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THESIS 3 1293 0140

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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

Francisco Oller and his Painting

E1 Velorio

presented by

Dolly Marie Hernandez

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

MIL—degree in Arts

 

 

Major professor

Date 2/3/7b/
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MSU to An Atflrmdivo ActiorVEqul Opportunity Intuition
What

FRANCISCO OLLER AND HIS PAINTING EL VELORIO

BY

Dolly Marie Hernandez

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS AND LETTERS

Department of Art

1995

ABSTRACT
FRANCISCO OLLER AND HIS PAINTING EL VELORIO
BY

Dolly Marie Hernandez

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the importance
of the painting El velorio (1892) to the Puerto Rican
painter Francisco Oller (1833-1917). The thesis will argue
that the political and cultural development of Puerto Rico
had a great impact on the artist. Therefore, this painting
is a reflection of the artist's political and cultural
opinion, and an expression of Puerto Rican nationality. The
study explores the island's political, social, and cultural
background in relation to the painting. The study will also
provide background information of Oller's artistic career,

and a discussion of the painting.

Copyright by
DOLLY MARIE HERNANDEZ
1995 ‘

To Lizo Escamilla and Sue Morris,
for reminding me of mis raices.
To my mom,
for your support ygpaciencia.
To my grandparents,
this one is for you.

IV

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks are due toi many people who contributed. and
inspired me to finish my thesis. Above all I will like to
give thanks to Dr. Eldon Van Liere who helped and guided me
throughout my research. I also will like to thank Dr.
Raymond Silverman and Dr. Phyllis Floyd for their ideas and
further suggestions. I

In reference to the ideas for Puerto Rican literature,
I give thanks to Dr. Anibal Gonzalez-Perez. I also give
thanks to Ms. Haydee Venegas for giving me material for my
research, and for her willingness to discuss the topic. To
Ms. Susan Morris who encouraged me to pursue the art of
Francisco Oller as a thesis topic, and for her continuous
support. There are many other people who have in different
degrees helped and guided me, I offer my deepest thanks to

all of them.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. List of Figures .................................... VII
II. Introduction ...................................... 1
III. Sections

1. Baquiné .................................. l9

2. Iconography

a. Description ......................... 28
b. Preparatory Studies ................. 35
c. Iconographical Analysis ............. 45
d. Criticism ........................... 58

3. Oller and Puerto Rico

a. A Puerto Rican Background ........... 66

b. Cuba and Paris ...................... 76

c. What is the message? ................ 82

IV. Conclusions ....................................... 90
V. Appendices

1. Appendix A: Chronology ................... 94

2. Appendix B: The Wake ..................... 97

VI. Bibliography ...................................... 98

VI

10.

11.

12.

13.

LIST OF FIGURES

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

El velorio, c. 1892-93 .............................. 20
Sketch for 'El velorio’, c. 1891 .................... 36
Cats-Study for 'El velorio’, c. 1892-93 ............. 37
Dog-Study for ’El velorio', c. 1892-93 .............. 38
Black Boy with "Gfiiro" - Study for

’El velorio', c. 1892-93 ............................ 39
Women-Study for ’El velorio’, c. 1892-93 ............ 4O
Men—Study for ’El velorio’, c. 1892-93 .............. 41
José Gautier Benitez. Lithograph, c. 1884 .......... 68
José’Gautier Benitez. Painting, c. 1885—86 ......... 69

 

El negro flagelado (Negro Floqged).

 

 

Painting, c. 1872 ................................... 71
La escuela del maestro Rafael.

Painting, c. 1890-92 ................................ 73
Camille Pissarro. Carnaval Dance.

Drawing, c. 1853-54 ................................. 81
La jibara. Painting, c. 1884 ........................ 87

VII

INTRODUCTION

Many scholars claim Francisco Oller y Cestero (1833-1917)
to be one of the greatest artists in the history of Puerto
Rico. Yet, for many more he is in fact unknown. In recent
years scholars have increased their interest in Oller.‘
Unfortunately these publications are limited, and.doinot reach
the public at large. Puerto Rican scholars face another
obstacle: how to make the public accept art as a valid form
of history that adds to the rich culture, and the sense of
individual and national identity. Some scholars proclaim
Oller the father of Spanish Impressionism, and yet, he is
rarely mentioned in books on Impressionism, and general art
books do not mention him at all. This is ironic and leaves
one wondering: why has his art evaded recognition in the
world of art history at large? Not much documentary material
is readily available, and this makes researches into his art
and life somewhat difficultg Those scholars who recognize his
importance:to Puerto Rican art, constantly lament.his decision
to return and remain in Puerto Rico. Oller’s friend, Paul
Cétanne, wrote to Camille Pissarro:

I am very upset that Oller, as Guillemet told me,

will be unable to return to Paris, for he would

probably be very bored in Puerto Rico and, too,
without paints available, it must be very difficult

 

' Please refer to bibliography.

1

to paint.2
Paris was the unquestioned center of the art world in the
nineteenth century. Oller lived in Paris for two prolonged
periods, yet, in the end, he preferred Puerto Rico over it.3
Indeed the questions are what made him stay?, and what was he
trying to accomplish? Questions such as these point to the
heart of the puzzle that Oller's career presents. To
understand his decision” it.is necessary to knOW'Oller, and to
understand his art and artistic goals. To accomplished this,
it is necessary to place him within the historical, social,
and cultural background of the island.

The thesis will focus on Oller and his painting I};
velorio (c. 1893). _Oller declared El velorio his greatest
achievement. He kept this painting as part of his collection
until 1903 when he gave it to the Escuela Normal, (a school
which later became the University of Puerto Rico). The
iconography and context of this painting will be discussed to
establish how the painting is a political statement, and an
exaltation and representation of the true Puerto Rican. The
purpose is to gain insight into Oller’s view of the socio-
political situation of the island, and the artistic motivation
for the representation of this subject. This introduction

will give a jpolitical background, as well as important

 

2 Paul Cezanne, Paul Cééanne Letters, ed. John Rewald,
trans. Seymour Hacker (New‘York; Hacker Art Books, 1984), 119.

3 Refer to Appendix A.

3
information on the formation of Oller as an artist and a free
thinker. The subsequent chapters will discuss in detail the
painting and the possible meaning it had for Oller.

The nineteenth century was a period of great change for
the Latin American countries. What had started as a struggle
for economic and political autonomy evolved into wars of
independence, and by the mid 18205 all that remained of the
Spanish Empire were the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico.4
This is not to say that Puerto Rico lacked a desire for
independence, but there were several factors impeding a strong
movement towards independence.

According to Adalberto Lopez, Puerto Ricans were
reluctant to take a radical step towards independence because
they'were psychologically attached to Spain, although this did
not prohibited them from wanting reform.5 There were also
settlers from Haiti and other Spanish-American colonies who

moved to Puerto Rico, and cautioned against giving power to

the masses. These new settlers would argue that the interest

 

4 Adalberto Lopez, "Birth of a Nation," Puerto Ricans;
Their History. Culture, and Society, ed. Adalberto Lo’pez
(Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1980), 51.

5 He stated: "Many of its members still had a strong
psychological and sentimental attachment to the mother
country, which did not prevent them from desiring changes and
reforms but certainly kept them from taking the radical step
of desiring independence. Even among those who were
psychological prepared for the complete break with Spain there
was a realization that for Puerto Rico to make a successful
bid for independence the island’s masses would have to be
mobilized, something which they saw as difficult to do and
which, in any case, most of them were reluctant to try" (51).

4

of the masses was to ultimately acquire total control of the
island.6 The number of Spanish troops increased in the
island, as they lost their battles in the mainland colonies.
After 1814, Ferdinand VII<ordered more troops to the island to
try to hinder any problems that might arise.7 JFerdinand also
created the Cédulas de Gracias, which were meant to produce
internal economic growth in the island, and invited new
Catholic immigrants to settleeby exempting them from taxes and
offering them land, and also to appease the demands of the
Puerto Rican creole.8 All of these initiatives did not
prevent the Puerto Rican elite from continuing their search
for political representation and the right to political
autonomy.

The reformist movement continued to develop throughout
the nineteenth century. It was eventually divided into three
groups that perceived. differently" the way to solve the
problems in the island. Two of the groups sought reform,
within the colonial system, and.the third.grouprconc1uded.that
the only solution to achieve the necessary reforms was
independence. The asimilistas or assimilists sought to have

Puerto Rico declared an integral part of Spain, in a sense,

 

6 ibid., 52. By 1804 the black slaves in Haiti had
rebelled against the creole elites, and had succeeded in
acquiring control over the island. Many of the French who
escaped Haiti moved to Puerto Rico, bringing with them a fear
of the masses’ potential power.

7 ibid., 51-52.

8 ibid., 55.

5

denying their Puerto Rican identity. They enjoyed some
support, but remained a relative minority on the island.9

The autonomistas or autonomists, which by the later part
of the nineteenth century were the most important reformist
party, were able to accomplish some of their goals. They
desired representation in the Spanish administration, and
municipal autonomy as well as a greater role in the
administration of the island.10 The other 'group within the
reformist movement were the independentistas or advocates for
independence. By the 18505 its greatest spokesman was Ramon
Emeterio Betances. He was the organizer of the Grito de Lares
(23 September 1868), which was a failed.attempt to achieve the
independence of Puerto Rico. The Grito de Lares was
precipitated by the arrest of Manuel Maria Gonzalez who had in
his possession. documents that eventually’ led to further
arrests. These events propelled Manuel Rojas, in Lares, to
call the independence conspirators to action. The result of
this unsuccessful attempt at independence caused concern in

Spain which subsequently became more repressive. In a way it

 

9 ibid., 76.

1° ibid., 77. Lopez also mentions that: "...the pro—
independence sentiment became more marked among the members of
professional and intellectual elite in the course of the
nineteenth century... however, many of these saw independence
as an impossible dream and decided to concentrate their
efforts on the struggle for autonomy, which they saw as a step
towards independence" (78). Also: Albert Boime, "Oller and
19th Century Puerto Rican Nationalism, " Francisco Oller a
Realist Impressionist (Ponce, Puerto Rico: Museo de Ponce,
1983), 46.

6

strengthened. the belief among the [professional and
intellectual elites that to achieve the independence of the
island was impossible.11 Despite the failure of this
rebellion, it is seen as an important event in the national
identity of the island.12

Within. the reformist. movement there ‘were those ‘who
supported the abolition of slavery. The slave population in
Puerto Rico was always relatively small compared to any of the
other colonies (Spanish or non-Spanish) .13 Spain kept
slavery mainly because Cuban slave owners argued its abolition
would cause problems in the economy of Cuba. Yet, in Puerto
Rico, the slaves had little impact in the economic balance, a
fact which abolitionists carefully emphasized. The
abolitionists also emphasized the immorality and cruelty of
the institution. Finally, on 23 March 1873, they

accomplished their goal, and the abolition of the institution

 

“ Lopez, 78—81.

” Juan Antonio Corretjer, "The Day Puerto Rico Became a
Nation," The Puerto Ricans: A Documentary History, ed. Kal
Wagenheim and Olga Jimenez de Wagenheim (New York: Praeger
Publishers, 1973), 65. The source was originally'published.in
the San Juan Star Sunday Magazine on 22 September 1968.

“ Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census

 

(Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1969), 46. This book
provides an interesting insight to the slave trade of the
American continent. This information becomes increasingly

interesting’when compared with the information provided by
Adalberto Lopez.

7
was declared on Puerto Rico, but was not granted to Cuba.”
There were strings attached to this abolition, the freed
slaves had to work for a minimum of three years of forced
labor to satisfy the demands of the slave owners.‘5
During the nineteenth century there was an increase in
national pride. Pride for the island was reflected primarily
among the professionals and intellectuals. They recognized
and accepted their differences with Spain. 'Thus, they took an
increasing interest in the uniqueness of the island, its
culture and history.'6 It is in this century, and amid
all of these changes that Oller finds himself working and
developing his art. Oller was definitely influenced by the
events and ideas that developed on the island. The growth of
national pride in particular was to be a significant factor in
determining the form his painting E1 velorio will take.
This summary gives a sense of the tensions that existed
in Puerto Rico in the nineteenth century. The issue then is:
where and how does Oller fit into this summary? Oller was a

creole elite, but also friends with some of the members who

 

held and promoted revolutionary ideals. In 1868, he
‘4 Lo’pez , 8 2 . Also: Maria Teresa Babin , The Puerto
Ricans' Spirit: Their History. life. anui Culture, trans.

 

Barry Luby (New York: Collier Books, 1971), 44-45.

” Luis M. Dfaz Soler, La esclavitud neqra en Puerto Rico
(San Juan, P.R.: ICA, 1957), 18.

M This is further emphasized by the books of historical
nature of Alejandro Tapia y Rivera, and Salvador Brau (Lopez,
74).

8

participated in the Fiestas de San Juan, and received
permission from Governor Machessi to open an academy of
Drawing and Painting. On the surface, this would imply that
Oller belonged with the conservative elite who wanted to
remain associated with Spain to insure more stability to the
island. Yet, this does not explain why Oller chose to remain
in Puerto Rico, nor why his art focused on the objects that
identify the island: its fruits, landscapes, and people. Why -
would Oller return to the jfbaro figure or the struggle of the
black slaves if he was not sympathetic to their cause?
Perhaps the question is at what point was Oller able to
understand the situation of the island. To this end it is
important to know Oller’s life and career as an artist to see
Oller’s development as a free thinker.

Oller's family played an important role in the
development of the island. His grandfather was a physician
who pioneered the use of vaccines in the island. "Oller grew
up amid prosperous and cultured circumstances ‘where his
musical and artistic gifts couhd be recognized and
encouraged."17 He was able to start his art studies at the
age of twelve with Juan Cleto Noa. After only nine months,
Cleto Noa sent Oller back to the family because he had nothing
else to teach Oller. Finally, in 1851, Oller was able to

leave for Spain, where he enrolled in the Academy of San

 

'7 Albert Boime, "Oller and 19th-Century Puerto Rican
Nationalism," Francisco Oller a Realist-Impressionist (Ponce,
P.R.: Museo de Ponce, 1983), 38.

9

Fernando, in Madrid. His teacher was Federico de Madrazo y
Kuntz, an artist of academic persuasion and a ftdlower of
Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres. In Madrid, Oller was
introduced to the art of Spanish masters such as Diego
Velazquez, and Francisco Goya y Lucientes. .He studied art for
two years and then returned to Puerto Rico in 1853. Oller
continued his artistic development in Puerto Rico, and five
years later -- after his father's death --Iua returned to
Europe, this time to France. There is little doubt that
Madrazo y.Kuntz, impressed the Parisian art world on the minds
of his students. Another possible reason to travel to France
might be that France was playing an influential role in the
development of the Spanish American colonies, Puerto Rico
inclusive.l8

Upon Oller's arrival in Paris in 1858, he enrolled first
in the studio of Thomas Couture, and subsequently switched to
the atelier of Gleyre. In the latter atelier Oller befriended
Pierre-Auguste Renoir, ClaudeaMonet, and other fellow students
who would later be known as the Impressionists. By 1859,
Oller had also befriended Pissarro, who shared his Caribbean
background, and who would play an important role in the
development of Impressionism. During this eight year period
in France (1858-65) Oller, like'his friends, familiarized
himself with the style and doctrines of the realist painter

Gustave Courbet. Oller must have also seen the works of his

 

m Lopez, 80.

10
friend Edouard Manet, which were to scandalize the Parisian
world.l9 During this period Oller expanded his artistic
abilities, and gained a new outlook on the events that
occurred around him. The ramifications of this new outlook
will‘also be reflected in El velorio, since Oller, as an
expatriot, will start to consider his position as well as his
connections with time and place.

Oller frequented the Café'Guerbois (a favorite haven for
Manet and his circle) and the Brasserie Andler (where Courbet
was the main figure.) In these cafes he could converse with
Edgar Degas, Pissarro, and Emile Zola. These social
gatherings at 'the (cafes often. provided opportunities to
discuss various contemporary topics, including politics,
literature, and art. These gatherings and the variety of
ideas explored there, were a vital part of artistic life and
must have influenced the young artist. The names of Oller's
friends and some of the places he frequented are known, yet
this period in his life remains somewhat obscuret These years
place Oller in the center of a developing avant-garde style,
and represent the formation of his own ideals. This milieu
was far different from his previous experience in Puerto Rico
or Spain. Although cultural life was not lacking in Puerto
Rico, it was far from the swirl of Parisian life. Also,

Puerto Rico could not provide Oller with an artistic circle

 

'9 For a complete discussion see: John Rewald, The
History of Impressionism (New York: Museum of Modern Art,
1961).

11

since it was lacking in the field of art. This is not to say
he was the only artist, but the concerns and artistic
development of these other artists never developed as did
those of Oller. During this first period in France, Oller was
able to communicate his thoughts and explore the value of the
ideas that flowed through the ateliers, cafes, and soirees.

Oller considered himself to be a follower of Courbet, and
often referred to himself as such. Although Oller did not
belong to the group that enrolled for a short time to study
with Courbet, he was a frequent participant of the gatherings
at the Brasserie Andler, whose presiding figure was Courbet.20
Courbet was a domineering personality who pressed his ideas
-upon those listening. In a letter Courbet wrote on 25
December 1861, which was later published in the Courrier du
dimanche of 29 December 1861, he eloquently expressed his
ideas on art.2| Courbet stated in this letter: "...because I
maintain that art is entirely individual and is, for each
artist, simply the ability that issues from his own
inspiration and his own studies of tradition."22

Courbet’s influence is not immediately seen in Oller’s

 

m Osiris Delgado Mercado, "Oller y Courbet," Revista del
Instituto de Cultura Puertorriquefia 3 (July-September 1961):
33.

n The ideas presented in this letter are based on those
of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. There is also the possibility the
letter was actually written by Jules Castagny [Gustave
Courbet, Letters of Gustave Courbet, ed. Petra ten-Doeschate
Chu (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1992), 203-205].

n Courbet, 203.

12

works. It takes Oller several years before he comprehends and
applies Courbet’s observations. Oller was experimenting with
European artistic traditions, and thus denying his Puerto
Rican heritage. It will be much later in Oller’s life when
Courbet’s notions of "tradition" and "popular culture" will
have profound meaning to the artist. By the time Oller
created El velorio it is clear he understood Courbet's message
for in it he explores the traditions of his country, examines
his own ideals, and thus creates a unique work that is
entirely individualistic in subject and inspiration.

Oller returned to Puerto Rico in 1865, where he stayed
until 1873. The return to Puerto Rico was perhaps
precipitated by financial need, as Pissarro seems to point in
his letter: "Nous avons fait toutes especes de conjeture sur
ta disparition subite,... mais tu es‘a Porto Rico! tant mieux
si tu peux arriver a mettre de monacos dans tes poches..."23
This letter also points to the close relationship Oller and
Pissarro shared.

Back in Puerto Rico, Oller engaged in enriching his
capabilities as a painterx He was able to open his Academy of
Drawing and Painting, later converted into a public school.
Oller had an avant-garde perspective since he believed in the

education of all members of the Puerto Rican community. He

also acknowledged his affiliation to Spain by accepting the

 

B Camille Pissarro, Correspondace de Camille Pissarro,
ed. Janine Bailly-Herzberg, vol. 3 (Paris: Editions du
Valhermeil, 1980), 533.

13

title of Knight of the Real Order of Charles III. This is not
surprising since Spain was still in control of the island. He
was obligated to seek out the permission to open the school
and apply to Spanish government for financial support.
Surrounding him during these years on the island were events
of political nature. The rebellion of 1868 mentioned earlier
put new life into the movement for independence, and national
identity in the minds of the Puerto Rican community; Although
the artist was never directly involved in these events, they
ultimately affected him despite his "public allegiance" to the
Spanish rule.

Oller left the island again in 1873 to participate in the
Universal ExhibitiOn in Vienna. The following year he arrived
in Paris and remained in Europe until 1884, dividing his stay
mostly between France and Spain. The artist was already forty
years old when he arrived, yet this period (1873-84)
represents another important stage in Oller’s artistic
evolution. Some scholars agree that Oller’s work El
estudiante (The Student) belongs to this period.24 They claim
it was painted around 1874. While the figures depicted have

not been identified, it has been suggested that the male

 

A See relevant information in the catalogue Francisco
Oller a Realist-Impressionist, 163.

14

figure represents Don Ramon Emeterio Betances.25 Betances
was one of the most important figures in the nationalist
movement of Puerto Rico, and greatly involved in the Grito de
Lares. Regardless of who is represented, this painting
demonstrates the influence of the Impressionist movement.
Oller’s relationship to this style is later expressed.inrother
paintings, but this one alone deserves thoughtful
interpretation and close study. He would later travel to-
Spain and introduce Spain to the Impressionist style.

Oller returned to Puerto Rico in 1884, bringing with him
new ideas about art. His paintings show an understanding and
development not seen in previous years which makes it clear he
had reached his mature period. He continued to develop his
own style in portraits, landscapes, and still lifes. Yet his
genre paintings took on a new importance and meaning. The two
most important of these works are La escuela del wtro
Rafael (The School of Raphael), and El velorio (The Wake).
These paintings are different in every way from all his
previous known work. Although, it was not the first time
Oller dealt with topics related to the situation in Puerto

Rico, it will be the first time he addresses them.with such a

 

” Please refer to the section of OLLER.AND PUERTO RICO.
It should also be mentioned that there are other suggestions
in reference to the identity of the model who still remains
unknown. The painting belonged to Dr. Gachet, an avid
collector of art, and a friend of Cezanne and Pissarro. See
the catalogue Francisco Oller a Realist Impressionist;
'Exposicidh del cuadro El Estudiante, de Oller," Revista del
Instituto de Cultura Puertorriquefia 7 (January—March 1964):
28-29.

15
critical eye. ‘These topics not only criticize, but attempt to
confront and question the divisions within the island.

After years abroad Oller finally commits himself to a
purpose which is in essence nationalistic. Oller seems to
finally capture the complete meaning of the letter Courbet
published in 1861. Courbet expressed:

The true artists are those who pick up their

age exactly at the point to which it has been
carried by previous times. To go backward is to do

nothing , to waste effort , to have neither
unders tood nor prof i ted from the les sons of the
past... ‘

I also maintain that painting is an essential
concrete art form and can consist of the
representation of real and existing things. It is
an entirely physical language that is composed, by
way of words, of all available objects...
Imagination in art consists of knowing how to find
the most complete expression of an existing thing,
but never of inventing or creating the thing

itself.26
Oller learned from all of his teachers. He profited from
French, Spanish, and Puerto Rican art. He used his

understanding of culture to express through painting his own
views on the social situation of Puerto Rico. In El velorio,
Oller depicted a scene which addresses a particular " . . .custom
that still exist in Puerto Rico among country people."27 He
criticizes the abuses perpetuated by the elite upon the poor
creole. He manifested.both his "costumbrismo" and socialism.

Once El velorio was completed, Oller once again left

 

“ Courbet, 204.

N This statement was provided by Oller to the Salon of
1895. A complete reprint of the statement is available in
Appendix B.

16
Puerto Rico. In 1895, he traveled to France with the purpose
of exhibiting this particular painting. Although it was
accepted by the Salon, El velorio received criticism from his
friends in France, and.critics in Puerto Rico. Pissarro wrote
to his son Lucien about the arrival of Oller, and mentioned
how surprised Oller was about the lightness of color in
Pissarro's paintings. Pissarro also points to Lucien his own
impression of El velorio: "I1 faut des tableaux dont les
motifs sont episodiques, cornme le Niagre foué'tte de chez
Tanguy. La photographie de son tableau me parait mieux,
certainement, me je crains que ce ne soit un peu banal."28
This criticism is worth evaluating, because Pissarro seems to
have :misunderstood. Oller's achievement. Pissarro ‘was a
supporter of anarchism, and often made comments about his
views to his friend. In the book Francisco Oller y Cestero
11833-1917) Pintor de Puerto Rico, Osiris Delgado Mercado
presents how anarchists have a firm sense of justice, and are
sensible to their surroundings.29 Oller’s oeuvre does
reflects those characteristics. Perhaps it was the realistic
approach Oller used which.affected.Pissarro's opinion, for the
latter had long ago rejected the anecdotal. Pissarro as an

anarchist was always in touch with his surroundings, and

believed in suggesting it through the means of the modernist

 

” Pissarro, ed. Bailly-Herzberg, vol. 4, 46.

29 Osiris Delgado Mercado, Francisco Oller y Cestero
(1833—1917) Pintor de Puerto Rico (San Juan, P.R.: Estudios
Superiores de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, 1983) 177.

17
Impressionist style as opposed to a literal realism. In this
case his criticism is purely based on the style Oller chose
for the painting. Oller, as a sensible individual, tried to
express his own political views through a painting, and.defend
the rights of the true Puerto Ricans.

Oller, having' exhibited. his jpainting’ in. the Salon,
returned to Puerto Rico in 1896. As it is ewident in his
subsequent paintings, Pissarro and the lhmmessionists once
again had an impact on him.. Until his death in 1917, Oller
continued.totdevelop his art, further expanding and.redefining
his Spanish and French influences, but ultimately exploring
the meaning of his identity and "nacionalidad" (nationhood).

Oller’s life should be studied further, in particular the
role of Puerto Rico and France in the development of his
ideals. The importance of this would be to analyze how much
the artist gained from these surroundings, and was able to
successfully apply to his paintings. Oller clearly could
dominate the Impressionist and the Realist styles. They
represent two distinct artistic approaches and Oller’s choice
of style for specific subjects is worth re-evaluating. It
will be important for this purpose to consider not only the
French and Spanish influences, but also the Puerto Rican. A
closer look will be given to the cultural, historical, and
social development of the island. The purpose then is to
analyze how Oller interpreted his learning experiences in g;

velorio to visually express the words of criticism and love

18

for the island on which he was born.

"EL BAQUINE'I

Part of the fascination with El velorio is the confusion
of messages it sends to the viewer [Figure l]. The work, as
its title suggests, is the representation of a wake. Usually

wakes are thought off as quiet gatherings to morn the loss of

-' the person. Yet in this unusual kind of wake depicted by

Oller, people drink, eat, dance, and sing. It becomes more
complicated when one discovers it depicts a "wake of little
angels," commonly known as bagginéi To understand Francisco
Oller's purpose with this oeuvre, the celebration itself has
to be understood.

According to Emma Boehm-Oller, Oller often visited the
crest of a hill in Puerto Rico, where he could take advantage
of the surroundings, and continue his "search for nature."2
On one such visis he was informed of and invited to the wake
of a small child. She adds:

When he arrived he was amazed to find the house

full of people, singing, drinking, and eating. The

baby had been laid out on the table, surrounded by
flowers, and of all the people there only the

 

1 An explanation of this wake custom is difficult because
of the lack of material available on the topic. Although it
goes beyond the scope of this thesis the author feels it is
essential to provide the reader with some information.

2 Emma Boehm3011er, "Francisco Oller, Puerto Rican
Impressionist,“ Americas 19 (September 1967): 27. The author
never mentions the location of this hill.

19

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.

1892—93.

Figure 1
c.
20

El velorio,

 

21

mother, seated beside the baby, was crying.3
She believes this visit. was Oller’s inspiration for .El
velorio. Even though this minimal description does not give
us any information in relation to the baggine’, Oller’s
representation is commonly accepted as the true version.
Indeed in the literature there is evidence authors looked at
Oller’s oeuvre to explain or elaborate on the ritual.4

Death fascinates Latin American culture. In Puerto Rico,
as in many other areas of Latin America, there are different
rituals involving death, including wakes. Jesds M. Vazquez
explains some of the differences between a wake for a child
and an adult. There is a feeling of solemnity in the wakes
for adults. People gather to offer prayers and pay their last
respects to the deceased. They pray for the eternal rest of
the soul, and for the forgiveness of the deceased’s sins.
Such a wake includes small pauses to provide the mourners time
to engage in small talk, and drink coffee (or any other
beverage.) The mourners will gather once more the following
morning to take the body to its final resting ground.

In the event of a child’s death, the atmosphere of the
wake is less rigorous since the child is free of sin. The
mourners, as in the adult wakes, receive from the family small

*gifts and are supplied.with coffee and snacks. Some families

 

3 ibid., 27.

‘ See: Miguel Melendez Mufioz, “EL velorio,“ Cuentos del
Cedro (Barcelona: Ediciones RVMBOS, 1967), 111—118. ‘This will
be discussed at a later point.

22

even hired or invited a story teller —- probably local -- to
keep the company'livelyn These stories were often.accompanied
with music, and the interactive participation of mourners.S

The baguiné is not a common practice, and it is mainly
reserved for the rural areas.6 It is also known as baggini,
flordn, gginiban, or simply as "wake of little angels."7 The
people who celebrate the bagginé believe that when a small
child dies the soul goes directly to heaven, since the child
is free of sin. Therefore there is no need to cry, instead,
there should be a celebration. Crying could dampen the wings
of the little angel and impede the travel of the soul to
heaven.8

Although not much is documented on this ritual, some
scholars have argued it is indigenous to rural Spain, and
brought to Latin America by Spanish settlers. Most scholars
though agree the bagginé was commonly practiced by blacks,
although they quickly add the bagginé has no African roots.
Other scholars disagree and argue the bagginé is completely

indigenous to Africa. The arguments lack evidence, and are

 

5 Jesds M. Vazquez, "El velorio: drama que daba punto
final a la Vida," El Mundo (San Juan, Puerto Rico) 2 December
1979.

6 Although less frequent than in the nineteenth century,
‘ the baguine is still practiced today.

7 Francisco Oller a Realist-Impressionist (Ponce: Museo
de Arte de Ponce, 1983), 193.

8 Marcelinp J. Canino Salgado, El cantar folklorico de
Puerto Rico (Rio Piedras, PR: Uhiversidad de Puerto Rico,
1986), 216.

23

mostly subject to the biases of the authors. Yet, the
diversity'of therarguments demonstrates the confusion scholars
have on this topic, even the origin of the word is subject to
debate. Rubén del Rosario, in his book Seleccidh de ensayos
lingfiisticos, discusses the possible origin of words used in
Puerto Rico. He mentions that in his study of the word
baguiné he found some scholars believe it is derived from the
Yoruba word baquinikini, meaning "to salute with respect. " He
mentions that others assume the word to be derived from the
Jamaican word.baakini, which itself is derived from the Bantu
word bakini meaning "dancers." In Jamaica the word baakini
has several meanings. One of its meaning is: "a funerary
meeting, usually characterized by a ring play."9 Rosario
correctly concludes this definition has no connection with the
meaning the word.has in Puerto Rico. “Therefore Rosario favors
that the word is a corruption of the French verb badiner,
meaning not to take things seriously. Then introduced to the
island by immigrants (not necessarily slaves, and/or slaves
descendants).10

The argument is weak, since Rosario rarely mentions his

sources or logically explains how he arrived at his

 

9 Rubén del Rosario, Seleccidn de ensayos lingfiisticos
(Madrid: Ediciones Partenon, 1985), 118-19.

1° ibid., 134” The author suggests caution with this
argument by Rosario, since Rosario tends to link most of the
Puerto Rican vocabulary to a French word, which is very
unlikely. Also Rosario, like many other scholars, uses
Oller’s oeuvre to support his argument, without studying the
baguiné'itself.

24

conclusions. Yet, Rosario is correct when he associates the
word bagginé with things not taken seriously, if one takes
into account the painting by Oller. The word might reflect
some influence from the word "bacchanal" which actually means
“drunken orgy," therefore a gathering where no one behaves
seriously.11 Oller’s oeuvre reflects disorder and chaos. No
one seems aware of the dead child lying on the table, except
for the old black man [Figure 1].

There is surviving oral tradition of the baguine’. At the
wake people sing these songs, perhaps as a way to console the
parents.

Angelito, vete

al cielo divino;
ruega por tus padres
y por tu padrino.
Cojan ese nifio,
ponganlo en el suelo,
para que su madre
tenga algun consuelo.
Cojan ese nifio,
Vistanlo de blanco,
que el cura lo espera
en el camposanto.
Cojan ese nifio
Vistanlo de azul,

que el cura lo espera
con el ataiid.12

 

n Suggested. by’ Dr. Raymond. Silverman, Professor at

Michigan State University.

n "Little angel, go// to holy heaven,// pray for your
parents// and your god-father.// Pick-up that child// place
hint on. the floor,// so that. his :mother// receives some
consolation.// Pick—up that child,// dress him in white,//
the priest awaits// on heavenly ground.// Pick-up that
child,// dress him in blue,// the priest awaits// with the

25
These songs reflect the effort of the parents, particularly
the mother, to save their children. They also reflect a
combination of religious and superstitious beliefs, including
the belief and fear of evil. Beyond that, they reveal
something about the ceremony itself.

This particular song mentions colors as reference to the
ba iné. Then it could be concluded colors held a particular
meaning. In a recent book by Joa’o Jose’ Reis, the author
mentions the color symbolisni of Brazilian. wakes of the
nineteenth.centuryz Since there are some similarities between
the rituals of Brazil and those practiced in Puerto Rico, it
is helpful to study the color scheme the author describes.
According to Reis, the color white was often chosen for the
funeral of whites, and.adds it was the color of choice for the
African (perhaps meaning of African descent) and Muslims.
This color could.express several things: jpurity, happiness in
eternal life, order in nature, and the promised Resurrection.
He also mentions that the color scheme for the deceased was
also dependent on the age and gender of the individual.13

In reference to decorations, Reis mentions the symbols
that were used to identify the houses where death. had

occurred. Blue and white were often used as colors for

 

coffin" (Canino, 216).

“ Joao José'Reis, A morte e uma festa: ritos fdnebres e
revolta popular no Brasil do século XIX (Sao Paulo, Brazil:
Companhia das Letras, 1991), 118.

26

children.14 The hands were bond together holding a rosary --
a white rosary for children —- and a candle or perhaps a
crucifix. Candles were lighted to guide the spirit to
heaven.15

During the wake or after the funeral, food was commonly
offered to the mourners. Reis suggests its meaning could be
associated with keeping the evil away. It protected the soul
from being tempted by evil forces, since the mourners were
there to pray, and the soul had nourishment.16

From the oral tradition and Oller’s oeuvre, it can be
concluded that the bagginé required the mourners to remain
with the family of the deceased.until the next day, but if the
child had no sin, why was it necessary? Reis' arguments
present new meanings to the iconography of this wake
tradition, yet the bagginé'remains a mystery. Even Oller's
contemporary critics found it difficult to understand the
painting. Alejandro Infiesta often referred to the painting
as a bacchanal, mostly because he had problems reconciling
this custom with the more solemn European tradition. J. de
Zequeira explains that the oeuvre will most likely confuse the
viewer. He explains the confusion is caused either by the

viewer’s unfamiliarity'with.the island, or not having attended

 

“ ibid., 128.
” ibid., 130.

m ibid., 131.

27

one of these "orgies."17
It is clear from this that the bagginefl as practiced in
Puerto Rico, requires further investigation. The information
to be gained from such researches is fundamental to the
understanding of Oller’s oeuvre. Interviews and documentation
of funerary'practices, especially thoseaof rural areas, should
be considered. It will also be revealing to discover whether
the baquiné's origin is, in fact, a the blend of African and
Christian beliefs. Normally the baguiné is associated with
the ”uncivilized," and non Christian beliefs which has
probably resulted in a "conspiracy" of silence which has
effectively obscured its original sources and the activities
associated with it. The full meaning of Oller’s El velorio

depends on the understanding of this particular tradition, for

the artist clearly considered it most important.

 

17 See the section on Criticism in the ICONOGRAPHY
chapter.

ICONOGRAPHY OF ._EL VELORIO

Description

Oller worked on El velorio from 1892—93 [Figure l} . Once
finished, he exhibited the painting in the 1893 Exposicion de
Puerto Rico, and as noted before, he took the painting to
Paris, where it was exhibited in the Salon of-1895. This
painting was obviously important to Oller. He claimed it was
his best, although many critics, from his time and today,
disagree with him. What was so special about this painting
for Oller to regard it so highly? What meaning did it hold
for Oller? What was Oller trying to accomplish in this
painting? All aspects of the work must be examined to
discover the relations created and the iconographical intent.
To reach this point, the painting will be described in detail.

The setting Oller selected for El velorio is a
campesino’s house (country-man's house.) The viewer is only
allowed to see part of the room, yet more than likely the
whole dwelling is not much bigger. There are two doors and
one window. Within this setting Oller created groups that
cluster near each of these sources of light.

The crowd that dominates the painting engages in various
activities including drinking, singing, or playing

instruments. The majority of the figures are campesinos,

28

29
except for perhaps three figures: the old.black man looking at
the dead child, the priest, and.his companion.who might.be the
local boticario (apothecary). These figures in particular
give a sense of the differences in the social strata of the
island. The differences in clothing is the primary means to
distinguish them as different from the campesinos.

Oller used hand gestures to lead the viewer into and
through the painting. From the left the eye is led by figures
engaged in a heated argument. Two lovers hold each other
while an older man pours alcohol over their heads. The.
woman’s hand, and the man's hat connect to the little black
girl playing the maracas (a musical instrument made out of
gourds with some pebbles or rice placed inside to create the
Sound.) Here the maracas lead towards the musician playing a
'cuatrol, and a complex group of. figures follows. These
figures engage in different activities. A little black boy
plays the gig (another musical instrument made out of
gourds, and hollow inside.) The woman who holds a guitar,
might be talking to the man drinking or actually singing as
she raises her head, and perhaps stares at a suspended roasted
pigu Near her a.man, probably totally drunk, sings with great
passion. There are two men, only one drinks but both hold
machetes, and appear to be preparing to leave the dwelling.

In between them, a woman apparently tries to hold back the

 

1 The cuatro was a four stringed guitar, it currently
has five pairs of strings. The instrument is typical to
Puerto Rico.

30

younger man who looks towards the other side of the room.
Between this woman and the figure of the old black man, there
is a small boy, who perhaps was playing with one of the dogs,
but whose attention is now drown to the small fight between
three children taking place in the lower left of the painting.
Then there is the quiet figure of the old black man who with
time worn dignity and solemnity stares at the figure of the
dead child.

From the right of the painting one enters with two
campesinos involved in some talk, perhaps one: of them
represents the father of the dead child. The hand of one of
them leads to the woman, whose sweeping arm gesture in turn
connects with the priest. According to Oller's description,
this woman is the mother of the dead child [Appendix B]. She
alone makes contact with the viewer, grinning and inviting one
into the "celebration." Behind the mother there is a man
about to grab a machete that hangs on the wall. The priest,
who appears to have been previously engaged in conversation,
swings his head.around to look -- perhaps disapprovingly -- at
the entrance of the roasted pig into the dwelling, carried by
a young boy. Behind this boy, and to the left, there is a
woman just outside the door staring at the pig. To the boy’s
' right stands a man only recognized by his torso and extending
hat, perhaps also drunk or a new arrival to the gathering.
Nearly all the gestures and movements created by Oller lead

ultimately to the roasted pig that is suspended above the

31

crowd at the top center of the painting. The pole that
supports the pig is what actually leads to the dead child who
rests below it on the white laced tablecloth. The purpose of
the gathering is clearly to attend to the wake of a small
child, but the focus is drawn away from the child to the
suspended pig. Clearly Oller is not simply depicting a local
wake.

The dwelling is simple, made out of wood with a thatch
roof, (probably coconut leaves), and supported by beams.
Throughout the whole Scene there is a sense of disarray with
cut flowers, food, cards, and bottles laying all over the
floor. All of this clutter gives the illusion that the crowd
has been “celebrating" for a long time. The furniture of the
room is simple, except for several objects that are out of
place in such a modest dwelling. The chair on the right side
of the painting seems to be too expensive for this particular
place. Oller made it clear that this is a campesino’s house,
and such a chair would be beyond their means. The table on
which the child.rests appears to be a companion to this chair,
and too the chair behind the priest. There is also the white
cloth bordered.with lace covering the table which Oller gives
much emphasis. According to Osiris Delgado Mercado the cloth
is modeled after Emma Boehm-Oller's baptismal cloth“ Delgado

Mercado also mentions that cloths similar to this were used

32
during the sacrifice in a mass.2

On the walls and the beams of this structure hang a
variety of objects. At the far left are two baskets, a
machete, and a stirrup, indicating that the occupation of its
residents is related to agriculture. Above the door frame
there is a cross, and a little branch from Palm Sunday. From
the beams and framed by the two doorways, hangs a plantain
branCh, two coconut cups probably holding pitorro’, dried
corn, and a cat that watches the gathering below from his
perch. Also a candle holder hangs from the ceiling, and two
other are fixed to the walls. Two of these are protected by
glass, while the third is a free standing candle exposed to
the elements (the wind). It is the latter alone that remains
lighted.

Beyond.the front.porch visible from.the left door, (which
is probably the front door), there is a rising landscape
suggesting the dwelling might be located in a valley. Beyond
the fence there are two figures talking, a grazing cow, a hut,
and a tree that appears to be a Flamboyan. From the door on
the right there is also a rising landscape with another hut,
some palm trees, and another cow. Above the window frame to

the right there is a glass, a cup, and a bottle. The sky,

 

2 Osiris Delgado Mercado, Francisco Oller y Cestero
11833-1917) Pintor de Puerto Rico (San Juan, Puerto Rico:
Centro‘de Estudios Superiores de Puerto Rico y el Caribe,
1983), 97.

3 Pitorro is an alcoholic drink. It will be discussed
at a later time in this chapter.

33
visible through all of these open spaces, is a clear blue, and
its bright light outside covers the entire landscape.

The people involved in this wake seem to have forgotten
the dead child, and it is almost as if they were celebrating
something else that really is joyous rather than mournful. If
this activity could be assumed to depict the last stages of a
wake and the aftermath of much drinking in the preceding
hours, then it is the state of drunkenness which dominates the
scene. Still, this is a wake and not simply a scene of
drunkenness. This is further made clear by the entrance of
the pig which is drawing all of the attention, and is the
focus of the painting. The opposition of the pig and the
child, and the other tensions surrounding it, suggest a
complex intent -- but what purpose does it have here?

There are three crosses found in this painting; one is
the small crucifix over the main entrance, another hangs from
a rosary strung upon a nail in the wall between the two doors,
and the third, which is by far the largest, is the one formed
by a roof beam and the pole holding the pig. Only one bears
the image of the Christ. The cross one expects to find on the
rosary is obscured by the extended arm of the singer. That
leaves the cross at the top center of the composition that
could be seen as simply a chance conjunction of the two
elements, except for the pig that draws everyone's attention,
is at the point of the juncture much as the Christ on the

cross. 'Why would Oller choose to suggest the crucified.Christ

34
as a pig? All of these "religious" symbols are found on the
left side, the same side through which enters a kind of
"divine light" that bathes the figure of the child and the old
black man.

Oller seems to play a game with the viewer, perhaps to
avoid offending some of his patrons, but most likely an
intentional act. The whole painting is filled with dualities.
The objects included in this painting can have multiple
meanings. This mix of duality and juxtaposition of objects
creates a puzzle out of the artist's intention. There is no
question.every'object in this painting was selected.and placed
with a purpose.

Oller created a work that at first glance might appear
almost simple, and can be understood as a depiction of Puerto
Rican culture and traditions. It could.also be interpreted.as
a social critique. In order to understand the whole purpose
of this painting, the preparatory studies, symbolism, and

criticism of the painting should be addressed.

Preparatory Studies

There are eight preparatory studies for El velorio known
today: Cats, Dog, Black Boy with "Gfiiro", Two Women with a
Head, Woman and Arm, Several Male Figgres, Woman Seen from.the
‘ngk, and a general study of El velorio [Figures 2—7]. These
studies reflect an.aspect.of Oller attitudes towards his work,
unfortunately only one of the overall studies survives today.
The studies also give important insights into Oller's thoughts
during the development of this painting, and reveal the
importance this painting held for Oller.

Most of the sketches are of isolated figures, details
depicted in the final composition of the painting. Some of
these figures were already in Oller’s mind as seen in the
overall study: the small black.boy'who plays the ggirgJ a dog,
and.the man.drinking and.holding his machete (holding a bottle
in the final composition). Other objects and figures seen in
the study and the final composition are: the old black man,
various figures depicted drinking and/or playing music, and
the little bench near the table. The other figure studies
were probably added at a later stage of the work. Although
these details are beautifully depicted, they do not give any
insight to the meaning of the final composition.

The fact that so many figures were not present in the

overall study, demonstrates that this painting consumed much

35

  
 
 

«2,,

—.o.

Figure 2

Sketch for ’El velorio', c.

36

  

.~ . w I
‘ I . " .~ '
‘2" . , ‘ .
. '1‘... ‘ '1‘ __ ‘ “’11.
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1891.

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I
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1892—93.

C .

'El velorio’,
37

Figure 3

 

Cats—Study for

 

Dog-Study for

Figure 4

’El velorio’,

38

 

C.

.’~”\~“\‘\ '\\’\

1892—93.

// // J/jj/J////,///_/J./f//

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Figure 5

Black boy with gfiiro - Study for ’El velorio’,

39

C.

1892—93.

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Figure 6

Women-Study for ’El velorio', c. 1892—93.

40

 

Figure 7

Mgn—Study for ’El velorio’, c.

41

 

1892-93.

4

I
I

l

X ,/ x
1’ /' / ../ /' J 4/’ ./ /. , A. /4 ,/ ,/ g/ 4/ ,/ J./ // J A/ J J J y‘a‘zfld VJV . ’ij

42
of Oller’s time, as he confirmed in a letter to Amparo
Fernandez:
Mi cuadro, 'El Velorio’, objecto hoy de mis amores de
artista, y el cual quiero llevar a nuestra proxima
Exposicion, no esta concluido aun, reclama todos mis
esfuerzos, y desgraciadamente el tiempo de que
dispongo es corto y mis energias desfallecen.‘
All of Oller’s energies were dedicated to the creation of this
work. According to Emma Boehm-Oller:
[Ollerl fue invitado a1 velorio de un reciéh nacido y
fue aSi como de esta experiencia resulto El Velorio,
el fascinante estudio lleno de detalles interesantes
que muestra su comprensidn de su tierra natal y su
habilidad para agrupar los temas.S
If Oller did indeed attend this wake, the overall sketch then
is of great importance since it might reflect some of the
details from an actual wake. In other words, the painting is
not a fancy of the artist, but reality depicted through an
artist’s point of view.
This particular study is considerably different from the

final work. The study reflects almost a different intent.

Although the study is unclear, because of the loose brushwork,

 

‘ "My painting, ’El Velorio', object of my artistic
devotion, and which I want to present at our next Exposition,
is not yet finished. It consumes much of my efforts, and
unfortunately the time I have left is not enough, and my
energies are scarce." This letter was reprinted in Delgado
Mercado, 223.

5 [Oller] was invited to a wake of a new born, and this
experience resulted in the creation of El velorio, the
fascinating study filled with interesting details that
demonstrate his understanding of his native land and his
ability to group subjects." Emma Boehm-Oller, "Un intimo
retrato de Oller," El Nuevo Dia (San Juan, Puerto Rico) 14
June 1987.

43
it is clear that from the starting point, Oller worked on this
painting for a long time and developed complex ideas that he
carried into the final composition. In this study, the hut
has three doorways, only one (towards the center of the
sketch) gives access to the outside. 'Fhis entrance along with
the window nearby, are similarly placed in the final work.

If it could be assumed that the figure of the priest and
the mother are located in the same place in the overall study
as in the final composition, then the action Oller decided for
these figures was quite different at the beginning than the
one finally given. In the overall study the mother does not
face the viewer nor does she wear a white turban. Instead the
priest and the mother reach towards each other. This time
they clearly exchange something.

In the overall study Oller made the old black man confront
the viewer, while in the final composition he is sideways
contemplating the dead child who is missing in this study.
The focus of the study is clearly the old black man and the
table with the cut flowers, emphasized.by'the white color used
on the old black man and the tablecloth. Oller presents a
juxtaposition between the figure of the old.black.man and the
priest -— also reflected in the final composition. He also
created a triangle formed by the priest, the old blaCk man,
and the object that enters through the door.

The reasoning for bringing the object to the wake remains

a mystery for its lack of specificity makes it impossible to

44
read and therefore leaves it unimportant. Its role is similar
to the roasted pig of the final composition, but it does not
appear to be a pig in this study. The only figure to show any
interest on this object is the female figure behind the old
black man, who is present in the final composition. In both
cases her presence directs attention towards the new entry,
and away from the child.
Finally there is also the matter of the table with the
cloth. Delgado Mercado notes that in the final composition:
Bien puede ser parte de la intencio’n del pintor
moralista e1 asi exponer a la censura la familia
pobre que mediante desproporcionados sacrificios
adquiere valores que denotan presuncion y vanidad,
lo que propende a desmerecer las cualidades mas
valiosas de nuestra gente de campo. Pero también
sabemos que cuando una familia adinerada solia
sustituir los muebles viejos por los nuevos,
/ o .
repartia aquellos entre la familia de sus
mayordomos y agregados mas consecuentes.6
Yet, what will be the purpose of depicting a family with
more income, or to depict the "vanities" of the poor? In the
overall study, the cloth and the furniture actually remain
simple, even rustic. Delgado Mercado's. explanation is vague,
and avoids the central issue. He seems to suggest Oller is

criticizing the poor rather than the creole elite, or the

landed elite.

 

6 "It could be an intended part of the moralist painter

to present for censure the poor family whom through exorbitant
sacrifices obtain objects which denote presumption and vanity,
this all pretends to discredit the most valuable qualities of
our country people. But we also know that when a rich family
changed their old furniture for the new ones, they would
divide the old ones among the family of the butlers and their
near relatives" (Delgado Mercado, 96).

45

Indeed there are many differences between this study and
the final composition. Perhaps Delgado Mercado is correct in
dating the study to 1891. If so, then the study is one of the
earliest stages of this painting, and perhaps more accurate to
the actual wake, which became more complex in its final form.
Unfortunately this leaves a large gap between the two works,
containing little to provide a sense of Oller's development

towards the final masterpiece.

Iconographical Analysis

One of the major challenges this painting presents is to
decipher the meaning of the different elements within it and
how they work together. The arrangement of figures can be
divided into three groups: the group which includes the
priest, the figures near the old. black. man, and those
cluttered by the door to the left. Almost all of these
figures are involved in celebration. There is a sense of
disorder, almost of a bacchanal, a jolgorio.7

One of the most often expressed interpretations about the
group to the right (which includes the priest), is that the
grieving mother is offering a drink to the priest who in turn

reaches for it while looking hungrily over his shoulder at the

 

7 A "jolgorio" is a Puerto Rican slang to explain a
celebration or party where there is plenty of people, music
and food, and the ones involved are enjoying themselves.

46

roasted.pigu Yet, the mother actually looks to be inebriated,
not grieving. She faces the viewer, as if inviting the viewer
to join this celebration, or perhaps offering a drink. She
appears to offer a drink to the priest, but he does not seem
to reach for it, instead he reaches for his brilliant red
umbrella. The handle of this umbrella is not simple, instead
it contains a complicated.designu There:is no particular need
for the umbrella among the people gathered for they are
accustomed to work out in the sun. On the other hand, the
priest would need one to shade himself from the sun as he
travelled to preside at the funeral. He is also wearing spurs
indicating he travelled to get here. Behind the priest there
is a chair, suggesting he was seated not long before. If
indeed the priest wanted a drink, the good hostess would have
taken it to him. Instead it seems mere accident, the priest
reaches for his umbrella as the mother swings her glass
towards him in drunkenness. He also seems in a hurry to
leave, and the only apparent reason for his urgency is the
arrival of the pig.

The identity' of the figure next to the ,priest is a
problematic one. Adolfo de Hostos suggested it could be the
apothecary or even.the local money lender.8 This figure leans
conspiratorially towards the priest, his face in deep shadow.

Interestingly this figure is similar to the portrayal of Peter

 

6 Adolfo de Hostos, "Francisco Oller (1833—1917),"
Boletin de la Academia de artes y ciencias de Puerto Rico
April-June (1969): 202.

47

in Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper though reversed. In
Leonardo's painting Peter leans over Christ's favorite
apostle, John, while holding a knife. As a whole, they, John
and Peter, direct the attention toward the Christ. Similarly
these figures of Oller’s also lead the eye to the direction of
a cross formation that is identified with the Christ.

Scholars have noted that the pig takes the role of a
crucified. Christ.9 What would. be the purpose? Every
indication is that this "festivity" has been going on for
sometime. People are already drunk, and there is disarray
throughout the whole hut. It is obvious that what is taking
place here is in day light, yet wakes usually take place at
night. In the morning after the wake, the dead body is carried
to the cemetery. This sequence explains the presence of the
priest. Any "celebration" would have taken place at night,
not the next day, suggesting this wake has gone beyond usual
limits. The arrival of a roasted pig, at this point in time
when the funeral party in the company of the priest should be
preparing to go the cemetery, does not seem appropriate.
Felix Matos Bernier, one of Oller's critics, complained:

El cochino enastado no viene al caso: la hora no

es de "lechdn asado", ni lo es el suceso. Efl
cochino y el que lo presenta, estan de mas en el

9 See: Haydee ‘Venegas, "El velorio de angelitas,
Francisco Oller, 1985," Arte Funerario 2 (1987): 243-52; and
Chsiris Delgado Mercado, Francisco Oller y Cestero (1833-1917)
Mtor de Puerto Rico (San Juan, PR: Centro de Estudios
Superiores de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, 1983)

48
cuadro, como tantas otras zarandajas.10

Both.Haydee Venegas and Delgado Mercado point out that the pig
could not possibly be roasted, it seems to be tied to the
pole. In the case of a roasted pig the pole comes through the
mouth, not through the head. In fact, the pig looks more in
a state of decomposition, rather than roasted and ready for
servingu .Matos Bernier emphasized how the pig does not belong
at the wake. Roasted pig is a traditional dish in Puerto
Rico, often used in celebrations such as Christmas, but it is
not part of the staple diet. Many Puerto Ricans do not eat
pork meat because they see it as a symbol of dirt, and evil.
The people who believe in the evil of the pig, refer to a
passage from the New Testament when Jesus cast the evil
spirits upon the nearby swine.11

Venegas argues that the arrival of the dead pig into the
scene indicated the presence of aediabolic cult, where the pig
is the object of veneration. She further explains that:

Dos figuras masculinas hacen otra alusidn al drama de

la Pasion. .A la izquierda del cuadro un hombre empufia

su machete para salir a pelear afuera mientras su

mujer trata de calmar sus impetus. Este hombre mira

hacia su contrincante, representado a la derecha del

cuadro en el acto de buscar su machete que cuelga de
la pared. Por su posicidn respecto al "crucificado'

 

m "We should not even bother with the pig on the pole:
it is not the time for "roasted pig", nor for what goes on.
The pig and the carrier are unnecessary in this painting, as
well as many other extravagances." Fe’lix Matos Bernier,
'Frasquito Oller -- ’El Velorio'," Isla de Arte (San Juan,
Puerto Rico: 1907): 99.

n For the whole story see Matthew 8: 28—34 or Mark 5:1-
20. '

49

o I
nos recuerdan estos personajes a1 buen.y e1 mal ladron
que acompafiaron a Cristo a el monte Calvario.12

She refers to the table on which the child rests as the
altar, and interprets the child as the actual sacrifice.
Matos Bernier sees the child lacking a body, which would
further accentuate the idea of a sacrifice.

The pig should.be considered as an intentional statement by
Oller. Oller was clearly opposed to the Church and its
control over the inhabitants. The Church encouraged the
submission.of the inhabitants to Spanish.rule. 'Therefore this
depiction of the "Christ" could be interpreted as the
hypocrisy of the Church, which instead of protecting the lower
class, encourages its exploitation.

The child reminds the viewer of the reality of death, and
the wake. But why so much celebration? Jesds Vazquez

explains that in Puerto Rico the death of a child was

 

12 "Two male figures make yet another allusion to the
stages of the Cross. To the left of the painting a man
carrying his machete gets ready to leave the hut and go out to
fight, while his wife tries to control his impulses. This man
looks at the challenger, represented to the right of the
painting, in the process of searching for his machete that
hangs from the wall. From his position in reference to the
"crucified", these figures remind us of the good and the bad
thief whom accompanied Christ to Mont Calvary, " (Venegas,
250). It should be noted that the singer to the left of the
painting looks more like a crucified person. Also the same
role could be appointed to the old black man and the priest.
Interestingly in the latter case the old black man is to the
right of the "crucified", and the priest to the left” In.many
areas, including Puerto Rico, the right is associated with
good, while the left is thought of as evil. One should wonder
whether Oller meant to create such an analogy.

50

celebrated with less rigor than that of an adult.13 If one
is to consider the similarities between other Latin American
countries and Puerto Rico, then it will be helpful to look at
these other countries as well, to find some explanation for
this "celebration." A new study by Jogo José Reis explores
Brazilian wakes and other activities related to death,
including those related to children of the nineteenth century.
He mentions the importance and the symbolic value of clothing
in the event of death. He argues that some of the symbols
used for the wake of a child were sometimes related to
fertility myths. Therefore children were dressed
appropriately for their wakes, in essence to insure the
survival of the other children in the family.“

Children, especially new born, are believed to be free of
sin, therefore they are insured their entrance into heaven.

They were decorated with heavily applied.make—up, flowers and

 

” Jesds M. Vazquez, "El velorio: Drama que daba punto
final a la Vida," El Mundo (San Juan, Puerto Rico) 2 December
1979.

“ Joao José Reis, A morte e uma festa: ritos funebres
e revolta popular no Brasil do século XIX (850 Paulo, Brazil:
Companhia das Letras, 1991): 120-122. .According to the author
in Brazil it was common to dress girls as the Virgin of
Conception, and boys as Saint John. He is not sure which
Saint John.but he argues for either case. In the case of John
the Baptist, he was the son of a previously barren woman,
therefore associated with fertility. His saint day is June
24, a day which is also related to the agricultural year.
John the Evangelist was the favorite apostle of Christ, and
was near Mary when Christ died. He is also responsible for
one of the Gospels and the Apocalypse.

51
laces.15 The color of dress preferred for a child was
white.” The shoes of the deceased, child or adult, had to
be clean to avoid reminding them of their family. Their hands
were tied together, and made to hold a candle, and a rosary
(white for children).17 Daniel Kidder mentions a similar
practice, non-christian, among the Africans in Brazil:

...a negro was seen bearing on his head a wooden tray on
which was the corpse of a child, covered with a white
cloth, decorated with flowers, a bunch of them being
fastened to its hands. Behind him, in a promiscuous
throng, were about twenty negresses, and a number of
children, adorned.most of them with flaunting stripes of
red, white, and yellow. They were all chanting some
Ethiopian dirge, to which they kept time by a slow trot;
the bearer of the deceased child pausing, once in one or
two rods, and whirling around on his toes like a dancer.

Among the foremost, the mother was distinguished
by her excessive gesticulation, although it could
hardly be determined by her actions, whether emotions
of grief or joy were predominant. Thus they passed to
the church-yard, where the corpse was delivered up to
the vigario and his sexton. The procession then
returned, chanting and dancing, if possible, more
wildly than when they came.18

This particular account is interesting because of its
similarities to Oller’s painting. The child in the painting
is dressed.in‘white, and.holds within his tied.hands a bouquet

of flowers. The mother, as the mother in Kidder’s account,

 

” ibid., 128.
” ibid., 118.
“ ibid., 130.

16 Daniel Kidder, Sketches of Residence and Travels in
Brazil, Embracing Historical and Geographical Notices of the
Empire and its Several Provinces (Philadelphia: Sorin and
Ball, 1845): 177. Kidder mentions he only saw this
celebration in a particular region of Rio.

52

does not reveal her emotions. Perhaps then, Oller is offering
a view into the paganism among Puerto Ricans, among the
country-people. Yet, to say paganism as Kidder refers to the
events in his account, is deceiving since it would be based on
Christian biases towards other religions, a mistake often
committed. These "heathen customs", as Kidder’s calls them,~
are more likely different religion or a different perspective
to an event, based in ideas of non-christian and christian
characters. 2n: the Puerto Rican case, in reference to g;_
velorio, a blending of the Christian and African faith.

Wakes were almost like social rather than religious
gatherings. Vazquez, although not to the scale of Oller’s
painting, mentions refreshments were offered to the
mourners.19 Reis mentions that in rural Brazil meals were
served to the mourners to help them keep watch over the
deceased, since the deceased are easy prey to the devil.20
Yet, in this painting, all the eating and drinking seems to
have corrupted the people, and thus welcomes the presence of
evil.

According to Reis, funerals were often arranged by a male

 

” Vazquez, El Mundo, 2 December 1979.

m Reis, 131.

53

member of the family.21 Scholars point out the older man, to
the right of the painting, might represent the father or
grandfather of the child. He and his companion are similar to
the priest and his companion for they are isolated.and distant
tn) the "festivity" developing in this place. Perhaps this
figure might also be the organizer of this "festivity“, yet he
remains separate from all of this, he might be assuming the
role of the host, and overseeing the development of events
during the wake.

There are other elements of interest. There is one candle
without any protection from the wind that remains lighted, in
contrast to the two candles that are protected.by glass covers
and produce no light. A lighted. candle is a traditional
symbol of divine light in Christian art. There are two rays
of light entering the dwelling through the cracks on the‘wall,
framing the lighted candle, and landing in the old black man
and the dead child respectively. This particular detail
enforces the idea that ultimately the old black man and the
dead child are the representations of good.and.innocence. 'The
old black man is the only one in this painting who attends to
the dead child.

Candles are common in wakes. They symbolize a life that

 

21 ibid., 128. He also mentions that much money was
involved in the organization of wakes, to make the wake
remembered and give it importance (Reis, 129). Perhaps this
was to in.a way immortalize the deceased” One should remember
that in Oller's painting there is obviously a great amount of
money involved for this wake.

54
has ceased to exist, and to help illuminate the way to heaven

and eternal life, therefore people kept them lighted to keep

 

evil away.22 The child’s soul in. El 'velorio is saved,
represented in this candle and the "divine light." 'flxmeaue
other elements that are of interest. Venegas explains that

the drink offered to the priest is pitorro, which she claims
is the "wine" of the “mass", the plantains represent the
"bread."23 In Puerto Rico, pitorro is.a banned alcoholic
beverage due to the method of fermentation. Pitorro is made
out of sugar cane, sometimes using the ones left behind in the
field (which are not the best). The juice is extracted and
then placed in a container for fermentation. Something,
usually decomposed (such as a piece of meat), is added to the
juice to speed the process: Sometimes it is fermented in cups
formed by split coconuts, using the coconut to soften the
strong taste -- [note the coconut cups hanging from the beams
near the pig]. The result is a highly alcoholic beverage,
that can cause drunkenness with a very small dose. This drink

is high in alcoholic content, and can cause extreme

 

” Reis, 130.

23 Plantains are part of the staple diet of Puerto

 

Ricans. This is also reflected in art as demonstrated by
Ramdn Frade in his painting Our Daily Bread (1909), were the
bread is represented as a branch of plantains. [See the

catalogue: La herencia artistica de Puerto Rico: Epoca pre-
colombina a1 presente (New York: Museo del Barrio, 1973).]

55
sickness —— even death —— because of the damage it causes to
the liver.24 In reference to this painting, this drink could
in essence be a representation of evil. It could also be
another means for Oller to express what he ultimately saw as
Puerto Rican.
Delgado Mercado mentions:
Y hay mas simbolos, simbolos de la fe vacia, de la
impropiedad, de la supersticion, como el as de oros muy
significativamente colocado boca arriba en el piso entre
e1 cura y la madre.25
Venegas also says:
Recordemos también que en el momento de la crucifixidn
los soldados se jugaron a1 pie de la cruz las vestimentas
de Cristo con dados. Creemos que Oller también hace
alusién a este episodic con la inclusidn de las barajas
espafiolas al pie del altar.26
These two views still support the idea of superstition.
Venegas also uses it to defend the theory of a Satanic cult.
It should.be added that between the priest and the mother, the

Spanish card that is most clear is the ace of spades, even

more clear is the two of spades near the men in the corner.

 

2‘ The information on this drink was obtained from

several conversations with Susana Perez. Mainly this
information is part of the Puerto Rican culture, and known by
many of its inhabitants.

” "And there are more symbols, symbols of empty faith,
of improperness, of superstition, like the ace of gold very
significantly placed face up between the priest and the
mother" (Delgado Mercado, 97).

n ”We should also remember that during the crucifixion
the soldiers divided Christ's clothes over a game of dice at
the foot of his cross. We think that Oller makes reference to
this by includingSpanish cards at the foot of the altar"
(Venegas, 250).

56
The ace of gold clearly placed between the priest and the old
black man, under the table.

This contrast between the priest and the old black man is

cons tant 1y emphas i zed . These two f igures are obvious ly
juxtaposed. In the surviving overall study this was more
obviously enhanced by the clothing -— the old black man

wearing white, and the priest in black. In both, the overall
study and the final composition, the priest and the old black
man create a sort of parenthesis surrounding the child. From
the side of the priest all seems to be: dark, almost
superstitious. People drink, they ignore the dead child, and
the "apothecary" whispers to the priest. The contrast created
between the old. black man and the priest is somewhat
reminiscent of the darkness that engulf the area where Christ
was crucified. Superstition claims this darkness is due to a
fight between the Lord and the devil. This particular topic
is not new to Oller since he depicted it in Las tinieblas, a
painting he then gave to the San Jose Church (in San Juan),
and currently lost. Therefore it could be possible that in
creating this circle around the dead child, Oller is actually
making allusion to this battle between good and evil.

On the window frame, there are several objects placed,
mostly to promote good luck, sometimes to protect from evil.
From the side closest to the old black man there are also
symbols of evil or superstition as well. The cat from its

perch on the beam looks down towards the pig and to the events

57
developing below; cats in Latin America culture are symbols of
evil. The other two crosses in the painting lack the figure
of the Christ, which Venegas uses to further her argument that
this ceremony deals with the devil not with Christ.27 Yet
there are also mild reminders of Christianity, such as the
lighted candle and the "divine light.“

The contrast between "good" and "evil" is evident in this
painting; To the left of the painting, there are symbols that
remind one of Puerto Rico -- its music, its food, the land,
and.the Puerto Ricans ability for enjoyment. In essence, this
side of the painting reminds the viewer of the importance of
the true Puerto Rican. The right side of the painting, on the
other hand, reminds the viewer of the oppressing forces of
superstition, enforced by the Church and the government.

Oller clearly resorted to detail to convey a message. The
extensive detail not only adds character to the painting, but
it also provided information about culture, superstition, and
religion.of the Puerto Rican.campesinos of the late nineteenth
centuryu The criticisHIOller received.on this painting should
be analyzed to understand the impact and the confusion it had

on those viewers.

 

27

Venegas, 249.

Criticism

The painting El velorio produces many sentiments within the
viewer. Indeed it has caused much criticism within the art
world, In: is worth examining the criticism Oller received
from his contemporaries to understand the richness and the
history of this painting.

Oller’s painting caused great commotion in the 1893
Exposicion.de Puerto Rico, and shortly after, Joseide Zequeira
published an eleven-page pamphlet, giving a critical analysis

of the painting. His study reveals an understanding of the

artist not seen before or even today. He begins his
commentary stating: "Es la representacio’n de una orgia

campestre; que tales son llamados en Puerto Rico Velorios de

6 He further emphasizes that it was not a fancy

Angelitos."2
of the artist, but a criticism of a custom practiced in the
island. Zequeira continues his argument by describing the
painting and offering his own interpretation. He firmly
supports throughout the whole pamphlet that Oller is
presenting the reality of the Puerto Rican countryside. He

States:

El cuadro de Oller, é quien cabe e1 honor de ser e1

 

“ "[El velorio] is the representation of a countryside
orgy; called Wakes of Little Angels in Puerto Rico"‘jJ. de
Zequeira, El velorio cuadro de costumbres puertorriquenasppor
IF. Oller. Estudio critico, (Puerto Rico: Ina Cooperativa,
1894), 3).

58

59

primero que ofrece a'la critica ese repugnante episodio
de la Vida de Puerto—Rico, es insistimos en ello, una
protesta contra la costumbre semi-salvaje que representa;
y el pensamiento que la informa es de la mas grave
transcendencia por que nada mas irritante y desconsolador
que el realismo hace resaltar el pintor el olvido del mas
sublime de los amores, el amor materno; nada mas
repugnante que la degradacidn de aquel sacerdote que
asiste a la fanatica saturnal de sus feligreses.29

Zequeira believes Oller used the medium of painting to present
a criticism of a custom practiced in the rural areas of the
island” He sees Oller as a "free thinker." His perception of
Oller is of high esteem, since Oller was able to present a
problem of the Puerto Rican lower class, one not corrected.by
those who had the ability —- the Puerto Rican elite, the ones
in power or with authority. This is represented according to
Zequeira, in the figure of the priest.

Alejandro Infiesta describes Oller in the following
statement:

Se trat~a de la obra magna de un artista
puertorriqueno, del primero y del unico que goza fama
fuera de su tierra natal, que forma escuela en esta
provincia, porque cuenta disc1pulos que le siguen y le

quieren, y cuyos lienzos palpita un senti’miento de
I I O I I
profunda ironia, de alta 1ntenc16n moral y artistica a su

 

2’ "Oller’s painting, who had the honor of being the
first to offer a critique of this repugnant occurrence in the
life of Puerto Rico, is I insist, a protest against the semi-
savage custom which [the painting] represents; and the message
it carries is one of great transcendence because there is
nothing more irritant and uncomforting as the reality with
which the painter points out the lack of the sublime of loves,
the maternal love; nothing more repugnant than the degradation
of the priest who attends to this fanatical orgy of his
community" (ibid., 7).

6O

juicio, que merece estudio especial.30
Infiesta sustains the view that the artist uses painting as a
mean of social criticisnh Infiesta further claims the
painting is more than a criticism, but a moral lesson to the
Puerto Rican inhabitants. Infiesta states: "Es una satira
ruda de nuestras costumbres, no riendo como Cervantes, sino
mordiendo como Voltaire."31 Although he appreciates what the
artist tries to accomplish, he is confused with the artist’s
choices. He accepts that the painting represents a wake, but
he does not believe it is a "traditional" wake. He does not
agree with the artist’s portrayal of the priest, and he
questions the representation of the pig:

Nuestro sacerdocio no sera modelo, pero no esta’ tan

denigrado que presencie esas bacanales sin.protesta. El

lechon asado no es materia de Velorio, porque se vela de

noche y de noche no se come lecho’n. Podra ser un
almuerzo de una noche de vela; mas entonces no se come a1

 

“ "It is concerning the big painting of a Puerto Rican
artist, the first and the only one to have fame outside his
native land, whom created a school in this [Spanish] province
because he has disciples who follow and love him, and in‘whose
paintings there is a feeling of profound irony, to his
judgement of high moral and artistic intention, deserving
closer study" (Alejandro Infiesta, La exposicidn de Puerto
Rico. Memoria redactada segu’n acuerdo de la junta del
centenario (Puerto Rico: Boletin Mercantil, 1895), 95).

n “[It] is a rude satire of our customs, not funny like
Cervantes, but morbid like Voltaire" (ibid., 97).

61

lado del muerto, sino en el campo.32

In 1907, Felix Matos Bernier will once again exploit this
notion. He finds the painting to be a total fancy of the
artist, and definitely not a depiction of Puerto Rican life.
Therefore he sees it as a failure. He claims the painting
does not have a message, and that the artist lacks "common
sense" and thus is unable to depict something that is Puerto
Rican. Matos Bernier complains: I "Oh! ninguna madre
puertorriqueha se embriaga, ni se embriagd jamas, frente al
cadaver de su hijo."33 This is only one of his arguments to
point out how the artist represented something that is not
real. Artistically, Matos Bernier claims that Oller has no
talent, and further points how El velorio is the culmination
of all failures:

Quiso hacer un trazado de tradicion y su fracaso es

notorio. En su velorio no esta la tradicio’n
puertorriquena, porque es falsa su exposicidn: carece de
verdad, carece de legitimidad. La exageracio’n, en

materias de Arte es el peor de los impulsos....
Resultando que "El Velorio" es un capricho del artista,

 

” ”Our priesthood might not be a role model, but it is

not so denigrated as to watch without any protest these
bacchanals. The roasted pig is not part of a Wake, because
wakes take place at night, and pork is not eaten at night. It
could be a lunch after a whole night wake; but then no one
eats beside the deceased, but out in the countryside" (ibid,
98).

” "Oh! no Puerto Rican mother gets inebriated, nor has
she ever, in front of her son's corpse” (Félix.Matos Bernier,
”Frasquito Oller —— El VElorio," Isla del Arte (San Juan,
Puerto Rico: La Primavera, 1907), 98.)

62

muy'amanerado, con amontonamiento monotomo de personajes
y cosas, sin perspectiva, sin dibujo....34

Matos Bernier believes that internationally the painting only
shames the island, since these countries will not understand
the difficulties the artist faces.35

I Juan Antonio Gaya Nufio finds El velorio to be a regression
in the artistic development of Oller. He excuses the artist
by affirming it is due to the environment of the artist,
meaning Puerto Rico. Gaya' Nufio argues that for Oller to
obtain commissions from patrons he had to remain within an
“older" style, namely the style of Courbet“ The author firmly
believes that Oller should have expressed his modernism
through Impressionism. He finds Oller’s paintings in this
style to be of excellent quality. He wants Oller’s art to be
known, emphasizing those paintings of impressionistic style.
Yet, Gaya.Nufio is biased in.his opinion, for he wants Oller in
essence to be European, more specifically, a French painter.

Gaya Nufio decides to affirm the glory of the impressionistic

 

3‘ "[Oller] wanted to do a depiction of tradition, and
his failure is obvious. IHis wake lacks the Puerto Rican
tradition, because his representation is not real: it lacks
reality, and validity. Exaggeration in matters of Art is the
worst kind of impulse.... Resulting that El Velorio is a
fancy' of the artist, very' mannerist, with. a .monotonous
accumulation of figures and objects, lacking in perspective
and ability to draw..." (ibid., 101).

36 ibid. , 102. Matos Bernier believes these problems are
related to the lack of Puerto Rico's appreciation of art, and
of artistic support.

63
style, dismissing El velorio as an unfortunate error of the
artist who tried to please his epoch.36
The diverse amount of criticism makes it difficult to
remember that Oller worked intensely on this painting, and he
considered it his greatest achievement. .As Sebastian.Gonzalez
Garcia mentions:

A Puerto Rico regresd’Oller con El Velorio, siempre
en la creencia, como en el dia que pudo verlo concluido,
que este era su obra.maestra, y que los criticos, de aqui
y de alla, estaban ciegos por ignorancia y por
prejuicios. Por ignorancia de los principios del arte y
por prejuicios sociales en San Juan. Por ignorancia de

la s/ociedad puertorriquefia y por prejuicios artisticos en
Paris.37

 

Oller believed this painting to be his best, and this is
reaffirmed by some and denied by other critics. Perhaps the
only critic to show deep understanding of Oller's achievement
is Zequeira. These writers had many biases, they were
influenced by their economic status , and their loyalty to

their European heritage. They will rather deny the existence

 

36 Juan Antonio Gaya Nufio, "Dos paisajes franceses de

Francisco Oller,", Revista. del Instituto de Cultura
Puertorriquefia April-June (1962): 3.

’7 "To Puerto Rico returned.Oller with El velorio, always
believing, as in the day he saw it finished, that it was his
masterpiece, and that the critics, from [Puerto Rico] and
[Europe] were blinded by ignorance and prejudices. In San
Juan, for its ignorance of the principles of art, and its
social prejudice. In Paris, for its ignorance of the Puerto
Ricois societ , and its artistic prejudice" (Sebastian
Gonzalez Garc1a, "Oller y su obra El Velorio," Angela Luisa
June (1967): 20.)

 

64

of the jibaro and the mestizo, exactly the figures whom Oller
exalted.38 It is reasonable to believe Zequeira was aware of
this funerary practice, and was a participant to at least one
of them, as he seems to point out in one of his reflections on
El velorio:

Los que no conozcan el pais, los que jamas hayan asistido

a esas orgias campestres, llamadas <<Velorios de

angelitos>>, tan frecuentes en nuestros campos, a1 ver el

cuadro de Oller, sentiran una extrana impresion y lo

juzgaran a primera vista,... como una extravagancia del

artista, como una excentridad del genio....39
Zequeira already understood the problem other critics and
viewers will face when analyzing this painting. He reveals
his connection to the country, since he criticized the
ignorance of the elite rather than the one of the poor.

The problemrwith this criticism is that most of the critics
had a personal attachment to the "Mother Country" Spain. The
representation of the priest then, does not constitute only an

attack on the Church, but also one on Spain. Finally, the

critics reflect their own desire to always connect Oller to

 

” The jibaro is a specific word to refer to the Puerto

Rican country-person. Mestizo is the word used for those of
mixed parentage.

39 "Those who do not know this country, or that have
never attended to one of these country—side orgies, called
"Wakes of little angels," so frequent in our country—side,
while looking at Oller’s painting, will have a confused
impression and will judge it at first glance,... as an
artistic extravagance, as an eccentricity of the mind..."
(Zequeira, 6).

65
the international artisticrnilieu, and.connect his development
to his experience abroad. The problem with this approach is
that it ignores Oller’s Puerto Rican background. Yet it is
indeed this background which makes it possible for Oller to
create El velorio. The painting was Oller's ultimate

expression as an artist, a thinker, and a Puerto Rican.

OLLER AND PUERTO RICO

A Puerto Rican Background

The years Oller spent in France acquainted him with
different approaches to art, and.the new'and.radical political
ideas that were often discussed within his circle of friends.
These political ideas included anarchism.and socialism, which
will affect the development of artists such. as Camille
Pissarro and Gustave Courbet. Oller’s experience in France
gave him the perspective necessary to understand the situation
of his native land, which was still a possession of the
Spanish Empire.

According to Albert Boime:

Oller identified with the liberal position on
reform.... His friends and sitters included the
outstanding liberals of his age Julian E. Blanco,
Manuel Sicardd'y Osuna, Roman Baldorioty de Castro,
Jose'Julian Acosta, and the poets José'Guadalberto
Padilla and Jose’ Gautier Benitez. Like most of
them. he advocated abolition, assumed an anti-
clerical tone, and searched for an expression of
national culture and identity.1

It is clear Oller’s position was refined during his years in
Europe, more specifically in Paris. Camille Pissarro, a
friend of Oller's and a very dominant figure within the
artistic milieu, writes:

....mais toi que me blague sur les commandes

officielles, gare a toi, tiens—toi.
Los Jesuites sont fous! Ils te materont bien

 

1 Boime, 45—46.

66

67

Vite, a la moindre concession de ta part ils ne
douteron pas d'arriver a faire de toi un calotin.2

Pissarro was a firm believer of anarchism, which in nature is
anticlerical.

That Oller can. be considered. a liberal is clearly
demonstrated by the paintings he worked.on after his return to
Puerto Rico in 1884 -— such as El velorio and La escuela del
maestro Rafael; During the nineteenth century“intellectuals
and. professionals started. to explore their Puerto Rican
identity. Their involvement with the island helped in the
growth of culture and of national pride.

José'Gautier Benitez died in 1880 while Oller was still
in Spain.3 When Oller returned in 1884, he did a posthumous
drawing which might also be a study for a later painting. In
the drawing he adds a few words that reveal the closeness of
their friendship [Figure 8]. The catalogue Francisco Oller a
Realist-Impressionist states about the painting: "The thistle
with its yellow flower which appears in the foreground and the
leafless branches of the bushes behind the poet undoubtedly
symbolize the grief of Nature at the loss of her bard" [Figure

9].4 The jpainting then reflects on the romantic style

 

2 This letter is dated 14 December 1865, when Oller was in
Puerto Rico. Re-printed in: Camille Pissarro, Correspondence de‘
Camille Pissarro, ed. Janine Bailly-Herzberg, vol 3 (Paris:
Editions du Valhermeil, 1980), 533.

3 Jose Gautier Benitez (1851—80) is a Puerto Rican Romantic
poet.

6 See: Francisco Oller a Realist—Impressionist, 175.

José Gautier Benitez. Lithograph, c. 1884.

 

/fl(/4/l.4. 44.4 441-1.! ./4 “7.4 414, a: 44-4 I-Lt(32‘& It

It)" :/ /49/ltl'l4 t4 “Allktttuf 14/:1/ //t>v.a7 wfléé
/,,/,‘[~ A 4‘ 4.1/4“; . ((ro‘ .1»: {(3%} w; 44’ nun/M
(4“ 4610mm}: ducM/MU/I¢4 ,4“ /.., {m “R
oi/o/M 4.4.41 [.00/“441 fl4.‘ M. 4, 5
.1434 {-3 11.4 .r//(l(./JT ”Lu/44¢é M4“ 4 ;(.41“

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"HI/14¢
/(44.41_ .14 64- ”.41.; ““./ tfk’féf: “‘ 14.7.4;

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1.)... 6.4, c/fl- 4 .144“ -14.. a. 44.. d

{fféf/cf.

Figure 8

 

68

I

J“ J J J JJJJ «mavoww‘i avuavm~9vnger

 

Figure 9

Jose Gautier Benitez. Painting, c. 1885—86.

69

7O
characteristic of the poet.

The nationalist sentiments Gautier Benitez projected into
his poems must have greatly affected Oller, who was also
affirming and exploring his Puerto Rican identityu Two of the
most important poems of Gautier Benitez are A Puerto Rico
(Ausencia) or To Puerto Rico (Absence), and A Puerto Rico
(Regreso) or To Puerto Ricoijeturn). In these poems Gautier
Benitez reaffirms his loyalty and personal attachment to the
island. He expressed in Return:

Para poder conocerla

es preciso compararla,

de lejos en suefios verla;

y para saber quererla

es necesario dejarla.S
When Oller finally returned to Puerto Rico in 1884, these
words must have been particularly significant. He must have
completely understood the feelings Gautier Benitez was
sharing.

There are other paintings which indicate that Oller held
in common with his reformist Puerto Rican friends. Oller was
against the institution of slavery. The currently lost
painting' E1 negro flagelado (The iNegro Flogggé) clearly
expresses Oller’s feelings against the institution [Figure

10]. In Puerto Rico, as in any area where the institution

existed, slavery provided the means for inventive ways of

 

5 "To be able to know her// one has to compare her,// to dream
of her from afar;// and to know how to love her// one has to leave
her“ (Las cienimejores poesias liricas de Puerto Rico, ed. Jorge
Luis Morales (Rio Piedras, PR: Editorial Edil, 1973), 42).

 

Figure 10

El negro flagelado (Negro Flogged).

71

Painting,

C.

1872.

,,
I

1'1 /’I J _J/JJ JJJJ. //_/./jv/JJ/JJJJJJ‘I‘IVWJVJVVV‘J‘A

72

torture, one of which is depicted in the painting. The
painting clearly takes place in the Caribbean, as revealed by
the palm trees and the sugar mill in the background” .Although
the painting reveals the reality of the institution in Puerto
Rico, it can represent its reality in Cuba as well. The
painting dates approximately from 1872, coinciding with the
struggle of Puerto Rico and Cuba to abolish the institution.
Then perhaps Oller's painting is meant to criticize the
institution as practiced particularly in Puerto Rico and Cuba.
Emancipation of slaves was a common tOpic during this period,
and was granted in Puerto Rico in 1873.

There are clear parallels between Oller’s painting and
the 3 de Mayo 1808 by Francisco Goya y Lucientes (1746-1828).
In Oller's painting a woman kneeling on the floor asks for the
mercy' of her owner, yet is surrounded. by' hopelessness.
Similarly in Goya’s painting a male figure extends his arms,
reminiscent of the cross, waiting for his execution. In both
paintings there is a sense of hopelessness and cruelty.

In.the painting La escuela.del maestro Rafael (The School
of Raphael, c. 1890-92) Oller also expresses his continued
support for the free slave [Figure 11]. Rafael Cordero (1760-
1868) was a hero among the abolitionists. He provided free
education to children, and can be considered one of the
founders of public education in the island. Some of his
students were Alejandro Tapia y Rivera (the greatest Puerto

Rican dramatist), Jose Julién Acosta (historian and

 

Figure 11

La escuela del maestro Rafael. Painting, c. 1890—92.

73

74

scientist), and Manuel Elzaburu, all represented in this
painting.6 Many art historians, as pointed out by Boime,
agree that Rafael is depicted almost as a comical character
who is losing control of his rowdy students. They argue Oller
chose to depict him thus, to please the conservatives in the
island, while also encouraging the liberal view. Rafael was
a.devout Catholic who taught his students the religious ideals
of the Church. Therefore scholars argue the presence of all
the religious symbols, (like the cross and the religious
icons), hanging from the wall represent the Church, and
Rafael's feelings towards it.’7 Yet, if Oller wanted to simply
present Rafael as a devout Catholic, why did he choose to cut
the representation of the cross? During the nineteenth
century, the Church in Puerto Rico was basically another
branch of the Spanish government:

The Church authorities sought to convince the

masses that it was God’s will to accept passively

Spanish rule.... In the schools run by the Church,

children were taught to read and write, but they

were also infused with the dogma of the Church and

the unquestionable respect for the established

authorities and for imperial "law and order."8
Given this, it is reasonable to conclude that these Christian
objects stand for the oppressive power of the Catholic church

and ultimately of the Spanish Empire. From the wall also

hangs a whip, a reminder of the enslavement of Africans in the

 

6 Boime, 47.
7 ibid, 48.

8 Ldpez, 62.

7S
island, and of the dominant control of the Spanish government
over the Puerto Ricans. Then, this will be similar to the
approach seen in El velorio were there is also an anti-
clerical message.

The children Oller depicted are the future men who will
take pride in their Puerto Rican heritage, and strive for the
betterment of the island's condition, including the abolition
of slavery. They are depicted as rowdy children because they
represent the future voices of the island, important members
of Puerto Rican.history who will speak in favor of Puerto Rico
and its inhabitants. They will explore their Puerto Rican
identity, increase the national pride, and will themselves
become symbols of national pride. Interestingly, Oller used
models from the families of these men to depict most of the
children. In the case of Rafael he based.his portrayal on an
earlier sketch he prepared before the teacher’s death in
1868.9 Perhaps then the "comical expression“ is more the
representation of Rafael in his own unawareness as to what
education was going to cause among the students. The rowdy
children then are the immortalized voices of these figures,
and the representation of the continuing progress of the
island. This painting and El velorio present the importance
of the Puerto Rican identity, a topic obviously important to

the artist.

 

9 Osiris Delgado Mercado, Francisco Oller Y Cestero
(1833—1917) Pintor de Puerto Rico (San Juan, PR: Centro de
Estudios Superiores de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, 1983), 105.

Cuba and Paris

Oller took his painting El velorio to Cuba and Paris
after exhibiting it in the 1893 Exposicidh.de Puerto Rico. It
is interesting that Oller decided to exhibit his painting in
those places, and indeed, the fact that he did so raises
questions. Why would Oller choose to exhibit his painting in
Cuba? And why would he consider it important to present the
painting to the French?

In Cuba this painting received very good reviews. Haydee
Venegas wrote: "For the Cubans, accustomed to the academy,
the realist school to which El velorio belonged, was the "new

school."10

What she neglects to mention is that the same can
be said of other Latin American countries, where often during
the course of the nineteenth century artists would use the
realist style to protest against Spain, and/or make
nationalistic statements. It was not the style itself which
was ”new", but the use to which it was put which made it in
essence avant-garde.

Little information is available in Oller's stay in Cuba.

As Venegas mentions the most reliable source for acquiring a

sense of Oller’s friends in Cuba is through the inventory of

 

m Haydee Venegas, "Oller in Cuba," Horizontes 56 (April
1985): 89.

76

77

Oller’s library.11 Rene'Taylor, who discusses this library,
mentions that Oller’s interests were wide ranging, covering
such areas as medicine, mathematics, geography, astronomy,
philosophy, and history. Among his history books there were
a few on Puerto Rico, but there were also books on Cuba, most
of which have a political and anti—Spanish character.12 One
might conclude from this evidence that Oller supported the
Cuban struggle against Spain.’ If Oller, like many others --
including the Puerto Ricans Ramdh Emeterio Betances, and Lola
Rodriguez de Tid'-- saw Cuba as sister to the Puerto Rican
plight against Spain, then he can be seen to favor
independence for these two colonies.13 Besides Oller's
apparent support for independence, he might also be reflecting
on the calls of Betances and Rodriguez de Tid, exercised at
different periods from Cuba, calling Puerto Rico to join in
the Cuban cause against the Spanish Empire. In this context,
El velorio gains a political perspective and a deeper meaning
than has heretofore been examined.

There is also little information concerning Oller’s trip

 

n ibid., 90.
12 Rent-3’ Taylor, "La biblioteca de Francisco Oller,"
Horizontes 56 (April 1985): 85.

1’ ibid., 85. Lola Rodriguez de Tio’ knew Oller, and
inspired by one of his paintings dedicated a poem to him
(Osiris, 80). Rodriguez de Tio’ is an important figure of
Puerto Rican history. As a poet, she constantly emphasized
the need from independence, and called the Puerto Ricans to
join Cuba in the struggle against the Empire. [See: Carlos
N. Carreras, Hombresg mujeres de Puerto Rico (Mexico:
Editorial Orion, 1974), 52—67.]

78

to France in 1895, indeed art historians cannot even agree
whether Oller succeeded in exhibiting this painting at the
Salon 1895. Most scholars argue that he did not show g
velorio, but a different painting, El cesante ( The
Unemployed). Yet Venegas presents a compelling argument
favoring this painting as the one Oller presented at the
Salon, including Oller’s entry form to the Salon.“

Conservatives in Puerto Rico are characterized by their
attachment to the "Mother Country." Those who might have
found this painting offensive, anti-clerical, and anti-
Spanish, would very likely have wanted to dismiss it as
nothing but a "gross" fancy of the artist. The Salon was an
accepted place where the artists could display their work, and
in essence receive the approval of the critics. Once the
Salon accepted the painting, it basically forced those who
disagreed with the painting to at least recognize it as a work
of art. In essence, Oller proved to the doubting biased minds
of those who did not approved of the painting in Puerto Rico,
that the painting had artistic value by being recognized by
the capital of art.

Pissarro wrote a letter to his son Lucien, expressing his
opinion on the painting. He tells Lucien:

I was interrupted by the arrival of -- you'll never

guess -- Francisco Oller, who came here from Puerto
Rico to enter a very large painting, more than four

 

1‘ Venegas, 91-92. Also: idem, "Francisco Oller: A
Catalogue Raisonne" (Unpublished Master’s Thesis: Florida
State University, 1978), Appendix B and C.

79

yards in size, in the exhibition. You should see

how changed he is! It is twenty years since we saw

each other. He has changed, aged in every respect,

he is shrunken, and. I am. afraid. his painting

likewise; he looked at my works with bewilderment,

he found them full of light and air. He makes

paintings with anecdotal motifs, like the Negro

Flogged at Tanguy’s. The photograph of this

painting seemed very much better to me, but I am

afraid a little obvious.15
Pissarro believed art should be modern, he believed that:
"The motif should be observed more for shape and color than
for drawing. There is no need to tighten the form which can
be obtained without that.'16 This statement demonstrates the
difference in approach that Pissarro had from Oller, and thus
Pissarro’s lack of appreciation of the painting. Edssarro
used the modern styles of Impressionism and Pointillism to
express his own anarchist convictions, and to express
modernity. His criticism of Oller is based on his own
development, in association with the changes of French art.
Also Pissarro lived his life denying his Caribbean background,
while Oller continued to explore it. In a way, Pissarro with
his own artistic ideals, and his ignorance of the Caribbean
situation made him an unlikely candidate to relate to this

painting. In Latin America, Oller could be seen to an extent

as "avant-garde" and radical with this painting particularly

 

15 This letter is dated 23 March 1895, reprinted in:
Camille Pissarro, Camille Pissarro: Letters to his Son
Lucien, ed. John Rewald (Santa Barbara: Peregrine Smith,
1981), 334—36.

m John Rewald, The History of Impressionism (New York:
Museum of Modern Art, 1961), 456.

80

because of its subject. Oller used the Impressionist style
often, but avoided its use in all of his paintings of socio—
political theme such as La escuela del maestro Rafael, _}_E:_l
nggro flagelado, and El velorio. Even during the periods he
was working on these paintings he continued to develop his
Impressionistic brush, although.he never explored the passion
for light as Claude Monet did in his late stage. This then
means his stylistic choice for these paintings is a conscious
one based on what it will mean to the Latin. American
community, and specifically, to the Puerto Ricans.

It is also worth noticing an early drawing by Pissarro,
completed while in Caracas in 1853 [Figure 12] . Whether Oller
knew about the drawing or not remains unknown, but the
similarities of the drawing’ and. El 'velorio are clear.17
Perhaps then when Pissarro refers to El velorio as "obvious",
he refers not only to the style, but what he considered a
common subject in Latin America. This further supports the
argument that by Pissarro denying his Caribbean background, he
also failed to grasp the message Oller. was trying to

communicate.

 

” Delgado, 97.

 

Camille Pissarro.

Figure 12

Carnaval Dance.

81

Drawing,

C.

1853—54.

,/ -// ’ ’// ~1/1/1/1/JJJJJJVJJW‘--WU-VVVUW‘JW

What is the message?

It is irrefutable that Oller was affected.by the ideas he
was introduced to by his French friends. But also irrefutable
is the influence of the events and the ideas formulated in
Puerto Rico. IHis experiences in both countries contributed to
Oller's ideals and.convictions, yet it is in Puerto Rico where
he comes to complete what he considered his major achievement,
El velorio.

Clearly El velorio is influenced by Gustave Courbet’s
doctrines. Courbet expressed in a letter published in the
Courrier du dimanche of December 29, 1861:

I would add that, as I see it, art, or talent,

should be to an artist no more than the means of

applying his personal faculties to the ideas and

the events of the times in which he lives.

The true artists are those who pick up their
age exactly at the point to which it has been
carried in previous times....

I also maintain that painting is essentially
concrete art form and can consist only of the
representation of real and existing things. It is
entirely a physical language that is composed, by
way of words, of all visible objects.18

These ideals are not just reflected in Oller's painting, but'
also in the speech he delivered at the Escuela Normal in 1903.

He expressed: "El arte de nuestra epoca debe representar, o

criticar, mejor dicho, nuestros propios actos para que su fin

 

1° Gustave Courbet, Letters of Gustave Courbet, trans.
Petra ten-Doeschate Chu (Chicago: University of Chicago,
1992), 203-04.

82

83
sea provechoso."19
Courbet's painting Funeral at Ornans (1849-50) is often
seen as a major influence in the conception of El velorio.
Courbet’s painting depicts a group of residents of the small
town of Ornans during the burial of an unknown member of the
community; The painting was ambitious, choosing to represent
the contemporary people on a grand scale. In a sense, his
painting emphasized "the people", stressing the popular and
that which was regional and folkloric. It is also
revolutionary because of the scale of the painting which
“merely" depicts a small town, a town which a center of art
such as Paris would rather forget.20
Another of Courbet's paintings often associated with
Oller’s is the Funeral Preparations, an incomplete work later
overpainted and which with many alterations now represents the
Bridal Preparations (c. 1865). Linda.Nochlin.claims: “...the
subject was taken up by one of his disciples, his pupil in the
late fifties and early sixties, the Puerto-Rican painter

Francisco» Oller."21 Whether' Oller even. kneW' about this

painting is in fact unknown, but it is possible since Oller

 

” "The art of our epoch must represent, or better said,

criticize our own acts for its end to be productive." The
speech. was reprinted. in the Francisco Oller a Realist-
Impressionist, 229.

” Linda Nochlin, -Politics of Vision: Essays on
Nineteenth.Century Art and Society'(New‘Yorkn Harper and.Row,
1989). 20.

21 idem., Realism (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books,
1971), 89.

84
considered himself a follower of Courbet and made it a point
to visit places familiar to French painter. It is possible
that Oller got the spark of an idea from Courbet’s unfinished
painting, but only a spark for in no real form is this
painting a derivative. Oller made his painting insistently
Puerto Rican.

One of the major differences between Courbet and Oller is
on the subject of education. Courbet did not believed in
formalizing art education, and although in 1862 he opened a
studio for his disciples, there was no formal training
offered. Oller, on the other hand, believed that artists had
the obligation to teach through paintings, and help in the
progress of the human condition. Artists should teach all
that is part of the customs of their place, to help correct
the problems, and praise all of its good things.22 For that
purpose Oller opened in Puerto Rico schools dedicated to the
training of artists, including female artists.23

The reformist movement in Puerto Rico emphasized the need
for reform in education. They believed that the educational
system, which was basically non-existent.in.the island, needed

support, and that the future progress of the island depended

 

” Francisco Oller a Realist-Impressionist, 229.

3 See: Haydee E. Venegas, “Francisco Oller: A Catalogue
Raisonne," Unpublished Master’s Thesis: Florida State
University, 1978; Osiris Delgado Mercado, Francisco Oller y
Cestero (1833-1917) Pintor de Puerto Rico (San Juan, P.R.:
Centro de Estudios Superiores de Puerto Rico y el Caribe,
1983.

85

on the increase of this service for all. Thus, Oller's L_a
escuela del maestro Rafael is not only a commentary on the
abolitionists’ hero Rafael and a political statement, but
also a commentary on the need and importance of the education
of the youth. Lo’pez comments that the reformist movement
often emphasized social reform, and argues that the failure of
most of the reformist parties was for their lack of an
economic-political guided plan.“ Education, then in the
nineteenth century, was not a separate branch, but an integral
plan of the reformist political agenda.

As noted before the nineteenth century saw a growth in
national pride, and this was often manifested in the
literature of the time. It is at this time that the figure of
the jibaro emerges as a national symbol in some of these
literary works. Although this jibaro is not the pervasive
figure that he will later. become in the twentieth century,
representing the true Puerto Rican and the national symbol,
the roots of this character are from Oller's time. This
figure starts to gain importance when Manuel Alonso, a Puerto
Rican medical student, published a collection of essays under
the title E1 gibaro (1849) . Although Alonso also "chastise[d]
the social and cultural backwardness of his countrymen", his

essays outline the Puerto Rican identity."25

 

2“ Lo’pez , 59 .

25 Anibal Gonzalez, ”Puerto Rico," Handbook of Latin
American Literature, ed. David William Foster, 2nd Edition
(New York: Garland Publishing, 1992), 559.

86

Oller clearly appreciated the jibaro more than did his
Puerto Rican contemporaries. This is evidenced by the number
of paintings he dedicated to the subject, and his association
with the jibaro [Figure 13]. Oller must have had a
comfortable association with these country-people for Emma
Boehm-Oller mentions that he was invited to a "wake of little
angel", and he was often a visitor to their houses.26
Perhaps then, Oller can.be seen as part of a bridge, belonging
to the members that caused the transition of the jibaro from
a common laborer who when a symbol was needed became the one
most easily identifiably Puerto Rican national symbol, and
today national symbol a national hero.

Oller expresses that El velorio depicts a "gross
superstition"~ among the Puerto Rican country-people,
encouraged.by the priests. Osiris Delgado Mercado, like many
other of the scholars, comments that Oller is criticizing the
"vanities" and the attitudes of the poor.27 What could be
the purpose of criticizing the poor so severely? The painting
was not going to be observed by the poor, so what could Oller
gain? What is the message and to whom is it directed? It is
clear Oller is criticizing the Church, represented in the
figure of the priest. The Church represented a branch of the

government, which allowed the poor to continue living in

 

2‘ Emma Boehm-Oller, "Francisco Oller, a Puerto Rican
Impressionist,” Americas September (1967): 27.

“ Delgado, 97.

v ‘\ 'V'g-a

.. 9‘

i

La jibara.

Figure 13

Painting,

87

C .

 

1884.

//J_/J/_/_/_/J‘/v—/‘JJJ ,JVJ‘Jw—va'm-

J/J../'/

88
ignorance, and. discouraged. them from. rising against the
Spanish Empire.

The criticism also extends against the elites of the
island, for they too preferred the jibaros to continue living
in ignorance, thus assuring their status in the island. While
the creole elites searched for more rights from the Spanish
government for their own purposes, their rights were often
used to oppress the poor. The landed elite even pressed the
Spanish government to create a method that would force the
jibaro to work their lands.28

Oller also included a message about national pride, the
culture and the heritage of the true Puerto Rican. The
instruments displayed in the painting are symbols of heritage.
By the nineteenth century little survived of the taino or
Arawak Indian of the island, but their presence is indicated
by instruments such as the maracas and the gfiiro. The Spanish
presence is represented through the guitar, part of its legacy
to the island.29

The people present in the painting also give a sense of

the Puerto Rican heritage: the black, the indian, and the

Spanish influence, all which form part if the jibaro -- also
depicted in this painting. The presence of the indian is

physically depicted through the dujo, the small bench to the

right in the painting. The inclusion of the old black man

 

” For further discussion see Ldpez, 69—73.

3 Babin, 86.

J 1 _/ 1/ J/ -/ .J J/ J ./ J J —/ JJJ'J‘Jwad‘VVOVVVWd

_r/il /

89
does not only represent the African influence in the Puerto
Rican culture, but is also a reminder of their freedom and
ability to integrate into the general community.

Oller's message/purpose is filled with cultural and
political overtones. He addresses the issue of who is the
true Puerto Rican, and concludes that it is the jibaro who
truly represents the island. He educates the viewer on the
aspects of Puerto Rican culture and heritage. His praise of
the Puerto Rican also includes criticism. He criticized the
Church and the Puerto Rican elites for their constant
oppression of the poor, and for keeping them in ignorance to
achieve their own goals. Oller does not approve of the
ignorance which allows the country-people to live in a world
of superstitions. He thus concludes that the progress of the
island depends of the education of all, including the much
feared.masses, and the elimination of formalized institutions

such as the Church.

CONCLUSIONS

The study of Francisco Oller and his painting El velorio
is indeed very challenging. This one painting has caught the
attention of many scholars and yet for all of it, it remains
a little known work. For Oller this one painting was his
greatest achievement, and as such remained in his possession
until 1903 when he gave it to the Escuela Normal, currently
the University of Puerto Rico. The scale and the amount of
time Oller dedicated to this painting reassures the importance
it had for the artist. Oller obviously risked much to create
this work that would "speak" to his people. 'Thus, this thesis
set out to find the message Oller tried to communicate. To
that end, the thesis included a discussion of the iconography
and of the criticism the painting received. It also included
a discussion of the socio-political and cultural life of the
island, in order to place the painting in a context. The
author has sought to bring a different perspective to this
painting and to the artist, by showing Oller to be a free
thinker and.a man interested in the welfare of the island and
of the true Puerto Rican.

Oller traveled several times to Europe, often stopping
for long periods of time in France. France was an ideal
place, since it was the art capital of the world. There,

Oller was able to befriend artists such as Claude Monet,

90

91

Camille Pissarro, Paul Cezanne who would come, in time, to be
seen as the greatest of his time. Mostly he was able to
engage in discussion with these and other revolutionaries on
topics of art, politics, and literature. Stepping into such
an environment from a provincial island would have clearly
benefited him. His contact with Gustave Courbet also had a
great impact on the young artist, and yet he will not draw
upon the example of this politically active painter until he
too decides to put his art in the service of a nationalistic
cause.

Once back in Puerto Rico, he found his countrymen to be
preoccupied with the political developments of the island.
Issues of political autonomy and.the abolition.of slavery were
ones of the moment and therefore it is not surprising that
Oller became preoccupied with them as well. It is in El
velorio that Oller chose to express his own political opinion.
The choice the Puerto Ricans faced were threefold; 1) have
Puerto Rico remain permanently attached to Spain, 2) seek
political autonomy but to remain part of Spain, 3) seek
outright independence for Puerto Rico. Unquestionably, these
differences brought questions of identity to the Puerto Rican
minds. Oller became aware of the complexity of the subject
and chose to express it in El velorio. In it he chose to
express a message of freedom. This freedom was embodied for
him in the true Puerto Rican, a person who is a mixture of

Spanish, African, and.Arawak indian. These people or jibaros

92
are the true Puerto Ricans for they are one with the land, and
owe their survival to it. Oller chose to depict the jibaros
in a situation that allowed him to deal with their grief,
their festive nature, their superstitions, their faith, those
who exploit them, and the heroic gesture of leaving all of
this to go to work the land.

While exalting the jibaro, he criticized the Church, and
the government. He depicted the Church in the figure of the
priest, expressing the oppression of the Church, and thus the
government, upon the pooru This is a clear anti-clerical, and
anti-Spanish stand. Oller was, in opposing the power of the
government, giving power to the jibaro as the embodiment of
‘Puerto Rican strength -- the hero of the land. His message
also includes a stand against the ignorance in which the
jibaros were kept. This is at the heart of the superstition
inherent in the tradition of the bagginé, or the "wake for
little angels."

Oller chose the Realist style to convey his complex
message, and this decision might have also been influenced by
the Latin American Art of the time. This connection is one
which will have to be examined further at a later date.
Perhaps he wanted to express his message as realistically as
possible to avoid.having his painting classified as a fancy of
the artist. Clearly Impressionism would have been seen, if
used in this case, as just that by his contemporaries on the

island. On the other hand, had he found a way to do so his

93
friends in France may have welcomed the work and today it
might be better known.

Some of the messages dealt with in this investigation
were introduced, but not developed. Haydee Venegas has
suggested that the work might possibly represent a black mass,
where the offering is the small child” This seems extreme and
before arriving at this conclusion it is essential that the
'the tradition of the "wake for little angels," and its impact
to the Latin community of the nineteenth century be examined
to the fullest.

Oller also made other attempts to explain and advocate
the importance of education for all, and defended abolition.
It is the combination.of all of these messages that.makes this
painting difficult to analyze, and thus the failure of Oller.
None-the-less, with this painting, Oller demonstrated.his own
commitment to a style and to Puerto Rico. For all the
complications that make this painting what it is, what comes
through it all is that this painting is a statement of

national pride, and an exaltation of the true Puerto Rican.

APPENDICES

1833

1844

1848

1849

1851

1853

1858

APPENDIX A
CHRONOLOGY

Francisco Oller is born on June 17. His parents
are Cayetano Juan Oller y Fromesta and Maria del
Carmen Cestero Dévila.

Oller studies art under the direction of Juan Cleto
Noa. He makes copies of paintings by José
Campeche.

Oller works as a clerk at the Royal Treasury. He
was dismissed from his post for making caricatures
of the personnel while at work. Governor Juan Prim
offers to send him to Rome to study. Oller’s
mother rejects the offer due to Oller’s young age.
Oller sings in the Philharmonic Society of Puerto
Rico. The same year the Colegio de Santo Tomas is
inaugurated, and Oller joins as staff member.
Leaves to Spain. He enrolls in the Academy of San
Fernando. He studies under Federico de Madrazo y
Kuntz. He develops a curvilinear brushstroke that
would become characteristic of his style.

Returns to Puerto Rico.

Travels to France. The decision was probably an

influence of his previous teacher, Madrazo. Also

94

1959

1865

1868

1870
1873

1874

1875

1877

1884
1887

1891-92

95
France was exerting a strong influence in Spanish
America. In France, he joins Couture's atelier.
He later enrolls in.Gleyre’s studio, where he meets
Monet, Bazille, Sysley, and Renoir.
Painting with Pissarro. He embraces Courbet’s
artistic ideas. Due to economic hardships, he
supports himself singing.
Returns to Puerto Rico.
Exhibiting alone. First major exhibition in Las
Fiestas de San Juan. He gets married. Governor
Marchessi grants him permission to open his first
Academy of Drawing and Painting.
Named Knight of the Real Order of Charles III.
In Vienna for the Universal Exhibition.
In Paris, where some of Oller's friends were
acquiring recognition as artists. Dr. Gachet and
Georges Bellio acquired some paintings by Oller.
Oller starts to show interest in the new
Impressionist style.
Oller uses a freer brushstroke in his paintings.
Visits Madrid. He paints Colonel Contreras,
although the style is more traditional,
impressionistic influence is shown.
Returns to Puerto Rico.
Establishes Painting and Drawing School.

Paints portraits of prominent Puerto Ricans. He

1895

1896

1902

1904
1907

1910-12

1917

96
paints La escuela de Rafael. Starts the studies
for El velorio.
Travels to Paris to present in the Salon his

painting El velorio. He is dazzled by the light

 

and air shown in the paintings of his friends,
especially Pissarro’s. Stays with Cezanne, but
shortly after they have a misunderstanding that
destroys their friendship.

Returns to Puerto Rico with several Impressionistic
style paintings.

He is the drawing professor at the Escuela Normal
(which later became the University of Puerto Rico).
Dismissed from the Escuela Normal.

Appointed Drawing Master for the public schools in
Bayamon.

Oller is severely ill.

Oller dies May 17.

APPENDIX B

THE WAKE

The following description. of El ‘velorio (The Wake)

submitted by Oller to the Paris Salon of 1895.

was

It was

reprinted in the catalogue Francisco Oller a Realist—

Impressionist.

Astonishing criticism of a custom that still exist
in Puerto Rico among country people and which has
been propagated by the priests. On this day the
family and friends have kept vigil all night over
the dead child, extended on a table with flowers
and laces. The mother is holding back her grief,
on her head she wears a white turban; she does not
weep for fear her tears might wet the wings of this
little angel on his flight to heaven. She laughs
and offers a drink to the priest, who with eager
eyes gazes up to the roasted pig whose entry is
awaited with enthusiasm. Inside this room of
indigenous structure, children play, dogs romp,
lovers embrace, and the musicians get drunk. This
an orgy of brutish appetites under the guise of a
gross superstition. Two figures in the mist of the
general disorder: the old countryman [ ] pants
rolled up [ ] who comes to bid farewell to the dead
child who is gone for ever.1

 

1

Francisco Oller a Realist—Impressionist, 193.

97

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El popular (Diario politico), [Madrid], 21 May 1883.

La broma (Organa.politico demdbratico), [Madrid], 7 June 1883,
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San Juan Star (San Juan,Puerto Rico), 28 February 1976.

105

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