v u ‘ . .V Ha» ha axurdmg. : .. V. , . . , .9......L.v.‘ ; , . z. . e u , , I I _ p .- ‘ ‘ A L. .5 1mm .5. , _ ‘ .u A . .. f... Sufi . ‘ V . .. hr.» _ . , . s. . , . ‘ rnbwf . A , ‘ . ‘ . L . . . . 5n. ., ‘ .‘ .. , . . ‘ . .m 1.; . .. . .. i .. .Vz. . . . ¢mwmw . . .. .v!..| . . . n .V In.“ 5 . e ”.1”! lbw! u. I z ., 3W-mtcilfiu.21fl 1‘ 5.1] cu L . .I . , :4..r..l: ’ {Hana 1.... .. . i. .03. .r ‘ . t 21.0! Lht. , A .. ., . Iv . up». at. , V , . .. . . . .. f : u.. 44 , hwy . A . .z . 1 , ‘ . _ Harm .wtvho'n 0., . . . .1mvn.}x.a . 6.... 3.1.“: V . 5.1%.?!“ :43... AHA”. - I :tlAr313 z. ”.11 #in 4? x gmvmvml 4.4,.1. . . 4.. WW. . A A F ‘ .Wfifinmvkb. Em. . . Ln. . ‘ \1, 1‘. . . weak Wm :ewmrwwuwfimw ha... .....I tut.“ In! «at». , ..... «a 5.3.. ...., .. , . ‘ é . Anhfinmmmfi burn... .mm‘MflEknnrku.‘ . .. «a. .5... 1!. fiéfiwuu... -mwczmm & reg: . . .. 4.... .Wzfifiwifi -ka iii 1 V L? 1.. Wrivyl (it? .1... to. Ivlddv..v..1nu.'oz.rn .dflrrudfluuhmv. wank-WV!“ . .7. l. x i a .k V _ 11.5,..6. 6:. I ‘ .3. .: z... .. Singuéfltrwmmk , 3 . I t: . 38 xi-.. .u - .3» $ inner? utnvfl 2H; . :90». {.ommhhflwwfi. lawn?» . ‘uzrr.+uw- figfigfii _ .fhwl. u”... «a, nu. affai- , -..R_.mn._....yq.,.,.fl....:..wm.fiub . . ....,:u...n.:t 5v . u o 1 . u ‘0‘ a ' ml..." -1“. Opt . villi. 31 l a . ‘i .1... .;II5 7y I‘.‘ lift i. . 1.- I a ‘ 5' Y ' . . I}. '5 LI .. . ‘. n g— .pth I» . . «Lash. ._ - :3an .2. -..‘.,...: z. . ., .VI. . . ”my“? 2|. .lvnvn .. Mitt I depflw uh... év'lal‘ 1. 3‘ 1‘ I. I‘llv V i .LWRNMNMTM a. «tr-Fin ”42... .1 . . .. L. . $5...." 0 . -11 3.11.?“ “My qfifluuufivxvsfl Harv.” 3.1 v US. v tar-.1 nnLro . v 31:51:31: 1.}DI z 1 n. , 6.0513? n» S... . .1?! 3. 3.1:". :1 ‘ . 14x5“... .... 1%? 1 ‘ y. ‘ «Vs: v‘.t7\x ' U». :1. t | Isl (9.134.; ....1. 1:11.!!a a lllllllllllllllllllllill”lllllllllllllllllllllllllllHllllllll 31293 01565 0256 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled TEACHER CANDIDATES CONSTRUCT UNDERSTANDINGS ABOUT DIVERSITY: FOUR CASE STUDIES OF DEVELOPING MULTICULTURAL THINKING AND ACTIONS presented by Anita Kaye Lapp has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph-D degree in leacheLEdncat ion Major professor Dr. Laura Roehler Date y/dg/ 97 . I I MS U i: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 PLACE ll RETURN BOX to remove We checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE .MSU leAn Mmetive ActionlEcpd Opportunity Inetituion mmi TEACHER CANDIDATES CONSTRUCT UNDERSTANDINGS ABOUT DIVERSITY: FOUR CASE STUDIES OF DEVELOPING MULTICULTURAL THINKING AND ACTIONS By Anita Kaye Lapp A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Teacher Education 1997 ABSTRACT TEACHER CANDIDATES CONSTRUCT UNDERSTANDINGS ABOUT DIVERSITY: FOUR CASE STUDIES OF DEVELOPING MULTICULTURAL THINKING AND ACTIONS By Anita Kaye Lapp As the population in the United States becomes more culturally diverse, teacher candidates must be prepared for working in classroom settings where there are significant differences between themselves and their students. This study explores the student teaching experiences of four teacher candidates as they construct understandings about diversity in the context of a culturally diverse classroom. Two major questions guided the study: (1) What differences did teacher candidates confront between themselves and their students as they engaged in the personal process of constructing meaning about diversity; and (2) What development took place regarding the multicultural attitudes and behaviors of teacher candidates as they confronted differences between themselves and their students? This study was completed through multiple data sources including interviews, journal entries and classroom observations. A constant comparative analysis approach was used to describe, analyze and compare the data across the four case studies. Six broad forms of diversity were used to organize the data: (1) ethnic and racial; (2) language; (3) socioeconomic; (4) exceptionalties; (5) gender; and (6) family patterns. An existing model developed by Nieto (1992) was adapted to categorize the development of multicultural attitudes and behaviors. Conclusions drawn from the findings suggest that (1) understanding how prospective teachers perceive and deal with differences between themselves and their students is complex; (2) teacher candidates may seem homogeneous but they do differ in how they view the world and how they respond to diversity; (3) it is valuable to place teacher candidates in culturally diverse classroom settings but some student teachers are not ready to be placed in a setting where there is too wide of a gap in the differences between themselves and their students; (4) prospective teachers identify and confront diversity but do not reflect on these issues in the context of equity, power and justice; and (5) becoming a multicultural teacher is more than prescribing certain knowledge, Skills and dispositions. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am very appreciative of the support I have received from family, friends and colleagues throughout my graduate studies. To the following persons I extend a special thank you: To the four teacher candidates who participated in this study: Thank you for being so willing to let me document your stories during student teaching. To my guidance committee: Thank you for your willingness to support me across the miles from Goshen, Indiana to East Lansing, Michigan. Laura Roehler, chair of my committee was extremely helpful throughout the dissertation process. Her wisdom and graciousness have been invaluable to me. Without her, this work would never have been completed. Douglas Campbell has been key to my understanding of qualitative research. He also spent considerable time reading dissertation drafts and giving me the kind of feedback I needed to proceed with my work. I also appreciated the time that Linda Anderson gave to me at the beginning of the dissertation process as she helped me think through the proposal for the study. I am also grateful to Margaret Gallego who gave me the opportunity to begin research in the area of preparing teacher candidates for multicultural settings. iv To my colleagues at Goshen College who have supported me throughout my graduate program-~Marilyn Bayak, John Smith, Kathy Meyer Reimer, Susan Weybright, Kathryn Aschliman, Barbara Stahly and Marg Mast: Thank you for always being there to share in my progress as well as in my fi'ustrations. I offer a special thanks to Judith Davis, who read and edited my work at a time when I needed it the most. To my family: Thank you for being supportive of me from the very beginning of my graduate studies. My parents, Edwin and Marcella Stalter, provided me with the confidence to complete the program. They also provided the physical space for me to work at the critical times of data analysis. I am so appreciative of their thoughts and prayers along the way. My husband, Jerry, and my children, Rachel and Jay, have my deepest thanks. They encouraged me to continue despite the time and energy it took away from family life. I’ll always be grateful for their support. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE ............................................................................. 1 Background and Need for the Study .................................................................. 2 Diversity in Classrooms ........................................................................ 2 Teachers and Diversity .......................................................................... 3 Preparing Teacher Candidates for Diversity in Classrooms .................. 5 Developing a Multicultural Perspective ................................................ 6 Statement of the Problem .................................................................................. 8 Purpose of the Study/Research Questions ......................................................... 8 Definition of Terms ........................................................................................... 9 Culture ................................................................................................. 10 Multicultural Education ....................................................................... 10 Scope and Limitations of the Study ................................................................. 11 Preparation for the Study ................................................................................. 12 Pilot Study Description ........................................................................ 12 Pilot Study Data Collection ................................................................. 14 Pilot Study Findings ............................................................................ l4 Significance of the Dissertation Study ............................................................ 17 Overview of the Dissertation ........................................................................... 18 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ................................................................... 19 Range of Diversity Within Classrooms ........................................................... l9 Racial and Ethnic Diversity ................................................................. 20 Linguistic Diversity ............................................................................. 23 Socioeconomic Diversity ..................................................................... 25 Exceptionalities ................................................................................... 27 Gender Diversity .................................................................................. 28 Diversity in Family Patterns ................................................................ 29 The Process of Becoming a Multicultural Teacher ......................................... 31 Research on Preparing Teachers for Diversity ................................................ 38 Determining Attitudes, Beliefs and Perceptions About Diversity ....... 39 Increasing the Cultural Knowledge Base ............................................ 43 vi Direct Interactions with Culturally Diverse Student Populations ....... 45 Summary .......................................................................................................... 48 CHAPTER 3 DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ............................................................................. 50 Design of the Study ......................................................................................... 50 Setting and Population of the Study ................................................................ 52 Hathaway Elementary School ............................................................. 53 Chambers Elementary School ............................................................. 53 The Participants and Their Classrooms ........................................................... 54 Tamara ................................................................................................. 55 Jeremy .................................................................................................. 55 Nancy ................................................................................................... 56 Leah ..................................................................................................... 56 Data Collection ................................................................................................ 57 Initial Interview With Each Student Teacher ...................................... 57 Journal Entries From Each Student Teacher ....................................... 58 Researcher Classroom Observations/Fieldnotes ................................. 58 Interview With Each Student Teacher After Researcher Observations ......................................................... 58 Final Interview With Each Student Teacher ........................................ 59 Data Analysis ................................................................................................... 59 Summary .......................................................................................................... 61 CHAPTER 4 FOUR CASE STUDIES .............................................................................................. 65 TAMARA Background Information .................................................................................. 66 Differences Identified ...................................................................................... 70 Racial and Ethnic ................................................................................. 72 Language ............................................................................................. 81 Socioeconomic .................................................................................... 82 Exceptionalities ................................................................................... 83 Gender ................................................................................................. 85 Family Patterns .................................................................................... 86 Development of Multicultural Attitudes and Behaviors .................................. 89 Racial and Ethnic ................................................................................. 90 Language ............................................................................................. 92 Socioeconomic .................................................................................... 92 Exceptionalities ................................................................................... 93 Gender ................................................................................................. 93 Family Patterns .................................................................................... 94 Summary .......................................................................................................... 95 vii JEREMY Background Information .................................................................................. 98 Differences Identified .................................................................................... 101 Racial and Ethnic ............................................................................... 102 Language ........................................................................................... 1 1 1 Socioeconomic .................................................................................. 1 1 1 Exceptionalities ................................................................................. l 12 Gender ............................................................................................... 1 14 Family Patterns .................................................................................. 114 Development of Multicultural Attitudes and Behaviors ................................ 117 Racial and Ethnic ............................................................................... 117 Language ........................................................................................... 120 Socioeconomic .................................................................................. 121 Exceptionalities ................................................................................. 121 Gender ............................................................................................... 122 Family Patterns .................................................................................. 122 Summary ........................................................................................................ 123 NANCY Background Information ................................................................................ 126 Differences Identified .................................................................................... 130 Racial and Ethnic ............................................................................... 131 Language ........................................................................................... 139 Socioeconomic .................................................................................. 139 Exceptionalities ................................................................................. 140 Gender ............................................................................................... 145 Family Patterns .................................................................................. 145 Development of Multicultural Attitudes and Behaviors ................................ 146 Racial and Ethnic ............................................................................... 147 Language ........................................................................................... 148 Socioeconomic .................................................................................. 148 Exceptionalities ................................................................................. 149 Gender ............................................................................................... 150 Family Patterns .................................................................................. 150 Summary ........................................................................................................ 151 ‘ LEAH Background Information ................................................................................ 154 Differences Identified ........................................................................ 157 Racial and Ethnic ............................................................................... 158 Language ........................................................................................... 162 Socioeconomic .................................................................................. 163 Exceptionalities ................................................................................. 165 Gender ............................................................................................... 168 viii Family Patterns .................................................................................. 169 Development of Multicultural Attitudes and Behaviors ................................ 176 Racial and Ethnic ............................................................................... 176 Language ........................................................................................... 178 Socioeconomic .................................................................................. 178 Exceptionalities ................................................................................. 179 Gender ............................................................................................... 180 Family Patterns .................................................................................. 181 Summary ........................................................................................................ 182 CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ....... 185 Summary of the Findings - Research Question #1 ........................................ 188 Individual Case Studies ..................................................................... 188 Tamara ................................................................................... I 88 Jeremy .................................................................................... 190 Nancy ..................................................................................... 192 Leah ....................................................................................... 193 Across Case Studies .......................................................................... 194 Summary of the Findings - Research Question #2 ........................................ 200 Individual Case Studies ..................................................................... 200 Tamara ................................................................................... 200 Jeremy .................................................................................... 203 Nancy ..................................................................................... 205 Leah ....................................................................................... 207 Across Case Studies .......................................................................... 210 Conclusions ................................................................................................... 215 Implications for Teacher Educators ............................................................... 218 Suggestions for Further Research .................................................................. 222 APPENDICES A Elementary Curriculum Studies Course Syllabus ................................... 226 B Interview, Journal and Observation Guides ............................................. 230 LIST OF REFERENCES .......................................................................................... 237 LIST OF FIGURES Distinguishing charcteristics of differences in Six areas of diversity ........... 63 Level of multicultural attitudes and behaviors ............................................. 64 Tamara: Levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors ............................. 97 Jeremy: Levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors ............................ 125 Nancy: Levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors ............................. 153 Leah: Levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors ................................ 184 Summary of differences confronted ............................................................ 199 Summary of levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors ....................... 212 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE Teachers currently joining the work force face the challenge of teaching students who are more culturally diverse than in any other time in our country’s history. While this population of students can be described as heterogeneous, the teaching force remains fairly homogeneous--mainly Euro-American, middle-class, monolingual and mostly female (Zeichner, 1992). As a result of dissimilar cultural backgrounds, differences often exist between how and what students and teachers have come to know about themselves and the world (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992). Teacher education programs must meet the challenge of preparing prospective teachers for culturally diverse classrooms so that all students can experience educational success. However, knowledge of how to prepare teacher candidates for these settings is scant and the factors affecting that preparation are complex. This dissertation study is rooted in the assumption that learning to value diversity is a personally constructed process which is shaped by each teacher’s history and experiences. The study documents the lived realities and personal journeys of four teacher candidates from a midwestem small liberal arts college as they student taught in culturally diverse classroom settings. It is an inquiry into the ways in which these prospective teachers became aware of differences, what they thought about these 2 differences and how these reflections and thoughts translated into action in the classroom. This chapter discusses the background and need for the study, introduces the questions that guided the research, defines relevant terms, and discusses the scope and limitations of the study. The chapter also describes the pilot investigation that provided background information for this study. WM 11' "Cl During the past few years, Americans have been reminded repeatedly that the population in the United States is rapidly becoming more diverse. The make-up of our elementary and secondary school population reflects these same societal Shifts, leading to a growing amount of attention given to the topic of differences among students. Theorists, researchers and educators who study and think about differences within the context of schools and classrooms have a variety of understandings about what and who Should be included in this talk about diversity. Paine (1990) suggested that “while race and class were the salient categories in public discourse about diversity in the 1950’s and 1960’s, today language, handicapping, learning style and other categories have entered a more comprehensive discourse about the educationally relevant ways in which people can differ” (p. 2). Nieto (1992) added the perspective of ethnicity, social class, religion and sexual preference. 3 While no single definition of diversity exists, particular forms of diversity seem to have significant impact on teaching and learning in today's classrooms. These include (1) racial and ethnic differences as a result of demographic shifts in the United States; (2) a variety of English dialects or other languages; (3) a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds; (4) various exceptionalities resulting in special education needs; (5) academic outcomes that differ for males and females; and (6) differences in family patterns. Teachersandllixersitx AS teachers confront differences between themselves and their students, there is the potential of bringing discontinuity to social interactions, the curriculum and expectations for appropriate school behavior. In addition, differences between teachers and students are often the cause of miscommunication between teachers and parents. The more students and their families vary from the standards, values, culture and background of the teacher, the greater is the dilemma. Teacher candidates come into teacher education programs looking at the world through a set of beliefs (Rokeach, 1968) or constructs (Kelly, 1955) which represent what they think about specific issues, attitudes which convey what they feel, and values which are comprised of the beliefs and attitudes they hold strongly enough to act upon (Haberman, 1992). These beliefs grow out of personal experiences in their homes, families and community cultures which frame their understanding of the world and their actions. Clark and Peterson’s (1986) research suggested that the belief systems of teachers are conceptual structures and visions that give teachers reasons for 4 acting as they do. Sometimes these beliefs are consciously held, other times teachers may not be aware of the reasons that form the foundation for their actions in the classroom. Cushner, McClelland and Safford (1992) suggested that teachers are often culture-bound and are unwilling or unable to look beyond their own world view. Most people--teachers included--exhibit a strong tendency to believe that their own cultural tradition represents the “best way.” Teachers do expect some differences among students in their classrooms; their dilemma is what to make of these differences. As noted by Sleeter & Grant (1994): We are often threatened by or want to change those who differ from ourselves and whom we do not understand. Our classrooms often have students who do not look like us, talk like us, or think like us--who have not had some of the experiences we have had. Students may have grown up in neighborhoods unlike our own. Some may not show much interest in learning things we personally value. Some, because of hearing impairments, visual impairments, reading difficulties, and so forth, may not have acquired knowledge that we take for granted. However, as teachers, we very often want to make our students more like us (p. 41). Learning to teach is not easy under any circumstances and it is especially difficult to reconcile new perspectives with previous ideas and experiences from one’s own background and schooling. Grant (1991) found that both preservice and inservice teachers ask for “tips” to help them teach the diversity of students in their classrooms. They usually “want a recipe for teaching students whom they believe to be culturally deprived or culturally different; or they want a list of ‘do’s and don’ts that will keep ‘these students,’ as they are often referred to, on task” (p. 237). Valuing and affirming diversity as well as building on differences in the learning community, however, does not happen by prescription. No one can tell teachers precise ways to meet the needs of all students and no one can “empower teachers to respond to cultural diversity” (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992, p. 113). Becoming a multicultural teacher who values diversity is, as Banks (1989) suggested, a personal process in that what is learned and validated takes place only in personal interaction with those who are different from us. Cochran-Smith (1995a) noted that in order to learn to teach in a society that is increasingly culturally and linguistically diverse, prospective teachers, as well as experienced teachers and teacher educators, need opportunities to examine much of what is usually unexamined in the tightly braided relationships of language, culture and power in schools and schooling. This kind of examination inevitably begins with our own histories as human beings and as educators; our own experiences as members of particular races, classes and genders; and as children, parents and teachers in the world. It also includes a close look at the tacit assumptions we make about the motivations and behaviors of other children, other parents, and other teachers and about the pedagogies we deem most appropriate for learners who are like us or not like us (p. 500). E'IICI'IED"'CI Although diversity has always been a part of schools, especially urban schools, since the development of teacher education programs, particular attention has not been focused on preparing teachers to work within diverse classrooms except as a result of legal mandates (Carter & Larke, 1995). Brown v. Board of Education and Titles VI and VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act called attention to the need for the education of preservice teachers for environments where diversity prevailed. Research began to emerge on characteristics of urban schools which were often described as "deprived," "ghetto schools," "disadvantaged," and "culturally deprived." Not until the late 1970's and early 1980's did researchers and educators begin to take a more positive view of diversity and to advocate that teacher education programs pay attention to the need of preparing preservice teachers for a wide variety of diverse settings. In recent years, 6 more research has addressed this need, but the number of studies is still quite limited. Grant and Secada (1990) examined the literature related to the preparation of preservice teachers for culturally diverse classroom settings and noted that there is limited research for two reasons: First, it suggests the marginal status and low importance that has been given to research on the preparation of teachers to work with diverse student populations...lndeed, most of the journal articles we found were not in what would be considered mainstream, professional outlets. At best, this suggests great insensitivity among those engaged in the peer-review process for such journals. At worst, there is blatant bias against research efforts involving teacher education predicated on the existence of diverse student populations. Second, though we looked for research to answer our basic question, we found ourselves having to struggle with gaps in the field, and with the lack of cumulative findings in programs of inquiry...(Grant & Secada, 1990, p. 404). D l . I l l . l l E . The research available does stress that prospective teachers most often come to teacher education programs with "little very direct experience with people from backgrounds different fi'om their own...in addition, they tend to view diversity as a problem rather than a resource...” (Zeichner & Baker, 1995, p. 72). It is often difficult for teachers to know how to talk about diversity in thoughtful ways (Paine, 1990), and as a result, differences among students are reduced to personality factors like motivation. Changing perspectives involves a process of moving from a monocultural perspective to one that is multicultural and that has a fundamentally different framework for understanding differences. A primary focus of change is the concept of multicultural education which serves as a way for educators to consider alternative ways of thinking about teaching 7 and learning for groups of students who are culturally diverse. Growing out of the 1960’s and early 1970’s civil rights movement, the multicultural education concept has continued to expand as educational theories and practices are directed towards bridging differences in race, culture, language, social class, gender and disability in schools and classrooms. (N ieto, 1992). While there are differences in how the concept of “multicultural” is defined by theorists, researchers and educators, there is an emerging consensus that in order for all students to experience educational equity there must be changes in school curriculum and teaching materials. Teachers must accommodate the various learning styles of students and provide a rich variety of resources and materials that reflect different perspectives. The multicultural attitudes and behaviors of teachers and administrators must be nurtured and the goals, norms and culture of the schools need to be revisited (Banks, 1993b). Changes in teacher education programs which are preparing teachers for work in culturally diverse classrooms are also needed. This means that teacher educators must become informed about the process of taking on a multicultural perspective and applying it in culturally diverse classroom settings. Wurzel (1988) contended that the process of becoming a multicultural person begins by having contact with other cultural groups. As teachers and students from different cultural orientations interact, conflicts will emerge. Wurzel noted that in American classrooms, cultural conflict is evidenced most often when the value, behavior, and knowledge patterns which minorities and international students learn at home clash with the values of the majority culture. The ways in which this clash of cultural patterns is manifest may range from seemingly simple and concrete things such as the use of language, to more abstract processes, such as the advocacy of different values. The consequences of cultural conflict in the classroom may range from subtle 8 misunderstandings which affect individual learning to the withdrawal of students from the educational system (p. 7). While cultural conflict is not particularly comfortable or pleasant to encounter, it is necessary for any kind of growth to take place so that existing cognitive frames can be altered. In his theoretical discussions of cognitive development, Piaget argued that disequilibrium is necessary for assimilation of new knowledge. Wurzel (1988), building on the work of Piaget, suggested that disequalibrium in the multicultural process occurs when previously held beliefs, knowledge and attitudes are challenged or invalidated. As teacher candidates come into contact with children who come from very different backgrounds than their own, they will encounter situations that will cause them to struggle intellectually and emotionally with these differences. During this process, teachers have an opportunity to change their views on culture and to consider altering their teaching practice as a result. Siatemmtnfthehnblem The basic problem is teaching people to teach others who are different fi'om themselves. The problem has three facets: (1) teachers who are now entering the work force face the challenge of teaching a population that is more diverse than in any other time in our country’s history; (2) teacher education programs must meet the challenge of preparing these teachers; and (3) knowledge of how to prepare them, however, is scant, and the factors affecting that preparation are complex. WWW—01153119115 Two major questions guided this study: In the context of teaching in culturally diverse classrooms, (1) What differences did teacher candidates confront between themselves and their students as they engaged in the personal process of constructing meaning about diversity? and (2) What development took place regarding the multicultural attitudes and behaviors of teacher candidates as they confronted differences between themselves and their students? First, while it is clear from previous research and from personal teaching experiences that teachers confront differences between themselves and their students, there has been little documentation concerning the nature of these differences within the context of teaching practice. I was interested in documenting specific instances where differences were particularly challenging to these teacher candidates. Were there particular forms of diversity that were more challenging than others to individual student teachers or that developed as pattems across the case studies? My second goal was to explore the personal process that these teacher candidates undertook in constructing meaning about the differences they confronting as they interacted daily with their students in the classroom. How did the teacher candidates respond to specific situations? Were there patterns of development regarding multicultural attitudes and behaviors of individual teacher candidates or across the case studies? While preparing teacher education candidates for diverse classrooms is and will remain complex and multifaceted, this study does have implications for teacher educators who are working to make substantive program changes which will better help them understand and address the process of becoming multicultural in perspective and practice. 11 fi . . [I While the concepts of “culture” and “multicultural education” have multiple definitions, the following descriptions convey the meaning and spirit of the way these are used in this dissertation study: 10 cum The notion of culture seems basic to this study since culture determines so much of who we are and how we perceive ourselves, which in turn has a great deal to do with how we view persons who are different from ourselves. Cushner, McClelland and Safford (1992) defined culture as a collective process since it is constructed by human beings as they interact with one another. Persons in particular groups socially construct their ideas, attitudes and values in a hierarchy of what is most important to the group. Young & Adler (1997) suggested that culture is the “whole of humanity’s intellectual, social, technological, political, economic, moral, religious and aesthetic accomplishments” (p. 23). Those of us who live in the United States belong to a changing complex macroculture but within this larger culture are smaller units called microcultures. Cultural identity may be shared in these microcultures based on traits and values learned as part of our “ethnic origin, religion, gender, age, socioeconomic level, primary language, geographic region, place of residence (e.g. rural or urban), and disabilities or exceptional conditions” (Gollnick & Chinn, 1994, p. 23). We may be part of several microcultures at the same time. It is within this framework, that the concept of “culture” is used throughout this study. ”1.! IE] . 9 There are numerous ways to describe the concept of “multicultural education.’ In reviewing the literature, Gay (1995) found a strong consensus regarding a description of multicultural education as a concept, a framework, a way of thinking, a philosophical viewpoint, a value orientation, and a set of criteria for making decisions that better serve the educational needs of culturally diverse student populations. As a ll “concept, idea, or philosophy,” multicultural education is a set of beliefs and explanations that recognizes and values the importance of ethnic and cultural diversity in shaping lifestyles, social experiences, personal identities, and educational opportunities of individuals, groups and nations (p. 28). This is the broad perspective from which I conducted my study. People are not all the same; furthermore, they do not want to be. However, cultural differences exist which do profoundly impact our understandings of ourselves and the world. Recognizing various forms of differences among students is essential but it is the way we think about these differences, the value orientation we bring to diversity, that really matters. 5 lI"' ElSl Limitations to this study include: (1) Data were collected over the entire student teaching period (August-November) via field notes, interviews and observations but only at certain points rather than daily. Student teachers had experiences and reflections about daily events which may not have been captured in the data. (2) In the pilot study, a second researcher participated in the data analysis. For the dissertation study, data were gathered and triangulated through multiple sources but events were viewed through the lens of only one researcher. (3) While I was not their supervisor during student teaching, the student teachers were members of at least one class that I had taught in their teacher education program. This relationship could have had an impact on the data, particularly that gathered in student interviews. However, since there were multiples sources of data collected in a 12 variety of circumstances, it appears likely that this relationship did not have significant bearing on the patterns which emerged over time. (4) As the researcher, I came to the study with certain assumptions about teaching and learning as well as with particular notions about the kind of value orientation that teachers need for teaching in diverse classroom settings. These biases are acknowledged in this chapter through the definitions of key concepts and terms. (5) The intent of this study is to inform, not to predict. It is meant to be a contribution to the complex, multifaceted on-going discussion of preparing teachers to work in diverse classroom settings. While it is a descriptive report that does have implications for programs of teacher education, it does not draw particular conclusions on what are the most appropriate ways to prepare teachers for these settings. It also does not attempt to isolate specific dispositions, traits, skills and knowledge that are perceived to be effective qualities of teachers whose students come from diverse backgrounds. It does, however, address the kinds of conflicts that may emerge for teacher candidates as they teach students who differ from themselves; the process that they go through as they attempt to assimilate new information/experiences into previous knowledge; and their development toward becoming a multicultural teacher. Brenaraticnfcuhesmdx E 'l S l D . . In order to explore possible directions for this study, I set up a pilot investigation in which I gathered information on student teachers during the semester before student teaching. This preliminary data gathering has provided a great deal of 13 information on the initial responses of the teacher candidates to course work on multicultural issues along with field experiences in a culturally diverse classroom setting. The pilot study served as a beginning point for me in identifying particular issues which emerged for teacher candidates as they worked with children whose backgrounds differ from their own and it provided rich background information on teacher candidates which informed the dissertation study. Findings from this preliminary information gathering led me to examine the possible sources and problems faced by teacher candidate as they found differences between themselves and their students. The pilot study, comprised of a cohort of 24 third-year prospective teachers, was conducted from J anuary-April 1993 in conjunction with a teacher education course, Elementary Curriculum Studies (see Appendix A for course syllabus), that focused on teaching math, science and social studies methods as well as on increasing multicultural awareness. The course, which included concurrent field work in classrooms with culturally diverse students, was taught collaboratively with public school educators from racial backgrounds which were different from those of the primary professor, and included reading selected text regarding issues of diversity along with times of oral and written reflection by the prospective teachers. Questions addressed in this preliminary study included: (1) How do prospective teachers' prior attitudes, ideas and experiences combine with coursework and fieldwork in culturally diverse settings which may offer alternative perspectives on cultural diversity? and (2) How is it that some students seem more reflective and more able to see connections across and between their own experiences and those of others? In the course, two of the texts, White Teacher by Vivian Gussin Paley (1985) and Savage Inequalities by Jonathan Kozol (1991), as well as several articles on diversity, dealt with multicultural issues. The teacher candidates used these texts as a basis for small group discussions and individual written responses to issues that were l4 emerging for them regarding multicultural education. The fieldwork aspect of the course took place in an urban setting with a population of children of whom 80% were Afiican-American. These students came from backgrounds very different from those of the prospective teachers, who were all Euro-American except for one Latina. Students also spent several class sessions with public school educators from a variety of cultural backgrounds. 2.] S I D E ii . I collected data in several ways during the pilot study. Prospective teachers responded to the reading they were doing and their fieldwork experiences in writing, in small groups and in large group discussions which were audio-taped and fully transcribed. Data were collected via written fieldnotes, audio-taped class discussions, journals, writing assignments and reflections on students’ own experiences within and across different cultures. All data were analyzed using the constant comparative method (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). After multiple readings by two researchers, data were coded into categories which were refined and confirmed across all of the contexts of the study. F] S l E. 1' To address the questions that were the impetus for this preliminary investigation, the data were examined in two ways: (a) the conceptual and theoretical approaches to teacher education that might increase cultural awareness and (b) the effect of the teacher education curriculum on prospective teachers' intercultural sensitivity. Four elements emerged out of this pilot study data. First, it appeared that the infusion approach--one that promoted social and structural equality and cultural pluralism emphasizing respect for cultural differences throughout the curriculum 15 (Sleeter & Grant, 1994; Goodwin, 1994) was influential as prospective teachers learned to teach science, math and social studies within diverse classroom settings. Second, it became clear that the ability of the prospective teachers to adopt some new perspectives was related to their close engagement in a culturally diverse classroom setting at the same time that they were studying multicultural issues in their teacher education program, suggesting that practice and theory combined to produce more dramatic shifts in thought and teaching. Students reflected in their journals and in class discussions about their thinking and how they were processing the ideas presented. One male prospective teacher wrote that those of use who have the power and educational advantage are not at all willing to give that up so that until we are ready as a society, and individually, to allow real change in this equality to happen, nothing will improve. The gap will continue to increase. (Tom) A third element which emerged from the data was that the educator from an Afiican-American background who worked with the cohort a number of times during the semester was influential in shifting prospective teacher thinking. The broader the variety of perspectives offered by those who authentically hold those perspectives, the more options the prospective teachers encounter. Students mentioned Eleanor, an African-American educator who worked with the cohort, on numerous occasions as a major influence in their teaching: Something that has struck me from Eleanor's talk and White Teacher is the idea of recognizing and celebrating cultural differences. In the 60's and 70's there seemed to be this push for the races to come together and be “one.” Now there is this swing away from that theory to recognizing differences...Eleanor brought this out and I believe we need to learn about each other's differences. Knowledge will help us combat fear of differences and make us a richer society. The "melting po " theory is in the past--it is time to move on. (Nancy) 16 The fourth factor which increased students' multicultural openness and awareness was writing autobiographies which included reflection on their own schooling experiences and their own family and cultural backgrounds. Throughout the term, students were encouraged to make connections with these experiences and these proved to be moments of insight for many. It also seemed to help students move beyond their own selves to seeing that others' cultural backgrounds and previous school circumstances might also affect their learning. Typical of many of these prospective teachers was Tamara, who was raised in a rural, midwestem setting: I went to a school in which there were no Blacks but there was a small Mexican-American population. The children here are very different fi'om any I've been around. Their dialect constantly amazes me. I find myself answering the children in the manner they speak to me. Should we try to correct the way they talk? I think that because my family speaks with a Southern accent that I am less willing to correct the children because I know what it felt like when teachers used to correct me. A fifth factor which influenced the findings involved the cooperating classroom teacher in whose classroom prospective teachers had their field placements. These cooperating teachers differed in their cultural awareness and sensitivity which seemed crucial in shaping how the college students thought about cultures in the classroom context: After talking with Mrs. Nickel for awhile I knew why I was nervous. I thought how in the world am I ever going to be able to handle this. She informed us that some of the students were going to tell us that they didn't have to do certain things we told them because we were white. Other students would basically tell us to get lost when we asked them to do activities. By this time I was ready to pack up and change majors. (Jennifer) From this background information, I learned that there were significant differences in the way this group of prospective teachers approached cultural issues during this field experience in the classroom. Coursework combined with field experience provided an opportunity for me to document the ways in which individual l7 teacher candidates were responding to a culturally diverse classroom and the specific kinds of issues that were emerging for them. I also learned that some shifted in their perspectives regarding diversity while others seemed to end the term with many of their initial ideas intact. It was also clear from this study that much more could be learned about how these teacher candidates were constructing meaning about diversity by continuing to gather data as they proceeded through student teaching the following semester. The data collected from January - May 1993 during the pilot study focused on the classroom and practicum work of preservice teachers in diverse classroom settings. I chose four of these student teachers (Tamara, Jeremy, Nancy and Leah) to follow during the dissertation study which took place during August - November 1993. While diversity occurs in every school and classroom, I chose to follow four who would likely, in the settings available, confront more differences and thus emphasize the contrasts between their own cultural backgrounds and that of their students. S"fi [112' .5] The increasing diversity among students in classrooms across the United States is a fact that cannot be ignored by teacher educators. Since the majority of teacher candidates as well as practicing teachers are monolingual, Euro-American, and middle-class persons who have little experience with cultures other than their own, they will likely be confronted with the challenge of cultural clashes between themselves and their students. This research emphasizes the personal process involved as four teacher construct meaning about diversity within the context of student teaching in a culturally diverse classroom setting. The research centered on the discovery each student teacher brought to the concept of teaching all students by identifying the particular kinds of l8 differences which emerged between students and teachers in day-to-day interactions. The study has significant implications for teacher educators as they work to select teacher education candidates and to develop opportunities and structure experiences for them which will aid in how they construct and reconstruct their understandings of what it means to teach alLstudents. It will serve to inform teacher educators about the process that teacher candidates go through as they experience disequilibrium in the classroom as a result of differences between themselves and their students. Q . E 1 11° . This chapter provided the introduction, background and purpose for the study, defmined terms used in the study and discussed the limitations. A summary of related research as well as theoretical perspectives which impacted the study is presented in chapter two. Chapter three describes the methods and procedures which served as a framework for the study while the fourth chapter documents individual case studies of teacher candidates who are working in culturally diverse classroom settings. A summary of the findings of this study presented within the context of existing research; conclusions and implications for educators and researchers; and questions for further study are presented in the last chapter. CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE The first chapter introduced the various forms of diversity within the current school-age population. It described the problem that exists when teachers are not prepared for the diversity present within today’s classrooms. The chapter also defined the purpose of the study and introduced the guiding research questions. The purpose of the second chapter is to review the literature related to issues of preparing teacher candidates for diversity among students in classroom settings. The literature review is divided into three major sections. The first section examines the literature pertinent to the range of diversity that exists within classrooms. The second section discusses research relevant to the process of becoming a multicultural teacher. The last section focuses on what is already known from the limited research available about the preparation of teacher candidates for culturally diverse classroom settings. B [11' . III'I' CI The literature is clear about the fact that there will continue to be a growing amount of diversity in the population of the United States. As noted in the first chapter, theorists, researchers and educators define diversity in a variety of ways. The literature does, however, focus on five forms of diversity that directly relate to educational outcomes for the school population: (1) ethnic and racial differences resulting from demographic shifts in the United States; (2) a variety of English dialects or other languages; (3) a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds; (4) various l9 20 (physical, intellectual and psychological) exceptionalities resulting in special education needs; (5) academic outcomes that differ for males and females; and (6) differences in family patterns. It must be kept in mind that these classifications of differences are socially constructed in our society and that even though addressed separately, these areas of diversity do not stand alone but frequently intertwine and interact with one another in human lives. The diversity present in today’s school population often results in unequal educational opportunities for children and youth. The following discussion represents a segment of the knowledge base available which describes these six areas of diversity in relationship to school inequities. B . l 1 E l . D' . During the past three decades, the demographic composition of the United States changed more rapidly than it has during any period of time since the European immigrations in the late 19th and 20th centuries. In 1982 “nearly three of four American young people (ages 0 - 17) were European Americans, but by the year 2020 only one of two young people will be European-American” (Au, 1993, p. 3). Schools reflect the steady growth in the non-European proportion of the American population. In the twenty largest school districts in the United States, over 70 per cent of the total school enrollment are comprised of children of color (Zeichner, 1992). The degree of diversity in schools varies according to the geographical location in the United States. The socially constructed concepts of “ethnicity” and “race” are complex, not easily defined or understood. For the purposes of this study, “race” describes a group of persons with a somewhat similar genetic history which includes skin color and 2 1 other physical characteristics. The term “ethnicity” refers to a sense of common ancestry and/or memories of a historical past; being born in a particular community; or similar ways of behaving (Labelle & Ward, 1994). Valli (1995) underscored the ongoing dilemma of race in our society and described the problem that exists when beginning teachers meet unfamiliar culturally diverse students. Speaking from her own experiences, she noted that the civil rights movement, race riots, the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Black power movements of the 1960’s shaped the consciousness of my high school and college generation. The revival of White supremacy, the videotaped beating of Rodney King, the drugs, guns, and violence of inner-cities, Willie Horton, questions about affirmative action, and the plight of young Black males have Shaped the consciousness of younger generations. Racism and racial animosity may be worse today than 25 years ago (p. 120). Research suggests that minority students often receive an education that has less quality than that of their mainstream peers. As a result of their placement in the school system, minority students often have access to an unequal curriculum (Arends, 1994). Students from minority backgrounds are disproportionately placed in special education and vocational programs but they are underenrolled in programs for students who are gifted and college-bound. Curricular inequalities exist when students are tracked into these paths of schooling (Goodlad, 1984; Oakes, 1985; and Rosenbaum, 1976). These inequalities come from differences in the content of coursework as well as in cognitive demands of students. College preparatory classes often emphasize skills in problem solving and critical thinking and focus on conceptual understanding while those students in the lower tracks of schooling receive instruction that centers on memorization of basic facts and skills. 22 Gay’s (1974) research points to another educational consequence for minority students. Teachers often use different interaction patterns with minority students and majority students. This research suggests that minority students are asked fewer questions of all types, are given less wait time to answer questions and are less often praised or encouraged. Other conflicts happen in terms of teacher-student interaction when communication is broken down as a result of cultural differences. Heath (1983) studied different communicative styles among working-class African-Americans, middle-class African-Americans and Euro-Americans in the Piedmont region of the Carolinas. One of her findings centered on the cultural differences among these groups involving the use of questions. Working class African-American families in this study rarely asked their children questions at home unless they were authentic questions where the answers were not known to the adults. In school, this pattern of cultural communication caused dilemmas when these same students were fi'equently asked to respond to questions to which the student realized that the teacher already knew the answer. Another cultural difference related to questioning was examined by Phillips (1972) as she studied how Native American children learned in their homes and communities contrasted to how they were expected to learn at school. Phillips discovered that these children learned by watching adults instead of interacting with them and that questions were to be answered by older children rather than adults. At school, the Native American children’s lack of response to the teacher was often 23 interpreted as a learning deficit or extreme shyness when instead it was a cultural difference in communicative style. Teacher candidates who have had little experience with racial and ethnic diversity face the challenge of learning to teach along with the cultural differences for which they are not prepared. Valli (1995) directly addressed this dilemma by suggesting that within the cultural problematic of race, student teachers in city schools must negotiate and create their identities as teachers. This problematic intensifies the difficulties of learning to teach...the process of becoming a teacher involves entering a strange culture in which neophytes must learn to function. The strangeness of this culture is compounded when White teachers find themselves in predominantly Black or culturally diverse settings--often for the first time in their lives (p. 120). Teacher candidates who will be entering classrooms where racial and ethnic differences exist between themselves and their students will need to be prepared to meet these cultural challenges. They need to understand the importance that race and ethnicity play in the lives of many students and communities and to provide the kind of learning environment that values distinct ethnic and racial characteristics. I . . . D. . With these racial and ethnic differences within schools and classrooms comes linguistic diversity. Romero (1994) cited that according to the National Association of Bilingual Education there are over 7.5 million school-age children in the United States for whom English is a second language. The US. Department of Education reported in 1992 that the population of students of Limited English Proficiency in the United States had increased by 14.3% Since 1991 ...It is predicted that by the year 2000, over 30% of all students in the country will come from families where the language of the home will not be English (p.85). Language defines people of many different groups and structures symbol systems for these groups. Children and youth who speak a different language from the 24 dominant one used in the school find it difficult to find meaning and make connections in the learning process. While Spanish is the predominant first language of many children in the United States, an increasing number of students are entering schools speaking Arabic, Chinese, Hmong, Khmer, Lao, Thai and Vietnamese. As a result of a 1974 Supreme Court ruling, schools are legally required to provide assistance to students in learning the English language and in learning school subjects. Schools cannot legally place students with limited English proficiency into a regular classroom without language assistance. However, the court ruling did not specify the form that this assistance should take (Arends, 1994). As a result, the way students with limited English proficiency are served varies greatly from one school district to another. Some districts have pull-out programs which serve as a bridge between their native language and the English language. These language minority students are often moved out of the program as quickly as possible back into the regular classroom. Frequently these children have learned to Speak English but are not yet equipped to conceptualize in ways that are needed to understand content area in English. They are then labeled as “deficient” or “slow learners.” Another approach to language instruction in the schools is bilingual education. There are different interpretations regarding the goals of a bilingual program. A true bilingual model encourages both Anglo and minority students to learn in English as well as in the language of the minority group. These types of programs though are rare due to financial and political facets of our educational system (Romero, 1994). In many school systems, teachers receive little assistance in providing their limited English proficiency students with an equitable education. Many teacher candidates as well as practicing teachers do not have any formal training in teaching children who have English as their second language. Rigg and Allen (1989) suggest that teachers must often 25 rely on their own good sense, their sensitivity to the students--whatever language they speak--and their ability as professionals to alter the curriculum to suit their students, selecting the materials and techniques which best fit. Sometimes there are workshops that address some of the problems these teachers face, either in their district or at conventions, but for the most part they go it alone (p. vii). Teachers obviously cannot be expected to learn every language and dialect that will be represented in their classroom. However, as language diversity continues to grow in classrooms across the United States, teacher candidates must be ready to value the language or dialects that students bring to school. At the same time, teachers will be expected to find ways to provide instruction that will further the education of these students and to communicate to them the importance that learning English will have for certain social and vocational opportunities. 5 . . D. . Many aspects of the lives of students and their families are impacted by socioeconomic level. The economic achievement of Americans is measured by the US. Bureau of the Census in terms of socioeconomic status (SES). Interrelated determinants of this success are occupation, educational attainment, income, wealth and power (Gollnick & Chinn, 1994). The United States is one of the richest countries in the world. However, more than one out of five children in the United States lives in poverty (Campbell, 1996). Poverty creates a great deal of stress upon families, resulting in a host of physical, social and emotional needs. These needs often serve as barriers to learning for children and youth in schools. In a landmark study, Rist (1970) documented that teachers’ expectations, instructional decisions and actions were significantly influenced by social-class characteristics of children. Placement of kindergarten children into low, middle and high ability groups was based on information received about children from nonacademic records which included reports of who was on welfare. In addition to 26 this information, the kindergarten teacher also used her own observations of children including their physical appearance, how they dressed and their verbalizations in the first weeks of school. As the children in this study were followed into first and second grade, it became clear that they were locked into the low, middle and high ability groups into which they had originally been placed in kindergarten. Those children who fit into a lower-class group fared less well academically and emotionally than their middle-class peers. Other researchers have corroborated Rist’s findings on the impact of social class on instruction and grouping. Anyon (1981) documented the differences in educational knowledge that was made available to students from different social classes. While there were some similarities in the curriculum offered across working class, middle-class, affluent professional and executive elite school settings, there were major differences in the kind of knowledge made available to these students. What counts as knowledge in the schools often differs along dimensions of structure and content depending on what students bring to school in terms of their own background. Oakes (1985) also addressed the unequal educational opportunities and outcomes that exist when students are sorted out in schools into hierarchical groups based on perceived potential for learning. It appears that very often in our schools, those students, for whom the most nurturant learning would appear to be appropriate, receive the least. Oakes suggests that tracking does not equalize educational opportunity for diverse groups of students. Schools should cease to sort and select students for firture roles in society, but Should concentrate on equalizing the day-to- day educational experiences of students. Kozol (1991) vividly portrayed differences that exist in the physical aspects of schools as well as the social stratification of knowledge between lower and higher class socioeconomic settings. Haberrnan (1991b) suggested that those students who come from families with few economic resources often attend schools where a 27 “pedagogy of poverty” exists. Students learn almost exclusively by rote, memorization and drill rather than by methods that would promote problem solving and critical thinking skills. From this research, it is clear that socioeconomic background plays a significant role in a student’s educational success at school. Teacher candidates need preparation for the extent to which all facets of socioeconomic status impacts teaching and learning. E . l' . Students with special education needs often struggle for educational and social equality. Mainstreaming efforts have increased the diversity in classrooms in terms of special education (physical, mental, psychological) needs: Twenty-five million or more individuals from every ethnic and socioeconomic group fall into one or more of the categories of exceptionality....Exceptional students include both individuals with disabilities and those who are gifted (Gollnick & Chinn, 1994, p. 152). Before Public Law 94-142 (The Education of All Handicapped Children Act) was enacted in 1975, many children with special education needs were frequently denied access to an appropriate education. As a result of this Public Law (renamed in 1990 to Individuals with Disabilities Act), students with special education needs now have the right to be educated as much as possible with their peers; many are included within the regular classroom setting for most or part of the day. This legislation was designed to provide the most appropriate form of education for the individual with disabilities in the least restrictive environment for their particular needs (Cushner, McClelland & Safford, 1994). Exceptionality issues are directly interconnected with issues of ethnicity, social class and gender. Dunn (1968) raised questions about the number of minority-group children who were placed in mentally handicapped classrooms. He found that 60 to 80 percent of students taught in these classes were from low socioeconomic backgrounds. 28 African-Americans continue to be overrepresented in classes for students with moderate mental retardation and learning disabilities. Kauffman (1993) found that children of lower-class backgrounds are also overrepresented in classrooms for the seriously emotionally disturbed while males are placed in these classrooms three and a half times more than females (Office of Civil Rights, 1992). There are also a higher percentages of males than females in classes for students with mild and moderate retardation, speech impairment, serious emotional disturbances and learning disabilities. Teacher candidates will be expected to provide an education for all children in their classrooms. They will be expected to make informed decisions on which students should be referred for assessment for special education services. Teachers will need to be able to adapt curriculum, procedures, materials, equipment and methods to the individual educational needs of students. deeLDiyersitx There is a growing body of literature which suggests that gender differences are salient aspects to consider in regard to teaching and learning in schools and classrooms. Gender differences are the “most frmdamental of all and have been overlooked as a matter of inquiry for nearly all of our history...the effects of gender on the actual education received by children in the school has not been analyzed until quite recently” (Cushner, McClelland & Safford, 1992, p. 7). Analysis of this research has provided strong support for the notion that the experiences of female students in school are often quite different from those of male students. Research by Sadker and Sadker (1990) suggested that teachers interact less with girls than boys in classrooms. They also give girls less praise and other forms of feedback and ask them fewer complex questions. Although girls often start elementary school ahead of boys in terms of cognitive, social and physical factors, by secondary school they are behind in achievement on standardized tests: 29 Stereotyping of gender roles is reflected in society as well as in schools. Even though gender roles seem to be changing, both males and females are still impacted by gender stereotyping. Stereotyping narrowly defines the male and female roles and defines them as quite distinct from one another. It leads children to generalize that all persons within a group behave in the same way. Men and women become automatically associated with the characteristics and roles with which they are constantly endowed by the mass media and by classroom materials. Careers are not the only areas in which stereotyping occurs. Male and female intellectual abilities, personality characteristics, physical appearance, social status and domestic roles have also been stereotyped (Gollnick & Chinn, 1994, pp. 123-124). Since different treatment of boys and girls often results in different educational outcomes, it becomes necessary that gender be a fundamental consideration in the dialogue conceming diversity. Teacher candidates will be expected to create classrooms that promote educational equity for both boys and girls by (1) identifying behavior that discriminates between genders; (2) providing content that reflects both male and female perspectives; and (3) establishing positive and supportive interactions with both boys and girls in the classroom. 11' . . E .1 E Differences in family patterns adds to the diversity in schools and classrooms. F arnilies vary in racial, ethnic, religious, socioeconomic and educational features that affect family life, structure, status and firnctioning. Conditions of disability and cultural expectations also impact family life. Children in the United States are brought up in many different types of households and family groupings. No longer do we have the typical middle-class, two parents, children and a pet scenario in families as we did in 1942 when 60 percent of families matched this description (Cushner, McClelland & Safford, 1992). In today’s schools and classrooms, at least ten different family configurations are represented. It is estimated that two-thirds of all marriages in the United States will be disrupted through divorce or separation and there is a growing number of single teenage mothers as sole parents. Blended, adoptive, inter-ethnic and 30 foster families are also represented in classrooms. The concept of “family” that was once considered normal, that provided the image of the “proper” kind of family and guided policies which governed our institutions, is now in a very definite minority. Some families remain fairly stable over time and others evolve into different configurations. Students in classrooms belong to families who have differing value systems. Children and youth come to classrooms with differences related to socialization practices that are developed within the context of the family and home environment (Garcia, 1994). Messages children receive from their homes profoundly impact their attitudes and values. Often these attitudes and values differ from those of classroom teachers which results in miscommunication and misunderstandings that have educational consequences for students. Teacher candidates must learn to value the many different family patterns that are represented in their classrooms. It is important that they learn to feel comfortable with both traditional and nontraditional family structures so that teachers and families might work together to promote educational success for students. In summary, the literature cites a wide range of diversity among children and youth in classrooms across the nation. How these differences are approached by their teachers will significantly impact educational outcomes for these students. Teacher candidates must be prepared to accept these challenges so that an equitable education is available to all students. Since many teacher candidates have had little experience with those who are different from themselves, the process of changing perspectives about differences and moving from a monocultural to a multicultural perspective is not an easy or smooth transition. The next section explores literature related to the process of how teachers learn about and understand differences between themselves and their students. 31 II E [E . I l l . l l I l The literature on becoming a multicultural teacher, although sparse, is expanding. As I reviewed this research, five themes emerged from the available literature on the process of becoming a multicultural teacher. These include (1) a clash of the familiar with the unfamiliar; (2) the construction of new perspectives; (3) the developmental growth process; (4) core multicultural beliefs and actions and (5) a teaching practice that reflects an understanding of culturally diverse students. First, teachers grow up learning approved ways of seeing and understanding the process of schooling shaped by common experiences, language and culture. They also tend to be socialized into teaching in ways that tend to emphasize the continuities with the familiar (Lortie, 1975). Prospective teachers often assume that they will end up teaching students who are similar to themselves, in settings like the ones in which they were schooled. As a result, teachers often make cultural assumptions about their students and want to make their students become like themselves. These assumptions, and their effect on learning styles, makes school practices unfamiliar to many students (Sleeter & Grant, 1994). Delpit (1988) referred to the dominant culture of school as the “culture of power.” Schools and teachers often seem to function as agents set out to shape and reproduce the values, beliefs and norms of their own culture, usually that of the Euro-American middle class. Those who differ from the dominant culture learn that they will have to fit into this culture if they want to be successful in school. Delpit explained that Afiican American students are often unfamiliar with school cultural knowledge regarding power relationships. Consequently, they often experience academic and behavioral problems because of their failure to adhere to the established norms, rules and expectations. When schools do not pay attention and do not validate the kind of knowledge that students bring, classrooms become an 32 uncomfortable place for many children and their families and educational practices become inappropriate and even detrimental to the academic and socio-emotional development of culturally diverse students (Bumstein & Cabello, 1989). Second, by actively participating in the process of constructing meaning about diversity, teachers learn about and understand differences between themselves and their students. A behavioral approach to learning focuses on responses to physical stimuli. Educators who use a behavioral paradigm focus on reinforcement, practice and external motivation as key aspects in learning (F osnot, 1996). Behaviorists often break down learning into specific parts which move from Simple skills to more complex activities. In contrast, the constructivist view of learning grows out of a socio-historical context which views learners as active participants in shaping and making sense of their world (Brunet, 1982; Vygotsky, 1978). Piaget’s work in cognitive psychology serves as the psychological base of constructivism (F osnot, 1996). Piaget’s notion of equilibration suggested that ...new experiences sometimes foster contradictions to our present understandings, making them insufficient and thus perturbing and disequilibrating the structure, causing us to accommodate. Accommodation is comprised of reflective, integrative behavior that serves to change one’s own self and explicate the object in order for us to function with cognitive equilibrium in relation to it (p. 13). Like Piaget, Lev Vygotsky (1986) also focused on the process of constructing new perspectives. However, while Piaget focused on equilibration as a way to explain learning, Vygotsky explored the effect of social interaction, language and culture on learning. He proposed that the knowledge created by an individual within a particular group takes place in the context of interaction with others and is heavily influenced by prior knowledge, past and present experiences, interpretations of these experiences, and human interests, values and positions within the social, economic and political systems of a society (Banks, 1993a). Vygotsky also suggested that learners first 33 explore concepts on the social level between people (interpsychological) and then move to an internalization of concepts (intrapsychological). This process of generating hypotheses and then confirming or disconfirrning is regulated by inner speech. Through this inner monitoring, meaning is continually being constructed and reconstructed as past and present experiences, interactions with others and position with the structures of society are shaped by active involvement in particular contexts. As teachers work with students who come from very different backgrounds than their own, they raise questions and struggle to make meaning of these differences in relationship to themselves and their teaching practice. Writing and talking about these differences serve as vehicles for reflection, organizing and reorganizing perspectives. It is here that teacher education programs can play a significant role in guiding prospective teachers through the process of constructing meaning about differences by exploring past familiar experiences in their own families and communities in relationship to their active involvement in the unfamiliar culturally diverse classroom. Third, several theorists and educators suggest that becoming a multicultural teacher is a process that is actively constructed over time but also includes a variety of developmental levels along the way. Growth towards becoming a multicultural teacher depends on the meaning that is constructed and reconstructed through experiences with those who are different from themselves. Wurzel (1988) proposed that a developmental path leading from monoculturalism to multiculturalism consists of seven basic stages. The first stage, monoculturalism, is characterized by an individual who communicates and interprets experiences based on the perspective that “my way is the best way.” The ways others perceive and interpret the world are inferior. The second stage, defined as cross- cultural contact, begins the process of multiculturalism by direct or indirect contact with other cultural groups. For teachers, it means teaching in a school setting where 34 the cultural backgrounds of children differ fiom their own. It is during this stage that the process of questioning begins. Cultural conflict is the third step in the process, according to Wurzel. During this stage in the journey, teachers experience conflict when their values, behavior and knowledge patterns clash with those of their students. The fourth step involves educational interventions which include becoming aware of personal cultural biases, beliefs and attitudes. Disequilibrium as proposed by Piaget is the next stage of becoming a multicultural teacher. As cultural conflict occurs, questions intensify and what is already known is challenged or invalidated. An inner emotional and intellectual struggle occurs, leading to the Sixth stage which is characterized by a reorganization of thoughts, ideas and knowledge resulting in new knowledge and a sense of equilibrium. The final step is gaining a multicultural perspective, incorporating new ways of thinking and behaving which include different systems of cultural knowledge different from one’s own. Nieto (1992) also viewed the process of constructing meaning about and valuing diversity as a process or journey over time. She proposed that individuals must become multicultural persons before they become multicultural teachers. She developed a model of multicultural education which identified four levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors with regard to the perception of differences. They include (1) tolerance for differences, some of which may be perceived as unpleasant, differences endured but not necessarily embraced; (2) acknowledgment of the importance of differences, recognizing and developing particular ways of recognizing diversity; (3) respect and esteem out of which differences are seen as legitimate vehicles for learning, using students’ experiences and cultural backgrounds as a basis for teaching and learning; and (4) affirmation and solidarity with diversity by embracing the culture of others, not accepting the status quo but actively working to bring equity to learning for all students. 35 Fourth, being a teacher who values differences means going beyond developing appropriate dispositions, attitudes and knowledge and extends to a way of being that values diversity, heterogeneity, equality of opportunity, collaboration and consensus (Banks, 1989). The abilities and attitudes of a teacher regarding diversity cannot be decontextualized from who the teacher is as a person. This personal process is a journey which takes place over time and is Shaped by individual histories and experiences. Fenstermacher (1992) elaborated on the notion that the Skills and techniques (method) acquired by teachers are in a different category from the kind of human actions that convey particular dispositions and core beliefs (manner). Manner, or way of being, has to do with responsible teaching which manifests itself in traits such as compassion, fairness, tolerance, caring and honesty. Teacher education programs often work at developing teaching specific skills and methods without fostering the development of manner which is acquired less directly than a skill and grows over a longer period of time. F ensterrnacher suggested that manner and method do occur together in teaching and that manner, as well as method, can be purposefully developed in teachers through demonstration by others who exhibit qualities of responsible teaching and through the process of reasoning about actions. Haberrnan (1994) used the term "decent" to describe the kind of teachers who are able to take on the challenge of diversity: The question is what "decent" means. As I interact with star teachers and try to understand their ideology it is clear to me that they live what they believe. It is not possible to list their beliefs and commitments apart from their behaviors. Just as the functions they perform as teachers cannot be understood apart from their undergirding ideology, the converse is also true (p. 135). 36 Habennan does list a number of the characteristics of "decent" teachers which include attributes such as being nonjudgmental rather than moralistic; refusing to see themselves as saviors; recognizing their feelings of bias and prejudice and working to overcome them; possessing a clear sense of their own ethnic and cultural identities; and not seeking to have their power needs met by teaching. Banks, F esterrnacher and Haberrnan all suggested that a person who truly values diversity has a solid core of beliefs which are lived out through words and actions. Finally, teaching practice profoundly impacts the educational outcomes for students from diverse backgrounds. With the wide range of diversity in classrooms, it seems unrealistic to expect that teachers will be able to provide instruction that will take into account all cultural differences present in the classroom. Findings from the literature on this issue suggest that there are opposing perspectives as to how instruction for culturally diverse students should be viewed. According to Floden, Buchmann and Shwille (1987), schools need to be set apart from the everyday lives of students. Instead of building on the home and community experiences of students, teachers need to separate out school learning in order to provide equality of opportunity for all students. These authors question the educational value of everyday experience for all students. It is not just directed toward those groups whose home experience is already largely discontinuous with what is expected in schools. Rather than trying to make schooling equally familiar to all students, schooling should be made equally strange (p. 491). An alternative perspective on this issue focuses on the concept of “cultural congruence,” which provides a frame for understanding how students of diverse 37 backgrounds might experience school success. Au and Kawakami (1994) suggested that the overall hypothesis of cultural congruence is that students of diverse backgrounds often do poorly in school because of a mismatch between the culture of the school and the culture of the home. Students have less opportunity to learn when school lessons and other activities are conducted, or socially organized, in a manner inconsistent with the values and norms of their home culture...cultural congruence does not mean an attempt to replicate a home or community environment in the classroom. Research on cultural congruence recognizes that the home and school are different settings with different functions in students’ lives. Culturally congruent educational practices incorporate features of the students’ home culture but do not result in activities and environments identical to those of the home (pp. 5-6). Establishing culturally congruent instruction in a classroom does not change the educational goals of the school. It does, however, change teaching practice as a result of understandings about particular barriers to school success for culturally diverse students. Singer (1988) suggested that cultural congruence is an inherently moderate pedagogical strategy that accepts that the goal of educating minority students is to train individuals in those skills needed to succeed in mainstream society. Its proponents argue that this goal can best be achieved when students feel comfortable because their classrooms correspond to the learning environments of the cultural communities from which they come. The idea is to identify cultural differences that are obstacles to learning in standardized classrooms, and then to use this information to change classroom instruction and management to fit better with students’ cultural standards and expectations (p. 1). By providing a culturally congruent classroom learning environment, teachers validate the diverse backgrounds of their students while preparing them to be successful in the dominant culture. This view takes into account the significance of prior knowledge, past and present experiences in families and community as well as belief systems growing out of a particular cultural heritage. The socio-historical 38 context of a student’s life is necessary for learning to take place in a school setting. The perspective of cultural congruence focuses on the idea that teachers cannot understand all cultural differences between themselves and their students but that they can minimize these differences by providing instruction that is compatible with what is known and understood about the culture of their students. BlE'IlfiD" A limited amount of research has been conducted on preparing teachers for diversity in the areas of cuniculum and text materials; preservice teacher education; practice teachers; teacher-student relationships; and recruitment of teachers of color (Grant & Secada, 1990; Grant & Tate, 1995). Suggestions from theorists on what is helpful for preservice teachers include helping prospective teachers to understand their own histories in light of experiences with diversity (Apple, 1985); to have a thorough understanding of the content they teach (McDiarmid, 1991; Zeichner, 1992); to be familiar with multiple ways to help students represent what they are learning (Ball, 1988; Wilson, Shulrnan & Richert, 1987); and to find ways of knowing their students in relationship to community values and practices (Ladson-Billings,l990; Zeichner, 1992). These are crucial elements of teacher education programs which attempt to establish a philosophical base for preparing teachers who will meet the challenge of classroom diversity. Limited research has been done, however, on teacher education programs which are based on the lived realities of teaching candidates as they practice teaching in diverse classroom settings. Zeichner (1992), reviewing the literature in this area, found that many of the documents that were reviewed were part of the fugitive educational literature or less accessible journals that were obtained through personal contacts rather than literature searches. 39 More recently, Grant & Tate (1995) reviewed the literature and found only 47 studies focusing on preservice programs that focused on multicultural education. While there seems to be a slowly growing body of literature in this area, much remains to be studied. As Houston (1990) noted, "There has been notable recent progress, but the research basis for such important work as educating the nation's teachers is still extremely thin. Although the importance of research is being espoused, little progress is being made” (p. ix). Upon examination of the available research related to multicultural education and preservice teachers, I found that the research grouped into three categories: (1) entering beliefs of teacher candidates towards diversity; (2) attempts to shift perspectives of teacher candidates toward diversity by increasing their cultural knowledge base; and (3) attempts to shift perspectives of teacher candidates towards diversity by providing direct interactions between preservice teachers and culturally diverse school populations. These categories represent three distinct starting points in the research involving the preparation of prospective teachers for diverse classroom settings. Assumptions and goals underlying the studies in each category of research and the findings from these studies will be discussed in order to document research in the field. Also discussed will be the place of this dissertation study and its additions to this existing knowledge base. [1 ”5.1131112 .21 13" Research in this area examined the attitudes of prospective teachers towards diversity and their emerging perspectives about differences among learners in the classroom. These preservice teachers had little or no previous coursework or experiences with diverse populations. 40 Research literature in teacher education suggests that teachers and school administrators often have low expectations for low-income students, language minority students and students of color (Banks, 1994). The research also suggests the salient role that attitude toward diversity plays in the academic success of these students. Assumptions for the research in this category begin with the perception that teacher self-awareness is a necessary starting point in preparing prospective teachers for diverse classroom settings. This self-awareness includes prior knowledge, background experiences, beliefs and conceptions about diversity. Paine (1990) noted, in her study of approaches to learner diversity held by prospective teachers in five United States teacher education programs, that since there are educational implications for the ways in which we think about differences, it is important to understand the perspectives that teacher candidates bring with them to their teacher education studies. Paine drew on the baseline date collection of the Teacher Education and Learning to Teach Study of the National Center for Research on Teacher Education. The research involved 174 elementary education majors and 59 English and mathematics secondary education majors. Questionnaires were administered to all participants and open-ended interviews were conducted with 62 of the preservice teachers G’aine, 1990). Paine's study, along with other recent research, Shows that many prospective teachers enter their teacher education programs with the notion that diversity is a problem rather than a resource (Zeichner, 1992). The largest category of preservice teachers in Paine's research held conceptions of diversity which tended to attribute all problems to differences among individual children with a focus on personality factors such as motivation. The second largest group of responses associated perceived differences with categories such as race, class and gender. Few of the responses from prospective teachers indicated the perspective that differences are socially constructed 41 or the belief that socially constructed differences among children have implications for teaching and learning (Paine, 1990). Another study which is grounded in the belief that teacher educators must acknowledge preservice teachers’ prior knowledge, beliefs and conceptions of multicultural education was conducted by Goodwin (1994). Goodwin suggested that from the investigations into teacher beliefs and teacher thinking, we know that teachers' conceptions of the nature of teaching and learning undergird and frame the decisions they make in the classroom (Clark & Peterson, 1986), and that incongruence between personal beliefs and actual teacher education program offerings can contribute to preservice teachers' dissatisfaction with their teacher preparation program (F eiman-Nemser & Buchmann, 1985). Consequently, any effort by teacher educators to prepare multicultural educators should begin with an understanding of how preservice teachers conceptualize multicultural education (p. 119). Goodwin found that the responses of these prospective teachers fell on a "continuum ranging from the most cursory to the most in-depth, from the most superficial to the most meaningfirl" (Goodwin, 1994, p. 127). She used Sleeter and Grant’s (1987) five-approach typology of multicultural education as an analytical tool for conceptualizing the responses of 120 preservice teachers who completed an open- ended questionnaire which was designed to solicit their conceptions of multicultural education. Goodwin's findings reiterate many of those suggested by Paine's research. Most of the respondents thought of multicultural education as (a) the education of the exceptionally and culturally different; (b) a human relations approach; or (c) single group studies emphasizing one particular aspect of diversity. All three conceptions perpetuate the status quo rather than address any structural reform in achieving equity. In addition, responses showed that preservice teachers thought of multicultural education as a way to meet individual student needs rather than as a systemic approach to altering inequitable educational practices. 42 Another significant finding in Goodwin's research is that the preservice teachers in the study seemed to conceive of multicultural education as a concept that is externally driven, a reactive education that depends on one’s circumstances. As Goodwin noted, "What they were prepared to do seemed dependent on how much control they would have, the kinds of students or communities they would work with, the models or materials available” (Goodwin, 1990, p. 127). In reducing multicultural education to the procedural or technical, these prospective teachers defined multicultural education solely for those who are different from themselves. In a related study, Nel’s (1993) research on preservice teachers' perceptions of the goal of multicultural education was based on the premise that the perceptions and beliefs of a teacher could be the contributing factor to either the empowerment or the disabling of minority students. This study focused on 280 white, middle-class, predominantly rural preservice teachers who had no coursework in multicultural education. A reworking of Grant and Sleeter's five approaches to race, class and gender was used as the organizing format from which to elicit the response of preservice teachers regarding their perception of the main goal of multicultural education. Responses indicated that these preservice teachers understood the goal of multicultural education to be the assimilation of minority students into the present school system through tolerance and cooperation, which corresponds to the first two approaches in Sleeter and Grant’s (1994) typology. As in the research of Paine and Goodwin, Nell's findings indicated that it is difficult for preservice teachers who have had little experience with cultural diversity to think beyond the existing structure of the school system. While multicultural education seems to be generally regarded in a positive light, it is viewed by preservice teachers as a concept which gathers all students into the mainstream Eurocentric culture and establishes a cooperative and harmonious spirit among them. It also seems clear from these particular studies as well as from other related research (Hadaway & F lorez, 1987/ 1988; Zeichner, 1992; 43 Grant & Tate, 1995) that preservice teachers come to teacher education programs with different personal, developmental and intellectual levels of readiness to conceptualize the goals of multicultural education. As Goodwin (1994) noted, "Preservice teachers are not empty vessels and may not be uniformly prepared to receive the same message” (p. 129). W The assumption underlying the purpose for multicultural education courses, workshops or seminars for preservice teachers is that perspectives, sensitivities and attitudes about differences among learners in the classroom might be shifted by increasing the cultural knowledge base (Larke, 1990). The cultural knowledge base includes such goals as the development of historical perspectives of racism, prejudice and discrimination; development of cultural consciousness; and successful teaching of multicultural students (Bennett, Niggle & Stage, 1990). Through autobiographical cultural essays, information on the history and culture of selected ethnic groups and lesson planning that develops multicultural perspectives, teacher educators set out to increase the cultural knowledge, skills and sensitivities of preservice teachers. Several researchers have documented the impact that a workshop, seminar or course on multicultural education has had on preservice teachers' attitudes and views about teaching culturally diverse students. In the Teacher Training Program of the Los Angeles Unified School District, preservice teachers attended a series of presentations involving multicultural issues. McDiarmid (1990) analyzed the content of these presentations and the preservice teachers' views of stereotypes and teaching culturally diverse children both before and after the multicultural presentations. He concluded that the presentations appeared to have little effect on how teachers think about these issues and raised questions about the content and pedagogy of multicultural programs. Similar results were docrunented by McDiarmid & Price (1990) as they used data from 44 pre- and post-program questionnaires and interviews given during a three-day workshop intended to influence student teachers' views about teaching culturally diverse learners. Results showed that the multicultural presentations had little effect on preservice teachers' beliefs about the capabilities of learners labeled "high" and "low" ability, on the use of stereotypes in making decisions or about providing genuinely equal opportunities for all students to learn challenging and empowering subject matter. Similar results were found by Larke (1990) as she set out to assess the cultural sensitivity levels of a group of preservice teachers before and after completing a required multicultural education course. Results from a self-administered questionnaire suggested that preservice teachers were aware that they will need to teach students from diverse cultural backgrounds but only one-fifth of them indicated a preference for teaching students from different cultures. In summarizing the results of her study, Larke (1990) noted that after taking a multicultural education course, “preservice teachers continue to reflect much discomfort in working with children of different cultures and accepting differences such as language and relating to the parents of those children (p. 28). A study by Bennett, Niggle & Stage (1990) found somewhat more positive results as they examined possible relationships between teacher education students' cognitive development, feeling of social distance and multicultural knowledge at the beginning and the end of a pre-service multicultural education course. Findings indicated that this course was most effective with the preservice teachers who were already open to cultural diversity issues. For those who were not as receptive, the course had significantly less impact. It appears from this research that while some increase in cultural knowledge and shifts in attitudes can happen, taking one isolated course on multicultural education is not sufficient for educating preservice teachers to work effectively with 45 students from culturally diverse backgrounds. Larke (1990) suggested that future teachers need more positive personal contact with these students and their parents in order to develop the attitudes of acceptance and respect for the diversity of students who will be in their classrooms. 11.1 'lll'lCl 1111' 5121' Research in this area focuses on preservice teachers' direct experience in culturally diverse settings as a laboratory for learning. The assumption is that the combination of cross-cultural experiential encounters, together with instruction which increases the cultural knowledge base, will make a difference in the actions of future teachers. Several researchers have documented various approaches taken by teacher education programs to offer preservice teachers the opportunity to become directly involved with those from a culture different fiom their own. Ross and Smith (1992) found that field experiences which emphasize diverse classroom placements do have an impact on preservice teachers' knowledge of and attitudes towards cultural diversity. Before taking the course combined with the field . experience, the six preservice teachers who participated in the study believed that individuals are responsible for their own success or failure. After the course and work in classrooms, all of these preservice teachers began to consider other factors such as cultural background, teacher practices and school curriculum as having significant impact on learning. However, the knowledge and perspectives about teaching diverse learners differed considerably among the six participants, which again points to the different levels of readiness and ability on the part of preservice teachers for teaching diverse learners. A study involving student teachers who worked in South Texas school settings with a culturally diverse student population and those who student taught in Minnesota was the focus for Cooper, Beare and Thonnan (1990) as they examined the 46 connections between a student teacher's cross-cultural experiences and his/her attitude towards multicultural teaching. Findings indicated that those who worked in the Texas setting, where cultures difierent significantly from their own, nurtured their attitudes and skills. Those who student taught in Minnesota, where cultures were similar to their own, tended to think more in theoretical terms about cross-cultural issues. Yet another approach in an attempt to directly engage preservice teachers with diverse populations was initiated at Texas A & M University with the establishment of the Minority Mentorship Project. Each preservice teacher served as a mentor to either an African-American or a Mexican-American student. This interaction involved weekly individualized tutoring at the mentee's school, cultural events, social events, interaction with mentee's parents or guardians and weekly letter or telephone correspondence during the semester, summer vacation and holidays (Larke, Wiseman & Bradley, 1990). The pre-assessment and post-assessment results indicated that the preservice teachers involved in this project experienced a change in attitude and perceptions towards African American or Mexican American children through the personal interaction established during the year. Cochran-Smith & Lytle (1992) emphasized that there are no prescriptive solutions to understanding and responding to cultural diversity in classrooms. These researchers suggested that preservice and inservice teachers need to develop avenues of inquiry concerning issues of diversity and to develop plans of action that are valid for particular communities. Through exploring questions, teachers are able to analyze specific classroom and school events which help them understand and respond to cultural differences. Cochran-Smith and Lytle's (1992) research on teacher-research- based teacher education projects in urban Philadelphia showed how teacher inquiry provides opportunities for preservice teachers to examine dimensions of diversity as they relate to teaching, leaming and schooling. 47 Culturally diverse classrooms are one context that provide teacher candidates with experiences with students who are different from themselves. Other opportunities exist in community settings outside of the classroom where preservice teachers have the chance to interact with persons from diverse cultural backgrounds while examining their own beliefs in the context of these actions (Gallego, 1995). One program, La Clase Magica (LCM), served as a community based alternative learning environment located in a working class neighborhood in the midwest. It is one of eight such community-based environments located across the United States. Community members were from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds (Afiican-American, Caucasian, Latino and Asian). Children from the neighborhood came to La Close Magica twice a week after school to play computer adventure games and board games. Pre-service teachers fiom a state university participated at La Close Magica once a week as part of a literacy course. Gallego explains that the preservice teachers were referred to as amigos who interacted with children during computer or board game play, talked with kids and shared an afternoon snack. Amigos were urged not to play the traditional role of teacher, ie. asking convergent questions, directing activities but to play the role of collaborator involved in genuine interaction, ie. requesting information, testing out strategies (Gallego, p. 19). After each LCM session, these prospective teachers met with a university instructor to discuss their experiences with the children. They also documented these interactions through fieldnotes. Teacher education students reflected on their role as teacher and on the physical and psychological constraints of many conventional classrooms. There is evidence from this research that the alternative learning setting of La Close Magica provided a unique opportunity for prospective teachers to explore issues related to diversity and teaching. 48 Summary Teachers and students come to school from a wide diversity of backgrounds. Both teachers and students come into classrooms with their own understandings about the world which have been shaped by their experiences in family and community. Many teacher candidates coming into teacher education programs have had little contact with cultures other than their own. Research suggests that few preservice students hold the view that societal and cultural factors have an impact on teaching and learning. They often view their role of teacher as one which helps assimilate all children into mainstream culture through tolerance and cooperation. Increasing the cultural knowledge base is a common approach taken by teacher educators in an attempt to sensitize preservice teachers to cultural and societal factors involved in the teaching and learning process. Preservice teachers are often asked to examine their own cultural histories and are encouraged to develop ways of looking at the world from the perspectives of those who are culturally different from themselves. While increasing the knowledge base does seem to have some impact on attitudes towards diversity, it is clear from the research that taking an isolated multicultural education course is a weak approach to preparing teachers to work effectively in culturally diverse classrooms. There are no prescriptions for successfully teaching students who come from culturally different backgrounds than those of their teacher. It is also unrealistic for teachers to have Specific knowledge about every cultural group represented in the classroom. AS preservice teachers become engaged in face-to-face interactions with students from diverse cultural backgrounds and begin to recognize issues of diversity which grow out of the context of these particular relationships, they may be able to reflect more thoughtfully and develop appropriate plans of actions in their teaching practice. Theory and practice begin to merge. 49 We now have some knowledge about the attitudes of many preservice teachers and their conceptions of multicultural education as they come into teacher education programs. There is also a small body of research which documents the lack of impact that courses, workshops or seminars have on preservice teachers in terms of increasing their cultural knowledge base about differences in meaningful ways. We have some sense of how some teacher educators are attempting to combine coursework with experiential components which encourage preservice teachers and students from diverse cultural backgrounds to form relationships with one another. The pilot study for this dissertation project used the approach of combining coursework with field experience in a culturally diverse setting for a group of third- year elementary teacher education students as an attempt to explore issues of curriculum and diversity. It is clear, however, that we need research which provides a more in-depth examination of what actually occurs daily in classrooms with diverse learners as well as how preservice teachers think and respond to these particular circumstances. We need to know about the day-to-day interactions which make up the personal journeys involved in the construction of meaning about diversity. This dissertation study examines the student teaching experiences of four teacher candidates as they complete their teacher education program in culturally diverse classroom settings. The next chapter describes the design of the study and the methodology used for gathering and analyzing data. CHAPTER 3 DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY In the previous chapter, I reviewed the literature relevant to issues involving the preparation of teacher candidates for culturally diverse classroom settings. Literature on (a) the range of diversity within classrooms; (b) the process of becoming a multicultural teacher; and (c) teacher education efforts to prepare teacher candidates for diversity was examined. This chapter looks closely at the design of the study; the setting and population of the study; the participants and their classrooms; the methodology for data collection; and the data analysis procedures used to address the following research questions: Within the context of teaching in culturally diverse classrooms, (1) What differences did teacher candidates confront between themselves and their students as they engaged in the personal process of constructing meaning about diversity? and (2) What development took place regarding the multicultural attitudes and behaviors of teacher candidates as they confronted differences between themselves and their students? W In order to gain a better of understanding of how teacher candidates make sense of differences among students in classrooms, I chose a close-to-the-classroom research design that allowed for systematic inquiry within a natural setting. This design was chosen for the study because it most closely matched my questions about the particular beliefs, attitudes and behaviors or practices of individual student teachers towards differences among the children in their classroom. Inquiry focused 50 51 on the meaning that is made from observing and documenting what the participants did and said in the classroom. The design of the study provided opportunities to gather detailed, descriptive accounts of customary school and classroom events that shed light on their meaning for the participants involved (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992). It was assumed in developing this study that teaching is a highly complex, context-specific, interactive activity. Two major goals guided me as I designed the study. First, my review of the literature revealed that the majority of research studies which investigated the attitudes towards and conceptions of multicultural education took place outside the context of culturally diverse classrooms. In my study, it was important that the natural setting become the direct source of data so that meaning could be constructed in the context in which the action occurred (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982). During the pilot study, prospective teachers worked in culturally diverse classrooms; however, the time spent with the children amounted to only four to six hours a week for five weeks. It was possible during this short time to get a glimpse into the kind of beliefs, attitudes and behaviors which were emerging for each of the practicum preservice teachers. My goal, however, was to build on this information by taking a daily, in-depth, ongoing, close-to-the-classroom approach during the entire student teaching semester which would provide an opportunity for me to document the thoughts, feelings and actions of the teacher candidates. Not only would these teacher candidates become directly engaged in day-to-day classroom routines but they also would encounter very particular situations related to differences among students. A second goal was to document and analyze the multicultural attitudes and behaviors towards diversity in terms of any shifts which might take place in the context of specific classroom situations which arose during student teaching. While recent research has given clues which indicate that experiences for prospective teachers in culturally diverse settings does tend to raise awareness about the kinds of 52 differences among children, the analysis of data from this study allows for examination of specific instances which tend to support or challenge the beliefs held by the student teacher. This study documents the personal meanings and values placed on the concept of diversity as four student teachers reflected on specific instances they experienced in their classrooms. S . l E l . E l S l Gaining access to school sites involved consulting with the principal at each of the two schools selected as appropriate sites for this study. I chose these two schools because of their diverse student populations. During the month of April, 1993, I explained the research proposal to each principal and asked for permission to conduct the study at their school. Both expressed enthusiasm for the study and readily granted access to the sites for Fall 1993. The student teachers and their cooperating teachers were contacted by phone in June 1993 concerning their interest in joining the study. All agreed to participate; the call was followed up with a letter which thanked them for their interest and outlined the details of the study. Written consent was then obtained from both the classroom teacher and the student teacher. The study focused on student teachers and only pertained to students in the classroom as they were involved in general educational activity; therefore it was not necessary to obtain consent forms from the parents of children in the classroom. The academic year for both schools began during the third week in August 1993. Student teachers worked with their cooperating teachers in setting up the classroom environment and accompanied them to opening workshops and school meetings. The school day began at 8:15 with dismissal at 2:30. Descriptions of the two schools follow: 53 Hathawfilementamichml Hathaway Elementary School was the school site for the practicum work in the pilot study. This large two story brick building is located five blocks west of Main Street in an urban midwestem city of approximately 44,000. The school displays children's art work in the corridors and docrunents daily pupil attendance by classroom on a large chart near the entrance to the building. Children who attend Hathaway school come from the surrounding community which includes houses, apartments and low-income housing projects. This public school serves 525 children from kindergarten through grade six who ride the bus or walk to school. The principal, Mr. Kendall, described the school population as "73 percent free or reduced lunch with 75 percent minority-~mostly African American children." The school population is gender balanced with close to 10 percent of the children identified for receiving special education needs. The school is growing in the enrollment of students who speak another language than English, which currently is about 10 percent of the school population. Mr. Kendall stated that at least 60 percent of the children come from Single-parent families. While noting that parents do Show interest in their children’s education, Mr. Kendall expressed his perspective that "as far as helping kids is concerned, parents view that as the school's responsibility." Both Tamara and Jeremy requested that they be placed in this school setting for student teaching. ChambersElemmamSchQQl The second school site for the study was Chambers Elementary, which is located in a midwestem town with a population of approximately 24,000. The town has an abundance of small factories, attracting a Hispanic population which has settled in the northern part of the town in the vicinity of this school. Chambers has 360 children in kindergarten through grade five; 55 percent of the children qualify for free or reduced lunches. Hispanics comprise around 25 percent of the school population. Nearly all of these students come into the classroom using English as their second 54 language. Another sizable group of children in the school are from families who moved in from Appalachia to find work, bringing with them a distinctive culture. Gender of the student population is relatively balanced between males and females. The school's population also includes 10 percent special education students who are mainstreamed into the regular classroom setting. The principal, Mr. Johns, noted that approximately 60 percent of the families are not made up of the original family unit. Many of the children live within walking distance of the school, but some ride the bus on a daily basis. The large brick building is the oldest of the six elementary schools in town. However, the inside of the school is newly painted with student work displayed throughout the halls and classrooms, creating a hospitable atmosphere. TIE" 111.2] The participants in this study were four teacher candidates who were completing their student teaching assignment as part of their teacher education program at a small liberal arts college in the midwest. Of the four, three were female and all were Anglo. Their ages ranged from twenty-two to thirty-five A required component of the program at this college is a study-service-term (SST) which is designed to immerse students in a culture significantly different fi'om that of the United States. Most of these sites are in Central American in Spanish speaking countries or in Germany, Africa and Asia. The first seven weeks of the semester are spent studying the language and culture of the host country. During the last six weeks of the semester, students work in a field/service-leaming assignment, usually in a rural area. Throughout the term, students live in homes of the host country and cat at least two meals daily with their “families.” Those students who cannot participate in the 55 program in another country are required to spend a semester on-campus pursuing intercultural studies. Three of the four student teachers in this study participated in the SST program in another country. Nancy went to China for a semester and Leah and Jeremy studied and served in Costa Rica. Tamara opted for the on-campus intercultural semester. Tamara Tamara was placed in a first-grade classroom at Hathaway Elementary with Mrs. Birdley, an experienced teacher of fifteen years who had previously worked with student teachers. From previous contacts, it was documented by college supervisors that Mrs. Birdley was working on teaching with themes across the curriculum, used a literature based approach to teaching reading, emphasized concrete hands-on experiences for children and incorporated cooperative learning groups in the classroom. Mrs. Birdley's classroom was located on the first floor of the building and twenty-two students were on her roster. Class composition included eleven males and eleven females; ethnic groups represented included sixteen African-American, two Mexican-American, and four Anglo students. While none of the children had limited English proficiency, many of the Afiican-American children had Black dialect as part of their linguistic culture. Four of the twenty-two children had hearing impairments. .Leremx Jeremy requested that he be placed for student teaching with the second-grade teacher with whom he had worked during his practicum work at this school. After working in her classroom, it was his perception that Ms. Richard, who was in her sixth year of teaching, was the kind of teacher who would be a support to him during student teaching and would be someone upon whom he could model his own teaching practice. He especially liked the way she used literature in the classroom and her rapport with the children. Ms. Richard's room was several rooms away from Mrs. 56 Birdley's with tvventy-three students in the class. Three students were identified as having special education needs. All fourteen boys and nine girls in the class spoke English but Black dialect was a regular part of the African-American children’s linguistic style. Ethnic groups were represented by fifteen African-American, five Anglo and three Hispanic children. Nanci: Nancy chose to be placed for student teaching at Chambers Elementary because of her interest in working with students who have English as their second language. Mrs. Butler was chosen for the cooperating teacher because of her past experience in working collaboratively with student teachers. She was working at integrating subjects across the cuniculum and at finding ways to incorporate her diverse group of students into the classroom. Her classroom was located at the top of a long flight of steps to the second floor. In her ninth year of teaching, Mrs. Butler had twenty-three second-graders in her classroom with seventeen Anglo and six Hispanic students. There were ten girls and thirteen boys in the classroom which included four children who were identified as having learning disabilities. Two students spoke English as a second language. Leah Leah had experienced a reading methods practicum in Mrs. Long's classroom during the first semester of her third year in the teacher education program. Her rationale for placement during student teaching in this classroom included Mrs. Long's organization of the curriculum around themes, her emphasis on reading as the core of the curriculum, and her style of relating to fifth graders. This classroom was also on the second floor of the building and had twenty six students, twelve boys and fourteen girls. Ethnic group representation included nineteen Anglo, five Hispanic and two Cambodian students. Seven of the children in the room had been identified as having 57 special needs--three mildly mentally handicapped children, three with learning disabilities, and one student with emotional disorders. Four children in the class spoke limited English. DataLellecticn Multiple data sources were used during this study. Included were initial and final interviews with student teachers; journal entries from the four student teachers; and researcher classroom observations and field notes as well as interviews with the student teacher after each classroom observation. 1..” . 'lElSl I] An initial interview was conducted with each student teacher at the beginning of the study for the purpose of gaining background information on each teacher candidate which would provide a starting point for documenting entering beliefs and attitudes. Since an underlying assumption of this study is that the personal experiences of an individual in families, schools and communities serve as the basis for beliefs, attitudes and understandings, it was necessary to find out the kind of experiences each student teacher brought to the study. These individual audiotaped interviews took place during the first two weeks of student teaching in late August 1993. The student teachers were asked to talk about their own backgrounds in relationship to family and schooling, their experiences with persons who have histories different from themselves, their experiences to date in classrooms and their understanding of what it means to teach all students. Each audio-taped interview, which lasted from 60-90 minutes, was then fully transcribed. Questions asked of each student teacher are outlined in Appendix B. 58 We: During the course of student teaching, student teachers wrote five journal entries (one every two weeks) which were due at five intervals during the semester. These written journals provided another way for the teacher candidates to reflect on what they were thinking about and acting upon while they were practicing teaching. College supervisors read and responded in writing to these journal entries; copies were made for me to add to the data collected. Student teachers were asked to reflect on (a) general areas related to student teaching (planning, content of curriculum, classroom environment, interactions with students...); (b) specific questions regarding planning for diversity in the classroom; and (c) questions and issues which were emerging as salient for them at the particular time. Specific guidelines were given for the journal responses; opportunities were provided for student teachers to address their own agenda. Guidelines for each journal entry are listed in Appendix B. E l :1 U] . I. l l I observed five lessons in each classroom during the period of time when the student teacher was teaching during her/his thematic unit. Throughout the observation sessions, I took handwritten field notes on what the student teacher chose to teach, the methods chosen, what was said, and in what ways students responded. While taking these field notes, I also designated a space on the right hand side of the paper for the purpose of recording personal and/or theoretical reflections, questions to ask during the follow-up interview with the student teacher, reactions to look at more closely, and data from previous observations which came to mind while writing the notes. These field notes were then expanded after each of the observations. 01' . .1. .-,| rc‘o ‘. I‘ si‘ {‘ ‘-. 1". ‘Ur..l. After each classroom observation, I met with the student teacher for an audio- taped interview which was later fully transcribed for analysis. These interviews gave me a chance to ask questions about what I saw; provided the student teachers with an 59 opportunity to talk about what issues of importance were emerging for them; and added to the richness of the data collected during the observations. During the interview, I talked with the student teacher about the lesson that was just taught, asked questions which grew out of the classroom observation, and gave student teachers an opportunity to initiate issues which were emerging for them. In addition to specific questions about individual thematic unit lessons, more general questions were asked. These are listed in Appendix B. E' l I . . l E l S l I 1 These 60-90 audiotaped interviews took place during the final days of student teaching and were then transcribed for analysis. The interviews gave me data to compare with those collected in the initial interview. I asked them to talk about the high and low points that occurred during student teaching as well as questions regarding the diversity in their classrooms. The questions asked of each student teacher are included in Appendix B. W Data analysis took place both during the course of the study and after the formal process of collecting data. Ongoing analysis took place during the study as I read each student teacher's journal, transcribed the interviews from audio tapes and observed in the classroom. This type of analysis did not adhere to a specific method at this point, but instead moved back and forth from one source to the other as I identified particular situations related to diversity which were interesting and informative to me. This process gave me the opportunity to (a) examine the emerging data; (b) begin to identify patterns or themes; and (c) develop working hypotheses which helped focus my inquiry. 60 I began the formal analysis by searching for and identifying patterns or themes from the journals written by each teacher candidate. As I read and reread the journals, 1 developed codes for the kind of patterns or themes related to diversity that emerged. I then identified patterns related to diversity that appeared in the transcribed data from each student teacher interview as well as from data collected from classroom observations. These three data sources (written journals, interviews and classroom observations) were then triangulated to provide a cross-check to ensure that the findings from one data source corroborated the findings from the other two sources (Goetz & LeCompte, 1984). After identifying the themes related to diversity that grew out of the data collection for each teacher candidate, I then identified particular situations from the data that supported each theme. A constant comparative analysis approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was then used to describe, analyze and compare data across the four case studies. Similar themes that had been identified in the individual case studies were grouped together and categorized across case studies. At this point in the analysis it became clear that I needed a framework for addressing my major research questions in a way that would make sense of the data. My first research question focused on the differences that teacher candidates were confronting between themselves and their students in the context of their student teaching experience. After struggling with several ways in which I might organize the information I had collected, I decided to use six broad forms of diversity that impact teaching and learning in today’s classroom as a frame. These six forms were derived from the review of the literature and also emerged from the collected data. They include: (1) ethnic and racial differences; (2) a variety of English dialects or other languages; (3) a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds; (4) various exceptionalities resulting in special education needs; (5) academic outcomes that differ for males and females; and (6) family patterns. Defining these forms of diversity more 61 explicitly became necessary, and I worked from the identified themes to distinguish one area of diversity from another. However, since the concept of “culture” embraces all forms of diversity, it must be noted that often the categories overlap and interconnect in multiple ways. Thus, there were not always tidy, clear ways to distinguish between them. In this study, the distinguishing characteristics of each form are described in Figure 1. My second research question focused on shifts in attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of the teacher candidates in the process of confronting differences. As with the first question, I realized the need to develop a framework that would portray the progress of individual teacher candidates in their understanding of diversity as well as to look across case studies for this development. After a number of attempts to develop my own framework from the collected data, it seemed helpful to adapt an already existing We developed by Nieto (1992) for categorizing the development of multicultural attitudes and behaviors. Using Nieto’s descriptions as a base and then adding information from my research data, these levels are distinguished from one another by the characteristics listed in Figure 2. Summary This chapter described the design of the study which included data collection and data analysis procedures. The settings of Hathaway and Chambers schools were described as were the four teacher candidates. The design of the study involved the collection of data from multiple sources including initial interviews with the four student teachers, journal entries from the student teachers, the researcher’s classroom observations/field notes, interviews with student teachers after researcher observations and final interviews with the four student teachers. This research study focused on the personal experiences of these particular teacher candidates within the context of a culturally diverse classroom setting. The 62 constant comparative analysis of data was used throughout the study to identify emerging patterns and to develop working hypotheses across case studies. The frame for analysis of the data was described. Nieto's (1992) model for categorizing the levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors was adapted and used as a frame to identify any shifts which may have taken place over the student teaching period in relationship to attitudes, beliefs and actions concerning diversity. Chapter four consists of four case studies which document the differences that teacher candidates Tamara, Jeremy, Nancy and Leah confronted as they worked in culturally diverse classrooms and describes developments in their multicultural perspectives. 63 (l) Racial and Ethnic Ethnic - sense of common ancestry, being born in a particular community or culture following a particular social pattern: includes socialization (patterns of and expectations for behavior); communicative style; and prior knowledge Racial - describes a group of persons with a somewhat similar genetic history: includes Skin color and other physical characteristics (2) Language Includes dialects of the English language or other than English languages (3) Socioeconomic References to financial resources, particularly lunch status (full pay, reduced or free) at school. (4) Exceptionalities Includes physical, intellectual, social and emotional conditions that require special education placement and adaptations (5) Gender Includes issues related to differences between males and females which includes stereotyping of roles and specific concerns for gender groups (6) Family Patterns Includes differences in how a family is defined, ways families interact and what is valued in the family EigmeJ. Distinguishing characteristics of differences in six areas of diversity Level Zero - Lack of Tolerance for Differences extremely uncomfortable with differences may express desire to become tolerant prior knowledge of students not taken into consideration low expectations for culturally diverse students Level One - Tolerance for Differences lifestyle differences and values of students and families endured by not necessarily embraced may include uncomfortable or unpleasant feelings some attempt to acknowledge prior knowledge of students some amount of lower expectations for culturally diverse students does not question status quo Level Two - Acceptance of Differences lifestyle differences and values of students and families acknowledged as important does not have lower expectations for culturally diverse students prior knowledge of students considered irnportant--attempts to connect to the curriculum begins to question status quo Level Three - Respect & Esteem lifestyle differences and values of students and families highly valued all students expected to be successful prior knowledge of students highly valued-connects to the curriculum expresses desire to change the status quo Level Four — Affirmation, Solidarity and Critique differences embraced as valid vehicles for learning lifestyle differences and values of students and families welcomed and supported high expectations for all students--wide variety of instructional strategies used cuniculum connected to students’ interests and prior knowledge does not accept status quo--takes action Figure; Levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors CHAPTER 4 FOUR CASE STUDIES Chapter three focused on the design of the study and methods of data collection. Settings for the study were described, participants were introduced and data analysis procedures were summarized. This chapter tells the stories of four student teachers as they worked in culturally diverse classrooms. Pseudonyms are used for all participants in the study. Each case study is divided into three sections. The first section introduces the teacher candidate by providing background information gathered from the pilot study. The second section, focusing on the teacher candidate as student teacher, describes the differences which emerged between each student teacher and his/her students in the areas of (1) race and ethnicity; (2) language; (3) socioeconomic background; (4) exceptionalities; (5) gender; and (6) family patterns. The final section addresses the development that took place in each teacher candidate’s multicultural attitudes and behaviors over the semester of student teaching in a culturally diverse classroom. 65 66 TAMARA Baskgmunflnfunnation I have a very close fiiend who is a member of the African-American culture. I have been introduced to the deaf culture through acquaintances. I really enjoy learning about these difiierent cultures. 1 find their experiences entertaining and I am glad for them because it makes me more aware of other cultures. This statement came from Tamara during the pilot study at the beginning of the Elementary Curriculum Studies course after she was asked to respond to the question, "What has been your experience with cultures other than your own?" Tamara, a twenty-year old Euro-American female, grew up on a small farm in the Midwest. Her parents, raised in Kentucky before moving north for employment, still have close relatives in the Appalachian region. She has two older sisters who are twice her age. Tamara believes that what is most important to people in her home community, including herself, is "family and neighbors helping each other out." As an example, Tamara told about a recent event when a barn on their farm burned down one evening and how community members gathered together to help rebuild. Schooling for Tamara took place in a rural area where teachers "were always on top of us and knew what we were doing." In middle school she felt as if she achieved but when she entered high school she “got lost and didn't talk very much.” When Tamara began college it was "hard to start talking and hard to believe that something I say is important to someone else." Tamara remembered that she had wanted to become a teacher ever since kindergarten. As she thought back to her image of a teacher when she was young, she said that teachers "knew it all--were there to help you like in breaking up fights--they 67 smiled all the time and had it all together." Her image of a teacher started to change in high school when she realized that "teachers had to be on top of everything and there was so much work involved." Before entering fieldwork (during the pilot study) in the Elementary Curriculum Studies course in the classroom where the majority of the students were African-American, Tamara read the book White Teacher by Virginia Paley (1989). Comments from her response to this text suggest that while she was willing to enter into the conversation on diversity, she clearly had some questions and concerns regarding the issues discussed by Paley. In addition, Tamara wonied about others’ possible misinterpretation of her attitudes and intentions. She acknowledged that the book did "add to my fear of this predominantly Black classroom," and she made the following additional comments: As I went into field placement, I began to wonder if the children would not respect me because I was white...I would feel very uncomfortable discussing racial issues in the classroom and I am not sure why...I believe that all of us have fears or apprehensions about possible confrontations over attitudes which we do not hold...I have fears of conveying the message that I do not care about racial differences... As Tamara observed and participated in a second grade classroom for two mornings a week for six weeks, She worked at sorting out the attitudes and feelings about her experiences in this setting. Patterns that emerged from her fieldnotes during this time suggest that Tamara (I) "felt" different fi'om the children in the classroom; (2) was unclear how to respond to situations where issues relating to diversity arose in the classroom; and (3) gained understandings about cultural issues from the African- American educator which significantly influenced her thinking about diversity. Throughout her field experience, Tamara referred frequently to differences in language that seemed to make her feel out of touch with the children in this classroom: 68 These children here are very different from any that I have been around. Their dialect constantly amazes me...It amazes me how "out of it" I feel in the classroom at times when the children are talking. Each morning the black children in the classroom came in dancing, singing a rap or talking some "jive". Sometimes I just sat at the back of the classroom in wonder at these children; I just watched the ways they interacted through body movement and their language. I decided that as a teacher it is critical to keep up on sayings and expressions in the classroom. During the first couple of weeks the children were all talking about each other's mothers. I have a very limited resource of knowledge about blacks but I knew that this was a negative expression. Tamara's found herself answering children in the same language patterns and dialect as they spoke to her. She questioned whether she should try to “correct the way they talk...I think that because my family speaks with a Southern accent that I am less willing to correct the children because I know what it felt like when teachers used to correct me." Tamara also indicated a number of times throughout this course/field experience that she "felt different" from her students in terms of the kinds of knowledge the students had about the world in comparison to her own. During the last day of field experience she wrote that sometimes I think these children are cooler than I am. I think that the children know more about what is going on in the world than I do...It came out in a discussion with the children on March 10 that all the children know this homeless lady in the community. I could not believe it! I have only seen one homeless person in my lifetime and they know a homeless person. Several situations arose during Tamara's fieldwork that presented some anxiety for her as she tried to figure out how to respond. One instance centered around leading a discussion on the difference between "needs and wan ". Tamara introduced the lesson by asking students, "How do we get what we need and want?" 69 The first answer I received came from Kanisha who said, “We get what we need from the government.” That is a harsh reality when you as a teacher had planned to talk about having a job and putting money in the bank to earn interest. Basically I accepted this answer and just went on because I really did not know how to address this subject. Kanisha’s situation is like so many of the other children's situations in this classroom. Another example of a specific instance which caused Tamara anxiety came during the last week of her field experience: Manuel came into the classroom and told Adrian that he was “just a stupid white boy." Obviously Manuel meant "white boy" as a derogatory term and honestly I could not believe I was hearing this. For a moment I just sat there until I realized that they were not teasing anymore. I really had no idea what to say or how to deal with this problem. I still don't know what I should have said. Eleanor, the African-American educator who met with students for a number of sessions on culture and diversity during the semester, seemed to influence Tamara's thinking in a number of ways. Tamara appreciated the fact that Eleanor "just answered questions which may have seemed silly to her." Eleanor helped her to understand that there are many "subcultures" within a school and helped her "realize that although I did not think I had stereotypes, I do. When she said to think of a stereotype about different cultural groups of people, I usually had one." Tamara also indicated that Eleanor gave her some insight on how students from various cultural backgrounds may have different learning and/or interaction styles. This seemed to connect with Tamara's thinking about what she was experiencing in the classroom with predominantly African-American children: "I have found that the black children in my class respond immediately, while most think about raising their hand after the fact." 70 Some of the questions Tamara had about language use were also addressed by Eleanor: When Eleanor talked about “playin’ the dozens,” that hit home because most kids in my class say things about each other 8 "mammas." Eleanor also said sometimes just allowing children to use their own language was appropriate. I believe it is necessary so that children can come to believe that their culture is accepted by the teacher. At the beginning of the semester, Tamara described getting to know the experiences of those from another culture as "entertaining,” implying that she was thinking about diversity from a "we" and "them" perspective. She felt like the outsider in this setting where the students' language and world views were quite different from her own. At the end of this course, she noted that she had become much more aware of various cultures and terminology used to discuss diversity but that she still found it "difficult to know the correct terms to use when talking to people from other cultures." She also expressed regret that "people from other cultures think you are trying to learn about their culture just for a class but I am interested." Tamara's interest in learning to teach in culturally diverse settings resulted in a request that she be placed back in this school for student teaching the following semester. She made this decision in spite of her family's resistance to the idea of her teaching in an urban school with children from predominantly African-American backgrounds. The following data were collected as Tamara student taught at Hathaway school in a first grade classroom. 11 . EB I 1 'fi 1 " T he way I grew up couldn't have been more di/jferent" Tamara's experience with persons from a culture different from her own had been quite limited. Before coming to college, she had little contact with people outside of her own culture other than the Amish folks in the farming community in which she 71 was raised. Her roots in the Appalachian region of Kentucky, however, did give her a sense of what it is to feel "different" in a community when language and customs do not fit in with local customs. When Tamara went to college she met Gina, an African- American student, with whom she developed a close friendship. This friendship had Significance not only to Tamara, but also to Tamara's family: My dad and his family are really, I would say prejudiced. Just exposing him to my black friend at school and to my whole family--some of my uncles still, they don't want to talk about black people--and being around those people who say things still. I think it is really slow in my community because nobody is there you know, and I have to keep that in mind. So I don't let it get me upset because my parents and my family I can say things to but other people, I'm one and you're many. They know nothing about other people. They haven't been fiiends with anyone who is different so right now I'm dealing with those things. In the pilot study during practicum work in the Elementary Curriculum Studies course, data suggested that Tamara "felt" different from the children in the classroom. She stated frequently that she was unclear about how to respond to situations relating to diversity in the classroom. Now, during the first weeks of student teaching, she continued to feel differences between herself and her students. After being in the classroom daily for two weeks, she stated in the initial interview that "I believe that the way I grew up and my culture could not have been more different from the way my students are being raised and their culture." Throughout student teaching, frequent references to her own family and cultural background supported the fact that indeed, life for her had been and continues to be quite different from students in her classroom. Six particular types of diversity that impact teaching and learning frame the story of Tamara as She confronted differences between herself and her students during student teaching. 72 (A) Raeialnndfithnig In the area of ethnic and racial diversity, Tamara confronted differences between herself and her students related to (1) communicative style; (2) prior knowledge; and (3) various racial issues. First, Tamara’s experiences in her home, school and community gave her a particular perspective on what persons are to value and how they are to behave in these settings in order to be a part of the community. It became clear very early in student teaching that Tamara’s way of thinking about interactions between teachers and students did not necessarily match the communicative style that her students brought to the classroom. During the initial interview with Tamara, after she had been in her student teaching placement for two weeks, she responded to the question, "What do you find yourself thinking about most as you are in the classroom, as you plan and teach--what are some things that keep coming to your mind?" by saying: Keeping them together. Management, I guess. Keeping things going--how to keep things going without letting them get out of control--letting discipline problems arise that I could possibly prevent. (8-31) The one most perplexing management issue for Tamara pertained to the differences in communicative style between herself and her students which centered on the question, "Why are my students always talking?" Students interacted verbally with her while she read books to them and while she gave them directions for their work; they continually talked with one another during work time. This kind of interaction at school was not within her realm of experience: I went to an all white, rural elementary, middle and high school. We were just expected to conform to classroom expectations like sitting in our seats and raising our hands before talking out. At Hathaway, it is an unusual day when the children sit in their seats and only talk when called upon. (8-31) At first, Tamara tried to confront the situation by trying to talk louder than the students. She soon realized that this approach was not effective. The heart of the matter seemed to be that she felt powerless in her effort to be the one in charge of the 73 classroom. It seemed to be her perception that a role of the teacher is to talk while the role of the student is to listen. When students verbally interacted with her while She was talking, her beliefs about these roles were challenged: And even when I get really, really loud they tune me out. When I constantly talk loud they tune me out. I have a sore throat all the time-- they tune me out. I know they do. I have to stop and think, Tamara, you're talking really loud and you need to stop that. When I start out in the morning and they keep talking, the more frustrated I get, the louder I get and I know that. I’m not used to that. I'm still searching for my power and my place within the classroom. (8-31) Verbal interaction with her students was a constant source of tension for Tamara as evidenced in my observations of specific lessons on September 28 and again on October 7. During the first observation, Tamara’s interdisciplinary thematic unit on the topic of farms gave her plenty of opportunities for interaction with her students. First, she introduced the children to sunflower seeds by reading a book about sunflowers and then she used the seeds from a real sunflower as a counting lesson. She had students put ten sunflower seeds in paper cups she had distributed. During the entire lesson, there was a steady hum of discussion going on between teacher/student and student/student conceming the activity. In the interview after the observation, Tamara spoke about the ongoing verbal interaction throughout the lesson. When asked what she thought about this kind of interaction, Tamara said she felt uncomfortable with it and attributed all the talking to the familial links between students: They all run around with each other. It doesn’t bother me when they talk all the time to each other but I know there has to be some kind of control on that too because they get out of control--at times it does bother me...It just seems like they talk the whole time--they're too loud for me lately...it's just getting on my nerves because yesterday evening (sighs)--they're interested in what they are doing but yet... (9—28) During the October 7 observation, Tamara led the group in writing a story about the field trip they had taken the day before to a farm. She then moved into 74 reading two different versions of "the three little pigs" story. While Tamara read the books, the children continually kept up a verbal interchange with her, talking about what was happening in the story, what would happen next, and what the animals looked like. The following interview with Tamara, which took place after the lesson, centered on the subject that was bothering her the most--children talking while she was teaching: (R: Researcher; T: Tamara) R: So, what were you thinking this afternoon when you were reading The Three Little Pigs? T: Oh, weren't they funny. Sometimes I just--I can't take it when they were talking back to me. They talk back and get going. R: Do they always talk when you're reading a book? T: Yes. Either I just have to tell them--absolutely mean it--"Shut up!" R: What do they talk about? T: The story-~yeah--they talk about the story--but sometimes--please just be quiet and listen. Sometimes I want to--but no, they talk about the story and things I really have to watch them, you know, but they talk about the story. R: And they kind of talk about what's going to happen or-- T: Oh yeah, I bet he's gonna do this. The way I’ve learned to listen to a story and read a story is that the children will just sit there and listen to me. And sometimes I wish I could stop and talk to them more about it--but that's not me to stop and talk. I'm learning to do that but, still--because I hear their comments, especially the ones that are really loud--I wish I could hear everything they say but I can't when they're all yelling at me like that--not yelling, talking back to me. R. It's like kind of a continual dialogue? Do you attribute this kind of interaction to this particular group of children? T: Mostly it's my Black kids. Some of them just talk out to me--talk out to the book--but some of them turn and talk to each other about the book. And I'm not--I think they're thinking aloud and want to share their opinions about what's going on. (10-7) 75 In addition to communicative style differences related to verbal interactions, Tamara confronted differences between herself and the students in relationship to the way the African-American children responded to questions: T: ...It's like when you get them in a classroom setting, getting them up into that circle. When they are sitting at their desks gabbing about everything and then you get ‘em up and you just want them to share ideas and talk, they're quiet. When it's just about their own personal ideas like "What's your favorite color?"--they can't even tell you that. It doesn't matter what they're favorite color is--I'm not sure if that is just their culture or not. R: So they are really observant and into what is going on with each other but when you ask them a direct question, they have trouble responding. T: Yeah, it's like, she's talking to me, what should I say? R: And you don't know why this is? T: Yeah. Even today, Mrs. Birdley was asking one of the little boys if he could put together a puzzle -- "Can you put together a puzzle?" He just went right on, went over and picked up the puzzle and started putting it together, never answered her. She asked him three or four times if he liked to put together puzzles. He didn't say, he just went over and did it. So, I'm not sure why they do that. Why when us whites ask them something, why they can't just say yes or no. I'm just not sure. (IO-l4) Tamara was beginning to realize that children were engaged in the learning process while verbal interchanges were happening between student and teacher . They were relating their conversation to the book Tamara was reading and asking questions that would further their understanding of the story. Tamara also puzzled over situations where the children didn’t respond directly to questions. She was starting to link this difference to the possibility that ethnic and racial diversity might be related to communicative style. During the final interview with Tamara in November, after she completed student teaching, she reflected on changes that took place during the thirteen weeks in terms of how she viewed her interactions with children during instruction: 76 T: Some of the relationships I was having problems with specifically-- with Daniel in the beginning and the way that kind of changed-J didn't feel like I was always fighting him in the end. I don't know what happened but I felt like in the beginning I was always trying to fight him-- shut up and be quiet all the time or taking away things or privileges. R: And you're not sure why or how that changed? T: I don't know why--I think I didn't even realize it was happening, but now I look back in the beginning, it was a gradual change. I still have problems with him but generally it got better and I don't know why. When I look back, I was constantly telling children to sit down and I didn't have to do that at the end, so I guess our relationship changed. I guess my attitude with them changed too because in the beginning I was always saying "no" to them--"you can't do this, you can't do this." I don't know why it changed but it did and I'm happy about that. It made me feel better working with the kids and I'm sure it made the kids feel better about working with me. R: Do you think that learning more about the culture of the children in the classroom had anything to do with the change? T: I had to get used to the way they act in general--they get so excited about things-J don't know--maybe that's not how to describe it. R: More animated, maybe? T: Yeah, that's good. More talkative and the way they respond to things-- you can't ask them to be quiet because that's not how they are-- and really when there's no need to be quiet, why ask them to, they're always thinking about things--and questions--oh--questioning things, I just couldn't believe. It seems like it was more the black kids. In the beginning especially and then after awhile you get used to it. They're going to ask those questions and you might as well get used to it, you know. (1 1-18) Secondly, Tamara confronted differences related to what and how she knew about the world in relationship to what and how her students knew. From Tamara's field experience at Hathaway school, she discovered that children from this urban school community often had a different kind of knowledge about the world than she had learned in her own rural community. Early in student teaching, this notion was 77 confirmed as she noted that that her students knew a lot about what was going on in the world around them and "as first graders, they have to take care of themselves." Throughout student teaching, Tamara identified several kinds of diversity in the classroom in terms of prior knowledge, especially when compared to her own. Tamara had worked on initial planning of her thematic unit on "farms" the previous spring. She had talked with her cooperating teacher about possible directions to take the unit but didn't have a sense at that point of how the group of children in the classroom would enter into her planning. During my first interview with her, I asked her to reflect on the process she went through in developing the unit and her thoughts at this point after she had been with the children for two weeks: R: Last spring when you planned your thematic unit, you went through a process. Can you talk a bit about that process, how you decided what you wanted to do? T: Well, my cooperating teacher wanted me to do the unit on farms that we're doing now. It's a huge topic and trying to break that down into things that I felt were manageable was difficult. I wanted to do more with plants so I tried to build the plant side up and the crops, I guess, and do some different things. R: Now, since you are beginning to know the children, are there things that have changed for you in how you've thought about the unit? T: They want to talk about animals more than plants. They're very active and very talkative and doing more active things. R: What did they already know about animals? T: They knew a lot less than I thought they would. I don't know if they don't know or if they don't answer. Like today, I asked them what a dairy was and nobody knew what a dairy was. So I think they know less than what I thought they would know. And then again, they know some things that you wouldn't expect. R: What has been their experiences with animals? 78 T: Pets--cats and dogs and they know like songs about them and noises they make and things like that. They know that cows give milk. We haven't really been into what animals are used for--I don't know how much they have an understanding of that. Right now, it's very slow. (8-31) Tamara was starting to think about how she might make adaptations to the curriculum based on the prior knowledge of her students. She also realized that she needed to plan experiences that would give her students an opportunity to go beyond what they knew. A field trip to a nearby Amish community which held farm auctions was a highlight during her farm unit. Tamara, who had grown up on a farm, learned that there were many of her students who had previously had no connections with the farm and could not even recognize particular animals. After the field trip, She described how the children responded to the animals: They just wanted to hold them. They wanted to touch them and everything. Daniel got to feed the baby calves a bottle. And so that was good and we got to see rabbits and horses. It was just funny, some of the things they talked about--"it stinks"--and there was dew on the grass. Now the children have all seen goats, cows, pigs, dogs and chickens and can even recognize these animals. If I would have done a jungle or dinosaur theme, I couldn't have made these kinds of connections. (10-14) Tamara began to figure out that she could not assume that her students knew what she knew. Four weeks later after another classroom observation, Tamara said to me in the interview after the classroom observation: You have to be so specific with them and you have to Show them everything. You have to show them what you mean. And once you do it - the first time we do an activity, it's like new water to them but then after you Show them, they'll understand. (10-28) Tamara was learning that if there is something that she wanted her students to know, she needed to be very explicit in introducing the concept. Throughout student teaching, Tamara identified other kinds of diversity in the classroom in terms of prior knowledge. For example, she described Kenton as a child who is very different from herself: 79 He has a sexual knowledge about the world that first graders should not have He is familiar with sexual terms that shocked me. He has knowledge of current news and weather but he is most different from me in terms of his expression of sexual knowledge. (10-14) Finally, in this area of racial and ethnic differences, Tamara experienced a number of situations where issues regarding race emerged. Tamara’s field experience at Hathaway school gave her some glimpses into the kind of ethnic and racial diversity issues she might encounter during student teaching but she still felt quite unsure of herself and uncomfortable when situations relating to race came up in the class. During the second week of student teaching, Tamara said to me in an interview: I feel like when we talk about racial things I have to watch Tyler because he's gonna say something. I notice myself watching him whenever we get into a discussion which could lead to racial things. I try to prevent him from saying something because once he gets going--I'm not comfortable dealing with him yet. (10-14) Of major concern to Tamara all throughout student teaching was how to handle Specific situations related to race that arose in the classroom. In the first interview with Tamara, she talked about her own biases and her lack of experience with others who are racially different from her: We had a lot of Mexicans in high school--Mexican-Americans I guess. I’m not sure but I had a bad stereotype of them. They were rough and were bullies and I never became friends with anybody from that culture. I think all my bad Black stereotypes are still there. I mean I still think about it--like when I’m at the school at night and go out to my car. I haven’t really had much experience. (8-31) During the student teaching semester, Tamara made several references to instances in the classroom where racial issues became important. One day Nathan, one of the four white children in the classroom, was working on his self-portrait and colored his skin black: I went up to him and asked him why he was coloring his picture black. He said, "Because she (a black girl) is" .I said, "Well, that is because she is black and you are white." He just looked for a minute. Then T.V., who is a 80 mulatto, stuck his arm over and said, "Hey, I'm darker than you Nathan, but not as black as Becky." Then T.V. flipped his hand over and said, "Hey, Nathan, my hand is almost as white as your arm." Nathan still wanted to color himself black. I said, "Go ahead,” you know. And then Kendall tells me all white people are prejudiced. I asked him where he got that idea and he said, "my mama told me." Glenn asked me the other day, "Do you know you a white girl?" I said, "I think I know that Glenn." It's interesting to me, you know. (10-14) Even though Tamara felt unsure of herself when it came to responding to racial issues, she made attempts to connect curriculum topics to the heritage of African- Americans. Since the majority of students in her class were African-American, Tamara thought that her students needed to know more about their history. On October 28, Tamara's lesson plan stated that her objective was to "expose the kids to black successful persons." Tamara began the lesson by telling her students: T: Today we're going to talk about George Washington Carver. Givonti, who do you think he was? G: President. T: Any other ideas? (Silence) Do you think he was a white man or a black man? (Most students say he was a white man.) Well, he was a black man. (Many students clench fists and raise in air saying, "Yes!") You'll have to put on your thinking cap for this one. George Washington Carver found 300 uses for this one plant. What do you think it is? (Shows picture of a plant) J: Tomato K: A flower T: It does look like a flower. D: Peanuts! T: Stand up and say that, Daniel! George Washington Carver discovered peanut butter, peanut oil, shampoo with peanut oil, face cream, 300 uses. I'm going to read you a book called Pocketful of Goobers. Do you know what goobers are? D: Like grapes? 81 T: Well, they are peanuts. (reads book) (IO-28) In the interview after the lesson, I asked Tamara if she had ever talked about other Afiican-Americans with the children. Her response was that they did talk about African-Americans in sports because that's what the children bring up. In summary, it’s clear that Tamara was experiencing some disequalibirum in the area of ethnic and racial diversity as she student taught in a classroom where many of the children came from very different backgrounds than her own. Differences that emerged for her in this area of racial and ethnic diversity related to communicative style, prior knowledge and racial issues. (B) Language Tamara found that her Afiican-American students often seemed to speak a language that was different from her own. She told about terms they used which she had never heard of before and about unfamiliar patterns of language interactions. Early on in student teaching, a child told Tamara about the term “whipping cor ”: I never knew what a whipping cord was and all the kids seemed to know. She was talking about getting beatings, whippings with a whipping cord. I just sort of sat there and looked at her. I had never heard of a whipping cord. (9-28) Another example of an unfamiliar term to Tamara came in talk about hair styles: They were talking about something the other day--oh--the thingies in their hair. I forget what you call them now--the things they braid into their hair that are fake and that make them look like they have a big thick thing of hair. (10-7) Not only unfamiliar terms, but grammar usage was a difference confronted by Tamara: T: They don't use verbs correctly and language like that--it's hard to get used to. 82 R: What do you do, then, about language in the classroom when you don't consider it to be standard English? T: Nothing. Right now just getting them to talk about things we want them to talk about and stuff is the issue. One of the African-American teachers at this school, Mrs. Bates, was willing to share her beliefs about dialect with me. She told me that she allows her children to use their dialect during most of the day but at times they had to use “book language.” (10- 28) In her last journal reflection, Tamara noted that the dialect of the African- American children had not been a problem for her. While she did not reflect a great deal on children using non-standard English at school, it seemed that she did recognize that this was an issue to consider. (C) Socioeconomic Tamara never had to wonder whether her own parents would provide her either a lunch or lunch money for school. At Hathaway school, she found her students’ not having lunch or lunch money a perplexing situation: We had two kids who, like the first week of school, we would let them charge until their free lunch went through. Two parents wouldn't send their children lunch money and so the school got tired of giving them their lunch and told them that they had to ask for peanut butter and crackers. That's just ridiculous, the things they have to go through here. It's like, are you serious? (8-31) During student teaching, Tamara made a number of references to the economic status of her children and their families, particularly in terms of lunch status--who paid full lunch prices and who qualified for free or reduced lunch prices: Brittany's mom and dad are really good about coming into everything and being supportive. They are parents who are willing to admit that their child isn't the top--the greatest, you know. They know she has some problems. They are the only ones who pay full lunch. All the other parents I've met, two are on reduced lunches and the rest are free... Those who pay the full or reduced priced lunches are among the first to send in money for field trips. Some of the parents whose children get free meals--it is more difficult to get the money from them. (10-18) 83 During the last weeks of student teaching, Tamara again reflected on economic status: I think many of the issues that I face in the classroom are around money more than race. Such as one child will get a new book bag when others do not even have a book bag. It is a sad issue to deal and I feel more comfortable dealing with race issues rather than economic issues. (10-28) Tamara thought about the financial resources of her students’ families most frequently in terms of lunch status at school. While Tamara limited her reflections to financial resources in the area of socioeconomic diversity, it is clear that she did recognize economic status as an issue that has a significant impact on the lives of children in her classroom. She suggested that it was more comfortable to talk and think about racial issues than about socioeconomic factors. (D)E . 1.. Tamara went into student teaching with the positive attitude that children with special needs would be an integral part of her classroom community. She was concerned, though, about this aspect of diversity among her students in terms of how to include them socially and academically into the classroom. Several incidents took place which challenged her belief that students with special needs could be part of the regular classroom. Early in October, Tamara attended a before school meeting with all of the elementary teachers in Hathaway school which was intended to focus on inclusion of all students in the classroom. In an interview with Tamara on the day of the meeting, she expressed her concerns: T: We had a meeting on inclusion this morning. R: Oh, you did? T: Yeah, with the primary education and special education people. They were talking about getting the special ed kids in the regular classroom more. It's fine for our Mth (moderately mentally handicapped) girl to be in our room. She only comes for specials and she went on a field trip with us...she isn't a behavior problem. But the MiMh (mildly mentally handicapped), he is such a behavior problem. My teacher told Billy he couldn't go on the next field trip because he went on the last one--did I tell 84 you about that? He went with us and he got into the pens. We were in with the baby cows and we looked over and there's like a small waiting-stall type-thing where the two month old calves go and they're getting pretty big when they're two months old. The next thing we know he's doing cartwheels out there in the two-month old pen and I'm like, "Oh, my goodness". What are you supposed to do, you know. They want him to go with us but he's not in our room all the time so... R: He is in a special education classroom? T: Yeah--we don't know how to deal with his problems...Yesterday he was laying [Sic] on the table--they're doing all this cutting and gluing. I go in there and he's on the table leaning over and talking to Scott. We can't handle him. We can't do it...Actually, for Billy, you have to have just one person to be zoning in on him--it's just amazing what they expect from us. (10-7) Tamara also brought up the struggles they were having with the children in the classroom who had hearing problems: R: What kind of hearing problems? T: Physically can't hear. So those children we really have to watch and sometimes I ask them, "did you hear what I said?" So those children, all of those who are supposed to have hearing difficulties, are problems in the class. R: In what way? T: They talk when we are talking. Some of them make noises. They start making noises and basically talking when they aren't supposed to. And they don't look at us. (IO-18) Tamara began thinking about the children with special needs as “problems” in terms of behavior and in planning for instruction. When I asked her how she went about planning for teaching when she had students with so many different needs, she responded by saying: T: It's very difficult to plan for these children and their specialized teachers are not quick to help in that planning. Unless there are smaller classes of full-time paraprofessionals I could not imagine those children getting the help they need. Also, I can see the other students being cheated because of the teachers needing to individualize instruction for those mildly and moderately mentally handicapped children and our hearing impaired 85 students. Next year when inclusion goes full scale at Hathaway, I'm glad I won’t be there to see it. (10-18) Tamara’s experiences at Hathaway challenged her initial beliefs that children with special needs should be included in a regular classroom setting. She found it difficult to think about planning and implementing instruction for such a wide diversity of educational needs. Children with special needs tended to be viewed as “problems in the classroom. (E) Slender There were several references to gender from the data collected on Tamara’s experiences in the classroom. Unfortunately, these references were brief, resulting in many questions about the particular instances on which she reflected. During the first interview with Tamara, I asked her to describe the way the children in her classroom related to one another. While the following incident is also directly related to area of race, the fact that she particularly talked about the girls in her class convinced me to use the gender category instead of the ethnic and racial category: I think the strong personalities are protective of the weaker personalities in the classroom which is most of the time the black girls protecting the two white girls. I didn’t expect that. We’ve got a lot of--most of the girls--I think we have one black girl with a personality that isn’t like outgoing and bold. (8-31) This conversation took another turn so specific examples of her thinking were never established. In another area, Tamara spoke about her concerns with classroom management and reflected on the way She responded differently to the behavior of boys and girls. She commented that she finds herself “yelling at boys--I can see a girl doing the same thing and I don’t jump on them.” 86 A final reference to gender emerged from Tamara’s journal on October 27 as she reflected on the ways in which the children were making connections to her farm unit: Some of the children in the classroom were very excited about the plant experiments that we did in the class like the celery in colored water and the bean swell. Generally, the boys were the most verbal and excited. (IO-27) In summary, while gender issues were not dominant throughout student teaching, the above instances provides enough data to suggest that Tamara was noticing and reflecting on gender diversity. (F) EamihLEattsuns It was very clear to Tamara that her mother, father and siblings were her immediate family unit. When she was growing up, someone from this unit was present when She came home from school each day. In contrast, she talked about how many of her students went home to "nobody" and she became confused when trying to sort out who "family" was for each student. Tamara's experiences in her rural farm community gave her the strong sense that family and neighbors take care of each other. A number of instances in the classroom caused her to face the idea that there may be different ways to think about "who is family?" and the kinds of roles played by family members: I don't understand a lot of their home situations from the kids talking. They talk about their aunties all the time, grandmas too, but then suddenly they're talking about mom--it's like, is mom there? And then dad-~it's like mom and dad together and you're not with mom and dad--you know. That's what I'm thinking. It's very confusing. They have the most confusing homes...I feel like I don't want to leave anybody out--like when I say, take this home to mom and dad--mom and dad, auntie, grandpa, grandma, whoever. (8-31) In late September, Tamara ate lunch with several of the children which included one with whom she seemed to be having the most trouble in terms of management and discipline, Daniel. In spite of her frustrations with him, Tamara 87 made efforts to get to know him better and started thinking about possible differences between her socialization and Daniel’s which might explain his behavior patterns which didn't match her own. In her journal entry after her lunch with Daniel, Tamara wrote that Daniel is the child I have the most problems with. He lives with his mom and two siblings. His father lives in a near by apartment and comes to visit often... Daniel's favorite thing about school is " Student of the Week" although he has not received this award. Daniel's friends are people who come to his house to play. I would like to say that I understand my problem with Daniel better; however, I do not. One aspect of Daniel's personality that I did gain [knowledge of] was that he talked all during lunch and stood up to eat; something I am clearly not accustomed to within my society. I still hope to gain insights into my relationship with Daniel. (9-27) Unfamiliar family situations relayed to Tamara by the children in the class left her in a quandary. During an interview in late September, Tamara elaborated on one conversation with J avonte: Like they tell you things about their family and I don't know how to respond. I mean, I don't know how to respond to things they do and say. One day Javonte asked me if I had kids. I'm like, "No, I don't have any children." Then he asked, "Why aren't you married?” "Well, I haven't found anyone, Javonte." "You should be trying to find someone." Then he told me everything about his family, the bad stuff and the good stuff, who died, who got shot. (9-28) When I asked her how she found herself responding to things like "my brother got shot last night,” she answered that she usually asked them what happened and if the person who got shot is okay. She then will tell them she hopes they get better. "I don't write them off,” Tamara said, "but yet, I don't want them to get upset." During this same interview in late September, Tamara admitted that she had gone into student teaching with a negative attitude about parents of children in this school: "they're not going to be very helpful and they're just going to be kind of-- they're going to fight us all the way." Throughout the thirteen weeks of student teaching, several instances arose concerning parents which supported this initial 88 attitude. In an interview in early October, Tamara noted an incident conceming a note from a parent that made her angry and frustrated; We got this letter from one of the parents this morning. We send home tons of notes from the office--killing trees--and the child's mother said that she didn't want her child out in the cold today and it was too short of a notice to have him wear red today. And she didn't want his red shirt showing because she wanted his coat zipped and buttoned. We weren't going to let his coat open just to see the red--we're having this neighborhood walk against drugs today at 1:15 and I'm like, get serious, it was so negative, like we were just idiots... A lot of the kids don't even have red on today. I didn't even know we were supposed to wear red today. But, just things that you aren't expecting and they're thinking totally different things--it's like that with anybody you work with but parents are like--gotta protect my child. I'm not saying they shouldn't but it just seems like they're not concerned enough to come in about grades and when they're having a problem in school but Lord, when they think we're not going to button and zip their coats, they're gonna have a fit on us. (10-7) Tamara went on to add that “it would just seem like parents would at least acknowledge a note that was sent home-just to get some kind of a response.” She felt like the effort was all in one direction--fi'om teacher to parent and without reciprocity. Tamara wondered what parents did think about the school and the classroom: "I have no clue what they think about us, what they think we're doing here. I don't know what they think, they won't even respond." Tamara also began to see differing norms between school and home, especially in ways of responding to conflict. She related the story of one mother who came in for conferences who explained to the teachers that she told her daughter not to take anything from other kids, to hit them back. Tamara recognized the conflicting message for the child but clearly felt that the message the school was giving was the COITCCI one: 89 Yeah, she’s getting two totally different messages ‘cause we’re telling her “you're going to get in trouble for fighting and it's not going to solve the problem” and her mother is telling her to hit back. I thought, no wonder we can't do anything, you know. (IO-18) Tamara’s supervising teacher, Mrs. Birdley, seemed to enjoy working at making the classroom a hospitable place for parents. However, Tamara picked up from other faculty and staff members a negative attitude about teaching at Hathaway: They say it's hard to get parents involved and that the kids get “attitudes” by second grade. And some of them even come into the kindergarten with attitudes. I'm not sure they would say that about white kids, that they come in with an attitude. (10-18) In spite of Tamara’s criticism of parents, She generally seemed to feel positive about her interaction with parents during student teaching. In her last journal entry, she noted that I had to become comfortable dealing with parents during this term or be uncomfortable many times. I saw parents at: back-to-school night; first- grade parent night; Parent’s Day; Indian Awards Day; class and school parties; the school play; and during parent-teacher conferences. 1 was able to send notes home to parents concerning many of these activities and was then able to talk with parents during these times. Most all of this communication was very positive. (11-8) Di Elll'l “.1 lEl' As Tamara student taught in a culturally diverse classroom, she confronted a number of differences between herself and her students. These include differences in ethnicity and race; language; socioeconomic background; gender; special education needs; and family patterns. Nieto’s (1992) model characterizing levels of multicultural attitudes and behaviors was adapted as a frame for analyzing the development of Tamara’s multicultural attitudes and behaviors in these areas of differences. See Figure 3 at the end of this case study for a summary of this development. 90 (A) RaoialnniEthnio Tamara spent a significant amount of time during student teaching trying to resolve the dilemma of determining appropriate classroom interaction between students and teacher. At the beginning of student teaching, she was quite concerned about the active role that her students took in responding to her teaching, particularly in the ways that related to the amount of verbal interaction. From her own schooling experiences, she was used to the teacher talking and the children listening. In this classroom, students seemed to be involved in much more verbal interchange with her while she was teaching. She tolerated this difference but found it frustrating and actually physically exhausting as she tried to shout over the students. At the beginning of student teaching in August, Tamara seemed to be at Level One in her development of multicultural attitudes and behaviors in terms of differences in communicative style. While managing the classroom, the issue of student/teacher interaction was initially a concern for Tamara but towards the end of student teaching she was beginning to think that perhaps her own schooling experience was not necessarily the only way for education to take place: it may not be necessary for children to sit in silence while a book is being read to the class. In late October, after talking with another student teacher (whose classroom was in a suburban setting with mostly Anglo children) about her struggles with her expectations of students in terms of verbal interactions, Tamara wrote: I was thinking about my conversation with Leanne when she said that it is not a question in her classroom of whether the children will get quiet when she is talking, they just do. Maybe our expectations for Hathaway should be the same as for her children. I do not know, should we have the same expectations socially as other schools? Personally, I think not, as long as it does not interfere with the learning environment. I still have the same academic expectations as I would have with other children but not the same social expectations. For me, this was a very interesting discovery about my own teaching. (10-28) 91 By the end of student teaching, Tamara thinking had developed from a Level One (Tolerance for Differences) to the beginning of Level Two (Acceptance of Differences) in regards to differences in communicative style. She felt more comfortable with differences in communicative style between herself and her students and realized that her way of communicating was not necessarily the only way. Her students were learning in ways that had not been a part of her background but she acknowledged that these ways were of value. In addition to different communicative styles, Tamara readily acknowledged that many of the children at this school had a different kind of prior knowledge than her own. What the children knew about and how they knew were different. While some of Tamara’s assumptions regarding what students knew about content seemed to stem from a lack of teaching experience with first graders, other assumptions were more culture-based. Tamara's rural background and the children's urban experiences often did not connect. Tamara attempted to resolve some of these differences through content of the curriculum and the ways in which she planned for children to engage in learning. In August, Tamara seemed to enter student teaching at Level One (Tolerance for Differences) and moved to a Level Two (Acceptance) category by the end of student teaching in December as she began to accept the prior knowledge of her students as important and made attempts to connect this knowledge to the curriculum. The pilot study documentation shows that Tamara was concerned at the outset of her student teaching about issues related to race. While her attitude was one of tolerance (Level One) and openness to learning about cultural differences, she felt uncomfortable with how to handle issues related to race, especially that of color. As she developed relationships with the children and became involved in several incidents with them which involved talking about racial issues, the focus of her written reflections as well as the oral interviews portrayed an attitude of acceptance of diversity and an acknowledgment of the importance of talking about these differences. 92 Tamara found that as student teaching continued she did not have to ignore comments about differences such as skin color because she did not know what to say. She began to feel more comfortable addressing differences in a small group setting with the students who were involved at the moment with a particular concern. She found that when children brought up issues of color on their own, she could then keep them thinking by asking questions and could keep them talking. Tamara’s entering beliefs and attitudes about racial diversity was characterized by tolerance accompanied by some anxiety and uncertainty. Throughout the student teaching semester, she became more accepting and able to acknowledge the importance of racial differences. She developed from a Level One (Tolerance) stage of multicultural attitudes and behaviors to at least the beginning of Level Two (Acceptance of Differences). (B) Language Tamara entered student teaching with the knowledge that African-American students talked about things that she did not understand. However, she acknowledged these differences and was interested in discovering the meaning of these unfamiliar terms. She also became aware that many of the African-American students used non- standard English as they communicated in the classroom but this did not seem to be an area that concerned her. It seems that Tamara entered student teaching with an attitude of tolerance (Level One) of these differences in language and remained at that level throughout the semester. (C) Socioeconomic Tamara made several direct references to differences between herself and her students in terms of socioeconomic status. She was quite aware that economic and class factors play a salient role in issues of diversity. While she was uncomfortable talking about economic differences, she realized the impact that financial resources have on opportunities for her students. Tamara continued to characterize children and their families in relationship to the lunch status of students at school (full pay, free or 93 reduced lunch). Tamara seemed to enter and remain at Level One (Tolerance for Differences) throughout student teaching in her thinking about socioeconomic diversity. (D)E . 1.. Tamara's attitude at the beginning of student teaching towards children with special needs in her classroom was one of acceptance (Level Two) She knew that she would have students with a variety of special needs and although she had some concerns about how to accommodate these needs, her attitude was one of acceptance of this form of diversity. During her weeks of student teaching, however, she grew more disillusioned with the idea that children with special needs can be accommodated academically and socially into the regular classroom. Experiences in including children with special needs, coupled with the attitude of a number of classroom teachers in the building, seemed to have challenged her earlier beliefs. Tamara's level of attitude seemed to shift from the belief that children with special needs should be accepted and included in the regular classroom community (Level Two) back to a beginning level of tolerance (Level One) in the area of exceptionalities. (E) Gender Tamara reflected on several instances throughout student teaching that involved gender diversity. In one instance She separated out the girls in the class by suggesting that the Black girls protected the White girls. In another area related to gender, she reflected on how she seemed to react in more negative ways to the behavior of the boys in her classroom in comparison to the behavior of the girls. In a final reference to gender, she reflected on her observation that the boys in the classroom seemed to be more excited about the plant experiments they were doing in the classroom in comparison to the responses of the girls. These instances relating to 94 gender groups do not fit neatly into a particular category, but do indicate that Tamara is acknowledging differences in the area of gender and is thinking about these differences in relationship to her teaching. She seems to have begun student teaching in August at a tolerance level (Level One) and remained at this level throughout the semester. (F) W Tamara entered student teaching with a conception of family based on her own family background--a father, mother, brothers and sisters--living in the same house. She thought of a family as a traditional family unit--mother, father and children. Tamara became much more aware of different family configurations during her time at Hathaway school and seemed to become more accepting of the fact that children do have family even though who is in a family may not match her own conception of family. She seemed to begin student teaching at a low level of tolerance for family configurations different from her own and developed into the level of acceptance (Level Two). Tamara's attitude toward parents at the beginning of student teaching could be classified as a "us against them" kind of attitude. She found that her view of how parents should respond to their children and to the school did not correspond to what she was experiencing in interactions with parents of the children in her classroom. She found these differences to be a source of frustration throughout student teaching. However, she did find personal contacts with parents to be congenial as indicated when she reflected in her last journal reflection about Specific events at school where these contacts took place. In the area of family patterns related to differences in social patterns and values, Tamara seemed to enter and remain tolerant (Level One) throughout her student teaching experience. 95 Simmer: The data suggests that Tamara confronted differences during student teaching between herself and her first grade students in all six categories of diversity identified in this study: racial and ethnic; language; socioeconomic; exceptionalities; gender; and family patterns. At the beginning of student teaching, Tamara tolerated differences in the area of racial and ethnic diversity. She realized that her students exhibited a different communicative style than her own. Tamara also learned that there were differences between the prior knowledge brought to school by her students in comparison to her own. In addition, although she tolerated the situations that arose in the classroom regarding race, she also felt uncomfortable dealing with specific racial issues. As she interacted with her students over the student teaching semester and reflected on these interactions, she began to value and accept these differences. In the areas of language, socioeconomic and gender diversity, Tamara found unfamiliar terms and patterns of speech; unfamiliarity with economic situations; and various gender issues. In these areas, while she did encounter particular situations that caused her to reflect and react, she seemed to remain at a tolerance level throughout student teaching. Entering this first grade classroom, Tamara seemed to acknowledge and value the special needs of children. She supported the concept of including all children as much as possible into the regular classroom setting and seemed to be ready to make accommodations for their needs. However, as student teaching proceeded, Tamara experienced frustration with this arrangement and became less willing to explore alternative ways to include these children. She developed lower expectations for children with special needs. Finally, Tamara identified differences between herself and her students in relationship to family patterns. Tamara went into student teaching defining family in a 96 way that reflected her own experiences in a two-parent family from a rural community. As student teaching progressed, she began to acknowledge and value the various family configurations represented in the classroom. However, throughout student teaching, Tamara continued to be puzzled and somewhat uncomfortable with the differences she perceived between her own sense of social patterns and values and those of her students and their families. 97 6V £82 $53.23 can «mean? 3523335 mo £26..— ”Smack Cc conga camera accuse “8.25 3 flag .aaz ace 398$ O X engage sesame 38m .55? co «concourse szE 55% OX «.955 .8980 E 58:00 mac—om we mfimbomzoum mun—290 aouflmfice‘ ESEUESU EofiouaE Seamed—U mmEAfifid gmtam manuom .325. no 28888 mzfitfi 592m Ox R390 8980 .5“ F8950 8.0% no wfinboouocm KmDZmU OX Ox aouflmamé EsauESU “8583“" Seaman—U mm§oA EDA «013m 60 8562 Go a=ws< esteem Sense. Beam as" 582 58 venues O x 82;?“ 95:8 spam 0 x ...:Eam. Lo Scenes.— szE Sofia C x «@580 .8980 ..8 F8980 nee—om we wfigoflflm yawn—ZED acumen—«3‘ 53362.50 C x EoEoomE 809330 mflEA 98 E823 Boom X 3:58"? we 983.88g was“ >A=Z282 Ox m5»..& 0 x 53:5. muzmtfiufimsu 32993 O x 584 O x 3:50 1 Ox mEBfi O x 53:5. wwvflasocx 5th :34 . 3.382 ASS“: O x 35:: Bbm w>nmuE=EEoU «med 0 x f . 32:2 Ox {1 5688‘ 3 Std .83ng 5« mcozmfiomxm U—ZE an 450: ”.5958 SEE a. E5558 a 525—52. .ZOE‘SEFZ E Ummmmm 5 muz<8muu< 8 823.528 no 85 a. taxman mo may? 213 {avg alllllmwg ASE & E u E mm. mconmcmmvxx 5:32:50 gash >882 OX ESSA E a E 5. “8:885 800830 mm—:AEE< 3V HUM—Emmy— A0 mUZ 98 283mm 380m OX :35 32:2 mEucu~ E u E E. mZMmtAg