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(IZ‘AI. $A{A1\A |11|Ia“ A A . . .. . u 1 Allu'iln...).. .IA: (-0.. A A Ira. . (A'M v‘u‘ll‘A Ac)... .o¢.“lv . A5: 5 . .15 1:10 A. A A A A . A. A .A u . A. . . A A-.l .11.)...” tarllxnltlr ['\' 6.1!, A. Ovzvity A A2,... Aoi- .1; . Ar A . . A. . A . . . A A A A . A A A k .AI . AA: AIIA' .‘aloo. IAAA..:r. I .171 A 1A A ...| .Vl..AA.A.r.Z.A IA .. .: ruff. A A A o\ A AA A AA A A . ~AA. «An. 11... .v-.lv_vo.A A. A- v I A a ‘1 ‘ 7‘ f l 0‘ I'll ‘l’l'bk [I ' THESIS 3 93 01565 6907 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled THE ROLE OF RECRUITMENT, TRAINING AND EARLY FACULTY EXPERIENCES IN THE SOCIALIZATION OF SECOND-CAREER COLLEGE FACULTY AT A COLLEGE OF APPLIED ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY presented by William A. Magill has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PhD. degree in Education Major professor MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or hetero date duo. DATE DUE‘ DATE DUE DATE DUE f nsu icAnNflrmatlvo Adlai/Equal oppomnnyimmon WW1 ’— THE ROLE OF RECRUITMENT, TRAINING AND EARLY FACULTY EXPERIENCES IN THE SOCIALIZATION OF SECOND-CAREER COLLEGE FACULTY AT A COLLEGE OF APPLIED ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY By William A. Magill A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHJLOSOPHY Department of Educational Administration 1997 ABSTRACT THE ROLE OF RECRUITMENT, TRAINING AND EARLY FACULTY EXPERIENCES IN THE SOCIALIZATION OF SECOND-CAREER COLLEGE FACULTY AT A COLLEGE OF APPLIED ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY By William A. Magill In this study, the case method was used to explore the factors that bring about the socialization of faculty at a College of Applied Arts and Technology (CAAT). Through qualitative methods, the study examined the impact of faculty recruitment and selection, formal faculty training and informal faculty experiences during entry and in the early years of their service. The most influential attractors to newcomers into the CAAT studied was the perceived lifestyle of the professor, ease of entry into the profession and the vocational orientation of the CAAT. Recruitment of new professors appears to come predominantly by way of direct contact with vocational areas and selection criteria tend to focus on vocational expertise and reputation with little regard to teaching skills or the afi‘ective qualities of candidates. Newcomers appear to have limited or no knowledge of the realities of the lifestyle of a professor before their entry into the college. The most commonly unanticipated realities were workload, the complexity of bureaucracy, the intricacy of teaching responsibilities, and inadequate support for teaching activities. Also unanticipated were the high degree of collegiality, the diversity of faculty roles, and the college’s culture of informality, fi'eedom and flexibility. Unlike most occupations, that of the CAAT professor does not usually have a well defined anticipatory stage of socialization. Rather, transforrnative experiences usually begin only upon entry into the college. Formal socialization agents proved to have variable degrees of success, generally having less impact than expected primarily because of the lack a sound theoretical framework. While the purpose of formal experiences is to attempt to socialize newcomers into the organization, new professors appear to ofl‘er resistance. Instead, they tend to maintain a strong identity with their academic departments and their previous careers. More important than the formal influences were the informal ones, especially the interaction with students and peers, although these appear to afi‘ect diflbrent aspects of the newcomers socialization. Informal influences appear to exert their influence more at the department level, preserving and reinforcing the vocation-centered identity. The study concludes with eighteen recommendations that the author believes would help the CAAT studied to improve the career socialization of new professors. Copyright by William Arthur Magill 1997 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation has been a long and difficult journey that would not have been possible without the help of many. First and foremost I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. James E. Snoddy, for his invaluable support and guidance throughout my doctoral program. His intellect and insights contributed immensely to my academic growth. However, his patience, thoughtfulness and generosity made his contributions more than academic. When my energy waned, he energized me; when my enthusiasm flagged, he elevated my spirits; when my direction became errant, he steered me skillfully. I would also like to extend my appreciation to the other members of my committee, Dr. Ann Austin, Dr. Cas Heilman, Dr Irv Lehman and especially to Dr. Howard Hickey who launched me on this adventure. A very special thanks to my wife Joy, who in the midst of her own dificult journey, found the love and encouragement to see me through the most dificult period of my life. Thanks for being my inspiration and for believing in me and my potential. A special thanks, also, to my mother, Gladys St Clair, for expressing the pride she felt in everything I have ever done and for rewarding me so generously with hugs. I also wish to thank my daughter Cheryl for sharing with me her loving, gentle ways, my daughter Kim for her love and for showing me the power of persistence and my son Ryan for his love, friendship and the gift of laughter when I needed it most. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. Introduction ............................................................................................ l 1.1. Problem Statement ..................................................................................... 3 1.2 Purpose of the Study .................................................................................. 4 1.3 Research Questions .................................................................................... S 1.4 Significance of the Study ............................................................................ 6 1.5 Definitions .................................................................................................... 8 Chapter 2. Selected Review of the Literature ......................................................... 10 2.1 Anticipatory Stage ....................................................................................... 12 2.2 Entry and Induction Stage ........................................................................... 12 2.3 Role Continuance Stage ............................................................................... 19 2.4 Anticipatory Socialization of the K-12 Teacher ............................................. 20 2.5 Anticipatory Socialization of the University Professor .................................. 23 2.6 Recruitment and Socialization of the K-12 Teacher ...................................... 24 2.7 Recruitment and Socialization of the University Professor ............................ 26 2.8 Entry and Induction of the K-12 teacher ...................................................... 28 2.9 Entry and Induction of the University Professor ........................................... 29 2.10 Career Socialization ofCAAT Faculty .......................................................... 30 Chapter 3. Design and Methodology .................................................................... 32 3.1 Selection Of Participants ............................................................................... 33 3.2 Access to the Participants ............................................................................ 34 3.3 Data Collection ............................................................................................ 35 3.4 Data Coding and Analysis ............................................................................. 38 3 .5 Validity and Reliability .................................................................................. 38 3.6 Limitations of the Study ............................................................................... 39 Chapter 4. Findings ..................................................................................................... 41 4.1 Attractors and Facilitators to Entry into a CAAT ......................................... 41 4.2 Understanding of CAAT Teaching and the CAAT System ........................... 49 4.3 Reality Congruence Testing ......................................................................... 52 4.3.1. Faculty workload ........................................................................ 52 4.3.2. Organizational characteristics ...................................................... 56 4.3.3. Collegiality .................................................................................. 62 4.3.4. Curricular issues .......................................................................... 64 4.3.5. Nature of the CAAT student ........................................................ 69 4.3.6. Diversity of faculty roles .............................................................. 74 4.3.7. Job insecurity .............................................................................. 76 4.4. Recruitment ................................................................................................ 77 4.5. Selection ..................................................................................................... 83 4.6. Formal and informal socialization agents ..................................................... 88 4.7. Formal influences on career socialization ..................................................... 88 4.7.1. Adult Education Component ........................................................ 90 4.7.2. Orientation Week ......................................................................... 102 4.7.3. Formal mentors ........................................................................... 112 4.7.4. Major Educational Project ........................................................... 1 16 4.8. Informal Influences on Career Socialization ................................................ 123 4.8.1. Students ..................................................................................... 123 4.8.2. Peers .......................................................................................... 129 4.8.3. Informal mentors ......................................................................... 136 4.8.4. Role models ................................................................................ 139 4.8.5. Department meetings ................................................................... 142 4.8.6. Institutional rituals ..................................................................... 146 4.8.7. Institutional symbols ................................................................... 150 4.8.8. Academic managers ..................................................................... 156 4.8.9. Reflective practice ....................................................................... 16] 4.8.10. Other sources of faculty career socialization ............................... 163 Chapter 5. Conclusions .............................................................................................. 166 5.1. Anticipatory Stage of Career Socialization ................................................... 166 5.1.1 Attractors .................................................................................... 166 5.1.2. Facilitators .................................................................................. 170 5.1.3. Understanding of the CAAT ....................................................... 171 5.1.4. Socialization process variables ..................................................... 171 5.2. Entry and Induction Stage ........................................................................... 174 5.2.1. Reality congruence testing ........................................................... 174 5.3. Formal Influences on Career Socialization .................................................... 178 5.3.1. Adult Education Component ........................................................ 178 5.3.2. Orientation Week ........................................................................ 181 5.3.3. Formal Mentoring Program ......................................................... 183 5.3.4. Major Educational Project ........................................................... 184 5.4. Informal Influences on Career Socialization ................................................. 186 5.4.1. Students ...................................................................................... 186 5.4.2. Peers ........................................................................................... 187 5.4.3. Informal mentors ......................................................................... 189 5.4.4. Role models ................................................................................ 189 5.4.5. Academic managers ..................................................................... 190 vii 5.4.6. Department meetings .................................................................. 191 5.4.7. Institutional rituals and symbols ................................................... 191 5.4.8. Other sources of faculty career socialization ................................ 193 5.5. Socialization Strategies Used in this CAAT ................................................... 193 Chapter 6. Recommendations ................................................................................... 200 References ................................................................................................................... '206 viii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs) were established by an Act of the Legislature of the Province of Ontario in 1967. At their inception, the CAATs were designed to provide post-secondary education and training that was an alternative to the university experience. Although the focus of their curricula was to be on vocational education and training, they were to include a general education component that would make them comprehensive institutions similar to community colleges in the United States. i The need for a vocational focus set an expectation that faculty be drawn from the businesses and industries for which students were to be prepared. Except for general education faculty, prospective professors were required to have a minimum of two years of vocational experience as a condition of employment. Some held degrees at the baccalaureate level, while those teaching general education courses usually held degrees at either the baccalaureate or the master's level. Few of either group, however, had formal or informal preparation as educators. These "second-career teachers" had undergone preparation for entry into the trades and professions from which they came, and they had undergone fiirther vocational development throughout their years of service. However, attracting candidates who were both vocational experts and experienced educators proved to be problematic. 2 Consequently, the CAAT system struggled with how to take practitioners who identified very strongly with their own vocational areas and to help them to make the shift in identity to adult educators. Before this change in identity of second-career CAAT faculty can be understood, it is necessary to gain insight into the processes by which an individual "becomes" a CAAT professor by viewing the process as one of career socialization, or more appropriately, of career resocialization (Fuller and Bown 1977; POpkewitz 1979; Zeichner 1980; Giroux 1980). According to Lortie (1975, 56), where socialization is potent the predisposition of newcomers becomes less important through time; the selves of participants tend to merge with the values and norms built into the occupation. The opposite holds true where socialization is weak; in that case, the attitudes, values and orientation people bring with them continue to influence the conduct of work. Research into the career socialization of elementary and secondary school teachers and university professors is abundant; in the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology, there has been a lack of research into the career socialization of faculty. In this study, an attempt will be made to explore how the faculty at one CAAT perceive the agents that impacted upon their own career resocialization. The study will include three elements - the role played by recruitment and selection; the effects of the formal faculty preparation program and the efl‘ects of informal faculty experiences in the first three years after entry into the profession. 1.1. Problem statement To enter an organization and to remain productive, contributing, firlfilled members, all employees undergo a process of career socialization, through which the institution's values and norms mold the individual and the individual molds the organization (Merton 1967; Presthus 1978; Tierney and Rhoads 1993). Throughout their careers, individuals learn and play roles and form occupational identities, beginning during their pre-service preparation and continuing until their retirement. Understanding the process of career socialization through research allows the organization to control and direct it in positive ways (Tierney and Rhoads 1993) In the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology, faculty are drawn from professions other than education and have undergone a process of career socialization through experiences in former settings. Although the CAATs ofl‘er new faculty formal inservice training programs, there appears to be great dissatisfaction with their efl‘ectiveness. Furthermore, as with all institutions, the CAATs undoubtedly exert informal influences on newcomers. To date, little is known about either the formal or the informal socialization agents that transform the identities of newcomers from those of a vocational specialist into those of a CAAT professor. Therefore, if CAATs are to control and direct faculty socialization, they must understand more fully the processes through which faculty socialization occurs. For example, they must gain insight about how recruitment practices, formal faculty development programs and early faculty experiences impact upon career socialization. 1.2. Purpose of the Study The Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology are, in many respects, strikingly different from either the K-12 or university levels of education. Recruitment of faculty is based largely upon the newcomer's success in occupations other than education. It follows that the prospective faculty should have been successfully socialized into that occupation and would bring those attitudes and values to the CAAT where they would be imparted to its students. On entry into the CAAT system, they would need to adopt a new set of values consistent with the role of the CAAT professor. An interesting dichotomy emerges. It is not clear whether more recruits are torn away from the previous occupation into which they had been successfully socialized, or whether they are more often cases of role failure, in which poorly socialized individuals leave the occupation because of a poor fit between themselves and the organization they left. If the former is the case, over-identification with the vocation may make resocialization as a teacher difficult; if the latter, it is doubtfirl that such faculty would be as successful in serving the role of transmitters of the values of the vocation. Unlike the K-12 and university levels of education, with few exceptions, there is no informal anticipatory stage to the socialization of CAAT faculty because most are not graduates of a CAAT program. Likewise, for most, a formal anticipatory stage does not exist. Because prospective CAAT faculty are usually well established in their careers and in their personal lives, most are unable to take leave from the work place to complete a formal teacher training program, even if one existed. The best alternative that the CAAT system can offer is a mandatory in-service training program consisting of a one-week orientation followed by weekly seminars over a period of one year. To date, there has been no research into the 5 socializing impact of these formal experiences. CAAT faculty report to academic managers who are not faculty and are governed by boards whose members are not necessarily either CAAT faculty nor vocational experts. By their nature, unlike the universities, CAATs do not have highly developed disciplinary subcultures, with their own rich, complex bodies of knowledge. Except in the general education area, most academic departments consist of few faculty and curricula are vocation- specific, encouraging faculty to identify with and maintain strong ties to their respective vocations more than with faculty in other departments. The purpose of this study is to explore formal and informal ways that faculty at one College of Applied Arts and Technology are presently resocialized from their vocations into the field of CAAT teaching. Because this study employs a qualitative approach, it is anticipated that rich, detailed information will emerge. It is also anticipated that the findings will result in an examination of current practices and will help to shape institutional policy about recruitment and faculty development. On a personal level, the experience may help informants to reflect upon their own development and create meaning about the value of their socialization experiences. 1.3. Research Questions This study was organized around the following central research question: "How do second career CAAT faculty experience the early stages of their career socialization?" Out of this central question a number of research questions arose: 1. What motivates individuals to enter into a career in CAAT teaching? What do they believe and value about CAAT teaching that would motivate them to change careers? 6 2. In what ways, and to what extent, does the recruitment process communicate the institution's mission and values to faculty aspirants? 3. What qualities do recruiters look for in the selection of prospective new faculty? 4. In what ways do recruiters consider the resocialization of new faculty when making decisions about new hires? 5. In what ways does the formal faculty development program develop the skills, attitudes and values of new faculty? 6. In what ways does the faculty development program help new faculty to develop a sense of professional identity, to understand their roles and the norms of the institution? 7. What experiences during their first three years of CAAT teaching are most instrumental in helping new faculty to develop a sense of professional values and identity, to understand their roles and the norms of the institution? 8. During the first three years of service, what experiences help to develop the practices and attitudes of new faculty? 1.4. Significance of the Study Educational institutions are social constructions which are constantly changing as a result of influences from within and from without. As with all social constructions, they possess cultures that influence the individuals within them and, in turn, are influenced by them. Policies and practices change to meet institutional needs; employee pools change through layofi‘s and retirements; and individuals change through their own professional growth and development. The introduction of new employees and the maintenance of established ones as productive group members depends upon the success of their socialization. (Merton 1967) Referring to educational institutions, Boice (1992, 4) points out that "the early experiences in the classroom and in other academic affairs. . . predict more about faculty 7 career habits than any other formative period, including graduate school. Once under way, career paths may be hard to change.” According to Merton (1967), during these early years, individuals are molded to the culture of an organization by a variety of formal and informal means as they move fi'om being outsiders to being group members. In tum, suggest Tierney and Rhoads (1993), the inclusion of newcomers changes organizations. They caution that institutions need to consider more carefully how to socialize individuals into their culture. They warn that "when organizations do not make [their] culture explicit to new members they are assuming that they all interpret the institution's symbolic life in the same way. " They propose a need, not to maintain unquestioned norms, but to consider what those norms are and how they might need to change with the inclusion of new group members. They assert, "Such a process means that all individuals [and organizations] are involved in ongoing socialization and learning." They point out that the challenge for an institution is to be reflective about their organizational culture and how it goes about socializing its members. How do they learn? How does the culture exclude some individuals and reward others? What might improve? These questions firndamentally revolve around issues of socialization. For institutions in the 21st century the struggle is not merely to reflect on these questions but to develop culturally-specific strategies that enhance faculty socialization. . . (Tierney and Rhoads 1993, 17) For Boice (1992, 4), "a good justification for collecting data about [socialization agents] is that doing so will provide the information base we need to make better informed decisions about designing them." For the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology, however, the journey toward understanding the process of faculty career socialization has barely begun. The significance of this study, therefore, is that it will help to fill the gap in our understanding of the processes 8 of recruitment and selection, faculty development and early experiences and their impact on the career socialization of CAAT faculty. In tum, this newly-gained understanding may benefit institutions by providing the means for a better faculty-institution fit through improved recruitment practices. It may benefit faculty by changing formal faculty development programs so that they focus on the socialization of new faculty, thereby facilitating the transformation of their identities to include that of CAAT teacher. It may increase the probability that new faculty will be more successfirlly integrated into the organization's culture and become functional, productive group members. It may help to avoid the cost- inefi‘ectiveness of retraining faculty who are unproductive and unhappy or replacing those who leave. lastly, it may increase the likelihood of faculty job satisfaction over the long term. 1.5. Definitions A number of terms that have their origin in the field of sociology required some definition throughout the course of this research. Their meanings as they have been used in this study are given below: Career socialization: The process of adopting the practices, norms, attitudes, values and behaviors in an organizational setting College of Applied Arts and Technology: A post-secondary institution found in the province of Ontario, Canada. It offers one, two or three year programs that are designed to be an alternative to a university experience, with a focus on vocational education and training. It does not have a transfer function to a university. Norms: Unwritten rules, shared beliefs of most members about what behavior is appropriate and attainable to be a member in good standing. In this study moral, technical and procedural norms will be considered. Moral norms include standards of right and wrong, good and bad. Technical norms include 9 standards of how to do a job, such as teaching. Procedural norms involve standards of performance according to a custom, such as the maintenance of student records. Values: While norms are shared ideas of "correct" behavior in a group, values are more firndamental notions of ideal behavior, usually unattainable but to be striven for. ..... CHAPTER 2 SELECTED REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE The following is a selected review of the available literature on the career socialization ofK-12 teachers and university professors. It reports on the wisdom, practices and findings of the past forty years, drawing from the fields of sociology and education. The theoretical framework of this study is that, like all organizations, educational institutions are social constructions that are influenced by societal values and environmental contingencies. They possess their own culture, with rules and policies, values and rituals, heroes and villains - all of which give meaning to the employees as a part of the organization. Consequently, for individuals who move into educational institutions, to adapt to them and become functional members, they must undergo an ongoing process of socialization. Out of this theoretical framework there has arisen a model which is useful for the purposes of this study. Although this model has been adopted fiom Corcoran and Clark (1984), it originated fi'om the work of Robert K. Merton (1967) and was elaborated by John Van Maanen (1978). It was adapted to educational settings by Daniel F eldman (1976), Dan Lortie (1975), and finally by Corcoran and Clark (1984). Central to this model is the notion that the process of career socialization normally takes place in three stages: the anticipatory stage, the entry and induction stage and the role continuance stage. This model is presented as Figure 1 below. 10 Societal and Cultural Values Environmental Contingencies Organization A Stage 3: Role Continuance Outcomes (after Feldman): Escalator ROI: management Commitment Motivation Satisfaction Problems U Critical passages Un staged careers Reward structures Opportunity structures Stage 2: Entry and Induction Methods: (after Lortie): Formal schooling Training Mediated entry Learning while doing Escalator l I r i J '----> Role Failures Factors (afier Van Maanen): Task Suse 1: Individual Anticipatory Socialization Relevut group Organizational Recruitment Resources (after Lortie): Strategies (afier Van Maanen): Attractors Form al/in formal Facilitators Collective/individual Sequential/nonsequential Process Variables (afler P eldm an): lnvestitnre/divestiture Preparatory learning Choice-m akin g Value-assuming Reality-congruence testing Methods (aficr Feldman): Social interaction with significant others Figure 1. Model of Career Socialization ll 12 2.1. The Anticipatory Stage The anticipatory stage, or preservice stage, includes the processes by which individuals, through social interaction, choose an occupation and are recruited into it by attractors and facilitators that encourage the entry of some, and discourage the entry of others. Gradually, newcomers begin to adopt the attitudes and values of the group to which they aspire. This stage serves two main functions: to aid the non-member's rise into the profession and to ease the adjustment of entry. Merton (1967), Lortie (1975), Wheeler (1966) and Feldman (1976) conceptualized the processes that occur during this stage as preparatory learning, choice making, value assuming and reality congruence testing. 2.2. Entry and Induction Stage Individuals enter the second stage by a variety of means, including formal schooling, training, mediated entry and apprenticeship training. Once in the organization, a number of factors influence the individuals socialization into the organization's culture. Van Maanen (1976) categorized these factors as: task factors, individual factors, relevant group factors and organizational factors. Task factors include work consisting of tasks that are at an appropriate level of difficulty; the amount of control that newcomers are able to exercise over their work; the degree of participation in decisions related to work; the degree to which role expectations are defined; and the degree to which individuals perceive the work to have meaning. Individual factors are concerned with the personal characteristics of the newcomers. Individuals who are most likely to undergo successful career socialization are those who value membership in the new organization and who have an investment in it. Those who manifest l3 polar personality characteristics such as extreme anxiety or aggressiveness are more likely to leave the organization prematurely than those with more moderate characteristics. Attitudes that the individual holds about the legitimacy of the organization's attempt to influence behavior ean also influence the socialization of individuals, with vast differences in perception bringing tensions that interfere with socialization. Relevant group factors are based on the premise that virtually all organizations consist of smaller groups that constitute key sources of learning to newcomers. However, newcomers will not be taught the skills and secrets of their relevant work until they are accepted as trustworthy by their fellow workers. Once acceptance has been achieved, the group may cushion the newcomer's entry into the organization and may remain supportive, helping the individual to interpret roles and norms of the group and the organization. Van Maanen (1976) reported that within relevant groups there often exists a system of colleague consultation that generates stable social bonds. The organizational factors include the remaining organizationally-detennined structural properties that influence the process of career socialization. Because these factors are more varied and complex and more in keeping with the focus of this study than the other factors, I will concentrate more on them than the other three. Although the list is not exhaustive, Van Maanen (1 97 8) identified six major organizational strategies for the socialization of newcomers into an organization. First, some organizations have a formal setting in which socialization takes place; others have settings that are informal. In the former, the newcomer's role as "learner" is well defined; in the latter it is not. When formal strategies are used, the setting in which the socialization experiences 14 take place is segregated from the workplace. Informal strategies place newcomers in the workplace where they learn by trial-and-error. According to Van Maanen (1978, 22), formal processes prepare newcomers for a particular status in the organization; for instance, omcer training programs in the military serve as a good example. Informal processes prepare workers for particular roles; apprenticeship training in the trades, for example. As Van Maanen Observes "in general, the more the recruit is separated from the day-to-day reality of the organization, the less he or she will be able to carry over, and apply any abilities or skills learned in one socialization setting to the new position." In the formal setting, socialization experiences are usually what Van Maanen refers to as the "first round" of socialization. The "second round" usually occurs informally, when newcomers are placed in the appropriate subgroup and must learn the actual practices of their department. For example, at police academies where socialization is formal, recruits are taught everything fiom basic law enforcement to interrogation to fingerprinting and forensic procedures. Once on the beat, rookie police officers realize that much of what was learned at the academy was irrelevant in the performance of their duties as a constable on traffic patrol. Van Maanen (1978, 23) explains that whereas the first wave stresses general skills and attitudes, the second wave emphasizes specific actions, situational applications of the rules, and the idiosyncratic nuances necessary to perform the role in the work setting. However, when the gap between the two is large, disillusionment with the first round may cause the individual to disregard everything that he has learned in the formal round of socialization. Informal socialization experiences carry with them their own set of anxieties. A newcomer who must negotiate his way around a less structured environment may have 15 dificulty in defining his organizational roles. Thus the influence of the department members on the newcomer is increased and there is no assurance that the group will direct the newcomer along the right direction. Van Maanen (1978, 24) claims that left to his own devices, a recruit will select his own socialization agents. The success of the socialization process is then determined largely on the basis of whatever mutual regard is developed between the agent and the newcomer, the relevant knowledge possessed by an agent, and, of course, the agent's ability to transfer such knowledge. For instance, there is the classic case of newcomers working on an assembly line who learn the quota-restricting tactics of co-workers, contrary to the wishes of management and in violation of the organization's goals. Contravention of this group norm inevitably places the diligent newcomer in a state of disfavor with peers. Second, whether newcomers are processed collectively or individually will influence their career socialization. Those processed collectively have been demonstrated to develop strong social supports, reducing strain and tension, thus easing the entry process. In addition, according to Van Maanen (1976, 89) "collective socialization settings which put people ‘in the same boat’ are effective mechanisms of encouraging the development of group solutions to the contextual problems of everyday life in the organization. " Third, sequential socialization strategies take the newcomer through a series of discrete and identifiable stages; for instance, the learner may be taken from classroom instruction to laboratory simulations to field practice, often with a progression from the simple to the complex. A more harmonious progression occurs if the agents at the various stages have aims that are common and when they know each other and understand their respective tasks. When they do not, conflict often arises between agents and between 16 newcomers and agents. Van Maanen (197 8, 27) points out that this kind situation is very likely in an organization where a range of views "[comes from] the personnel department, the training division, and colleagues on the job all have a stake in the recruits transition." Nonsequential socialization is accomplished in one transitional stage, without intermediary stages. For example, one may be abruptly promoted with no opportunity for preparatory training. Fourth, fixed socialization strategies provide the newcomer with precise information about the time it will take to complete each step. As examples, a training program may be of specified duration; an employee knows exactly how long she will be on probation; or, students move through the school system at approximately the same pace. Under this strategy, where temporal reference points are fixed, newcomers are aware when they are making "normal" progress. This allows newcomers to observe passages through periods of transition and maintain relationships shaped during the socialization experiences. Variable socialization strategies do not give newcomers a timetable for their transition. For example, apprenticeship programs often specify only a minimum number of years of training, leaving the time for completion open to the trainee. Van Maanen (197 8, 29) argues that “variable processes often create anxiety and fi'ustration for people who are unable to construct reasonably valid timetables and judge the appropriateness of their movement or lack of movement in an organization." Witness the middle manager who is overlooked for promotion so that he is "always a bridesmaid, never the bride." Variable strategies, according to Van Maanen (1978, 29), tend to "divide and drive apart people who might show loyalty and cohesion if the process were fixed. " 17 Fifth, in the serial pattern of organizational socialization, newcomers have been preceded by peers who can instruct them about the experience. Otherwise the pattern is considered to be disjunctive. The serial strategies are the most effective in ensuring that the organization will remain relatively immutable over long periods of time. Van Maanen (197 8, 32) contends that "Innovation is unlikely but a sense of history is maintained." Through his peers the newcomer gets a sense of the firture, seeing in them an image of himself further along the path of socialization. The danger in the serial pattern is that it risks stagnation and contamination. For example, if the morale of the organization is low, or if predecessors had an unfulfilling experience, the newcomer may be contaminated by their bad attitudes. Disjunctive strategies allow the newcomer to be inventive and original without the constraining influences of an old guard. For example, the newly promoted executive is not influenced by her predecessor who is no longer around. However, the disjunctive pattern also has its dangers. If the individual is left in a state of unawareness, either anxiety will complicate the socialization process or she may receive inappropriate guidance fi'om others. Van Maanen (1978, 29) cautions that what actually appears as serial may be disjunctive. Newcomers may be prepared inadequately for jobs in one department by agents fiom another . . . only later after the newcomers have access to others who have been through the same process, do they discover the worthlessness and banality of their training. Agent familiarity with the target position is a very crucial factor in the target strategy. Occasionally a newcomer is exposed to "gapping" where the experience passed on to him - although well-intentioned - may be quite unrelated to his own circumstances. Sixth, investiture strategies are those that are designed to confirm the incoming identity of a newcomer, divestiture strategies dismantle it. Investiture strategies identify and 18 corroborate the usefulness of the characteristics that the newcomer brings into the organization. The organization does not wish to change recruits but to take advantage of their qualities and capabilities. Entrance into the organization is made as smooth as possible. As Van Maanen (1978, 34) notes, There is almost an explicit "honeymoon" period. At times, even positions on the bottom rung of the organizational ladder are filled with a flurry of concern for employee desires. Orientation programs, career counseling, relocation assistance, even a visit to the president's office with the perfunctory handshake and good wishes, systematically suggest to newcomers that they are a valuable asset. Divestiture strategies are designed to remove the characteristics from newcomers so that they may adopt the characteristics that the organization deems appropriate. They must discard the identity of the previous life and assume a new identity that conforms to the new life. Noteworthy among organizations with strong divestiture strategies are the priesthood, religious cults, athletic teams and the military. The process of divestiture is designed to create bonds between the individual and the new organization. Van Maanen (1978, 34) explains that organizations that employ divestiture strategies require a person to travel a somewhat painful and lengthy road. The trip provides the newcomer with a set of colleagues who have been down the same path and symbolizes to others on the scene that the newcomer is committed fiilly to the organization. For those who complete the ordeal, the gap separating recruits from members narrows appreciably while the gap separating members from nonmembers grows. When the process of career socialization is successfirl during the entry and induction stage, the individual may enter and stay within the organization with the potential to become a productive, contributing member. Role failures occur when the new employee discovers significant reality incongruence or when the early socialization processes fail to create a l9 metamorphosis in the new employee (Corcoran and Clark 1984). Jarvis (1988) and Boice (1992) found that early career stages are formative and lasting. They stimulate motivation, develop commitment to work, and foster the adoption of occupationally relevant attitudes and behaviors that sustain productivity and continued achievement throughout the employee's career. Furthermore, they have been demonstrated to be better predictors of career behaviors than any other period of development, including graduate school (McKeachie 1987). 2.3. Role Continuance Stage In the role continuance stage, employees assume the roles of the occupation, accept its norms, internalize its values and receive a certain degree of job satisfaction and motivation in return for job involvement and commitment. The role continuance stage will not be considered in this study because the multitude of factors that influence the socialization of faculty during this period of their careers makes the task beyond the scope of this study. However, it bears mentioning that socialization during this stage is profoundly influenced by the practitioners' commitment to their own professional development. Houle (1980) cites studies conducted as long ago as 1957, which demonstrated a lack of correlation between a student's rank in the preservice educational program, prestige of the school attended and quality of the internship experience to the adequacy of performance of practitioners over thirty years of age. What does appear to make a difference is the amount and quality of continuing education undertaken by practitioners. Houle emphasizes the importance of faarlty in professional preparation programs introducing the idea of continuing education into the socialization process as well as into the curriculum. He argues that "the behavior and 20 viewpoint of a'beginning professional are often based on the work habits and beliefs of one or more of the instructors in the professional school. If any person who serves as a role model is visibly and continuously engaged in learning, an example is set and may be followed " (Houle 1980, 87-8). Phipps (1977) goes one step firrther to point out that, among nursing students, their perception of the interest of the entire nursing school faculty in continuing education is more influential than their perception of the interest even of their most preferred instructor. Houle summarizes, it is probable that one way in which a basic professional program might enhance later competence would be by ensuring the fact that, during years spent in the school's subculture, the student's personal commitment to lifelong leaming is firmly established both by curricular changes and by efforts to alter the customs and behavior patterns of students (Houle 1980, 84). Because of the significant impact that recnritment and anticipatory socialization have on the commitment to continuing education, and therefore to ongoing socialization in the role continuance stage, in this study I have elected to focus on them rather than the larger matter of influences in the inservice period. 2.4. Anticipatory Socialization of the K-12 Teacher The purpose of this section is to report on the anticipatory socialization of the K-12 teacher, a process that is achieved by both informal and formal means. The informal stage begins when, as students, they become careful observers of teacher behavior, observing what teachers do, and gaining an understanding of what they value, how they think. According to Lortie's (197 5) apprenticeship—of-observation model, prospective new teachers begin to learn the art and science of teaching by way of observation and experience throughout their earlier lives. Lortie points out that "teaching is unusual in that those who decide to enter it have had 21 the exceptional opportunity to observe members of the occupation at work; unlike most occupations today, the activities of teachers are not shielded fi'om youngsters" (Lortie 1972, 65). Ryan (1986, 17) points out that the "the new teacher has logged somewhere between sixteen and eighteen thousand hours of classrooms before taking over a class." However, Bullough (1989, 144) cautions that new teachers are often " seduced into a false security by the familiarity of teaching, only later to discover that not all is as it seems." There are many shortcomings to the apprenticeship-of-observation. For example, students have only a limited perspective on the roles of the teacher. They are not "privy to the teacher‘s private intentions and personal reflections on classroom events. Students rarely participate in selecting goals, making preparations or postmortem analysis [of classroom activities]. Thus they are not pressed to place the teacher's actions in a pedagogically- oriented framework" (Lortie 1975, 62). Student perceptions of teacher behavior, then, are based upon personal, student-oriented criteria. Lortie (1975) points out that students lack an empathic capacity for the problematics of teaching that underlie teacher performance and view teacher behavior in afl‘ective terms, through simplistic responses such as either liking or disliking teachers and teacher perfonnance. What they learn about teaching, then, is intuitive and imitative rather than explicit and analytical. At best, the apprenticeship-of-observation is an unfonnulated and idiosyncratic experience (Lortie 197 5). Those who go on to pursue teaching careers are further socialized through their experience in a bachelor of education degree program - the formal anticipatory stage. The formal experiences of teacher preparation programs as well as the more informal ones that they received in schools during teaching practicums should contribute to shaping what Sigel 22 (1985) termed "core beliefs" - their knowledge of and perceptions of their discipline. Britzrnan (1986, 443) maintains that Prospective teachers. . . bring to teacher education more than their desire to teach. They bring their implicit institutional biographies - the cumulative experience of school lives - which, in turn, inform their knowledge of the student's world, of school structure and of curriculum. All of this contributes to well-wom and comrnonsensical images of the teacher's work and serves as the frame of reference for prospective teachers' self-images. However, the prospective teachers beliefs are narrow because they have seen teaching only from the vantage point of students, as a polished, eficient didactic process which they attempt to emulate (Britzrnan 1986; Merton 1967; Lortie 1975). This limited perspective leads student teachers to focus only on praxis, rather than on the theoretical underpinnings of teaching (O'Loughlin 1989). Although student teachers rank practice teaching ahead of courses in education theory (Lortie 1975), it is faced with limitations of its own. Students are generally assigned to a limited number of veteran teachers and therefore get a limited view of teaching. Because of the narrow scope of their experiences the usual teaching practice does not offset the unreflective nature of poor prior socialization; the student teacher is not forced to compare, analyze and select fiom diverse possibilities. . . there is little indication that it is a powerfiil force away from traditionalism and individualism. It may be earthy and realistic when compared to education courses; but it is also short and parochial (Lortie 1975, 71). Bullough and Knowles (1990) suggest that second-career teachers may be even more disadvantaged by traditional teacher education programs than their younger counterparts; because of their distant perspectives on teachers, teacher's work and students, they enter schools as "strangers in a familiar land" (Ryan 1986, 17). Bullough and Knowles (1990) 23 contend that "for the second-career beginning teacher the place of prior career socialization and knowledge may exacerbate the difficulty of becoming a teacher and assuming a teacher role." 2.5. Anticipatory Socialization of the University Professor At the university level, Tierney and Rhoads (1993) conceptualize faculty socialization as a two stage process: the anticipatory stage, which begins during the undergraduate experience and continues throughout the graduate experience; and the organizational stage, which occurs following induction into the profession, especially during the early years as a faculty member. There is some evidence (Bess 1978) that anticipatory socialization is poorly developed during the undergraduate experience. The undergraduate's perception of faculty roles is limited and poorly reflective of the realities of the profession. What appears to be a constant variable in the aspirations of undergraduates to the professorate is their inability to see their professors in their roles as researchers, committee members, counselors, consultants, and collective bargainers (Bess 197 8). According to Bragg (1976), once in graduate school, faculty aspirants undergo career socialization in five stages: observation, the identification of role models; imitation, the "trying on" of the role model's behavior; feedback, the evaluation of the trying on; modification, the alteration and refinement of the behavior; and internalization, the incorporation of the role models' values and behavior patterns into the individual's self image. Whatever the means, the socialization of faculty aspirants takes place incrementally from apprentice to professional (Merton 1967). Simpson (1967) points out that the move is a 24 gradual one with the most significant changes taking place in the first one and one-half years of graduate school. Role enactment, the number of years spent in graduate school and autonomy in graduate school are all believed to be related to the acquisition of a professional self-concept (Pavalko and Holley 1974). Merton and Lazarfield (1972) contend that those faculty aspirants who anticipate correctly the values, norms and behaviors they will encounter in the academic environment will be more successful in academe. Bess (1978) maintains that the experience in graduate school, at best, results in moderately well-prepared faculty members and that a process of resocialization in the early untenured years is necessary to correct some of the earlier deficiencies. Through task preference studies, he concluded that faculty aspirants are not significantly different from young faculty and that graduate school experiences do not seriously affect their socialization. He argues for more significant changes either prior to graduate studies or in the early faculty years, but more importantly, for reform of admissions policies into graduate programs and of recruitment practices. 2.6. Recruitment and Socialization of the K-12 Teacher This section deals with the influence of recruitment on the socialization of new K-12 teachers. It must be pointed out, however, that there is often an unclear distinction between anticipatory socialization and recruitment, with both often occurring simultaneously. For example, promising new high school teachers may be courted during their practice teaching experience. Over the past forty years, there has been much attention given to the motivators that attract new teachers to the field of K-12 education. Although in the 1950's and 60's the most 25 commonly cited reason for entering the field of education was "occupational drift," drifting into an occupation through the process of elimination, (Stecklein and Eckert 1958; Trow I959; Medalia 1963) other more compelling motivators included social influences of the culture and of the family (Carper and Becker 1957), emerging self-concept due to college successes and failures (Wallace 1966) and availability of funding (Baird 1973). Lortie (1975) cited five themes that attract newcomers to teaching. According to the interpersonal theme, the prospective teacher, who is usually young, is given the opportunity for protracted contact with young people. The service theme describes teaching as a valuable service of special moral worth. The continuation theme holds that teaching satisfies the need for continuation for those who became so attached to education that they are loathe to leave it, or for those who are unable to satisfy interests that might have been originally fostered and reinforced in school but which may have been blocked upon graduation. For example, the athlete who fails in his aspiration of a career in professional football may find some measure of satisfaction in coaching at the high school level. The material benefits theme views teaching as one of the more important routes from the blue-collar class into the middle class by providing a reasonable salary and job security. Lastly, the time compatibility theme recognizes the perception of a relatively short work day, numerous holidays and summer vacations. Second-career teachers appear to have motivations that difl‘er strikingly with those of their younger counterparts. Often they had invested themselves in alternative occupations and had found them unsatisfying. Some sought shelter from the "cut-throat" world of business while others sought a career with moral worth. The advantage that teaching gave to them 26 was the convertibility of education and the moral worth of teaching in a society that values it (Lortie 1975). Although the motivators to enter teaching have been well researched, it is less clear how schools communicate these benefits and whether schools consider the socialization of its new members in its recruitment efforts. Schlechty (1990) points out that some professional groups, such as the legal or medical professions, are clear on the criteria for recruitment of new members, while in others, criteria scarcely exist. Teaching, he believes, falls somewhere between the two extremes. He asserts that the specificity of the recruitment criteria and the distribution of knowledge about those criteria have important implications for the socialization process . First, recruitment criteria send clear messages regarding how present members of the occupation view themselves, what they hope, what they aspire to become. . . and what the occupational group assumes to be important characteristics to be manifested by mature group members. . . Second, clear criteria for recruitment can lead to a great deal of anticipatory socialization and negative self-screening (p. 7). Schlechty (1990, 12) further contends that "the criteria for recruitment and the way that these criteria are applied in selection, communicate perhaps more clearly than any other single event (a) how members of the occupation view themselves, and (b) how well the occupation is doing in imposing its perception of what it is and what it is about in the environment of which it is a part." 2.7. Recruitment and Socialization of the University Professor In any educational institution, recruitment involves a dual decision-making process with the faculty aspirant making the decision to enter academe at a particular institution and the recruiters selecting one candidate over others. In the past, university undergraduates who 27 chose to enter academe did so for a variety of reasons, some because of the influence of reference groups and professors who served as positive role models (Merton 1967). However, a much larger number did so for a variety of reasons unrelated to their perceptions of the professional roles of their professors. Like elementary and secondary school teachers, among their most powerful motivators seems to have been the process of "occupational drift" (Pavalko 1971). In the literature, a limited view of recruitment of new faculty is described, with little of a systematic nature appearing to exist (Boice 1992). A preponderance of literature focuses on procedural matters; for example, much has been written about sources of recruitment, identifying candidate pools, the use of search committees or consultants, screening and interviewing techniques, salary issues, the use of part-time versus full-time faculty and confidentiality (Arvey and Campion 1982; Bouchard, Dean and Roots 1983; Felicetti 1984; Freeman 1985; Higgins and Hollander 1987; Kaplowitz 1986). Furthermore, much of the literature focuses on the recruitment of administrators and presidents more than on faculty. Rynes and Boudreau (1986) point out that recruiters seldom have training in recruitment and they rarely follow up their choices with assessments of the success of their recruitment efi‘orts. Tierney and Rhoads (1993) are among the few who emphasize the need to view faculty recruitment fi'om a sociological perspective. They assert that successful socialization begins at recruitment when the organization communicates to the prospective employee information about itself, how it is structured, and clues to understanding its values and its culture. They issue a challenge for organizations to examine their own values and norms and to be prepared for a cultural change with the inclusion of new members. On the other hand, 28 Tsui (1984) observes that more often than not recruiting choices are made to avoid disturbing cultural norms than to enhance institutional productivity. 2.8. Entry and Induction of the K-12 Teacher This section is concerned with the entry and induction phase of socialization, when new teachers leave their student status behind and move onward into the world of education. O'Loughlin (1989, 12) reports, most teachers discard most of the theoretical knowledge that they learn in teacher education programs almost immediately after they begin teaching and depend for their professional success on the advice of more experienced colleagues. . . while the sole efl‘ect of teacher education programs appears to be to confirm student teachers' initial unexamined beliefs about teaching. This stand is supported by Britzrnan (1986), Feinberg (1885), Giroux (1984), Goodlad (1983), Kliebard (1975) and Zeichner (1983). During this stage, the socialization may be more affirming if the individual brings attitudes, beliefs and norms that are congruent with those prevailing in the organization or it may be more transfonnative if they are inconsistent. The dificulties experienced by new teachers upon entry into the workplace are well known. Unlike the classical apprenticeship experience where newcomers are led through a series of tasks of ascending levels of difficulty, gradually assuming increasing levels of responsibility, for neophyte teachers change is abrupt. From the first day, the new teacher is fully responsible for students without the benefit of gradual, ordered, sequential growth. This "baptism by fire" is complicated by limited support fi'om colleagues during the early months as beginning teachers spend most of their time physically apart from colleagues, sufi‘ering through a private ordeal (Bullough 1989). For the new teacher, discipline and classroom management tend to be their principle 29 concerns (Veenman 1984), whereas pedagogical matters learned in teacher preparation programs, such as curriculum planning, are seen to be of secondary importance. Bullough (1989) identified that new teachers discovered that few of the practices learned in the preservice program were being modeled by their experienced colleagues and that insights into teaching efiecfiveness surfaced only after their first stormy months of teaching. The problem of transition is firrther compounded by weaknesses in the subculture of the school, manifested by an absence of a common technical vocabulary, limiting a beginning teacher's ability to tap into a preexisting body of practical knowledge (Lortie 1975). As Bullough (1989, 142) points out, what is clear to new teachers is that "student teaching and the first year of teaching are remarkably different experiences." Although teacher education is not unimportant to the new teacher's development, it certainly does not appear to have the power that teacher educators would hope in facilitating entry into the world of teaching. As Lortie (1975, 81) put it, "teachers do not, apparently, acquire new standards to correct and reverse earlier impressions, ideas and orientations. Nor does later work experience supplement low impact training with a general conception of teaching as a shared intellectual process." Perhaps, its main value is that it serves as a good foundation for continuing professional education (Bullough 1989; Houle 1989). 2.9. Entry And Induction of the University Professor In the university setting, many new faculty report that they feel like victims of social Darwinism, with little or no support from colleagues. They are left alone to face a number of challenges through which they muddle, largely by trial and error (Bullough & Knowles 1990; Fink 1984; Menges & Mathis 1988; Van Maanen & Schein 1979). Their first two years 30 are characterized by loneliness and intellectual isolation; by heavy work loads and time constraints and by ambiguity of the informal aspects of the organizational culture (Boice 1992). Mager and Myers (1982, 105) add that the "rich stimulation of graduate study days is exchanged sometimes for intellectual barrenness when the graduate student moves fi'om a collection of desks in a shared room to a private office as an assistant professor. The peer group is gone and new collegiality may be slow to form. " Boice (1991a) asserts that problems commonly experienced by new faculty can be linked to the socialization strategies proposed by Van Maanen (1978). Likewise, Tierney and Rhoads (1992) suggest that the "individual vs. collective dimension" of socialization may be at the root of faculty loneliness and intellectual isolation. The isolation and obstacles to establishing collegiality are particularly diflicult for retuming new faculty, those who have returned to academe after many years of absence. In research done by Boice (1992) some returning faculty propose an intriguing reason for the difficulty that they experienced. They suggested that there must be a critical period for effective socialization to campuses and that those critical periods, when adjustments would have been made most easily, had already been spent in other settings, in other work cultures. 2.10. Career Socialization of CAAT Faculty Although the literature is replete with research into the career socialization of elementary and secondary school teachers and university professors, I found nothing that had been published on the socialization of faculty at the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology. The issues raised in the literature point to a need for research in order to gain an understanding of the motivators that attract new faculty into the world of CAAT teaching; 31 to assess the ways and means that CAAT recruiters communicate to prospective faculty the institution's values and norms; to investigate the degree to which the formal inservice training program makes an impact upon the socialization of new faculty; and to explore the formal and informal agents that impact upon faculty career socialization in the early years of service. This study is designed to partially fill that gap. CHAPTER 3 DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY A key consideration in the selection of the design for this study centered on the need to select one that best fits the exploratory nature of the research questions. Consequently, the principles and practices of naturalistic research as proposed by Lincoln and Guba (1990) were selected. This study consists of a case study that focuses on three areas: faculty recruitment and selection; formal experiences on entry into the CAAT; and informal experiences during the first three years of service. In the analysis of recruitment and selection, I conducted an examination of the CAAT's recruitment practices beginning with an inspection of the college's mission statement, followed by a qualitative analysis of recnritment information published by the Human Resources Department. In addition, I interviewed the Director of Human Resources and eight academic managers who have hired new faculty within the past ten years to discover whether, and in what ways, the information provided to prospective faculty communicates the institution's mission. My analysis of the formal experiences included an examination of the New Faculty Development program curriculum for two reasons: to determine its components; and to investigate whether the program goals include the development of skills, attitudes and values 32 33 and an understanding of the roles and norms of CAAT professors. I also interviewed two Professional Development Consultants who are responsible for delivering the program, ten faculty who have most recently completed it and ten faculty who completed the program within the past ten years. My intention was to discover the extent to which they believe the program contributed to their career socialization. I examined the informal experiences during the first three years of service through interviews with ten faculty who have at least five continuous years of full-time teaching and who have been recognized by their peers and students as exemplifying excellence in performance by being awarded the Distinguished Faculty Award at the college under study. The intent was to discover the informal means whereby these "distinguished" faculty believe that their experiences in the first three years of their careers contributed to their socialization as new faculty. 3.1. Selection of Participants The employee population of the CAAT studied consisted of a total of 1,186 staff, including twelve academic managers and 571 faculty who teach in twelve discrete academic units. The participants in this study consisted of the Director of Human Resources, two Professional Development Consultants, eight academic managers who are responsible for the hiring of new faculty, ten faculty in the entry stage who have recently completed the New Faculty Development Program and ten distinguished faculty. The eight academic managers were selected from among those who have hired new faculty within the past ten years, with preference given to those who have done so most recently. The participants for both the new and the distinguished faculty samples were 34 selected such that no member had experience as a teacher in another level of education in order to preclude the influence of socialization agents outside of the CAAT system. I selected the ten new faculty who have most recently completed the new faculty training program fiom a list supplied by the Professional Development Department. The ten distinguished faculty were selected at random from among the Distinguished Faculty Award recipients, who had been recognized by their peers as having a history of exemplary teaching practices and as having supported the mission of their academic unit and the college through excellence in teaching, community service and institutional involvement. In selecting the sample, I attempted to ensure that there was a balanced representation of race, gender, age and area of expertise. 3.2. Access to the Participants Prior to beginning the collection of data, I met with the vice-president at the college to be studied and requested permission to conduct the study, to gain access to the recruitment information held by the Human Resources Department and to use its employees as participants. I guaranteed that the identity of the institution would not be disclosed and that strict confidentiality would be maintained. I also pledged to destroy all data at the conclusion of the study. A formal letter was sent reiterating the details of the meeting and asking for permission in writing. Once permission was granted, I met with the Director of Human Resources to explain the study, to request permission to gain access to the recruitment information and to conduct a personal interview with the Director after the documents had been analyzed. I then met with a representative of the Professional Development Department to 35 explain the study, to request a list of faculty who have most recently completed the New Faculty Development Program and a list of the recipients of the Distinguished Faculty Award. All candidates for the interviews were contacted by telephone, or in person, to explain the background, the purposes and the methodology of the study. I then met each candidate for a lengthy discussion of my research and invited each, to participate in the study. Those that agreed were given the research questions and were asked to spend some time thinking about the questions in anticipation of the interview, which we scheduled at the conclusion of the meeting. Included in the meeting was a discussion of the meaning of certain concepts, to ensure that we had a similar understanding of the terms contained within the research questions. Some examples of terms that we discussed are "qualities," "attitudes," "values," "roles, professional identity, " and "norms." A letter of introduction was sent to each prospective participant, reiterating the details of the project. In the letter, participants were assured that all responses would be treated with the utmost confidentiality. They were also assured that they were flee to withdraw from the study at any time or for any reason without penalty and, should they choose to do so, any data that they had contributed would be relinquished to them. Included was a letter of consent, requesting their signature and asking that it be returned to me prior to the conduct of the interviews. 3.3. Data Collection I selected the interview as the primary means of collecting data for analysis of the entry and induction stage, believing that it is a potentially rich way to allow participants to explore their experiences, to "tell their stories" and to describe the contexts of their 36 experiences. Moreover, it allows them to explore and to report on the meaning that they attach to their experiences (Bogdan and Bicklen 1982). Each interview took place in a setting where privacy was assured. At the conclusion of each interview, I again reassured the participants of the safeguards to their privacy. Interviews were guided by a number of open-ended, broadly stated questions that arise out of the key research questions, to allow for fi'eely-flowing responses in which the participants explored their own perceptions of their experiences. Once the interviews were audiotaped and transcribed, the transcripts were given to the respective participants after which a second meeting was scheduled. At the follow-up meeting, the data units that emerge from the coding were discussed with the participants for verification and elaboration - an opportunity to "negotiate meanings and interpretations" (Lincoln and Guba 1985). To guide the participants, the following questions were used to help keep them focused on the research problem while permitting some latitude for responses: {I}! v.9 as? #4.. .93.?35'9.‘ 4. '.;.'.°.‘.'.-.;.-.~.‘¢‘.'.‘.g.'.-.'.°.;.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.'.v.-.‘.-.-.-.'.:.-.'.'s.x'.'.g.3.'.'.-.;.~.-.-3.250.-.y.‘.-.v.:.‘.'.:.'.:.'.°.-.-.'.'.'a.g...'.3...'.‘.'N.‘.;,-.-.:.-.'.wanna-var.u'v.‘.;a.°.-.-.-.-.'.~.-.‘.~.-.-.‘.'.a;.'.~.-.'.-.‘.'.'.-.'.'.'.a).-.°.-.:.'.~.:.'.:.'.;.‘.'as.z.'.-.~.-.:.-.:.-.‘.-.°.-.-.-.:.'.-.:.'.-.-.'.'.'.' xvxi-a‘w‘iarf‘ ' ' " 55$ "€35"? "':-":"‘-' -’~z ""'-":"~' {In , . . #2403454 31-1-25 .. 5'. Mvfi'ifi-i-fisi'flri'fiwflf-Phi-iv.“'.'.'.<'.-.'.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-. .-.-. s ..n- -°.-.-.-.'.- 55‘ .'..-..- .- .-.-.-. .'..-.-..--.-.'.- .'.-.-.-'.-.- wac '.-.-.'..-'. -.-.- - - RECRUITMENT AND SELECTION To faculty: What motivated you to change eareers from your previous occupation to that of a CAAT professor? What opinions did you hold about CAAT teaching before you made the change? How congruent has reality been with those opinions? To academic managers and the Director of Human Resources: As one who is responsible for hiring new faculty, what qualities do you look for in hiring a new employee? Are there qualities that are common to all applicants irrespective of voeational peculiarities? If so, what are they? What is the single most important quality that you look for when hiring a faculty member? What information do you communicate to applicants? 37 ENTRY AND INDUCTION STAGE To faculty: How well did the New Faculty Development program provide you with the knowledge and skills necessary for teaching? What aspects of the program were particularly efl'ective? What were ineffective? Aside fiom your experiences in the New Faculty Development Program, what aspects of your first three years of college teaching provided you with the knowledge and skills necessary for teaching? What aspect(s) of the New Faculty Development program helped you to develop an understanding of the roles that CAAT faculty are expected to perform inside and outside of the classroom? Within the commrmity? In the teaching profession? Aside from the New Faculty Development program what has helped you to develop an understanding of the roles of a CAAT professor? What aspect(s) of the New Faculty Development program helped you develop an identity as a CAAT professor; to develop attitudes toward teaching and learning; and to understand thenormsabouthowCAAT facultybehave, howtheythink and what they value? Does any one aspect stand out? What? Why? Aside from the New Faculty Development program, what has helped you to develop these attitudes and values? What aspects of your experience contributed most to your growth in these areas? To the Professional Development Consultants: How well does the New Faculty Development program provide new hires with the knowledge and skills necessary for teaching? What aspects are particularly efi‘ective? Are there any that you would consider to be ineffective? Does the New Faculty Development program help new hires develop an understanding of the roles that CAAT faculty are expected to perform inside and outside of the classroom? Within the community? In the teaching profession? How? Does the New Faculty Development program help new hires develop an identity as a CAAT professor, to develop attitudes toward teaching and learning; and to understand the norms about how college faculty behave, how they think and what they value? How? What is lacking in the New Faculty Development program? To academic managers What do new professors communicate to you about their entry and induction into the college? What helped them? What hindered them? ......................................................................................................................................................... - - -:-:?:-.’-:o:-:t-:<~:?:=:-:=:-:-:-:-:3:1:-:1:-:-:-:?:-5:353:i:~:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:~:.:3:3:=:-:.:-:3:.:»:-:‘-:4:43:39:-:3:-:-:1:-$:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:~:3:-:~:fittitizf:-:-:3:-:-:-:-vii-5:3:-:-:?:-:-:3:-:-:3:-:-:-:-:.:::-:-:-:-:3:-:~:.:-:.:-:-:-:-:531-:o:.:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:=:-.<:-:':-:-:-:-:~:-:>.-:-:-:-:':-:-:-:-$:.:-:~:.:~:?:-:-:t-:-:-:-:-:-:~:~:.:-:~:-:-:-:-:~:-:-:-$:-:-:-:~:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:-:.:?:-:¢:-:7:-”.-:-:1$: ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 38 3.4. Data Coding and Analysis The mission statement, recruitment documents and the audiotaped interviews were transcribed and the transcriptions coded using the Ethnograph version 4.0 The transcripts were coded line-by-line until data units emerge, a process by which the raw data are reduced to concepts. Data were analyzed inductively to develop relationships between the concepts. In the process of analysis, I followed the principles of grounded theory, (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Lincoln and Guba 1985) in which each interview was coded and analyzed before the next interview, because the outcomes of analysis may serve to direct the interviews that follow. Analysis of the data fiom each interview began with decisions about which categories were significant to this study, into which category data units most logically fell, how categories should be altered, merged, refined or deleted. Once rules for inclusion of data units were determined each of the data units was assigned to the most reasonable category and data were compared repeatedly until themes emerge. The themes were compared across interviews, consistent with the constant comparative method, where the collection and processing of data occur simultaneously (Grove 1988; Lincoln and Guba 1985). 3.5. Validity and Reliability In qualitative research, the concepts of validity and reliability hold difierent meanings from those in quantitative research. The interview technique of data collection had the advantage of allowing me to repeatedly check with participants to validate their perceptions and my understanding of their perceptions. Review of the interview transcripts allowed the participants to consider and reconsider their words carefirlly, to clarify them and to elaborate upon them after further reflection. As Lincoln and Guba (1985) explain, in naturalistic 39 research the inquirer prefers to negotiate meaning and interpretations with the human sources from which the data have chiefly been drawn because it is their construction of reality; because inquiry outcomes depend upon the nature of the interaction between the knower and the known, epitomized in negotiations about the meaning of data; because the specific working hypotheses that might apply in a given context are best verified and confirmed by the people who inhabit the context... (p. 41) Because this study consists of a case study of a single CAAT, no claim is made to the generalizability of findings. 3.6. Limitations of the Study There are a number of potential limitations to this study. First, the number of subjects studied appears to be small. However, according to the principles of the naturalistic paradigm, the intent is to dig deeply, to uncover rich information about the phenomenon under study, not to study large numbers of subjects for the purpose of broad generalization of findings because realities are multiple and different (Lincoln and Guba 1985). While the methodology loses in generalizability, it gains in depth. Second, the collection of data relied upon the participants' abilities to recall the reality of their experiences accurately, sometimes years after they occurred. This shortcoming was likely to be more problematic with the distinguished faculty group more than any other. Third, in the study I examined the experiences of those new faculty who were successfully socialized into the system and ignored those whose socialization may have been unsuccessful and who became role failures along the way. Fourth, it was not known to what degree faculty in the CAATs are influenced by 40 the many subcultures that are discussed by Tierney and Rhoads (1993). It was not clear whether CAATs, like universities, possess strong disciplinary subcultures. With the exception of general education components, most programs do not consist of discrete disciplines, but are an amalgam of many disciplines. In the CAATs, it is likely that the disciplinary subcultures seen in elementary and secondary schools and the universities are replaced by vocational subcultures. What can be said with certainty is that CAATs vary vastly in terms of the population that they serve, their size, their leadership and their mission; however, there had been no prior research into how these differences translate into changes in their culture or in the ways that they socialize their faculty. Therefore, it is possible that the findings of this case study, may not apply to other Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology. Fifth, while organizational culture shapes the employees through the socialization process, organizational culture is, in tum, shaped by them. As Tierney and Rhoads (1993) put it, career socialization is a "bidirectional process" that occurs through implicit and explicit actions, resulting in a mutually adaptive process between the individual and the organization. I acknowledge that this study was conducted in an organization which may have undergone changes in its culture throughout the past two decades, so that while faculty have been changed by the culture, the organization itselfhas been changed by the faculty. This begs the question of whether the socialization agents that impacted upon the distinguished faculty during their entry and induction period were still active at the time of this study or whether a difi‘erent set of agents were acting upon new faculty. CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS The findings are organized around the first two stages of the Corcoran and Clark model; namely, the anticipatory stage and the entry and induction stage. In the anticipatory stage, the findings focus on four themes: the attractors and facilitators that influenced the individual's entry into the CAAT; the faculty aspirant's understanding of the CAAT; reality congruence testing by the new professor upon entry; and the practices of recnriting and selecting new professors. The second stage of Corcoran and Clark's model consists of the entry and induction stage. In this study I considered both the formal and informal influences that impact upon the career socialization of new CAAT professors during this stage. 4.1. Attractors and Facilitators to Entry into a CAAT The most commonly cited attractors to teach in a CAAT were: the perceived lifestyle of the CAAT professor; positive feedback and intrinsic rewards obtained from previous teaching experiences; a view that teaching was an occupation of moral worth; ease of entry into the profession; financial insecurity in the previous occupation; firlfilling a lifelong love of learning; rejuvenation in the previous profession; and the practical nature of the CAATs. One of the most commonly cited aspects of the perceived lifestyle of a CAAT 41 42 professor was the release from job stress and insecurity experienced in the previous occupation. This attractor was cited least frequently academic managers and established faculty and most by the new faculty. This may be because they were closer to the work place and had been affected more recently by an insecure work environment than had afl‘ected the other groups. Like many attractors, the job stress issue appears to be more cogent in some vocations than in others. One health sciences professor was "tired of the politics of the hospital and of nursing." Those from the creative and performing arts "got tired of the fi'eelance grind." One technology professor, an engineer, became weary of "working from consultant to consultant . . . in a high stress situation." Another claimed that he was working 50 hours a week in his previous job. This attractor was cited most commonly by the business faculty. One established professor stated: "I didn't find the atmosphere of the hot sell was particularly suited to my personality . . . it was the hours . it was a sweat shop kind ofjob." The most poignant statements came from the new faculty who explained that they had come from occupations where they worked unusual hours, 20-hour days and holidays. Others claim that they had gotten weary of being at the beck—and-call of their clients, which interfered with their family lives. Still others became tired of working with peers who were negative, burnt out and disillusioned. They added that they looked forward to working with people who are new, unjaded and excited and that they wanted share that excitement. Others expressed relief at being free of "Bay Street" (the Canadian equivalent of Wall Street) with the requisite business suits, the "crazy commuting where so much time is wasted" and the "cutthroat competition." 43 Related to the relief from job stress was the prospect of freedom and flexibility that a career as a CAAT teacher appears to offer. This benefit was of particular importance to most new female faculty who sought regular working hours, more time with their families and extended summer vacations with their children. An important benefit for many was the ability to control their own work schedule as they had never been able to do in their previous occupation. In addition, one individual pointed out that the differences in teaching schedules among her peers, along with the freedom to come and go, resulted in variety in peer association, which she believes enriches the work environment. A second attractor was the previous teaching experiences that brought rewards to new faculty, although these experiences were diverse in nature. Many had experiences that were formal, such as serving as stafi‘ development officers in a previous profession. Those that did not consider their previous roles to have had strong formal teaching responsibilities still maintained that their careers had always involved some form of teaching: musicians taught privately; nurses taught students who were placed on their wards for clinical practice; businessmen were educating clients about their products and services; foremen trained new employees. Many experiences were as informal as serving as a tutor in high school, as an athletic coach, as a camp counselor, as a mentor to a younger sibling or as a volunteer with a literacy council. The satisfying influence of prior teaching experiences in attracting faculty to the CAATs was even stronger when that teaching had been on a part time basis at a CAAT. One professor stated that, "Only when I started to teach a bit at night, did I realize that I had the ability to teach." Another stated that, "This part time teaching gave me a thirst 44 and an interest to go farther." It is interesting that, although previous teaching experience was the attractor most commonly cited by faculty, being equally identified by new and established faculty, it was identified by only one academic manager. A third attractor cited was the belief that teaching was a profession of moral worth. Interestingly, the academic managers were almost unanimous in this view, whereas few of either new or established faculty believed that the feeling of moral worth was a strong attractor into teaching. The academic managers often mentioned their belief that, after receiving so much fiom their own profession, faculty had a need to " give something back," to "make a contribution" to their former profession and to their community, and to help those who aspired to enter their profession to achieve their goals. I asked all participants whether the needs that attracted them to teaching could be satisfied in the K-12 or university levels of education rather than the CAAT system and, if so, why had they chosen the latter over the others. The discussion that ensued led to a fourth attractor: the ease of entry that was not available at the other levels. This was offered as an attractor by a most established faculty, by fewer new faculty and not at all by academic managers. Faculty opinions about the issue of ease of entry appear to be influenced by vocational background, however. Those in the business, technology and health areas explained that, although they had had a university preparation, they were never strong academics and therefore teaching at a university was "a star too far." In addition, most had been well established and successfirl in their previous careers and had achieved a comfortable standard of living that they were unwilling to relinquish to return to university to acquire a teaching certificate to teach in the K-12 setting. Most also 45 expressed a reluctance to attend a teacher training program that would immerse them into a population of predominantly young adults with less maturity than they and who had limited life experiences. The issue of ease of entry was even more important to those who came from a creative or performing arts backgrounds. Many explained that, although they had gained success in their professions, their career paths had not followed formal lines but had advanced by way of personalized understudy with acclaimed performers. As such, their lack of academic credentials limited their options to the CAAT system. Other faculty had a history of both formal and informal education. One such individual explained: A part of me likes the idea of the school of the world which is where I felt I had come from, kind of bouncing out of various jobs, as a waiter, librarian . . . and I feel that that has been as much a part of my education as the formal part that was at university. So I didn't really feel that I wanted to go back into this scene where you are going to be molded into some kind of ‘teacher’. My senses kind of cloyed at that. For a significant number of faculty, teaching in a CAAT also provided a measure of financial security that could not be found in their previous occupations: construction and related industries are seasonal with downturns in the late fall through to the early winter; the freelance market of the performing and creative arts typically has its peaks and valleys; engineering usually involves working from contract-to-contract with periods of uncertainty in between; downsizing in business has thrown thousands out of work and left those that remain in an insecure position. Also, in the wake of downsizing in business, many middle-aged executives have become early retirees with financial security due to generous compensation packages. With at least ten more productive years ahead of them, 46 they are searching for a way to making use of their talents and experience. They see teaching in a CAAT as a viable way for them to maintain their productivity. A small number of established faculty claimed that their love of learning and the opportunity to be immersed in a learning environment was a powerful factor in their decision to enter the CAAT system. Some established faculty saw being in the college environment as an opportunity to cultivate a lifelong love of learning: "To stay in an environment that I enjoyed - a learning environment - and being in a CAAT would encourage me to cultivate that love of learning"; "I still enjoy the whole atmosphere of a learning environment, of being in an educational institution." While established faculty strongly supported the influence of this attractor, it was mentioned seldom by new faculty and not at all by academic managers. Although a love of learning was not mentioned by new faculty, they more than any other group viewed teaching — although not necessarily college teaching - as a lifelong ambition, almost a calling. They stated: I always wanted to teach but like everyone else in a recession, found that there were no teaching jobs so I was swayed fiom going to teacher's college. But I didn't give up the dream. . . I came from a teaching family so that was always revolving around in the back of my mind. . . Even when I was in high school, I saw college and university life and it always looked appealing to me . . . I saw these neat people who seem to have this nice job, dealing with students and dealt with, to me, very interesting topics. . . Although most new faculty felt a long-standing amnity with teaching, they revealed that they had felt an uneasiness with the prospect of teaching at the K-12 level and that they preferred teaching adult learners. This preference was based on their reluctance to deal 47 with the immaturity and under-motivation of young learners and the necessity of having to manage discipline problems that are perceived to be plaguing the K-12 system. In contrast to the new faculty, who claim that teaching was a vocation, many established faculty believed that teaching was never a career goal. Teaching, they claim, was like an afterthought, after many years of devoting themselves to their first careers. One individual claimed that there were two things she never wanted to become: "a nurse and a teacher." Another related that he "fell into teaching strictly by a fluke. " Still another "stumbled into the position . . . It definitely wasn't a lifelong ambition." The only established faculty member to cite CAAT teaching as a calling stated passionately: "It is almost like it was something I was chosen to do . . . Starting from a very young age, my parents didn't want me to be a teacher - they wanted me to do something that makes more money. But at the same time, it kept drawing me back." Some faculty saw CAAT teaching as an opportunity to rejuvenate their understanding of their own profession: "It was exciting, a way of staying fiesh"; "There was some stagnation in my day-to-day work and I thought that teaching would be a good way of learning and getting rejuvenated." One individual believed that, unlike other areas of education, the college would provide her with the opportunity to keep current with what was happening in the community through supervision of students in a field practicum. An important peculiarity of the CAATs is the tendency of its faculty to remain in their previous careers while assuming a teaching career. Unlike the first-and second- career teachers described in the literature on secondary school teacher development, it 48 appears that most CAAT professors are generally dual-career teachers. Those from the creative and performing arts generally don't intend to leave their professional area when they assume a position as a CAAT teacher. They have served as photographers, journalists and musicians, and after having worked on a fiee lance basis for a number of years, they choose to "let some of that go and make a career move into education." For the musicians, the novelty of the seven nights a week lifestyle on tour wears thin, and they seek a "steady gig" with a regular income. As one musician put it, he is afforded the luxury of "picking and choosing, being able to do those things that speak to me and rejecting those that do not." Assuming a second career provides the security "so that I can turn down other stufi‘ in my professional life that I didn't like doing . . . entering the college has given me a stimulating new career and at the same time has enriched my old career." As one individual put it: "it isn't like abandoning the music industry and selling shoes. It allows you to do some other things and still remain in your craft, with your art." Similarly, in the technology programs faculty are customarily engaged in consulting in the field of engineering while involved in college teaching. Likewise, in human services programs faculty maintain that they "liked the idea that I wasn't giving up my previous profession because [in my teaching position] I was still going to be linked with the community . . . out in the field working with agencies . . . for me the duality of my roles was the justification for my giving up part of my previous career." Most members of all three participant groups agreed that the practical nature of the CAATs was an influential attractor. Although new and established faculty did not view their own academic achievements to have been outstanding, they did feel that they 49 had accumulated a wealth of practical experience that could be imparted to college-level students. There was a good fit between what they had to ofl‘er and what college students sought — practical vocational skills that were relevant to the job market. 4.2. Understanding of CAAT Teaching and the CAAT System All participants were asked how much they understood about the college system and college teaching before being hired, or in the case of academic managers, they were asked how much they believe new faculty understood. Despite all the perceived attractors that brought faculty to the college, two-thirds of the participants responded that new and/or prospective faculty have no knowledge. Most of the remainder responded that they had little knowledge. The former response was made by new faculty and established faculty. One professor who had followed an informal career path stated: "I just felt that being a teacher. . . you know the famous line: Those who can, do. Those who cannot, teach. And I thought that teaching would be some sort of failure on my part." Others stated succinctly, "None," or "I had absolutely no idea what I was getting into . . . I was thrown into the deep water" One admitted that he equated the CAATs to other educational systems he had experienced: "I thought they would be very, very similar, " and admitted that they turned out to be "much, much different from what I was anticipating." Another explained, "I think I may have had a vague gut feeling of what I thought it was going to be like based on my experiences at university, but CAATs and universities are not the same . . . But I don't think I knew what college teachers were all about. " Still another revealed: "I walked into this place with little or no idea of what my role should be, how to act or what to do. . ." 50 When asked the same question, academic managers responded that faculty "have a limited understanding . . . I would say that 80% of the people who land in our college system as a new career have very limited understanding of what it is." Still one other academic manager reinforced this opinion: "I don't believe that they come in with their eyes fully open. I think there are surprises, more or less for different people, but I don't think any of them — any of us - came in knowing what it is about." Many faculty agree that it is common to enter the CAAT system with little understanding: "I had an idea. I had an inkling;" "I was pretty much in the dark about the system, the type of students, the roles I would play. " Another reported, "I really didn't know anything other than the fact that my husband was a CAAT teacher, and I thought I ' had an understanding of what he did. He got up. He went to work. I did a lot of his routine marking, but I didn't know a lot about it other than that. " Still another said, "I can't really say that I had a definite picture in my mind of what a college teacher was." Most faculty attributed their lack of understanding to their inexperience with the system. One explained: "I had very little experience with the CAAT. I can't think of a single person who was a CAAT teacher." Another stated: "Very little. Very little about the CAAT system because I had never come through the system. I didn't even know where the college was when I applied." Few participants stated that they had some understanding of the CAAT system, and those who did had gained some exposure as CAAT students: "I learned about teaching by observing the professors who taught me . . . I persevered through some terrible, terrible classes . . . and I have a pretty good idea of what I like and what I don't"; 51 "I have a vision of what I think a professor should be . . . " "In a sense I knew what I was getting into but I didn't know the extent to which it would be a real challenge . . . I guess I was kind of naive . . . I knew that the CAATs were more practical than the university . . . more applied." "I had a friend who went to teach in the CAAT system . . . and her roles were a lot difl‘erent from what my university professors were doing." Only academic managers reported that they believe the new faculty have an understanding of teaching methodologies: "I think there is a sense . . . of what teaching is all about"; "They do have some ideas. People have taught or done training in many different settings so you bring that with you, as part of the baggage in some cases, and in other cases as part of the positive experiences of teaching. " Most faculty, on the other hand, believe that their understanding of methodologies was limited: "I didn't know much about teaching. My perception of the CAAT was that it was more practical, less theoretical," "I knew there would be more hands-on experience because of the equipment that was used in the industry." One person revealed: I was aware that I would be asked to work with smaller groups and give some hands-on experience. But I really anticipated it being very similar to the university experience where I would have very little contact with the students, perhaps not even get to know their names and I would deliver my sermons and give out tests that I would mark. One established professor stated that "if there was a blind spot, it was to the motivation and preparation level of the students." Upon entry into college teaching, faculty tend to think that the students would be more highly motivated and better prepared for post-secondary learning than they proved to be. This opinion was based on the limited perceptions of faculty who had taught night classes to adult learners and who believed that 52 the younger learners enrolled in firll time programs would be comparable in motivation and preparation. The majority of new faculty appear to have a poor understanding of the workload. They assume that they will work much less than the 40-50 hours per week that they experience. One person believed that he would "distribute tests. . . and I even recall thinking that I may even have people who would mark them for me. Of course, it was a shock when I found out how much more was involved than standing in front of a class . . ." As one academic manager explained it: "Part way through the first year, they look pretty haggard, and there is often a sense that they did not know all that was involved." 4.3. Reality Congruence Testing Once faculty have entered the college they undergo a process of induction that takes a variable amount of time depending upon the congruence between the individual's perceptions of the college and the reality that is experienced. Participants cited a number of realities that they believe were incongruent with their expectations. Recurrent themes included faculty workload; organizational characteristics; collegiality; curricular issues; the nature of the CAAT student; the unionized environment of the college; and job security. 4.3.1. Faculty worldoad The most often cited incongruence relates to the workload. Faculty workload is based on 18 hours of contact with students per week and many faculty fail to see the many other duties associated with or peripheral to classroom instruction. Consequently, they perceive the workload to be much lighter than it proves to be as the 18 hours often extrapolate to considerably more. Most academic managers reported that faculty are often 53 surprised at how time-consuming those other duties are. One academic manager explained that "there is a phenomenal surprise around workload. And again that is one of the real misunderstandings about teachers, and educators on the whole, that they have a very light workload." According to another academic manager, “for most faculty, the eighteen hours per week extended to forty-four or sixty-six.” Still another academic manager attempts to educate prospective faculty, during the interview by informing them: ". . . you are going to be doing about a job and a half. Are you prepared to commit to that?" He admits that ". . . they don't hear that, don't understand that . . . we all hear what wewanttohear. . . " Most new faculty agree with the academic managers that workload is grossly underestimated. One said: "I thought I would work less than 40-50 hours a week. How naive can one be? . . . I think it's really been a kick in the pants for me. I have had to devote a huge portion of my time to getting courses developed and it's affected my personal life. And that's nasty." Another new professor described the workload as "not light and I found it was stressful, a real struggle. A real struggle! I burned the candle at both ends many a night. I found all of a sudden, being hired full time, being thrown into my courses, just . . . too much." A third agreed: "it was heavy, considering I got hardly any direction. And when I look back on it a lot of the suffering was really unnecessary . . . we all go overboard at first and then you pull back. " Most faculty did not anticipate the variety of roles associated with college teaching. They found themselves involved in student counseling, sitting on committees, designing curriculum, developing instructional materials, consulting with the community, 54 marketing the college and its programs in the community, to name a few. Many were overburdened by the "balancing act" that a variety of roles imposed upon them. Others explained that they had been hired into a program coordinator position without the benefit of teaching experience. They believed that they were obligated to assume the coordinating role by default - the role had been rejected by everyone else in their department. Thus, they were struggling with how to become an effective teacher and with how to provide departmental leadership in an environment that was all but alien to them. Still others complained of a lack of communication and support from colleagues. When they enter the college, the perception of new faculty is limited to what is visible on their teaching schedule. For a few, of greater concern than workload, was how they would fill their fine time. One new professor who had been hired two weeks before the interview revealed: "My sense of it is that I will not be working as hard here as I was in my previous job, with the time pressure and the number of hours and so I'll either have time to take on more, doing special projects or in helping others in some way." Most established faculty hired ten years before held a similar opinion when they were hired: I don't think I realized how hard a job it was . . . and when I was given my first timetable, I remember wondering what I was going to do in my spare time? I thought I would have so much spare time. But that was short-lived because I soon realized how hard it was to do an effective job as a full time professor. It takes a LOT of energy, a lot of preparation, a lot of planning . . . I realized that the job involved MUCH more than I had thought. Another professor with ten years of service expressed a similar view: ". . .my perception of workload was totally different from what I experienced. I saw the 15 hours in the 55 classroom and thought, 'Great. What do I do with the rest of my time? This is great, really exciting. I have lots of opportunity to talk to other people. . .' I didn't realize how much preparation it took to get ready for those classes." For most new professors, the heavy workload associated with preparation efforts is often complicated by the absence of existing instructional materials, or by their removal from the college by the professor's predecessor. One new professor explained that, when he assumed his role, "there was nothing in writing and developed for my course. There were a couple of people who had been doing that job on a part time basis and when they left, they took all of their materials with them. So, it has been a ton of work. " Established faculty ofi‘ered: "What overwhelmed me was . . . the amount of work to create lesson plans, to put all this theory into a format that could be conveyed to others. I think the amount of work in preparing for classes made me appreciate, very much, what teachers did. . ." Another responded in agreement: "I didn't realize how much work it took to get ready for those 15 hours in the classroom. And I was given only one preparation that was repeated three times throughout the week. I knew of other people who were teaching three difi‘erent courses and I think they were really overworked. The workload issue is really underestimated by new people coming into the college." Although the variety of roles associated with college teaching arguably adds a dimension of richness to the CAAT professor's life, for some, it requires a "balancing act" that overburdens those who are unprepared for it. An established professor reported: "I think that what did overwhelm me at times was the balancing act . . . involved in being in the community and being with students. I was traveling [from one end of the city to the 56 other] so I was traveling a lot and trying to be in the classroom. . ." The few who were hired into a coordinating role communicate that their workload was an even greater burden. One new professor explained: "I didn't expect to be doing any of this stuff before I was hired. My workload was definitely heavier than I expected. I felt overwhelmed . . . I wasn't getting support for all the things I had to do. Things were just thrown in my lap . . . dumped on me. The first year was very, very tough." Another agreed: "Shortly after I was hired, I started coordinating the program . . . and I would move into my parents place [closer to the college] for 2 weeks a month for January, February and March so that I could be available to do all the timetabling . . . so I realized that timetabling was a major chore." Despite the general agreement on the issue of workload, there does appear to be evidence of variation along department lines. For example, faculty and administration in the business programs do not view workload as being heavy compared to the workload experienced in the business world from which they came. One academic manager claimed that "workload is never an issue. They find the workload not as demanding as expected. They find they don't have to spend 20 hours a day and the traveling that they had to do in the business world. . ." A new professor agreed: "in the industry fiom which I came you could work all night. There was no nine-to-five. You just worked. You had to meet deadlines and you just did it. So I don't find teaching that heavy a load. It's lighter than my former job. " 4.3.2. Organizational characteristics The theme of incongruence between faculty expectations and the realities of 57 organizational characteristics arose many times. Faculty and academic managers often described the CAAT as a professional bureaucracy, a highly structured, political environment with internal and external forces constantly influencing the organizational dynamics. One would expect that faculty who originated fi'om other public sector organizations would be better adapted to the politics and bureaucracy of the CAAT. One new professor commented that "coming from government, I certainly knew there would be [politics and bureaucracy] at higher levels. But I felt that when you got into the day-to- day stufi‘ that things would be [less political] and I soon found out. . . that things were not that way at all." Those who come from the world of private sector business, which has its own fair, share of politics, find the transition into the CAAT as dimcult as those who had originated in public sector institutions. One academic manager claimed that he tells all new faculty that they have to be patient . . . that things don't happen that fast; that they must be patient because the bureaucracy moves at a certain pace and that you can't always do things the way you want to . . . And that can REALLY fi'ustrate you . . . because in the business world, if you want to get money it can be done very quickly - you write up your plan and within maybe a week you get maybe a million dollars. Well, you can't do that here. It's very hard to get anything here . . . the college's culture is VERY political, you've got to understand that and you've got to understand the players. A new professor corroborated this view, stating that she found that there were a "lot of politics as is typical of any large organization in the public sector." She elaborated that the political pressures are often outside the control of the individual, leaving one with a feeling of helplessness. She contrasted this situation with her experience in the private sector, "where the individual pushes forward and is in control." 58 The transition was even more difficult for private sector workers who came from small businesses. One individual explained: I came fi'om a company that had 300 employees but it was spread over six or seven offices so that the biggest office was 60-70 people. You could figure out very, very quickly where your supports are, who you must consult to get things done. Coming into this organization was overwhelming and I still don't know how to get some things accomplished. I figured it out for the important things that I need on a day-to-day basis. But all the difi‘erent channels and people - the complexity is quite overwhelming. The realization that the CAAT was political was particularly stark to faculty with a creative and performing arts background. One academic manager asserted that, "Many of the faculty that I have worked with have not come from organizations. The whole idea that there's departmental or institutional politics is quite amazing to them and they don't know what to do with that - and I would defy anybody to identify any department that doesn't have any politics. " Some new faculty shared this opinion because their own learning had not taken place in a formal, bureaucratic environment. One performing arts professor agreed that he had lived on the fringe of society: "Society puts us there because we work when society is not working, so I have gone through my whole life accepting that I am a fiinge person. So coming into an institution was interesting for me because I had decided years ago that I was almost anti-institution." Because of the lifelong feelings of marginality, this individual, who entered the CAAT after 27 years of living a lifestyle that was on the fiinges of society, was suddenly thrust into a large, complex organization. He confided that he had fears and insecurities that he may not be able to fit in. 59 Other factors that may hinder integration of new faculty into the college are its physical size and complexity and the perceived inadequacy of its facilities. One established professor maintained that "it wasn't too long before I formed an opinion that the actual infrastructure of [the college] was, as far as I was concerned, just too big, a massive unit that wasn't well laid out. I had a real problem with that. I couldn't understand how one could build a structure that was so user unfiiendly." More commonly cited as detractors were the facilities and services that the college provides. The office environment for teachers is, in the words of one academic manager, VERY difl‘erent fi'om what they expected. Often because they come fi’om pretty good ofiice situations and it never occurred to them that it would be less than that. You're dealing with upper level executives who had been treated very well in their organizations and they come here and there are four of them to a booth, which is very open. A new professor supported this opinion: "Coming fi'om business, you are used to having a phone and a personal computer on your desk. Now you are sharing an extension and sharing a computer." On the other hand, a few faculty considered open office space as a learning environment for new teachers, providing "opportunities to just listen, to see how peers deal with students . . . [regardless of the program one was in] you could observe what was going on. I watched how my peers prepared material . . . Just listening to their conversations with students and seeing how they dealt with issues was interesting." One of the often-cited characteristics of the college's culture is its informal nature, and the freedom and flexibility that it affords faculty. One academic manager identified the "independence, the latitude . . . moving away from more autocratic expectations to 60 much more open, flexible stuff" as a surprise to many new faculty. One new professor described how she thrived in this environment of fieedom: "I like the flexibility of teaching, being able to manage my own time outside of my teaching schedule. That makes it particularly good for people like me. Coming in at a certain age, maybe you need that easing of the schedule and [the fieedom] particularly suits me." Another attested: "The fi'eedom of what I was allowed to do and how I was allowed to deliver my courses is wonderful. " Still another claimed emphatically: I like the flexibility and the freedom. I like the fact that my boss knows that I am going to get the job done. You don't have someone standing over your shoulder telling you what to do, and you do it. I was always an independent worker and I need independence. I wouldn't want to go back to my profession and if I ever did, it would be as a sideline only. Another agreed: "I'm not a procedure kind of guy. If you gave me a policy and procedure . . . that's why I left the bank. That's all the bank was . . . policies and procedures; whereas here, I am able to flourish in an environment where I have fi'eedom and flexibility. " While the majority of new faculty found the fi'eedom and flexibility of the college to be energizing, others struggled with it. The few who had not worked in an environment that fostered independence found the informality and freedom of the CAAT to be very fiustrating, describing it as lacking in structure, direction and support. One academic manager revealed the other face of the freedom issue: “We lost a fill] time faculty member after only one year. . . she had a lot of trouble adjusting and her major problem was the unstructured approach of a professor's life here. Your academic manager doesn't manage your time. She needed a lot of direction." A new professor expressed a similar difficulty 61 in adapting to the informality and freedom: "I did expect more [structure] but I didn't know whether I was expecting too much or whether it was just me. . ." This individual cited an additional example of a new colleague who also experienced a negative incident attributable to what she perceived to be the poorly structured environment of the CAAT. The new colleague had been given a list of fifteen students to supervise in a field practicum, expecting that her duty was to be limited to their supervision. She was horrified when told the she was expected to "FIND placements in agencies first, place the students in the agencies and then the visitations begin." The task itself distressed her less than the fact that she had not been informed about the extent of her duties. Another new professor perceived the casual nature of the organization as signifying a tendency to "sweep things under the rug . . . Nobody wants to deal with anything . . . that blew me out of the water . . . Nobody wants to take responsibility." A majority of both the new faculty and academic managers commented negatively on the unionized environment of the CAAT as a detractor to the quality of college life and to job security of newcomers. Academic managers lamented the rigidity that the Standard Workload Formula (SWF) imposed on faculty utilization. A condition of the collective agreement, the SWF is viewed by many as the only instance of unyielding rigidity in an environment that is otherwise favored with flexibility and fieedom. Managers decry their inability to retain part time faculty for longer than three consecutive semesters without hiring them as fiill time employees. Consequently, they must release many part time faculty with whom they are pleased and begin the recruitment process anew. This practice assures a steady influx of inexperienced, poorly socialized neophytes. Furthermore, 62 academic managers perceive the unionized environment of the college to be at the root of the prevailing "we-versus-they" attitude that they believe fosters an adversarial relationship between themselves and faculty. Not a single established professor referred to their relationship with academic managers in this light. Every new professor interviewed expressed deep concern about the prospect of an impending strike. Also, at least halfexpressed disappointment, even bitterness, at the protection that the union afiords established faculty on the basis of seniority, not merit. They described many veteran faculty as unproductive, out-dated and resistant to change and they blamed the union for maintaining what many described as "dead wood." 4.3.3. Collegiality A third area of incongruence deals with the collegiality experienced by new faculty. Most new hires are surprised that the veteran faculty "accept them as part of the team." One new professor characterized her most pleasant surprise was "being made part of the group and encouraged by my peers - it was the collegiality." Another gave an explanation for the collegiality that she experienced: "Coworkers are very easy to get along with . . . I found in the professional world, it was a dog-eat-dog existence. In the college people were helpful, co-operative and pleasant to work with because there was no need to be competitive." When another new professor was asked if he felt accepted by his peers he responded: "Very strongly. Very strongly. A 10 on a scale of l to 10. I feel very accepted. Everyone's dropped by, has concerns [for my welfare], shares information whether I ask or not, really interested. . ." Established faculty agree that their early experiences were "much more collegial than I had expected." 63 While most academic managers claimed that new faculty seem to be surprised at the degree of collegiality that deveIOped between themselves and established faculty, one was more skeptical about the universality of that collegiality: "I bet by-and-large - and this probably changes fiom department to department - they feel pretty much alone." This assessment was shared by another academic manager who offers a pragmatic reason: "I don't really hear any comments about it but my observation is that there tends to be less collegiality [than expected]. The major reason is the scheduling . . . in a sixteen or eighteen contact hour week, faculty are in attendance an average of three hours a day. With six- hour days, they could be at the college only three days a week. You are not required to be here a lot of the time. So very often you're passing colleagues coming in and going out." An additional reason lies with the state of changing technologies. The use of computers is more isolating. As more and more faculty spend time at home on personal computers, less time is available for them to build collegiality. Another academic manager ofi‘ers a different interpretation: "[Collegiality] varies, even within my own school. It tends to be program-specific. In certain professions, professionals are trained to work alone and so when a new professor enters into [a program that prepares individuals to work in these occupations], he will probably see a lot of [faculty] working alone. However, in engineering, people tend to work in teams, so in programs that prepare individuals to work in [technology occupations], he will see faculty in these programs working together more. It's the nature of their field." Many new professors support this contention. Those in the creative and performing arts programs were content to be left in isolation, without collegial interaction and support. Their 64 relative isolation, they explain, "is part of our nature as [artists] we isolate ourselves to a certain extent . . . we've always felt on the fiinge of society and it's sort of a self-fulfilling prophecy. We don't expect to develop close collegial relationships and our peers understand that and leave us in our isolation." It would appear that the prior career socialization influences how individuals expect to work within the college setting. When they assume a position as a new professor, architects or artists may not expect a great deal of collegiality, whereas health workers of engineers may expect a great deal. The preference by faculty for collegiality over isolation is an important part of the modeling that faculty must allow their students to see as a part of their own preparation for the workplace. 4.3.4. Curricular issues A fourth area of incongruence relates to curriculum. I have adopted the broad definition of curriculum that is used by Robertson, et a1. (1985): "The total set of stimuli deliberately brought to bear during a designated time period, with the intention of nurturing or producing student learning." I include the prescribed curriculum document (the content), classroom instruction, and evaluation of student learning. Most new faculty are surprised at the systematic structure of curricula. As one academic manager put it: "The fact that we spell it out and that we now work with learning outcomes as opposed to . . . 15 - 20 years ago [when we had] 2 or 3 goals and that was it. Now all of a sudden we are into these detailed leaming outcomes and competency-based [curricula] and that comes as a surprise." An established professor admits: 65 I was very naive, I guess, when I first came here. [I thought] you just tell people what you know and somehow learning happens all by itself. The more I became involved the more I realized that there was somebody behind those [curriculum documents] that were so well laid out. " On the other hand, one new professor was disappointed at what she perceived to be an inadequacy of curriculum development: "I thought it was going to be more structured. Having grown up in a family of teachers where you hear curriculum spoken every other word, I thought there would be more structure in terms of delivery, tests, content. " Besides the organization of the content, many faculty were surprised at the breadth and complexity of content. One academic manager explains, "I think they're surprised at the complex level of theory to which we aspire." A professor agreed: ". . . the level of understanding that [was expected of] students, and recognizing that there was a hierarchy of content complexity were real surprises." An academic manager reported that faculty are also surprised by the practice of generic skills being incorporated into the curriculum document. A new professor expressed surprise at the fieedom that faculty had in the development of curricula. She said, "I didn't really appreciate that there was a lot of individual input. There was certainly a rein on basic format and basic requirements but there was a lot of freedom for individual difference when delivering a course. So that was the biggest [surprise.]” Most faculty appear to struggle with the pacing of the delivery of instruction. One new professor admitted “I had absolutely no idea what constituted a three hour class.” Another agreed "I had to think seriously about how much time goes into a class; how it 66 long it takes to prepare for two hours of presentation. That was a big shock." One academic manager expressed grave concerns about this matter. He explained, ". . . the big thing that I say to teachers all the time is that the important thing for students is closure. Don't give the students the impression in weeks 12 through 15 that you're covering 90% of the material. It must be paced. . ." He went on to explain that many faculty are caught by a compression at the same time as their students. The consequence, he claims, is that there develops this double peak of the student already procrastinating like mad and guess what? They've left everything to the last minute. And then the teacher’s putting the last 40% of the course content on the backs of the students. That's just dysfunctional. And I get the students coming [to my office] in droves. Most new business faculty contend that, as senior level corporate executives, they have been teaching most of their professional lives through the delivery of presentations to clients, at department meetings, to boards of directors or at shareholders' meetings. One academic manager alleges that they do not to appreciate the difi‘erences between public speaking and teaching. He explained, "It seems to me that, throughout their experience in business, everything is very ‘ short tenn' . . . but a presentation of one hour is not the same as a course of 16 weeks." He believes that these individuals fail to recognize the difficulties associated with the long term development of a theme; with the need to develop student competency; with the need to use and to measure learning outcomes; with the need to achieve affective development - to begin the process of socialization of students into the occupation. He believes that these differences are "the hardest things for them to get used to. . ." 67 Most academic managers noted a challenge that they believe to be the biggest surprise to new faculty. One explained: "IfI could pick one single thing that has been my experience with every new person, regardless of whether he comes from the first- or the second-career group, it is evaluation techniques - efi‘ective evaluation techniques!" Another academic manager agreed: ". . .I'm pretty sure that they don't know how to evaluate. That's one of the things that I feel very confident about." A third reinforces the others: ". . .evaluation is the thing I think all new teachers need. The classroom management stuff falls out of it. " One of the dificulties for new faculty, even for those with many years of presentation experience, is that they tend to place an inordinate amount of their efi‘orts on instruction; little on evaluation. An academic manager makes the point about the executive-turned-faculty: "Maybe they've done training and maybe they've done lecturing, maybe they've stood up in fiont of a cast of a thousand shareholders, but they don't know how to evaluate and they don‘t know how to link [evaluation] to learning outcomes. . ." He claims that he feels strongly about the importance of Bloom's taxonomy in evaluation. "1 bet you I could pull out 80% of the test and I bet you they are knowledge and comprehension and a little bit of analysis but virtually NO synthesis or evaluation. Vutually none, even at the sixth semester level." Passionate about the issue, he asserts: "Learning about outcomes, especially affective ones, and evaluation was a whole new way of thinking for me. " While most academic managers referred to the challenges of student evaluation, few identified a lack of understanding of the theory and practices of test validity and test 68 analysis as problematic for new faculty. In addition, one academic manager reported that new faculty often experience dificulty with the events that follows student evaluation, explaining: I think many of them are surprised at how dimcult evaluation is and I don't think it's the "How do you design an assignment or a test" but the "How you mark it? How you break it down? How do you deal with students who end up in your ofice in tears because they failed?" And "Do I hang tough? Do I not hang tough?" They don't expect to have to deal with this. Most new faculty agree with the academic managers on the difiiculty posed by student evaluation: "1 had no idea what went into evaluating students. I had no understanding that it would be so difiicult. I didn't expect to question myself about the correctness of answers; whether I should grant partial marks for answers. I had this black- and-white idea of evaluation." Nowhere was the ambiguity more evident than in the creative arts programs. Faculty questioned how one evaluates something that is creative and so subjective as music. “What is an A? What is a B?” one professor pondered. A colleague reinforced concerns about this dilemma: "I didn't realize that I would get into so many debates with myself." Another nuance of the evaluation problem was associated with ambiguous or changing evaluation criteria: "The low point of my first year experience was the realization that the standards are so negotiable. I think that sometimes we are too easygoing on certain issues. Sometimes I think perhaps we should tighten things up a little and at others I think maybe not." Another lamented the ambiguity of the policy of granting supplemental examinations: 69 I had gone through so many years of university and had never asked for a rewrite, knew that I wasn't going to be given one and that I had just better make it to my exams. So I had not set any policies in class and our outlines are all "at the teacher’s discretion," so now here I was stuck for a whole semester with the most lame excuses for make-up tests and I had no right to say no. I soon tightened that up the next semester. That was fi'ustrating. The unanticipated dificulties with curriculum issues are varied, to be sure. However, all participant groups appeared to be less concerned about overcoming these difficulties than they were with other issues over which they had less control. They explained that they recognized the solutions to curricular problems to be found in training programs and experience. 4.3.5 Nature of the CAAT student All academic managers reported that new faculty are surprised about the range of ages, sociocultural backgrounds and academic abilities among their students. They were also unprepared for the ethnic diversity of students, but more importantly, for their dificulties in communicating, their deficiencies in motivation and their inability to work independently. One academic manager reported that "Every new faculty member. . . is absolutely amazed that students in their classrooms are graduates of high schools." One professor expressed that she had been surprised over the ethnic diversity of college students, explaining that she had grown up in a "waspish area." When she entered the CAAT, her first classes had noticeable ethnic diversity. She revealed that the ethnic students' regard for time was alien to her. Evidently she was confused when they often did not show up for classes at the same time that she did. She revealed that, although she had participated in culture sensitivity sessions, she really didn't understand the difi‘erences until 70 she experienced them. This individual explained that along with the cultural diversity came a need for her to be more tolerant of the difl‘erences she experienced and for an exploration of different approaches to relationship-building. Most new faculty agreed with the assessment of the academic managers that fi'eshman students are generally under-prepared for college: "I came into the college expecting that the students would be of a fairly high caliber and I find that's not the case." Another stated with disappointment: "I wondered what had happened to our school system. And being a parent of young children, I was very concerned. I was concerned that, if I don't catch these people who are so under-prepared, when they leave [this college] with a diploma, they are not going to be proud, nor am I." They also expressed surprise at the communication skills of freshmen. One contended: "The writing was unbelievable. It was like I was reading Grade 2 work, the way the sentences were structured." On the other hand, one established professor recalled that, because of her own anxieties about teaching, she did not see the student under- preparedness reported by others. She explained: In the first year I did not really feel the strain of their academic under- preparedness. I wasn't even aware of it. I was more concerned about my perceived inability to teach them. That's why they weren't doing well. It didn't register with me that they were under-prepared. I was focusing too much on my own inadequacies. I didn't even realize it until the second year that maybe these kids were not ready to learn. I took more responsibility for their failures than I should have. For many faculty the issue of student under-motivation is as prominent as the illiteracy problem. According to one academic manager, for new faculty, student under- motivation is a surprise because "on thinking back to when they were a student, they think 71 things haven't changed, [and they fail to realize that] not everybody is here to learn. They are still making decisions in their lives. So college is a fun time in their lives. Particularly the first year. There isn't that focus [that faculty expect.]" Another academic manager agreed: new faculty often don't expect that all students don't approach school with this attitude that, "It's going to be a great experience and I'm open to learning." I think that really throws many of them to have students that are more or less under-motivated and more or less disinterested in what they are teaching. That is difi'rcult for new teachers because I don't think they expected that. A third academic manager agreed that, "Most of the faculty find that difficult . . . walking in fiont of a class and finding out that they are not all paying attention and taking notes." Ifthis problem is pervasive for faculty teaching the vocational courses, it is more dificult for those teaching general education courses. An academic manager in the general studies area explained: I like to think that community college presents perhaps the most unique challenges that a teacher can face, more than the secondary school, more than the university because it is a unique challenge of being able to deliver your content to an audience whose focus doesn't allow them to see the need for a liberal arts education, how its going to help students to move down their career path. All established faculty agreed with this viewpoint. One reported: "Motivation and maturity is less than I expected so you treat them differently . . . More attempts to explain the relevance of what they are learning, where it will take them. " Another believed that he was prepared for the under-motivated student, he reported that, "I felt that the students would be under-motivated, having two kids of my own." For him the reality was striking: "Once I got here, even though I expected it, the reality was quite different once I 72 experienced it. You really had to try to find out why they were like this. . ." A Professional Development consultant made the same observation about the realities reported by new faculty: They assumed - and this is part of the blind spot - they assumed they would be dealing with adults with motivation, positive attitude, and a desire to be here. And they find that there is a good portion of peOple who are here for heaven knows what reason, not because they wish to be here. And I think that is discouraging to them. One innovative professor, "started to realize that delivery was going to have to be something on the order of an MTV show to get their attention for longer that 20 seconds at a time. You know, it was going to have to be little bites and you have to be dancing around, which is what I've had ended up doing in various ways and with various degrees of success." One of the realities afi‘ecting the motivation of students in the CAAT is that some learners are sent by their employers or by Canada Employment Centers to qualify for social assistance. One established professor explained that his first experience with the realities of teaching taught him that all students were not there with the same objective in mind; that is, for me to teach well and for them to learn. Some of them were told to be there. They didn't necessarily want to be there. They were sent. I came in thinking . . . I'm here to teach and, of course, they are here to learn. They want to learn. I was wrong. On his first day of teaching, he encountered a group of students most of whom "didn't have grade 8 education, and most were unionized." They refused to budge from the cafeteria, defending their actions and rejecting his entreaties to enter the classroom. The "largest, meanest of the group" served as the spokesman declaring, "No we are not going 73 to." After he inquired into the source of their dissatisfaction, they proclaimed, "Because it's garbage. We don't need to know this." This professor found this and similar challenges taxed his energies and compelled him to draw upon his inner resources to ensure that a bad situation did not worsen. Lastly, most faculty found that large numbers of fi'eshmen were unable to work well independently. One explained: ". . . as a university student, it was up to me to learn and if I couldn't learn it was up to me to go and get help on my own. Nobody was going to catch me. The expectation here is that the teacher will stay with me and catch me. More hand-holding." Despite the many surprises that new professors experience about the nature of the CAAT students, there is universal agreement about the strength of the relationships that develop between faculty and their students. Most explained that they themselves had come through a university experience that was isolating, impersonal and socially unsatisfying. On assuming a teaching position in the CAAT, they expected that they would have to endure a similar relationship with their own students. One new professor contended that "It was different being in a program where everybody knew everyone by name. At university, as a student, I had felt very isolated and disenfranchised. When I came into the college I was shocked - pleasantly - at the relationships between students and faculty. . . As a college student, you feel much more a part of a community." Another new professor concurred: I really didn't anticipate the amount of nurturing that went on as a part of the job. I quite often explain the job as being about 20% teaching and the rest of my time is spent as either a policeman or psychologist or a fiiend. . . 74 Certainly getting involved in all aspects of the students' afi'airs to . . . somehow trying to draw them out and trying to find out what makes them tick and what lights a fire under them and why they are struggling in one area and not struggling in another area. Again it's a heck of a lot more that I expected based on of the perceptions that I had formed as a result of my experience at university. 4.3.6. Diversity of faculty roles Most of the roles of a CAAT professor are not well anticipated even though the recruitment documents appear to do a reasonably good job of communicating this information to prospective new faculty. Most academic managers claim that new faculty have little difiiculty with the role of the new professor as a classroom lecturer. One academic manager explained: "I think they have a clear sense of what's involved in the classroom teaching and have probably given some thought to that because of their own experiences [as students] and because that's the more obvious part [of the role of a teacher]. An established professor agreed: I think that being in the role of a student for so many years I felt that was one strong advantage I had as a teacher. Having experienced a lot as a student, I could relate to my students' academic abilities very well. If something didn't work in a lesson, I could perceive that try something difi‘erent, something new, an alternative method of getting the content across, so that, I didn't face any unusual surprises. But not all academic managers agree on the merits of the student experience in developing teaching skills. One pointed out that "sometimes peOple look at teachers and say, ‘It’s easy to do. Ofi’ the top of their heads.’ But it isn't until they get into it that they realize that what we are expecting is a lot difi’erent from the way they were taught." Complicating the life of a new professor is the need to adopt the role of information technology specialist. One academic manager points out, "The new anxiety, 75 which I believe will continue and may get worse, is the commitment to being more high tech and more glossy with the use of technologies like the Power Point projection system . . . it raises the anxiety particularly for the new teachers who suddenly realize that instructional technologies involve more than an overhead projector and handouts." Many academic managers and faculty explained that newcomers express surprise at the roles that student discipline problems impose on new faculty. An academic manager pointed out that "the [students] of today are more aggressive than we are used to, and discipline and respect is sometimes not there. That seems to be a big surprise." An established professor admitted that she had difiiculty with "how to manage a class - that was the concern for me - paying attention [to student behavior] and keeping people on track. . . the balance between making sure that my presentations are informative and interesting and keeping students involved. . . and feeling comfortable to play the authoritarian role when necessary." A Professional Development Consultant explained "the role of the policeman is a good term. They really feel that they need to crack the whip more often than they should. . ." Another unexpected role of new faculty is that of counselor. One academic manager expressed that, next to discipline problems, new faculty consult with him more often about counseling problems than for any other reason. He believes that "so few teachers feel comfortable or confident [in their abilities to counsel students]. One new professor admitted I didn't have any idea how much time was spent with the students because I didn't spend a lot of time with the faculty when I was a student in university. You would never see a student with a prof, unless there was a 76 big problem and then you could only see him fiom 2-4 on the second Tuesday of the month. . . So I didn't have a really good sense of how much time would be spent in a counseling role. An established professor agreed that the unexpected problems that occur with the students - and many are personal issues - present a challenge to new faculty. He admitted that he was unprepared for the counseling role, lacking in skills to deal with issues brought forward by students: "I didn't feel well prepared for [it]. I learned those [skills] as a new teacher. I do not think you naturally have competencies going into a new teaching role; you can't possibly have anticipated all the problems, the concerns, issues outside of the classroom.” It would appear that although recnritment documentation spells out the variety of roles firlfilled by CAAT faculty, either the applicants fail to see the information or most do not understand what they see, because there appear to be many surprises around faculty roles. ’ 4.3.7. Job insecurity Lastly, new faculty reported feeling insecure about the firture of their jobs. In addition to the perceived union influences, these feelings of insecurity may be a consequence of the times. The interviews were conducted at a time when the provincial government adopted a policy of slashing firnding to the public sector to reduce the budgetary deficit. Although neither academic managers nor established faculty commented on the issue of j ob security, almost all new faculty expressed concerns. One new professor recently arrived from the private sector lamented: 77 This present government's policies of slashing and burning has caused consternation in the college - morale of teachers, staff and students has been badly affected. There seems to be - and I wasn‘t aware of it until I got into the system - a perception that college teachers are undervalued, and yet when I'm here I see nothing but good things. I am concerned about job security and its making people grab at whatever they can and it's making people a bit paranoid and carefirl about what they say and how they behave. That was also a surprise to me. Another new professor reflected this fear of being the victim of budgetary cutbacks: I am very, very worried as are many new faculty about what's going to happen with the budget cuts, because I can't see myself doing anything else [but teaching]. If I were let go I would seriously consider going to teacher's college and finding myself in a high school. That would be my second choice but I'm not going to give up on teaching. I would go to a private college. This is definitely a good fit for me. In summary, in the first year of the new professors' career, they spend a variable period of time testing the congruence of their preconceived understandings against the realities that they experience. Participants usually identify a number of important incongruencies: the workload of full time professors is heavier than expected; the organization is larger, more complex, more bureaucratic, but more informal; there is a variable degree of collegiality as determined by the department and the professions fiom which their peers came; curriculum interpretation and evaluation of students prove to be more dificult than expected; CAAT students are more diverse culturally, but less motivated, less prepared academically, less disciplined and less independent than expected; the roles of full time professors are more varied than expected; and, there is less job security than expected. 4.4. Recruitment Recruitment begins with the hiring manager identifying the need for staff. The 78 manager then submits a request for staff the Vice President (Academic) who must be convinced of the need for a firll time employee and that the budget can support long-term employment. The Vice-President then forwards it to the President for his signature, who forwards it to the Financial Services department to validate the budgeting. The request is then directed to the Human Resources Department where an analysis is done to ensure that the attributes being sought by the selection committee are congruent with those required by the vacancy. The position is posted internally for seven days, unless a previously laid-off, qualified individual is available on recall. Ifthere are no internal candidates, the posting is sent to other CAATs and is advertised in trade journals and newspapers. Meanwhile telephone solicitations are done with business and industry and the word is sent out that a position is vacant. In all, the process could take many months. There is a variety of means for recruiting new professors, some involving active searches, others employing a more passive approach. In some program areas, a passive approach to the recruitment of new faculty is sufiicient to yield results. The most common means of recnriting in this manner are by way of advertisements in newspapers, professional journals and postings on employment bulletin boards. In other program areas, active recruitment processes are required, including consultations with employers, telephone solicitation and personal referrals. In the past, advertisements have been placed in newspapers of all sizes, from local ones to those with provincial or national distributions. Although this medium has been successfirl in recruiting new faculty into some academic programs, the cost is usually prohibitive, and for most programs, it has not been successful in locating suitable recruits. 79 Although newspaper ads have been more successfirl in recruiting faculty to broad disciplines, such as marketing or law, they have been disappointing in most vocational areas with a more narrow focus. A better alternative to the newspaper is the medium of the trade journal. For substantially less cost, advertisements reach audiences often numbering in the tens of thousands, with the added advantage that the audience is more finely targeted. However, there are two disadvantages to trade journals: not all occupations publish them; and they are often released on a quarterly basis, making advertising untimely. A third means of passive recruitment is by way of postings on employment bulletin boards in the college doing the recruiting or in other CAATs. The most limited means of passive recruitment, the success of this method often depends upon chance encounters by job-seekers. More often, individuals employed at the college read a job posting and refer fiiends or acquaintances working in the industry. The major detractor to all fornrs of passive recruitment is that the faculty aspirant is usually unknown to those doing the hiring. What is more important, invariably the recruiting college and its students, curricula and culture are unknown to the job seeker. A review of recruitment documentation reveals that recruiters place a heavy emphasis on vocational expertise, years of experience and reputation in the vocational field. Other qualities of candidates do not appear to be sought, instead there is a focus on "qualifications" that tend to be rather ambiguous and difficult to measure, such as "commitment to professional training," "excellent human relations skills," and "organizational skills." When reference is made to matters of teaching and learning, it is 80 usually expressed as an afterthought: "teaching experience is an asset." Recruitment documentation appears to do a much better job of informing prospective candidates about the roles of the CAAT professor, although this varies widely by department. One posting described the duties as merely, "teaching and performing related duties. " Another described the roles as "designing, revising and updating course material to support the program as well as teaching in the program." Most were very specific and thorough in their communication of roles. Some roles mentioned include: designing/revising course curricula; creating an effective learning environment; teaching in the subject area; evaluating student progress; field work evaluation; consulting with colleagues, advisory committees and employers; student advisement; student recruitment; and program marketing. There appears to be much more success with active forms of recnritment. Because the college has close ties with the industries it serves, recruiters prefer to target those organizations through individuals such as plant managers for technology positions, or ofice administrators in doctor's offices for medical secretarial positions, or business managers for business positions. Recruiters may choose to contact these persons directly by telephone or to conduct a search through the program's advisory committee. The latter strategy has advantages because the members of the advisory committee understand both the academic program and the industry and are therefore able to make sound recommendations of prospective new faculty. Another means of active recruitment is to consult employers who provide field practice for students or who have hired graduates from the program seeking new faculty. 81 Many such employers are invited or requested to teach on a part-time basis in the vocational program. After gaining experience in teaching and becoming familiar with the programs curriculum, they may ask to be kept informed if a firll-time position becomes available. An important recruitment strategy that is unique to the college studied is the ofl’ering of a Human Resources program that prepares individuals to work in Human Resources ofiices throughout the province. The connection of these graduates to the college has proven to be of benefit both when placing graduates as well as when recruiting new faculty. One academic manager related an interesting symbiotic connection that has recnritment potential. He meets often with his colleagues, heads of departments at other CAATs across the province, and discusses sessional faculty who worked out well but who, under the terms of the colleges' collective agreement, could not be retained more than three semesters. There is a sharing of such faculty allowing them to "ride the circuit," to remain in the system, until a full-time position becomes available. There are many variations on strategies for active recruitment all of which draw their strength from the power of vocational contacts and of "ear-to-the-ground" recnriting. Many new faculty maintain that, if it were not for active recruitment, they would never have considered teaching as a second career. They claim that they were swayed by the overtures from contact persons at the college or peers in the industry who themselves were involved with the college. One new professor spoke for many of his peers when he explained: "It's not the way I was heading, consciously, but things get around through the 82 grape vine. People that I knew were teaching here so they helped to get me in the door through word-of-mouth recruitment." During the late 1980's and 90's a very large candidate pool became available to some academic areas as a result of the downsizing of small companies and large corporations alike. This is particularly true in the business programs where an enormous number of unsolicited resumes were received from individuals with 15 to 20 years of experience in the private sector. Many were executives who had been granted generous compensation packages, and who still had many productive years before they were ready to retire fully. Others came from laid-off employees who saw college teaching as an opportunity to stay peripherally within their field and at the same time avoid wholesale retraining. Other more fortunate individuals who maintained their employment sought part-time teaching opportunities as a hedge against the unemployment that they saw surfacing around them. All of these individuals created a substantial pool of sessional, partial load and part-time faculty - non-full-time faculty (NFT) - fiom which full-time professors were hired. In fact, most academic managers suggest that this experience serves as an "apprenticeship" for those who submit unsolicited resumes for firll time employment. They explain that both parties have an opportunity to examine each other before a long term commitment is made. While an abundance of NFT faculty existed in the business programs, in many other areas there was a shortage of suitable peOple because the cost of living in a large metropolitan area made relocation prohibitive. The experience obtained during sessional, partial load and part time teaching begs the question of whether the socialization of these individuals really begins with their firll- 83 time employment or whether it begins earlier. One could argue that the skills and knowledge of college teaching and the socialization of faculty into the college's culture should occur from the point of first hiring; that is, as a non-full-time (NFT) employee. There is great skepticism around whether these pre-hiring experiences are efi‘ectively socializing. For instance, NFT faculty are rarely evaluated to determine the effectiveness of their teaching skills so it is impossible to tell whether they develop effective skills and knowledge associated with college professors. Second, they receive no formal orientation or training, with the exception of those in the General Education area, where sessional faculty are assigned to a mentor. Third, they are seldom screened to determine their motivations to teach, their interests, their commitment to teaching and to students, their understanding of the college level student or the goals of the curriculum. Most, in fact, have as much difiiculty in interpreting the curriculum as their students. Lastly, because most NFT faculty are paid on an hourly basis, they are rarely available outside of regularly scheduled classroom contact times. Thus, they seldom participate in departmental meetings, are generally oblivious to college afi’airs, and are all but immune from the politics that influence full-time faculty. 4.5. Selection Selection of new faculty is generally made by a committee consisting of the academic manager doing the hiring, a representative from the Human Resources department and faculty. The process begins when the search committee meets to formulate the interview questions based on the selection criteria. Decisions are based upon information obtained by methods commonly used by selection committees: resumes, 84 reference checks and personal interviews. Interviews continue until a suitable candidate is found. When I asked academic managers about the traits they look for in new faculty, most cited attributes of a very highly abstract nature that focused on operational matters. For example, most cited such things as confidence, organization, reliability, adaptability, flexibility, the ability to communicate, have vision about the direction of the vocation, broadness of focus, possess critical thinking skills, provide leadership, problem solve, be a self-starter and be a team player. Having enumerated a list of desirable attributes, most managers were quick to add that they did not know how most of these were defined or how they could be measured. Although one claimed that he "likes to ask some rather probing questions to get their personality and their make-up," he could not explain how he accomplished that. Another admitted that measurement is somewhat intuitive and usually accomplished by candidates' responses to questions in the interview, but that reliability "is not 100%. " One academic manager revealed that he used a "behavior-anchored approach" to interviewing. He ofi‘ered as an example the case where a committee looking for a skill such as "persuasiveness" would ask a candidate to give. an example fiom her own experience where she had to persuade someone else of a particularly difi'rcult idea. The committee would observe whether the candidate could "scan their data base quickly." This academic manager explained that past behavior has been demonstrated to be a reliable predictor of future behavior, even in a different work environment. The difficulty, he admitted, is that, although the approach is valuable, not all academic managers use it 85 and generally few are well trained as interviewers; most learn the selection process through practical experience. Only one academic manager, but most faculty, included soft skills such as the ability to relate to others, interpersonal skills, empathy, understanding of others and their needs, self-awareness, even personality. There was common agreement among these individuals that most of these attributes were probably not developed by training programs but were brought to the college after being developed through life experiences. The single most important selection criterion, according to the majority of academic managers, is the prospective faculty member's vocational expertise. Many programs place a high value on a history of "working in the field," "getting the hands dirty," "paying one's dues." Determination of vocational expertise and field experience, then, is viewed by academic managers as the sine qua non of selection. One academic manager pointed out that job postings from the college may identify experience in teaching as an asset but admitted that, "We're really looking for the vocational skills. " Another asserted that the reason for the success of the college system is that faculty possess vocational experience, and explained that, "I think we need to have that more than we need to have the formal training of teachers." Still another appeared to be more inclusive in his views, claiming that, at one time emphasis was placed on the vocational skills and very little on the soft skills, but that the present practice is to, "Screen for the vocational skills and we interview for the rest." While no academic manager rejected soft skills as being important, all placed vocational expertise well ahead of them. Most faculty held a difi‘erent view of the importance of vocational expertise versus 86 soft skills. One new professor admitted being surprised when he was ofi’ered the position: "when the manager who hired me said we want you for your technical expertise, I was really quite surprised, because I thought that the soft skills and teaching expertise would have been more important." An established professor responded with conviction: New faculty must have a good base of values. I know of teachers that have poor attitudes toward students, that mistreat students; you try to change them by educating them about their behavior, but they don't change. So, I think it is important, if possible, to make sure that the selection of new professors is based in part on their attitude about serving others; that they have the right interpersonal skills to deal with students and to deal with people, and are people-oriented. It is not good enough just to say that they are an expert in their content. While all participant groups agreed that vocational expertise was important, with the exception of those in the general education programs, none felt that advanced academic credentials were significant. In fact, most academic managers revealed that advanced academic credentials were a disadvantage if they were achieved at the expense of vocational experience. In addition, there was a general feeling that faculty with credentials at the doctoral level sought employment at the college as a poor alternative to a university position and that they easily became disaffected at the absence of opportunities for research. What is more important, they were considered to be less likely to relate to the college-level student and to empathize with students who struggle, who need remediation or who fail. When established faculty were asked where they had acquired the attributes that made them effective professors, many said, "I think I brought them with me, " "I've had them fi'om childhood" or "they are culturally determined. " But they often concluded, that 87 if there is any single attribute that underlies their development it is the ability to be reflective about their practice: "I dissected every class for what went right and what went wrong. I observed my colleagues interacting with their students. I reflected on that. I learned from that." When asked if selection conunittees make the effort to identify candidates who are reflective of their own practices, most academic managers stated that they did not, remarking that it is an interesting idea but that they had never thought about it. The response of one academic manager is representative of most: I would simply say that I would like to think that we select for [reflective practice] but I don't think that there is any overt testing for that or even inquiry for that . . . We intuitively assume that we have to train for those things . . . One could argue that candidates who are reflective should fare better in behavior- anchored interviews than those who are not because they should be more skilled at drawing examples of sought-after behaviors from their own past experiences. One academic manager claims to go one step farther by asking candidates to explain their teaching philosophy, a question that might be appropriate to those who have had many years of prior teaching experience, but is likely to distress those who have not. He admits that most candidates have not given much thought to why they want to teach and that they are usually stumped by the question. One could therefore question how the approach could be productively discriminating of good candidates fi'om poor ones. All academic managers maintained that vocational expertise is paramount in their selection of new faculty. Further, Cyril Houle (1989) demonstrated that professional 88 competence is related to one's commitment to continuing education. Yet only one academic manager identified a record of continuing education as an important selection criterion. He explained that a record of learning and growing is a fundamental part of the profile of a good candidate for a faculty position. He looks for somebody who has consistently, over the years, made some effort to attain further education. Sometimes that growth can occur from skill development in the workplace but, for the most part, he looks for some evidence of specific educational goals that have been consistently sought after and achieved. He interprets this to mean "that this individual is willing to grow and adapt. And that's the best thing that you can hope for. That people have at least been open and willing to learn." 4.6. Formal and Informal Socialization Agents The most significant formal influences come from the New Faculty Development program, the components of which are listed below:' M ____ .3. A .3 .‘r "nu-“p; ------- A fr.- ....... a. .................................................. a. ........................................................ . . .s.’ ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... Pin-.5555 ......... 3' ....... r :-.2.‘-. .................. -C I . . . . i . . . ' ' ' . I I . Ida-35's» - 'Z- -"I'.-:-.'.‘.-.-.- - ~ivi~2°.~Z-.-.- v - - as - '39::-.-.'.°:'.'.'.-.'.':'.'.'I'.-:-.-.-I-.-.-I-.-.-I-.-.-.-.-I' ' -.‘.-."-" ' '1 . Isis-2-1'1'.-.-.-.-.-.-.-'.(.-:-. .-.-2-.'.'.5554-91-1'.'.‘I’aa.'.'.':-.'.':‘:'2'.I . . . . Is 1. Orientation Week Three days of residential experience; two days on-campus experience 2. Adult Education Component Fall Semester Issues Sessions - One hour per week Presentations - Two hours per week on instructional skills Winter Semester Issues Sessions - One hour per week Presentations - Two hours per week on the CAAT system 3. [Formal] Mentoring program Both semesters, one hour per week Second Year 4. Major Educational Project Variable period of time depending on the project, but officially 30 hours. ...... . a . s a . e e . s a a a e 'c'-'-‘-'n'c' -' "' ‘ 'c‘ 'u’n'u'u's's'u‘v'n'.‘v"n'.'#!.'.‘-’-'-'-'u‘h'o'o' N's'.‘u'\’.'.'/-’-'.'v°-‘.'-'u'-’.'.'.V ...................................... ' v.-.' as - -.- ’. .......................................................................................................................................................................................... :_”;‘: ;;‘;_.- ............... pm ........ .. ...... .._.”._., . .- .............................. 89 During the interviews, participants identified the following informal influences: academic managers, department meetings, informal mentors, institutional rituals and symbols, peers, role models, and students. At the conclusion of each interview, after much discussion of the issues that arose during the first three years of the new professor's career, each participant was asked to rank the formal and informal socializing experiences from those that had the most impact to those that had the least. Participants ranked formal influences and informal influences difi‘erently according to whether they influenced classroom instructional skills or affective development. The formal influences on classroom instruction, ranked from those that had the greatest impact to those that had the least, were: the Adult Education Component presentations (fall semester only), Orientation, a formal mentor, the Adult Education Component (winter semester only) and the Major Educational Project. The formal influences on the affective development of new professors included the Adult Education Component (fall semester only) followed by Orientation. When asked to rank the informal influences on classroom instruction, participants ranked the students as having the greatest impact, followed by peers, an informal mentor, role models and academic managers. Informal influences on the afi’ective development of new professors included peers, followed by an informal mentor, department meetings, role models and academic managers. In addition, a number of rather interesting, often subtle, institution-wide rituals and symbols were identified as having an influence on the socialization of new faculty by communicating what faculty interpreted to be messages about the college's culture. The rank ordering of these socialization influences is given 90 below: ‘c-wsemen-ssxe-x-xs-:~:-:~:u‘-:-:~:-:-‘-:~:-:-:-:c-:-:~:-:-:->:+:--:-:-:-:-.:-:v.~:-:-:->:-:-:-‘- ..................................... A """""""" ‘ :¢:- ............v ................ techies-Reamer»:>'-:-:-:-:+:-:-£-:-:-zeta-webs::::~:~:’-..‘: -:'-:¢:-:-:--:-:c:-.--:x-.-::-:-. .-.~:-:“' .::::"”:::::::'"”""‘::::::::'-'-'-'-'-'-"':..... -..-t~..-"» ----------------- -: """"""" < Formal Influences Classroom Instruction Affective Development 1. Adult Education Component 1. Adult Education Component (fall semester presentations) (Issues sessions) 2. Orientation 2. Orientation 3. Formal mentors 3. Major Educational Project 4. 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