player's
ongoing performance: "I am talented, I am performing well, and the verbal
demand of respect will help you become aware of this."

Discussions of taunting and the decline in "sportsmanship" in popular
sport have recently become salient in public discourse (see for instance
Albom 1993). The terms of discussion often reveal implicit racial biases
which demonize certain group (black) practices--"passionate celebratory
acts" or "excessive verbal provocation." It is thus extremely important to
identify and locate certain forms of oral expressive behavior as uniquely
black cultural practices. Baber asserts that

Whether it is‘ used to make a profound point or it is a harmless

exercise in humor, signifying serves a socializing function in

the Black cultural community. It trains Afro-Americans in the

art and practice of street talk; it hel 3 them to develop an

endurance for and resistance to insu t and thereby assists in

preparing them for life's more serious insults and harassments,

sharpening their wits and cultivating their sense of humor as

sumval strategies (1987, 97).

The importance of cultural forms as modes of resistance are clearly
articulated here. Differences in use of and response to expressive gestures
are revealed at the particular site of African American sociohistorical
experience. My experiences at the IM suggest that the range of expressive
communicative forms--used as strategies to announce, denounce, celebrate,
signify,.or intimidate--were forms most deployed , appreciated, affirmed, and
initiated by black participants. RecOgnizing these as practices which

emerge from black cultural orientations, one must immediately question the

31
racial and ideological motivations which underlie current discussions. The
furor over taunting or spectacularity is perhaps less a matter of the decline
in "sportsmanship" due to the cultural conventions of many black
participants than it is the perceived threat to the conventions or

sensibilities of the many mainstream white observers.

The "Face" and Impression Management
A significant feature of the pickup basketball culture at IM was the
heightened self-awareness among participants of the public feature of their
performances. This awareness was evident in the many efforts made by
players to avoid what Goffman terms "performance disruptions" (1959, 208)
and maintain a positive, respected personal front. The act of impression
management, again articulated by Goffman, where individuals seek to
assert their capabilities and assets while avoiding or reducing attention to
deficiencies, becomes especially difficult in the context of an activity in
which human error is inherent. Basketball as dynamic human process is
predicated on mistakes, the defensive lapse, the unforced dribbling error,
the missed lay-up, fouls, turnovers, etc. And although imperfection in
athletic performance is expected to a degree by observers and participants,
the task of maintaining an adequate self-impression remains a continual
source of preoccupation. '

There seemed to be a general sense among IM players that certain
unforced errors, missed shots or mishandled passes for instance, were
common and thus unremarkable. It was rather the ubiquitous threat of
being "faced" by the actions of another player that was the central force

motivating impression management. In pickup basketball lexicon, the "face'

might be defined as "[t]hat intangible at stake in any man-to-man

32
playground encounter that makes even single plays memorable" (W ielgus
and Wolff, 1986, 222). A "facial" might take place in a variety situations. It
usually occurs when a player is made to look awkward, inadequate, silly, or
weak as a result of an opposing players performance. Having one's shot
blocked, having a dribble stolen, being faked out on defense, having a
difficult shot executed against one's defensive effort all are potential sources
for "getting served" or being "faced." The ultimate act of degradation, that
which player's may speak about long after the fact, is to be "dunked on" by
an offensive player.7 In the often masculine-identified arena of sport, the
person that gets dunked on experiences a sort of temporary emasculation
where a symbolic discrediting of their worth is achieved.

The severity of any discrediting "face" is highly determined by
contextual factors external to the specific act. 'IVvo examples here will be
illustrative of the interaction of context and event in constructing significant
acts of being "faced."

Late on a weekday evening, I observed a game on court C between
two teams composed of players of generally average to below-average skill
levels, both black and white. It was apparently the final game of what had
perhaps been numerous others and the players were obviously fatigued,
lacking sharpness, and generally unserious. There was nevertheless a
casual and playful atmosphere about the game and players were openly
riffing on each other's performances. A continuous exchange of banter
occurred as the game progressed. At one point a white player who had been
quiet through the course of play made a long jumpshot over his black
defender who had been a particularly active participant in the many verbal
exchanges. Registering the general atmosphere of playful interaction, the
player exclaimed "All N et! " to his defender. Everyone, including the player,

33
laughed at this. There was a sense that he had "faced" his defender by
successfully making a long shot under close defense, but the general mood
of the game and the incongruity of the claim with the demeanor of the quiet
player made the exchange humorous rather than demeaning or self-
aggrandizing.

A second instance reveals the central role of context in determining
the significance of being "faced." Weekend early afternoons at M were
usually crowded and produced especially competitive games on all courts. I
observed a Saturday afternoon game on court D between an all-African-
American team (team A) and a team comprised of three African-American
and two white players (team B). There were approximately 15-20 players
all African-American observing play from the sidelines of D.

The game was close and at one point featured a series of plays which
elicited excitement from players and bystanders, including two long
jumpshots made consecutively by a player from team A, and a dunk by
player from B. As each of these plays occurred, the level of excitement
increased, as evidenced by the heightened attention paid by observers and
the increased amount of verbal expression accompanying plays.

A loose ball was recovered by a player from team A on his defensive
end who then broke away for an uncontested layup at the other end.
Seemingly unaware that a defensive player was pursuing him, the offensive
player casually shot a lay-up. Instantly, his shot was forcefully "pinned" or
blocked against the backboard by the trailing defender making the ball
careen back toward one side of the half-court and then out of bounds. The
response of the players and observers was immediate and dramatic. Many
bystanders commented with "oohs," stifled giggles or similar responses
suggesting that they were acknowledging both the skilled play of the

34
defender and the loss of face by the offensive player. The response of the
defender who made the block appeared modest and non-emotive. He quietly
turned back toward his offensive basket and waited for the ball to be
retrieved so that play could resume. The response of the player whose shot
had been blocked was much different. Immediately following the block he
appeared shocked by the unexpected sequence of play. .When players and
bystanders began to comment he became defensive and said to no person in
particular: "That ain't shit!" He then affected a demeanor which seemed to
suggest that nothing extraordinary had just occurred. He avoided eye
contact, appeared narrowly focused on resuming play and firmly waited for
the ball to be retrieved.

Goffman (1967) defines face as "the positive social value a person
effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during
a particular contact. . . . [it] is an image of self in terms of approved social
attributes" (5). "Face-work" is the catalog of face-saving practices deployed
in various sotial moments where social image is threatened (15). The
player whose shot was forcefully blocked used a face-work maneuver which
Goffman would identify as a defensive strategy. Instead of conceding that
the skillfully blocked shot perhaps reflected a error on his part, he
attempted to lighten the impact of the experience by claiming that in fact
the blocked sho "wasn't shit." By then focusing all of his attention on
resuming play and ignoring the comments and behavior of those around
him, he further attempted to indicate to others that the act did not threaten
his image.

The dynamic of "facing" showed significant degrees of value and
meaning over context and by cultural milieu. That both avoidance and

pursuit of the denigrating act was especially emphasized among many black

35
participants is highly significant. As a result of perpetually denied
mainstream institutionally access, maintenance of status and respect in the
public sphere exist as central priorities for many black urban males. Even
the temporary and arbitrary "loss" of respect by being shown up in a pickup
basketball game can create instances where black peer. status is
undermined, where the "face" might hold much less import for white

participants.

CONCLUSION
In-depth participant observation at IM was a useful and informative project
for furthering articulating some of perceived differences in style, approach,
and orientation to pickup basketball. These differences were especially
apparent in three areas of play: 1) playing style and performance, 2) verbal
style, and 3) impression management and the "face."

.The playing style of many African-American participants indicated an
emphasis on the stylization and form of play, moves which were expressive
and often individualistic, and the projection of a cool and competent self.
Many white players on the other hand appeared less self-conscious of
stylistic presentation and more focused on the dynamics of the event itself,
playing hard and aggressively with great attention to outcome (win or loss).

My observations also revealed significant differences in verbal
interaction practices. The amount expressive verbal behavior, in the form of
what I have identified as outward and inward gestures, occurred with a
much higher frequency among black participants.

The use and meaning of various techniques for impression
management also appeared to differ by racial group and cultural context.

Here, my experience at IM suggested that the very nature of being "faced"

36
in a public space can take on different degrees of import according to social
group. Preoccupations with both "facing" and "being faced" generally
appeared higher among African-American participants.

Finally, there was evidence to suggest that the "black" basketball
aesthetic was the archetypal and privileged style for many participants of
all races. But this racialized style must be understood as a dynamic
cultural construct which emerges from a particular sociocultural nexus (the
black urban community). Black style is thus not an immutable fact but
rather a constellation of expressive codes and approaches to self-
presentation which is deployed by a black subaltem to negotiate social
spaces that have historically excluded, policed, and channelled their

movement.

NOI‘ES

1. At various historical moments, innate theories of racial difference have
received widespread endorsement and attention from both the academic
community and in mainstream public discourse. These theories are often
presented from the "transparent" or "neutral" standpoint of positive Science.
Stephen Jay Gould (1981) forcefully argues that biologically deterministic
explanations for human difference have been hegemonic, with especially
ubiquitous currency in times of general social crisis, for the past two
centuries (21-29). These various theoretical and experimental enterprises,
craniology, phrenology, eugenics, IQ analyses, etc., done in the progressive
pursuit of scientific truth, have spawned and fueled the discourse of
scientific racism. See My Duster, Backer to Eugenics (1990) for more
discussion of this issue.

2. My discussion draws heavily from a paper presented by Diawara for the

Center for Afroamerican and African Studies (CAAAS) lecture series, titled

"Representing Gender in Black Popular Culture," at the University of

Michigan, Ann Arbor on November 17,1994. Some of these ideas are
anticipated in Diawara, 1992.

3. Selected average National Basketball Association player salaries by
season

 

Year Sal—ary

1967-1968 3 20,000
1979-1980 185,000
1984-1985 302,000
1988-1989 625,000

 

'Source: Coakley, 1990

Salary cap negotiations, intended to guarantee players a share of league
revenues while limiting overall cost and preventing monopolies, have been
ineffective in curtailing this precipitous growth. With the 1993-1994 team
cap set at $15.1 million, average NBA salaries now hover around $1.25
million (Gorman and Calhoun, 1994, 157).

4. Black urban culture magazines such as Vibe or The Source frequently
contain advertisements and articles about basketball players and culture.
Slam (cf. March 1995) is a New York-based magazine devoted to the

37

38

treatment and celebration of basketball from what might be viewed as an
urban insider's perspective. Issues include hiphop album reviews, urban
fashion layouts, and other cultural items not specifically related to
basketball.

5. A variety of terms exist refer to this act: "talking shit," "talking smack,"
"talking garbage," "dogging," "bounding," "chatter," etc. The very
proliferation of terms suggests the salience of this verbal activity in pickup
basketball culture.

6. In my experience at IM, three points were never awarded for shots made
beyond the 19'9" are which designates the three point shot in collegiate
rules. Baskets made from beyond the arc were worth one point like all
other shots. Players were nonetheless aware of the merit of the three-
pointer. Made three point shots were often celebrated by using the official
referees gesture: both arms extended straight above the head.

7. The dunk is a shot which is executed when a player elevates near the
basket, raises the ball above the rim and then forcefully throws it through
with one or both hands.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Appiah, Kwame Anthony. 1993. In My Father's House. New York: Oxford
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Baber, Ceola Ross. 1987. "The Artistry and Artifice of Black Communication"
in Geneva Gay and Willie L. Barber (eds) Expressivel y Black pp 75-108.
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Barthes, Roland. [1957] 1993. Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang.

Becker, Howard S. and Michal M. McCall, eds. 1990. Symbolic Interaction and
Cultural Studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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