- .4. V. Anmuum 3 "1%.... If... . . a I 5.. .3: agar . VIN" 4. . P: 8““. .43 3.”. L9... twain. an... 3.3?» :Mwmxk‘ w; v n.» . f. Jo. .. . . .. :64: .90 , lqmnu‘mmm3érui. in? e . .... uh“ fianmwu T will “millilillmllm 93 5 0140 finesse: 3 “1 LIB RARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled IMAGES OF COMMUNITY: CONSTRUCTIONS OF ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY IN LATE 20TH CENTURY AMERICAN FILM presented by Joel R. Brouwer has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in English Major professor Date January 7, 1997 MS U i: an Affirmative Action/ Equal Opportunity Institution 0—12771 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. A DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE IMAGES OF COMMUNITY: CONSTRUCTIONS OF ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY IN LATE 20TH CENTURY AMERICAN FILM BY Joel R. Brouwer A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English 1997 ABSTRACT IMAGES OF COMMUNITY: CONSTRUCTIONS OF ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY IN LATE 20TH CENTURY AMERICAN FILM BY Joel R. Brouwer Recent studies of the signs of ethnicity and race in film stress political and cultural dimensions, emphasizing liminality as a trope of ethnic sensibility. Such studies tend to conflate auteur with film text, and foreground sociology rather than style. The present study takes a different path, reading images of ethnicity and community by analyzing the way these images affect viewers pre- perceptually in films directed by Spike Lee, Martin Scorsese and Wayne Wang. Postmodern interdependence, multiculturalism, and technological change complicate the concept of community. Sociologist Zygmunt Bauman writes of "imagined communities" forming around spectacle, style, or temporary allegiance. The communities constructed in the films considered here demonstrate this temporary, constructed quality, even while invoking images of ethnic identification. The tools used to analyze the images of community in these films are those provided by Gilles Deleuze in his cinema_1 and cinema_2, Ethnic communities are geographically represented by neighborhoods, or public space, in School Daze, Do the Right Thing, Mean Streets, and Chan is Missing. Conceptual and stylistic differences amongst these films are analyzed in terms of their use of the action-image: Lee's images of confrontation, Scorsese's images of ostentatious display and Wang's images of inquiry and indeterminacy. The films' image structures are read as inquiries into structures of ethnic identity, depicting the way temporary communities form around these inquiries. The affection-image is the primary point Of comparison for images of family as community in The Joy Luck Club, GoodFellas, and crooklyn. Crystal-images, and spaces of pure affect (Deleuze's "any-space-whatevers"), visually transmit a sense of Chinese American identity in The JOy Luck Club. crooklyn conveys experiences of nuclear family and African American identity through affection-images, crystal-images, and variations of dream-image. In GoodFEllas the moving camera creates what Deleuze calls a reume, a type of perception-image where subject flows through frame. These any-instants-whatever undercut the illusion of stability which the imagined community of mobsters claims. Finally, the presentation of eating as a communal gesture is compared in the three films, using Deleuze's concept of the noosign, the thinking camera. Copyright by Joel Roelof Brouwer 1997 DEDICATION My mid-career foray into scholarship has been an adventure that would not have been possible without the strong encouragement, support, and love of my children, Joel, David and Sharon, my mother, Wilma Brouwer, my parents-in-law, Bill and Wilma DuBois, and most of all my wife, Dr. Rosanne DuBois Brouwer. I dedicate this volume to them. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study would not exist without the encouragement, advice, and wisdom of my dissertation committee chair, Dr. Larry Landrum. He introduced me to the works of Gilles Deleuze, and provided invaluable assistance as I worked out the design for this study and carried it through. I am very grateful. I also appreciate the support of my dissertation committee members: Dr. Gretchen Barbatsis, Dr. Linda Susan Beard, Dr. Barry Gross, and Dr. William Vincent. Their friendship, encouragement, and thoughtful responses to my work were of great value to me as I labored to complete this project. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 THE SOCIOLOGY OF ZYGMUNT BAUMAN, THE PHILOSOPHY OF GILLES DELEUZE, AND THEIR APPLICABILITY TO THE STUDY OF LATE 20TH CENTURY AMERICAN FILM ................... 1 CHAPTER 2 COMMUNITIES IN PUBLIC SPACE ......................... 27 CHAPTER 3 CONSTRUCTIONS OF FAMILY AS COMMUNITY ............... 101 CHAPTER 4 CONCLUSION ......................................... 199 WORKS CITED ........................................ 238 vii CHAPTER 1 THE SOCIOLOGY OF ZYGMUNT BAUMAN, THE PHILOSOPHY OF GILLES DELEUZE, AND THEIR APPLICABILITY TO THE STUDY OF LATE 20TH CENTURY AMERICAN FILM In a world where simulations create a reality all their own, film stands out as a primary example of virtual experience which shapes perceptions of lived experience. Though a narrative film is a constructed artifact, it appears to represent a depiction of "the way things are," or were, in some imaginary or historical time and place. The psychological and emotional responses that this portrayal evokes may create the illusion that the portrayal is real, or an image of reality. Just as the filmmaker constructs a milieu that is meant to be read as real, he or she constructs images that affect our understanding of concepts. When Spike Lee, in grggklyn, depicts a noisy, squabbling crew of brothers and sisters living in a cramped Brooklyn flat with their mother, and sometimes their father, the images construct a sense of family different from that depicted by Wayne Wang in The Joy Luck Club, where a group of adults gather in a nicely appointed San Francisco apartment to tell stories which 2 spark a variety of memories. Because no essential concept of family exists, neither filmmaker can tell a story that absolutely defines it. But each tells a story and presents images that contribute to a concept of family. As with the concept of family, there is no essential concept of community. The three filmmakers I will consider, Spike Lee, Martin Scorsese, and Wayne Wang, cannot define community, nor do they attempt to try. But their films are replete with images which represent community, and communities, either images which are physical structures and icons depicted visually, or images which are metaphors. Their films also recognize the interplay between ethnic/racial identification and the sense of "belonging" which may be construed as a constituent element of the sense of community. As overdetermined and problematized as issues of race and ethnicity are in late 20th Century American society, an inquiry into these three filmmakers affords the possibility of examining the way issues of ethnicity and race impinge on understandings of community as communicated in these films. As mainstream contemporary American filmmakers, Lee, Scorsese and Wang work within a common filmic tradition, and use similar sets of tools for constructing the films they make. They also work under similar financial constraints. In some ways, their films may appear to be similar. Yet the distinctiveness of their films asserts itself as well. My project here is to discover and employ a set of critical and 3 theoretical tools which will be productive in reading the images each filmmaker creates of the concept of community, and in accounting for the differences among the films of these directors as they construct the concept of community. The choice of three filmmakers foregrounds the fact that this study is not first of all focused on the antenna themselves, nor even on a direct and closed comparison of two of them; rather, my purpose is to use these three as subjects of a study aimed at discovering communicative structures within the films, and probing the way those communicative structures operate. In this respect, my study is different from those which foreground the filmmaker's intentions in constructing the images under consideration, comparing the intentions with the execution. In a sense, the filmmaker's intentions are immaterial. What is important for this study is the filmic image itself, and the effect it creates. For this reason, unlike most studies of antenna, this study will pay little attention to the testimony of the filmmaker. I have chosen to focus this study on the works of specific auteurs, however, because I suspect that the structures I find in a specific film will also be characteristic of other films by the same filmmaker. If this consistency is indeed evident, it provides a point of departure for comparison with films by other filmmakers. The element of comparison is valuable as a control factor: since all three work within the Hollywood milieu, it might 4 be reasonable to expect that there would be similarities in their methods of structuring films which could be considered standard. The differences among them, though, will provide the clue to what is individual about each filmmaker, and his portrayal of the concept of community. Consequently it is important to this study that more than one filmmaker be considered. These three particular filmmakers participate in the techniques and structures characteristic of American filmmaking at the end of the 20th Century. Yet each has a distinctive style and approach, making it posSible for me to discern differences as well as similarities displayed by the three. Wang, Scorsese, and Lee are appropriate subjects for this study because their careful, consistent construction of film texts repays the effort it takes to analyze them. Further, each participates consciously in a particular culture within the multicultured American society: Lee an African American, Scorsese an Italian American, and Wang a Chinese American. Their films resist being classified as ethnically representative, yet their portrayals of community are conflated with constructions of ethnic experience. Finally, Lee, Scorsese and Wang have returned to the idea of community over the course of a number of films, exploring its dimensions thematically and conceptually. Since my purpose is to connect these thematic manifestations of the concept with the iconographic communicative structures from which the films are constructed, the choice S of filmmakers who deal thematically with the concept of community is a logical one. My focus, then, will be on the construction of images of community in the films, and the relationship that these structures bear to the thematic treatment of the concept of community. ZYGMUNT BAUMAN ON COMMUNITY A necessary first step toward a consideration of the way Lee, Scorsese and Wang present community in their films is to consider various possibilities for what the term means, how it is used, and how it might be conceptualized. Meanings change, and the meaning of community is complicated by new developments of interdependence, multiculturalism, and technological change characterized as "postmodern." My lens for considering the meaning of community will be the theoretical perspective of Zygmunt Bauman, a sociologist who recognizes the complexity of conducting sociological study in a postmodern world. Bauman seeks not to categorize and explain human behavior, as he explains in the introduction to Thinking Sociologicaliy, but to view "human actions as elements of wider figurations,...webs of mutual dependence" (7-8). In exploring these relationships, Bauman seeks to defamiliarize "common sense" conceptions of society: "Suddenly, the daily way of 1ife...appears to be just one of the possible ways, not the one and only, not the 'natural', way of life" (Thinking 15). 6 The subjects which interest Bauman are many, but the concern which unifies virtually all of them is his interrogation of culture as ongoing creative process. This dynamic view of culture informs his understanding of the way the concept of culture must be understood in the postmodern age. As Bauman explains in Tngimagigng g: Egfiimgggrnigy, "...the postmodern setting...invalidate[s] many an essential constituent of the cultural discourse. Central precepts of that discourse, like dominant culture, or cultural hegemony, seem to have lost much of their meaning, or (as far as their missionary, crusading stance is concerned) run out of energy. The contemporary world is, rather, a site where cultures (this plural form is itself a postmodern symptom!) coexist alongside each other, resisting ordering along axiological or temporal axes...Like postmodern art-- postmodern culture seems doomed to remain disorderly, to wit plural, rhizomically growing, devoid of direction" (35). This disorderly, decentralized, authority-less (postmodern) world provides impetus towards the search for community, as both a refuge against disorderliness and directionlessness, yet also an alternative to discredited authoritarianism and totalizing systems or philosophies. Bauman characterizes postmodernity as a state in contrast to modernity, with its belief in universality and foundation: "the moral thought and practice of modernity was animated by the belief in the possibility of a non; WWMMHJt is thediebelief ’7 in such a possibility that is pgstmodern--'post' not in the 'chronological' sense..., but in the sense of implying...that the long and earnest efforts of modernity have been misguided, undertaken under false pretences and bound to--sooner or later--run their course..." (Eggimgggrn Eggigs 9-10). Modernist thought looks to rational and potentially universal structures, such as laws and codes, or scientific inquiries and advances, to create movement toward overarching clarity, and certainty. From the post-modern perspective, such expectations are misguided. That is not to say that the postmodern does not recognize claims to certainty or meaning; rather, the postmodern recognizes the existence of many such competing claims, acknowledging the primacy of none of them. "Postmodernity is marked by a view of the human world as irreducibly and irrevocably pluralistic, split into a multitude of sovereign units and sites of authority, with no horizontal or vertical order, either in actuality or in potency" (Intimagigns 34). The condition of plurality, of multiple sites of authority, leaves individuals in a state of ambivalence, ethically speaking. As Bauman says in Egfigmgggxn Egnigg, "with the pluralism of rules...the moral choices (and the moral conscience left in their wake) appear to us intrinsically and irreparably ambiyaient. Ours are the times of enough: felt moral ambiguity" (20-21)- This state of ambiguity, and perhaps fear engendered by loss of certainty, are factors creating impetus toward community. 8 "If the modern world-view theorized (both reflected and legitimized) the unificatory tendencies and uniformizing ambitions of state societies, the postmodern view shifts the focus on to the (admittedly underdefined) agency of community. More precisely, the focus shifts to communities; the most seminal distinction of the new framework of perception and analysis is precisely its plurality" (We 36). THE DESIRE FOR COMMUNITY The desire for community is a desire for an ideal situation in which individuals are safe, protected by the collective strength and wisdom of the community, yet free, recognized as individuals whose rights and opinions are respected. This constructed vision of community has little relationship with the actual workings of particular communities, but this wished-for alliance appears to provide a site of allegiance, cohesion, and safety for individuals threatened by loss of certainty and recognition of contingency. "Thus postmodernity, the age of contingency in; sigh, of self-conscious contingency, is for the thinking person also the age of community; of the lust for community, search for community, invention of community, imagining community...Community--ethnic or otherwise--is thought of as the uncanny (and in the end incongruous and unviable) mixture of difference and company: as uniqueness that is not paid for with loneliness, as contingency with roots, as 9 freedom with certainty; its image, its allurement are as incongruous as that world of universal ambivalence from which--one hopes--it would provide a shelter" (Tneimeeiene 134-135). For individuals who experience the uncertainty which accompanies postmodern ambivalence, some sites of comfort and identification seem close at hand: ethnicity, nationality, traditional religious affiliation. Others may be more ephemeral, shifting, and provisionally constructed, such as affiliations built around suburban neighborhoods or professional sports teams. In a society marked by postmodern isolation and estrangement, "community" is more a manifestation of the desire of the community-seeker to find solace despite the postmodern absence of absolutes than it is of any objectively existent entity. Thus, Bauman asserts, ours is "an age of imagined eemmnnieiee. For the philosophers and the ordinary folk alike, community is now expected to bring the succour previously sought in the pronouncements of universal reason..." (Tneimeeiene xviii- xix). Of course, not every community is entirely imagined. But "real" communities, while based on commonalities of geography, race, social class, ethnicity, or religion, still participate in the constructed nature of the "imagined" community. Qualities and characteristics imputed to the community, while perhaps based on actual events and empirically demonstrable assertions, are often extrapolated and abstracted from these specific events into statements of 10 certainty about the nature of the community which have little empirical warrant. In this sense, the neighborhood, or extended family, or social club are constructed entities, communities both actual and imagined. They share characteristics with communities far more ephemeral and temporary--communities such as those created by moments of shared stress, as when dealing with widespread disaster, or moments of shared joy, as when celebrating a sports team's victory. Regardless of its place on this continuum of permanence, an imagined community gains strength, appropriately enough, in the imaginations of its constituent members. The strongest sense of a community's robustness and immutability occurs when community members see the community as a natural, self-engendered and self- perpetuating phenomenon. In this view, community "need not be laboriously constructed, maintained and serviced. The community type of belonging is at its strongest and most secure when we believe just this: that we have not chosen it on purpose, have done nothing to make it exist and can do nothing to undo it..." (Thinning Seeieiegieeliy 72). This perception may be extremely distorted with regard to any particular community, but to the extent that community members hold and share this perception, the community will be robust. The sense of the inevitability of community is reinforced by the perception that factors "beyond human 11 power" are catalysts of its existence. When individuals perceive "immutable links" between themselves and others, a sense of community more readily forms. Bauman cites links such as common ancestry, common connection to the land, common historical heritage, common belief--in short, factors of race, nation and religion, as points of coalescence for community feeling. These factors, Bauman asserts, are particularly conducive to community-building because "the invoked facts remain steadfastly beyond the control of the people to whom the appeal is being made. The reference to such facts effectively hides the element of choice and arbitrariness involved in the choice...Under such circumstances unwillingness to join forces cannot but be treated as an act of treason" (Thinking 74). Another manifestation of behavior which appears treasonous in the context of community is disagreement. Or, to put it positively, a sense that community members are in agreement, or at least ready to agree, "is assumed to be the primary, natural reality of all community members. A community is a group in which factors which unite people are stronger and more important than anything which may divide it; the differences between members are minor or secondary by comparison with their essential--one is tempted to say overwhelming--similarity" (Thinking 72). Yet, when this sense of similarity is deconstructed, it proves to be a chimera. The postmodern multiplicity of sites of authority and claims on allegiance undermines such 12 simple solidarity. So an activity correlative to the assertion of community agreement occurs: the shoring up of the sense of similarity, the sparking of the imagination to reengender the ever-failing sense of the (imaginary) community. "When we use a phrase like 'As we all agree...‘ we attempt, therefore, to bring to life, or keep alive, or resuscitate a community of meanings and beliefs which has never existed 'naturally', or is already about to fall apart, or is to rise again from the ashes. We do it under conditions admittedly unfavourable for the existence and survival of 'natural' communities—-in a world in which contradictory beliefs coexist, different descriptions of reality compete with each other, and each view has to defend itself against the arguments of the other side" (Thinking 73). Perceptions of commonality, and stimuli toward agreement, are primary signs upon which communities base their sense of communal identity. Imagined communities which form in the absence of these signs may be more tenuous, but can still be perceived to provide a refuge against postmodern contingency. The signs around which these more tenuous communities form are signs of action. Spectacle, and style, translate to symbols which assert communal identity.1 Outrageous acts, or destructive ones, 1 As Bauman explains, "To exist is to be enacted; I am seen, therefore I exist--this might have been the imagined community's own version of the engine. Having no other (and above all no objectified, supra—individual) anchors except 13 or spectacular displays are all equally effective assertions of identity for imagined communities. IDENTITY FORMATION: US AND THEM Imagined communities from as small as nuclear families to as large as nations or ethnicities all develop corporate identities in the minds of the individuals who comprise them. As the identity of the imagined community is created and reinforced, its members create and reinforce their individual identities in concert with their conception of their communities. Paradoxically, this process of individual identity formation occurs in a context which often encourages submersion of individual identity into the wider community identity. Imagined agreement and expected conformity are norms of behavior which reinforce the sense of community existence and cohesion, seemingly at the the affections of their 'members', imagined communities exist solely through their manifestations: through occasional spectacular outbursts of togetherness (demonstrations, marches, festivals, riots)-—sudden materializations of the idea, all the more effective and convincing for blatantly violating the routine of quotidianity. In the postmodern habitat of diffuse offers and free choices, public attention is the scarcest of all commodities (one can say that the political economy of postmodernity is concerned mostly with the production and distribution of public attention). The right of an imagined community to arbitrate is established (though for a time only; and always merely until further notice) in proportion to the amount and intensity of public attention forced to focus on its presence; 'reality', and hence also the power and authority of an imagined community, is the function of that attention" (Tneimeniene xix-xx). 14 expense of the autonomy and agency of the individuals who affiliate with the community. This seeming paradox can be accounted for by the existence of competing communities, large and small. The individual may concurrently identify or sympathize with a nuclear family, a neighborhood, an ethnicity, a nationality, a profession, an interest group, a political party, and numerous other organized or ephemeral communities. According to Bauman, one of the most powerful means of creating community identity is to define the community in terms of what it is not: "...an out-group is precisely that imaginary opposition to itself which the in-group needs for its self-identity, for its cohesiveness, for its inner solidarity and emotional security" (Thinking 41-42). Thus, the sense of belonging which the individual feels about being a part of a community, which is brought into sharper focus by contrast with the dissimilar appearance and behavior of members of other communities, also serves, through the same contrast, to impart a sense of individuality. When the alliance with the community requires action, again as an assertion of community uniqueness, the sense of individuality becomes a sense of agency as well. While this impetus toward action in defense of the community against perceived enemies may operate most clearly on the large scale of nations, it also operates on smaller scales such as ethnic enclaves, neighborhoods, even families. 15 This sense of community solidarity in contrast with competing communities offers a basis for making easy ethical or political decisions. Though community members may frame constructions of community in positive terms, those constructions are often politically charged, and can become tools of violence and Oppression. According to Bauman, "the idea of community as 'spiritual unity' serves as a tool for drawing as yet non-existent boundaries between 'us' and 'them'; it is an instrument of mehiiizeeien, of convincing the group to which the appeal is made of its common fate and shared interests, in order to solicit a unified action" (Thinking 73). Such "unified actions" can certainly be positive, but they can also be destructive as well, particularly when they are born of an imagined community's sense of its own tenuousness, and need to assert its importance in competition with alternate manifestations of community: "Seeking an authority powerful enough to relieve them of their fears, individuals have no other means of reaching their aim except by trying to make the communities they imagine more authoritative than the communities imagined by others--and this by heaving them into the centre of public attention. This can be achieved by spectacular display--so spectacular and so obtrusive as to prevent the public from turning their eyes the other way. Since no imagined community is alone in its struggle for public attention, a fierce competition results that forces upwards the stakes of the game. What was sufficiently spectacular 16 yesterday loses its force of attraction today, unless it lifts to new heights its shocking power. Constantly bombarded, the absorptive powers of the public are unable to cling to any of the competing allurements for longer than a fleeting moment. To catch the attention, displays must be ever more bizarre, condensed and (yes!) disturbing; perhaps ever more brutal, gory and threatening" (Inhimeeiene xx). An alternate reading of the phenomenon of competing communities is to read this as evidence of the postmodern multiplicity of sites of authority. Every community is a locus of power and authority, recognized as such by individuals who identify with the community. Individuals may or may not accede to the authority of the community, but the choice and the imperative are always there, explicitly or implicitly. The degree of the individual's complicity with the political, social or ethical agenda of the community will be more or less consonant with the individual's willingness to recognize community authority, but that complicity may be challenged by the individual's sense of alliance with other communities which are directly or indirectly in competition with the first community. Individuals who look to community norms, or rules, for guidance find that there are "too many rules for comfort: they speak in different voices, one praising what the other condemns. They lash and contradict each other, each claiming the authority the others deny" (Eeeenegenn 20). This ambivalence, this confusion, symptomatic of the 17 postmodern, raises the necessity of choice, a form of agent behavior discouraged by affiliation with a single community, but necessary where multiplicity exists. In order to exercise choice, the individual needs at least some degree of freedom, another attribute which is restricted and constricted by community standards and norms. This tension seems irresolvable: "The need for freedom and the need for social interaction--inseparable, though often at odds with each other--seem to be a permanent feature of the human condition" (Bauman Exeegem 53). This tension may, however, be less irresolvable than it seems. If Bauman's assertion is accurate that postmodern "community" is less likely to describe actual, extended social interaction between a particular group of individuals, and more likely consists of a "virtual" or "imagined" community which is as much a manifestation of the community member's conception of the community as it is a description of any existing reality, the conflict between group and individual dissolves into the "free agent" status of the individual. The multiplicity of communities, which calls for a choice on the part of individuals as to the communities they will identify with, leaves the ultimate power of definition, both of the community and the self, to the individual. These definitions may in all likelihood not be self-generated, and indeed may be no more than choices from an almost infinite menu of possibilities which bombard the individual, yet under conditions of the multiplicity of 18 communities, the power to define is nonetheless ultimately within the province of the individual. This possibility of shifting allegiances amongst multiple communities, or sites of authority, creates a fragmented sense of self at the same moment that it seems to validate the autonomous self through the act of choosing. Individuals who choose this route (a condition endemic to the postmodern) become border dwellers, participants in various overlapping or neighboring communities who are entirely at home in none of them. Bauman calls them "strangers;" though they may actually be familiar to other community members, the impermanence of their allegiance to the community makes them unreliable, and sources of anxiety. At one moment, they may be one of "us," at the next, one of "them." Because they are neither friend nor foe, they cause anxiety (Thinking 54-58). Bauman's perspective on the concept of community recognizes its complexities and ambiguities. These complexities and ambiguities resist easy analysis or categorization; they also open rich, though inconclusive, lines of thought and exploration. In this respect, Bauman's theoretical approach to the concept of community mirrors the postmodern communities which he considers. They may be fragmented, shifting, virtual-—but they do function as loci for allegiance and action, with varying degrees of impermanence and commitment. This consonance with late 20th Century experience makes Bauman's approach a productive frame through which to view late 20th Century films, and an 19 appropriate complement to Gilles Deleuze's poststructural approach to cinema. THE CINEMATIC PERSPECTIVE OF GILLES DELEUZE Gilles Deleuze was primarily a philosopher whose philosophical interests involved him heavily in questions of psychology. A long-term project, shared with Felix Guattari, was to develop a philosophical framework for psychological inquiry in a manner alternative to that of Sigmund Freud. It may seem strange, then, that the Deleuze canon includes one book, in two volumes, on the topic of filmginemalllheuoxementlmaseandszinemazllhefime Image. Deleuze's purpose was not to serve as a cinema critic, though his knowledge of European film, and some American film, was broad. Rather, Deleuze constructs a theory of cinema which "is not 'about' cinema, but about the concepts that cinema gives rise to... " (cinema 2 280). In ginema, Deleuze grounds his analysis of the structures of cinema in the philosophical and psychological insights of Henri Bergson, and the semiotic taxonomy of C.S. Peirce. Deleuze reworks, refines, sometimes recreates and redefines concepts from Bergson and Peirce, then demonstrates how the images of cinema are visual and aural analogues of these concepts. But while it may have been written as a philosophical exploration, Cinema provides a fresh way to read the images produced in film, an alternative to the psychoanalytic perspective in cinematic interpretation. 20 Instead of beginning with the psychological concepts which originate with the viewer, or the theorist, then finding their analogues in the themes depicted or the structures employed in cinema, Deleuze begins with the structures themselves. These structures are initially apprehended as sensation, pre-perceptually. That is, the phenomenon of film is a physical stimulus which we first experience as sensation, then process perceptually to arrive at cognitive understanding. In Deleuze's analysis, recognition of this initial, pre-perceptual instant opens a site for analysis which has not been previously explored, allowing the critic to begin with the phenomena of cinema itself, rather than with a theory extraneous to it. Light, color, sound, moving and changing images-~these are the basic constituents of film as a physical, sensation-producing artifact. A way in to the analysis of film, then, is to consider the structures through which these elements operate. In doing so, Deleuze provides not only a new starting point, but a new language for analysis of film. His is a philosophical project, with practical applications. Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam assert that "Deleuze is engaged in the work of concept creation 'alongside' the cinema. New concepts are invented, on the basis of some well-known philosophical themes, and then put to work in the cinema" (xi). The starting point for the consideration of cinema is the image. And the starting point for the cinema-image is movement--not movement added to image, but movement-image 21 (Cinema i 2). In contrast to a painting, or sculpture, the cinema image moves. Furthermore, the pose in a painting or a sculpture is consciously chosen and produced; Deleuze refers to such poses as "privileged instants" (Cinema 1 4). Consciously chosen and reproduced images in cinem -- closeups, or figures haloed by lighting, for example-- display the qualities of privileged instants. But most moments in cinema are "any-instant-whatevers." Deleuze draws on Henri Bergson's Creanixe Eyeineien to contrast the "privileged instant" with the "any-instant-whatever", the random moment frozen into an image by the mechanical operation of the camera (Cinema 1 3-4). These images, "any- instant-whatevers," linked with other images and mechanically projected, create the movement-image. Or, more properly, the movement occurs in the intervals between these static images; movement cannot be a property of any one of the images, but is the effect of their 1inking--not movement added to image, but movement-image. The cartoon provides a readily recognizable example, as each cell in itself "no longer constitutes a pose or a completed figure, but the description of a figure which is always in the process of being formed or dissolving through the movement of lines and points taken at any-instant-whatevers of their course...It does not give us a figure described in a unique moment, but the continuity of the movement which describes the figure" (CinemaIS). 22 This relationship of any-instant-whatevers to each other, constantly breaking down and reconstituting the cinematic image, is the first half of the understanding of the movement-image. The second half introduces the relationship of the movement-image to its wider context, and to time. These are concepts which Bergson explored in his attempt to understand the relationship between matter, image, movement and time. Deleuze first explains Bergson, then demonstrates how Bergson's concepts, or adaptations of Bergson's concepts, are consistent with the specific case of the cinematic image. The seen cinematic image exists in relationship with a wider, unseen whole, and exists through time. "If we tried to reduce it to a bare formula, it would be this: not only is the instant an immobile section of movement, but movement is a mobile section of duration, that is, of the Whole, or of a whole. Which implies that movement expresses something more profound, which is the change in duration or in the whole" (Cinema i 8).:2 The whole and "wholes" are not synonymous with the concept of a set. Sets are closed entities, existing in space (they may, for example, comprise the physical elements within the frame). Wholes are in duration, and are synonymous with duration (Cinema i 10-11). "Thus in a sense movement has two aspects. On one hand, that which happens between objects or parts; on the 2 This lays the groundwork for the concept which Deleuze foregrounds in Cinema_g: the time-image. 23 other hand that which expresses the duration or the whole" (Cinema 1 11). On this primary concept, the nature of the movement-image, Deleuze builds the subsequent concepts which comprise Cinema. 1.; The W Image- The second half of Deleuze's project is taken up in Cinema z; The Time image. Though Cinema is not a history of film, Deleuze does connect his project with the historical development of cinema. While duration through time was an integral part of cinematic experience from the beginning of film art, an element which filmmakers learned early to manipulate by compressing, extending or resequencing to fit their dramatic purposes, its underlying progression in concert with dramatic action came to be a staple element of film art and audience expectation. The important factor here, though, is that in cinematic art this reproduction of duration and temporal continuity is not an inherent feature of the medium, but is constructed and manipulable. In the constructedness of the cinematic image lies also the possibility of dissociating cinematic movement and duration. The cinematic image may be a representation of movement, with time as an element of its representation, but it may also be a representation of time itself. This phenomenon of the time-image, in Deleuze's analysis, did not arise until a particular historical moment: the aftermath of World War II. As Deleuze explains in the preface to the English Edition of Cinema T1, "...in Europe, the post-war period has greatly increased the situations which we no 24 longer know how to react to, in spaces which we no longer know how to describe. These were 'any spaces whatever,‘ deserted but inhabited, disused warehouses, waste ground, cities in the course of demolition or reconstruction" (Cinema TT, xi). These blasted and war-ruined spaces, both in real life and in cinematic depictions, were sites of confusion, shell-shock, wandering, aimlessness, enervation, and other states and behaviors divorced from purposeful action, if not sites devoid entirely of human action. Particularly as represented in film (Deleuze cites especially the Italian Neo-Realists), these any spaces whatever were and are sites where "what tends to collapse, or at least to lose its position, is the sensory-motor schema which constituted the action-image of the old cinema. And thanks to this loosening of the sensory-motor linkage, it is time, 'a little time in the pure state,' which rises up to the surface of the screen" (Cinema 11, xi). Images which pre-war audiences might have expected to become part of a meaningful narrative and chronological progression were experienced by post-war audiences in new cinematic surroundings: "the images are no longer linked by rational cuts and continuity, but are relinked by means of false continuity and irrational cuts. Even the body is no longer exactly what moves; subject of movement or the instrument of action, it becomes rather the developer...of time, it shows time through its tirednesses and waitings [as in AntonioniJ" (Cinema IL xi). 25 The significance of Deleuze's framework for considering the operation of cinema goes beyond his insight into historical progression and structural issues. As noted earlier, Deleuze is first a philosopher, and his project in considering the operation of cinema links with his wider philosophical inquiries. As Hugh Tomlinson and Robert Galeta observe, "The time-image which Deleuze releases from modern cinema gives him a new line of approach to a number of important problems of modern thought: the undecidability of truth and falsity, the relation of inside and outside, the nature of 'the people,‘ the relation between brain and body" (xvi). These inquiries by Deleuze find a wider context as he explores them in such works as "Rhizome" and A Thousand Elateauel oaoioalian and Schizophrenia (both co- Authored with Felix Guattari), and consequently these other works will be useful reference points in this study. It is in Cinema, though, that Deleuze gives his fullest picture of the relationship between the time-image in cinema and the conditions of late 20th Century life, the conditions which both Deleuze and Zygmunt Bauman characterize and describe as "postmodern." As artifacts of postmodern cultural production, film texts both are comprised of and generate images of social concepts such as community. When the concept of community is explored within a specific body of films, such as those of Lee, Scorsese and Wang, Bauman's sociological insight into the pressures which postmodern conditions bring against 26 the concept of community is useful for examining the contours of community within this set of films. To the extent that different filmmakers have different visions of the concept of community, however, the images that they create are not simply conceptual, but physical. The films do not simply say things differently, or say different things, about the concept of community. They consist of images, and those images resonate differently. Deleuze's inquiry into the relationship between the physical structures of the images in films provides a taxonomy for analyzing those images, allowing for the possibility of distinguishing the images of community created by one filmmaker from those created by another. Beyond taxonomy, however, Deleuze's inquiry provides a basis for relating the actual structure of the images to the concepts which the images convey. All of these uses for Bauman's theories and Deleuze's theories, classifications, and connections I wish to demonstrate and explore in the following chapters on the images of community in the films of Spike Lee, Martin Scorsese, and Wayne Wang. CHAPTER 2 COMMUNITIES IN PUBLIC SPACE Harlem, Chinatown, and Little Italy have been the settings for numerous films. Many of those films, not surprisingly, have been mysteries or other variations of the crime film. The locations offer both the mystery of the Other and the familiarity of the American city. The physical, readable nature of these communities makes them public spaces which are simultaneously accessible and inaccessible to film audiences, just as the actual locations may be accessible to outsiders in search of an ethnic meal, but closed to any meaningful interaction between the interlopers and the occupants of these communities. Whether a community is viewed as exotic or banal, however, depends on who is doing the viewing. What is exotic to the outsider is quotidian to the resident. That such neighborhood locations are presented as exotic in traditional Hollywood films says more about the filmmakers and their conception of their audience than it says about the location itself. Traditionally, the perspective of Hollywood films on places like Harlem, Chinatown, and Little Italy has been a stereotypical one. As Norman K. Denzin observes about the depiction of Asian Americans in film, the 27 28 Hollywood infrastructure has functioned "as an institutional apparatus which described, taught, and authorized a particular view of Asian culture, Asian men, women, and Asian family life. It created a system of discourse which constituted the 'Orient' and the Asian as 'imaginary others' who were simultaneously categorized, exteriorized, excluded and included within the Western framework" (Denzin, Cinematio 90)- The question of representation of ethnic groups in Hollywood film has a long and problematic history,3 rendered problematic to a great extent by the "otherness" of the actors, producers, and directors in relation to the people they were depicting. This situation has changed somewhat in recent years. Spike Lee, Martin Scorsese and Wayne Wang are all examples of filmmakers whose identification is to some degree ethnic, and who also make "Hollywood" films. While all three have acknowledged that their work is sometimes situated within and often affected by their own ethnicity, none claims to speak for anyone other than himself in making his films. All three, however, have claimed that when making films about others who share their ethnicity, they 3 For a historical overview of the representation of Asian Americans, see Richard A. Oehling' s "The Yellow Menace: Asian Images in American Film," in Randall M. Miller. ed Ihe_Kaleidoaoonio_Lene1_Hou_Holl¥nood;Yiene Eehnie_gnenne, Jerome S. Ozer (1980) 182- 206. For a broader context on the depiction of ethnicity in film, see Lester D. Friedman, ed. Ameniean_Cinema, Urbana: U of Illinois P (1991). 29 speak from an insider's position of knowledge, and privilege.‘ A more interesting question than how the directors claim to construct images of ethnicity, though, is the question of how the films themselves construct images of the communities they depict, communities which are often but not always ethnically identified. These are images of communities which exist and interact within public spaces. In the films of Wang, Scorsese and Lee, the public spaces are almost always urban, and technically open to use by anyone, yet communities of varying degrees of permanence and stability employ various overt and implicit strategies to mark out territories and define themselves through territory as well as other means. One of the means of territorial definition and demarcation which occurs in a number of the films in question is the means of ritualistic display through gatherings such as demonstrations and parades. Communities which define themselves in these ways may be temporary and shifting entities, but for a time these ritualistic displays, carried out publicly, serve the function of defining the community both for itself and for onlookers. In Zygmunt Bauman's analysis, "imagined communities exist solely through their manifestations: through occasional spectacular outbursts of togetherness (demonstrations, ‘ See Wang, "A Delicate Balance;" Scorsese, "The Martin Scorsese Interview;" Lee, Cniiih_nhe_kaee. 30 marches, festivals, riots)--sudden materializations of the idea, all the more effective and convincing for blatantly violating the routine of quotidianity. In the postmodern habitat of diffuse offers and free choices, public attention is the scarcest of all commodities...the right of an imagined community to arbitrate is established (though for a time only; and always merely until further notice) in proportion to the amount and intensity of public attention forced to focus on its presence" (Intimations xix-xx). This assertive use of public space seems to be most characteristic of the films of Spike Lee. His earliest film Sheie QQLLB Haze Te, shows the early signs of a general pattern: the characters are not often seen in public spaces such as streets, parks, and subways, but when they are, interesting patterns emerge. Public spaces are places of display, or of confrontation. The public location which is referred to more than any other is a park. Two noteworthy scenes take place here. In one, on the occasion of Nola Darling's birthday, two dancers perform for Nola in front of a large monument in the park. The fact that this scene is presented in color in an otherwise black-and-white film signals that the scene, while not literally a fantasy (Nola and Jamie, the boyfriend who arranges the performance for Nola, are actually in attendance) has overtones of the fantastic, beginning with the fact that they are alone in the park during the performance. Here is an example of a public place used for display, though it appears to be 31 display for private purposes, in the absence of any other audience than Jamie and Nola. The other important scene in the park takes place between Nola and Jamie, at a park bench which has appeared numerous times in the film as a place of contemplation or conversation for Jamie. Visually, though the space is public, it is a confined, bounded space. The bench has a fence directly behind it, and in the earlier scenes, Jamie has been seated on the bench while the camera holds him in place with tight shots that allow minimal views of the physical context. The any-space-whatever which surrounds the close-up of Jamie's face shows the cross-hatched pattern of the chain-link fence, a visual suggestion of the limitations Jamie faces in his relationship with Nola Darling. In these scenes, Jamie talks directly to the camera about his problems with Nola, and in one case discusses these problems with Mars Blackmon, one of his rivals for Nola's affections. In the final scene at the park bench, however, Nola herself confronts Jamie and tries to persuade him to maintain their relationship without commitment. When Jamie refuses, Nola turns her back on him and walks slowly, almost in slow motion, toward the camera. In one of the few deep-focus shots in the film, Jamie stays in focus behind her while Nola walks away. When Nola is about 20 feet away from Jamie she turns toward him, but he doesn't follow. She continues to walk away. Though the deep focus shot reduces the sense of confinement present in 32 the previous scenes at the park bench, it also emphasizes the distance between Nola and Jamie which results from their inability to agree about the nature of their relationship. Again, Lee's use of public space in Sheie Ceeea game 1; draws attention to the park as a locus of conflict, in this case conflict of an interpersonal nature. Because the issues in Sheie Ceeha Haze T; are largely interpersonal, rather than social or political, it is not surprising that the use of public space is not particularly social or political. Yet the confrontation between Jamie and Nola, even though it is over the personal matter of commitment in relationship, is predictive of the use of public space in subsequent Spike Lee films. Public space is a space of tension, a place of confrontation, a place where conflicts surface but are not resolved. This construction of public space as a place of uncertainty and confrontation is a stronger motif in the musical seheei page. Here the issues are more public and social, though still largely proscribed by the imagined community of African Americans. The public space in Seheei Daze consists of the public areas on the campus of fictional Mission College, patterned after Spike Lee's alma mater, the historically black Morehouse College. The conflicts in fieheei Daze are almost entirely conflicts between groups of students over issues ranging from jealousy over skin tone to whether the school should divest itself of investments in South Africa. As Lee himself remarks, "the entire film is 33 jammed with conflict and confrontations" (Cniiie 177). Some of the confrontations seem to be the product of youthful swagger,song which the women sing take note of and interrogate the desire of some African Americans to have "good hair," defined as hair which is not kinky and is capable of being styled in a "white"" manner. The public space of the beauty shop becomes a site of confrontation between African Americans who self-define into two different groups, forming community around physical characteristics, and confronting each other through dance, song, and other forms of ritual expression. That their confrontation is ultimately a conflict over the power of self-definition in regard to concepts of beauty is a concept brought into focus by Clyde Taylor, whose comment in a different context applies equally as well to Seheei Daze: "The effectiveness of repressed people in the communications struggle, either as senders or receivers through systems influenced by this hierarchy, depends on their realisation of the obsolescence of the contest over the nature of truth beside the contest over the control of truth, and the irrelevance of 'beauty' beside the power to choose and name beauty" ("Black Cinema" 90). A parallel scene between males occurs at a fraternity- sponsored "step-show." Each female group has a male group counterpart: the "Wannabes" are sorority members, aligned with the Gamma Phi Gamma fraternity, which exercises its campus dominance through intimidation and ritualized 34 aggression. The "Jigaboos" are a more loosely organized group, and are aligned with a group of campus men, led by Dap and known as "the Fellas," whose allegiance to each other is based simply on friendship, rather than on the formalized bonds of obligation which characterize the fraternity. The step-show, a public competition of dance and rhythm between fraternities, is nominally presented as part of Mission College's homecoming weekend entertainment. It goes beyond entertainment, though, in that the competition is read by its participants and its spectators as an assertion of social dominance, the "power to choose and name beauty," which reflects not only on the groups themselves, but also on the definitional values which they actively or implicitly advocate. Thus the fraternity dancers are aligned with values of a hierarchical social structure and economic stratification within the African American community, with power belonging to light-skinned, "good haired," well-educated blacks. The non-fraternity men, whose uninvited contribution to the step-show is a direct attack on the fraternity men in general and the Gammas in particular, are identified with a more democratic ideal for social structure, both within the college and within the African American community at large. The sites of confrontation between these two dogmas are various throughout the film, but are always public places, and often involve ritualized display through dance, song, and chant, as in the "straight and nappy" and the "Step-Show" segments. 35 Lee's visual realization of these two scenes in fieheei gaze conforms broadly to patterns typical of those described by Deleuze as action-images. The action-image is the image of twoness, of confrontation. It occurs in "determinate, geographical, historical and social space-times" (Cinema 1 141). It is the site of realism in cinema, explained as "milieux and modes of behaviour, milieux which actualise and modes of behaviour which embody. The action-image is the relation between the two and all the varieties of this relation" (Cinema 1 141). The action-image, unlike affection-images and perception-images, is not a matter so much of individual shots as it is of sequences of shots, extending to the point of the shape of the trajectory of the film in its entirety. This is in keeping, broadly, with Lee's visual style; individual shots are typically on-screen for short durations, and the meaning of the scene results less from the composition of any particular shot or camera movement than it does from the accumulation of shots and framings from different perspectives and angles, and their relation to each other. That which is dynamic becomes so because of editing and montage, rather than because of composition or camera movement. Deleuze distinguishes two broad types of action image: the large form, where a situation produces an action which alters the situation (SAS'), and the small form, where an action reveals a situation which then results in a new or altered action (ASA'). Both the "Straight and Nappy" and 36 the "step show" sequences exhibit the characteristics of the large form, as does the narrative trajectory of Seheei page in its entirety. The situation is one of disunity amongst the students at Mission College, a disunity which arises from their having different "missions." Dap's, and consequently that of the Fellas as well as Rachel and the women who surround her, is to instill a greater sense of Black solidarity and Black pride within the college community. The mission of the Gammas, mirrored by Jane and the Gamma Ray sorority members, is much more self-serving: to garner and maintain status within the college social system, and to use it for personal gratification and gain. This broadly painted conflict becomes evident shortly after the film begins, and drives the behavior of students who are aligned with one group or another. Secondary conflicts arise over related issues, such as definitions of Black beauty, as in the "straight and nappy" sequence. There is one significant contextual difference between "straight and nappy" and "step show," which is that "straight and nappy" is presented as a fantasy sequence. The sequence shot which precedes "straight and nappy" depicts Jane, the Gamma Ray leader and girlfriend of Gamma Phi Gamma President Julian, striding down a dormitory hallway at the head of a group of Gamma women. They encounter Rachel, Dap's girlfriend, at the head of a group of non-sorority women. Rachel's group members are dark- skinned, the Gammas light-skinned. They trade insults, 37 reminiscent of the "Dog Parade" section of Sheie Cehha flame in, and prefiguring the racial insults scene in he ehe nigh; Thing. The sorority women, mocked for their straightened hair and blue contact lenses, reply with "Pickaninny," "Tar Baby," and "Jigaboo." In response they hear "Barbie Doll" and "High yellow heifer." With Rachel and Jane facing each other down in the middle of the group, the scene cuts to the beginning of "straight and nappy," where the camera tilts down from the Madame Re-Re sign to the entrance of the beauty shop, as the Jigaboos and Wannabes run through the doors to the site of their dancing and singing confrontation. The shot which directly follows the "straight and nappy" sequence returns us to Jane and Rachel, still facing each other down, telling each other "watch it." This sequential suggestion of the fantasy nature of the "straight and nappy" production number is reinforced by the location, which is nominally decorated to resemble a beauty salon, but in a very stylized fashion; it is obviously a set on a sound stage, in the manner of sets for production numbers in other musicals. Despite these markers of the non-literal, the "straight and nappy" sequence still fits comfortably within Deleuze's definition of the action-image. Even though Madame Re-Re's may seem outside the province of the "determined milieu," ("determinate, geographical, historical and social space- times" [Cinema 1 141]), it is not the physical milieu which is of paramount importance. Rather, the wider milieu of the 38 film, the campus with its tensions between students with different definitions of "progress" for African Americans, is decidedly determinate, geographical, historical and social, as Lee is at pains to establish at the beginning of the film through a series of still photographs that situate "Mission College" and its students within the history of African American struggle. The photographs depict slave ships, slavery, Marcus Garvey, and other images of oppression or "the other" which contextualize the importance of self-definition and of community solidarity, issues around which the film revolves. According to Deleuze, realism "does not exclude fiction nor even the dream. It can include the fantastic, the extraordinary, the heroic..."(Cinema i 141). The situation of disunity which gives rise to conflicts between individuals, such as Julian and Dap, or Rachel and Jane, also produces the conflicts between groups that are acted out in the "straight and nappy" and "step show" sequences. The action which is produced as a result of the situation is a physical acting-out of the "duel of forces"(Cinema i 142) which according to Deleuze typifies the action image. These duels may be inconclusive throughout the story or film, but at some point the protagonist and antagonist must appear together in the same frame as the duel comes to a climax. In fieheei Daze, these sorts of climaxes appear throughout the film, including in the two sequences under discussion here. Ultimately, 39 though, they do not result in a clear sense of a changed situation (the final moment in the SAS' equation). The film ends with Dap assembling the Mission College community in a public space, in front of the chapel, at sunrise on the day after the homecoming weekend. His cries of "Wake Up!" seem to signal his realization that, despite his efforts to unify, the community is about as fragmented as when it began. The situation produced action, but no discernable change in situation. A more complete realization of the action-image occurs in he ehe nigh; Thing, another Spike Lee film in which the action-image is the medium for the use of public space as a site of confrontation, spectacle, and display. After the title and opening credits, he hhe high; Thing begins where Seheei Daze left off: with the disc jockey Senor Love Daddy telling the neighborhood to "Wake Up!," a signal that this film will also explore issues of identity and consciousness raised in fieheei page. ahe;e_Ceeea Haze T; explores primarily interpersonal issues, and is located primarily in private spaces, such as Nola Darling's apartment. The issues of African American community and solidarity in Seheei Daze are explored in settings both private and public. The settings and spaces in De ehe nigh; Thing are almost entirely public: a pizza parlor, the street in front of it, and the front steps of buildings on the block. The only interiors we see for any length of time are the interiors of apartments: the one 4O Mookie shares with his sister Jade, and the one Mookie's girlfriend Tina and son share with Tina's mother. Appropriately, the issues and conflicts presented in DQ.Lh§ high; Thing are more far-reaching than those in the previous two films: issues of racism, both personal and structural, and economic struggle, as well as the community and identity issues broached in Seheei haze. These more public issues and the conflicts that highlight them are played out in the public spaces of De ehe nigh; Thing. The first visual images in he ehe nigh; Thing appear to suggest that this film will not, in fact, follow the classic pattern of the action-image. The opening credits sequence operates in the area that Deleuze identifies as beyond the action-image, the state where the link between environment and action is tenuous as "the synsigns disperse and the indices become confused" (Cinema 1 206-7). The opening credits sequence presents Rosie Perez dancing to Public Enemy's "Fight the Power."5 The sequence consists of 29 shots. Apart from a few shots with slight tilts or zooms, the only camera movement in the sequence is one crane shot where the camera begins in a position above Perez, then booms down to a front view. About a quarter of the shots are close-ups of Perez's face; the rest are medium long shots. The sequence is obviously shot on a sound stage, 5 Though Perez plays the part of Tina, Mookie's girlfriend and mother of his child, this sequence bears no relationship to her role within the film. 41 with three backdrops suggesting exterior locations in the film to follow--a storefront, a brownstone, and a covered entryway set into a blank wall. The sequence also features three costumes on the dancer: a red dress, a blue jumpsuit, and white boxer's trunks with black top and red boxing gloves. Though the costumes and backdrops change, the manner of dancing remains constant: frenetic, and jerky. Even in the close-up shots, the dancer's face reflects intensity, even anger, and obliviousness to the camera. Whatever situation there might be which would motivate such dancing is entirely disconnected from its presentation. Consequently, these shots move toward the condition of being opsigns, pure optical situations which evince no sensory- motor link, and which exist in any-space-whatever'.6 This sense of disconnectedness is enhanced by the seemingly random order of presentation of backdrops, costumes, and shot distances, and by the use of lighting with red and yellow filters. The sequence is a montage which creates effect through its cumulative nature, rather than through the meanings of constituent parts. The sequence does have more continuity than does the typical music video, however, in that location, character, character movement, and for the most part camera placement remain constant, or oscillate within parameters defined by the sequence itself. Visually, the sequence gives only the slightest hint about conflicts 6 The representational quality of the backdrops mitigates this classification. 42 in the film, and that metaphorically, in the shots where Perez wears boxing gear and modifies her dancing to include feints and jabs. The driving beat of the Public Enemy rap song to which Perez dances might allow the sequence to operate as a sonsign as well, the beat making it possible to tune out the lyrics, at least initially. But the explosive utterance of the phrase "fight the power," and the repeated use of "fuck" and "motherfuck" draw attention to the confrontational nature of the song, and compel attention to the lyrics. As other than a "pure sound situation," the soundtrack is in tension with the visual images, or perhaps overrides the visual images, compelling a sense of sensory-motor connection which the visual images themselves do not suggest. The visual images, tending toward opsigns, suggest a non-linearity which is at odds with the linearity and message-driven nature of "Fight the Power." This ambivalence about its own identity seems to characterize he ehe nigh; Thing in a variety of ways, right down to the didactic ambivalence of the two quotations with which it ends, the advocacy of violence when necessary in the Malcolm X quotation seeming to cancel out the nonviolent thrust of the Martin Luther King Jr. quotation. Despite the credit sequence's visual suggestion that he aha nigh; Thing will break with the action-image, the narrative trajectory of the film does not do so. "Fight the Power" suggests that the situation which obtains at the M114 43 beginning of the film is the situation of institutionalized racism. Visually, the situation which obtains on this block in Brooklyn is that it's summer, and it's hot. Dominant colors, as in the credit sequence, are red and yellow; fans turn, and people sweat, despite attempts to cool off with showers. The visual and atmospheric situation suggests the volatility of the structural presence of racism. The development of conflict and confrontation in the film's public spaces occurs in a dispersed manner which is gathered in the riot at the end, but the thread that ties it together is the general air of volatility. Though the film's audience may see and understand both the structural racism and the atmospheric volatility, Mookie only realizes that it's hot. His primary objective is stated throughout the film in economic terms: "I gotta get paid." To the extent that Mookie gives evidence of any awareness of the existence of racism in his environment, he conceptualizes it on a personal level only. When Pino, Sal's son, asks Mookie "How come you niggers are so stupid?" Mookie confronts Pino with his personal racism by asking "Who's your favorite basketball player? Movie star? Rock artist?" Pino names Black performers in every instance, prompting Mookie to reply "Pino, I think secretly that you wish you were Black." While Mookie recognizes racism on a personal level, his dim understanding of structural racism is evident in his response to Buggin' Out's efforts to organize a boycott of 44 Sal's because Sal refuses to put pictures of African Americans on the "Wall of Fame." Mookie reads Sal's refusal purely in personal terms: Buggin' Out: Mookie, How come you ain't got no brothers up? Mookie: Ask Sal. Though Mookie never reacts directly to Buggin' Out's political response to the "Wall of Fame" issue, his reaction is presumably similar to that of his sister Jade: "Buggin' Out, I don't mean to be disrespectful, but you can really direct your energies in a more useful way." The clearest signifiers of structural racism on the block are conveyed visually through the organization of the public space of Sal's Famous Pizzeria, and through modes of transportation. Sal's choice of pictures for the Wall of Fame may be a relatively inconsequential indicator of structural racism, but it visually signifies Sal's dissonance with the Bed-Stuy block where his pizzeria is located, a dissonance reinforced by numerous indicators of his colonializing presence, and that of other whites in the film. Sal asserts his authority in his pizzeria in numerous ways, invoking the hierarchy which puts him at the top ("This is my pizzeria. I'm the boss.") Within its walls his wishes rule, as he demonstrates in conflicts with Buggin' Out and Radio Raheem, but also in his dictatorial orders to his son and to Mookie. While Pino and Vito may work in the back room, and Vito may accompany Mookie on one 45 of Mookie's many delivery forays into the neighborhood, Sal remains firmly planted behind the counter37'visually asserting his dominance over his domain. Modes of transportation are the clearest signal of the transient, colonial presence of whites in this neighborhood of color. In he ehe nigh; Thing, only whites drive cars. Sal and his sons arrive for work in a Cadillac. At the end of the day, they propose to leave the pizzeria for home, which is elsewhere (probably Bensonhurst). The police drive through the neighborhood repeatedly, sometimes menacingly. In the incident involving the driver of the Cadillac convertible and the youths at the fire hydrant, the white driver is clearly just passing through the neighborhood. His confrontation with the youths who spray his car, and his subsequent complaint to the police, make it clear that he has no sympathy for or affinity with the residents of the block. Even the one white person who lives on the block, and asserts his right to do so by virtue of his having been born in Brooklyn, arrives by bicycle. In contrast with all these images of white choice by reason of mobility, and white colonializing presence, every person of color in the film walks, and stays on the block. Mookie's blindness to this situation of structural racism is itself a situation which will change at the climax 7 In two instances, Sal takes a seat in the customer area of the pizzeria, once to talk with his son Pino, once to talk with Mookie's sister Jade. [(7 46 of the film. It is not, however, a blindness shared by all the residents of the block. Like a Greek chorus, the three corner men (Coconut Sid, ML, and Sweet Dick Willie) comment extensively on matters such as the disparity between Korean and African American opportunities to start small businesses. When two white policemen drive by the corner men, stare menacingly, and comment "What a waste" as they drive away, they highlight the tension which exists on a structural level. The cornermen reinforce the perception of a structural gulf between Black resident and white colonizers with their identical, reciprocating comment: "What a waste." The exchange between the cops and the corner men is typical of shot/reverse shot strategies used throughout De ehe Bight; Thim. As in The gen Lnek Clan", most of these affection-image close-ups frame only the individual, as opposed to shot/reverse shot strategies which contain the interlocutor's shoulder in the foreground of the frame. In The Joy Lnek Cinh, however, these affection-images are typically close-ups held on-screen for a fairly long duration; they are not typically part of a shot/reverse-shot strategy. Thus, in that film, the affection-image serves to make present the emotional state or the memory function of the character in close-up, focusing attention on the character as character by abstracting the character from 8 See chapter 3, where affection-images in The gay Lnek Cinh are considered in some detail. 47 environment, presenting the character stripped from context. As Deleuze puts it, the affection-image, the close-up, " abstracts [its subject] from all spatio-temporal coordinates, that is to say it raises it to the state of Entity" (Cinema 1 96). Though the close-ups in the shot/reverse shot sequence between the corner men and the cops are, in themselves, affection-images, and do make present the character's emotional state, they are not stripped of context; the juxtaposition of affection-images in the shot/reverse-shot sequence contextualizes each image in two ways. First, since the images do not contain the shoulder of the other they are at least potentially POV shots from the other's point of view. The stare of the camera replicates the stare of the other from whose POV the shot is created; the reciprocating stare of the shot's subject creates a direct bond between other and subject. In The gay Lnek Cinh the wider context of the film suggests that this relationship translates into community, since the context of such sequences are occurrences such as a mah- jongg game between friends. Here, however, the stare-down between cops and corner men, carried visually through alternating affection-images, makes visual the relationship of tension and distrust. This leads to the second, more abstract way in which context is created around the juxtaposition of affection-images: this shot/reverse shot sequence, juxtaposing potential combatants, forms the basic building block of the action image, the duel. This is an 48 example of what Deleuze calls the binomial, which "designate[s] every duel, that is to say, what is properly active in the action-image. There is a binomial as soon as the state of a force relates back to an antagonistic force, and particularly when--one or both of the forces being 'spontaneous'—-it involves in its very exercise an effort to foresee the exercise of the other force: the agent acts as a function of what he thinks the other is going to do" (Cinema 1 142). he Che nigh; Thing is full of such face-offs, all ripe with the possibility of conflict: between Sal and Mookie, Sal and Pino, Sal and Buggin' Out, Sal and Radio Raheem, Buggin' Out and Clifton (the gentrifying yuppie), Radio Raheem and the Puerto Ricans. All of these incipient action-images begin the process of bringing the constituents of the binomial into frictional contact, but they all are aborted or averted before moving from the stage of situation to the stage of action. This frictional contact is evidence of the wider presence of what Deleuze calls the synsign, a term modified from Peirce's eineign, referring to "a set of power-qualities as actualised in a milieu, in a state of things or a determinate space-time" (Cinema i 142). In constructing the broader situation on one city block on this day around these multiple binomials, the film creates the macro-situation, or synsign, which will indeed lead to explosive action at the climax of the film. This structure in De hhe nigh; Thing departs from Deleuze's analysis of the classic progression of the action 49 image in one respect: in the classic action-image film, the protagonist has a clear antagonist, the relationship between them forming the binomial within which the tension of the synsign increases as they are repeatedly brought into contact with each other. In he ;he high; Thing, by contrast, the antagonisms are dispersed throughout the space and the time of the film, and across a variety of characters, so that the tension is a characteristic not of the relationship between classic hero and villain, but rather of the community as a whole. Further, the tension does not build in a direct chronological or spatial progression, but rather according to a complex pattern by which individual characters are revisited in a loosely circular fashion, their stories and conflicts elaborated upon each revisiting.’ In this respect, the construction of he ;he high; Thing does not proceed directly toward the climax, but in a roundabout fashion similar to the circularity of which Julie Dash speaks when she describes the narrative strategy of her 1992 film, hangh;ene e1 ;he hne;, as being that of a West African griot, or storyteller. Dash tells her story "the way an old relative would retell it, not linear but always coming back around. It's all connected, but how you get to the information is different" (qtd. in Rule C17). This narrative dispersal, while 9 Deleuze says that the powers of the synsign are brought to bear upon each other in "a spiral of development which includes spatial and temporal caesuras" (Cinema_i 151). 50 supporting the binomial development of the action-image, does so in a way that presages the beyond of the action- image, where pure affect (in this case, tension, and anger) operates. The diffuse anger latent in all these community members coalesces and erupts in the penultimate scene, the murder of Raheem by the police and the subsequent riotous destruction of Sal's Famous Pizzeria. The operative synsign here is the atmosphere of racial tension which has been building throughout the day. Because the synsign is atmospheric rather than located in any particular character, or for that matter in any binomial created between a pair of characters, the riot could theoretically erupt as a consequence of any of the many frictions the day has produced. The friction from which it develops is an appropriate one on many levels, though, as it is Raheem's boombox which has carried through the theme of "Fight the Power," and apart from the police, Sal is the most obvious locus of power, both the hierarchical power he asserts in his relationship with Mookie and his sons, and the economic and culturally imperialistic power he asserts in denying Buggin' Out's request to "put some brothers on the wall." As the scene develops, the duel is joined in the binomials circulating around Sal and Raheem.lo The shot/reverse shot method noted earlier is again used as Sal and Raheem m "the synsign must contract into a binomial or duel. . ." (Cinema; 152). Sl confront each other in the pizzeria, though it is not immediately clear that the duel will coalesce in these two figures. The scene in the pizzeria begins at the end of the business day, when Sal and his employees have already locked the front door. In a gesture of magnanimity, Sal opens the door when a group of four neighborhood youths (Ahmad, Cee, Punchy, and Ella) knock, and ask to be served. Shortly after they enter, Buggin' Out enters with Raheem at his side and Smiley in tow. Raheem sets his boombox on the counter, "Fight the Power" blaring. Sal and Buggin' Out trade demands and insults, Buggin' Out referencing his attempted boycott and demanding that Sal include African Americans on the Wall of Fame, Sal referencing his earlier assertion to Raheem that he turn off the boombox before entering the pizzeria. The development of the scene proceeds in exactly the manner that Deleuze explains the joining of the action in the action-image. A series of shots follow the shot/reverse shot pattern. Shots of Sal are from the POV of Buggin' Out and Raheem; shots of Raheem and Buggin' Out are from Sal's POV. As with earlier shot/reverse shot sequences, they are not over-the-shoulder shots, but are medium close-ups of the subject or subjects alone. The sense of strain is heightened by the fact that they are consistently low-angle, 52 dutch-angle shots.11 Occasional cut-ins of close-ups of Mookie, Vito, Pino, and the four neighborhood youths increase the tension, as they shout at one or the other of the arguers. After 25 shots of this montage of heightening tension, a shot finally occurs which frames both Sal and one of his adversaries: not Buggin' Out, but Raheem. As Deleuze observes, while montage may be an effective or necessary instrument for bringing the forces of the synsign to the point of convergence, there must also be "a moment where two terms confront each other face to face and must be seized in an irreducible simultaneity, without the possibility of resorting to a montage, or even to a shot-reverse shot" (Cinema 1 153). This moment is the essence of action, and requires that both forces be contained within the same frame. Sal, bat in hand, stares in the direction of Raheem, whose arm we see in the foreground, resting on his boombox. In the next shot Sal lifts the bat and bashes the boombox, as Raheem, Smiley, and Buggin' Out back quickly away. Another quick montage of twelve shots intersperses images of Sal bashing the boombox with reaction shots of Raheem, Buggin' Out, Mookie, Pino, Vito, and Ella. The last shot in this sequence is a low-angle shot of Raheem, glaring down, from Sal's POV, as Sal has finished the demolition. This shot is followed by a second two-shot, initially very n The sense of strain is also heightened by the fact that Buggin' Out and Sal scream their demands at each other, in order to be heard over the incessant beat of the boombox. 53 similar to the one that preceded Sal's rampage. Raheem again is in the foreground, Sal across the counter. Raheem picks up the boombox and throws it to the floor behind him, then lunges across the counter to grab Sal by the shirt, drag him across the counter, and throw him to the floor, where they wrestle. In a succession of shots, the others either pile on, or attempt to separate Raheem and Sal. Shortly, Raheem picks Sal up and pushes him out the door into the street, where the wrestling match continues. In this sequence, the sensory-motor link which is basic to the action-image is expressed as Sal, through the gripping of his baseball bat, actualizes his anger in smashing Raheem's boombox. Raheem, in turn, actualizes his anger in first handling the smashed boombox, then grabbing 2 But this scene, Sal and pulling him across the counter.1 while it constitutes an action which leads to a new situation, is not the culmination of the action-image in he ;he high; Thing. Instead, it creates a new situation--the arrival of the police--which leads to a new action, the murder of Raheem by the police. This in turn creates a new situation, the realization by Mookie that he has been ” Deleuze, in discussing the sensory-motor link, observes that the Actors Studio actors practiced a "cinema of behaviour" where "a sensory contact must be established with the objects adjacent to the situation: even an imaginary contact with a material [a glass, a fabric, an instrument, etc.]...the object must, in this way, awaken an affective memory, reactualise an emotion which is not necessarily identical, but is analogous to that which the role calls up" (Cinema_1 158). 54 aligned with Sal for economic reasons only (Mookie's constant refrain is "gotta get paid"), but this has made him complicit with the colonialism and structural racism which Sal represents, and which has just been manifested in the murder of Raheem as an act protecting Sal's property. This realization of Mookie's constitutes a new situation, which leads to the new action which is also the climax--the moment when Mookie throws the garbage can through Sal's window. The realization is conveyed through a powerful noosign“, where in successive frames the camera reveals that Mookie is initially aligned with Sal, realizes the import of this alignment, and consciously chooses to disassociate with Sal and align instead with the crowd. The context for this scene is set earlier, just before Sal opens the pizzeria for the group of four youths, when he talks about the satisfactions of owning a family business and tells Mookie that there will always be a place for him at Sal's Famous Pizzeria--that Mookie is like a son to Sal. This family alignment, and Mookie's complicity with Sal, is ” The noosign offers us entry into a process whereby the camera emulates thought. The camera "subordinates description of a space to the functions of thought. This is not the simple distinction between the subjective and the objective, the real and the imaginary, it is on the contrary their indiscernibility which will endow the camera with a rich array of functions, and entail a new conception of the frame and reframings...it becomes questioning, responding, objecting, provoking, theorematizing, hypothesizing, experimenting, in accordance with the open list of logical conjunctions ('or,‘ 'therefore,' 'if,' 'because,' 'actually,‘ 'although...'), or in accordance with the functions of thought in a cinema-verite..."(Cinema_g_23). 55 demonstrated visually in a sequence of shots that occur just after Raheem and Buggin' Out are hauled off in police cars, and the crowd gathers in front of the pizzeria, shouting their anger. Following the tracking shot of the crowd, where individuals are each momentarily framed in close-ups as they say such things as "he was killed because he had a radio," and "they didn't have to kill the boy," we see a close-up of Mookie, who with Sal, Pino and Vito, is the recipient of the comments. Mookie turns his head to the right of the frame; the succeeding shot is a close-up of Sal, turning his head to the frame left to meet Mookie's gaze. The next shot is the key, a low angle four-shot of Mookie at the left, then Sal, Vito, and Pino, standing in front of the pizzeria, an image visually conveying the relationship of familial alignment which Sal asserted as Mookie's prerogative in perpetuity. As the shot progresses Mookie turns his gaze away from Sal and toward the crowd. Next is a shot from Mookie's POV of six of the young men in the crowd, at intervals of depth. The camera shows, in this series of shots, a situation which follows the action of the cops' murder of Raheem: Mookie's awakening to his position of alignment with Sal and consequent complicity in the actions that followed from Sal's destruction of Raheem's boombox, the actions culminating in Raheem's death. The shot which follows the Mookie POV shot is an objective long, high angle shot from behind the crowd, reinforcing Mookie's alignment with Sal 56 and sons, confronting the crowd. Mookie leaves the line and walks toward the crowd, completing the sequence of noosigns which visually depict his realization and consequent decision. The action which follows the decision, of course, occurs fourteen shots later when Mookie picks up the trash barrel, walks past the crowd with it, and hurls it through the front window of the pizzeria, precipitating the looting and subsequent arson of the building. The gathering of the crowd, facing off against Sal and his sons (no longer including Mookie) is the final binomial situation of the film, the context in which the final explosive action occurs. This final explosive action, occurring in the public space of the street before the pizzeria, and in the public space of the pizzeria itself, is an image of self-validation for the temporary, or "imagined" community which Mookie joins when he leaves the hierarchically defined, familial community of Sal's work force.“ This anarchically “ Norman Denzin also notes how the action of the riot serves as a self-validation for the temporary community, identifying the riot as a political act: "In this moment of violence and its aftermath, Lee projects a political economy of signs which make a difference; for now the signs of the self are connected to real political action. The personal becomes political, and the political is personal. In a single motion Lee politicizes semiotics, and suddenly gives a real force to the blurred, evocative, floating signifiers [the messages on characters' t-shirts] that, in another world--the postmodern--drift by, are gazed at for a moment, and then read as fleeting markers of the self. For Lee what you wear is who you are. who you are is marked by your politics and whether or not you will take a stand against the 'power' that rules, the 'power' that is, that 'power' who is the 57 organized temporary community defines itself through its anger and its actions. Thus public space in he ;he high; Thing becomes a space of community self-definition, even if the community is short-lived. The next morning, when Mookie confronts Sal on the front steps of the burned-out pizzeria to ask for his weekly pay, no one else is in evidence. The two conflicting communities--the temporary, "imagined" one forming around the anger and action which followed in the wake of Raheem's murder, and the familial one which formed around the father-figure of Sal--are absent. Only protagonist and antagonist remain to confront each other. The final confrontation takes place once again in public space, as Sal throws twice Mookie's salary at him. Mookie, initially standing on principle, refuses to take more than his due. In perhaps a signal that the economics of survival are still a stronger motivator than the fellow-feeling of the imagined community that coalesced around his action of the night before, Mookie eventually scoops the extra money off the sidewalk. As they are in Spike Lee's films, public spaces in the films of Martin Scorsese are also often places of tension, confrontation, and danger. Paul Hackett (Griffin Dunne) is pursued through the streets of lower Manhattan in the dead of night by an angry mob in hi;e; henna. Jake La Motta (Robert DeNiro), in haging hell, enters a public arena white man" (Images 134-5). 58 dedicated to confrontation and violence every time he steps into a boxing ring. Though the most powerful sites of danger in Cane Eean are the Bowden family home and houseboat, Sam Bowden's confrontational encounters with Max Cady (Robert DeNiro) take place in a bar, a parking lot, and a crowd gathered along a street for a parade, among other public sites. This acknowledgment within Scorsese's ouvre of the potential for danger inherent in public places reaches its visual apex in the opening scene of Canine, where Ace Rothstein (DeNiro again), clad in a pastel suit that screams for attention, crosses the parking lot in front of his casino toward his Cadillac. As he settles in behind the wheel and turns the key, the image explodes into a fireball which presumably ends Rothstein's life. The sequence introduces a story told in flashback about a violent and dangerous life, lived largely in the public spaces of Las Vegas casinos. ~Though Lee and Scorsese share this sense of public space as a place with the potential for confrontation and danger, their presentation differs in some respects. For one, while Lee's characters may form temporary and shifting alliances with other characters which would constitute loose, imagined communities, for the most part they operate largely on their own.15 Even in Maleelm x, the title character (Denzel Washington) operates quite autonomously, H gzggklyn, with its location within a nuclear family, is the exception. 59 with this individualistic propensity leading to his ultimate assassination by operatives of the Nation of Islam, with which he had previously been affiliated. While such forms of betrayal are not foreign to characters in Scorsese films, the affiliations in Scorsese films are often buttressed by a layer of community solidarity lacking in the experiences of the characters in Lee's films. This layer of community solidarity is expressed in ritual and ceremony, the visual and choreographed signifiers of an individual's connection with a wider community in both space and time. Ritual and ceremony, in Scorsese's films, serve the same solidifying purpose for his characters that the riot does in he ;he high; Thing--they provide a point of coalescence for an imagined community. The difference in the way the imagined community coalesces in a Scorsese film as compared with a Lee film, which translates to a different sense of the permanence or impermanence of community, is that ritual behavior in Scorsese's films is not spontaneous, is not the action which eventuates from a situation according to the pattern of the action-image. Rather, ritual is a part of the environment, is one of the "givens" of a character's situation. Though the character may still be brought into danger in the determined milieu of a public place, where a synsign-engendered conflict may be brought binomially to the point of action, the element of ritual not only affects the visual presentation of these actions, but indeed is an nnw.\ 1M 60 elemental constituent of the milieu which affects the very way these actions unfold. Elements of ceremony and ritual enter a Scorsese film in many ways, but always visually, with signifiers as large as church interiors or as small as a pair of boxing gloves. Lesley Stern, in comparing haging hell to Michael Powell's The hen Sheen, remarks on the ceremonial quality of the totemic objects of shoes and boxing gloves as they are employed in public spaces in both films: "The totemic object, in so far as it implies an ordinary object invested with extraordinary qualities, summons a context of ritual, of ceremony, of theatre-~a context realised in sharp opposition to the everyday. The gloves and the shoes both indicate an arena of performance, an arena in which the ordinary body is transformed. On the stage, in the rin -- boxing, dancing--for an audience, the body is ceremonialised" (Cennee;ien 14).16 In addition to boxing gloves, religious icons permeate the milieu of haging hell, reinforcing the sense that Jake LaMotta's suffering is somehow a religious tribulation. As Morris Dickstein puts it, "Scorsese the Italian Catholic turns a boxer's story into a Stations of the Cross movie" (661). This Italian Catholicism also permeates Mean $;1ee;e, both visually and metaphorically. It is a strange companion, “ The religious iconography of Max Cady's tattoos in Caee_hea; are another striking example of the ceremonialized body. 61 much remarked upon, to the sometimes calculated, sometimes irrational violence which also pervades the film.17 Both the Catholicism and the violence are played out in Mean §;Tee;e ceremonially and ritualistically, largely in public spaces. They are not the spaces, though, of Bauman's "spectacular outbursts of togetherness" which spontaneously and temporarily define the imagined community. Rather, they are spaces within which the Italian American community of Mean fi;zee;e identifies itself through rituals of inclusion and exclusion, spaces which are nominally public, but in reality only open to those who belong, by virtue of family or nationality.18 The motif of festival and celebration is introduced moments into Mean $;;ee;e, when the home movies that begin the film depict rituals of the church.19 These rituals are “ See especially Scorsese's interview with Anthony DeCurtis, as well as discussions in Kolker, henelineee, and Librach, "Temptation. " “ Scorsese claims ethnic authenticity for Mean fi;nee;e, as he told Anthony DeCurtis: "That's the whole story of Mean_§;nee;e. I mean, I put it on the screen. It took me years to get it going--I never thought the film would be released. I just wanted to make, like, an anthropological study; it was about myself and my friends. And I figured even if it was on a shelf, some years later people would take it and say that's what Italian Americans on the everyday scale--not the Godfather, not big bosses, but the everyday scale, the everyday level--this is what they really talked like and looked like and what they did in the early seventies and late sixties. Early sixties even. This was the life-style" (434). B As Hosney et. al. observe, the home movies at the beginning of Mean_§;zee;e may actually be the end of the story. Hosney et. al. assert that the home movies depict the wedding of Charlie and Theresa, and the baptism of their 62 the church's means of including and excluding, offering a vehicle of self-definition to those who participate. They are recorded, though, on a movie within a movie--Scorsese's self-reflexive and ritualistic acknowledgment that self- definition consists in part of the images of ourselves which we create, in this case literally.20 The home movie displays the self-conscious creation of the characters' child. While alternate readings of the home movie introduction are certainly possible, Hosney et. a1. see them as evidence that, despite the bloody gunplay and car crash at the end of the film, "Charlie and Theresa survive to become the happy parents in the home movie" (413). “ Zygmunt Bauman discusses this phenomenon of self- definition through identification in discussing the formation of "neo-tribes" (a term he borrows from Michel Maffesoli). "The neo-tribes--the tribes of [the] contemporary world, are...formed--as concepts rather than integrated social bodies--by the multitude of individual acts of self-identification. Such agencies as might from time to time emerge to hold the faithful together have limited executive power and little control over co-option or banishment. More often than not, 'tribes' are oblivious of their following, and the following itself is cryptic and fickle. It dissipates as fast as it appears. 'Membership' is relatively easily revokable, and it is divorced from long-term obligations; this is a kind of 'membership' that does not require an admission procedure or authoritative rulings, and that can be dissolved without permission or warning. Neo-tribes 'exist' solely by individual decisions to sport the symbolic tags of tribal allegiance" (Intimatione 136-7). Of course, the Catholic Church does not fit Bauman's criteria for a neo-tribe; it deee have control over co- option or banishment, does keep track of its adherents, and does impose obligations. But decisions by individuals to participate in the rituals of the church serve the same sort of self-defining purposes as the more nebulous "individual decisions to sport the symbolic tags of tribal allegiance" which Bauman identifies as nee-tribal affiliation. 63 identity, framed in terms of religious ritual.21 Mean SLLeete self-consciously displays the identity formation of its characters, and by extension of the community which they both.inhabit and create through their presence and interaction, a community which bears strong resemblances to the community in which Scorsese himself grew up.22 The motif of festival and celebration is carried out in public places through the parades of celebration of the feast of San Gennaro, a yearly festival which attracts crowds of tourists to New York's Little Italy section. The parades and crowds which mark this festival become an ironic backdrop for the action of Mean 5;:ee;e. For the thousands who attend the celebration, it signifies an ethnically and religiously authentic event in which they can participate, yet even while it happens in the neighborhood inhabited by the main characters of Mean S;;ee;e, it is entirely ” Lee Lourdeaux notes that "Sacramentality appears in his [Scorsese's] films not just in intimate close-ups of hold statues, but also in lively color shots of church festivals; public rituals of community are as sacramental for Scorsese as traditional church icons. Scorsese views his work as part of a popular religious tradition in which sacramental symbolism is an integral part of everyday life (228). ” Scorsese takes pride in this seeming verisimilitude. In his 1990 interview with Scorsese, Gavin Smith asked "Did you ever get feedback from the underworld after Mean $;nee;e? In answer, Scorsese told a story he'd heard about a mob boss who usually didn't see movies, but whose associates "just grabbed him and threw him in the car and took him to see the film. It was Mean_$;xee;e. They loved it. So that was like the highest compliment, because I really try to be accurate about attitude and about way of life" (69). 64 peripheral to their lives. They don't participate; they don't even stop to watch the festivities.23 At most, the crowds on the sidewalk watching the parades are simply an impediment to Charlie as he walks to a meeting in a restaurant. Like the rituals recorded in the home movies, the festival is so much a part of the environment of the characters in Mean fi;:ee;e that its nature or function as ceremony and ritual is not thought about nor remarked upon. Visually, its presentation in Mean S;;ee;e is appropriately fragmented; one shot of the parade is a bird's eye view, held for only a moment. Other shots follow Charlie's progress as he fights his way through the crowd on the sidewalk. In each case, the festivities are simply a feature of the environment. In addition to self-definition through ritual, Mean $;;ee;e also features the characters' self-definition through physical environment, or neighborhood, and through contrast with all forms of otherness. The title of the film suggests that location is important, and while it suggests that the streets may be mean for the protagonists, they are even meaner for those who appear not to belong in this neighborhood. Ian Penman remarks on both identifying factors, neighborhood and the sense of us/them: "Mean fienee;e is the anti-road movie. Pinned into their plush red ” At one point, while riding to the pool hall with Charlie and Tony in Tony's car, Johnny Boy remarks "I hate this fucking festival. You can't even move through the streets in your own neighborhood." ——-r 65 maze, these guys are all flying centrifugal gestural movement...The boys live in the midst of a rich patchwork culture, but are in every sense abusive of it. In the middle of a capital city, they can't get their compound tight enough: Chinese, Jews, blacks, gays all stray in from their own encampments and are swiftly ejected" (10-11). The characters' attachment to their neighborhood is so great that the simple act of leaving it is fraught with peril. A sign of the menace which Michael holds for Johnny Boy at the end of the film is the fact that Charlie persuades Johnny Boy to go to Brooklyn. They might just as well have gone to Indiana. Little Italy, with the Festival of San Gennaro as one of its identifying features, forms what Gilles Deleuze calls the "determined milieu" of the film. The neighborhood is a concrete locale in space and time, a public space, and the festival flavors that locale both ethnically and religiously. Though the characters in the film use this public space of the neighborhood, and encounter the festival, they pay no more attention to these environmental phenomena than a fish pays to water. Yet the physical and ritual environments are critical to their (and our) sense of who they are. In this respect, the neighborhood and the ethnic identity of the characters function similarly to race and place in he ;he high; Thing, as cultural identifiers and geographic delimiters. Scorsese, like Lee, visually creates a determined milieu within which the action-image functions. 66 Beyond this point, though, the presentation of milieu in Mean fi;;ee;e diverges from its presentation in he ;he high; Thing. As explained earlier, the narrative structure of he ;he high; Thing is not only enacted in public space, but builds through incidents of friction to the moment of climax in the pattern of the classic action-image. The characters of Mean 3;;ee;e do pass through public space, and identify with and are identified by the ceremonies and rituals performed there, but the determined milieu of the film is only a surface upon which many of the significant actions of the film occur. Other significant events occur in a place of refuge and release, intimacy and danger: Tony's bar, where the indirect lighting combines with the red-filtered cinematography to produce a gaudy, hellish atmosphere.“ Tony's bar functions in Mean $;mee;e as the location of an "originary world," Gilles Deleuze's term for a milieu in which impulses, rather than affections or actions, are at the fore. It is here that the impulse-image is formed, just as the affection-image exists in the any-space-whatever and the action-image exists in a determined milieu. Between the action-image and the affection-image lies the impulse image.25 Like the action-image, the impulse-image is not so “ Jim Hosney et. al. (411) and Penman (10), among others, remark on the hellish visual quality of the red- tinted scenes in the bar. 5 "...between the two, between firstness and secondness, there is something which is like the 67 much a matter of a particular shot, with its characteristics of composition creating its effect, or even of a montage, or series of shots, the effect created by the accumulation or juxtaposition of shots. Rather, the effect of the impulse- image follows from the nature of the milieu in interaction with the impulses enacted there. Analogously, just as "Modes of Behaviour" are enacted in "Determined Milieux" (specific, realistic locales) to create the action-image, so "Elementary Impulses" are enacted in "Originary Worlds" to create the impulse-image (Cinema 1 123). These originary worlds are not autonomous, or disconnected; they exist in relationship with determined milieux. The impulses generated in the orginary world may or may not lead to actions in determined milieux. What Deleuze posits here is that impulses can be visually depicted, just as can affections or actions. Since impulses are pre-rational, the visual depiction of an impulse will be located in a milieu which suggests pre- rationality: "...pure background, or rather a without-background, composed of unformed matter, sketches or fragments, crossed by non-formal functions, acts, or energy dynamisms which do not even refer to the constituted 'degenerate' affect, or the 'embryonic' action. It is no longer the affection-image, but is not yet the action-image. As we have seen, the former is developed in the Any-Space-Whatevers/Affects pair. The second will be developed in the Determined Milieux/Modes of Behaviour pair. But, between the two, we come across a strange pair: Originary Worlds/Elementary Impulses." (Cinema_l 123). 68 subjects. Here the characters are like...human animals. And this indeed is the impulse: the energy which seizes fragments in the originary world" (Cinema 1 123-4). Perhaps the most powerful originary world scene which Scorsese has created is the scene between Danielle Bowden (Juliette Lewis) and Max Cady (Robert De Niro) in Cane hean, when Cady lures Danielle to the deserted high school auditorium by posing as her new drama coach. The setting meets Deleuze's criteria for the physical presentation of an originary world. It is at a distance from Danielle's normal sphere; she walks through pipe-lined corridors to reach the auditorium. Once there, to approach the stage, she must descend. The stage itself contains sets that emphasize the apartness of the milieu: a fairy-tale hut, surrounded by cut-out trees and large candy canes. The scene is one of innocence violated. Danielle's innocence is suggested as she leaves her friend in the school's hallway, saying "I have to go downstairs for drama." In her eagerness, she skips as she leaves the friend and enters the door to the pipe-filled hallway. Her trip through the hall is depicted in three shots: a long shot from the opposite end as she enters the hallway, showing its length and cave-like quality; a close-up of Danielle's face as sinister music comes up, showing her apprehension, and a shot from Danielle's POV as she walks slowly through the hall, the sinister music rising. Once Danielle reaches the stage, her hesitant answers to Cady's Che 69 questions, and her fluttering hands as she nervously plays with her hair or strokes her own cheek intensify this sense of her innocence. Cady, by contrast, represents malevolence and temptation. Danielle approaches him as he sits in the doorway of the hut, either backlit or lit from the side, so that his face isn't clearly visible. He's smoking marijuana, and offers Danielle a hit. She smiles as she says "You can't smoke grass in school," but she takes the reefer from him and takes a puff. While Cady functions here as a tempter, it is also evident that Danielle's innocence is interlaced with a certain amount of experience, both with marijuana and, vicariously, with sexuality. When Cady asks if she's read any Henry Miller, she says that she sneaked T;eeie,efi Canee; off her parents' bookshelf and read parts of it. When Cady mentions a passage where Miller "describes an erection as a piece of lead with wings on it," Danielle replies "I didn't read that part." The most viscerally powerful part of the scene, the one most consistent with its identification as an interaction within an originary world, comes at the scene's climax. Having gained Danielle's confidence, even though she knows that Cady is the man who has been hanging around their home because he dislikes Danielle's father, Cady asks "Do you mind if I put my arm around you?" After hesitating, Danielle agrees. Instead, Cady begins to stroke Danielle's cheek, as she smiles uncertainly through her braces. Cady's 70 caresses Danielle's lip with his thumb, then pushes the ‘thumb gently between her lips. Startled, Danielle reaches for Cady's hand, at the same time beginning to suck the thumb. Cady withdraws his thumb, then reinserts it; lJanielle sucks it once more. Cady withdraws the thumb, then aabruptly turns and walks away in a medium-long shot taken ‘with a wide-angle lens, accentuating the abruptness of his departure. The set decoration towards which he walks is a gnarled tree, with a medusa-like entanglement of roots. This is the first long shot in minutes, the entire conversation between Danielle and Cady having been presented in shot/reverse shot medium close-ups and close-ups. It is followed by a close-up of Danielle, her hand still at her face, her bewilderment evident. In the next shot, a long shot, she turns and runs up the stairs toward the auditorium's exit, and begins to cry. The following shot is of an angry Sam Bowden, Danielle's father, on the telephone with the private detective who was supposed to have been following Cady. The scene on the stage can and has been read in a variety of ways,26 but the concern here is with its presentation in an originary world. These are not actions being depicted, or emotions being explored, so much as they “ Pam Cook asserts that "...Danielle is far from innocent. She is the one who forms an alliance with Cady and, in a sense, 'employs' him to violate her mother and destroy her father" (15). J. Hoberman emphasizes the exotic setting by calling this a "fairy-tale sequence in the make- believe gingerbread house..." (11). 71 are a revelation or a bringing to consciousness of the impulses of both Cady and Danielle, Cady's impulse toward seduction and defilement tempered only by his realization that he ultimately wants revenge on Sam Bowden, not on his daughter, and Danielle's impulses toward rebellious drug usage and sexual excitement ultimately tempered by her realization that she's been a victim, not a participant. The impulses brought to consciousness in the originary world of the auditorium do lead to actions of consequence in the determined milieu, however. When Danielle finds a copy of Henry Miller's Senna under a potato-chip can on the front porch of the Bowden family home a few days later, it is a clear sign that Cady has penetrated their defenses. She hides the book under her shirt and tells no one, an act of collusion in Cady's eventual penetration of the home itself and his murder of the maid and the private detective. On Cady's side, his physical violation of Danielle presages the murders of the maid and the private detective, and more directly, his rape of Danielle's mother on their houseboat. While Danielle's impulses are juvenile and unformed, Cady's impulses toward revenge and violation fit Deleuze's observation that "The impulse is an act which tears away, ruptures, dislocates...The law or destiny of the impulse is to take possession through guile, but violently, of everything that it can in a given milieu...The impulse must be exhaustive" (Cinema 1 128-9). t: 99 *1. SD 72 The necessity of exhaustion, of playing out the impulse until the extremities of the consequent behavior have been reached, is also characteristic of the impulses showcased in the originary world in Mean §;;ee;a. They ultimately lead to the death of the most impulsive of the characters, Johnny Boy, whose unbridled disposition toward impulsive behavior is typified in his entirely unmotivated decision to climb to a rooftop and shoot at the Empire State Building. Johnny Boy's thoughtlessness in borrowing money from Michael, then insulting Michael instead of repaying him, are events which occur in the locale of Tony's bar but which lead to Johnny Boy's death at the hands of a hired shooter in the determined milieu of the street. Concurrently, Michael's impulse toward revenge for Johnny Boy's lack of respect in the bar is dampened by the fact that Johnny Boy is armed, but is carried toward the point of exhaustion as Michael contracts with the gunman and drives the shooter's car. »Other behaviors enacted in Tony's bar are just as impulsive and pre-rational. While Johnny Boy's and Michael's impulses serve as precursors of deeds enacted in the determined milieu of the neighborhood, Charlie's impulses surface in the originary world, then wither there. One such impulse is Charlie's sexual energy with Diane, the black dancer. Charlie's attraction is presented early in Mean 5;;ee;a through his approach and faux strip-tease as he removes his coat and takes the stage to dance with Diane. \ Though they never touch, Charlie's moves mimic hers in a (t1 ir. Ev 73 performance that is sexually charged, at least for him. Later, he acts on this impulse by going to Diane's dressing room to tell her of his plans to take over a restaurant, and his desire to have her serve as hostess. He makes a date with her to discuss the possibilities, but as he sits in a cab and sees Diane waiting for him, he tells the driver to drive on, saying, "I can't be seen with her. She's black." Deleuze's observation that the characters in an originary world "are like animals...because their acts are prior to all differentiation between the human and the animal" (Cinema 1 123-4) is particularly illuminative in the case of Mean 3;;ee;a, where Scorsese obliquely suggests the same continuum between animal impulse and rationality by including a scene in the back room at Tony's bar, where Tony shows off two cats, a lion cub and a leopard cub. He tells Charlie and Johnny Boy, "I really wanted to get a tiger, y'know...like in William Blake and all that." Commenting on this scene's allusion to Blake's tyger, Jim Hosney et. al. conclude that "the viewer realizes that Johnny Boy is Scorsese's symbol of fierce strength, both terrifying in his possibilities, yet impressive and admirable" ("Passion" 415). They also notice the impulsive unpredictability of Johnny Boy's behavior: "Like the unanswered questions of Blake's "The Tyger,"...Johnny Boy's behavior remains unexplained. Why does he blow up a mailbox in his introductory sequence? Why does he borrow money from everyone? Why does he fire a gun from the rooftop? Why 74 does he purposely spend the money Charlie has given him for Michael's payment? These unanswered questions yield an explosive enigma--Johnny Boy" ("Passion" 416). Hosney et. a1. don't have any satisfactory answers for these questions, and Scorsese doesn't either. Nor does Johnny Boy. By beginning so much of Johnny Boy's behavior in the milieu of the originary world, where impulsive, pre-rational behavior is expected, Scorsese visually suggests that Johnny Boy could no more explain his behavior than Tony's lion cubs could explain theirs. As Robert Kolker says, "De Niro's Johnny Boy is all nervous energy and self-delight...The character makes himself from moment to moment, almost speaks himself into being" (Kolker Lenelineaa 220). Though Spike Lee and Martin Scorsese both explore the tensions, confrontations, and dangers that are present in public space, and though both explore the way that communities, both temporary and stable, coalesce in public spaces around acts of display (either the violence of he ;he high; Thing or the ritual and celebration of Mean 3;;ee;a), another point of difference between the two is Lee's exploration of these concepts at the level of the action- image, while Scorsese employs both the action-image and the impulse-image, using the latter and its generation within an originary world to interrogate the impulses which lie beneath the actions depicted. Scorsese himself asserts that his films are cumulative, examining characters' interior lives (motivations, codes of honor, ways of constructing anti: \ 75 reality) within specific locations and through specific actions: "I usually am attracted to characters that have similar attributes to characters in my other films....I'm fascinated by history and anthropology. I'm fascinated by the idea of people in history, and history having been shown to us in such a way that people always come off as fake--not fake but one-dimensional. And I'm interested in exploring what they felt and making them three-dimensional. To show that they're very similar to us. I mean, they're human beings. So just because the society around them and the world around them is very different, it doesn't mean that they didn't have the same feelings and the same desires, the same goals and the same things that haunt us..." (DeCurtis 443).27 Though Lee and Scorsese may differ in their choice of rubric through which to present their characters' coming or failing to come to self-awareness, Mean $;nee;a and he ;he high; Thing both employ the action-image in the determined milieu of public space as one visual means for this inquiry. Wayne Wang's Chan ia Miaaing, by contrast, appears at the beginning of the film to employ the action-image trajectory, but it is incomplete. The film opens with a situation which ” Scorsese claims an autobiographical component for Mean_a;;ee;a, as well as a broader inquiry into human nature and motivation: "Mean_S;;ee;a was an attempt to put myself and my old friends on the screen, to show how we lived, what life was like in Little Italy. It was really an anthropological or a sociological tract" (EQQI§§S§_QE Sooreeee.48). 'r1 In "' 9-O- *r1 ("3 f) 76 produces action, but the action produces no change in the situation. Public space, the determined milieu of San Francisco's Chinatown, is prominent as the milieu within which the events of the film take place, but this determined milieu is the site of events which can only be labelled actions in the broadest sense, since in the specific sense of actions which produce results, or a changed situation, they do not qualify. Chan is a mystery story, as might be expected both from the title directly, and from the title's oblique reference to the "Charlie Chan" mystery films of the 19308 and 1940s. Unlike the Charlie Chan films, though, which created a veneer of inscrutability around their oriental-other title character but always ended with a clear resolution of the mystery, Chan ia Miaaing provides a thorough explication of the mystery (situation), and a thorough examination of it (action), but no resolution. When the film ends, the mystery is intact. .As with Wang's later work in The hey Leek Clnh, Chinese American identity is at the heart of Chan ia Miaaing. The film's narrative premise has the main character, a San Francisco Chinese American cabby named Jo, searching for Chan Hung, a friend of Jo's who has disappeared. Jo's assistant, mimicking the "number-one son" figure in the Charlie Chan films, is his Americanized nephew Steve. These allusions to the Charlie Chan films serve as a constant reminder that Wang is reclaiming the imagery of the Chinese American from a film series which helped create the image of 77 the exotic Asian. Wang's reclamation is in tacit harmony with Edward Said's assertion that representations such as the Chan films, or for that matter Chan ia Miaaing, while culturally formative of the image of a particular community, are nevertheless only representations, not "truth."28 Wang's reclamation of Chinese American representation foregrounds its complexity. Jo's search for Chan is the pretext for extensive conversations with a variety of Chinatown inhabitants, as well as recurring conversations with his nephew Steve. As each interlocutor offers his or her own perspective on the possible reasons for Chan's disappearance, each also reveals differing perspectives on Chan's Chinese Americanness, as well as their own. This polyphonic aggregation of perceptions serves a variety of structural purposes in Chan ia Miaaing: through contrast, it calls into question the straightforward narrative construction of the original "Charlie Chan" films, it de- ” Though Said's assertions make reference to written language, they apply equally well to filmic representations. According to Said, "it needs to be made clear about cultural discourse and exchange within a culture that what is commonly circulated by it is not 'truth' but representations. It hardly needs to be demonstrated again that language itself is a highly organized and encoded system, which employs many devices to express, indicate, exchange messages and information, represent, and so forth. In any instance of at least written language, there is no such thing as a delivered presence, but a ;e;n;eaenee, or a representation. The value, efficacy, strength, apparent veracity of a statement about the Orient therefore relies very little, and cannot instrumentally depend, on the Orient as such. On the contrary, the written statement is a presence to the reader by virtue of its having excluded, displaced, made supererogatory any such ;eal_;hing as 'the Orient'" (21). 78 centers the narrative voice of the film, making it episodic and multi-vocalic, and it constructs a complex and ultimately irreconcilable portrait of Chan Hung, by implication calling into question the very idea that "Chinese American" is a meaningful category, or that representations of "Chinese Americans" can ever be accurate or complete. The initial sequence in Chan ia Miaaing, through the use of a handheld camera and POV shooting, places us as viewers in the position of a passenger who enters Jo's cab. As Jo drives, we hear his thoughts in voiceover: "1000, 2000, 3000--." The passenger says, "Hey, uh, where's a good place to eat in Chinatown?" Again, we hear Jo's thoughts in voiceover: "Under three seconds. That question comes up under three seconds 90% of the time. I usually give them my routine on the difference between Mandarin and Cantonese food, and get a good tip." The exchange suggests that Jo feels both resentful of and resigned to the passenger's flattening of Jo's identity into a stereotyped image that only identifies Chinese Americans with Chinese restaurants. Yet recognizing the futility of confronting the passenger with the absurdity of his perception, Jo simply turns it to his own advantage by employing a routine that results in a good tip. In doing so, Jo mirrors the double-consciousness which W.E.B. DuBois articulated as being part of the constant experience of the African American: "The Negro is...gifted with second-sight in this American world,-- a 79 world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double- consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness..." (8). DuBois's succinct explanation connects with Jo's sense of what it means to be cast as Other, or marginalized by a dominant group in society. Ironically, though Jo both resents his Othering by the passenger and simultaneously turns it to his advantage, he is himself subject to the temptation to essentialism in his own notion of what it means to be Chinese American. Jo's very act of trying to find Chan Hung, and in the process trying to determine Chan Hung's "real" identity, becomes a metaphor for the attempt to absolutize the definition of "Chinese American". In a later conversation with Steve, Jo says: "It's hard enough for guys like me who've been here so long to find an identity. I can imagine Chan Hung's problem, somebody from China coming over here and trying to find himself." Despite Jo's resentment of being stereotyped by the cab passenger, Jo himself implicitly believes that "Chinese American identity" exists in some essential form, to be found by people like himself and Chan Hung. Steve provides a historical perspective on Jo's essentializing by 80 replying: "That's a bunch of bullshit, man. That identity shit. That's old news. Man, that happened ten years ago!" The process of tracking down Chan Hung, and concurrently exploring his identity, serves both to undermine Jo's sense of himself as a Chinese American and to problematize Jo's insistence that "Chinese American" is a meaningful category. Untidy, unruly information of this sort, information which resists being tamed by or incorporated into a particular system, fits the description of what Gilles Deleuze calls "lines of flight."” Jo constructs Chinese Americanness as an orderly web of information, and sets himself the task of learning its pattern. Many of the perspectives he hears, however, are ” As Todd G. May explains, the concept of "lines of flight" is an element of Deleuze's analysis of the way systems function: "The idea of lines of flight is inseparable from that of molecularity, a notion Deleuze opposes to the molar...Most political analysis is concerned with molar organizations: the great unities of state, economy, and military. For Deleuze, these molar unities are the intersection of smaller, molecular lines, upon which they often react back, suppressing or destroying those lines that could prove threatening to them. In hialegnea Deleuze divides these lines into three types: segmentary, which occur on the register of already constituted identities and thus involve molar terms like state, family, profession, and the like; supple, which constitute segments in a segmentary line but which alone are without a constituted identity; and lines of flight, which are nomadic, irreducible, creative, and always the object of molar unities which try to harness their productivity for their own anti-productive ends...Lines of flight, then, are not escapes from the social field in which they arise, but rather escapes within it." (5). 81 lines of flight, contradictory and irreconcilable, resisting his essentializing impulse rather than confirming it. At the end of the film, Jo reflects on all the different "identities" which Chan Hung has in the minds of the people he has interviewed: I've already given up on finding out what happened to Chan Hung. What bothers me is that I no longer know who Chan Hung really is. Mr. Lee says Chan Hung and immigrants like him need to be taught everything as if they were children. Mr. Fong thinks anyone who can invent a word-processing system in Chinese must be a genius. Steve thinks that Chan Hung is slow-witted, or sly when it comes to money; Jenny thinks that her father is honest and trustworthy. Mrs. Chan thinks her husband is a failure because he isn't rich. Amy thinks he's a hot-headed political activist. The old man thinks Chan Hung is just a paranoid person. Henry thinks Chan Hung is patriotic, and has gone back to the mainland to serve the people. Frankie thinks Chan Hung worries a lot about money and his inheritance. He thinks Chan Hung's back in Taiwan fighting with his brother over the partition of some property. George thinks Chan Hung's too Chinese, and unwilling to change. Presco thinks he's an eccentric who likes‘ mariachi music. The problem with me is that I believe what I see and hear. If I did that with Chan Hung I'll know nothing because everything is so contradictory. 82 Here's a picture of Chan Hung, and I still can't see him. These different identities are analogues for the different identities of "Chinese Americans," which is to say that there is no essential "Chinese American" identity at all. To the extent that any meaningful information attaches to the term, it is a function of what Werner Sollors calls "the invention of ethnicity," in his book of that name. According to Sollors, "the interpretation of previously 'essentialist' categories (childhood, generations, romantic love, mental health, gender, region, history, biography, and so on) as 'inventions' has resulted in the recognition of the general cultural constructedness of the modern world" (x). There may be a construction called "Chinese American," but it is a complex, shifting entity, sounding very different coming from the mouth of one speaker than another, paralleling the mystery of the identity of Chan Hung. In Chan ia Miaaing Wang represents this mystery verbally and structurally; the visual construction of the film reinforces the dispersed quality of the narrative and the multiplicity of meanings for the term "Chinese American." The initial image in Chan ia Miaaing deserves notice, particularly since it recurs at various points in the film. The image is confusing, and not immediately identifiable. It is a tight shot from the outside of the windshield of Jo's cab. The left half of the screen is effectively blank, 83 blocking a view of the interior, creating a sense of inscrutability. The left half of the screen shows the windshield's reflection of the blankness of the sky; the right half shows the windshield's reflection of the buildings Jo passes as he drives down the street. These darker reflections allow us to see Jo through the windshield, partially and intermittently. The effect is one of multiple signifiers, all of them obscure, or cloudy. The film's main character is driving, but he cannot be clearly seen. Because of the movement of the cab, he is completely obliterated at some points, partially obscured at others. The method of obscuring him is a reflection, and at the same time an overlay of one image upon another, dispersing our attention by providing simultaneous images. Finally, as this effect is created through the movement of the cab, the nomadic, shifting quality of the shot is a visual analogue to the nomadic, shifting quality of Chan's identity, and by extension the very concept of the construction "Chinese American". As a shot which does not provide much rational information, if any, or advance the narrative, the cab windshield shot is an example of an affection-image, an image where affect is primary. More precisely, it is an any-space-whatever, where "space is no longer a particular, determined space", but "a space of virtual conjunction, grasped as pure locus of the possible" (Cinema 1 109). Any- space-whatevers appear either as frames within which the fh *J. C) an O) 84 visual information does not link up, or frames which are in some sense empty. Thus shadows, or light, or pure color, when they fill or partially fill the frame, create any- space-whatevers. Within these spaces, pure affect functions. Intellectual constructs such as "Chinese American identity" do not function there, but instead are broken down and dispersed effectively. Sensibility takes precedence over rationality. This foregrounding of sensibility in Chan ia Miaaing is underlined, as in Wang's The hey Leek Cleh, by a preponderance of close-ups of faces, creating a milieu of affection-images within the determined milieu of San Francisco's Chinatown. The opening cab-windshield shot also introduces a primary motif in Chan ia Miaaing, the motif of nomadic movement. In his quest to find Chan, and to solve the mystery of Chan's identity, Jo drives his cab to the Manilatown Senior Center, to Chan's ex-wife's home, to the flophouse hotel where Chan has been staying, to the English language school of his friend George, to Henry's Golden Dragon Restaurant, and to other locations. He walks the streets alone, and with Steve, searching for clues. This motif of constant movement functions on at least two levels: narratively as Jo's (unsuccessful) method for solving the mystery”, and metaphorically as a comment on the nature of ” John Cawelti suggests that nomadic movement such as Jo's is characteristic of the hard-boiled detective: "The ratiocinative English detectives of authors like Dorothy Sayers, Agatha Christie, or Ngaio Marsh investigate crimes . btdtCAdnup 85 Jo's quest to find Chan, and ultimately some sense of Chinese American identity. As much as Jo might desire clear-cut results, it is not a straightforward search. In fact, there are numerous false starts, dead ends, and clues which come up empty. There is nothing particularly systematic about Jo's search; he simply goes next to any place which presents itself as a possible site of fruitful inquiry. This wandering, while not exactly aimless, does give the film the quality of a road movie which never leaves town. If plotted on a map of Chinatown, Jo's criss-crossing of the territory would form a web with no particular pattern, yet one where each point is related to the other by the nature of his search. As such, it takes on a rhizomatic quality“, in the sense that Deleuze and Guattari use the term to describe an organic whole which does not organize itself hierarchically, or genealogically, or arboreally, but in a manner without beginning or end, without primacy, yet with a systemic connectedness that has integrity without consistency, and logic without linearity: "A rhizome has no by examining clues, questioning witnesses, and then using their intellectual powers of insight and deduction to arrive at the solution. The hard-boiled detective investigates through movement and encounter; he collides with the web of conspiracy until he has exposed its outlines" (229). Another mark of the hard-boiled detective story in Chan is Wang's use of voice-over narration, in which Jo explains and comments upon the progress of his investigation. “ See also Chapter 3, where I discuss the rhizomatic quality of Scorsese's camerawork in Ceeehellaa. 5/. .1 FE 86 beginning or end; it is always in the middle, between things, interbeing, intermezzo. The tree is filiation, but the rhizome is alliance, uniquely alliance. The tree imposes the verb 'to be,‘ but the fabric of the rhizome is the conjunction 'and...and...and.' This conjunction carries enough force to shake and uproot the verb 'to be.‘ Where are you going? Where are you coming from? What are you heading for? These are totally useless questions" (Theeaane 25). In Jo's rhizomatic search for Chan, he adds information without ruling out; he encounters people whose perceptions contradict each other's without cancelling each other; he discovers lines of flight which make resolution of the mystery impossible, yet which are incorporated into his understanding in ways that satisfy him. Jo's attitude is one that his nephew Steve cannot understand, since it seems contradictory. Steve would like to turn the mystery over to the police, yet Jo won't allow that because "it's none of their business," signifying that whatever the nature of the mystery is, it is one which occurs within the rhizome which is Jo's understanding of his community and his circle of friends, and which is not amenable to the investigatory techniques or attitude of those who are outside this community, this rhizome. Jo realizes that their investigation may seem to be at a dead-end, yet unlike Steve, he understands the operation of the rhizome, which, in the words of Deleuze and Guattari, "may be broken, shattered at a given spot, but it will start up again on one 87 of its old lines, or on new lines. You can never get rid of ants because they form an animal rhizome that can rebound time and again after most of it has been destroyed. Every rhizome contains lines of segmentarity according to which it is stratified, territorialized, organized, signified, attributed, etc., as well as lines of deterritorialization down which it constantly flees. There is a rupture in the rhizome whenever segmentary lines explode into a line of flight, but the line of flight is part of the rhizome. These lines always tie back to one another" (Theeaand 9). The public space of Chinatown which Jo traverses in his rhizomatic search for Chan is itself a rhizome, a community which is "stratified, territorialized, organized, signified, attributed, etc." geographically and ethnically, but, like (the identity and idea of) Chan himself, is ruptured by "segmentary lines [which] explode into a line of flight," understood and interpreted differently by different observers, and thus is ultimately uninterpretable. This public space is claimed by at least two different groups for political purposes, as we learn through Jo's explanation of the "flag-waving incident" in connection with his suspicion that Chan had something to do with this occurrence. The flag-waving incident consisted of a public clash between a group of demonstrators sympathetic with Communist China (PRC) and a group sympathetic with Taiwan (ROC). Though we briefly see a blurry newspaper photograph of this incident, our only other knowledge of it is through the filter of Jo's 88 conversation with various people. Political themes sprinkle Jo's conversation with various interlocutors (Steve, Amy, Henry, George), but these uses of public space are only discussed, not depicted. In this respect, Wang's focus is different from Spike Lee's, where confrontations in the public spaces of Seheel haze, he ;he high; Thing, and Maleelm k directly involve the film's major characters, and is also different from Martin Scorsese's, where even though the major characters of Mean 5;;ee;a are not directly involved in the ritual use of public space in the Feast of San Gennaro, they encounter it directly as part of their milieu. Public space in Chan ia Miaaing, and to an extent in Wang's Slamdanee, is not filled with confrontation or ritual or political display. Nor is it a place of ownership, danger, or contestation. Rather, in the spirit of the rhizome”, it is a matrix of inquiry and encounter which Chan traverses unimpeded by political or religious alliances, or by threat of harm. Its openness signifies a site of possibility, rather than the closed-off quality suggested by the binomial of confrontation or the truth- claims of politics or ritual. This rhizomatic understanding ” "Multiplicities are rhizomatic, and expose arborescent pseudomultiplicities for what they are. There is not unity to serve as a pivot in the object, or to divide in the subject. There is not even the unity to abort in the object or 'return' in the subject. A multiplicity has neither subject nor object, only determinations, magnitudes, and dimensions that cannot increase in number without the multiplicity changing in nature..." (Theeaane 8). 89 of community, in both its geographic and psychic manifestations, contests the more traditional notion of ethnic identity and community which Jo foregrounds as he searches for Chan. Jo's search for Chan becomes Jo's encounter with a paradigm which competes with his notion of community, ethnicity and identity; ultimately, he enters into the spirit of the rhizome himself when he acknowledges that "The problem with me is that I believe what I see and hear. If I did that with Chan Hung I'll know nothing because everything is so contradictory. Here's a picture of Chan Hung, and I still can't see him." Wang's camera reinforces the rhizomatic quality of the Chinatown location and the narrative of Jo's quest for Chan's whereabouts and identity. Whereas Spike Lee's use of affection-image close-ups privileges the use of shot/reverse shot juxtapositions in he ;he high; Thing, emphasizing the confrontational nature of the characters depicted in these sequences, Wang's use of affection-images in Chan privileges the single character more than the relationship. Affection- image close-ups in Chan are held for greater duration, creating more of a sense of identification with the character and his affections or thought processes rather than placing the character in relationship with a single other, thus opening a multitude of relational possibilities rather than specifying a single one. Further, like Martin Scorsese in Ceeehellaa, Wang makes extensive use of the reume, the form of perception-image which Deleuze calls -C mc in ti tC SE IE 9O "liquid perception." There is a key difference, though, between Scorsese's framing of the reume and Wang's, even though both foreground rhizomatic qualities. In Scorsese's Ceedhellaa, the reume consists of shots of specific and significant characters, the members of Henry Hill's "crime family." The reume is created with a moving camera, so that the images within the frame flow through it because of the movement of the camera. As will be explained more fully in chapter 3, Scorsese's moving camera serves to place the characters contextually within a matrix of characters which is continually in flux, and while functioning as a "family," also poses potential harm for the characters involved. The moving camera's composing, decomposing and recomposing of images accentuates the constructedness and the mutability of the "family," undercutting Henry Hill's sense of belonging to something solid and secure. The images also suggest the rhizomatic "lines of flight" which Deleuze and Guattari characterize as a component in the growth of organisms (Deleuze and Guattari "Rhizome" 16-18), in that the tendency toward hierarchy and ossification is constantly disrupted by seemingly spontaneous lines of flight which rupture and reformulate the system, while still being a part of the system. In Scorsese's presentation, the tracking shot which is the reume is an image of insubstantiality, but this insubstantiality is dangerous, because it is an image of known characters which suggests their unknowability, or their potential for treachery. Like the confrontational C. r1: n) In I"? 91 binaries of Lee's shot/reverse shot affection-images, Scorsese's reume is a vehicle of danger because of its contextual placement within a known and circumscribed community which is nevertheless in transition or flux in ways impossible to chart. In contrast with Scorsese's use of reume-images, Wang's reume-images are signifiers of complexity, ambiguity, and anonymity. Physically, the composition of the reume in each instance reinforces the signification. Whereas Scorsese's reume is created dynamically, through the use of the moving camera, and signifies danger, Wang's reumes are composed ' with a stationary camera creating a frame-field through which movement occurs. Chan ia Miaaing is replete with examples. Early in the film, within the first four minutes, Jo (in voiceover) talks about beginning his search for Chan at a restaurant named Chester's. As he talks we see a long shot of the restaurant. The camera placement is across the street from the restaurant, an eye-level shot. A single man stands in the street, in front of the restaurant. A streetcar enters the frame on the right, moving diagonally from lower right to upper left of the frame, filling the frame for just a moment. As the streetcar passes out of the frame, we see that the man has disappeared. Our POV, dictated by the placement of the camera, keeps us at a safe distance from this mystery, and Jo is at an affectively safe distance from it as well, in that he fails to notice or comment on the sui- shc Sta Jo' whe shc SO; 92 disappearance. This movement through the reume from one composition (with man) to another (without) in a single shot serves notice not of danger, but of mystery and insubstantiality. Events occur without notice, without comment, without motivation, without explanation. Wang links this visual exposition of the rhizomatic quality of the community under consideration with a verbal one as well. The following shot is a close-up at eye-level of the head and shoulders of a young woman, dressed in a suit and tie. The any-space-whatever which surrounds her shows fragments of a picture hanging on a wall and a serving station, elements of the interior of Chester's Restaurant. Jo's voiceover continues, in introduction: "This morning when Steve and I were having breakfast at Chester's, a woman showed up looking for Chan Hung. It was about a car accident he was in." The soundtrack then switches to synch- sound as the woman expounds to Jo and Steve: You see I'm doing a paper on the legal implications of cross-cultural misunderstanding. Mr. Chan's case is a perfect example of what I'm trying to expose here. The policeman and Mr. Chan had completely different culturally related assumptions about what kind of communication about communication each one was using. For instance, the policeman, in an English-speaking mode, asks a direct factual question; there are just to be facts, and that's all: 'did you stop at the stop sign?' He expected a 'yes or no' answer. Mr. Chan, 93 however, rather than giving him a yes or a no answer began to go into his past driving record--how good it was, the number of years he had been in the States, all the people that he knew--trying to relate different events, or objects or situations to what was happening then, to the action at hand. Now this is very typical, as I'm sure you know, of most Chinese speakers--trying to relate possibly unrelated objects or seemingly unrelated objects to the matter at hand. The Chinese try to relate points, or events or objects that they feel are pertinent to the situation, which may not to anyone else seem directly relevant at the time. At any rate, at this the policeman became rather impatient, restated the question, 'Did you or did you not stop at the stop sign?' in a rather hostile tone, which in turn flustered Mr. Chan, which caused him to hesitate answering the question, which further enraged the policeman, so that he asked the question again: 'You didn't stop at the stop sign, did you?‘ in a negative tone, to which Mr. Chan automatically answered 'No.' Now, to any native speaker of English 'No' would mean 'No I didn't stop at the stop sign.' However to Mr. Chan 'No I didn't stop at the stop sign' was not 'No I didn't stop at the stop sign.' It was No, I didn't not stop at the stop sign.' In other words, 'Yes I did stop at the stop sign.' Do you see what I'm saying? He was correct in the Chinese because the answer has to com dif EXP wit flj the pr: in: W01 94 match the truth of the action. However, native American speakers tend to work more from a grammatical mode. To put it in layman's language, English language emphasizes the relationship between grammatical structures, and the Chinese language tends to emphasize the relationship between the listener, the speaker, and the action involved. Well, at any rate, Mr. Chan has to appear in court so we can get this all straightened out, so he can explain everything. He missed his court date... In the young woman's explanation, the system of communication through language is complicated by the differing cultural assumptions and communication styles of Mr. Chan and the policeman. This complication, as explained, could be considered rhizomatic, in that it deals with a system (language) which contains within it lines of flight which alter the system and its functioning without rupturing it. Yet Wang doubles the rhizomatic quality of the scene. Cut-in affection-image close-ups of Jo and Steve provide an ironic counterpoint because they appear to indicate that Jo and Steve either do not understand the woman, or do not respect her analysis. As the woman talks, we experience the quality of faceicity, where "micromovements of expression" within the affection-image demonstrate intensity and desire (on a continuum of love-hate), rather than wonder (Cinema 1.90). The animation of this affection-image is matched, even 95 exceeded, by the animation of the affection-images of Steve and Jo which are cut in to this sequence as the woman talks. They also exhibit faceicity rather than faceification-- changing expressions rather than immutable ones. In one instance, Steve's facial expression is augmented by a sigh, and the movement of his running his hand over the back of his head. In each of these cut-in reaction shots, the expression on Steve's or Jo's face undercuts the sense that the woman is making rational sense in her exposition toward them. Ironically, even as she discourses on the nature of communication, she fails to communicate to Steve and Jo. The verbal signifiers clash with the visual signifiers, leaving as indeterminate and unresolved the question of whether the woman's explanation of Chan's behavior is sufficient. In a sense, the two levels of communication form a matrix over one another, with the rhizomatic escape of lines of flight occurring at each level. The reume created by the passage of the streetcar through the frame in front of Chester's Restaurant is brief, but it prefigures Wang's use of this type of fluid motion, flowing into and out of the frame, throughout Chan ia Miaaing. .A typical instance occurs when Steve and Jo visit the Manilatown Senior Center, a place Chan Hung frequented. As they interview the attendant, Frankie, the elderly habitués of Manilatown are surveyed with a moving camera. Later they dance, or walk, through the frame. They are never known to us by name, but are briefly part of our 96 experience through the reumes which constitute these shots. This reume-pattern comes to a head at the end of the film, where Wang uses a series of reumes to visually reinforce what Jo says about the lack of resolution to the mystery of Chan's identity, and more broadly, about the indeterminacy and insubstantiality of all such issues as agency and identity. The shot which introduces this sequence is a "pure" reume--a shot with no visual information other than flowing water.33 Jo's voice-over of this shot stresses the indeterminacy which the reume suggests: "This mystery is appropriately Chinese. What's not there seems to have just as much meaning as what is there. The murder article is not there. The photograph is not there. The other woman is not there. Chan Hung is not there. Nothing is what it seems to be. I guess I'm not Chinese enough. I can't accept a mystery without a solution." Even at the end of the film, ” "Finally, what the French school found in water was the promise or implication of another state of perception: a more than human perception, a perception not tailored to solids, which no longer had the solid as object, as condition, as milieu. A more delicate and vaster perception, a molecular perception, peculiar to a 'cine-eye'. This was the result of starting from a real definition of the two poles of perception: the perception-image was not to be reflected in a formal consciousness, but was to be split into two states, one molecular and the other molar, one liquid and the other solid, one drawing along and effacing the other. The sign of perception would not therefore be a 'dicisign', but a reume. While the dicisign set up a frame which isolated and solidified the image, the reume referred to an image in the process of becoming liquid, which passed through or under the frame. The camera-consciousness became a reume since it was actualised in a flowing perception and thus arrived at a material determination, at a flowing-matter" (Cinema_l 80). 97 J0 seems to be missing (or not accepting) the point, still essentializing "Chinese" identity. Jo's further reflections lead him back to the comment of Frankie, the attendant at the Manilatown Senior Center: "If you want to solve the mystery, you got to look in the puddle. I been down here too long. I see regular things, everyday things, and for years people do normal things. Then all of a sudden something happens. This guy [Chan Hung] disappears without a trace, without a reason. Nothing." As Jo remembers Frankie's words, the shot is one of Jo sitting in a cafe, a bottle of beer on the table before him. Behind him, through the window, pedestrians pass on the street--a reume-flow which presages the next sequence of shots, where Wang visually comments on Frankie's statement about the tenuousness of the difference between normalcy and abnormality, and about the insubstantiality of agency and presence: "this guy disappears without a trace...." The next sequence is a variation on the earlier streetcar shot, but this time it is unmistakably a series of reume images which problematize Jo's insistence on clarity in determining agency and identity. For this instance the camera is positioned across the street from a bus stop on a busy, commercial Chinatown street. Six long shots from a fixed position at eye level show some people standing at the bus stop while others walk through the frame in both 98 directions.34 Traffic flows through the frame in both directions. Cuts between shots are difficult to detect, being cut on the momentary obliterations caused by passing traffic. The anonymous subjects included in the shots appear and disappear because of their passing through the frame, but also because new sets of characters appear with new shots (though others remain from one shot to another). The montage is not accompanied by Jo's voiceover any longer, but for the only time in the film, the soundtrack is comprised only of non-diegetic instrumental music. Most, though not all, of the anonymous people depicted in the sequence are apparently Chinese; what is as interesting as their evident ethnicity, however, is their appearing and disappearing, both through the flow of the reume and through the manipulative cutting of the filmmaker. The one seems a comment on the other: that questions of agency, ethnicity, and identity are fluid, and sometimes mysterious. Each of these people is a character in a narrative which is totally closed to us except for a momentary physical glimpse as they go about what apparently are their normal routines. Then, “ Wang uses an intriguing variation on this technique in ameke, where Augie the cigar shop owner (Harvey Keitel) crosses the street once a day to take a still photograph of his cigar shop promptly at 8:00 AM. His collection of hundreds of these photographs depict identical infrastructure, just as the planters and storefronts behind the anonymous characters in the sequence in Chan_ia_Miaaing remain the same from shot to shot. Yet Augie's still photographs capture a diversity of vehicles, pedestrians, and weather conditions, making each photo unique at the same time that it is a close copy of every other. 99 as Frankie says, they "disappear without a trace, without a reason." The bus stop sequence is followed by a short sequence which sums up, both verbally and visibly, the tenuous and rhizomatic conclusions of Jo's inquiry into questions of Chan's identity, Chinese American ethnicity, and the insubstantiality of agency. It consists of three shots: a reprise of the reume shot of water, a reprise of the film's signature shot, the cab windshield shot, and a photograph of three people, only one of them distinct enough to be identified. The sound track for these three shots consists of the lengthy quotation cited earlier ("What bothers me is that I no longer know who Chan Hung really is. Mr. Lee says Chan Hung and immigrants like him need to be taught everything as if they were children..."), in which Jo reflects on the way that the many "identities" of Chan Hung ultimately suggest that an "essential" Chan Hung is unknowable and may not even exist. The image of the reume of water unmistakably reinforces the import of Jo's words, suggesting the inscrutability of Chan's identity and by implication the shifting, constructed quality of the notion of Chinese, or Chinese American identity. The cab windshield shot ties the reume of inscrutability to the ambiguity of nomadic movement, the lines of flight of the rhizome. The third shot, the still shot of the indistinct photograph, directly illustrates and confirms the suggestions of the two previous images. In voiceover, Jo 100 says "Here's a picture of Chan Hung, and I still can't see ‘him." The sequence which follows, and which ends the film, is a montage of Chinatown scenes, accompanied by an extra- diegetic rendition of "Grant Avenue" sung by Pat Suzuki. The sequence begins with static shots of locations; subsequent shots show people, all anonymous, passing through the frame, or passing into and out of the frame by virtue of camera movement. Other shots show reflections in windows. These images of indeterminacy depict the community at the same time that they suggest it can never be fully depicted. Chinatown, Little Italy, and Bed-Stuy are existing communities defined by geography and ethnicity. As constructed cinematically in the images created by Wayne Wang, Martin Scorsese and Spike Lee, these communities exhibit some common characteristics--concerns with questions of ethnicity, awareness of their status on the border between ethnic identity and assimilation, use of ritual, display, and public space as means and arenas of self and group definition. The three directors, however, show conceptual and stylistic differences in their depictions of communities and the use of public space, most particularly in their differing uses of the action-image: Scorsese in images of ostentatious display, Lee in images of confrontation, and Wang in images of indeterminacy. CHAPTER 3 CONSTRUCTIONS OF FAMILY AS COMMUNITY Images and constructions of "family", as an abstraction, tend to be idealized. Ideal families are places where individuals are accepted and loved for who they are, unconditionally. Ideal families are groups which provide physical protection and emotional encouragement. As Zygmunt Bauman notes, "It is the family (not necessarily the one we know from our own, not always happy, experience, but one like we imagine 'an ideal family' to be...) which serves most often as a model for that mutual sympathy and assistance which we tend to ascribe to, or demand from, or hope to obtain from, an in-group" (Thinking 42). As Bauman implies, though, such "ideal families" are a prototype which seems to have few analogues in late 20th Century western lived experience. The societal forces which make the existence of "ideal" families tenuous are many, including those Bauman identifies which were discussed in chapter 1: pluralism, individual isolation, interdependence, technological change, multiple sites of authority, and contingency, to re-name some. But these very forces, as Bauman notes, intensify the desire for community, even as they undermine the possibility of 101 102 community. If real "ideal" families do not exist, we create simulated ones to take their place. The signs which we read as "family" are ascribed to groups of people who may be unrelated, but nevertheless fulfill the functions we expect families to fulfill. Or, more accurately, we read our relationship with them as fulfilling those functions, whether they actually do or not. In this sense, these groups which are read by their members as families are what Bauman calls imaginee communities. Though themselves tenuous and impermanent, they appear to provide their members with solace against the tension and confusion and competing allegiances of postmodern existence. Thus their members will them into existence, and show allegiance to them for at least as long as the "family" fulfills the functions expected of it. Even families which are biological entities, rather than temporary alliances, share in the constructed quality of the imagined community, to the extent that the relationships within the family are imagined to be something different than they really are. Filmic images of families, whether nuclear or constructed, are always representations which can and should be read as signs, paying attention to the manner of the representation as well as to the representations selected for display. In this chapter I will read the images of families presented in three films: The Ten Leek Cleh, gneeklyn, and Ceedhellaa. The lens through which I will read them is the analytic framework provided by Gilles 103 Deleuze in Cinema T and Cinema Tl, paying special attention to the lines of analysis which open from the use of Deleuze's construct of the opsign, and its particular manifestation as affection-image, located in or connected with the any-space-whatever, and sometimes in circulation with the recollection—image. These filmic constructs will be the means of differentiating the uses of the opsign by Wang, Lee, and Scorsese, uses which are not only marks of style but also methods of encoding meaning. As a Hollywood convention, the close-up forces our attention to its subject. The decision to use a close-up, though, belongs to director and editor, with a variety of factors affecting the way the close-up is read: the placement of the close-up within the continuity, the manner in which the close-up is framed, and the visual information presented within the close-up, to name the most obvious. While some effects of the use of the close-up may be universal, and attributable to conventional use and reception, other effects may provide a means of comparatively reading directors' influences, styles, and messages. It also is an appropriate window through which to examine constructions of the family community, since the "tight shot," or close-up, is itself visually suggestive of the bonds, real or imagined, which hold these constructions together. the $61 rei 104 IheMLuolsQliIb According to Zygmunt Bauman, "the community type of belonging is at its strongest and most secure when we believe just this: that we have not chosen it on purpose, have done nothing to make it exist and can do nothing to undo it" (Ibinhinfi 74). Ironically, this sense of the inevitability of community connections seems to permeate The hey Leek Cleh, Wayne Wang's 1993 film adaptation of Amy Tan's novel. The irony is that the "family" represented is actually an aggregation of friends and relatives who function like an extended family, even though only some of them are biologically related. Nevertheless, the film's sense of family is very strong and, along with its focus on relationships of mothers and daughters, led many reviewers to dismiss the film with comments such as Leslie Felperin Sharman's: "at heart The Jey Leek Cleh remains an old- fashioned Hollywood woman's picture, the kind I'd go see with my mother and a big box of hankies" (45). As a representation, however, of life along the emotional border of Chinese ethnicity, American identity, and personal autonomy, the film is considerably more subtle and complex than Sharman's comment suggests. In a literal sense, the "family" depicted in The hey Leek Cleh is a constructed entity, formed against the backdrop of the traumatic experiences of four Chinese women separated from their biological families by events occurring during and after World War II. The narrative constitutes an 105 example of Zygmunt Bauman's assertion that, in the face of the chaotic, disorderly condition of postmodern existence, individuals seek some semblance of refuge and order in community, and form communities to achieve that goal (Tn;ima;iena 134-35). Both the chaos of the women's past and the refuge they seek in community are represented in the shape of the narration, and in its visual realization. The narration is shaped around a party which, in filmic "current time," takes place almost entirely during the course of a single afternoon and evening in a spacious San Francisco apartment shared by June and her father. June's recently deceased mother, Suyuan, was one of the four members of the Joy Luck Club, a group formed initially to play mah-jongg, but which became their "family" in place of the families lost in China. The Joy Luck Club was the place for them to tell and retell the stories of their similarly difficult experiences, and share both their pride in and their bewilderment with their daughters. In her mother's absence June's "aunties," Lindo, Ying Ying, and An Mei, and their daughters Waverly, Lena, and Rose, host the party in June's honor, as June is about to journey to China to meet her recently rediscovered step-sisters. Structurally, the party serves as the departure point for episodes in flashback chronicling portions of the histories of the four members of the Joy Luck Club, and their sometimes strained relationships with their Chinese American daughters. As a narrative device, the current-time party provides a 106 touchstone, a point of commonality to which to return, tying together stories that are thematically related but only haphazardly connected in character or chronology. The device of the party reinforces the sense of refuge represented by the "imagined community" of the Joy Luck Club; the stories in flashback reveal why the sense of refuge is needed. The stories are of two types: stories of chaos and family sorrow in China, and stories of tension and misunderstanding with Americanized daughters. Each member is the primary character in at least one story of each type. The visual realization of the film reinforces the sense that the "current time" Joy Luck Club is a locus of comfort and security, while the flashback scenes depict incidents and events which are disquieting, disruptive, or chaotic. The relationship between the two sets of visual information, the party and the flashbacks, is a relationship of memory (current experience vs. recollection) and of circumstance (comfort vs. peril), as well as a relationship of time (present vs. past). In Cinema 2, Gilles Deleuze offers a method for understanding how these relationships are represented visually, as well as conceptually. The first thing to notice is the visual quality of the party. Many shots foreground the connectedness of the people in attendance by such devices as slow-panning across the table where they eat, or including groupings of people within wide angle shots. In each of these examples the use 107 or position of the camera creates the sense that the people at the party do not simply share space; they exist in relationship with each other. These relationships, though, are not relationships of action. In the few instances where the people at the party actually he anything, the actions are relatively inconsequential, and serve the purpose of community-building. The most typical action is conversation; others are the playing of a game and the serving of food. In a sense, nothing happens at the party. And intuitively, we understand that a circumstance where "nothing happens," where there is little or no action, may constitute an appropriate circumstance for building and maintaining relationships. The images at the party where "nothing happens" most obviously are the close-ups which occur just before a flashback. They are close-ups which exhibit the traits Deleuze calls those of "faceification"--close-ups emphasizing the outline of the face, or the face taken as a whole. Close-ups of this type Deleuze associates with the sense of wonder, or thought or inscrutability, as opposed to close-ups where the parts of the face are mobile, and convey more active affect, such as fear or desire. In one such shot, An Mei separates herself from the crowd, leans against a doorjamb, puts her hand to her face, and stares absently at nothing in particular. The camera pans to follow her movement, then zooms slowly toward her face. This is an image of thought, of recollection, forming a smooth 108 conceptual transition by straight cut to the next image, which is from An Mei's childhood in China. Gilles Deleuze offers more precise language for describing this situation. In Deleuze's terms, film images where nothing happens are "pure optical and sound situations," or "opsigns" and "sonsigns" (Cinema 2 6). These images do not share the sensory-motor link which characterizes the action-image; rather, by existing apart from a logic of cause and effect, they open possibilities for filmic expression in a realm beyond the action-image. Opsigns and sonsigns "become established in what we might call 'any-space-whatever,' whether disconnected, or emptied..." (Cinema 2 5); they "sometimes [consist of] everyday banality, sometimes exceptional or limit- circumstances--but, above all, subjective images, memories of childhood, sound and visual dreams or fantasies, where the character does not act without seeing himself acting, complicit viewer of the role he himself is playing..." (Cinema 2 6) . Deleuze's assertion here is that some images or sequences in film do have a sensory-motor connection, where a perception is followed by a resulting action in cause and effect manner, while other images are not elements of this connection. As Deleuze schematizes the relationship between image and time, "the relation, sensoryzmotor situation -> indirect image of time is replaced by a non-localizable relation, pure optical and sound situation -> direct time 109 image. Opsigns and sonsigns are direct presentations of time" (Cinema 1 41). Certain images in film are in fact Opsigns which, lacking the sensory-motor connection, are direct points of entry into the representation of time by an image. The specific type of opsign which characterizes the close-ups under consideration in The hey Leek Cleh is one which Deleuze calls the "recollection image," a name he borrows from Henri Bergson: "With recollection images, a whole new sense of subjectivity appears...which is no longer motor or material, but temporal and spiritual: that which 'is added' to matter, not what distends it; recollection image, not movement-image" (Cinema 2 47). These opsigns, the close-ups which connect the current-time thinkers with the recollections subsequently represented in the sequences which follow the close-ups, are images of time rather than action, since they form a circuit not with a subsequent action, as an action-image would, but with themselves, the image of the recaller and the image of the recalled.35 The filmic representations of the recollections of the thinker portrayed in the opsign are "recollection-images." Deleuze's consideration of the recollection-image is a step toward completion of his project in Cinema 2 of identifying the image "which is sufficient to define the new ” Within these circuits, however, fragments of action- image will sometimes occur, as when the recalled incidents follow a trajectory of conflict and resolution. llO