AM”, new“. ..u.n_.;....u.£ . . Mgnwm-uﬂy.

:1.

1% ‘ ,
_ 1 H 5‘
«~21

2- r’
l
(4:

.JQ.

Lu». .
9

 

 

 

 

up. .
.._ wt
. V b: , . in.
Armin; a

in:

 

 

 

, WI. (“304;

£55. .. ‘

r31 0... . .ID will...»

mangﬂgézﬁﬁﬂuzis! ‘ . ‘

 

u
H ‘

M

u OI

THESIS

v‘N

x..\

MSTATEU

:l I!!!I"!’Ill’IHIHIIIUHHHJWI

301564 9936

                              

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

LIBRARY

Michigan“ tats
University

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
GRAMEEN BANK PARTICIPATION AND WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT

presented by

Ruba Rahman

has been accepted towards fulﬁllment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degree m Resource Development and
Urban Studies Program

 

 

Major professor

 

MSU is an Afﬁrmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771

 

PLACE II RETURN BOX to romovo this checkout from your rocord.
To AVOID FINES mum on or boioro dot. duo.

DATE DUE , DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_._u
[:1 £31

“1J3
1—7—7.

MSU In An mm Minimal Oppommlty Institution
W

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mt

 

AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
GRAMEEN BANK PARTICIPATION AND WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT

By

Ruba Rahman

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Resource Development and Urban Studies Program

1996

ABSTRACT

AN ENIPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
GRANIEEN BANK PARTICIPATION AND WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT

By

Ruba Rahman

The eﬂ‘ectiveness of Grameen Bank (GB) programs in promoting empowerment, as
indicated by several variables, among its women participants was studied. The variables
included income generation, decision-making concerning the use and distribution of
household resources, participation in family planning practices, food consumption
indicators, literacy skills, and socio-political awareness. The study included a survey of
participants from two branches of the GB located in two Bangladeshi villages. The survey
respondents included women who were members of the GB for 5 and 10 years, new GB
applicants, and a control group of villagers who were eligible to be members of GB but
did not apply. The researcher then analyzed the data by cross-tabulations using the
chi-square test. The analyses were done in three sets; cross-tabulations between 5-year,
IO-year and non-loanee groups, between the control and new applicant groups, and

between the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups.

For the ﬁrst set of analyses, the data and analyses show, for the variables tested, that the
S-year loanee and 10—year loanees had higher levels of economic and social empowerment
than did non-loanee respondents. In the second set of analyses, the data show that new

GB applicants had higher levels of empowerment than women who were potential GB

applicants but had not applied for membership. This ﬁnding could account, at least
partially, for the results obtained in the ﬁrst set of analyses; namely, that GB loanees had
higher levels of empowerment than non-loanees. This second ﬁnding also may suggest that
GB is not accessible to the poorest of the poor. The third set of analyses revealed that the
lO-year loanee group did not have signiﬁcantly higher levels of empowerment than the
5-year loanee group. Thus the study could not establish the fact that longer participation

in GB increased the level of empowerment for the GB loanees.

From these analyses, it can be concluded that while GB participation is associated with
higher levels of social and economic empowerment, there is still much improvement that is
needed in order to overcome the historic, economic, and cultural forces that have impeded
the empowerment of Bangladeshi women. This suggests that empowerment of rural
Bangladeshi women may require that participation in programs such as GB continue for
two or more generations. Also, the ﬁndings indicate that there is still a need for
empowerment efforts that are accessible to the poorest of the poor rural Bangladeshi
women. Whether targeting these poorest women would be best achieved by expanding

access to GB programs, or instead through a different program remains an open question.

To my parents, for their moral support, encouragement, and love.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation was completed with the support, assistance and guidance from several
persons. Dr. Kenneth VerBurg, my academic advisor, has been extremely supportive. His
support, close supervision, steady inputs, constant encouragement, and moral support is
deeply valued. I also thank my academic committee members, Dr. Rosemary Walker, Dr.
Marvel Lang, and Dr. George Rowan for their comments and criticisms. Dr. Marvel Lang
is especially thanked for his constant encouragement and inspiration which helped keep my
morale high during the trying times of the writing. Also, thanks to Dr. John Schweitzer
and Dr. Joshua Bagakas of Urban Affairs Program, Michigan State University, for their

help with the statistical analysis.

My ' sincere thanks to Dr. Moharnmed Yunus, Managing Director, Grameen Bank, for
inviting me to do the research, and providing me with all the help. Also a special thanks to
Ms. Doulatun-Nessa of the Bangladesh Agriculture Ministry and Dr. Delwar Hossain of
the Bangladesh Agricultural Institute for their help with the questionnaire design and
entering the data on SPSS/PC. A special thanks to Patrick Diskin for all his support.
Finally, I would like to thank my parents for always being there whenever I needed them.

Without their constant support, this research could not have been completed.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................... x

LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................... xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND NOMENCLATURE ............................................ xii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................ 1

A. An Overview of Bangladesh .............................................................................. 3

1. Geography .................................................................................................. 3

2. Population ................................................................................................... 5

3. Literacy ....................................................................................................... 6

4. Religion and Culture .................................................................................... 7

5. Economy ...................................................................................................... 8

B. Social and Economic Status of Women In Rural Bangladesh ............................... 9

1. Religious Practices and Rural Women In Bangladesh .................................... 10

2. Labor Restrictions and Rural Women in Bangladesh .................................... 13

3. Empowerment Issues and Rural Bangladeshi Women .................................. 14

C. The Inception and Development of the Grameen Bank ..................................... 16

D. Research Problem to be Addressed ................................................................... 18
CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................ 21

A. Background on Women's Social and Economic Issues in Bangladesh ................. 22

1. Status of Rural Women in Bangladesh ........................................................ 22

a. Social Status ........................................................................................ 23

b. Economic Status .................................................................................. 27

c. Legal Status ......................................................................................... 3O

2. Women's Quality of Life in Rural Bangladesh ............................................. 32

a. Women's Fertility and Family Planning Practices ................................... 32

b. Food Consumption and Health Status ................................................... 38

c. Literacy and Education ......................................................................... 41

B. Empowerment Concepts and Issues Facing Women .......................................... 45

1. Concepts and Deﬁnitions of Empowerment ................................................. 45

vi

2. Empowerment Variables Used in the Literature ........................................... 47
3. Women's Empowerment and Household Decision-Making ........................... 48
4. Relationship Between Poverty and Women's Empowerment ......................... 50
C. Background Information on Grameen Bank ...................................................... 52
1. Financial Programs ..................................................................................... 53
2. Social Development Programs .................................................................... 58
D. Potential Linkages Among Grameen Bank Services, Women's Empowerment,
and Community Development .......................................................................... 60
1. Potential Links Between Grameen Bank Services and Women's
Empowerment ............................................................................................ 60
2. Potential Links Between Grameen Bank Services and Community
Development .............................................................................................. 62

E. Discussion of Empirical Evidence of Grameen Bank Impacts in the Literature ....63

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH PLAN .................................................................................................... 71

A Research Approach .......................................................................................... 71

B. Questionnaire Design ....................................................................................... 73

C. Site Selection ................................................................................................... 73

D. Sample Selection ............................................................................................. 74

B. Data Collection ................................................................................................ 75

F. Data Entry and Analysis ................................................................................... 77

G. Time Table ...................................................................................................... 77

H. Hypotheses ...................................................................................................... 78

I. Variables to be Considered ............................................................................... 79

1. Income Generation ..................................................................................... 79

2. Household Decision-Making Initiative ......................................................... 80

3. Family Planning .................................................. ‘ ....................................... 81

4. Food Consumption .................................................................................... 82

5. Literacy/Education ..................................................................................... 83

6. Health Awareness ...................................................................................... 84

7. Socio-Political Awareness .......................................................................... 84

8. Empowerment ........................................................................................... 85
CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS OF DATA .............................................................................................. 90

A Mean Values on Welfare Indicators ................................................................. 91

B. Demographic Data .......................................................................................... 94

1. Age ........................................................................................................... 94

2. Marital Status ............................................................................................ 95

3. Head of Household .................................................................................... 96

4. Number of Sons ........................................................................................ 97

5. Number of Daughters ................................................................................ 97

vii

C. Analyses of Data ............................................................................................. 98

1. Hypothesis I .............................................................................................. 99
a. Statistically Signiﬁcant Variables .......................................................... 99
1. Ability to Sign .......................................................................... 100

2. Education Experience ............................................................... 101

3. Mobility Outside Home ............................................................. 102

4. Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs/W ants ........................ 105

5. Decision-Making on Family Planning ....................................... 107

6. Number of Meals Eaten per Day ............................................. 109

7. Grade Level of Daughters' Education ....................................... 110

8. Tutors for Children .................................................................. 112

9. Health Awareness .................................................................... 113

b. Statistically Insigniﬁcant Variables ....................................................... 116
1. Decision-Making ..................................................................... 116

2. Literacy/Education .................................................................. 118

3. Health Awareness ................................................................... 120

4. Social, Political and Legal Awareness ...................................... 121

2. Hypothesis II ........................................................................................... 123
a Statistically Signiﬁcant Variables ........................................................ 124
1. Ability to Sign ........................................................................ 124

2. Mobility Outside Home ........................................................... 125

3. Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs .................................. 127

4. Number of Meals Eaten per Day ............................................. 129

5. Tutors for Children .................................................................. 130

6. Expectation of Dowry for Son ................................................. 131

7. Health Awareness ................................................................... 132

b. Statistically Insigniﬁcant Variables ................ 133
1. Decision-Making ..................................................................... 133

2. Literacy/Education .................................................................. 136

3. Health Awareness ................................................................... 138

4. Social, Political and Legal Awareness ...................................... 140

3. Hypothesis III .......................................................................................... 142
a Statistically Signiﬁcant Variables ......................................................... 142
1. Use of Contraceptives Only After Joining GB .......................... 143

b. Statistically Insigniﬁcant Variables ....................................................... 143
1. GB Help with Livestock/Poultry/Gardening .............................. 144

2. Members Planning to Maintain Themselves Without GB Loans..144

3. Improvement of Quality of Food Aﬁer Joining GB ................... 145

4. Number of Times of Meals Eaten Before Joining GB ............... 145

5. Number of Times of Meals Eaten After Joining GB ................. 146

viii

6. Source of Knowledge About the Importance of Using Sanitary

Toilets ............................................................................... 147
7. Immunization of Children Aﬁer Joining GB ............................. 147
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................ 148
A Summary of Findings ..................................................................................... 148
1. Problem ................................................................................................... 148
2. Methodology ............................................................................................. 149
3. Results of Analyses .................................................................................... 151
4. Limitations of Research ............................................................................ 154
a. Selection of Research Methodology .................................................... 155
b. Site Selection for Conducting the Survey ............................................. 155
c. Type of Tests Run for Data Analyses .................................................. 156
d. Sample Selection ................................................................................ 156
e. Questions Modiﬁed During Analyses ................................................... 157
B. Conclusions of the Study ................................................................................ 158
C. Relation of Findings to Previous Research ....................................................... 159
D. Contributions to New Knowledge ................................................................... 160
l. Eliminating Cross-Sectional Biases ............................................................ 160
2. Household Financial Decision-Making Process .......................................... 161
E. Policy Implications ......................................................................................... 162
F. Implications for Future Research .................................................................... 165
APPENDICES
APPENDDI A: Research Questionnaire on Grameen Bank .................................. 167
APPENDIX B: Coding for Research Questionnaire on Grameen Bank ................ 178
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................... 194

ix

LIST OF TABLES

Chapter I

Table 1.1 - Birth Rates of Selected Countries .................................................................. 6
Chapter II

Table [1.1 - Types of Grameen Bank Loans ................................................................. 56
Chapter IV

Table IV.A.1 - Mean Values of Income and Welfare Indicators by Group ..................... 92
Table IV .B.1 - Mean Values of Age by Group ............................................................. 95
Table IV .32 - Marital Status ...................................................................................... 95
Table IV .33 - Head of Household ............................................................................. 96
Table IV.B.4 - Number of Sons .................................................................................. 97
Table IV.B.S - Number of Daughters .......................................................................... 98
Table IV.C.1.a.l - Ability to Sign ................................................................................ 100
Table IV.C.1.a.2 - Education Experience ..................................................................... 102
Table NC. 1 .a.3 - Mobility Outside Home .................................................................. 103
Table IV.C.1.a.4 - Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs/W ants ................................ 106
Table IV.C.1.a.5 - Decision-making on Family Planning ............................................. 108
Table IV.C.1.a.6 - Number of Meals Eaten per Day ................................................... 109
Table IV.C.1.a.7 - Grade Level of Daughters' Education ............................................ 110
Table IV.C.1.a.8 - Tutors for Children ....................................................................... 113
Table IV.C.1.a.9 - Health Awareness ......................................................................... 115
Table IV .C.2.a. 1- Ability to Sign ................................................................................ 125
Table IV.C.2.a.2 - Mobility Outside Home ................................................................. 126
Table IV .C.2.a.3 - Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs .......................................... 128
Table IV .C.2.a.4 - Number of Meals Eaten per Day ................................................... 129
Table IV.C.2.a.5 - Tutors for Children ....................................................................... 130
Table IV.C.2.a.6 - Expectation of Dowry for Son ....................................................... 131
Table IV.C.2.a7 - Health Awareness ......................................................................... 133
Table IV.C.3.a.1 - Use of Contraceptives After Joining Grameen Bank ....................... 143

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 - Map of Bangladesh ..................................................................................... 4
Figure 11.1 - Organization of the various management units of Grameen Bank ............... 59

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND NOMENCLATURE
Abbreviations:

BAR]: Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute
BIDS: Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies
CASID: Center for Advance Studies in Development
GB: Grameen Bank

GDP: Gross Domestic Product

HH: Household

IFPRI: International Food Policy Research Institute

Nomenclature:

Azan: call for prayer in mosque

Burma: a garment worn by women covering head to toe

Hadith: sayings of Prophet Muhammed

Kendra: Grameen Bank centers

Madmsha: religious schools

Pakhi: a common measure used for land in Bangladesh (1 pakhi = 56 decimals)

Purdah: a system that covers a broad range of conduct which varies from modesty to
strict seclusion

Quran: the scripture of Islam

Shwiat: personal law

T aka: the currency used in Bangladesh (1 US$=40 taka approximately)

xii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND INFORMATION

The Grameen Bank (GB) is a community development organization in Bangladesh which
provides ﬁnancial and other services, primarily to women, through group-based lending
schemes and community discussion fora. This study examines the relationship between:
(1) participation in the GB and variables reﬂecting women's empowerment; and
(2) women's empowerment and community development. The empowerment variables to
be studied include: women's income generation; women's decision-making concerning the
use and distribution of household resources; family planning practices; food consumption

indicators; literacy skills; and socio-political awareness.

Speciﬁcally, through surveys of three categories of women — (1) those who have been
GB loanees for several years; (2) those who are about to receive their ﬁrst GB loans; and

(3) those who have never been GB loanees — the research tests the following hypotheses:

(i) Hypothesis 1:
Among Bangladeshi women who meet GB eligibility requirements, the level of

participation in the GB is associated with higher levels of economic and social

2

empowerment as indicated by measures of income generation, decision-making

power, family planning practices, food consumption, and literacy skills.

(ii) Hypothesis II:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of

empowerment than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not applied.

(iii) Hypothesis III:
The 10-year GB loanees will exhibit more empowerment characteristics than the 5-

year GB loanees.

In addition, this dissertation will discuss how women's economic and social empowerment

are key factors in promoting community development in nrral Bangladesh.

In order to understand the process of how income generation can aﬁ‘ect Bangladeshi
women's empowerment, it is important to consider issues concerning the status of women
in general in the Bangladeshi society. Understanding status issues, problems and
disadvantages facing women in Bangladesh provides a clear context for the issues this
research aims to address; in particular, how access to credit can aﬂ‘ect women's income-
generation and empowerment. Therefore, this introduction will attempt to describe the
position of rural women in Bangladesh, how credit can play a role in addressing women's

. economic and social problems, and what the role of GB has been and can be as a provider

3

of credit. In addition, background information on Bangladesh is provided to give an
overall context of problems in the country. The research problem will be developed from

this discussion.

This chapter is divided into four sections: (A) background information on Bangladesh
including the geography, population, religion, literacy rates, and economy; (B) women's
social and economic status in Bangladesh; (C) the inception of and development of the

GB; and (D) the research problem to be addressed.

LA. An Overview of Bangladesh

This section provides an overall context of the situation and problems facing Bangladesh.
It covers ﬁve areas: geography, population, literacy, religion and culture, and economy.
These areas have been covered because they provide an overall picture of the

socioeconomic situation in the country.

LAJ. Geography

Bangladesh is a country in South Asia, bordered on the west, north and east by India, on
the southeast by Myanmar (formerly Burma), and on the south by the Bay of Bengal. The
country has an area of 55,598 square miles. The land is mostly deltaic with three major
river tributaries emptying into the Bay of Bengal. The country is tropical with dry and
monsoon seasons leading to droughts and ﬂoods throughout the year (Abdullah and

Zeidenstein, 1982). Monsoon rains, heat, and humidity bring a surge of lush growth of

Bangladesh

 

Figure 1.1. Map of Bangladesh

5

vegetation into the land that includes ﬁelds of paddy and other crops (Ahmad, 1976).
Ninety percent of the total land in Bangladesh is made up of lowlands. Only in the east
and southeast regions does the presence of hills break the monotony of the alluvial plains

of the rest of the country (Johnson, 1975).

LA.2. Population

Bangladesh has a population of 107 million with an average population density of 2,000
people per square mile (World Bank, 1992). More than 60 percent of the population are
landless (Auwal and Singhal, 1992). A study in 1980 found that more than 90 percent of
Bangladeshis lived in nrral areas, and 80 percent are below the poverty line, as determined
by their consuming less than the requirement of 2122 calories per day (Bangladesh
Planning Commission, 1980). The annual population growth rate in Bangladesh is 2.9
percent (Abdullah and Zeidenstein, 1982). The fertility rate is one of the highest in Asia.
The mortality rate is also high among all ages, but especially among infants and children
(Balk, 1994). Half of the population is below age 15, and the average life expectancy is

50 years (The New Encyclopedia Britannica, 1995).

Table 1.]. indicates that while birth rates in Bangladesh as well as its South Asian
neighbors, have declined between 1970 and 1993, they remain much higher than rates in
developed countries such as the US, the UK, and Japan, as well as the overall global rate

(World Development Report, 1995).

 

---.--.—' -"

6

Table 1.1. Birth Rates of Selected Countries

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.—
Country Crude Birth Rate

(per 1,000 population)
_Ba_ngladesh 48
India 39
Pakistan 48
Nepal 45
US 17
UK 16
Japan 19
Global 32

 

 

 

 

Most Bangladeshis live in absolute poverty. The landless and those without any assets
make up 10 million families out of 18.5 million families, and women make up a large
portion of the poorest and landless. A large number of the labor force are either
unemployed, underemployed, or without regular sources of income (Huq and Sultan,
1991). According to Holcombe (1995), about 25-30 percent of the population is not
productively employed. Holcombe points out that this results from limited opportunities.
A World Bank Report in 1988 assessed per capita income at US $170, with an average

yearly growth rate of 0.4 percent between 1965 and 1988 (Holcombe, 1995).

LA.3. Literacy
Estimates of literacy rates in Bangladesh have varied in different studies, but all agree that

the majority of Bangladeshis are highly illiterate, and that the literacy rate for women is

7

less than half of that for men. According to Bangladesh census data, the male literacy rate
was 29.3 percent in 1961 and rose to 32.9 percent in 1974. Also according to these
census data the female literacy rate was 9.6 percent in 1961 and 14.8 percent in 1974. In
the 13 years between the two censuses, only a slight improvement occurred in the
difference between male and female literacy rates (Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980).
Abdullah and Zeidenstein (1982) found that the literacy rate in rural Bangladesh is 18.5
percent overall, with 25 percent for males and 10.9 percent for females. Similarly, Auwal
and Singhal (1992) found that 74 percent of the total population is illiterate. A more
recent study (Central Intelligence World Wide Publication, 1995) found that the literacy
rate is 35 percent in the total population, with 47 percent for males and 22 percent for
females. Thus, while female literacy has improved at a faster pace than male literacy in the
past 34 years, the female literacy rate was still less than half that of the male literacy rate in

1995.

LA.4. Religion and Culture

Eighty-six percent of the population is Muslim, eight percent Hindu, four percent
Christian, one percent Buddhist, and one percent is other (Central Intelligence Agency
World-Wide Publication, 1995). Bangladesh is the third largest Muslim country, after
Indonesia and Nigeria. Even though Bangladesh is a Muslim nation socially, the political
orientation has not been shaped by Islam. Bangladesh's political environment has been

mostly liberal and secular (Novak, 1993). To some degree, Muslims in Bangladesh

8

conform to a wider Bengali cultural nationalism that surpasses the religious differences

between Hindus and Muslims (Johnson, 1975).

Bengali is the language spoken in Bangladesh. Bengali literature and music are considered
akin to a Bengali folk religion, reﬂecting both humanism and secularism, that transcends

the teachings of any single faith by creating a fusion of the concept of oneness of God and

the equality of people (N ovak, 1993).

LA.S. Economy

The country's economy is mainly agricultural. Fifty-ﬁve percent of the gross domestic
product (GDP) is produced ﬁ'om agriculture which employs 70 percent of the labor force
(Abdullah and Zeidenstein, 1982). More than half of the country's households own less
than 0.5 acre of cultivable land, and most live in a state of abject poverty. The landless or
near-landless segment of the population are basically non-farmers (Kama! et al., 1992).
Though the people having less than 0.5 acre of land are not literally deﬁned as landless,

they can be regarded as landless from a ﬁrnctional perspective (W ahid, 1993).

Rice is the major crop produced in Bangladesh and is grown on about 80 percent of
cropped acreage. The country has not been self-sufﬁcient in rice production and therefore
imports large amounts of food grains. Jute is the major cash crop of the country and is
grown on 8 percent of the total cropped acreage. Sugar-cane and oil-seed are the other

cash crops (Abdullah and Zeidenstein, 1982).

Because of the lack of mineral resources, the economic management done by the
government and private investors is geared towards agricultural development. In the
1980s, the economic growth averaged 4 percent per year which was not adequate to

generate development and to deal with the problem of poverty (Lovell, 1992).

LB. Social and Economic Status of Women in Rural Bangladesh

Life for most women in rural Bangladesh is difﬁcult. Women engage in agricultural and
household work for long hours everyday. In addition to raising children, washing, and
cooking, women are also responsible for processing and preparing rice (including drying,
soaking, parboiling, redrying, husking, polishing, and storing the rice), as well as fruit and
vegetable gardening. Also, in the traditional Muslim society of Bangladesh, women have
had to experience social pressures that lead to national problems such as early marriage,

having to bear too many children, illiteracy, unemployment, and social seclusion.

Preference for males, and discrimination against women begins at birth and continues
through adulthood for most rural Bangladeshi women. Ahmad (1991), for example,
provides evidence of "discriminatory treatment" of daughters regarding their health,
education and food consumption. Likewise, Chen et al. (1984) report that malnutrition
among girls is signiﬁcantly higher than that among boys. And a World Bank report (1990)

also reveals that food intake for females is 30 percent less than that for males by the time

10

they reach adulthood. Other examples of this gender discrimination are provided in later

sections of this paper.

This section of the introduction discusses various aspects of the economic and social
disadvantages facing rural Bangladeshi women. In particular, this section addresses the
relationship between women's status and (1) religious practices; (2) labor restrictions; and

(3) empowerment issues.

LBJ. Religious Practices and Rural Women in Bangladesh

Religious practices in Bangladesh (whether Islam, Hinduism, Christianity or Buddhism)
are all characterized to some extent by social seclusion and inferior status of women. In
' particular, three features of Islam, the predominant religion in Bangladesh, that have a
direct impact as tools of patriarchal control are inheritance laws, seclusion of women

through purdah practices, and divorce laws.

According to Islamic inheritance laws, a daughter can inherit only one-half of the share
inherited by a son. However, in reality, under the law women often get even less than this
share. For instance, a man farms his wife's land, if she inherits it, as though it were his
own land. Women also tend to renounce their share of inheritance to their brother(s) as an

act of goodwill and acquiring favor (Cain et al., 1979).

ll

Purdah (literally meaning a screen or curtain) is a system that covers a broad range of
conduct that varies from modesty to rigid seclusion (Shehabuddin, 1992). According to
Cain (1979), in Bangladesh purdah signiﬁes strict restrictions on women's mobility outside
their homestead. Purdah can also mean a standard of apparel that "hides" a woman's
”face and form". Purdah is a complex institution that involves more than just restriction
on women's movement and apparel. Purdah also entails a denial to access to
opportunities for women and simultaneously accords them with a status of protection.
Therefore purdah, in a way, seems to give rise to a contradiction: it hurts women by
restricting their access to opportunities but supposedly beneﬁts women by rendering them

protection.

According to Abdullah and Zeidenstein (1982) Bangladeshi villagers view a family
practicing rigorous purdah as belonging to a high social, economic, and/or religious
status. At a social level, the practice of purdah contributes to a male's honor which
depends on the conduct of his family's women and his ability to protect and provide for
them. From the perspective of economic status, a family may also indicate economic
superiority to others by observing purdah. And ﬁ'om a religious point of view, purdah is
considered ”good behavior"; therefore, it compels respect. Generally, only a small number
of households in a village can support such rigorous purdah. But it is important to note,
as Abdullah and Zeidenstein (1982) put it, that the villagers view these households as

prestigious and respectable and consider this lifestyle for women as highly desirable.

12

Purdah restricts mobility for rural women in Bangladesh. Even though some rural
women may go outside the homestead to bring water from a well or a tube well, wash
clothes in a pond, collect vegetables in a vegetable garden, or collect ﬁre wood, they
seldom go to the market place (Alarngir, 1977). The observance of purdah, a strongly
valued behavior by society, restricts women's access to the outside world except through
go-betweens such as husbands, fathers, brothers and adult sons. Women do not go to the
market place where economic, socio-political activities take place. Women do not go to
mosques where religious and social activities occur. Women generally do not go to the
ﬁelds where agricultural activities take place. Women lack direct access to products of
their labor or access to labor at their own free will. Women generally do not go to places

where medical and contraceptive services are available (Abdullah and Zeidenstein, 1982).

A more recent study by Balk (1994) indicates that women's mobility is rising somewhat
and purdah restrictions are being relaxed a little for many women, but not for others.
Balk (1994) found that 89.8 percent of her female respondents traveled frequently outside
the homestead and 12.2 percent traveled often outside the village. She also found that
only 15.6 percent of the female respondents observed purdah by wearing a burka (a piece
of overgarment covering women from head to toe) when traveling outside. However,
only 6.7 percent women reported that they went out unaccompanied, with 47.3 percent

traveling with either their husband or a male relative.

13
Religious laws regarding divorce also work against women's empowerment. Presently, in
Bangladesh, the right to divorce is very complicated and restrictive. Sharia: law (one of
the Islamic laws) does not allow women the right to seek divorce in a court of law no

matter what oﬁ‘ence is committed by the husband (Noman, 1983).

LB.2. Labor Restrictions and Rural Women in Bangladesh

Although rural Bangladeshi women labor for many hours each day, the value of their work
is generally not appreciated and often they are unpaid. A 1983/84 Labor Force Survey of
Bangladesh revealed that only 8 percent of the women of working age were in the formal
labor force, while 75 percent were engaged in household work. Although these hours of
”household work” are unpaid and not counted as part of wage work (Khan; Hossain,
1989), women do make a large contribution to family production and they work may
hours. Westergaard (1983) says that women's productive hours of work range 10 to 14

hours, as compared to 10 to 11 hours for men.

A study by Ahooja-Patel (1986) found that, in the urban areas of Asia, generally low
education and skill level of women, as well as discrimination, prevents their access to
formal employment and draws them into the informal sector which often means

"occasional work” and hides unemployment or underemployment.

14

Because the socio-economic conditions in the country are worsening, rural women in
Bangladesh are being forced to join the labor force. As a result of this, cheap sources of
labor are increasingly available in some areas, causing lowering of wage rates and

increasing competitiveness among rural laborers (McCarthy and Feldman, 1985).

Previously, rural women played a role only in post-harvest processing of ﬁeld-crops.
However, the number of women working as agricultural wage laborers is increasing even
though the total number of employed women in agriculture, the dominant sector of the
economy, is still small — only 1.2 percent of total agricultural workers (World Bank,

1990).

LB.3. Empowerment Issues and Rural Bangladeshi Women

This research is primarily interested in issues relating to the empowerment of women.
Empowerment here is deﬁned as the ability and freedom to make and act on decisions that
improve the quality of their lives (Further discussion of deﬁnitions of empowerment

discussed in the literature is provided in Chapter II).

Even though women contribute greatly to family production, they have little control in
household decision-making. Traditionally, women often do not make the basic decisions
in their lives. Because women do not participate in decisions concerning their lives as

individuals, as wives, as mothers, as workers, and as citizens, their status remains

15
subordinate to men (F arman-Farmaian, 1976). This lack of decision-making power
prevents them ﬁom enjoying a better position in Bangladeshi society, both in the rural and
urban communities. The inferior social status rendered to women in the traditional society

of Bangladesh and their limited access to resources, makes them vulnerable to poverty

(Huq; Sultan, 1991).

Related to their lack of empowerment is the lack of opportunities for income generation
that are available to women. The economic and social empowerment of women in a
community could be improved through the provision of better ﬁnancial or social services
to them. Improving women's access to credit, therefore, can be an important means for
improving the economic empowerment of women in Bangladesh, and with economic
empowerment, social empowerment can follow. Credit can be a means for providing low-
income women with much needed capital to start microenterprises or to purchase inputs

for productive activities.

However, in nrral Bangladesh, credit is not easily accessible, especially for women. In the
formal ﬁnancial sector banks require collateral for credit, and in the informal sector high
interest rates make credit unaﬁ‘ordable to the poor. This lack of access to credit restricts
- women's opportunities for income generation, thereby reinforcing their having little say in

household decision-making, and rendering them powerless. Therefore, access to credit

16

could be, as speculated by a number of scholars, an essential element in empowering

women (Schuller and Hashemi, 1994; Rahman, 1986).

LC. The Inception and Development of the Grameen Bank

As previously stated, the GB is a community development organization in Bangladesh
which provides ﬁnancial and other services, primarily to women, through group-based
lending arrangements and community discussion fora. GB's philosophy follows the United
Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights which proclaims that every human being
has the right to a standard of living for herself and her family that provides adequate food,
clothing, housing, medical care, and other services (Auwal and Singhal, 1992). The

underlying philosophy of GB, then, is that the poor should have access to credit.

Founded in 1978 by an economist, Dr. Mohammed Yunus, the GB has been trying to
empower disadvantaged women in Bangladesh by extending credit to help them
participate in income generating activities of their choice (Hossain, 1986). In addition to
providing credit, the GB also provides instructional and motivational seminars on health
and hygiene, nutrition, family planning, etc. By seeking to empower women, the GB is

also aimed at promoting community development.

The GB started very simply when Dr. Yunus provided loans ﬁ'om his own resources to a

small group of women in the village of Chittagong where he was working as a professor.

17

From this humble beginning, aﬂer ﬁfteen years of providing credit without collateral,
today GB operates in 34,243 villages and, by May 1994, had 1,915,000 borrowers
(Holcombe, 1995). These nIral low-income women, who were otherwise without access
to credit, would perhaps have had little hope of acquiring the economic means for

improving their quality of life.

Unlike most poverty-oriented development programs in Bangladesh, which are geared
toward men, the GB targets its services towards women; 91 percent of GB's loanees are
women (CASH), 1993). The GB believes that if women, about 50 percent of the total
population, can be reached, they can play a key role in improving their communities
economically and socially. Economically, women can inject more income into a
community by starting their own small enterprises. Socially, women can improve the
quality of their and their families' lives through better awareness of nutrition, health, family

planning, literacy, etc.

The high rate of female participation in GB may be attributed to factors such as extreme
pressures of poverty and population, hopelessness and helplessness of women who are
faced with a large number of dependent children or have been made destitute due to
natural calamities, high divorce rates among low-income couples, and most importantly,
recent changes in society's attitude toward women's involvement in activities outside their

homes.

18
The Bangladesh government has been giving high priority to the GB and has provided it
with assistance, and some international aid donors have also been attracted to it. To an
increasing number of development scholars and practitioners, the GB has provided a
”hope-model" for breaking the vicious circle of poverty in the developing countries like

Bangladesh, with minimal social confrontation and upheavals (Siddiqui, 1984).

A more detailed description of how the GB operates (including the process of group
formation, the types of loans provided, and the organizational structure of the bank) and

assessments of its impacts is provided in the literature review section of this study.

LD. Research Problem to be Addressed

The purpose of this study is to examine the eﬁ‘ectiveness of GB programs in promoting
women's empowerment. Speciﬁcally, this study will attempt to examine the relationships
between participation in the GB and variables reﬂecting women's empowerment. The
empowerment variables to be studied include: (1) women's income generation; (2)
women's decision-making concerning the use and distribution of household resources; (3)
participation in family planning practices; (4) food consumption indicators; (5) literacy

skills and (6) socio-political awareness.

Previous studies have suggested that GB has been successful in helping women to

generate income and improve their standard of living (Rahman, 1986; Hossain, 1988;

19

Auwal & Singh, 1992; Shehabuddin, 1992; Mizan, 1993; Schuler & Hashemi, 1994; and
Wahid, 1994). However, these studies on the GB have been inadequate in at least two
ways. One, previous studies have been only cross-sectional and had little longitudinal
perspective. Thus they are methodologically inadequate. Two, a substantial shortcoming
of the research has been that the relationship between GB participation and women's

empowerment and inﬂuence on household decision-making has not been well studied.

A problem with cross-sectional studies is that it is diﬁcult to infer causality because the
studies do not compare the status of women before they joined GB and after they joined
GB. For example, one might ask, did the GB make women better oﬁ‘? Or, did better-oﬁ‘
women join the GB? The question that arises is whether there is a relationship between
women's empowerment variables and their decision to participate in GB in the ﬁrst place.
If this is the case, it suggests that a sample selection bias may have been present in
previous cross-sectional empirical studies comparing empowerment variables between

loanee and non-loanee women.

Prior studies often assume that by increasing incomes GB empowers rural women.
However, this may not necessarily follow because the husbands or other male family
members may still control the income. In some cases GB female members may even get
loans from the bank and hand the money to their husbands who actually make use of it,

perhaps with no appreciable beneﬁt for women's empowerment or quality of life.

20

Therefore, while eﬁ'ect on income is important, the present research will focus on how
increased access to credit aﬁ‘ects women's roles in household decision-making regarding
resource use and distribution, family planning practices, food consumption levels, and

literacy skills among women who have begun participating in the GB.

This study addresses these questions by tracking how measures of empowerment variables
may have changed over time for GB women loanees and by comparing these traits among
GB and non-GB women. The research will also test whether diﬁ‘erences in empowerment
characteristics exist between women who are currently seeking to participate in GB and
those who are eligible but are not seeking to participate. Thus, through a survey of three
categories of women — those who have been GB loanees for several years, those who are
about to receive their ﬁrst GB loans, and those who have never been GB loanees — this
research will try to improve upon the methodological weaknesses of previous GB studies,
as well as examine more thoroughly the relationship between GB participation and

women's empowerment.

CHAPTER H

LITERATURE REVIEW

The literature review is divided into ﬁve sections: (A) women's social and economic issues
in Bangladesh; (B) concepts of empowerment and empowerment issues facing rural
Bangladeshi women; (C) the GB program operations; (D) potential linkages among GB
services, women's empowerment, and community development; and (E) empirical

evidence of GB impacts in the literature.

Section A summarizes previous research that has been done on rural women's issues in
Bangladesh including: (1) background on women's status which includes social,
economic, and legal aspects; and (2) women's quality of life including fertility and family

planning practices, food consumption and health status, and education and literacy levels.

Section B is divided into four sections: (1) concepts and deﬁnitions of empowerment; (2)

empowerment variables used in the literature; (3) women's input into household decision-

making; and (4) the relationship between poverty and women's empowerment.

21

22

Section C gives background information on the operational activities of the GB, both its
ﬁnancial services and its social programs. Section D discusses theoretical links:
(1) between GB's services and women's empowerment; and (2) between GB services and
community development in rural Bangladesh. Finally, Section B will discuss evidence of
GB impacts found in the literature, including some shortcomings of other research done

on the GB.

ILA. Background on Women's Social and Economic Issues in Bangladesh

This section reviews literature pertaining to problems and issues aﬁ‘ecting women in rural
Bangladesh. The section is divided into: (1) status of rural women in Bangladesh; and
(2) women's quality of life including fertility and family planning practices, food
consumption and health status, and educational and literacy levels. This information will
provide a backdrop for the study and lay out the processes that shape the lives of the

millions of rural Bangladeshi women.

II.A.l. Status of Rural Women in Bangladesh

Rural Bangladeshi women generally have limited access to resources and are allotted a
position in society in which they lack the freedom and ability to make changes to improve
their lives. Regardless of whether these women are Muslims, Hindus, Christians or

Buddhists, they live in a male dominated society, and are restricted by social, economic,

23

and legal limitations. This section summarizes information in the literature regarding

women's social, economic, and legal status in Bangladesh.

II.A.l.a. Social Status

The social exclusion and inferior status of women are reinforced by religious practices in
Bangladesh, whether Islam, Hinduism, Christianity or Buddhism (discussed in detail in
section I.B.1). Some of these practices, for example purdah in Islam, have a direct impact
as tools of patriarchal control. Regardless of religious beliefs, most Bangladeshi women
are subjected to a highly patriarchal system. Women's dependence on men occurs
ostensibly as a means of protection for women in the patriarchal system. According to a
World Bank report (1990), a Bangladeshi woman's life is molded by the patriarchal,
patrilineal, and patrilocal character of the society. A woman throughout her life is
protected by either her father or husband and, in their absence, her son or a male relative.
A woman moves to her husband's household after marriage and her family identity changes

from her father's to her husband's.

The inferior status of women is emphasized from early on in a child's life. This idea of
women being inferior to men is sustained through behavioral roles assigned to girls and
women. When a girl is born in a village, there is seldom any celebration observed by
parents and relatives unless the girl is born after several surviving brothers. When a boy is

born in the rural areas, usually azan (call for prayer) is rendered in the local mosque. Such

24

is not the case when a girl is born. Only the birth of a son can bring a sense of security to
a woman in her husband's household (Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980). With the birth of
more sons, her security is reinforced, as sons provide social and economic security in her

old age when she becomes incapable of looking after herself (Alamgir, 1978).

According to Jorgensen's study in 1983, more than 52 percent of women were married at
or before the age of 15. About 4.1 percent married as early as 10 or before. Ten years
later, Olofsson (1993) found that the average marriage age for women had increased to
16. Jorgensen (1983) states that in Bangladesh the legal age of marriage for women is 16

and 18 for men. However, men usually marry when they are more than 20 years old.

Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) mention that in the rural areas marriages are invariably
arranged, and the father, older brother or some male relatives perform an important role in
the marriage deal. Dowry is part of a marriage deal and quite commonly practiced in the
rural as well as urban areas of Bangladesh. According to Jorgensen (1983), dowry can
include money, jewelry, and other material goods such as a bicycle or a radio. Families of
the bride must generate economic resources to pay for the dowry demanded by the groom
and his family. The woman's family may have to borrow at high interest rates or even sell

land to be able to meet the demands.

25

Wallace et a1. (1987) state that rural Bangladeshi women perceive themselves physically
and morally tied to their husbands and their in-laws. When a woman arrives in her father-
in-law's household after marriage, she has little status of her own. Her life is bound by the
"laws” of the males of the household, her husband and his father, and also by the
"demands" of her mother-in-law. In general, in the relationship between mother-in-law
and daughter-in-law in Bangladesh, the daughter-in-law holds an inferior position
(Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980; Wallace et al., 1987). A general belief in Bangladesh
indicates that a mother-in-law exerts power, for the ﬁrst time in her life, when the ﬁrst
daughter-in-law arrives in the household. Often the mother-in-law misuses the power by
mistreating and overworking her daughter-in-law. However, the authors point out that it
is more likely that the abusive behavior on the women is wielded by their husbands than by
their mother-in-laws. In terms of the inferior status of rural Bangladeshi women,
Westergaard (1983) conﬁrms it by pointing out that rural women in Bangladesh are
considered to have inferior positions in both the household and society at large. Olofsson
(1993) adds that a woman in Bangladesh is commonly "neglected" and considered a

”possession” of her husband.

In the rural areas, especially among the poor, divorce and remarriage are quite prevalent.
However, divorce tends to be less frequent among families of higher status as it is
perceived as bringing dishonor to the family, which may become an impediment to get

suitable partners for other daughters (Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980). Alarngir (1977)

26

emphasizes divorce, widowhood and separation are, or can be, a threat to the ﬁnancial and
social well-being of the poor rural woman. The status of women diminishes with the

death of her husband, even though she may have family to depend on economically.

Jorgensen (1983) stresses that men in rural Bangladesh use the threat of divorce as an
effective way of suppressing women. The most common grounds for divorce are
childlessness where the woman is held responsible, a conﬂict between the wife and the
husband's mother, or the wife's inability to meet her husband's sexual demands. Also, says
McCarthy (1978), if a woman cannot perform her domestic duties and responsibilities
because of ailing health she runs the risk of being divorced. Jorgensen speciﬁes that upon
remarriage, the woman's predicament may become worse than in her ﬁrst marriage. If she

becomes a man's second wife she may have a lower status than the ﬁrst wife.

According to Alamgir (1977), in rural Bangladesh, only marriage brings women status in
society. For this reason women who are widowed or divorced usually get remarried. For
women, remarriage alter the age of 34 decreases and becomes rare alter the age of 49.
However, remarriage for men is common at all ages. Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980)
mention that the dependency status of a woman remains unchanged even after she has
become widowed. The dependency shifts ﬁ'om her husband to her son or to some other
male relative after the death of her husband. Only a few women take up the role of the

head of the household. Women usually only take up the role of the head of the household

27

if they have no sons or other male relatives to look after them. Alamgir (1977) denotes

that if a poor woman does not have a son, in old age or in time of illness, she lacks

support.

II.A.l.b. Economic Status

In the peasant society of Bangladesh, a sharp gender division of labor in agricultural
production results in a hierarchy with women in inferior economic positions. The division
of labor distinguishes between operations that are performed outside the home (the men's
domain) and those that are performed inside the home (the women's domain). Men work
in the ﬁelds plowing, sowing, transplanting, harvesting and transporting the harvest home.
Women, on the other hand, conduct Operations that are usually done at home; for
example, post-harvest operations which include threshing, drying of grains, winnowing,
parboiling, husking and storage. Women also tend the animals, grow vegetables, look
after ﬁ'uits and do household work. Household work includes cooking, cleaning and
taking care of children (Khan, 1988; Westergaard, 1983; McCarthy, 1978). The women
are also responsible for potable water, fuel and primary health care. Yet, in Bangladesh
and many other developing countries, their work is often categorized merely as
"household labor” with little value attributed by development planners, and its importance

is not well-recognized in national development plans (Riker, 1983).

28

Post-harvest processing of food grains, as detailed above, is an important part of the
agricultural food production. Even though women actively participate in the processing of
food grain, mostly undertaken at home, their role in agriculture is still widely
unappreciated and under-rewarded (Wilber, 1978). The 1974 Bangladesh Census showed
96.15 percent of the agricultural labor force as male and 3.84 percent as female
(Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980). And ten years later, in 1984-85, 8 percent of the
agricultural labor force was categorized as female. These statistical data on women's
participation in agricultural labor force can be misleading since a study done in Bangladesh
on women's role in agriculture showed that 43 percent of the women who responded,
besides doing household work, also had agriculture as their primary occupation and an
additional 15 percent considered agriculture as a secondary occupation (World Bank

Report, 1990).

While previously the only women working outside the household were old, widowed or
divorced women forced to fend for themselves, recent trends in Bangladesh reveal a
diﬁ‘erent picture. The main reason for the change is the transition from a subsistence to a
wage-based agricultural system, coupled with the shortage of cultivable land and high
prices. Thus, far larger numbers of women, as well as children, are seeking work outside
the household (McCarthy et al., 1978). Because of the increasing poverty, many families
cannot aﬂ‘ord to stop women ﬁ'om working outside the home any longer (Olofsson, 1993).

Because of deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the rural economy, an increasing

29

number of men are migrating in search of wage income. As a result women are taking
responsibility for ﬁeld crop production of family land holdings and working on family
farms, in addition to their traditional roles in homestead agriculture and post-harvest crop

processing (World Bank Report, 1990).

Wage rates for women in Bangladesh, both agricultural and non-agricultural, are
substantially lower than those for men (Berger, 1987; Huq and Sultan, 1991). In the
agricultural area, the daily wage rate for women is half of men's daily wage rate.
Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) maintain that economic dominance by men is supported by
Islam. The sexual division of labor is speciﬁcally deﬁned by the religion and sanctiﬁes
male dominance. Islam behaves that man is the earner and woman is the server of man

(Cain et al., 1979).

Non-farm employment is often sought by poor migrant women as it is often less
demanding than farm work. A majority of these women work as domestic help on
wealthy farmsteads, or as labor in cottage industry and small industries. The Bangladesh
Manpower Survey of 1980 found that about 48 percent of women workers were engaged
in non-farm activities compared to 30 percent of men. Women also work in another area
of non-farm employment — the "specialized family-trade" including pottery, weaving, and
clothes-washing. The women play a role equal to the men in these trades, but are not paid

for their labor (Khan 1988).

 

 

30

II.A.l.c. Legal Status

According to Huda (1986), the laws in Bangladesh pertaining to women are
"comprehensive" and "adequate". However, these laws are there only in theory. To the
majority of the 80 percent of Bangladeshi illiterate and poor, these laws do not mean much
as they remain oppressed and exploited by the powerful. Bangladesh has criminal and civil
codes similar to most western countries; however, the country's social features such as
marriage, divorce and inheritance are governed by personal law. Personal laws are
founded on social values and religious belief systems (Alamgir, 1977). Personal laws
entail marriage, divorce, custody of children (Khan, 1988) and are essentially based on an
individual's religious background (Bhuyian, 1986). In the case of Muslims, personal law,
called ”Sharia", is founded on the Quran and Hadith (the sayings of Prophet Muhammed).
Even though civil laws are also used on some of the issues associated with the areas of
personal laws, it is diﬁcult to understand the logic behind the jurisdiction granted to each
area. For instance, the purchase or sale of property is covered by civil laws while the
inheritance of property is covered by personal laws (Khan, 1988). Under Muslim
inheritance law, women receive only half of the inheritance of their brothers. Most often,
women do not claim their share, opting instead for future support from their brothers in
exchange for their inheritance (Olofsson, 1993). Therefore, the practice of personal laws
prevents the establishment of a single collection of laws that may represent the legal status

of all Bangladeshi women (Alamgir, 1977).

31
The Constitution ensures equality. However, by making special provisions for women, it
recognizes that women are unequal, or inferior, to men. While being concerned about
women's vulnerability in society, the various laws also limit the opportunities for women

to be treated as equals in society (Khan, 1988; Noman, 1983).

Bhuiyan (1986) states that even though the constitution grants equal rights to women,
discriminatory conditions are present in legislation regarding marriage and divorce.
Notable changes have ensued from the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 and the
Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1982 amendments. Yet, a Muslim wife does not have
the "unilateral” right to divorce as her husband does. These ordinances have also
introduced restrictions on the practice of polygamy. Men who desire to take additional
wives are required to inform the chairperson of the Arbitration Council under the Muslim
Family Laws Ordinance of 1961. However, few men obey the law even though violators
are subject to punishment. Even if complaints are lodged by wives, due to legal and

socioeconomic obstructions, seldom do they obtain justice (Bhuiyan, 1986).

The law is also limited in its scope for protecting women from violence, especially
concerning incidents related to dowry. Disputes over dowry often result in violence and
even murder. For instance, in one highly publicized case, a woman's throat was slashed by
her brother-in-law and other family members because of non-payment of her dowry.

Because of such dowry-related violence, the Dowry Protection Act of 1980 was enacted.

 

#—

 

32

However, it has been very difﬁcult to prosecute successfully a case under this act and,

therefore, the act had little effect (Bhuiyan, 1986).

II.A.2. Women's Quality of Life in Rural Bangladesh
This section reviews literature pertaining to important factors affecting women's quality of
life, including: (a) fertility and family planning practices; (b) food consumption and health

status; and (c) education and literacy levels.

II.A.2.a. Women's Fertility and Family Planning Practices

A population explosion in Bangladesh has focused attention on the issue of women's roles
in family planning. In addition to causing population growth, early, frequent and closely-
spaeed child births are a major cause of female malnutrition (Kabeer, 1991). The issue of
why rural Bangladeshi women have so many children, and how this can be discouraged,

has become important (Young, 1993).

Many factors are suggested as causes for the high fertility rates in Bangladesh. Among
them is the lack of empowerment of women. For instance, Jorgensen (1983) indicates that
it is husbands who determine to limit the number of children, and usually only do so for
economic reasons. Women do not even question such decisions as the concept of

motherhood is deeply rooted in them. Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) also suggest that

 

33

women's subordinate role and a lack of communication between husbands and wives are

factors contributing to high fertility and low diffusion rates of family planning.

It is important to understand the cultural and other factors that affect the psyche of the
rural Bangladeshis, especially their attitudes towards having many children. Noman
(1983) believes that in rural Bangladesh the customs and traditions foster attitudes that are
negative towards childlessness and celibacy but are not negative towards large family
sizes. For example, Noman observes that a poor man may gather sympathy from others
for not being able to sustain a large number of children, but may not be censured for

having had so many children in the ﬁrst place.

High child mortality rates contribute to attitudes favoring large family sizes. Noman
(1983) found that child and maternal malnutrition, mortality, and children's diseases play a
role in the decision-making process regarding women's fertility behavior. She notes that
many rural women have eleven to twelve pregnancies just to ensure that some of the
children will survive. As one or two of these pregnancies are likely to end in miscarriages,

and two to three of these infants may die, women tend to value having more children.

Cain's work (1983) as referenced in Ahmed (1991), stresses the correlation between the
value of children to women and the resulting high fertility. Having sons can mean better

social and economic security in old age (Alamgir, 1977; Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980;

34

Jorgensen, 1983; Ahmad, 1991). Ahmad (1991) speciﬁes one reason for women to seek
male children for security is that women stay socially secluded and economically
dependent in the Bangladeshi society. Ahmad adds that this attitude develops partly
because daughters cannot contribute economically to their parents' households as they are

married oﬂ‘ at an early age. Male children, thus, represent longer term economic security.

Studies reveal that there is a correlation between age of marriage and fertility, although
these studies are not in complete agreement. The 1975 Bangladesh Fertility Survey
indicated that the average age of marriage for women was 13 in the rural areas as
compared to 14 in the urban areas of Bangladesh (Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980; Noman,
1983). Ten years later, Olofsson (1993) found that the average marriage age for women
had increased to 16. In addition, Noman (1983) reports that the marriage age level is
higher among women belonging to non-agricultural families than to agricultural families.
Marriage at such early ages increase the likelihood of high fertility rates. As Ahmad
(1991) points out, early marriage lengthens the reproductive phase of a woman and
thereby raises the likelihood of conception. Furthermore, an increase in marriage age may
help women to have more decision-making power in reproductive decisions as the women
will be more mature. However, Ahmad adds that the difference of age between wife and
husband can have a negative impact on fertility. Early age marriage may also lead to
higher fertility if it results in a large age gap between husband and wife. Ahmad (1991)

says that a large age gap between a couple can reduce their level of communication and

35

become an obstacle in a woman's ability to limit her fertility, even after the desired number
and sex of children is secured. Noman (1983) points out that the age difference between a

wife and a husband usually ranges from 7 to 12 years.

Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980), and Noman (1983) also found a strong correlation
between education and fertility. The Bangladesh Fertility Survey, as cited in Chaudhury
and Ahmed (1980) says that the use of "efﬁcient" methods of contraception increases with
the increase in educational level. They ﬁnd that the use of contraceptives increases with
education level from 15 percent for women with no education to 47 percent for women
with education between 1-9 years; to 71 percent for those with a master's degree.
Chaudhury and Ahmed also ﬁnd that fertility declines ﬁom 3.92 children for women with
no education to 3.36 children for women with 1-5 years of education, to 2.44 children for
women with 6-9 years of education, and to only 1.96 children for those women with 10 or

more years of education.

Noman (1983) observes that higher education and occupation status is associated with a
higher age level at ﬁrst marriage, which in turn is related to lower fertility rates. Noman
(1983) also mentions that a survey conducted among Dhaka University students found
that these students desire to have fewer children, with 39 percent regarding a two-child

family to be ideal, and 43 percent desiring a three-child family. These numbers diﬁ‘ered for

36

male and female students, however, as female students, on average, wanted 2.45 children,

whereas male students, on average, wanted 2.80 children.

Strong associations have also been found between employment and fertility. Noman ﬁnds
that in Bangladesh, the employed women have a lower fertility rate than non-employed
women. Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) assert that it is not simply a matter of whether a
woman works that inﬂuences her fertility rate, but also the sector of the economy in which
she works, her education, skills, occupation, income, work commitment, duration of
employment, and whether the employment is part-tirne or full-time. However, the cause
and effect relationship may not always be easy to determine: it may be that women who
have a small number of children or no children tend to employ themselves outside of the
home, or it may be that women who work outside the home tend to control their fertility

and to have fewer children (Chaudhury and Ahmed, 1980; and Noman, 1983).

Noman (1983) also found correlations between the legal status of women and fertility.
According to Noman, women's legal rights (i.e., rights to many at an older age, to
divorce, to have an abortion, to receive inheritance of property, etc.) are closely related to
women's fertility. For instance, Noman observes that having legal rights to property could
give women a feeling of security, which might otherwise be pursued through having more
children. Inequitable rights to inherit property for women, especially those without

education, provide them with incentives to produce more children. The more children

37

they have, the more likely it is they will have more male children who can inherit a greater

share of property and provide women with status in the family.

Several factors are found to be effective for fertility decline. A couple of them are
directed towards women: (a) the improvement of education and employment opportunities
for women; and (b) increasing women's participation in the public sector and in decision-
making process (Young, 1993). Schuler & Hashemi (1994) also indicate that women's
mobility (i.e., women's ability to travel outside their homestead) is an important factor in
their family planning decision-making. Studies show that fertility rate is more strongly
correlated to the educational level of women than to that of men. This indicates that
investment in women's education would have a greater effect on fertility control (Berger
and Greeley, 1987; Noman, 1983). In addition, it is found that investments in elementary
education bring higher returns than investments in secondary education (Berger and

Greeley, 1987).

A study conducted in a village of Bangladesh in the 19703 indicated that 86 percent of the
women had heard of family planning (Sattar, 1974). The study also revealed that 50
percent of the respondents believed in spacing children by two or three years. However,
another study found that while women had an interest in birth control, they considered
getting an opportunity to earn money to be a more important primary goal than practicing

family planning (Wilber, 1978). Furthermore, according to Tinker et al. (1982)

38

Bangladesh statistics indicate, contrary to popular belief, that the slightly better-oﬁ‘ are
more likely to practice family planning than their poorer neighbors. Both these ﬁndings
(Wilber, 1978; Tinker et al., 1982) suggest that increasing income-earning opportunities
for women may be a key step, along with fertility information and education, toward

attaining the goal of increased adoption of family planning practices.

II.A.2.b. Food Consumption and Health Status

Malnutrition is widespread in Bangladesh. According to a survey in nrral Bangladesh in
1982, about 76 percent of all rural households were calorie-deﬁcient and about 48 percent
were protein deﬁcient (Quanine, 1989). Another study indicates that only 5 percent of the
population eats an adequate quantity and quality of food, while 58 percent of the mral

population suﬁ‘er ﬁ'om malnutrition (Kabeer, 1991).

Malnutrition appears to be most pronounced among low-income groups, and within
households, among women and children. Nutrition deﬁciency among women is reﬂected
through anaemia, acute diarrhea, low learning and working ability, low resistance to
disease and stress, and a lack of overall physical and mental growth (N oman, 1983;
Quanine, 1989). The average weight of a Bangladeshi woman is approximately 40.90
kilogram. which is less than the average weight of women in most developing countries
(Khan, 1988). Noman (1988) indicates that in Bangladesh, on the average, men in the age

group of 20-39 consume 1047 grams of food daily while women in the same age group,

 

39

on the average, consume only 874 grams of food daily, even if they are pregnant or
lactating. This could be because, in Bangladesh, women are smaller in build as compared
to men. However, nutritional deﬁciency among women is more pronounced. Among

children, 19 percent of girls suffer from severe malnutrition as compared to 13 percent of

boys (Noman, 1988).

Iron and protein deﬁciency is common among approximately 85 percent of women. One
of the major causes of mortality among women is complication during pregnancy and
childbirth (Khan, 1988). A study by Kabeer (1989) shows that one of the major causes of
malnutrition among Bangladeshi women is early, frequent and closely-spaced pregnancies

which affect the already high level of malnutrition among women.

Gender and economic factors both play a role in causing female malnutrition. Inequitable
practices in the gender distribution of food within families involves serving males ﬁrst and
giving the choicest and the largest proportion of food speciﬁcally to adult males (Chen et
al. 1981; Kabeer, 1989). A study by Chen et al. (1981) reveals that this occurs despite the
fact that the women, not the men, and frequently the mother herself, who distributes food

during meals in the family.

The study by Chen et al. (1981) reveals that malnutrition is signiﬁcantly higher among

female children than among male children. They assert that this may result, in large part,

40

from substantial differences in the quality of food distributed among the children of
different gender within the family. The study concluded that there is a "consistent" and
"systematic” pattern of bias found against females of all age groups when it applies to food
consumption decisions. The factors attributed, in the study, to such gender-biased health
and nutrition behavior are the subordinate status, role, and labor opportunities of
Bangladeshi women. Adult sons, not adult daughters, are perceived as possible income
earners and therefore contributors to the net family income. Security for parents in old
age can also be a possible explanation. For long-term family security and well-being,
investing in girls does not seem to make sense as daughters will leave home after marriage,

thus shifting the human resource outside the immediate family (Chen et al., 1981).

A study by Rahman (1986) found that food consumption is correlated with family income
and also who earns it, who inﬂuences the expenditure pattern, and how much control the
women have on their "basic well-being”. Rahman mentioned that increased income
accorded women with "special status” within the household, leading other members to

become ”more conscious” of their ”comfort” and "well being”.

Health services are not easily available for the rural population of Bangladesh, and are
especially difﬁcult to access for women. Germain and Ordway (1989) indicate that for
approximately 40 million Bangladeshi rural girls and women, health services are not

readily available. Because of the demands of their daily struggles to survive, and often

41

because of the opposition of their husbands, in-laws or community leaders, their ability to

travel to clinics or other service providers is limited.

The Bangladesh government's national health policy has been mainly urban focused. The
poor health condition of Bangladeshi women has been attributed largely to malnutrition,
poor environmental sanitation, and shortages of medical services (Khan, 1988). A general
attitude of neglect, at the society and at the family level, contributes toward lower female

health status in Bangladesh.

II.A.2.c. Literacy and Education

According to a study in 1977, the literacy rate of women in Bangladesh was 13.7 percent
compared to 29.9 percent among men (Islam, 1977). Another study conducted in 1987
reveals that the rate of literacy was 18 percent for women compared to 40 percent among
men (Berger, 1987). These studies, if comparable, would suggest that male and female
literacy rates were increasing at about the same rate. But in both studies the female

literacy rate remains less than halfof the male literacy rate.

The school enrollment rate among girls in Bangladesh is low, especially in the rural areas,
as compared to boys. A study by Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) indicates that although
the enrollment of girls in Bangladesh has increased four and a half times at the elementary

level and 16 times at the secondary level since 1947, enrollment ﬁgures for girls remain

 

42

low as compared to boys. Out of the total enrollment in elementary schools in 1974-75,
34 percent were girls. And at the secondary level, 23 .4 percent of total enrollment were
girls. Among rural schools, out of the total enrollment, 62 percent were boys and 38
percent were girls, whereas in the urban areas 56 percent were boys and 44 percent were
girls. Also, according to Chaudhury and Ahmed, a national sample survey in 1978 shows
that 50 percent of the elementary level population (ages 5-9) were girls, and the rate of

attendance among girls was signiﬁcantly lower than that of boys.

In another study by Alamgir (1977), which compared urban and rural female literacy
based on 1974 Bangladesh census data, reported that the urban female literacy rate was
27.9 percent while the rural female literacy rate was 10.9 percent. The 1974 census
estimated that approximately 30 million women were illiterate despite the fact that there
are no legal prohibitions or restrictions for women to pursue formal education. The
reasons for the low rate of rural female literacy were: (1) social constraints; (2) inadequate
numbers of elementary schools; (3) lack of resources for paying costs of books, school,
supplies, clothes, etc.; (4) a shortage of adequate transport; and (5) an inadequate supply
of female elementary school teachers and girl's schools (as segregated schools are

preferred for girls) (Alamgir, 1977).

A study demonstrates that segregation of sexes in rural schools, enforced by the purdah

system, becomes a hinderance for girls to continue studies at puberty. Just as attracting

43

girls to elementary schools is a problem, retaining them over the period of ﬁve years is
also a problem. Social motivation for girls to continue participation in education is low
(Noman, 1983). Chaudhury and Ahmed's study (1980) indicates that most parents in the
rural areas do not see any economic value in sending their daughters to school. Most
rural parents hope their sons will provide them with economic support and shelter in their
old age, therefore it is more economically proﬁtable for boys to get education. Because
daughters will get married and leave their parental home, there is no economic gain for
parents to send their daughters to school. Chaudhury and Ahmed substantiate this
argument by drawing ﬁ'om a study which reveals that male respondents considered sons as
economic assets and did not think the same of daughters. The same study also found that

fathers preferred their sons to get secondary education but preferred their daughters to get

only primary education.

However, a study by McCarthy et al. (1978) claims there is a growing interest among rural
Bangladeshis to educate their daughters. The daughters are more marriageable if they are
educated. The education of girls gives the guardians of those girls a better bargaining
power to negotiate "strongly" with the families of "prospective" spouses than the
guardians of uneducated girls. The study also points out that the presence of educated

females brings status to a family as the percent of educated women is so small.

44

Alamgir (1977) reports that for the bulk of Bangladeshi women their education consists of
learning traditional skills at home. It is thought that the academically-oriented curriculum
offered at schools does not sufﬁciently prepare girls who attend school to perform either
their household work or to attain qualiﬁcations that would render them employable
outside their homes. Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) reveal that in rural Bangladesh girls
are considered valuable in household work. Girls begin to do household work (e. g.,
washing dishes and clothes, cleaning the house, gathering ﬁrewood, carrying water,
cooking and serving food, tending poultry, and taking care of younger siblings.) ﬁ'om as
early as ﬁve to six years of age. Parents consider these household activities as a training
ground for their daughters to become " good wives and mothers" in the future. According
to Chaudhury and Ahmed (1980) this argument is consistent with the belief in Bangladesh

that ”motherhood is the most desirable role of a woman."

A major reason for the low percentage of female literacy could be attributed to the fact
that the government of Bangladesh does not give much priority to education. Lovell
(1992) indicates the country invests only 2.2 percent of its GNP on education, about half
of the 4.4 percent in the South Asian region as a whole. Seventy percent of the
Bangladesh government's education budget is spent on the urban population (mostly on
higher education catering to an elite minority) despite 84 percent of the population's being

rural.

 

45

ILB. Empowerment Concepts and Issues Facing Women

This section of the paper addresses the concepts and different issues pertaining to
empowerment. The section is divided into several sections that include: (1) concepts and
deﬁnitions of empowerment; (2) empowerment variables in the literature; (3) women's
empowerment and household decision-making; and (4) the relationship between poverty

and women's empowerment.

II.B.1. Concepts and Deﬁnitions of Empowerment

Before discussing women's empowerment issues, the term "empowerment" needs to be
deﬁned. Empowerment is deﬁned by Holcombe (1995) as sharing control, and the
entitlement and ability to participate in inﬂuencing decisions regarding the allocation of
resources. According to Schuler and Hashemi (1994), empowerment is reﬂected in a
woman's relative physical mobility, economic security, ability to buy things on her own,
ﬁ'eedom ﬁom domination and violence within her family, and political and legal
awareness. Mehra et al. (1994) deﬁne empowerment as a very broad concept. On one
level, the concept includes factors that help women to have control over their lives
through self-conﬁdence, autonomy, decision-making capabilities. On another level,
empowerment can be seen as changing society's perception of women so that they become

capable of applying more control over their lives.

46

Batliwala (1994) says that the implication of women's empowerment for macro and micro-
level strategies needs to be clariﬁed. For example, on the issue of women's reproductive
rights, many of today's approaches to contraception and women's reproductive health
affect the practical needs of women — reduced birth rates or improved physical health.
What needs to be addressed are strategies that address issues of women's "position" —
issues such as male domination in sexual relation, and women's lack of control over their

sexuality (Batliwala, 1994).

Hall (1992) proposed an identity empowerment theory to explain clinical and social
processes essential for the empowerment of women. The theory suggests that adult
development is an expression of the perceived and behavioral environment in which people
live. Everyday social interactions between people are supposed to be negotiations of
values. And these values and beliefs treasured by people inﬂuence them as to who they
are and what they do. Ten sociological concepts have been deﬁned as "ever-expanding
views of self within society”. The breadth of the concepts ranges from the personal sphere
to society's larger social structures and institutions. These ten concepts include self, dyad,
triad, family, religion, deﬁnition of the situation, reference group, class, culture, and

society. Using the Identity empowerment theory for understanding their strengths and

weaknesses, women will be able to focus on long-term goals (Hall, 1992).

 

47

For the purpose of this paper, women's empowerment will be deﬁned as the ability and
freedom of women to make and act on decisions that affect the quality of their lives.
Variables which may indicate women's levels of empowerment include: (1) amount of
income; (2) participation in decision-making concerning the use and distribution of
household resources; (3) family planning practices; (4) food consumption indicators; (5)

literacy skills; and (6) socio-political awareness.

II.B.2. Empowerment Variables Used in the Literature

Several variables have been used in studies to measure women's empowerment. Rahman's
study (1986) builds a list of variables of women's empowerment based on indicators that
include: (i) income; (ii) employment status; (iii) consumption of basic necessities;
(iv) number and type of food items consumed by the husband and wife; (v) expenditure on
clothing; (vi) adoption of family planning; (vii) total birth rate and fertility rate;
(viii) importance of women in decision-making; (ix) whether women know the method of
preparing oral saline; (x) women who had cast votes in the last local election; (xi) women
who aspire for various levels of education for sons and daughters; (xii) preferred age of
marriage for daughters; (xiii) preferred occupation for sons; and (xiv) source of drinking

water.

The study by Schuler and Hashemi (1994) explores the effects of women's participation in

rural credit programs on contraceptive use and on variables related to women's status or

48

”empowerment". The variables used for the study were: (i) women's relative physical
mobility; (ii) economic security; (iii) ability to make purchases on her own; (iv) freedom
from domination and violence within her family; (v) political and legal awareness, and

(vi) participation in public protests and political campaigning.

Westergaard (1983) used several variables on empowerment including (i) inheritance,
(ii) possession of jewelry, (iii) decision-making in labor process, and (iv) decision-making

in family aﬁ‘airs.

II.B.3. Women's Empowerment and Household Decision-Making

A signiﬁcant variable used to measure women’s empowerment, as mentioned in the
previous section, is the importance of women in decision-making in the household. In a
study by Westergaard (1983), it was found that in Bangladesh, as in South Asia in general,
almost all the rural women studied were found to plan their own working day or decide
what to cook on a daily basis. However, they had little control in an important household
decision —— how to spend their household's cash income. Furthermore, in business matters
like production processes, hiring female labor, sending rice to mill for husking, and
deciding how much rice to sell or keep for family consumption, the majority of the women
left the decision-making to men. The study also found that even though decisions
regarding hiring female labor and whether or not to send rice to mill for husking involves

female labor processes, these decisions were made mainly by men.

49

This lack of decision-making power is exacerbated by women's lack of economic
opportunities. And because women do not participate in the decisions concerning their
lives as individuals, as wives, as mothers, as workers, as citizens, their status remains

subordinate to men (Farrnan-Farmaian, 1976; Noman, 1983).

There are an increasing number of rural women joining the agricultural labor force as
wage-earners, because of deteriorating socio-economic conditions. Additionally, cash-
loaning programs, such as those conducted by GB, have increased the role of rural women
in generating income for their families. Concomitant with the wife's economic
contribution to the family welfare, there seems to be an increase in her inﬂuence in
household decision-making (Mizan, 1993). However, this decision-making power of rural
women is dependent on various factors, socio-economic, cultural, and demographic. The
higher the earnings and level of education of women, the greater their power in household
decision-making (Ahmed, 1991; Mizan, 1993). Rural working women who are associated
with higher development areas (such as towns) have more decision-making power than

those ﬁ'om lower developmental areas (Nﬁzan, 1993).

Religion plays an important part in the household decision-making power of rural women.
In general, Hindu women, having higher rates of physical mobility and work participation

outside the home without being restricted by purdah, have a greater decision-making

power than Muslim rural women (Man, 1993). However, the role of women in decision-

 

50

making in areas outside the household has not increased substantially (Ahmed, 1991;
McCarthy, 1978). The rural male has a signiﬁcant and vital part in agricultural
production, especially in the pre-harvest strategic planning, family planning, and property

matters (Ahmed, 1991, McCarthy, 1978).

II.B.4. Relationship Between Poverty and Women's Empowerment
Poverty and lack of empowerment are closely linked and are mutually reinforcing.
Poverty reduces a woman's opportunities to empower herself, and a lack of empowerment

makes it more diﬁicult to overcome poverty.

Poverty can be deﬁned as a condition in which individuals or families are not able to have
the minimum goods and services required to maintain an adequate‘ level of living.
Chambers (1988) indicates that poverty correlates with the state of deprivation in a
population. He says that poverty can be deﬁned at different levels. At the basic level it
refers to physiological survival. At a slightly higher level it may encompass physical well-
being such as shelter, clothing, and sanitation. At a broader level, explains Chambers, the
concept of poverty can imply deprivation of intangibles such as powerlessness,

dependence, isolation, and self-esteem. By focusing on empowerment, this research seeks

 

It is recognized that "adequate" is a somewhat subjective term and what constitutes "an adequate
level of living" is not Imiversally agreed upon and is subject to debate.

 

51

to discover whether GB participation is associated not only with physical poverty factors

but also with these broader level poverty factors.

Yunus (1984) stresses that poverty is a condition in which poor people have to function
on a lean resource base, with little room to maneuver. Yunus gives an example of a poor
woman in Bangladesh who receives a pound of rice and a meal of leftovers in exchange
for a long hard day's work if hired by a farmer's family. Causes of such poverty, as
suggested by Chickering et a1. (1991), are technical deﬁciencies such as lack of skills and
the lack of opportunities. One of the basic problems is the lack of employment.
Chickering et al. explain that this is related to economic policies that slow down the export
sector, thereby reducing job opportunities and pushing people to seek work in the informal
sector. Empowering women by investing in them can help reduce poverty, according to a
World Bank study conducted in 1994. Encouraging women to participate in income
generating activities and promoting self-employment and empowerment among them is
proving to be a sound strategy for poverty reduction in some poor countries like

Bangladesh and India.

The increasing poverty in Bangladesh is forcing women to participate in different types of

work outside the home; for instance, agricultural activities, earthwork, vending, and

factory work. Huq and Sultan (1991) observe that in the traditional society of

 

52

Bangladesh, women's social status is considered inferior. Limited access to any type of

resources, primarily ﬁnancial resources, makes women especially poor.

Women also suffer more because poverty leads to an increase in rates of divorce,
remarriage and the desertion of families by male heads of households. Two Bangladeshi
censuses — one in 1961 and one in 1974 — showed that the divorce rate for women aged
15-19 years had increased during this period from 1.43 to 2.80. The statistics, however,
do not reveal the cause of the increase in divorces — i.e., whether the increased divorce
rate was the result of women's increasing awareness of their right to divorce, or whether
the women were left behind by their husbands due to economic distress (Chaudhury and

Ahmed, 1980).

Therefore, it is quite evident from published studies that poverty and empowerment of
women are very closely linked to each other. In the following section (Section II.C),
information on GB has been provided as a background to further studies on potential
linkages among GB services, women's empowerment, and community development, which

is presented in section II.D.

II.C. Background Information on GB

GB began operating in 1978 in Chittagong, a district of Bangladesh. GB is a development

bank which is not only involved in micro-lending but is also interested in promoting a

 

53

social agenda (Hubbard, 1994). This section brieﬂy describes both the bank's ﬁnancial and

social programs.

II.C.1. Financial Programs

GB operates in 34,243 villages in Bangladesh (Holcombe, 1995). The bank provides
credit for individual and collective business loans, as well as housing loans averaging $300
per dwelling, designed especially by and for GB clients. The bank also provides group
funds and emergency funds. Women make up about 91 percent of the total membership
(CASID, 1993). The bank strives to encourage group savings where each group must
start a Group Fund and every member of the group saves one Taka every week (Olofsson,
1993).2 The bank has a repayment rate of 98 percent (UN Document, 1991). This section
describes the process of group formation, the types of loans provided, and the

organizational structure of the bank.

Group Formation: The bank's operating methods call for bank workers to go to villages
and tell people informally about the procedures of the bank. Only members of families
owning less than 0.5 acres of cultivable land are eligible to apply to be members of the
bank. To obtain a loan, the person must form a group with four others who have a similar
economic and social condition. Each group then elects its own chairperson and a

secretary. Initially, only one person from a family can be a member. Gradually other

 

. The oﬁicial exchange rate is 40 Taka to one US dollar.

54

members of the family can become members of the bank (Olofsson, 1993). However, close
relatives or male and female members cannot be members of the same group (Kamal et al.,

1992).

Each group is responsible for holding weekly meetings. Several groups from the same
village hold a weekly meeting at a convenient day and time. Up to eight groups, or forty
members, form into a kendro or a center — a meeting place in the village constructed by

the members. The members elect a center chief and an assistant chief to serve for a year

(Kamal et al., 1992).

The method of lending employed by GB depends on peer pressure, and speciﬁc rigid,
rigorous procedures for providing loans to the poor without collateral (Sherman, 1989).

Loans are provided to individuals or to the center as a collective loan. Individual loanees
are responsible for her/his loan. However, if any member of a group defaults, no one in
the group gets a second loan (Olofsson, 1993; Kamal et al., 1992). The GB practices
rigorous discipline. Punctuality and attendance at weekly meetings is mandatory. The
bank trains members and explains its rules and regulations to the groups of members.

After a month-long training period, two members get loans. Two more members get their

loans a month later. Finally the last person gets the loan, usually the chairperson of the

group.

55

The loan is repaid in weekly installments of two percent of the loan at the weekly meetings
at the center. The installments are collected by GB workers at these centers. Instead of
having members visit the bank branch, the bank workers visit the members to explain the
procedures, disburse money, and collect repayments. According to Olofsson (1993 ), the

bank workers visit the members as most of the loanees are reluctant to go to the bank.

Types of Loans and Funds: Cheats of the bank may receive three categories of loans —
individual, collective, and housing loans; and two categories of ﬁinds — group and

emergency funds .

The individual loans are taken over a year and must be repaid in 50 weekly installments.
The interest must be paid two weeks after the last installment. The interest rate was 20
percent as of 1993, which was raised ﬁ'om 16 percent in 19913. On the average, about
2,000 to 3,000 taka is given as an individual loan, the limit being 10,000 taka. It is up to
the member to decide how much she will borrow and how she will invest. However, the
income generating activity in which the credit will be invested has to be approved by the
bank, as the bank wants to make certain that the principal is invested and not consumed

(Olofsson, 1993).

 

Uponbeingaskodbytheresearcherwhytheintcrestratewassohigh,aGB ofﬁcial repliedthatthis
was to cover the high operation costs of the bank The interest rate charged by GB, however, was
still lower than the exorbitant interest rates charged by moneylcnders.

56

The members of GB can borrow for joint enterprises. The collective loans are loans for
joint enterprises given to centers that have existed for three to four years, and are
generally between 20,000 and 100,000 taka, but they can be as high as 500,000 taka. The
interest rate on them is the same as individual loans. The collective loans also have to be
repaid in weekly instalhnents. Collective loans are approved at the zonal ofﬁce (Olofsson,

1993).

GB also gives house loans to its members for up to 18,000 taka. The house loans provide
members with capital to build a standard tin roof house. These loans are very popular
with the members. By February 1992, 123,515 houses were constructed with such house
loans (Olofsson, 1993). The interest rate for the house loans is 8 percent. The house
loans must also be paid back in weekly installments over a period of not more than ten
years. Table III below summarizes relevant data concerning individual, collective and

house loans.

Table [1.1. Types of GB loans

 

   

Average Loan Maximum Loan Repayment

   
   
   
  

Loan Type

 

 

(in Taka) (in Taka) Time
Individual 2,000-3,000 10,000 1 year
Collective 20,000-100,000 500,000 1 year

 

 

 

 

 

 

10 000 18,000 10 years _

 

57

The Group Fund works as a savings account where each member has to deposit one taka
every week. The group manages the account. A ﬁve percent mandatory deduction is
made when a member receives a loan. This is called a "group tax”. This is a payment
made by a member for receiving all the services provided by the bank, as well as for
building a reserve for the group. Individual members do not have claim to the group fund
as it belongs to all members. In the case of a medical emergency, to avoid starvation, or
to meet a social obligation, etc, the group members can withdraw from the ﬁnd with the
consent of others. This basically serves as a "mini bank" when cash is needed on short
notice. The availability of this ﬁnd guards them from having to go to moneylcnders
(Siddiqui, 1984). The group ﬁrnd deposits earn an interest rate of 8.5 percent annually.
When the saving of the group fund reaches 600 taka, the group is required to buy ﬁve
shares in the bank for 100 taka each. The members own 90 percent of the bank shares.
According to Olofsson (1993) GB is not only a bank for the poor but it is also a bank

owned by the poor.

GB provides another fund besides the Group Fund which is the Emergency Fund. The
Emergency Fund is fundamentally an insurance coverage in case of default, death,
disability or other accidents. Each loanee is charged 25 percent of the interest on her loan.
The Emergency Fund also provides coverage against loss or damage to livestock or crops.
The Emergency Fund has disbursed relatively few ﬁrnds to date. Presently it is

accumulating capital (F ugelsang and Chandler, 1993).

58

Organizational Structure: The bank begins at the grassroots level with the centers in
the villages (see Figure 11.1). About 50 to 60 centers are supervised by a branch which is
comprised of a branch manager, one senior assistant and seven bank workers. Each center
is within walking distance from the branch. Above the branch level is an area oﬁ'rce.
Usually ten branches constitute an area. The area manager is a senior omcer who has
been a branch manager before. The other staff of the area omce includes program oﬁicers
and personnel who oversee the statistics and accounts that are forwarded to the zonal
ofﬁce. A zonal level lies above the area level. There were ten GB zonal offices in
Bangladesh as of 1993, each located in a district capital. The zonal level corresponds with
Bangladesh's district level offices. The zonal ofﬁce has a staﬁ‘ of about 20, including
trainee omcers and program assistants. Finally, there is the headquarters of the bank

located in Dhaka, the capital of the country. The bank is a decentralized organization.

II.C.2. Social Development Programs

GB offers social programs that are administered through workshops held at the national
and local levels. Approximately 100 workshops are held annually in each of GB's nine
zones. These workshops are attended by selected members and the length of the
workshops may vary from a day to a week. During the workshops, the participants
discuss diﬁ‘erent issues such as family planning or livestock raising. The diﬁ‘usion of
knowledge takes place when the participant members go back to their centers and share it

with their fellow members (Olofsson, 1993).

59

seam-.8895 no 8...: Eon—owes:— 2353 2: he ceaseawac ﬂ: 9...»:—

 

     

moEmO
A<ZON

    

mUEmO
<mm<

 

 

mmmhﬁng-E

60

In its social programs, GB has developed a guide for loanee behaviors which is called the
”Sixteen Decisions”. The "Sixteen Decisions" is the basis for the GB's social welfare
constitution which it requires its members to agree to and follow (Auwal & Singhal,
1992). The ﬁrst decision contain four principles; discipline, unity, courage, and hard
work. Another edict includes the promise that people help each other. Another prescribes
to grow backyard vegetables year round. Another to eat plenty of vegetables and sell oﬁ‘
any surplus (Jeffs, 1993, Addis Tribune, 1995). Yet another promotes keeping families
small and educating children (Olofsson, 1993). GB's social development programs are
based on an overall approach which is educative, qualitative, and responsive (F uglesang

and Chandler, 1986).

II.D. Potential Linkages Among Grameen Bank Services, Women's Empowerment,
and Community Development
This section reviews literature discussing the potential linkages between GB services and

(1) women's empowerment; and (2) community development.

II.D.I. Potential Links Between GB Services and Women's Empowerment

As discussed earlier, a majority of women in Bangladesh suﬁ‘er ﬁ'om the lack
empowerment, as reﬂected by their limited physical mobility, economic security, ability to
buy things on their own, ﬁ'eedom from domination and violence within their families, and

political and legal awareness. In the traditional Muslim society of Bangladesh, women

61

have had no decision-making power to improve their status and their situation is
negatively inﬂuenced by social pressures supporting early marriage, over child-bearing,
illiteracy, and unemployment. However, as Hubbard (1994) noted, access to credit and
sensible use of credit may have the capacity to provide empowerment and improved
economic situations for low-income women. The ﬁndings of Schuler and Hashemi (1994)
support Hubbard's assertion. Their study determined that credit, in association with
solidarity groups and awareness raising, is believed to empower women by allowing them
to earn an income through diﬁ‘erent types of self-employment activities. It has been
assumed that women's ability to increase their contribution to family income can reinforce
their bargaining position in their household. This enables them to make independent
decisions and also participate in a more inﬂuential way in joint decisions. In their study it
was found that participation in GB programs is positively associated with women's level of
empowerment, as seen from higher levels of contraceptive use by GB members. Kabeer
(1994), for instance, ﬁnds that GB participation empowers women by raising women's
control over economic resources obtained through credit. Thus, by providing credit to
women who might otherwise have no access to credit, an organization such as GB can be
an important tool for empowering women. However, even though women may earn
money and own it, in the male-dominated society of Bangladesh they may not be able to
have complete control of ﬁnances. Given the societal context, it may take time to bring

change for women to have ﬁnancial control.

 

62

II.D.2. Potential Links Between GB Services and Community Development

The GB, it appears, is doing something more than merely enabling poor women to take an
active role in their families and neighborhoods. Indeed, the GB is engaged in community
development. Community development, according to Bennet (1973), is the conscious
effort by community people to work side by side to direct the future of their communities,
and the development of a parallel group of methods for aiding community people in such a
process. The basic aim of community development is to help people improve their social
and economic situation (Christenson et al., 1989). Dunbar (1972) adds that a succession
of community improvement occurs over time as a result of common endeavors of different
sets of people. The successive improvements made by this process is a ”discrete unit of
community development". These improvements meet human wants or needs. Fredrickson
(1975) indicates also that the process includes ﬁnding effective methods of helping and

teaching people to adapt new methods and to learn new skills.

The goals of GB's social development agenda and micro-lending programs coincide with
these deﬁnitions of community development (i.e., GB aims at helping rural Bangladeshi
communities, particularly women in these communities, improve their social and economic
situation). Therefore, by empowering women through its ﬁnancial and social programs,
the GB can potentially play an important role in promoting community development in
rural Bangladesh. The members of the bank make an eﬁ‘ort to work together in guiding

the future of their communities. The improvements they make through the process can

63

help them to meet their wants and needs. Also GB's attempt to help and teach women
members to adapt new methods of savings and learn the skills of ﬁnancial management ﬁts
the deﬁnition described above of "the development of a parallel group of methods for

aiding community people in such a process.”

A community involves several components: (1) people (2) within a geographically
bounded area (3) involved in social interaction and (4) with one or more physiological ties
with each other and with the place they live. (Christenson and Robinson, Jr., 1980). The
fundamental building block of community is people coming together in a geographical
setting with a common interest to improve their lot. The GB is thus a community-building
organization, as it is designed to bring together women living within a common
geographical area (i.e. the same village) and involve them in social interaction together
(both through their ﬁnancial interaction and participation in meetings) to engage in an

activity which beneﬁts their common interest.

11E. Discussion of Empirical Evidence of GB Impacts in the Literature

Several studies (Rahman, 1986; Hossain, 1988; Auwal & Singh (1992); Shehabuddin,
1992; Mizan, 1993; Schuler & Hashemi, 1994; and Wahid, 1994) have been conducted to
measure the eﬁ‘ect of loans taken from GB on women's empowerment in terms of income
generation, decision-making in the household, food consumption and education. These

studies have generally reported positive effects. For instance, a World Bank study (1994)

 

64

reports that a recent evaluation of GB's credit shows that it had a substantial economic
impact among its women participants, with their income increasing more than that of the

non-participants.

Another study conducted by Hossain (1988) on GB borrowers' perceptions of changes in
their economic condition found that 91 percent of borrowers thought that the bank had a
positive eﬁ‘ect on their standard of living. Only 1.9 percent said that their economic
condition worsened after joining the bank, and 5.7 percent reported that it did not make

any diﬁ‘erence in their living conditions (Hossain, 1988).

In addition, Wahid (1994) found empirical evidence suggesting "that the bank's credit
program has signiﬁcantly improved the socioeconomic conditions of its borrowers. "
Wahid concluded that the GB is "one of the most successﬁrl attempts to involve women in
economic activities. . .. (and) has brought an extraordinary opportunity of women's
emancipation in Bangladesh.” Even though GB helped increase income, there is not
enough evidence to show that GB has inﬂuenced women to have complete control of the

ﬁnances generated by them.

Rahman (1986), in her study on GB women, indicates that women's income generation
activity has a positive inﬂuence on their lives and attitudes. She stressed that as women

begin to earn income and organize economic activities, they tend to have an increasing

65
inﬂuence in family decision-making regarding income expenditure. Also, Rahman reports
that increased income accorded women with "special status" within the household,
leading other members to become "more conscious" of the "comfort" and "well being" of
the female loanees. She notes though that in the household, the husband and wife may

have different key roles to play.

Rahman (1986), gathered data to understand women's role in the household
decision-making with respect to: (1) daily food purchases; (2) purchase of clothing;
(3) type of treatment used in diseases; (4) travel to relatives; and (5) marriage of sons or
daughters. The study classiﬁed the responses into two groups. Group 1 included wives
who were considered important decision-makers as indicated by decisions being made
either: (1) mainly by the wife; or (2) with equal cooperation between wife and husband.
Group 2 included wives who were not decision-makers, as indicated by decisions being
made: (1) entirely by the husband; or (2) mainly by the husband. The study revealed that
the women loanees were more in control of decision-making than the wives of the men
loanees. Another study done in Bangladesh on GB (Mizan, 1993) supported this ﬁnding.
It showed that a wife's work, income, and duration of work has an impact on a woman's

decision-making power.

Rahman (1986) in her study explained that school education, as expected, was not high

, among the women loanees of GB — 25 percent of the women had an education of

66

elementary or slightly higher level. Only 0.2 percent (i.e. one woman out of a sample of
534) had Secondary School Certiﬁcate (equivalent to the High School Graduate level)
education. Ralunan's study did not measure whether GB involvement increased the level
of literacy among the women clientele over time. However, most women loanees were
found to be able to sign their names. This was primarily because members of the GB are

expected to learn to sign their names when they join the bank.

An analysis of the impact of GB activities on the nutritional status of women loanees
found that GB female participants in most cases have higher food intakes than the
members of the control group. However, while female loanees have higher food intake
than non-loanee females, the gap between the intakes of male and female members of GB
households is higher than the male/female gap for non-GB households (Ralunan, 1989).
The indicators used in the study to measure food consumption were the numbers and
types of food items consumed by the husband and wife during the last day and during the
last week (which included the number of days they had one, two or three meals). The
types of food indicated the variety of food they consumed. The assumptions were that a
higher number of meals, and/or a greater variety of foods in the diet, indicate a better
standard of food intake and nutritional status. The number of meals taken the day before
was higher among the female loanees. Also, the types of food consumed by the female

loanees improved slightly but not at the cost of the male members of the household.

67

Regarding family planning, Rahman (1986) found that the practice of family planning was
higher among GB participating households than among non-participants. However, the
percentage of family planning adopters was higher in households with male loanees than in
those with female loanees. Rahman used as determinants of fertility: age of marriage,
breast feeding, abortion, and contraceptive use. Rahman found that the GB effectively
inﬂuenced its members only in terms of contraceptive use. She said that the other three

determinants are deeply rooted in the socio-cultural belief system.

Auwal & Singh (1992) also found the rate of family planning practice among the GB
female loanees to be signiﬁcantly higher than the national average. Likewise, Wahid
(1994) also points out that female participants tend to want to have fewer children than

non-participants.

Auwal and Singh (1992) show that GB women are more serious about the credit program
and save more and default less than men. On the social level, participation in GB
programs aimed at raising women loanees' awareness regarding social, health, family
planning and literacy issues is having a positive effect on women. Women are found to be
treated with more respect at home and outside now. For example, women's mobility
outside has increased signiﬁcantly and cases of wife-beating among members were less.
The study ﬁrrther details that more GB female participants can get their daughters married

. without dowry. These women now travel to other villages to work. Thus, Auwal and

68

Singh conclude that the involvement of women participants in the GB's credit program has

made an initial step toward helping rural Bangladeshi women acquire empowerment.

Huq & Sultan (1991) in their study list several "lasting changes" in the lives of the women
participating in GB. The authors discuss the effects in the economic and social spheres.
In the economic area, some of the effects include: (1) women doing transactions with a
formal institution on their own without having to depend on their male family members;
(2) women generating savings through the mandatory weekly savings requirement with
access to their savings by them only; and (3) group membership providing an opportunity
for the women to interact with other women and to learn about banking and investment.
The social impacts include: (1) increase in physical mobility of the women; (2) as a result
of greater mobility, improved conﬁdence of women which has led to increased
participation in household decision-making; (3) through groups, centers and workshops,
access by women to more information, knowledge, organizational skills and increased
social interaction; and (4) interaction with other women sharing the same lifestyle as theirs
making women aware that they belong to a larger community and helping develop a sense

of community and solidarity with other female members.

While the results in the literature are positive with respect to the impacts of the GB, there
have been inadequacies in these studies. A common problem of these studies has been

that they have not measured these variables for the loanees of GB before taking the loans.

69

For instance, studies comparing incomes between loanees and non-loanees (the control
group) have not compared current income levels with those prior to the loanees joining
the bank. The question that arises is whether there is a relationship between women's
empowerment variables and their decision to participate in GB in the ﬁrst place. If this is
the case, it suggests that a sample selection bias could have been present in previous
cross-sectional empirical studies comparing empowerment variables between loanee and

non-loanee women.

As a result, in these cross-sectional studies, it is difﬁcult to infer causality because of the
possibility of sample selection bias. In other words, researchers are not able to answer
whether the GB made women better oﬁ‘, or whether better-off women joined the GB? An
example can be seen in Wahid (1994). Wahid reports that "while an average person
consumed 706 grams of food per day in 1981-82, a non-GB member consumed 789 grams
of food per day in 1986, and a GB member consumed, on average, 857 grams per day in
1986. " This superﬁcial attempt at incorporating a longitudinal perspective is inadequate.
Because the 1981 group was not divided into members and non-members, researchers still
cannot determine whether or not those who became GB members were already better oﬁ‘

at the outset, and thus have not solved the sample selection bias problem.

Schuler and Hasherrri (1994) recognized the inherent problems of selection bias. They

, point out, for example, that some women are not permitted by their families to join

70

programs such as GB. This would suggest that the relatively more empowered women
would be more likely to join. Also they point out that the GB personnel "may recruit a

slightly better-oﬁ' section of the very poor."

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH PLAN

This section describes the methods for conducting the research. It will discuss: (A) the
research approach; (B) design of the questionnaire: (C) selection of the research sites;
(D) selection of the sample; (B) data collection; (F) data entry; and (G) the research time

table; (H) hypotheses to be tested; and (I) variables to be considered.

IH.A. Research Approach

Ideally, one would like to test hypotheses regarding the impacts of the GB on women by
using a panel data set comparing changes in empowerment variables among the three
categories of women — those who have been GB loanees for several years, those who are
about to receive their ﬁrst GB loans, and those who have never been GB loanees. Such a
panel data approach could address problems of causality, such as deciding whether
changes in measures of empowerment variables associated with GB participation result
ﬁ'om the GB program, or instead from initial diﬁ‘erences in characteristics between GB
loanees and control groups. This research originally intended that such a panel data
approach could have been done by following up on an extensive household data set

collected by the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS) in collaboration

7l

72

with International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Unfortunately this data set,
which would have made such an analysis possible, was apparently completely erased along

with the original questionnaires and household sample lists.

Therefore, this study has to attempt "next best" methods for addressing the research
hypotheses. This approach will be based on surveys of women in GB villages (some who
are GB participants and some who are not). The respondents are asked about household
income generation, women's decision-making initiative concerning the use and distribution
of household resources, family planning practices, household food consumption, literacy,
education, and socio-political awareness. The respondents are grouped into four
categories: (i) GB members for ten years; (ii) GB members for ﬁve years; (iii) GB
applicants; and (iv) a control group of villagers who satisfy the conditions for GB
participation but who have not applied. Though this approach does not meet the preferred
standards of a panel data approach, combining cross-sectional and longitudinal aspects is

an improvement over simpler cross-sectional approaches.

Both qualitative and quantitative analysis will be used for the study. Descriptive statistics
will be given on percentages, means, and frequencies, and cross-tabulations will be done
comparing data for different variables among the different sample groups. Results

compare: (1) current loanees to current non-loanees; (2) current loanees having diﬁ‘erent

73

lengths of participation; (3) changes in variables among loanees ﬁ'om the time of their

initial participation; and (4) current applicants for GB loans to eligible non-applicants.

III.B. Questionnaire Design

The researcher developed the entire questionnaire in Bangladesh. With contributions ﬁ'om
research scientists in the Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute (BARI), the BIDS,
and the GB, initial drafts of the questionnaire were developed. A pilot test was then
conducted prior to carrying out the actual survey. The pilot test helped eliminate certain
questions deemed unnecessary, as well as add questions not included earlier. For current
GB loanees, questions were asked about both their current situation as well as their
situation at the time of their initial participation. The questionnaire includes some
questions which correspond to questions asked on the initial application forms ﬁlled out by
GB participants in addition to many other questions. The questionnaire was written in

Bengali, the native language spoken throughout Bangladesh.

III.C. Site Selection

Two village sites were chosen in which GB branches were located. The two villages
where the research was conducted, Borongail and Elashin, are located in Manikganj and
Tangail districts respectively, and are each approximately 100 miles outside of the capital
city, Dhaka. Two reasons for selecting these sites were: (i) the research required a group

of subjects to be GB members for ten years and the two branches were selected from a list

74

of GB branches that had members for at least ten years; and (ii) limited time and
availability of transportation and housing necessitated selecting sites relatively close to the
capital city. It is important to note here that not many of the GB Branches have been

operating for more than ten years in the vicinity of Dhaka.

IH.D. Sample Selection

A survey was conducted on a sample of 120 women (See questionnaire in Appendix A).
As described earlier, the respondents were divided into four groups — those who have
been GB loanees for ten years, those who have been GB loanees for ﬁve years, those who

are about to receive their ﬁrst GB loans, and those who have never been GB loanees.

A list of bank members who have been taking credit for ﬁve and ten years was collected
ﬁ'om the village branch oﬁces. Fifteen members from each category were selected
randomly in both the branches. The process of random selection involved picking out any
number from one to ten. The number eight was the randomly chosen number. Therefore,
every eighth person on the list of members of ten and ﬁve years was picked until ﬁfteen

members for each category were selected.

The applicant group and the control group were, of course, selected differently. For the

applicant group, a list of applicants ﬁ'om each branch was compiled by the branch ofﬁce

75

and given to the researcher. Each list contained approximately thirty applicants and the

ﬁrst ﬁfteen applicants were selected from each of the lists.

Identifying a group of ﬁfteen women to be a control group in the locality of each village
was the most dimcult group to select. The dimculty arose because the deﬁnition of the
control group required that women, or their families, own less than one pakhi of land in
order that they represent those women who satisfy GB's eligibility criterion.‘ As it turned
out, most women eligible for the control group were either already members or had
applied for membership in the GB. The women who did not fall under either of the
categories, generally, had more than one pakhi of land which made them in-eligible to join
GB. Because of their limited number, the ﬁrst ﬁfteen women who were identiﬁed with the
help of GB ofﬁcials and other community members as qualiﬁed to be in the control group

were selected.

III.E. Data Collection
Two women enumerators, residents of the villages in which the branches were located,
were hired to assist in conducting the survey. The women enumerators were well versed

with the local dialects and had fairly good interviewing skills. Both of the enumerators

 

ApakhtisthecommonmeasureusedforlandinBangladesh Onepakhiisequaltoapproximately
56decimalsofland

76

had a Bachelors degree. The enumerators were selected out of a number of prospective
candidates. Both enumerators were given short intensive training on the procedures for
interviewing. Initially, the researcher monitored the enumerators closely so as to check
their accuracy in interviewing as well as progress made. Once the researcher became

conﬁdent of the enumerators' performance, they conducted the interviews by themselves.

With the sample list, the enumerators and the researcher went to the homes of the women
to interview them. Often the women would be interviewed on the bank premises if the
women happened to be there to collect their loans. Occasionally a number of the sampled
women ﬁ'om the same neighborhood would be requested to be present in the village bank

centers in a group, where they would then be interviewed separately.’

The enumerators, speaking the local dialect of Bengali, were able to make the questions
easily comprehensible to the women interviewed. The questions that the respondents had
diﬁculty understanding were repeatedly explained to them until clearly understood.
Measures were taken to minimize outside inﬂuence on and interference with the responses
of the women surveyed. For instance, the respondent was taken into an isolated part of

the house, either in a room or in a corner of the yard away from other adult members of

 

Centers are places where the regular meetings and the weekly loan distributions by the bank are
held

77

the household. Only small children were allowed to be present with the respondents. It
was made certain that the spouses of the respondents were not present during the

interview.

HI.F. Data Entry and Analysis

The data were entered on computer using the SPSS/PC statistical package. The mean and
standard deviation of the different variables were calculated across the four groups of
women surveyed: (i) ten-year loanees; (ii) ﬁve-year loanees; (iii) new applicants; and
(iv) the control group. From these results, cross-tabulations using chi-square analyses
were done to ﬁnd the mean values of the relevant variables for each of the four groups of
respondents. The speciﬁc cross-tabulations are discussed in the Results Section. No
SOphisticated statistical tests like regressions were done because the data of this study are
not 'continuous'. Given that the data of this study are nominal, the use of cross-tabulations

were suﬁcient to shew the signiﬁcance levels of the variables.

HLG. Time Table

The ﬁeld research was conducted over a period of approximately three and a half months.
About three weeks was spent getting acquainted with the GB operation, becoming
familiarized with past and current GB records, and identifying subject villages. The next
month and a half was spent developing the questionnaire as well as visiting the research

sites. The following two weeks were spent hiring and orienting the women enumerators,

78

and pre-testing and modifying the questionnaire. The next month was used for the
interviews. The researcher transcribed, entered, and analyzed the data at Michigan State

University (MSU), after returning from Bangladesh.

IH.H. Hypotheses

This study tests the following hypotheses"

(1) Hypothesis 1.
Among Bangladeshi women who meet GB eligibility requirements, the level of
participation in the GB is associated with higher levels of economic and social
empowerment as indicated by measures of income generation, decision-making
power, family planning practices, food consumption, and literacy skills.

(ii) Hypothesis II.
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of
empowerment than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not applied.

(iii) Hypothesis III.
The 10-year GB loanees will exhibit more empowerment characteristics than the

5-year GB loanees.

 

The hypotheses use the term "higher". What is meant by this normative term diﬂ‘ers for different
research variables. For example, more education will be considered "higher" empowerment level
than less education On the other hand, less expectation of dowry will be considered "higher"
empowerment level than more expectation of dowry. These variables are discussed in more detail
in the next section.

79

111.1. Variables to be Considered

This section discusses the variables that will be used in the study. The variables discussed
include deﬁnitions at the conceptual as well operational levels. The variables are:
( 1) income generation; (2) household decision-making initiative; (3) family planning;

(4) food consumption; and (5) literacy.

1111.1. Income Generation

Conceptual Definition: Income generation consists of two categories: (1) money
income; and (2) non-money income. Money income helps one acquire the goods and
services one needs or wants through several sources, e.g., wages and salary, returns on
investments (rent, dividends), pensions, loans, etc. Non-money income helps one to
acquire the goods and services one needs or wants through ﬁinge beneﬁts, home
production (activities one would do by oneself instead of hiring another person), bartered

goods and services, etc.

Operational Definition: The operational deﬁnition in this study is the total income
reported by women ﬁ'om wages, sales of goods and services, and production of food for
home consumption, and the availability and use of investment capital. To gain a
perspective of changes over time, loanee women were asked questions regarding their

income at the time of their initial GB participation. Translated English questions,

80

originally asked in Bengali, include: (1) are you dependent on highest-interest money
lenders?; (2) how much business capital do you have?; (3) are you participating in income
generating activities?; (4) if so, what type of activities and how much do you earn from
these activities?; (5) are you engaged in poultry growing?; (6) are you engaged in fruit and
vegetable growing and how much do you earn ﬁom selling them?; and (7) are you

investing the GB loan in agriculture?

111.1.2. Household Decision-Making Initiative

Conceptual Definition: This variable of decision-making is deﬁned as the inﬂuence
women have in the use and allocation of household resources. The decision-making
process for the use and distribution of household resources has, in general, been the
domain of men in Bangladesh (Westergaard, 1983). A research question is whether
women, as they increasingly participate in income generating activities, have greater

inﬂuence in deciding how household resources are used and distributed.

Operational Deﬁnition: Operationally, decision-making initiatives are measured by
responses to questions, such as: (1) who decides on daily purchases of food?; (2) who
decides on purchase of clothes?; (3) who decides on how much income to save?; (4) who
decides on allocation of income for important purchases like land or a house?; (5) who

goes to the bank to withdraw and deposit money earned by the women through their GB

81

income generating activities?; and (6) are some household expenditures oriented towards

satisfying personal needs or personal wants of the women?

111.1.3. Family Planning

Conceptual Deﬁnition: The percentage of men and women practicing family planning is
very low in Bangladesh. According to Westergaard (1983) even though the majority of
the women are aware of family planning, only a small percentage of the women practice it.
In many cases this is because of the husband's preferences, rather than the wife's. “Ger
(1978) has demonstrated a linkage, among low-income Bangladeshi women, between
acceptance of family planning and an increase in income. She found that the husband's
desire to continue receiving added income leads to the decision to allow the wife to
continue producing income. This, in turn, leads to the decision to avoid pregnancy to
allow the woman to work and hence, the acceptance of family planning. This research will

test whether this linkage is evident for GB female participants.

Operational Definition: The decision-making inﬂuence on family planning is deﬁned as:
(1) whether women have any say in adopting birth control methods; (2) whether birth
control methods are used, what types are used, and by whom; and (3) the time between

child births.

82

111.1.4. Food Consumption

Conceptual Definition: Because of a lack of a daily balanced diet, a large proportion of
the women in Bangladesh are malnourished. A balanced diet should include adequate
daily supplies of protein, carbohydrates, fat, vitamins and minerals (Rahman, 1989). In the
daily diet of poor women in Bangladesh, most of these nutrients are not consumed in
adequate amounts. Their limited choices force them to eat whatever is available. The
inadequate supply of nutrients in the diet leads to anaemia, low learning and working
capacity, low resistance to disease and stress, and a lack of proper mental and physical

development (Quanine, 1989).

In addition to the physiological causes, malnutrition can also be attributed to social causes.
In Bangladesh women are the last to eat at meals. Women, in general, make sure that the
men and children of the household are fed ﬁrst. Often, only the leftovers are there for
women to eat (Rahman, 1989). The nutritional level of the poor women is thus
inadequate. In addition, much evidence shows that women are more likely than men to
spend household income on food for the family (Yunus, 1992). This research tests the

relationship between participation in GB and women's food consumption.

Operational Deﬁnition: This variable of household decision-making is deﬁned as:
(1) what types of food are cooked daily?; (2) how many meals eaten daily?; (3) has the

quality of food intake improved since joining GB?; and (4) are adequate amounts of food

83

available for consumption every day by the women after feeding the rest of the household

members? Only categories (2) and (3) were tested in this study.

IH.1.5. Literacy/Education

Conceptual Deﬁnition: The majority of Bangladeshi women are illiterate. Poor women
are the least educated. Most women, if they can sign their names and read a little, are
considered somewhat literate. The women who are aware of the importance of education
in life and are willing to learn at the adult education centers would be considered potential
learners. Also women who view education as important and would like their daughters to
have a better life through education are the women who feel their daughters might need to
support themselves (Westergaard, 1983). This research will explore how GB participation

is related to women's literacy and education level.

Operational Deﬁnition: Women's levels of literacy and education will be indicated by:
(1) actual ability to read and write; (2) ability to sign their names; (3) number of years of
schooling; (4) ability to calculate; (5) who keeps accounts in the household?; (6) how are
accounts kept in the household?; (7) desire to send children to school; (8) number of years

of sons/daughters education; and (9) are tutors hired for children?

34
111.1.6. Health Awareness
Conceptual Deﬁnition: The poor health condition of Bangladeshi women has been
attributed largely to malnutrition, poor environmental sanitation, and shortages of medical
services (Khan, 1988). For approximately 40 million rural girls and women, health

services are not readily available (Germain and Ordway, 1989).

Operational Definition: The variable of health awareness is deﬁned using several
categories: (1) level of awareness on basic health related information; (2) how many health
practices are followed; (3) major source of drinking water; (4) major source of cooking
water, (5) boiling drinking water; (6) garbage disposal; (7) immunization of children;

(8) type of toilet used; and (9) where does the family go for treatment?

1111.7. Socio-political Awareness

Conceptual Definition: One of the levels of empowerment for the rural woman is
deﬁned as the function of socio-political awareness. This function measures her ability to
interact effectively in the public sphere (Schuler and Hashemi, 1994), including areas
concerning both social (e.g., a son's or daughter‘s marriage, and inheritance) and political

(e.g., membership in oﬁcial groups) situations.

Operational Deﬁnition: The study includes several variables that are used in deﬁning the

socio-political awareness among the poor rural women. In the area of social awareness,

85
the variables are: (1) attitude regarding children's marriage; (2) expectation of dowry at
son's wedding; and (3) attitudes regarding inheritance. In the area of political awareness,
the variables used are: (1) membership in the Union Committee; (2) membership in an
arbitrary committee; (3) assistance sought from political/administrative/village leader for

help to resolve problems; and (4) visit to a political leader for assistance.

1111.8. Empowerment

Conceptual Deﬁnition: Holcombe (1995) deﬁnes empowerment as sharing control, and
the entitlement and ability to participate in inﬂuencing decisions regarding the allocation of
resources. Empowerment has also been deﬁned as a woman's ability to move around
physically, economic security, ability to purchase things on her own, ﬁeedom ﬁom
domination and violence within her family, and political and legal awareness (Schuler and

Hashemi, 1994).

Operational Deﬁnition: Empowerment is a composite variable incorporating measures
of: (1) decision-making power regarding varied issues; (2) mobility; (3) satisfaction of
personal needs; (4) income generation; (5) literacy/education; (6) health awareness; and
(7) social, political and legal awareness. Empowerment regarding family planning
practices has been compiled under 'decision-making power regarding varied issues'. The

survey questions used in this study to measure these variables are as follows:

86
(1) Decision-making:
— Decision-making in the household (HH)
0 who decides on purchase of daily groceries?
0 who decides on buying/selling valuable objects in the HH?
0 who decides on the purchase of family clothing?
0 if disagreement occurs in the HH, who makes decisions?
0 who makes decisions regarding I-II-I savings?
0 who makes decisions regarding HH expenses?
— Decision-making on family planning
0 who decides whether to use contraceptives?
0 who decides what contraceptive methods to use?
— Decision-making on mobility
0 who makes the decisions about when to visit the woman's parents?
— Decision-making regarding children's weddings
0 who makes decisions on your daughter's wedding?
(2) Mobility:
— Mobility outside of the homestead
0 do you go outside of your homestead?
0 if you do go outside, where do you go?

0 how often do you go outside of the homestead?

87

(3) Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs/Desire:
— Expenditures on personal material needs and desire
O are some of your HI-I expenditures oriented toward satisfying your personal
material needs?
0 are some of your HI-I expenditures oriented toward satisfying your personal
non-essential material desire?
(4) Income-generation:
— Assets and income-generation

0 do you own/rent any land?
0 what is your annual family income?
0 what are your total expenditures?
0 what are your total savings?
0 what amount of capital invested at present?
0 do you own livestock/poultry?
0 if yes, how many?
0 do you grow vegetables/fruits?
0 how loans ﬁom GB have helped you in this?
0 do you plan to increase the number of cattle in the ﬁxture?
0 do you plan to take more loans from GB in the ﬁrture?

(5) Literacy/Education:

— Woman's literacy/numeracy level

88
O can you calculate?
0 who keeps accounts in the HH?
0 how do you keep accounts of the HH?
0 can you sign your name?
0 how many years of schooling?
— Interest in children's education
0 are you interested in sending your children to school?
0 how many years have your sons/daughters studied in school?
0 do you hire tutors for your children's education?
(6) Health Awareness:
—— Awareness of basic health practices
0 what is the level of awareness on basic health related information?
0 how many health practices are followed?
0 what is the mq'or source of your drinking water?
0 what is the major source of your cooking water?
0 do you boil water before drinking?
0 where do you throw your garbage?
0 what kind of toilet do you use?
0 are your children immunized?

0 when family members get ill, where do you go for treatment?

89
(7) Social, Political and Legal Awareness:

— Attitudes regarding children's marriage
0 at what age did sons/daughters get married?
0 If children not married yet, at what age would you like them to be married?
0 do you expect any dowry at your son's wedding?

— Attitudes regarding political rights
0 are you a member of the arbitration committee?
0 are you a member of the union committee?
0 do you seek assistance of political leader/administrative/village leader?
0 what kind of issues do you take to political leaders?

— Attitudes regarding inheritance
0 have you received any family inheritance
0 if yes, then with whose consultancy did you receive it?

0 do you think women have a right to get parents' property >

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS OF DATA

In this chapter the data collected through a survey in the two villages in Bangladesh are
analyzed and discussed in detail. The statistical analyses show how the data relate to the
hypotheses of this study. The statistical analyses used as tools to test the hypotheses are
cross tabulations using chi-squares. Each hypothesis was analyzed and discussed using the
statistical tests. In addition, mean values of the welfare indicators and the demographic
data are also reported. The central hypotheses are:
(i) Hypothesis 1.
Participation of Bangladeshi women in GB is associated with higher levels of
economic and social empowerment as indicated by measures of income generation,
decision-making power, family planning practices, food consumption, literacy
skills, and socio-political awareness.
(ii) Hypothesis H.
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category ‘ will have higher levels of

empowerment than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not applied.

90

9 1
(iii) Hypothesis III.
The 10-year GB loanees will exhibit more empowerment characteristics than the 5-

year GB loanees.

Before the hypotheses are analyzed in details, the mean values on welfare indicators and
the mean values on the demographic data are provided as background information. The
chapter is arranged into three sections: (A) the mean values on welfare indicators;

(B) mean values on the demographic data; and (C) analyses of data.

IV.A. Mean Values on Welfare Indicators
Mean values for each of the four groups were calculated for income and welfare
indicators. These indicators are (1) annual income, (2) food/household expenses, (3)

value of livestock, (4) agricultural land, (5) total land, and (6) years of education.

Regarding income and welfare indicators, cross tabulations using mean values were run
for the four sample groups against the following variables; annual income, annual
household expense on food, value of livestock, agricultural land owned, and total land
owned that includes homestead as well as agricultural land. These results are shown in

Table IV. A. l.

92

From the results of these cross tabulations, it is apparent that annual income is positively
correlated with participation in GB. The average annual income of 10-year loanees is
considerably higher than the 5-year loanees, and the 5-year loanees have a higher average
income than the new applicants. The control group's income, however, is half of the
annual income of the new applicants. This would appear to indicate that those who are
slightly better oﬁ‘ ﬁnancially are more likely to apply to GB in the ﬁrst place. Respondents
in the control groups, as reported in Table IVA 1, have an average annual income of
8,800 taka (U S8220). Thus, GB may not be targeting the poorest of the poor. Those
who are relatively better oﬁ‘ are more likely to be selected by the members as applicants to
GB. The basic criterion for eligibility for membership in GB is the ownership of not more

than 1 pakhi (56 decimals) of land. However, it is important to note that GB members,

Table IV.A.1. Mean Values of Income“ and Welfare Indicators by Group

Control
Group

 

Annual Income 8,800
Food/HH Expenses 8,700
Value of Livestock 900
Agricultural Land” 0.0
Total Land” 8.6

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Education 0.2

° Income shown here is in Taka. 40 taka = US $1.
" Land shown here is in decimals.

 

93

and not GB itself, select new applicants. Because GB will not issue ﬁrrther loans to
groups that fail to repay a loan in time, there is constant pressure among members to repay
loans through regular installments. Therefore, when the opportunity arises to select new
applicants, the members are most likely to nominate only those women whom they believe
can pay back installments. Those women whom the members believe will not be able to
pay back installments regularly, here the very poor women, do not get picked to become

members of GB.

A similar pattern, as in annual income, is observed in the case of value of livestock. Ten-
year loanee group reported having a higher value of livestock than the 5-year loanees and

the latter in turn have a higher value of livestock than the new applicants.

In terms of total land, which includes agricultural as well as homestead land, the 10-year
and 5-year loanee groups reported having about the same amount of land, and the amount
of total land owned by the new applicants is slightly less. However the control group
owned only about one-ﬁfth as much total land. The control group respondents reported
no ownership of agricultural land. These data suggest that the new applicant group are

generally better oﬂ‘ than the control group, because they own agricultural land.

Owning agricultural land would also mean having some means of generating income, as in

Bangladesh a majority of the income generated is through agriculture (Abdullah and

94
Zeidenstein, 1982). The data also reveal that the amount of agricultural land owned by
the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups is not signiﬁcantly different from that owned by the
new applicants. This would imply that, even though the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups
have signiﬁcantly higher income levels (compared to the new applicant group), they do not
invest in more agricultural land. The reason for this is not known. Table IV.A.1 also
implies that the control group, whose average income (8,800 taka) reﬂects their poverty,

do not get served by GB.

On the average, the lO-year loanee respondents reported having an average of about 2
years of formal schooling while those in the 5-year loanee group reported an average of
one year's of education. The new applicants reported a level of education similar to that

of the 5-year loanee group. The control group level of education was minimal.

IV.B. Demographic Data
The demographic data of the study covers age, marital status, head of households, and
number of children by sex. The data on income and education have already been

discussed in the previous section (Table IV. A. 1).

IV.B.1. Age. The mean age does not vary greatly among the respondents except in the
case of the lO-year loanee group. The mean age of the control group is 35 years, while

the new applicant and the 5-year loanee respondents' mean age is 32 years. The mean age

 

95

of the 10-year loanee group, however, is 40 years. On the average, the 10-year loanee

group is 8 years older than the 5-year loanee group. This is to be expected as the lO-year

loanee have been members of GB for a longer time.

Table IV.B.1. Mean Values of Age by Group

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Control New 5-Year lO-Year
Group Applicants Loanees Loanees
Age 35.2 31.6 32.3 39.8 J

 

IV .B.2. Marital Status. Among the 5-year and 10-year loanee respondents, 90 percent

were married. However, among the control and the new applicant groups, a smaller

number of respondents were married; 79 and 83 percent, respectively. Only the control

group had respondents who were either divorced or abandoned by their husbands;

Table IV .B.2. Marital Status

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Manta] Control New
Status Group Applicants
Married 78.6% 82.8%
Divorced 3.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
Widowed 10.6% 13.8% 10.0% 10.3%
Single 3.6% 3.4% 0.0% 0.0%
Abandoned 3.6% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
Qy husband .-

 

96

4 percent in each case. Between 3 and 4 percent of the respondents in the control and
new applicants groups were single; no single women were found in the other two groups.
Fourteen percent of the women in the new applicant group were found to be widowed;
this number is slightly larger than those found in the other three groups (11%, 10%, and

10% for the control, 5-year loanee, and 10-year loanee groups, respectively).

IV .B.3. Head of Household. The 'head of household' variable has three categories,
including self, husband, and other male members of the family. For the 5-year and 10-year
loanee respondents, very similar percentages were observed for these categories as
compared to the new applicant group (10%). The new applicant group had a higher
percentage of its households headed by the husband (77%); the control group had 57

percent of its households headed by the husband.

Table IV.B.3. Head of Household

 

 

 

 

 

Head of Control New 5-Year lO-year
Household Group Applicants Loanees Loanees
Self 30.0% 10.0% 3.3% 3.3%
Husband 56.7% 76.7% 86.7% 83.3%
Other Male 13.3% 13.3% 10.0% 13.3%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

97
IV.B.4. Number of sons. A larger number of respondents in the control and new
applicant groups have no sons (27% and 30%, respectively), compared to the 5-year and
10-year loanee groups (13% and 20%, respectively). Among the respondents having
sons, a majority in the control, new applicant, and 5-year loanee groups had only one son;
43, 23 and 40 percent of the total number of respondents, respectively. However, among

the 10-year loanees, a majority had two sons; 30 percent. One respondent, among the 5-

year loanee group, had eight sons.

Table IV .B.4. Number of Sons

  

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number Control New lO-year

of Sons Group Applicants Loanees Loanees
None 26.7% 30.0% 13.3% 20.0%

One 43.3% 23.3% 40.0% 23.3%

Two 16.7% 20.0% 30.0% 30.0%
Three 10.0% 20.0% 10.0% 13.3%

Four 0.0% 0.0% 3.3% 10.0% '
Five 3.3% 3.3% 3.3% 3.3% I
Eight 0.0% 3.3% 0.0% 0.0% I

 

IV.B.S. Number of Daughters. Of the respondents in all the groups, a majority had

either one or two daughters. The largest number of respondents have between three and

98

four daughters was found in the 10-year loanee group. None of the respondents had more

than 5 daughters.

Table IV.B.S. Number of Daughters

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Control New 5-Year 10-year
Daughters Group Applicants Loanees Loanees
None 23.3% 33.3% 33.3% 10.0%
One 33.3% 26.7% 30.0% 26.7%
Two 30.0% 30.0% 26.7% 26.7%
Three 10.0% 6.7% 6.7% 20.0%
Four 3.3% 0.0% 3.3% 6.7%
Five 0.0% 3.3% 0.0% 10.0%
—

 

1V.C. Analyses of Data

Results from a number of cross tabulations were compiled relating measures of income
and empowerment among lO-year and 5-year GB loanees, new GB applicants, and the
control group. The cross tabulation tests have revealed that certain variables are
statistically signiﬁcant while others are not. The cut-off point for level of signiﬁcance is
0.05. The variables that have been found signiﬁcant are shown in the tables and discussed
in detail. Cross tabulation of several other variables did not produce statistically

signiﬁcant results. They are described in the text brieﬂy. The statistically signiﬁcant

99

variables have been developed into sub-hypotheses. As the discussion progresses, each

sub-hypothesis is reported.

IV.C.l. Hypothesis 1

Hypothesis I has been deﬁned as follows:
Participation of Bangladeshi women in GB is associated with higher levels of
economic and social empowerment as indicated by measures of income generation,
decision-making power, family planning practices, food consumption, literacy skills,

and socio-political awareness.

In Hypothesis 1 the empowerment level was tested among the loanee and the non-loanee
groups of respondents. The loanee includes the lO-year and 5-year loanees, and the non-
loanee group consists of the new applicant and the control groups. The discussion of the
statistical analysis pertaining to Hypothesis I is divided into two sections: (i) the

statistically signiﬁcant variables; and (ii) the statistically in-signiﬁcant variables.

IV.C.l.a. Statistically Significant Variables. The variables in which statistically
signiﬁcant results have been found are (1) ability to sign for the respondents, (2) education
experience among the respondents,(3) mobility outside home, (4) satisfaction of personal

needs/wants, (5) decision-making on family planning, (6) number of meals eaten by the

100

respondents, (7) grade level of daughters in school, (8) tutors for children, and (9) health

awareness. Each of these variables will make up a sub-hypothesis formed for the study.

IV.C.1.a.l. Ability to sign. The sub-hypothesis formed with the variable of "ability to
sign" is stated as follows:

Participation in GB is associated with higher levels of ability to sign.

All the 10-year and 5-year loanee respondents said they know how to sign their names.
The GB requires this skill so that the ﬁnancial transactions can be consummated.
However, if women are selected to be members and are not able to sign their names, the
GB teaches them the skill. Thus, the responses to this question are not surprising.

Among the non-loanee respondents, about 56 percent reported knowing how to sign.

Table IV.C.1.a.l. Ability to sign

 

 

 

 

 

 

Non- 5-Year lO-Year

Loanees Loanees Loanees

Yes 55.9% 100.0% 100.0%
No 44.1% 0.0% 0.0% ll

 

 

Chi-square (df=-'2, N=119) = 33.8, signiﬁcance = 0.00.

101

IV.C.l.a.2. Education experience. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable
"education experience" is stated as follows:

Participation in GB is associated with higher levels of education experience.

The education experience among the group overall is not high. Among the 10-year loanee
population the number of years of formal education is higher than that of the other groups.
It is difﬁcult to explain why there is a higher level of formal education experience among
the 10-year loanees than the rest of the groups. This could be because those who apply
tend to have higher levels of education, or GB participation inspires them to gain a higher
level of education. What is clear is that there is little formal education experience among
the non-loanee group, which includes the new applicants as well as the control group.
The madrasha education is based primarily on Islam, the predominant religion of
Bangladesh. The curriculum of madrasha education is entirely different ﬁ'om the public
education curriculum. It is important to note here that in order to run the cross
tabulations, formal education, in this case, included the category of respondents with
education experience in madrasha together with regular schooL and respondents with

education experience in regular school alone.

102

 

 

Table IV.C.l.a.2. Education Experience
-—=
Non-
Loanees
No Education 53.3%

 

 

   
 

Madrasha Only 25.0% 36.7% 20.0% I

Formal Education 21.7% 26.7% 50.0% I

Chi-square (df=4, N=120) = 10.1, signiﬁcance = 0.04.

 

 

 

 

  

 

IV.C.l.a.3. Mobility Outside Home. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable
"mobility outside home" is stated as follows:

Participation in GB is associated with higher levels of mobility outside home.

In the case of the respondents' mobility outside home, responses have been found to be
statistically signiﬁcant on only two variables: (i) trips to work; and (ii) trips to the bank.
No signiﬁcance was found in the responses to questions on ﬁ'equency of visits to relatives

or trips to stores, crop ﬁelds, grazing ﬁelds, and other places.

(i) Trips to work. A majority of the respondents in all groups, lO-year, 5-year loanee and
the non-loanee, did not leave their homes to go to work. Of the lO-year loanee group,
only 10 percent said they left the household for work less than once a month. None of the
5-year loanee respondents reported a work trip of this ﬁ'equency, while about 7 percent of

the non-loanee members reported work-related travel less than once a month. Only

103

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table IV.C.l.a.3. Mobility Outside Home
Non- - 5-year
Loanees Loanees
Frequency Never E 75.0% 100.0%
of travel Less than once a month 6.7% 0.0% 10.0%
to work‘ Less than once a week 0.0% 0.0% 3.3%
More than/equal to once 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
once a week (not daily)
Daily 18.3% 0.0% 3.3%
Frequency Never 90.0% 0.0% 3.3%
i of trips Less than once a month 5.0% 90.0% 80.0%
to bank” Less than once a week 5.0% 10.0% 13.3%
More than/equal to once 0.0% 0.0% 3.3%
a week (not daily)
Daily 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘Ei-square (df=6, N=120) = 15.7, signiﬁcance = 0.02.
bChi-square (df=6, N=120) = 98.9, signiﬁcance = 0.00.

3 percent of the 10-year loanees go to work less than once a week, while the 5-year
loanees and the non-loanees do not leave home for work less than once a week.
However, 3 percent of the lO-year loanee and 18 percent of non-loanee groups said they

went to work on a daily basis. None of the 5-year loanee respondents reported travelling

to work daily.

104

The results demonstrate that 3 percent of the lO-year loanees travel to work less than
once a week, more frequently than those of the other groups. A possible explanation for
this may be that the lO-year loanees, being better off than the other groups (see Table
IV.A.1), have a somewhat more complex set of business relationships, often home-based,
than the other groups. Even though the GB members probably do not leave their homes
often to oversee their small businesses (as a male member from the family may do that), a
small percentage (3.3%) of the 10-year loanees may need to do so because of the
increased work-load. The reason for the fairly large number of non-loanee respondents'
going to work daily could be that a large number may work as helpers in other
households. Another explanation for the increased mobility of the 10-year loanees could
be because they feel more comfortable to go outside their homes, because they have been
with GB longer. (F ollow-up questions and responses, perhaps, could have provided more
certainty to those possible explanations. The survey instrument, however, did not include

follow-up questions.)

(ii) Trips to banks. A large majority of the 10-year and 5-year loanee respondents
reported going to a bank less than once a month whereas 90 percent of the non-loanee
respondents said they did not travel to or visit a bank to make any ﬁnancial transactions.
The reason the majority of the loanees go to a bank is that they, as members of GB, are
required to go to the GB village branch to make ﬁnancial transactions. It is not clear why

a very small percentage of the lO-year loanee respondents reported never having been to

105

the bank. It is likely that they have somebody else from their own group goes to the bank
to withdraw the loans because their age or health conditions do not permit them to travel.
A branch ofﬁce is often miles away from the homes of the loanees, and most would have

to make the trip on foot.

IV.C.l.a.4. Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs/Wants. The sub-hypothesis
developed for the variable 'satisfaction of personal material needs/wants' is stated as
follows:

Participation in GB is associated with higher levels of satisfaction of personal material

needs/wants.

This category of variables helps to determine whether women are aware of their non-food
essential (toiletries, clothes, etc.) and non-essential material (cosmetics, luxury items like
radios, etc.) needs and wants in the family and whether they can satisfy them. These
variables were chosen to determine the level of satisfaction among the respondents
regarding their material needs and wants. The respondents were asked to respond
whether their (i) essential needs and (ii) non-essential wants are satisﬁed. About 37
percent of lO-year and 5-year loanee group members said they are able to satisfy their
essential needs. Among the non-loanees, however, only 13 percent reported similar levels
of satisfaction. In the category of partially satisfying their essential needs, more non-

loanee members said they are able to satisfy their needs than the 10-year and 5-year loanee

106

respondents. Thirty-seven percent of the 10-year loanees and 27 percent of the 5-year
loanees are able to satisfy their non-essential wants. On the other hand, only 10 percent of
the non-loanees are able to satisfy their non-essential needs. One reason for the high
levels of satisfaction of the lO-year loanee and 5-year loanee groups may be that these
respondents, because of their greater mobility (Table IV.C. 1.3), are more aware of the
non-essential material goods available. They are also better able to satisfy their wants for
these goods because they have a higher level of income, compared to the control group

(Table IV.A.1).

Table IV.C.l.a.4. Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs/W ants

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

5-year—

Loanees
Are you able to Yes 13.3% 36.7%
satisfy your No 18.3% 3.3% 6.7% I
essential needs?‘ Partially 68.3% 60.0% 56.7% I
Are you able to Yes 10.0% 26.7% 36.7% I
satisfy your No 23.3% 3.3% 10.0%

lim-essential Wits?b Partially 66.7% 70.0% 53.3%

 

'Chi-square (df=4, N=120) = 11.7, signiﬁcance = 0.02.
bChi-square (df=4, N=120) = 14.2, signiﬁcance = 0.01.

107

IV.C.l.a.S. Decision-making on Family Planning. The sub-hypothesis developed for
the variable 'decision-making on family planning' is stated as follows:
Participation of Bangladeshi women in GB is associated with higher levels of decision-

making on family planning.

With respect to decision-making about family planning, two variables were related at
statistically signiﬁcant levels. They are (i) decisions about use of contraceptive, and
(ii) which partner uses the contraceptive. The variable was used to measure who makes
the decision to use contraceptives whether the respondent themselves, their husbands, or

jointly.

(i) Decision to use contraceptives. More S-year loanee group respondents said they
decided on their own whether to use contraceptive than did the 10-year loanees. Among
the non-loanee group members, none of the respondents said she makes a decision to use
contraceptives on her own. They said the decisions were made either by the husband or
jointly. The reason more 5-year loanees than lO-year loanees decide on their own is
probably because more of the 5-year loanees are of child-bearing age. The 5-year loanees
are, on the average, younger than the lO-year loanees (see Table IV.B.1). It is noted that
more husbands of the 5-year loanees make the decisions for using birth control. When it
comes to joint decisions as to whether to use contraceptives, respondents in the loanee

group decide jointly more than those in the non-loanee group. Among the loanees,

108

lO-year loanees decide jointly more than the 5-year loanees. One possible explanation is
that the 10-year loanees, being more exposed to the GB family planning programs, would

be in a better position to make decisions jointly with their husbands regarding the use of

contraceptives.

Table IV.C.l.a.S. Decision-Making on Family Planning

Non- Sear-y lO-Year
Loanees ”Loanees Loanees
'i Who ' 0 172% ’ 3.4% ‘

Husband 12.5%
Self+ Husband 25.0%

      
 

    

 

   

  

 

  
    

 

 

 

Do not practice 62.5% 31.0% 37.9%
Who Uses It?” Self 0.0% 3.4% 3.4%
Husband 37.5% 65.5% 55.2%

 

Self+ Husband 62.5% 31.0% 37.9%

:Chi-square (df=6, N=106) = 17.8, signiﬁcance = 0.0?
“Chi-square (df=6, N=120) = 11.9, signiﬁcance = 0.05.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(ii) Use of contraceptives. A large majority of both loanee groups said their husbands,
rather than themselves, use contraceptives. The highest percentage is found among the 5-
year loanees. This could be because the members of the 5-year loanee group are, on the
average, younger than the group of 10-yearloanees(see Table IV E. 1). Only one percent
of the 10-year and 5-year loanee respondents themselves were found to use

contraceptives. None of the non-loanee respondents was found to use any contraceptives.

109

IV .C.1.a.6. Number of Meals Eaten per Day. The sub-hypothesis developed for the
variable 'number of meals eaten a day' is states as follows:

Participation in GB' is associated with higher levels of number of meals eaten a

day.

This variable is used to determine the empowerment level in the area of nutrition. Welfare
among members can be indicated by the number of meals eaten a day. Out of the
respondents in the 10-year loanee group, 83 percent reported having three meals; 17
percent had two meals per day. Among the 5-year loanees, 80 percent said they had three
meals with 20 percent reporting two meals per day. No respondent in the two groups said
they had but one meal per day. Among the non-loanee group though, only 50 percent had
three meals, 43 percent had two meals and 7 percent had only one meal per day. Even

though 7 percent is a small percentage, it is important to observe that only in the

Table IV.C.l.a.6. Number of Meals Eaten per Day

 

 

 

 
   
   
   

 

 

One Meal
Two Meals

 

 

 

 

 

Three Meals

non-loanee group that women are found to be eating only one meal a day and that a

110

majority of the non-loanee members, at best, can afford two meals a day.

IV.C.l.a.7. Grade Level of Daughters' Education. The sub-hypothesis developed for

the variable 'grade level of daughters' education' reads:

Participation in GB is associated with higher grade levels of daughters' education.

This variable is used to determine the level of importance respondents place on their

daughter's education. Also, it is seen as reﬂecting the degree to which respondents view

education as a means to a better life for their daughters.

Table IV.C.1.7. Grade Level of Daughters' Education

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I No Schooling 22.0% 3.6% 9.1%
I Grades W 16.9% 42.9% 50.0%
Grades VI-X 10.2% 0.0% 13.6%
Grades XI, XII 1.7% 3.6% 4.5%
Bachelor's Degree 1.7% 0.0% 4.5%
Master's/Graduate 1.7% 0.0% 0.0%
Other 45.8% 50.0% 18.2%

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chi-square (df=12, N=106) = 22.6, signiﬁcance = 0.03.

11]

Grades have been divided into the above categories to correspond to the elementary,
secondary and higher secondary education in the Bangladeshi system. The elementary or
primary education in Bangladesh includes grades I-V. The secondary education includes

grades VI-X and the higher secondary education includes grades XI-XII.

The data show that the daughters of the lO-year and 5-year loanee respondents had more
grade I-V education than the non-loanees. And a similar pattern is noticed in the category
of grades between XI and X11. However, between the grades VI-X none of the 5-year
loanee members have their daughters attending or have attended those years in school.
However, among the lO-year loanees, 14 percent of their daughters have attended or are
attending grades VI-X. And about 10 percent of the daughters of the non-loanees have
attended or are attending grades VI-X. There is a small percentage of women whose
daughters have or are pursuing college education both at the bachelor's and master's level.
However, the percentage of college-bound daughters of the respondents is higher among
the lO-year loanees than the non-loanees. And among the 5-year loanees, no daughters
have attended or are attending college. This could be because among the 5-year loanees,
their daughters are younger and, therefore, not yet of college-going age. As can be seen
from the data presented in Table IV.C.1.7, the level of GB participation seems to make a
difference in the education of the daughters of the respondents. This is possibly because
GB has several social development programs (see Section II.C.2), one of which is the

promotion of education among the children of GB members. However, while the results

112

of the analyses were signiﬁcant for the education of daughters, no signiﬁcance was seen in
the education of sons of the GB member respondents. The reason for this is not known,
but one could speculate that the GB respondents, being women, have more decision-
making power with regard to the education of their daughters than of their sons. Another
reason may be that an educated daughter results in a lower dowry at marriage time

(McCarthy et al., 1978).

In the category 'daughters never attended school', the non-loanee members total 22
percent, the 5-year loanee group 4 percent, and the 10-year loanee population 10 percent.
The reason more daughters of 10-year loanee respondents have not attended school ever
can be attributed to the fact that the 10-year loanees are generally older in age and,
therefore, may have had more traditional views about their daughters going to school.
The category of 'other' includes women with daughters too young to go to school, women

without daughters, or women who are single.

IV.C.l.a.8. Tutors for Children. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable 'whether
children have tutors' is stated as follows:
Participation in GB is associated with higher percentages of children having

tutors.

113

Whether the women can hire tutors for their children indicates a measure of welfare in the
family. This variable can reﬂect both whether they can afford tutors and whether they
view education as a priority. It is found that two-thirds of the 10-year loanee and about
half of the 5-year loanee groups hire a tutor for their children. However, only a small

percentage of the non-loanee group hire a tutor for their children. The 'other'

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table IV.C.l.a.8. Tutors for Children
I Non- 5-Year
Loanees Loanees
Yes, Children Tutored 23.3% 43.3%
No, Not Tutored 55.0% 50.0%
Other 21.7% 6.7% 3.3% I

 

 

 

 

 

Chi-square (df=4, N=120) = 18.8, signiﬁcance = 0.00.

category includes women having children either too young or too old for schooling,

women who are single, and women without children.

IV.C.l.a.9. Health Awareness. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable 'health
awareness' is as follows:

Participation in GB is associated with higher levels of health awareness.

114

Three variables have been found statistically signiﬁcant in the area of health awareness
among the respondents. The categories are (i) type of health practices followed, (ii) kind

of toilet used, and (iii) family treatment.

(1) Type of health practices followed. Respondents were asked which of the four basic
health practices were followed: a) use of clean water; b) use of sanitary toilet;
c) immunization of children; and d) beneﬁts of going to a doctor and using medicine when
ill. All of the four practices are followed by 33 percent of 10-year loanee members and 37
percent of 5-year loanee members. However, only 16 percent of the non-loanee group
practice all these four basic health practices. Three of these practices are observed by 60
percent of the 10-year loanee members, 43 percent of the 5-year loanee members and 74
percent of the non-loanee group. In general, it is observed that a much larger number of
respondents belonging to the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups follow all four of the

health practices.

(ii) Kind of toilet used. In the variable 'kind of toilets used', the respondents were asked
what kind of toilets they used at home. Four categories were listed in the variable
including a) no toilet, b) no sanitary toilet, c) sanitary toilets, and d) covered toilets. Both
10-year and 5-year loanee members have some of type toilet facility. Three percent of the
non-loanee group have no toilet facility at all. A smaller number of 5-year and 10-year

loanee members use non-sanitary toilets as compared to non-loanees. A larger number of

115

5-year and lO-year loanee respondents have sanitary toilets than the non-loanee
respondents. Only respondents belonging to the 10-year loanee group have a covered
toilet facility, even though their number is small — 3 percent of the group. These data
reveal that the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups have better toilet facilities compared to

the non-loanee group.

(iii) Family treatment. The variable 'the place frequented for treatment when the

respondent or her family gets ill' has two categories: a) to a medical doctor only; and b) to

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table IV.C.l.a.9. Health Awareness

Loanees Loanees Loanees I

If How One 1.7% 10.0% 6.7%
practices are Two 8.6% 10.0% 0.0%

i followed r Three 74.1% 43.3% 60.0% 1

2 Four (All) 15.5% 36.7% 33.3% I

i What kind of No toilet 3.3% 0.0% 0.0% I

I toilet is being No sanitary 85.0% 63.3% 66.7%
used '2" Sanitary toilet 11.7% 36.7% 30.0% I

. Covered toilet 0.0% 0.0% 3.3%

i Where does your family Medical Doctor 1.7% 6.7% 16.7%

i -o fortrea_ment?‘ Mli-1e sources _ 9_3°. 93.3% 83.3%

 

 

‘Chi-square(df—, signiﬁcance =004..
i’Chi-square (df=6, N=120) = 13.2, signiﬁcance = 0.04.
cChi-square (dﬁz, N=120) = 7.2, signiﬁcance = 0.03.

116

multiple sources (a medical doctor as well as to other sources, including traditional
sources of treatment like homeopathic doctor, herbal practitioner, spiritual pundits,
quacks, etc). Seventeen percent of the 10-year loanee members said they or their family
go only to a medical doctor. And the rest, 83 percent, of the 10-year loanee members said
they go to a doctor as well as to other sources for treatment. Among the 5-year loanee
member respondents, 7 percent go to a medical doctor only and 94 percent go to a doctor
as well as to other sources of treatment when ill. About 2 percent of the non-loanee
group said they or their family go only to a medical doctor for treatment. The majority,
98 percent, of the non-loanee group visit a doctor as well as other sources when ill.
These data reveal that a higher number of 5-year and 10-year loanee groups go to a
medical doctor only, as compared to the non-loanee group. Whether this is because they
are aware of the advanced treatment available at a medical doctor's facility, or can afford

the higher costs of a medical doctor, is not known.

IV.C.l.b. Statistically Insigniﬁcant Variables. The variables that have been found to

be statistically insigniﬁcant are presented in this section of the study.

IV.C.l.b.]. Decision-making
— Decision-making in the Household (HH)
0 purchase of daily groceries

O buying/selling valuable objects in the HH

117

0 purchase of family clothing
0 decision-making in event of disagreement in the HH; resolution of
disagreements
0 HH savings
0 decision-making of how family income should be spent; budgeting
On analyzing the data for the above variables, there was no signiﬁcant difference found in
the decision-making power of the respondents belonging to the 5-year and 10-year loanee
groups as compared to the non-loanee group. For these variables, a majority of the
decisions were made by the husband alone, or jointly with the wife. There was no
signiﬁcant increase even in the category of 'decision-making by both husband and wife',
which would reveal the indirect inﬂuence of the wife in decision-making power in the
household.
— Decision-making on mobility
0 visit to the woman's parents
0 movement and frequency of visits outside of homestead
- to relatives
- to stores
- to crop ﬁelds
- to graze ﬁelds

- to other places

118

The data indicate that there was no signiﬁcant increase in the decision-making power of
the respondents belonging to the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups as compared to the
non-loanee group. For these variables, a majority of the decisions were made by the
husband alone, or jointly with the wife. Furthermore, there was no signiﬁcant increase in
mobility to places outside the homestead. The places mentioned above are generally areas
which are controlled by the male (e.g., grazing and crop ﬁelds). However, even in the
case of visits to the woman's parents' home, there was no signiﬁcant increase, thus
suggesting that this decision was controlled by the husband or male member of the family.
The only signiﬁcant increase in mobility outside the home was found for reasons

concerning work which were inﬂuenced by GB; visits to work areas and banks. This was

discussed earlier in section IV.C.1.3.

IV.C.l.b.Z. Literacy/Education
— Women's literacy/numeracy level
0 calculation skill
O record-keeping in the HH
— Interest in children's education
0 desire to send children to school
0 number of years of son's education
In the area of literacy or education among the respondents or among their children, several

variables were found statistically insigniﬁcant. A majority of the 5-year loanee, 10-year

119

loanee and the non-loanee respondents had counting skills, and most of them, jointly with
their husbands, kept accounts in the household. Interestingly, more S-year loanee group
respondents (90%) were found to know how to count than the lO-year loanees (80%).
This was in spite of the fact that the education level among the 10-year loanees was

slightly higher than the 5-year loanees (see Table IV.A.1).

A large percentage of the respondents were interested in sending their children to school.
The highest number is among the 10-year loanee group (97%) followed by the 5-year
loanee group (93%), and the non-loanee group (88%). This ﬁnding reveals that the
majority of the women believed that education would provide better lives for their children
and, therefore, wanted their children to go to school. In the variable 'how many grades
sons have studied or are studying', no signiﬁcant differences were found among the
respondents. This may be because, among all three groups of women, there is a strong
desire to have all their sons obtain an education. The non-loanee group, interestingly, had
a slightly higher number of sons studying or have studied in different grades. Which is not
the case with their daughters' education; as it was found that there was statistically
signiﬁcantly higher number of 10-year GB loanee respondents who had daughters going to

school or have had some schooling already (See Table IV.C. 1.a.7).

120

IV.C.l.b.3. Health Awareness
— Awareness of basic health practices

0 major source of drinking water

0 major source of cooking water

0 boiling drinking water

0 garbage disposal

O immunization of children
A number of variables in the category 'health awareness' were not found to be statistically
signiﬁcant. A majority of the respondents in non-loanee, 5-year and lO-year loanee
groups, used water obtained from tube wells for drinking purposes. However, for
cooking, 48 percent of the respondents from the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups and
26% of the non-loanee group used water from tube wells. The remainder of the
respondents in all three groups used water ﬁom other sources (Open wells, covered wells,
ponds, rivers or canals) to obtain water for cooking purposes. Water ﬁom these sources,
especially from the ponds, rivers or canals, is not hygienic. Almost all the respondents
were found not to boil water for drinking. This could be because it is generally felt that
water from tube wells, a major source of drinking water, is clean and hygienic. Therefore,

a majority of the women do not feel the need to boil water for drinking.

A similar pattern was seen regarding garbage disposal. A majority of the respondents in

all the three groups said that they disposed of their garbage in ditches around their houses.

121

Twenty percent of the non-loanee respondents used garbage as fertilizer; the numbers
were slightly higher for respondents belonging to the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups
(23% and 28%, respectively). Thirty-ﬁve percent of the non-loanee group disposed
garbage by throwing it around their houses (anywhere). A slightly smaller number, about
22 percent, of the 5-year loanee and 10-yearloanee members disposed garbage in a similar

manner.

For the category 'immunization of children', a majority of the 10-year loanee group (90%)
had immunized their children. A smaller number of the non-loanee respondents (73 %)
and the 5-year loanee respondents (67%) had immunized their children. However, it is
not clear why the largest number of respondents who had not immunized their children

belonged to the 5-year loanee group.

IV.C.l.b.4. Social, Political and Legal Awareness
— Attitudes regarding children's marriage
0 age of son's/daughter's marriage
0 if children not married, preferred age of marriage
0 expectation of dowry at son's wedding
— Attitudes regarding inheritance
0 family inheritance received

0 if yes, with whose consultancy

122
0 women's right to get parent's prOperty
— Attitudes regarding political rights

0 member of the arbitration committee

0 member of the union committee

0 assistance sought from political leader/administrative/village leader

0 type of issues taken up with local political leader
All the variables developed to measure the level of socio-political awareness turned out to
be statistically insigniﬁcant among all three groups. The variable on attitudes towards
expectation of dowry at son's wedding, a slightly higher number (57%) of the 5-year
loanee group than the 10-year loanee group (50%) said that they did not expect dowry at
their sons' wedding. The higher numbers for the S-year loanee group could stem from the
fact that they are, on the average, younger than the 10-year loanee group and therefore
less likely to be bound by tradition. It is important to note here that GB in its social
reform activities attempts to develop social reform and eradication of the dowry system is

one of them.

In the area of attitudes regarding women's right to family inheritance, a large majority of
the 10-year loanee (87%) and the non-loanee (85%) groups believe that women have the
right to inherit family property. However, surprisingly, 23 percent of the 5-year loanees
believe that women have no right to inherit. A large number of the respondents had not

inherited any property from their father. However, of the respondents who had inherited

123

any property, there were twice as many 10-year loanee respondents as there were in each
of the other groups. Further inquiry revealed that a majority of these 10-year loanee
respondents had received advice about their rights to inherit from others and not from

their husbands.

Concerning political issues, not even a single respondent was found to be a member of the
community groups like the village arbitrary committee or the union committee. The data
reveals that all the three groups of respondents were totally unaware of their accessibility
to these political action committees to solve problerrrs pertaining to the household as well
as the neighborhood or community. However, some of the 10-year loanee members
(21%), more than twice those of the other groups, sought the assistance of local political,
administrative or village leader‘s help to resolve a problem. It is common for Bangladeshi

villagers to go to village leaders with problems for assistance.

IV.C.2. Hypothesis H

In Hypothesis II the responses of the new GB applicant group have been compared to
those of the control group. The tested variables that were found statistically signiﬁcant
are: (1) ability to sign; (2) mobility outside home; (3) satisfaction in terms of material
need/want; (4) number of meals eaten per day; (5) whether children have tutors; (6) health

awareness; and (7) expectation of dowry for son.

124

Hypothesis II has been developed as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of
empowerment than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not

applied.

IV .C.2.a. Statistically Significant Variables. The variables in which statistically
signiﬁcant results have been found are (1) ability to sign for the respondents, (2) mobility
outside home, (3) satisfaction of personal needs/wants, (4) number of meals eaten by the
respondents, (5) tutors for children, (6) expectation of dowry for sons, and (7) health
awareness. Each of these variables has been developed into a sub-hypothesis for the

study.

IV.C.2.a.1. Ability to sign. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable 'ability to
sign' has been developed for Hypothesis II as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of ability to sign

than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not applied.

GB teaches new applicants how to sign when they become new members. The data show
that 77 percent of the new applicants know how to sign their names as compared to 34
percent of the control group. The high percentage of the new applicants know how to

sign their names may be because they already anticipate having to learn it as GB requires

125

its members to know how to sign their names for ﬁnancial transactions. However, it may
also be that the new-applicant groups are already better aware of the beneﬁts of knowing

how to sign their names and, therefore learned it prior to deciding to apply for GB

 

 

 

 

membership.
Table IV.C.2.a.]. Ability to sign.
Control New
Group Applicants
Yes 34.5% 76.7%
No 65.5% 23.3% I

 

 

 

Chi-square(d%1, N=59) = 10.6, signiﬁcance = 0.00.

IV.C.2.a.2. Mobility Outside Home. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable
'mobility outside home' is stated as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of mobility (or
will demonstrate higher levels of empowerment) than women who meet GB

eligibility criteria but have not applied.

This variable has two parts in which some statistical signiﬁcance has been found:

(i) frequency of travel to work; and (ii) frequency of trips to banks.

126

Table IV.C.2.a.2. Mobility Outside Home

Control
Group

New
Applicants ,

1

Frequency of 50.0%

100.0% I
travel to work‘ Less than once a month 13.3% 0.0% '
Less than once a week 0.0% 0.0%
Greater than/equal to
once a week (not daily) 0.0% 0.0%
Daily 36.7% 0.0%
Frequency of Never 80.0% 100.0%
trips to bank” Less than once a month 10.0% 0.0%
Less than once a week 10.0% 0.0%
Greater than/equal to 0.0% 0.0%

once a week (not daily)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_OO‘V

 

l'Chi-square (df=2, N=60) = 6.6, signiﬁcance = 0.04.

(i) Frequency of travel to work. Thirty seven percent of the control group women leave
home for work daily and 13 percent do so less than once a month. Whereas no women
among the new applicant group are found to go to work at all. Women of the control
group who report going to work likely reﬂect the fact that many are extremely poor
(annual income of 8,800 taka; Table IV.A.1) and resort to working in other households in
the village as domestic help. Another possible explanation is that they work as laborers in

the food-for-work projects in the villages that the government or the NGOs provide.

127

Also, some control group respondents resort to begging due to extreme poverty —

reported as work because it was a source of income.

(ii) Frequency of trips to bank. Ten percent of the control group respondents reported
going to a bank less than once a month and 10 percent less than once a week. However,
no women from the new applicant group said they to go to banks to make ﬁnancial
transactions. This result is surprising considering the fact that the control group
respondents have the lowest income level among the two groups and yet go to the bank
more ﬁ'equently than the new applicant group. Some of the control group women, who
claim to go to banks, may be getting credit from some other NGOs and, therefore, they
need to go to some other banks to make ﬁnancial transactions. The results show that
members of the control group are more mobile than the new GB applicants in their travel

to work and the bank. This result is the inverse of the expected pattern.

IV .C.2.a.3. Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs. The sub-hypothesis developed
for the variable satisfaction of personal material needs is as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of satisfaction
of personal material needs than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have

not applied.

128

Both the control and the new applicant groups were asked whether their essential material
needs are satisﬁed and whether their non-essential material wants are satisﬁed. Only the
category of essential material needs has been found to be statistically signiﬁcant. The

category of non-essential wants was not found to be statistically signiﬁcant.

Thirteen percent of both the control group and the new applicants said they were able to
satisfy their essential needs. However, only 3 percent of the new applicants said they

could not satisfy their essential needs as compared to 33 percent of the control group who

Table IV.C.2.a.3. Satisfaction of Personal Material Needs

Control
Group
Are you able to Yes 13.3%

satisfy your No 33 .3%

essential needs? 533%
Chi-square (dﬁZ, N=60) = 9.3, signiﬁcance = 0.01.

 

 

 

    
 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

said they could not satisfy their essential needs. Of those who responded to the inquiry
about being able to satisfy their essential needs partially, 83 percent of the new applicant
group responded amnnatively, while only 53 percent of the control group said they were
able to satisfy their essential needs partially. These data show that the new applicant
group are better able to satisfy their essential needs compared to the control group

respondents.

129

IV .C.2.a.4. Number of Meals Eaten per Day. The sub-hypothesis developed for the

variable 'number of meals eaten a day' is as follows:

Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of number of

meals eaten per day than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not

applied.

Among the new applicant respondents, 67 percent reported having three meals per day, 33

percent two meals per day. No one reported being limited to one meal per day. All of the

Table IV.C.2.a.4. Number of Meals Eaten per Day

 

 

 

 

 

 

Control New

Group Applicants
One Meal 13.3% 0.0%
Two Meals 53.3% 33.3%
Three Meals 33.3% 66.7%

 

 

Chi-square (df=2, N=60) = 8.7, signiﬁcance = 0.01.

new applicants, thus, said they can afford at least two meals a day. Of the control group,

33 percent said they had three meals, 53 percent two meals, and 13 percent only one meal

per day. Thus, it seems that the new applicant group is better off compared to the control

group, as seen from being able to afford a larger number of meals a day.

130

IV.C.2.a.5. Tutors for Children. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable
'whether children have tutors' is as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of children who

have tutors than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not applied.

Thirty-seven percent of the respondents ﬁ'om the group of new applicants have tutors for
their children. In comparison, only 10 percent of the control group respondents said they
have tutors for their children. The 'other' category includes women having children either

too young or too old for schooling, women who are single, and women without children.

Table IV.C.2.a.5. Tutors for Children

 

 

 

 

 

III—- Control New
Group Applicants
Yes, Children Tutored 10.0% 36.7%
No, Not Tutored 63.3% 46.7% 1
Other 26.7% 16.7% I

 

 

 

 

Chi-square (df=2, N=60) = 6.02, signiﬁcance = 0.05.

The higher number of the new applicants hiring tutors for their children may not only
mean that they can aﬁ‘ord to have tutors for their children but may also mean that they

place a higher value of on education and learning. The new applicants may want their

131

children to excel in school and get a better education so that the children can have a better

life.

IV.C.2.a.6. Expectation of Dowry for Son. The sub-hypothesis developed for the
variable 'expectation of dowry for son' is as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of expectation
of dowry for sons than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not

applied.

The question as to whether respondents expect dowry for their sons was asked to measure

the level of social awareness. Sixty percent of the new applicants do not expect any

Table IV .C.2.a.6. Expectation of Dowry for Son

   

 

   
  

 

 

 

Control New

Group Applicants
Yes 46.7% 16.7%
No 33.3% 63.3%
Other 20.0% 20.0%

 

 

 

Chi-square (df=2, N=60) = 7.1, signiﬁcance = 0.03.

dowry for their sons compared to 33 percent of the control group. Only 17 percent of the

new respondents expect dowry for their sons compared to the 47 percent of the control

 

132

group who want dowry for their sons. The category of 'other' includes women who are
single or women without any sons. The results show that the new applicant group has a
larger number of responses saying that they do not expect dowry for their sons at
marriage. This is a sign of social empowerment — hence the new applicant respondents

seem to be more empowered than the control group respondents.

IV.C.2.a.7. Health Awareness. The sub-hypothesis developed for the variable 'health
awareness' is stated as follows:
Respondents in the 'new applicant' category will have higher levels of health

awareness than women who meet GB eligibility criteria but have not applied.

In the area of health awareness, only the variable on children's immunization was found to
be statistically signiﬁcant. The other variables, such as the use of toilet or where to throw
garbage, were not found to be statistically signiﬁcant. The 'other' category includes
women having children either too old to be immunized, women who are single, and
women without any children. Eighty-seven percent of the new applicants said their
children had been immunized compared to 60 percent of the control group. The fact that
a majority of the new applicant respondents said their children were immunized indicates
persons in this group that may already have a higher level of empowerment than the

control group. The category of 'other' includes respondents with no children.

133

 

 

 

 

Table IV.C.2.a.7. Health Awareness
Control New
_ Group Applicants
Are your children Yes 60.0% 86.7%
immunized? NO 33.3% 3.3%
Other f ff 6.7% 100°/

 

 

 

Chi-square (d2, N=6 9.0, signiﬁcance 0.01

IV.C.2.b. Statistically Insigniﬁcant Variables. In this section, the variables of

Hypothesis II that have been found to be statistically insigniﬁcant are examined.

IV.C.2.b.1. Decision-making
— Decision-making in the Household (HH)
0 purchase of daily groceries
0 buying/selling valuable Objects in the HH
0 purchase Of family clothing
0 decision-making in event Of disagreement in the HH; resolution of
disagreements

0 HH savings
0 decision-making Of how family income should be spent; budgeting

The data show that for the variables listed above on household ﬁnancial decision-making

have no statistically signiﬁcant difference between the control group and the new applicant

134

group. In general, it is noticed that for buying or selling valuable articles, household
savings, and spending, the husband is more likely to decide than the wife (respondent) for
the new applicants group. For the control group, however, a higher percentage of the
respondents made the decisions themselves, in comparison to the new applicant
respondents. In the areas Of decision-making for daily grocery purchases, and buying
clothing, a much larger proportion Of the respondents (of both groups) made these
decisions themselves. A large number Of the respondents in these two groups, control
group (45%) and the new applicant group (31%), are Observed to seek advice from other
members of the family when there is disagreement in the household.
— Decision-making on mobility
0 visit to the woman's parents
0 movement outside of homestead
- to relatives
- to stores
- to crop ﬁelds
- to graze ﬁelds
- to other places
0 frequency of visits outside Of homestead
No signiﬁcant diﬁ‘erence is found in the data on the above variables on the mobility
outside the home. When a decision has to be made about the visit of the respondents to

their parents' home, in a majority of the cases it is the husband who makes the decision

135

(46% and 62% for the control and new applicant groups, respectively). The number of
respondents who make a decision for themselves is slightly higher for the control group
than for the new applicant group, 18% and 14% respectively. Twenty-nine percent of the
control group allow others (not including the husband) to make that decision, compared to

10% for the new applicant group.

Analyses of the data for mobility of respondents of both groups revealed that, except f or
the frequency of visits to relatives which were nearly equal, both the control and new
applicant groups had few visits outside the home. Whenever the respondents did visit
outside the home it was seen that those belonging to the control groups visited outside
their home on more occasions than the new applicant group. The visits were to relatives,
banks, shops, and grazing and crop ﬁelds. Also, the higher frequency visits (daily and less
than once a week) were generally more for the control group than for the new applicant
group. Apart from visits to the places mentioned, a large majority of the respondents
(77% of the control group and 97% Of the new applicant group) had never visited other
places.
— Decision-making on family planning

0 interest in family planning

0 use of contraceptives
Twenty-one women, out of a total of 60 respondents belonging to both groups, said that

they had practiced family planning. Of these 21 respondents, only 1, belonging to the

 

136

control group, said that it was her decision to practice family planning. The number of
respondents who said that it was a joint decision was higher for the control group (27%)
than for the new applicant group (17%). All the respondents said that it was themselves
who had to use contraceptives.
O satisfaction of essential material wants

Only 10 percent of both the control and new applicant groups said that their essential
material wants were satisﬁed. However, 77 percent of the new applicant group said that
their essential material wants were partially satisﬁed as compared to 57 percent Of the

control group.

IV.C.2.b.2. Literacy/Education
— Women's literacy/numeracy level

0 calculation skills

0 record-keeping in the 1111

0 number of years of schooling
There is no signiﬁcant diﬁ‘erence in the number of respondents who knew how to count
(calculation skill); a slightly larger number Of respondents ﬁom the new applicant group
(90%) knew how to count than the control group (80%). However, in general,
respondents from the new applicant group were more educated than those of the control
group (57% versus 37%, respectively). Fifty-nine percent (or 33% Of the total) of the

educated respondents belonging to the new applicant group had formal education, which

137

includes both madrasha education together with regular school, compared to 27% (or
10% of the total) of the educated respondents of the control group. Thus, even though
the numbers did not seem signiﬁcantly higher for the new applicant group, they were
better educated and had higher calculation skills than the control group. However, only
7% of the new applicant group kept accounts by themselves in the family, compared to
23% of the control group. But a larger number (40%) of the new applicant group kept
accounts jointly with their husbands, in contrast to 13% of the control group. In a
majority of the respondents' families, it was the husbands who kept the accounts; 37% Of
the new applicant group and 47% of the control group.
— Interest in children's education
0 desire to send children to school
0 number of years of son's/daughter's education in school

A large percentage of both the groups seem to be interested in having their children
educated; 90 percent of control group and 87 percent of the new applicant group. Fifty-
seven percent of the control group and 68 percent of the new applicant group had sons
who were of school-going age or Older; those having daughters of school-going age or
older were 63 percent and 48 percent for the control and new applicant groups,
respectively. The other respondents either had no children or had children who were too
small to go to school. Of the children who were of school-going age or Older, 76 percent
belonging to the control group and 84 percent of the new applicant group had some sort

of formal schooling (deﬁned as grade school through graduate school); the corresponding

138

numbers for the daughters were 53 percent of the control group and 69 percent of the new
applicant group. Thus, in general, the sons of the respondents were better educated that
the daughters, although the highest level of education (graduate school) was Observed for
a daughter of a respondent belonging to the new applicant group. Also, the new applicant
group had larger numbers of sons or daughters availing of an education, compared to the

control group.

IV.C.2.b.3. Health Awareness
— Awareness of basic health practices

0 number of health practices followed

0 major source of drinking water

0 major source of cooking water

0 boiling drinking water

0 garbage disposal

0 type of toilet used

0 place for treatment when family members get ill
Several Of the variables in the category 'health awareness' were not found to be statistically
signiﬁcant. For the health practices of sanitation, drinking puriﬁed water, and availing of
medical health, only 17 percent of the control group and 14 percent of the new applicant
group followed all three health practices. However, sixty-three percent of the control

group and 86 percent of the new applicant group said that they followed the medical

 

139

health procedures. Thus, a majority of the respondents considered the practice of medical
health an important health practice. All the respondents, except one in the new applicant
group, used tube wells as a source of drinking water. However, for cooking purposes,
only 30 percent of the control group and 21 percent of the new applicant group used tube
wells, which are considered the purest source Of water. A large number (43 %) of the
control group used pond water, not considered a clean source of water, for cooking; 29
percent of the new applicant group used the same. Thirty-nine percent of the new
applicant group used Open wells as their source of cooking water and a smaller percentage
(20%) of the control group used the same source. Thus, the respondents did not see the
quality Of water used for cooking to be very important because a majority of them did not
use tube wells as a source. All the respondents, except one belonging to the new applicant
group, said they did not boil water for drinking purposes. This could be because it is
generally felt that water from tube wells, a major source of drinking water, is clean and
hygienic. Therefore, a majority of the women felt that it was unnecessary to boil water for

drinking.

A similar trend was observed for the disposal of garbage. A majority of the respondents in
all the three groups said that they disposed of their garbage by throwing it anywhere or in
ditches around their houses. However, a sizable number (30%) of the new applicant
group used garbage as fertilizer; only one respondent (10%) of the control group disposed

garbage in a similar manner.

140

The data also show that a majority of the respondents of both groups used non-sanitary
toilets (80% and 90% of the control and new applicant groups, respectively). Only a small
number used sanitary toilets (13% and 10% of the control and new applicant groups,

respectively). Also, two respondents in the control group did not have any toilet facilities.

Nearly all of the respondents went to multiple sources, including a medical doctor, for
medical treatment. Only one respondent, belonging to the new applicant group, used only
a medical doctor for the purpose of medical treatment. These results are not unexpected
considering that the other sources, including spiritual healers, quacks, homeopathic
doctors, and herbal practitioner, are much cheaper and easily accessible than the medical

doctor.

IV.C.2.b.4. Social, Political and Legal Awareness
— Attitudes regarding inheritance
0 family inheritance received
0 if yes, with whose consultancy
0 women's right to get parent's property
— Attitudes regarding political rights
0 member of the arbitration committee
0 member of the union committee

0 assistance sought from political leader/administrative/village leader

141

0 type of issues taken up with local political leader
Several variables developed to measure the level Of sociO-political awareness turned out to
be statistically insigniﬁcant for Hypothesis II. A large number of the respondents reported
that they did not inherit any property ﬁom their father; 80 percent and 90 percent of the
control and new applicant groups, respectively. However, Of the respondents who had
inherited property, only one respondent belonging to the control group did not use any
advice ﬁ'om her husband or others in collecting her inheritance. Regarding women's right
to family inheritance, a large majority of the control (83%) and the new applicant (87%)
groups believed that women have the right to inherit family property. Pertaining to
political issues, no respondent was found to be a member Of community organizations like
the Union Committee or the 'Shalish’ or the arbitrary committee. In fact, a great majority
of them (90% and 93%of the control and new applicant groups, respectively) did not seek
help of political administrators. Similar data were observed for the 5-year and lO-year
loanee groups (discussed in section IV.C.2) suggesting that the women were completely
unaware of their accessibility to these political action committees to solve problems
pertaining to the household as well as the neighborhood or community. Only 3 control
group members and 2 new applicant group members sought the assistance of local

political, administrative or village leader's help to resolve any problem.

142

IV.C.3. Hypothesis III

This hypothesis compares results between only the GB loanees — the 10-year and the 5-
year loanees. It attempts to determine whether longer participation as a GB loanee results
in a better level of economic and social empowerment. The variables tested with cross
tabulations for chi-squares are (1) GB help with livestock/poultry/gardening, (2) members
planning to maintain themselves without GB loans, (3) use of contraceptives only after
joining GB, (4) improvement of quality of food after joining GB, (5) number of times meat
eaten before joining GB, (6) number of times meat eaten after joining GB, (7) source of
knowledge about the importance of using sanitary toilet, and (8) immunization of children
after joining GB. However, only one variable, the use of contraceptives only after joining

GB, has been found statistically signiﬁcant.
Hypothesis III is stated as follows:
The 10-year GB loanees will exhibit more empowerment characteristics

than the 5-year GB loanees.

IV .C.3.a. Statistically Signiﬁcant Variables. The only variable that has been found to

be statistically signiﬁcant in Hypothesis In is discussed here.

 

143

1V.C.3.a.l. Use of Contraceptives Only After Joining GB: The sub-hypothesis
developed for the variable 'use of contraceptives only after joining GB' is:
Use Of contraceptives is associated more strongly among 10-year GB

loanees than among 5-year GB loanees.

About 67 percent Of the respondents from the 10-year loanee group said that they began

to use contraceptives only after joining GB. Only half Of that number, about 33 percent,

among the 5-year loanee group began to use contraceptives only after joining GB.

Table IV.C.3.a.1. Use of Contraceptives Only After Joining GB

      

5-Year
Loanees

    
  

 

33.3%

    

 

       

 

 

NO 66.7% 33.3% ?

Chi-square (df=1, N=42) = 4.67, sgnnicancei 0.03

 

IV.C.3.b. Statistically Insignificant Variables. The following variables that have been
found to be insigniﬁcant in chi-square values are (1) GB Help With
Livestock/Poultry/Gardening, (2) Members Planning to Maintain Themselves Without GB
Loans, (3) Improvement of Quality of Food After Joining GB, (4) Number of Times Meat

Eaten Before Joining GB, (5) Number of Times Meat Eaten After Joining GB, (6) Source

144

of Knowledge About the Importance of Using Sanitary Toilet, and (7) Immunization Of

Children After Joining GB.

IV.C.3.b.l. GB Help With Livestock/Poultry/Gardening. This variable was used to
determine whether borrowing from the GB longer helped loanees increase their income
through raising livestock and poultry, and growing vegetables and ﬁ'uits. If the loanees
were able to increase their income through these activities it may suggest greater
economic empowerment. Eighty-three percent of the 10-year loanees beneﬁtted
substantially form GB loans by increasing their livestock, poultry or garden produce
compared to 82 percent of the 5-year loanees. The percentage of loanees beneﬁtting ﬁom
GB loans to increase livestock, poultry, and garden produce seems to be high in both the
loanee categories, however, there is no signiﬁcant diﬁ‘erence between the two categories.
Therefore, one may conclude that the length of time of a loan taken from GB, makes no

substantial change in a loanee's capacity to increase income through livestock, poultry or

garden.

IV.C.3.b.2. Members Planning to Maintain Themselves Without GB Loans. This
question was asked to assess whether the respondents had any plans to maintain
themselves without the GB loans. Only thirteen percent of the 10-year loanees, and 10
percent of the 5-year loanees, said they would like to leave GB eventually. No signiﬁcant

difference was noticed among the two groups for wanting to maintain without GB loans.

 

145

The high percentage of respondents indicating they had no plans to leave GB may signify
that the women believe (i) that borrowing from GB is going to bring them a better life, or
(ii) that they cannot maintain themselves without the loans from GB. In other words, it
may signify that the loanees were satisﬁed with the GB loans or were becoming dependent
on GB loans to maintain a living. The positive aspects of this trend are that the loanees
will continue a relationship with GB. However, the down side may be that the loanees
were not optimistic about economic productivity and therefore planned on continuing

taking loans from GB.

IV.C.3.b.3. Improvement of Quality of Food After Joining GB. Eighty seven percent
of the 10-year loanees, compared to 70 percent of the 5-year loanees said that the quality
of their food had improved since they joined GB. However, even though there were more
10-year loanees, compared to 5-year loanees, suggesting improvement in food quality, the
difference was not statistically signiﬁcant. The rest of the lO-year and 5-year loanee
respondents said that the quality Of their food had either remained the same, or had

deteriorated, since joining GB.

IV.C.3.b.4. Number of Times Meat Eaten Before Joining GB. Four response
categories had been used to classify the ﬁ'equency of meat eaten: (i) once a week; (ii) once
a month; (iii) once in two month; and (iv) 1-5 times a year. NO signiﬁcant statistically

difference was noted in among the two groups in the variables of the 'number of times

 

146

meat eaten before joining GB'. Fourteen percent of the 10-year loanee group ate meat
once a week before joining GB, as opposed to thirteen percent Of the 5-year-loanee group.
More 10-year loanees (30%) than S-year loanees (14%) ate meat once a month. Thirteen
percent of the 10-year loanees ate meat once in two months; 43 percent ate meat 1-5 times
a year. Twenty-ﬁve percent of the 5-year loanees ate meat once in two months whereas
46 percent ate meat 1-5 times a year. The meat eaten in Bangladesh includes beef, mutton
or chicken. This variable has been used in this study as an indicator of economic welfare
because the frequency of meat eating in developing countries is considered an indicator of
economic welfare. It is rare for most people to eat meat. Even though other forms of
protein are eaten, like ﬁsh products and beans, meat can be aﬁ‘orded by only those with a

higher income because of its costly price.

IV.C.3.b.5. Number of Times Meat Eaten After Joining GB. No statistically
signiﬁcant differences were found in the frequencies of meat eaten by the two groups of
loanees surveyed. Thirty-seven percent ate meat once a month and 40 percent ate meat
once a week for the 10-year loanee group, whereas 21 percent ate meat once a month and
25 percent ate meat once a week for the 5-year loanee group. In general, therefore, a
larger percentage of the 10-year loanee group, compared to the 5-year loanee group, ate

meat more ﬁ'equently.

147
IV.C.3.b.6. Source of Knowledge About the Importance of Using Sanitary Toilet.
Among the 10-year loanee group, 67 percent learned about the usefulness of using
sanitary toilets ﬁ'om GB. And 80 percent Of the 5-year loanee group learned about the
usefulness of using sanitary toilets from GB. The rest of the respondents heard about the
importance of using sanitary toilets from non-GB sources including radio/TV, government
Ofﬁcials, other NGOs, family, and neighbors. Thus all the respondents from these two
groups were found to be aware Of the importance of the use Of sanitary toilets. It is
Obvious that the majority of the respondents heard about the importance of using sanitary
toilets from GB. GB's social development program on hygiene has a strong emphasis on
promoting the awareness of using sanitary toilets among its members. GB gives loans to

build sanitary toilets so that many illnesses can be controlled.

IV.C.3.b.7. Immunization of Children After Joining GB. NO signiﬁcant diﬁ‘erences
were Observed among the two groups regarding children's immunization after joining GB.
However, forty-three percent of the 10-year loanees said they immunized their children
after joining GB compared to 48 percent of the 5-year loanee group who immunized their
children after joining GB. It is also seen that a large number of the 10-year loanee group
had their children immunized (90%) compared to the 10-year loanee group (67%) who

had their children immunized (see page 30).

 

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

This ﬁnal chapter of the study is arranged into sections that include (A) a summary Of the
ﬁndings, (B) conclusions of the study, (C) how the ﬁndings relate to the previous research
on the same subject, (D) contributions to new knowledge, (E) policy implications, and

(F) implications for future research.

V.A. Summary of Findings
The section is divided into (1) problem, (2) methodology, (3) results Of analysis, and

(4) limitations Of research.

V.A.l. Problem

The aim of this study was to examine the eﬁ‘ectiveness of the GB programs in promoting
empowerment among its female loanees. In particular, the study attempted to discover the
relationship between participation in the GB and variables showing women's
empowerment. The empowerment variables examined were (i) women's income

generation, (ii) women's decision-making concerning the use and distribution of household

148

149
resources, (iii) participation in family planning practices, (iv) food consumption indicators,

(v) literacy skills, and (iv) sociO-political awareness.

Previous research has shown that GB was successful in assisting women to generate
income and improve their standard of living (Rahman, 1986; Hossain, 1988; Auwal &
Singh, 1992; Shehabuddin; 1992; Mizan; 1993; Schuler & Hashemi, 1994; and Wahid,
1994). However, these studies were not complete for several reasons. One, previous
studies have been only cross-sectional and had little longitudinal perspective. Two, the
relationship between GB participation and women's empowerment and inﬂuence on

household decision-making has not been well studied.

V.A.2. Methodology

A survey was carried out in two branches of GB located in two Bangladeshi villages. The
respondents were divided into four categories: (i) GB members for ten years; (ii) GB
members for ﬁve years; (iii) GB applicants; and (iv) a control group Of villagers who
satisﬁed the conditions for GB participation but who did not apply for GB membership.
The respondents were asked questions on household income generation, women's
decision-making initiatives concerning the use and distribution of household resources,
family planning practices, household food consumption, literacy, education, and socio-

political awareness.

150

A questionnaire was developed in Bangladesh entirely by the researcher. A pilot test was
done before the actual survey was conducted. This pilot test helped to delete certain
questions considered unnecessary, as well as add questions not included earlier. The

questionnaire was written in Bengali, the native language spoken throughout Bangladesh.

A list of bank members who had been taking GB credit for ﬁve years and ten years was
obtained ﬁ'om the two village branch Oﬁices. Fifteen members from each category were
picked randomly in both the branches. The applicant group and the control group were
selected as follows: for the applicant group, a list of applicants from each branch was
collected by the branch ofﬁce and the ﬁrst ﬁfteen applicants were selected. The control
group, comprising of ﬁfteen from each village, was selected using the assistance of GB

oﬁcials and other community members.

Two female enumerators were hired to help in conducting the survey. Both the
enumerators were residents of the villages in which the branches were located. “6th the
sample list, the enumerators and the researcher went to the homes of the women to
interview them Some women were interviewed in the bank compounds if they happened

to be there to collect their loans.

The data were then entered on a PC computer using the SPSS/PC statistical package. The

mean and the standard deviation of the different variables were calculated across the four

151

groups of women surveyed. From these results, cross-tabulations were done. The
signiﬁcance levels of the relevant variables for each of the four groups of respondents

were then determined.

V.A.3. Results of Analysis

The data were analyzed by cross-tabulations using chi-squares. The analyses were done in
three sets, including (i) cross-tabulations between 5-year, 10-year and non-loanee groups,
to test Hypothesis 1, (ii) cross-tabulations between the control and new applicant groups
to test Hypothesis II, and (iii) cross-tabulations between the 5-year and 10-year loanee

groups to test Hypothesis III. The results are summarized in this section.

(i) Cross-tabulations between S-year, 10-year, and non-loanee groups. Out of several
variables tested, some were found to be statistically signiﬁcant. These include the ability
to sign for the respondents, education experience among the respondents, mobility outside
home, satisfaction of personal needs/wants, decision-making on family planning, number
of meals eaten by the respondents, grade level of daughters in school, tutors for children,
and health awareness. The analyses results reveal that, for these variables, the 5-year and
10-year loanee groups are better Oﬁ‘ compared to the non-loanee groups. Thus,
Hypothesis 1 is not rejected. In other words, participation in GB is associated with higher
levels of economic and social empowerment. More speciﬁcally, it is seen that in a

majority of the variables found signiﬁcant, the 'empowerrnent' was found to be more

 

152

economic than social. For example, it is seen that the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups
have a higher level of mobility outside the home, than the non-loanee group. However,
the reason for the mobility of these women is to visit the bank or to the workplace —
both economic reasons. Another variable used for mobility outside the home, namely
visits to relatives, was found to be non-signiﬁcant — this variable being a social variable.
On examining some of the signiﬁcant variables, it is found that some important variables
representing social empowerment were found to be signiﬁcant. For instance, the variables

of decision-making regarding 'use of contraceptives' and 'who uses them' were found to be

signiﬁcant.

Several variables were not found to be signiﬁcant, including decision-making in the
household ﬁnances, decision-making on mobility, women's numeracy level and keeping of
accounts, an interest in children's education, awareness of basic health practices, and
attitudes regarding children's marriage, inheritance, and political rights. However, the
analyses results clearly show that, in general, there is a higher level of GB inﬂuence in the
5-year and 10-year loanee groups than the non-loanee groups, even though these variables
were found non-signiﬁcant. Also, it is seen that joint decisions involving both husband
and wives, are generally higher for the 5-year and lO-year loanee groups than for the non-

loanee groups.

153

(ii) Cross-tabulations between the control and new applicant groups. The tested
variables that were found statistically signiﬁcant include the ability to sign, mobility
outside home, satisfaction in terms of material needs, number of meals eaten per day,
whether children have tutors, health awareness, and expectation of dowry for son.

Hypothesis 11 stated that there is a higher level of empowerment among GB loanees
because new GB applicants have higher levels of empowerment compared to women who
are potential GB applicants but have not applied for membership. Since many Of the
variables were found to be statistically signiﬁcant, this hypothesis has not been rejected. It
is also noted that some Of the variables found signiﬁcant here were similar to the variables
found signiﬁcant in Hypothesis 1. For some of the variables found not signiﬁcant, it was
observed that the control group women made decisions more on their own regarding
household ﬁnancial management than the new applicant groups. The reason for this could
be that most of the women Of the control group are very poor (see Table IV.A.1), and
hence belong to homes where the husband is away in the cities working as a migrant
worker. In these cases, the women are Often left to make decisions involving immediate
ﬁnancial matters. On analysis Of the demographic data about heads of households (see
Table IV.B.3), it is observed that 30 percent Of the control group respondents are heads of

their families, compared to 10 percent for the new applicant group.

(iii) Cross-tabulations between the 5-year and 10-year loanee groups. In the survey a

few questions were developed to measure the level of empowerment between 5-year and

154
lO-year GB loanees. Of several variables tested, only one variable was found to be
statistically signiﬁcant. This was with regard to the use of contraceptives. However, the
variables that were insigniﬁcant included GB help with livestock/poultry/ gardening,
members planning to maintain themselves without GB loans, improvement of quality of
food after joining GB, number of times meat eaten before joining GB, number of times
meat eaten after joining GB, source of knowledge about the importance of using sanitary
toilet, and immunization of children after joining GB. For some of these variables, it was
observed that, in general, the 10-year loanee group respondents were slightly better
empowered than the 5-year loanee group respondents, but not signiﬁcant enough to
support Hypothesis III. Taking into account the fact that only one of the variables was
determined to be statistically signiﬁcant, Hypothesis III was rejected. In other words, the
study did not establish the fact that longer participation in GB increased the level of

empowerment for the GB loanees.

V.A.4. Limitations of Research

Several limitations were encountered during the research. Mth the availability of more
time or access to more resources, it is possible that some of the limitations could have
been avoided. The limitations experienced were: (i) selection of research methodology;
(ii) site selection for the survey; (iii) sample selection for the survey; (iv) type of tests run
for data analysis; and (v) necessity for some questions to be modiﬁed after doing the

analysis.

155

V.A.4.a. Selection of research methodology

In an ideal situation, the hypotheses about the effect of GB on the empowerment of
women should be tested using a panel data set comparing changes in empowerment
variables among the three categories of women: GB loanees for several years, new
applicants of GB loans, and non-loanees. Such a panel data approach could determine
whether changes in measures of empowerment variables associated with GB participation
resulted from the GB program, or ﬁ'om initial differences in characteristics between GB
loanees and non-loanee control groups. The researcher originally intended that such a
panel data approach be done by following up on an extensive household data set collected
by the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS) in collaboration with the
International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Unfortunately this data set, which
would have made such an analysis possible, was completely erased along with the original
questionnaires and household sample lists. Therefore, this study had to address the

research hypothesis in another way, using "next best" methods.

V.A.4.b. Site selection for conducting the survey

Limitations in the selection of sites for the survey conducted for the research were also
experienced. The researcher selected the GB branches closer to Dhaka, the capital of
Bangladesh, because of the availability of transportation and accommodation. The

proposed research required the study of 10-year loanees. However, not many GB

156

branches near Dhaka were in operation for more than ten years. Therefore, the pool ﬁom

which the selection had to be made was small.

V.A.4.c. Type of tests run for data analysis

The data collected are nominal and, therefore, only the tests that could obtain any
signiﬁcance level of the data could be run. With nominal data, only certain types of
statistical tests can be done. Using the present data, running cross-tabulations with chi-
squares were sufﬁcient to test for signiﬁcance levels of the data. Other tests such as 't-
tests' or 'ANNOVA tests' could also have been used. However, these tests would have
given almost the same results as obtained through the cross-tabulations using chi-square

and would have been repetitive.

However, if the data were continuous, then other sophisticated tests such as the multiple
regressions could have been run. The researcher was constrained to design the
questionnaire in a manner that could be comprehensible to a majority of the women, who
were illiterate, in the survey sample. The simple pattern used to design and set the

questions could produce only nominal data.

V.A.4.d. Sample selection
The study encountered certain limitations in selecting the new applicants and the control

group for the survey. These two groups could not be selected at random as was the case

157

with the other two groups — the 5-year and lO—year loanees. Each GB branch had a list
of thirty or more new applicants and the ﬁrst thirty from the list were selected as a sample
set. With the selection of control groups, additional difficulties were encountered. Not
many women, in the villages where the branches were located, ﬁt the criteria to be a
control group which required the respondents (1) not to be a GB member, and (2) own
less than one palthi of land to satisfy GB eligibility criteria. Those women who did not fall
under either of the categories generally had more than one pakhi of land which made them
ineligible to join GB. The limited number of women ﬁtting that criterion, forced the
researcher to chose the ﬁrst thirty women who were identiﬁed with the help of GB

employees and the community members.

V.A.4.e. Questions modified during analysis

When analyzing the data, it was found that some of the answers given were not in reply to
questions that were posed. This was because the surveyors may have posed the questions
slightly diﬁ'erently, in a manner more comprehensible to the respondents. To
accommodate these data, these answers were regrouped, and the question for that answer
modiﬁed appropriately. For example, regarding the question "where do you/your family
go for medical treatment", at least 5 different answers were obtained. To ensure inclusion
of these answers as well as to facilitate analysis of the data, the answers were grouped into
two categories: "medical doctor only" and "medical doctor and others", where others

included spiritual healers, quacks, homeopaths, and herbal practitioners. While these

158

changes did not aﬁ‘ect the analysis in any way, they increased the work load for the

analyst.

V.B. Conclusions of the Study
In general, the study found that participation in GB is associated with higher levels of
economic and social empowerment. In other words, GB helps improve the lives of its

members. Therefore, it was concluded that Hypothesis I was accepted.

The study revealed that empowerment is higher among GB loanees than non-loanees
because new GB applicants have higher empowerment levels, compared to the control
group. This shows that GB is not accessible to the poorest of the poor. Therefore,

Hypothesis II was accepted.

The research also found that participation in GB for a longer period did not increase
empowerment levels signiﬁcantly. Even though there was an initial increase in
empowerment levels of its members, further increase was slower. Therefore, Hypothesis

III was not accepted.

From these ﬁndings, it can be concluded that GB helps improve the situation of the poor
rural Bangladeshi women. However, it is not powerﬁrl enough to overcome the strong

forces of culture. It will take time to win the battle; it cannot be accomplished overnight.

159

One or two generations of participation may be required to empower the poor rural
Bangladeshi women. Also, the ﬁndings indicate that there is still a need for empowerment
efforts that are accessible to the poorest of the poor rural Bangladeshi women. Whether
targeting these poorest women would be best achieved by expanding access to GB

programs, or instead through a different program remains an open question.

V.C. Relation of Findings to Previous Research

The ﬁndings of this study add to the pool of knowledge collected previously on this topic
of women's empowerment by GB participation. In addition, this study looks at decision-
making in depth, and from a longitudinal perspective, two areas that were deﬁcient in

previous research of GB and women's empowerment.

Most of the previous studies (see section 11E) have generally reported that GB has had
positive eﬁects on its members. However, these studies mainly looked at the economic
impacts of GB on its members. Some studies (Rahman, 1986; Mizan, 1993) showed a
positive impact of GB on its members decision-making power. In the present research, an
in-depth study of GB's impact on household decision-making was conducted (section
IV.C.l.b). The analyses results reveal that in all cases GB was not able to raise
signiﬁcantly the level of decision-making of its female members. The levels of mobility of
GB's female members were seen to be signiﬁcantly higher than non-members, but only in

areas connected to workplace visits and bank visits. Mobility to other areas including

160

visits to relatives, stores, grazing and crop ﬁelds, and other places, were also higher for
GB members, but not at signiﬁcant levels. Thus, the present study differs from previous

studies on GB's impact on its member, at least in part.

The study also compared the impact of GB on women who were members for 5 years and
10 years, (discussed in section IV.C.3). This was done to ﬁnd out whether those who
have been in GB for a longer period had higher levels of empowerment. The results
(section IV.C.3) indicate that there is no signiﬁcant difference between the 5-year and 10-
year female loanee groups. Thus, while GB increases empowerment of its members,
compared to non-members, in certain areas, there is little increase in the level of
empowerment aﬁer the initial participation in GB programs. This is the ﬁrst such study

showing a partial longitudinal perspective on GB participation.

V.D. Contributions to New Knowledge
The contribution of this study to the body of new knowledge on GB's impact on the level
of empowerment on its female loanees is found in the two areas of (1) elimination of

cross-sectional biases, and (2) household ﬁnancial decision-making process.

V.D.l. Eliminating cross-sectional biases
On major problem of all previous studies on GB has been that no variables have been

measured for the loanees of GB before they took any loans. For example, studies

161

comparing incomes between loanees and non-loanees (the control group) have not
compared current income levels of loanees with the income levels prior to the loanees
joining the bank. The question that needed to be answered was whether there was, to
begin with, any correlation between women's empowerment variables and the decision of
the women to participate in GB. If this was the case, It suggested that a sample selection
bias may have been present in previous cross-sectional empirical studies comparing

empowerment variables between loanee and non-loanee women.

This study addressed the questions posed by tracking measures of empowerment variables
over time for GB member loanees and by comparing these traits among GB and non-GB
women. This research also tested whether diﬁ‘erences in empowerment characteristics
existed between those who are currently seeking to participate in GB and those who are

eligible but are not seeking any participation in GB.

V.D.2. Household financial decision-making process

This study also attempted to compare the level of women's involvement in household
ﬁnancial decision-making among the GB loanees and the non-loanees in greater detail.
Other studies (Rahman, 1986, for example) have inquired into household decision-making
but lacked depth. This study attempted to probe into the details of household ﬁnancial

decision-making among the GB loanees and the non-loanees. An important ﬁnding of this

162

study was that GB has not had a signiﬁcant impact on the area of decision-making of the

household ﬁnances among its female 5-year and lO-year loanees.

V.E. Policy Implications
Findings obtained from this study can be utilized to view how GB policies on
empowerment of rural Bangladeshi women can be developed or current policies improved

upon. The areas that need to be emphasized in the policy areas at the bank level are:

(1) Financial decision-making in the household. The GB target group consisted of the
poor rural Bangladeshi women who live in a male-dominated society, where men tend to
make all the decisions even in the household sphere. GB apparently helps improve the
standard of living of the poor households of the women who access credit from GB.
However, whether that actually helps them become empowered is not deﬁnite. One
would expect that, with an improvement in the standard of living, there would be
increased awareness, and therefore involvement of the women in household ﬁnancial
decisions. Yet the data show otherwise. The non-involvement of the women in
household ﬁnancial management could be because they lack the skills necessary to handle
simple accounts. GB should consider developing programs for its female members to
improve their home economic skills. Classes held on a regular basis at the bank premises
itself would not only help in increasing their much-needed home ﬁnancial management

skills, but would also help in raising their mobility which has been found to be low.

163

(ii) Literacy of loanees as well as emphasizing to them the importance of education
of their children. A majority of the GB female members were Observed to be illiterate.
Improving their literacy should be a major goal of GB. By organizing adult literacy
programs on a regular basis, these women's literacy levels, and hence their empowerment,
can be increased. It is known that rural women in Bangladesh have little time to spare
because of their heavy work-load involving housework, post-harvest food processing, and
child-rearing. Therefore, to avoid absenteeism in the literacy programs, they could be

scheduled along with other programs, such as family planning or primary health-care

progranrs.

The study also revealed that a large majority of the respondents aﬁirm that they are
interested in educating their children, in spite of the fact that they themselves have little or
no education. However, it was observed that some children, especially girls, have not
gone to school or have studied only a few grades even though in Bangladesh primary
education is ﬁ'ee. One of the reasons for the lack of education among the children is that
education involves other costs —- removal from household tasks as well as expenses for
resources such as textbook, notebooks, pencils, and other supplies. GB could help in this
area by offering its members' children school supplies at a subsidized rate. Increased
education translates to increased mobility for the children, especially girls. The more
educated the members' daughters are, the higher levels of empowerment they will achieve

as adults.

164

(iii) Primary health care awareness and family planning. One of the ﬁndings of this
study is that the primary health care awareness of GB's members needs to be improved.
To cite some examples: drinking water is not boiled; toilets are not sanitary; garbage is
disposed of by throwing it anywhere. All this relates to a lack of awareness about hygiene
and the environment. GB can introduce primary health care programs for its female
members and their children. Several studies have revealed that children play an important
role in fostering conscientious health behavior in their families and among their peer

groups (El Katsha and Watts, 1993).

The study also shows that when it came to making decisions about family-planning, it was
mainly the husband who made them; a small number of respondents made the decisions by
themselves. This indicated a lack of empowerment on the part of the women members.
GB can arrange family planning clinics for its female members. By educating them on
family planning, the women can have more control over their reproductive systems and be

more empowered as a result.

(iv) Socio-political awareness. Even though they had access to village leaders and
committees, a majority of the women surveyed were not aware of or did not seek
assistance of these units to solve their problems. GB can enhance knowledge of the
various facilities and resources available to its members through its already-existing social

development programs.

165

(v) Community development. GB is a catalyst for the process of community
development. GB can encourage loanees to take leadership roles to bring about change in

the community .

V.E. Implications for Future Research

This study was not able to investigate in several areas because of various limitations. In
the future, however, those limitations can be overcome and additional research could be
conducted to probe into areas that could not be covered in this study. The possible areas

of investigation are: (i) a panel study; and (ii) setting data differently.

(i) Panel study. A panel study may be conducted in the ﬁrture, using the same variables
of empowerment and the same questionnaire used in this study, to determine if there are
changes in empowerment variables among the three categories of respondents — those
who have been GB loanees for several years, those who are about to receive their ﬁrst GB
loans, and those who have never been GB loanees. Such a panel data approach could
address problems of causality, such as deciding whether changes in measures of
empowerment variables associated with GB participation result from the GB program, or
instead from initial diﬁ‘erences in characteristics between GB loanees and control groups.
This longitudinal study of the same respondents would help track the changes in the level

of empowerment among the GB loanees over time.

166

(ii) Setting data differently. One of the limitations of this research is that the data
collected were nominal. Therefore, by setting the questionnaire differently in ﬁrture
studies, and by using the same variables, a continuous set of data could be obtained. Mth
a continuous set of data, more sophisticated analyses such as linear regressions could be
conducted. Also, the continuous data would allow one to run cO-relation tests between
different variables, which may give new and valued insights into the level, as well as the
process of empowerment, among the GB loanees and the non-GB loanees of rural

Bangladesh.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

APPENDIX A

RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE ON GRAMEEN BANK

An Empirical Study of the Relationship Between Participating in the Grameen
Bank and Women's Income Generation and Empowerment

 

 

 

Date

 

Enumerator's Signature

 

A. Welfare Indicators

1. Demographic data

 

Age Education Major Addlt- How Long

 

Occupat- lonal Have You
tlon Occupat- Been
ion Member of
GB?
Sign
name?
Public

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

school?
Religious
school? j-

 

 

167

168

2. Do you own/ rent any land?
a. Yes b. No

Ifanswer is yes:

       

Homestead Land Agriculture and Total Land
Other

I__E___

3. Give a description of your family annual income?

      

 

 

 

 

_7_ =_ ____ # ____ 7.7 -.—..__ . -# ,. _i - ____.._1

Income Amount Total Total
Expenditure Savin_

 

a. Farming
(Seasonal)
b. Business
(Annual)
c. Handicrafts
(Annual)
1 (1. Job
(Monthly)
e. Labor
(Daily) ;
rAmmn I
Husbandry
g. Poultry
; h. Vegetables
I i. Other

 

 

 

 

4. Do you own any business (e.g. poultry, ﬁsheries, store, rice ....etc.)?
a. Yes b. No

169

Ifanswer is yes:

What type

 

 

   
 

 

 

How long have Where did you get At present what is
of you owned this the initial capital the amount of capital
enterprise/s enterprise? for this invested in your
do you enterprise? enterprise?
own? Month Year
a.
b.
c.
d

 

 

 

 

 

Answer to Column 3:
a. Grameen Bank b. Own savings c. Friends & relatives
(1. Money Lender e. Property f. Others

5. Do you own poultry/cattle?

a. Yes

b. No

6. If yes, then how many?

a. Ducks ..... b. Cows .....
c. Chicken d. goats .....
7. Present Value

a. ...... b. ......

c. ...... d. ......

. Do you grow vegetables and ﬁ'uits in your homestead?

Yes
No

170

9. How much has the loans from Grameen Bank helped you towards all this?
a. Fully b. Partly
c. Not at all d. No loan

10. Do you plan to increase the number of your livestock in the future?
a. Yes b. No c. No livestock

11. DO you plan to take Grameen Bank loans in the future?
a. Yes b. No c. Not GB member

12. If yes, why?
a. Self Reliance b. Husband uses up money/no beneﬁt to the household
c. After paying off debt

13. Ifyes, then after how many years will you stop taking GB loans?

15. Why did they leave?
a. Illness b. Self Reliance c. Default on loan d. Other

16. Do you borrow money ﬁ'om others?
a. Yes b. No

17. Ifyes, then from who do you take loans?
a. Money lender b. Relatives c. Neighbors d. Friends
e. More than 1 of the above sources 1‘. NGOs

18. If (a) yes and (b) no, then do you owe money at present?
a. Yes b. No

19. Is it convenient for you to take loans ﬁom the informal money lenders?
a. Yes b. No c. Partially

20. Ifyou have borrowed ﬁ'om informal money lenders, how much have you borrowed?

171

The following questions are for the Control Group:

21. Have you received assistance from any NGOs
a. Yes b. No

22. Ifyes, then what type of assistance?

B. The decision-making involved in the use and distribution of daily household
objects

1. Who decides what should be bought for daily groceries?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

2. Who makes decisions on the purchase of family clothing?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

3. Ifthere is a disagreement, who makes decisions?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

4. Do you go to the bank yourself and carry on the transactions? (Ask this question only
to the control group)

a. Yes b. No

5. Do you go out of the homestead?

a. Yes b. No

Ifyes, then where do you go?

a. Work b. Relatives c. Bank

d. Shopping e. Help graze cattle d. Harvest crop
f. Others

6. Ifyou go out, then how often do you go outside your homestead usually?
a. Never b. Less than once a month (1-11 times a year)

0. Less than once (12-51 times a year)

d. greater than/equal to once a week but not daily e. Daily

172

7. When you visit your parent's family, who makes the decision?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

8. Who decides on household savings?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

9. How many members earn in your family?
a. One b. Two 0. Three d. Four

10. Who decides on issues like buying/selling of land, house and other valuable objects
in the household?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

11. Who makes decisions as to how the family income should be spent?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

12. Are you able to satisfy your essential needs?
a. Yes b. No c. Partially

13. Are you able to satisfy your non-essential wants?
a. Yes b. No c. Partially

C. Decision-making on family planning & pregnancy

1. Where did you hear about contraception ﬁrst?
a. Radio/TV b. Family Planning Worker c. Grameen Bank
d. Others e. Not aware of it

2. Have you used any contraceptive measures?
a. Yes b. No

3. Did you begin to use contraceptives since joining Grameen Bank?
a. Yes b. No

5

. If yes for # 2, who uses the contraceptives?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband

5. If contraceptives are used by you/husband, who decided it should be used?
a. Self b. Husband c. Self+ husband (1. Do not use

173

. Which method do you use?

Pills b. Ligation c. Vasectomy
Coil e. Condom f. Other g. Injection

. When you get sick, who do you tell?

Immediate family b. Neighbors c. Others (1. Nobody

. While pregnant, who do/did you consult?

Doctor b. Relatives c. Midwife d. More than 1 source
Nobody f. Never been pregnant

. Decision-making on nutrition

How many times do you cook each day?

a. Once b. Twice c. Thrice

How many times do you eat each day?
Once b. Twice c. Thrice

Which of the following types of food do you cook daily?
Vegetables b. Fish c. Meat d. Vegetables + meat

. Before you joined Grameen Bank, how often did you eat meat?

Once a week b. Once a month c. Once in two months
1-5 times a year e. Not applicable

After joining Grameen Bank, how often do you eat meat?
Once a week b. Once a month c. Once in two months
1-5 times a year c. Not applicable

Has the standard of your food consumption improved since joining Grameen Bank?
Yes b. No/ the same c. Deteriorated

After everybody cats in the family, is there enough food left for you?
Enough b. Not enough

. Standard of education

Can you do accounts on your own?
Yes b. No

oompnpcrpso

174

. Who does the accounts in your household?

Self b. Husband/other male c. Self+ Husband

. Ifthe answer is b for the above question, what is the reason?

eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

. How do you keep accounts of your household?

Written b. Verbal c. Other (I. Do not keep accounts

. Are you aware of the importance of basic health practices such as:

Sanitation b. Drinking pure water 0. Medical Health

. All of the above e. Two out of three

. Do you follow all of the above practices?

Sanitation b. Drinking pure water c. Medical Health

. All of the above e. None of the above

. Ifanswer is no, what is the reason?

eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

. Are you interested in sending your children to school?

Yes b. No c. Not applicable

. How far has/have your souls studied?

Not goinynever went to school

. Grades I-V

Grades V-X

. Grades XI-XII

Bachelor
Master/grad
Other

10. How far has/have your daughter/s studied?

oer-upgrade:

Not going/never went to school
Grades I-V

Grades V-X

Grades XI-XII

Bachelor

Master/grad

Other

175

11. If son/s has/have studied more than daughter/s, then why? .......................
Ifdaughter/s has/have studies more than son/s, then why? .......................

12. Do you hire tutors at home for your children's education?
a. Yes b. No

13. Are any of your children married?
a. Yes b. No

14. Ifyes, at what age did they get married?
a. Son/s .......................... b. Daughter/s .......................

15. If no,at what age would you like them to be manied?
a. Son/s ......................... b. Daughter/s .......................

16. Do you expect any dowry at your son's wedding?
a. Yes b. No c. Other

17. Ifyes, then why? ................................................................
18. If no, then why? ................................................................
19. Who makes decisions on your daughter's marriage?

a. Self b. Husband c. Self + husband d. Others

F. Social and health awareness

1. What is the major source of your drinking water?
a. Tube well b. Open well c. Both

2. What is the major source of your cooking water?
a. Tube well b. Open well c. Covered Well
d. Pond e. River/canal

3. Do you boil your drinking water?
a. Yes b. No

4. Ifthe answer is yes, where did you ﬁrst learn about the importance of boiling drinking
ater?

a. Radio/TV b. Government ofﬁcials c. Grameen Bank

d. NGOs e. Others d. Not applicable

176

5. Where do you throw your garbage?
a. Throw it anywhere b. Fill up ditch
c. Use as Fertilizer d. Cover with soil

6. What kind of toilet do you use?
a. No toilet b. No sanitary toilet
0. Sanitary toilet (1. Covered toilet

7. Where did you learn about the importance of the use of sanitary toilets?
a. Radio/TV b. Government oﬁicials c. Grameen Bank

d. NGOs e. Family d. Neighbors

c. More than one of the above sources f. Not aware of it

8. Are your children immunized?
a. Yes b. No c. Other

9. Ifthe answer is yes, then did you get your children immunized after joining the
Grameen Bank?
a. Yes b. No c. Do not know d. Other

10. When you or your family gets ill, where do you go for treatment?
a. Doctor b. Doctor + other sources

11. Are you a member of the Union Committee?
a. Yes b. No

12. Are you a member of an arbitration committee?
a. Yes b. No

13. Do you seek assistance of a political/administrative/village leader to help resolve a
problem?
a. Yes b. No

14. Did you ever go to a political leader for assistance?
a. Yes b. No

15. Have you received any of your family inheritance?
a. Yes b. No

177

16. Ifyes, then with whose advice did you receive it?

a. Self b. Husband

0. Self + husband d. Others

If no, then why? ...................................................................

17. Do you think women have the right to get their parent's property?
a. Yes b. No
Ifyes/no, then what is the reason? ................................................

18. Are you concerned about your daughter's physical security?
a. Yes b. No c. Somewhat
Ifyes/no, then what is the reason? .................................................

19. Ifyour daughter's physical security is lost, then what will you do? ...........................

APPENDIX B

APPENDIX B

CODING FOR RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE ON GRAMEEN BANK

A. Demographics

1. Branch:
1 = Mohadevpur - Shibaloy
2 = Elashin - Deldowar

2. ID = Respondents's Identiﬁcation number

3. Group of respondents:
1 = lO-year loanee
2 = 5-year loanee
3 = Grameen Bank Applicant
4 = Control Group

4. Center:
Numeric #

5. Marital = Marital status
1 = married
2 = divorced
3 = widow
4 = single
5 = abandoned by husband

6. Child S = Number of souls (numeric)
7. Child D = Number of daughters (numeric)
8. FHead ( who is the head of the family?):
2 = wife
3 = husband
4 = other males
9. Signa = whether respondent can sign

1=yes
2=no

178

179

10. Education:
1 = Madrasha only
2 = school (school and madrasha + school)
0 = none

11. Madrasha = years of education in madrasha
12. School = years of education in school

13. OccupS:
1 = agriculture
2 = home-maker
3 = labor
4 = business
5 = cottage industry
6 = service
7 = other

8=bessins

14. OccupF:
As above

15. Occup2:
As above

16. Member:
1 = yes 2 = no
B. Income Generation
17. Land (do you own/rent any land?):
1 = yes
2 = no
18. LandH = homestead area in hectares
19. LandAl = owned agricultural land in hectares (owned but may be rented out)
20. LandTot = Total land in hectares

21. IneomeA = annual income in agriculture (in $)

180

22. IncomeB = annual income in business
23. IncomeC = annual income in cottage industry
24. Incomes = monthly income in service
25. IncomeDL = daily income in labor
26. IncomeLS = monthly income in livestock
27. Income? = monthly income in poultry
28. IncomeV = monthly income vegetables
29. IncomeM = income through misc. sources
30. IncomeTot = annual total income
31. Expense = annual expenses
32. Savings = annual savings
33. Enterpri (do you own any business?):

1 = yes

2 = no

34. Entertyp (Type of enterprise, e. g. poultry, ﬁsheries, etc?)

1 = poultry

2 = ﬁsh farming

3 = small business
4 = store

5 = hotel

6 = other

35. Enteryr = (how long have you owned this enterprise?)

36. SCapital (source of capital?):
0 = not applicable
1 = Grameen Bank
2 = own savings
3 = ﬁiends & relatives
4 = money lender

181

5 = property
6 = more than one of the above
7 = other

37. Totalcap = total ﬁxed capital (in $)

38. Livestock (do you have livestock/poultry?)
l = yes
2 = no

39. ChickenN = number of chicken?

40. ChickenP = price of chicken?

41. DuckN = no. of ducks?

42. DuckP = price of ducks?

43. CattleN = no. of cattle?

44. CattleP = price of cattle?

45. GoatN = no. of goats?

46. GoatP = price of goats?

47. Total LSP = total price/value of livestock (chickenP + duckP + cattleP + goatP)

48. Garden (do you grow vegetables & ﬁ'uits in your homestead?):
1 = yes
2 = no

49. GBhelp (has GB helped in livestock/poultry/gardening?):
1 = ﬁrlly
2 = partly
3 = not at all
4 = no loan

50. Futplan (any future plans for increasing number of livestock?):
1 = yes
2 = no
3 = no livestock

182

51. NoGBCR (do you plan not to take GB loans in the ﬁrture?):
l = yes
2 = no
3 = not GB member

52. NoGBwhy (if yes why?):
1 = self reliance
2 = husband uses up money/no beneﬁt to the household
3 = after paying oﬂ‘ loan

53. GBYR (if yes, then after how many years do you plan to stop taking GB loans?):

55. Reason (Why did they leave?)
1 = illness
2 = non repayment of credit
3 = self-reliance
4 = moved
5 = death
6 = husband disagreed
7 = other
8 = got married
9 = could not utilize the money

56. Borrow (do you take loans from others?):
1 = yes
2 = no

57. Borrowwho (if yes, from where?):
1 = money lender
2 = relatives
3 = neighbors
4 = ﬁiends
5 = more than one of the above sources
6 = NGOs

183
58. BorrowN (if yes, do you still owe money?):
1 = yes
2 = no

59. BorrowML (Is it convenient for you to take loans from money lenders?):

1=yes
2 = no
3 =partially

60. Borrowhow (how much have you borrow?): .....................

61. NGOS (Have you received any assistance from any NGOs?):
1 = yes
2 = no

C. Household Decision-making

62. Dgrocery (who decides what be bought for daily groceries?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = other

63. Clothing (who makes decisions on the purchase of family clothing?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = other

64. Disagree (if there is disagreement, who makes decisions?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = other

65. CGbank (who does banking transactions?):
1 = yes
2 = no

 

184

66. OutsideH (do you go out of the homestead?):
1 = yes
2 = no

67. Ifyes (if yes, then where do you go?):
1 = work
2 = visit relatives
3 = bank
4 = shopping
5 = help graze cattle
6 = harvest crop
7 = other

68. Workl (ﬁ'equency of visit to work?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily

5=darly

69. Relativ2 (frequency of visits to relatives?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily
5 = daily

70. Bank3 (ﬁequency of visits to bank?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily
5 = daily

71. Shop4 (frequency of visits to grocers?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily
5 = daily

185

71. GrazeS (ﬁequency of grazing animals in the ﬁelds?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily
5 = daily

72. Crop6 (frequency of visits to the ﬁelds?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily
5 = daily

73. Others (ﬁ'equency of visits to other places?):
1 = never
2 = less than once a month (1-11 times a year)
3 = less than once a week (12-51 times a year)
4 = greater than/equal to once a week but not daily
5 = daily

74. ParentV (who decides on your visits to your parents’?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = other

75. Saving (who decides on household savings?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = other

76. EamingM (how many members earn in your family?):
1 = one
2 = two
3 = three
4 = four

77. Buying (who decides to purchase/sell valuable objects in the HH?):
1 = self
2 = husband

186

3 = self+ husband
4 = other

78. Spend (who decided on the spending in the HH?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self + husband
4 = other

79. Need (are you able to satisfy your essential needs?):
1 = yes
2 = no
3 = partially

80. Desire (are you able to satisfy your non-essential wants?):
1 = yes
2 = no
3 = partially

D. Family Planning Decision-making

81. FPinfo (where did you hear about contraception ﬁrst?):
1 = radio/TV
2 = family planning workers
3 = GB
4 = others
5 = not aware of it

82. UseFP (have you used any contraceptive measures?):
1 = yes
2 = no

83. GBFAMPLN (did you begin to use contraceptives since joining the GB?):
1 = yes
2 = no

84. WhoFP (if yes, who uses the contraceptives?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self + husband

H7

85. Decide (who decided that contraceptives should be used?)
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = other

86. Contra (if yes, which method do you use?)

1 = pills 6 = vasectomy

2 = coil 7 = not applicable
3 = injection 8 = other

4 = ligation 9 = pill + condom
5 = condom

87. Illness (when you get sick, who do you tell?):
1 = immediate family
2 = neighbors
3 = other
4 = nobody

88. Pregnant (while pregnant, who do/did you consult?):
l = doctor
2 = relative
3 = midwife
4 = more than one source
5 = nobody
6 = never been pregnant

E. Food Habits

89. Cooking (how many times do you cook each day?):
l = once
2 = twice
3 = thrice

90. FoodInt (how many times do you eat each day?):
1 = once
2 = twice
3 = thrice

188

91. Menu (which of the following types of food do you cook daily?)

1 = vegetables
2 = ﬁsh
3 = meat

4 = vegetables + meat

92. GBmeat (how oﬁen did you eat meat before joining GB?):
1 = once a week
2 = once a month
3 = once in two months
4 = 1-5 times a year
5 = not applicable

93. MeatGB (how oﬁen do you eat meat after joining GB?):
1 = once a week
2 = once a month
3 = once in two months
4 = 1-5 times a year
5 = not applicable

94. Quality (has the standard of food consumption improved since joining GB?):
1 = yes
2 = no/the same
3 = deteriorated

95. Enough (aﬁer everybody eats in the family, is there enough food left for you?):
1 = enough
2 = not enough

F. Level of Education

96. Count (can you do accounts on your own?):
1 = yes
2 = no

97. Trans (who does the accounts in your household?):
1 = self
2 = husband/other male
3 = self + husband

H9

98. Why] (if answer is b for the above questions, what is the reason?): [String Variable]

99. Account (how do you keep accounts of your HH?):
1 = written
2 = verbal
3 = other
4 = do not keep accounts

100. Health (are you aware of the importance of basic health practices such as?):
1 = sanitation
2 = drinking pure water
3 = medical health
4 = all of the above
5 = two out of the above three

101. Follow (do you follow all of the above practices?):
1 = sanitation
2 = drinking pure water
3 = medical health
4 = all of the above
5 = all no

102. Why2 (if answer is no, what is the reason?): [String Variable]

103. Childed (are you interested in sending your children to school?):
1 = yes
2 = no
3 = not applicable

104. Son (how far has/have your souls studied?)
0 = not goinynever went to school
1 = grades I-V
2 = grades VI-X
3 = grades XI, XII
4 = bachelor
5 = master/grad
6 = other

105. Daughter (how far has/have your daughter/s studied?):
0 = not going/never went to school

l=grades I-V
2 = grades VI-X

190

3 = grades XI, XI]
4 = bachelor

5 = master/grad

6 = other

106. Sonmore (if son/s have studied more than daughter/s, then why?): [String Variable]
107. Daughtm (if daughter/s have studied more than son/s, then why?): [String Variable]

108. Childmar (are any of your children married?):
1 = yes
2 = no

109. Why3 (if yes, at what age did your son/s get married?)
l= below 10 2 =10-15
3 = 16-20 4 = <21

110. Why4 (if yes, at what age did your daughter/s get married?)
1 = below 10
2 = 10-15
3 = 16-20
4 = <21

111. WhyS (if your son/s are not yet married, at what age would you like them to be
manied?):

112. Why6 (if your daughter/s are not yet married, at what age would you like them to be
married?):

113. Dowry (do you expect any dowry at your son's wedding?):
1 = yes
2 = no
3 = other

114. Dowryyes (if yes, then why?): [String Variable]

115. Dowryno (if no, then why?): [String Variable]

ml

116. Daughtdc (who makes decisions on your daughter's marriage?):
1 = self 2 = husband
3 = self + husband 4 = others

117. Tutor (do you hire tutors at home for your children education?):
1 = yes
2 = no
3 = other

G. Health & Social Awareness

118. Drink (what is the major source of your drinking water?):
1 = tube well
2 = open well
3 = both

119. Cook (what is the major source of your cooking water?):
l=tube well 2=open well
3 = covered well 4 = pond
5 = river/canal

120. BoilH20 (do you boil your drinking water?):
1 = yes
2 = no

121. BoilHZOW (if yes, where did you ﬁrst learn about the importance of the boiling
water?):
1 = radio/TV
2 = govt. oﬁicials
3 == GB
4 = NGOs
5 = others
6 = not applicable

122. Garbage (where do you throw your garbage?):
l = throw it anywhere
2 = ﬁll up ditch
3 = use as fertilizer
4 = cover with soil

192

123. Toilet] (what kind of toilet do you use?):
1 = no toilet
2 = no sanitary toilet
3 = sanitary toilet
4 = covered toilet

124. Toilet2 (where did you learn about the importance of the use of sanitary toilet?):
I = radio/TV
2 = govt. oﬁicials
3 = Grameen Bank
4 = NGOs
5 = family
6 = neighbors
7 = more than one of the above sources
8 = not aware of it

125. Irnmunel (are your children immunized?):

1=yes
2=no
3=other

126. Immune2 (if yes, then did you get your children immunized after joining GB?):
1 = yes 2 = no
3 = do not know 4 = other

127. Treatment (when you/your family get/s ill, where do you go for treatment?):
1 = doctor
2 = doctor + other sources

128. Member2 (are you a member of the Union Committee?):
1 = yes
2 = no

129. Shalish (are you a member of an arbitrary committee?):
1 = yes
2 = no

130. Resolve (do you seek assistance of a political/administrative/village leaders' help to
resolve a problem?):

1 = yes

2 = no

193

131. Politicl (did you ever go to a political leader for assistance?):
] = yes
2 = no

132. Inherit (have you received any of your family inheritance?):
] = yes 2 = no

133. AdviceY (if yes, then with whose advice did you receive it?):
1 = self
2 = husband
3 = self+ husband
4 = others

134. AdviceN (if no why?): [String Variable ]

135. Right] (do you think women have the right to get their parent's property?):
1 =yes
2 = no

136. Right2 (if yes/no, why?): [String Variable]

137. Secure] (are you concerned about your daughter's physical security?):
1 = yes

2 = no
3 = somewhat

138. Secure2 (if yes/no, then what is the reason?): [String Variable]

139. Secure3 (if your daughter's physical security is lost, then what will you do?):
[String Variable]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abdullah, Tahrunnessa A, Zeidenstein, Sondra A., Village Women of Bﬂglgdﬁhi
Roms for Change, Pergamon Press, 1982, pg. 11-15, 56, 58.

Addis Tribune, ”The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, a Successﬁrl Experience in
Development", a Tarnbek International Publication, No. 123, Friday, March 24,
1995, Pg. 2.

Ahmad, Naﬁs, A Now Economic (Egraohy of Baoglaoosh, Vrkas Publishing House Pvt.
Ltd. New Delhi, 1976, pg. 1.

Ahooja-Patel Krishna, ”Economic and Social Status of Women in Asia Today", United
Nations International Research and Training for the Advancement of Women
(IN STRAW) working paper, Presented to the 8th International Symposium on
Asian Studies, Hong Kong, 1986, pg. 8.

Alamgir, Susan F. ,Proﬁlo of Banglodoshi Women: Sol god Asms of Women' s Rolos
WM]; Prepared for USAID Mission to Bangladesh, Dhaka,
1977, pg. 3, 55, 56, 58.

Auwal, Mohammed A; Singhal, Arvind, ”The Diffusion of Grameen Bank in Bangladesh:

Lesson Learned About Rural Poverty", Knowlﬂgo: Qreatior; Diﬂ‘usioo,
mm Sage Publications, Inc., 14(1):7-28, 1992.

Balk, Deborah, ”Individual and Community Aspects of Women's Status and Fertility in
Rural Bangladesh”, Population Sgdig, 48(1994), 21-45.

Batliwala, Srilatha, ”The Meaning of Women' s Empowerment: New Concepts from
Action", i n Polici s R n id r Em w rrn n
Eds. Gita Sen, Adrienne Germain, and Lincoln C. Chen, Harvard Series on
Population and International Health, Harvard Center for Population and
Development Studies, Boston & International Women's Health Coalition, New
York, March 1994, pg. 129.

194

195

Bangladesh Planning Commission, Tho Sgono Fivo Xoa; Elao 1980- 85, Dhaka:
Government Press, 1980, pg 15.

Bennet, Austin, "Professional Staff Members' Contribution to Community Development,"
192% of Communig Develoomoot Smiog, 4(1):58-68, 1973.

Berger, Marguerite; Greeley, Martin, A Women in Dovoloomont Implemontotjon Ploo for
W A Document for USAID, July 1987, p 27.

Bhuiyan, Rabia, ”Bangladesh: Personal Law and Violence Against Women”,

Bmoowment goo tho Law: Strotogies of tho Third World Womoo, Ed. Margaret
Schuler, OEF International, Washington DC, 1986, pg. 48-50.

Cain, Mead; Syeda Rokeya Khanarn and Sharnsun Nahar, ”Class, Patriarchy, and Women's

Work in Bangladesh”, reprinted from Populotion goo melopmoot Rog'ow, The
Population Council, Inc., 5(3):408, 1979.

CASE), Center for Advanced Study of International Development, Michigan State
University, "Grameen Bank: Replicating a Success Story", CASID printed this
article, with permission, ﬁ'om December 1991 issue of Cooperation South, a
publication of the United Nations Development Program, 9(1), Sept. 1993, pg. 13.

Chambers, R, "Poverty in India: Concepts, Research and Reality”, IDS Discussion Paper,
1988,pg.24l.

Chaudhury, Raﬁqul H.; Ahmed, Nilufer R., W Bangladesh
Institute of Development Studies, Dacca, Bangladesh, 1980, pg. 35, 43, 52, 88,
92, 123, 126, 118-120.

Chen, Lincoln C.; Huq, Emdadul; and D'Souza, Stan, "Sex Bias in the Family Allocation
of Food and Health Care in Rural Bangladesh", P l ' n D l m
Rm Vol. 7, No. 1, March 198], pg. 66, 67.

Christenson, James A; Robinson, Jerry W. Jr., "In Search of Community Development”,

WW Eds James A Christensen and Jen? W
Robinson Jr., Iowa State University Press, Ames, Iowa, 1980, pg. 6

Christenson, James A, Fendley, Kim, Robinson, Jerry W. Jr., "Community Development,

W Eds James A Christensen and Jeﬁy W
Robinson, Iowa State University Press, Ames, Iowa, 1989, Pg. 14.

 

 

196

Dunbar, John O, ”The Bedrock of Community Development", 111W
Meme—um 3(2):42-53, 1972.

El Katsha, Samiha; Watts, Susan, The Empowerment of Women: W

W, The American University in Cairo Press; Cairo Papers in
Social Science, Vol. 16, Monograph 2, Summer 1993, pg. 68.

Farman-Farmaian, Sattareh, ”Women and Decision-Making: With Special Reference to
Iran and Other Developing Countries”, Tr it' Divi i n f W rk B

W International Institute for Labor Studies, Research
Series, No. 2], 1976, pg. 20.

Frederickson, George H., ”Strategy for Development Administration", Tho Joomﬂ of
Community Moloomont Socioty, 6(1):88- 10], 1975.

Fugelsang, Andreas; Chandler, Dale, Participation as Process: Wm
WM Dhaka, Bangladesh, Grameen Trust. 98- 121. 1993.

Germain, Adrienne; Ordway, Jane, ”Population Control and Women's Health: Balancing
the Scales", International Women's Health Coalition (IWHC) in Corporation with
the Overseas Development Council, June 1989, pg. 3.

HalLMargaret,C.,Wm Emw n' 'frInr ,
Hemisphere Publishing Corporation, Washington, Philadelphia, London, 1992, pg.
3, 109-114.

Holcombe,SusanH.,1L . . . - .
Allﬂation, University Press Limited and Zed Books, 1995, pg. 36, 37.

 

Hossain, Mahabub, ”The Impact of Grameen Bank On Women's Involvement in
Productive Activities", a paper presented in seminar organized by the Economic &
Social Commission for Asia Paciﬁc in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on Nov 6, 1984,
September 1986, pg. 4.

Hossain, Mahabub, Crodjt for Allou'otion of Rorol Eovm: Tho {amigo Bﬂ in
Baoglaoosh, International Food Policy Research Institute in collaboration with

Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, February 1988, pg. 65.

Hubbard, Joan Meyer, ”Grameen Bank: A Proﬁle,” prepared for a conference on Financial
Services and the Poor, The Brookings Institute, Washington DC, September
28-30, 1994, pg. 2.

197

Huda, Sigma, ”Bangladesh: Religion, Law, and Women's Rights", W

Low; Strotogjoo of tho Third World Women, OEF International, Washington DC,
1986, pg. 250.

Huq, Muzammel; Sultan, Maheen, ”Informality" in Development: The Poor as

Entrepreneurs in Bangladesh”, The Silent Rovolotion: the Informal Smor to Eivo
Qion and N§§L Eastern Coonm'g, eds. Lawrence A Chickering & Muhamed
Salahdine, An International Center for Economic Growth Publication, ICS Press,
San Francisco, 199], pg. 145, 173, 174, 176, 177.

Islam, Shamima, ”Women's Education in Bangladesh: Needs and Issues”, The Foundation
for Research on Educational Planning and Development (FREPD), Dhaka, 1977,

pg. 1.

J effs, Angela, ”Bangladeshi Revolutionizes Lending to Poor”, W Sunday,
October 3, 1993.

Johnson, B.L.C'., Baogtodosh, Heinemann Educational Books, Ltd. London, 1975, 8.

 

Jorgensen, Vibeke, P . ' = ‘ ° - .
Swedish International Development Authority (SIDA), Uppsala, 1983 pg. 24.

Kabeer, Naila, "Monitoring Poverty as if Gender Mattered: A Methodology for Rural
Bangladesh”, Institute of Development Studies, Women: Agriculture and Rural
Problems, February 1989, pg. 12, 13.

Kabeer, Naila, ”Gender Dimensions of Rural Poverty: Analysis from Bangladesh”, _'I_‘]_ro
WW Vol. 18, No. 2, Jan 1991, pg. 244, 246, 247.

Kabeer, Naila, L d1 ‘ " x )1- . .

- - ° . London
and New York. Verso, 1994.

 

Kamal, GhulamM., Rahman, Moharnmed B, and Ghani, A...KM A, W
4044-441’v140141v3‘2vior0f 21 B W nBen 12
Associates for Community and Population Research, Dhaka, Bangladesh, pg], 3,
1992.

Khan. Azizur R; Hossain. Mahabub, MW
MacMillian in association with the Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) Centre, 1989, pg. 168, 169.

198

Khan, Selma, Th F' P cent: Women in Devel m n Poli in B h,The
University Press Limited, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 1988, pg. 12, 13, 16, 17, 34, 38, 39.

Lovell, Catherine H., Breaking tho Cyclo of Povooty; Tho BRAC Stratogy, Kumarian
Press, 1992, pg. 11, 15, 16.

McCarthy, Florence E.; Sabah, Saleh; and Akhter, Rowshan, ”Rural Women Workers in
Bangladesh: A Working Paper”, Women's Section Planning and Development
Division, Ministry of Agriculture and Forests, Dhaka, August 1978, pg. 15, 16, 18,
22, 23. '

McCarthy, Florence E.; Feldman, Shelley, "Rural Women Discovered: New Sources of
Capital and Labor in Bangladesh", Working Paper #105, as in Michigan State
University, November 1985, pg. 7.

Mehra, Rekha; Drost-Maas , Annelis, and Rahman, Ruba, ”Financing Poor Women: The
Record, the Prospects," International Center for Research on Women, Washington
DC, 1995, pg. 50.

Mizan Ainon Nahar, ”Women's Decision-Making Power in Rural Bangladesh: A Study of
GrameenBank,"Th nB :Pv Rli inB Ed.AbuN.M.
Wahid, Westview Press, 1993, pg. 128, 145-147.

Noman, Ayesha, Status of Womon go Fortilig in Bgtglodosh, The University Press
Limited, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 1983, pg. 29, 32, 38, 40, 42, 44, 47, 52 .

Novak, James J ., h: R ﬂ ' W Indiana University Press,
Bloomington, 1993, pg. 89, 90, 99, 100.

Olofsson, Britta, Mo Bank - A Bank for tho Pmr, Department of Economics at the
University of Lund, 1993, Pg. 12, 22-26, 28. ‘

Postel, Els; Schrijvers, Joke; ”A Women's Mind is No Longer than a Kitchen Spoon", eds.
Carla Rissenew, et al., A Report on Women in Sri Lanka, Leiden National Institute
of Business Management, Colombo, 1980, pg. 18, 19.

Quanine, Jannat, ”Women and Nutrition: the Grameen Bank Experience", Mood
Waugh. vol. 1 1(4). 1989. PS- 64-

Rahman, Atiur, ”Impact of Grameen Bank on the Nutritional Status of the Rural Poor”,
Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), Research Report No. 108,
September 1989, pg. 1, 23, 25.

199

Rahman, Rushidan I, "Impact of Grameen Bank on the Situation of Poor Rural Women”,
Working paper No. 1, Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS),
Dhaka, Bangladesh, July 1986, pg. 14, 47, 55-57, 6], 62, 67, 68.

Riker, Rosalind G., ”Development for Whom? Women's Unrecognized Role", RAE;
WWW. Vol.9 (4). P8. 9-

Sattar, Ellen, ”Women in Bangladesh: A Village Study”, The Ford Foundation, Dhaka,
Bangladesh, October 1974. pg. 25, 26.

Schuler, Sidney Ruth; Hashemi, Syed M., "Credit Programs, Women's Empowerment, and
Contraceptive Use in Rural Bangladesh,” Sgtdios in Fm]! le'ng, 25(2):65-76,

March/April 1994.
Shehabuddin, Rehnuma, Emmwering RM Womon: Tho Imoog of m Book to'
Bonghdosh, Grameen Bank, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 1992, pg. 52.

Sherman, Gerald, "The Business Alert: Micro-enterprise Lending," SooiLlloLig,
20(21):64-67, Fall 1989.

Siddiqui. Kamal, WWW National Institute of
Local Government, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 1984, pg. 3, 9.

Tho Now Enoyolomt'o Britannioo, 15th ed. Chicago: Encylcopedia Britannica, Vol. 14,
1995,pg.7ll,713,7]5.

Tinker, Irene; Raynolds, Laura T.,
' ' ' . an Pr i Equity Policy Center (EPOC),
Washington DC, 1982, pg. IV-3.

Wahid, Abu. N. M, "The Socioeconomic Conditions of Bangladesh and the Evolution of
the Grameen Bank”, Th 11 B : P v li in B ed. Abu
N.M. Wahid, Westview Press, 1993, pg. 4.

Wahid, Abu N. M., ”The Grameen Bank and Poverty Alleviation in Bangladesh", Iho
Am ' fE n mi S ci 1 , 53(1):1-15, January 1994.

Wallace, Ben J.; Ahsan, Rosie Mujid; Hussain, Shahnaz Huq; and Ahsan, Ekramul, Ih_o
' i ' Work in R r B ad Westview Press,
Boulder and London, 1987, pg. 116, 117.

 

200

Westergaard, Kirsten, Pauperization and Rural Women in Boogtodosh, Bangladesh
Academy for Rural Development (BARD), Comilla,, Bangladesh, 1983, pg. 1, 2,

6, 7, 76, 82.

 

erber, Jane 13., ”Development Programs for Women in Bangladesh: A Planners Guide”,
AMaster Thesis, 1978, pg. 5, 12, 13.

WorldBank,B h: trt' frE in th me inEn
W A Country Study, Washington DC, 1990, pg. xix, xxv-xxvi, 7.

World Bank, World meloomont Rooogt, Oxford University Press, New York, 1992.

World Bank, E in W men' Partici i ninE n mi 1 m n AWorld Bank
Policy Paper, Washington DC, 1994, pg. 22, 26.

World Development Report, Workers in an Integtoting World, Published for the World
Bank, Oxford University Press, 1995, pg. 212, 213.

Young, Kate, Planning Doveloomont with Womon: Making o World of Diﬁ‘gonoo, St.
Martin's Press, New York, 1993, pg. 23, 60.

Yunus, Mohammed, n B Pr ' in B
W Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development (BARD),

Comilla, 1982, pg. 3.

Yunus, Mohammed, B vin d r i f r h P r Presented at the
Inter-Country Workshop of Group-based Savings and Credit for the Rural Poor”,

Sponsored by [1.0, held at Bogra, Nov., 1983, pg. 6-13.

Yunus, Mohammed, "Grameen Bank: Experiences and Reﬂections”, a report presented at
the Consultation on the Economic Advancement of Rural Women in Asia and the
Paciﬁc held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on Sept. 1991, Jan 1992, pg. 17.