.
.3: >’
in u. .1».

n .J. a
min? fife.
L ..: Hurt"
. .

rtn.

":

. . a... ..
.1 £33....

 

..
.E 1: .7
1:1. . J

.t
villi Knew. .
5...». . I!!!» a. 3.

 

“girl ix...
. -n 11., n...h.~.....l, I...

: _ . ..I ‘

. 4.

_ 318... v».

ail. .. .

 

 

 

 

THESIS
Z

ATE nswv LIBRARIES

illlllilllli lllll Hl

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3 1293 01566 0800 n

 

LIBRARY

Michigan State
University

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

Transitions to Parenthood: A Narrative Study of
Intergenerational Issues and Family Identity
presented by

Patricia Stow Bolea

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Doctorate Philosophy

 

degree in

 

is 917441.

Major professor

Date 7/15/96

 

MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771

 

 

 

PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove We checkout from your rooord.
TO AVOID FINES return on or bdoro date duo.

DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

i“
if???

MSU I. An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution
WM‘

 

 

 

 

TRANSITIONS TO PARENTHOOD: A NARRATIVE STUDY OF
INTERGENERATIONAL ISSUES AND FAMILY IDENTITY

By

Patricia Stow Bolea

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
School of Social Work
College of Social Science

1996

Althoug
over the
based
interact
surveys
subjecu
perSpec
PerSpec
T
COUples
of paren
the anal;
farIIIIy Ids
”0 Daren
a fafTiin
C0mmuni

the influer

ABSTRACT

TRANSITIONS TO PARENTHOOD: A NARARTIVE STUDY OF
INTERGENERATIONAL ISSUES AND FAMILY IDENTITY

BY

Patricia Stow Bolea

Although there has been considerable study of family life events and transitions
over the last two decades, the primary emphasis of these investigations has been
based on biological or social-psychological models of stress and family
interaction. Traditionally, these studies are conducted by outsider observations,
surveys, and questionnaires. These studies have largely failed to explore the
subjective aspects of experience from phenomenological or hermeneutic
perspectives, neglecting to inquire about subjective states of self from the
perspective of the individual.

The qualitative research process is used to investigate the experience of
couples who have transitioned from young adulthood to parenthood. A sample
of parents were asked to "tell us the story of how you became a family." Within
the analysis of the interview transcripts is a particular focus on individual and
family identity and connections to others, including intergenerational issues. What
do parents report regarding their own identity? How are these families defining
a family heritage together for themselves? How is family identity formation
communicated in their stories of "how did we become a family?” What if any is

the influence or contribution of family of origin and kinship groups? What are the

exp er

transit

ldentit
descrii
issues
their 5!
marriag
events.
Coded;
and cu!
identity

Underst.‘

experiences of these parents as they describe their acclimation to these major
transitions in their lives?

Ethnographic Content Analysis was used to examine three areas: Individual
Identity, Family Identity, and Connections to Others. Individual identity, coded
description of self, revealed parents’ insights into their struggles with vocational
issues. Family identity, or the ways families define themselves and communicate
their shared character, was evidenced by responses in four codes: dating and
marriage relationship; family beliefs; expectations, hopes, and plans; and critical
events. The nature of parents’ connections to others was described in data
coded: extended family relationships, kinship groups, intergenerational themes,
and cultural ties and traditions. The narrative method and the concept of family
identity has the potential to assist both clinicians and researchers in efforts to

understand family development.

Copyright by
PATRICIA STOW BOLEA

1996

Ded

Dedicated to my mom, who would have loved this tremendous opportunity.

And to my grandma, whose encouragement always counted the most.

of man
Rena H
Mmyd
Ellen WI
With ass

I 4
Provided
Energy ir
absoiuiei
The

SChtioi of
“10“” Herr.
I Wi:

Steps Noni
mam“ to K.
Wings and
Lastly

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work would not have been possible without the support and guidance
of many people. I especially wish to acknowledge my committee chairperson, Dr.
Rena Harold, whose approachability, availability, and solid guidance propelled me
in my efforts to finish. I additionally wish to acknowledge committee members Dr.
Ellen Whipple, Dr. Jacqueline Lerner, and Dr. Robert Lee. Each one provided me
with assistance throughout this research effort.

I also wish to express my deepest thanks to Jo Ann McFall, who has
provided me with unending strength and encouragement. Her patience and
energy in assisting me during my educational efforts have been generous and
absolutely essential to my success.

Thanks also go to Dr. Marilyn Flynn and the Michigan State University
School of Social Work, who employed me throughout my efforts. Additionally
John Herrick has been instrumental in launching my new career.

I wish to thank Troy and Kelly Paino, friends who celebrated the small
steps along the way, and provided me with encouragement and humor. Special
thanks to Kelly for her enthusiasm and steadfast friendship in our regular jogging
outings and other times spent talking.

Lastly, I want to acknowledge the love of my family. I know that without the

support, emotional and physical, this would not have been imaginable. And to

vi

5")
eve

tun“

Bryan, my husband, you have helped give our family story depth and meaning
every step of the way. For loving me and helping me see the possibilities at every

turn I thank you.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE
LIST OF FIGURES ....................................... xi
INTRODUCTION ........................................ 1
Statement of Questions ................................ 2
CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW .......................... 4
Family Development .................................. 4
Duvall and Hill .................................... 5
Carter and McGoIdrick .............................. 8
Family Transitions to Parenthood ......................... 11
General Findings .................................. 13
Five Domain Model ................................ 15
lntergenerational Issues ................................ 17
Power of Kinship Ties .............................. 19
Childhood Issues Re-awakened ....................... 21
Identity Issues ....................................... 23
Individual Identity ................................. 23
Family Identity ................................... 26
CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY .............................. 29
Epistomological Issues ................................ 29
Grounded Theory ................................. 30
History and Context of Narrative Study .................. 33
Functions of Narrative Study ......................... 35
Sample ............................................ 35
Interview Process .................................... 36
Analysis . . . . ....................................... 37
Coding Process .................................. 39
CHAPTER 3: RESULTS ................................... 41
General Findings ..................................... 41
Individual Identity .................................... 42
. Code: Description of Self ............................ 43
Theme: Chronology ............................. 43
Theme: Individual Response to Parenthood ............ 44

viii

TITLE
CHAPTE.

Famil
C

Cc

Co

COI
Connec
Cor

Cod
Cod

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd).
TITLE

CHAPTER 3 (cont’d).

Theme. Vocational Issues ........................

Family Identity .......................................
Code: Dating and Marriage Relationship .................
Theme: Chronology .............................
Theme: Transitional Adjustments ...................
Theme: Emotional Tone ..........................
Theme: Parental Preparation ......................
Theme: Relationship Building ......................

Code: Family Beliefs ...............................
Theme: Structure ...............................
Theme: Childrearing Beliefs .......................
Theme: Family Philosophies .......................

Code: Family Expectations, Hopes, & Plans ..............
Theme: Goals/Hopes for Children ...................
Theme: Family Relationships ......................

Code: Critical Events ...............................
Connections to Others .................................
Code: Extended Family Relationships ...................
Theme: Structure ...............................
Theme: Support ...............................
Theme: Stress .................................

Code: Kinship Groups ..............................
Code: lntergenerational Issues ........................
Theme: Structure ...............................
Theme: Direct Messages .........................
Theme: Heredity ...............................
Theme: Recapitulaticn ...........................
Theme: Compensation and Repair ..................

Code: Cultural Ties and Traditions .....................

In Support of the Literature .............................
Summary ..........................................

CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS .................
Collective Narrative of Culture ...........................
Changes in Societal Demographics: The Scope '

of Diversity ......................................
Family Definition .....................................
Bridging Research, Theory, and Practice ...................
Individual Identity .................................
Family Identity ....................................
Connections to Others ..............................

ix

50
50
51
52
53
55
56
56
57
59
63
63
65
66
68
69
70
70
72
75
78
78
80
81
81
83
85
87
90

92
92

96
98
99
101
102
103

TITLI

LIST

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont’d).
TITLE PAGE
LIST OF REFERENCES ................................... 105

FIGURE
1

2

10
II
12
13

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE
1 Duvall and Miller’s 8 Stage Life Cycle ................ 6
2 Carter and McGoldrick's Family Development

Model ....................................... 9
3 Storyboard ................................... 38
4 Original Coding Frame ........................... 39
5 Final Coding Frame ............................. 42
6 Individual Identity ............................... 43
7 Family Identity ................................. 49
8 Code: Dating and Marriage Relationship .............. 50
9 Code: Family Beliefs ............................ 56
10 Code: Family Expectations, Hopes, and Plans .......... 63
11 Connections to Others ........................... 69
12 Code: Extended Family Relationships ................ 69
13 Code: lntergenerational Issues ..................... 78 .

xi

transiti
tant ritI
stones
revealir

as they

INTRODUCTION

"People tell stories about everything, particularly about important life
transitions such as birth and death, arrivings and leavings, and of the impor-
tant rituals that mark these and other passages“ (Laird, 1989, p. 435). Through
stories and myths people define and punctuate their lives in particular ways,
revealing interpretive systems for explaining themselves in relation to the world
as they move through the life span (Laird, 1989).

The movement from young adulthood, through coupling and the
transition to parenthood may be among the most universal adult developmen-
tal transitions. These passages hold interest for those studying psychological,
sociocultural, and biological components of development, all of which interact
and influence one another. From a theoretical standpoint, these transitions are
important because of the unique position they hold at the interface of individual
models and family systems models of behavior (Goldberg, 1988). A thorough
examination of such transitions requires that each person be viewed both from
an individual psychological perspective, and also viewed within their personal
family system with all its powers to mold and influence behavior, values, and
attitudes. Although there has been considerable study of life events and
transitions over the last two decades, the primary emphasis of these investiga-

tions has been based on biological or social-psychological models of stress

1

and

outsi
fallec
or her

subjec

subject
occurre
moveme
tradition:
and Iunc
1989), an
worlds. C
which indi

behavior,

identify, as

2

and family interaction. Traditionally, these studies have been conducted by
outsider observations, surveys, and questionnaires. These studies have largely
failed to explore the subjective aSpects of experience from phenomenological
or hermeneutic perspectives, neglecting to inquire about inner perceptions and
subjective states of self from the perspective of the individual (Borden, 1992).
Progress in the use of the narrative method, as a tool for exploring the
subjective nature of individuals and families moving through life transitions, has
occurred within the context of the "new epistemology" and of the constructivist
movement in family research. This signifies a movement away from the
traditional positivistic approach and from standard notions of family structure
and functioning, from the search for "tnith" to a search for meaning (Laird,
1989), and toward new ways of comprehending how families construct their
worlds. One of the richest sources of meaning lies in the narratives through
which individuals and families explain themselves, their thinking, and their
behavior. Within family narratives are indicators of individual and family

identity, as well as descriptions of connections to others.

Statement of Questions
In this dissertation the qualitative research process is used to investigate
the experience of couples who have transitioned from young adulthood to
parenthood. A sample of parents were asked to tell "the story of how you
became a family.“ Within the exploration and analysis of the interview tran-
scripts is a particular focus on individual and family identity and connections to

others, including intergenerational issues.

TI
1.
2.
themselr
3.

stories r

and kins

“they.

son’s se
IalTlIIies ¢
a’lll’. Bo
are close

OI 1{Elrhily

3

The questions explored In this dissertation Include:

1. What do parents report regarding their own Identity?

2. How are these families defining a family heritage together for
themselves?

3. How is family Identity formation communicated In their
stories of ”how did we become a family?“

4. What If any Is the Influence or contribution of family of origin
and kinship groups?

5. What are the experiences and reflections of these parents
as they describe their acclimation to these major transitions In their lives?

Individual identity, for the purposes of this study, is defined as a per-
son’s sense of “who am I?“. Family identity is described as the ways in which
families define themselves and communicate their shared character or person-
ality. Both individual and family identity, while shaped by a variety of factors,
are closely related to connections with others, including preceding generations

of family members.

highlig
emergr
one mi
transiti.

such tr

CHAPTER 1

LITERATURE REVIEW

Several bodies of research have examined families in transition and
highlighted the need for ways to address unfolding research questions with
emergent research methods. Prior to a discussion of the details of this project,
one must examine what the literature reports on family development and the
transition to parenthood. Research relating to intergenerational influences on

such transitions, as well as family identity is relevant as well.

Family Development

The family developmentalist perspective makes several important
theoretical contributions to our knowledge of family life. First is the life cycle
focus itself. Knowledge concerning normative themes and issues for families
over time instruct both theory builders as well as practitioners interested in a
longitudinal perspective of family process (Mattessich & Hill, 1987). For those
studying individual development, making use of family developmental transi-
tions enriches the assessment process to include the interactive effects
between person and other ongoing levels of family development (Becvar &
Becvar, 1988). Lastly, a family development perspective invites both the

researcher and the practitioner to utilize multigenerational definitions of

families.
Mattess

develop

M;

T
on the I
within tI
divides
events I
birth an
retiremg
the pan
and stre
repress
Stages:
and (C)
leave (8

A
Won<abI
tries. D
(1970) Ii
38pr

IIneage I

5
families, widening the focus of study (Carter & McGoldrick, 1980, 1988;

Mattessich & Hill, 1987). While there exists numerous models of family

development, this dissertation underscores aspects of two.

Duvall and Hill

The original Duvall and Hill (1948) family development model was based
on the recognition of potential successive phases and patterns as they occur
within the continuity of family living. The most recent revision of this model
divides the family life cycle into eight stages, all of them addressing the nodal
events related to the comings and goings of family members: marriage, the
birth and raising of children, the departure of children from the household,
retirement and death (Duvall & Miller, 1985). It opened the way for study of
the particular problems and potentials, hazards and rewards, vulnerabilities
and strengths of each phase of family experience from beginning to end. It
represented a combination of factors used in determining family life cycle
stages: (a) age of the oldest child, (b) school placement of the oldest child,
and (c) functions and statuses of families before children come and after they
leave (see Figure 1).

According to Duvall and Miller (1985), this combination has proven to be
workable in the study of American families as well as of those in other coun-
tries. During the evolution of the family development model, Reuben Hill
(1970) incorporated the extended family. He emphasized the generational
aspects of the life cycle, describing parents of married children as forming a

lineage bridge between the older and younger generations of the family. From

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

STAGE STATUS OF COUPLE AGE OF OLDEST CHILD
1 Married couple without children
2 childbearing families oldest child birth-30 months
3 Families of preschool children oldest child 2‘/2-6 years
4 Families with school children oldest child 6-13 years
5 Families with teenagers oldest child 13-20 years
6 Launching young adults first gone to last leaving
7 Middle aged parents empty nest to retirement
8 Aging family members retirement to death of both spouses

 

Figure 1. Duvall and Miller’s 8 Stage Family Life Cycle (1985).

his perspective, for each stage of the life cycle there is a distinctive role
complex for family members with each other. Specifically his study established
the validity and high frequency of "shared kinship activities" (Hill, 1970, p.60)
in almost weekly interkin visiting among families. He noted that all three
generations turned predominantly to kin when difficulties occurred. In addition
he noted the high level of need among the married child generation, due to the
pressures that their children created on the resource base of the family.

While Duvall and Miller’s model enjoyed great popularity during the
1950’s through the 1960’s, its empirical and practical merit was met with
challenges during the 1970’s and 1980’s when theorists began looking toward
systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Although Duvall, Hill, and Miller
provided a helpful beginning point, the following summarizes general research
difficulties in applying stage models of family development to actual families.

First, in his evaluation of family development, Nock (1979) noted that the

absence
In additic
widowed
sexual p:
al way, a
into sucl
before e
have far
sich 8. l-
Edge thI
they cor
societal

R
Clinical I
SYStemi:
Present
Iridividul
in 3 Sim
The to”:
tempts I
models .
systems

In their a

7

absence of children prevents the application of the family development model.
In addition the first stage is marked by marriage, thereby also excluding those
widowed, divorced, separated, not to mention those heterosexual and homo-
sexual partners living together. Secondly, If a family is structured in a tradition-
al way, allowing for application of the model, many of those families fail to fall
into such a step-by-step progression of development, completing one stage
before entering the next. Specifically those families in a re-married situation
have far more complex family developmental issues to contend with (Mattes-
sich & Hill, 1987). Lastly, while models of family development may acknowl-
edge the husband-father career, and the educational career of the oldest child,
they completely ignore other careers or family members’ transactions with
societal institutions (Mattessich & Hill, 1987).

Relatedly, there are problems specific to using such stage models in
clinical practice. When developmental models are applied to family systems,
systemic events are described in a linear way. While it may be useful to
present events as linear and unidirectional when describing the path of an
individual from birth to death, the description of movement in a family system
in a similar, linear fashion may not be so effective (Combrinck-Graham, 1985).
The following specifies the difficulties facing the systems therapist who at-
tempts to utilize developmental stage models in clinical practice: (a) Stage
models describe isolated moments, or arbitrary punctuation in what from the
systems perspective is an ongoing and interactive process; (b) they are weak

in their ability to capture the complexity or reflect the many levels of family

interac
the life
clearly
living p
the dev

the larg

CMea

 

T
Popular
(I980), :
1989), re
theory a,
the anal,

Ar
(1980, 15
litree.ger
WEII as CI
in then It

In
low gene
Siblings. 1

life CYCIe,

8

interaction; (c) specific issues and tasks, as well as style of progress through
the life cycle may vary a great deal from family to family and are not articulated
clearly using stage models; and (d) like many theories that attempt to define
living phenomena, periodic revisions are necessary in order for them to reflect
the developmental processes of individuals and families relative to changes in

the larger society (Becvar & Becvar, 1988).

Carter and McGoldrick
Two social workers, Betty Carter and Monica McGoldrick, have edited

popular books entitled The family life cycle: A framework for family therapy

 

(1980), The changing familv life cvclegecond edition (1988), and Women in
families: A framework for family therapy (McGoldrick, Anderson, & Walsh,
1989), reflecting a contemporary approach to the intersection of family systems
theory and family development models. Their model provides a framework for
the analysis in this dissertation.

Among the many theoretical contributions of Carter and McGoldrick
(1980, 1988; Carter, 1978) is their conceptualization of the nuclear family as a
three-generational system that reacts to pressure from generational tensions as
well as developmental transitions. They use both a vertical and horizontal axis
in their model to describe this interactive process (see Figure 2).

In assessing families, they incorporate activities of the entire three or
four generational system as it moves through time. Relationships with parents,
siblings, and other family members go through stages as one moves along the

life cycle, just as parent-child and spouse relationships do. They note the

A u n
An

difficulty I
volved,
Ca
are the re
therapy i:
Provides
wOl’king \
(1988) dc
members
SI’Slern. ,
domiciled
Within the

9

Vertical Stresso rs
Family mm. m ms. legacies

SYSTEM LEVELS

t. Sodal. CM Patient. Bane-uric T
(gender. «Coho. «Micky. etc.)

 

 

 

Horizontal Stressors -e- v
LWAL
Life Cyde Transitions

2. WET“
Untimely dean. drrenic lines; acu’dent

Figure 2. Carter and McGoldrick’s Family Development Model.

difficulty of examination of the family as a whole, due to the complexity in-
volved.

Carter and McGoldrick (1980, 1988) propose that some family problems
are the result of an interruption in the family life cycle and that the goal of
therapy is to assist the family in returning to its original path. Their model
provides an overview of the family cycle and offers clinical suggestions for
working with families at each developmental stage. Carter and McGoldrick
(1988) do not consider the influence of the family to be restricted to the
members of a particular household or to a given nuclear family branch of the
system. Although they recognize the dominant American pattern of separately
domiciled nuclear families, these are by their definition emotional subsystems

within the larger family system which reacts to past, present, and anticipated

future relationships.

An
rather tha
of origin i
mawmm
lile cycle.
identify a
In their v
selves in
the fewe
address
Sons of
Saba
Iamilies
Which a,
disrUptic

Jacob’j

10
An important distinction of their model is that it begins with young adults

rather than married couples. They posit that young adults’ resolution of family
of origin issues profoundly influences who, when, how, and whether they will
marry/couple and how they will carry out all other succeeding phases of the
life cycle. This life phase is viewed as a cornerstone, a time to formulate
identity and goals before partnering or forming another new family subsystem.
In their view, the more adequately a young adult is able to differentiate them-
selves from the emotional configurations of their family of origin experiences,
the fewer vertical stressors they will encounter in the future. In addition, they
address the Issue of career preparation for young adults. Many of the provi-
sions of the Carter and McGoldrick (1988) model of the family life cycle serve
as a backdrop against which researchers may evaluate relevant studies of
families in transition. For example, there is evidence that family stresses,
which are likely to occur around life cycle transition points, frequently create
dismptions of the life cycle and produce symptoms and dysfunction (Hadley,
Jacob, Milliones, Caplan, & Spitz, 1974; Walsh, 1978). There is growing
evidence demonstrating the continuing impact of life cycle events on family
development over time (Thomas & Duszynski, 1974). Using this model as a
framework, this dissertation includes an analysis of interview transcripts in a
way that explores subjects’ comments regarding their transition from young
adulthood, through Couplehood, and the transition to parenthood. Particular
attention is given to their ideas about individual and family identity, as well as

their connections to others. This research project, with its emphasis on

subjeclll
searcher
historica
historica
in which
this proj
particlpe
tions wit
Lastly, tl
life stage

emPhasi

11

subjective historical reports of major family transitions requires that the re-
searcher attend to the subject’s memory and subsequent incorporation of
historical events. This attention is not directed toward any evaluation of
historical accuracy or truthfulness. Rather the importance is placed on the way
in which subjects define their own meaning in their family story. In addition,
this project aims to address the issue of family definition by allowing each
participant to define who is a member of their family, and discuss their interac-
tions with extended family members, including members of kinship groups.
Lastly, the way in which subjects were asked to tell their story incorporates the
life stage of young adulthood, allowing for exploration of Carter & McGoldrick’s

emphasis on individuation from family of origin.

Family Transitions to Parenthood

Alongside theoretical models of family development, a body of literature
has emerged documenting the psychological adjustment issues related
specifically to the transition to parenthood. The transition to parenthood has
been defined to include the brief period of time from the beginning of a
pregnancy through the first months of having a child. Traditionally the transi-
tion is studied from either the time of conception or birth. From a psychologi-
cal and sociocultural perspective, however, there is no requisite that the
transition to parenthood be confined to this period. As we will see much has
been noted about the ways in which the contextual family experience, expecta-
tions, and events that both precede and follow conception and delivery, also

affect the transition experience (Goldberg, 1988).

Ix
set a fui
this edit
difficulty
interven
the hea
couple,

E
section:
SIS/cata
1978),
Premise
ing the
now a v
Path fer
1988),

A
rmlurcl
(Belsky’
and Chil

SYStem S

CoWan 4

12

New parents’ capacity to make a successful adjustment at this time may
set a future course of effective, competent parenting. Critical difficulties during
this adjustment may lead to, or exacerbate, marital discord and thereby create
difficulty In providing for the child’s needs. Both preventive and clinical
interventions may be necessary to modify an unwanted trajectory and ensure
the healthy psychological adjustment of the parent and child, the marital
couple, and the family system (Goldberg, 1988).

Early studies of the transition to parenthood, which utilized cross-
sectional and retrospective methods perpetuated a ’transition as cri-
sis/catastrophe’ ideology, focusing primarily on marital decline (LeMasters,
1978). Recent studies using longitudinal methodology have explored this
premise, and in the process have raised more differentiated questions, examin-
ing the process of change for individuals, couples, and families. There are
now a variety of models which propose to separate variables and define the
path for individuals and couples immersed in the transition (Cowan & Cowan,
1988).

A sampling of elements examined in these models include: parental
resources, child characteristics, and contextual sources of stress and supports
(Belsky, 1984); parent characteristics, marital quality, parent-child relationship,
and child characteristics (Heinicke, 1984); both formal and informal support
systems, culture, and family relationship dyads (TInsIey & Parke, 1984, in

Cowan & Cowan, 1988).

genial—l

A
during tl‘
general 1
1988; He
complex
natal ma
(Belsky 1
Miller, is

W
fence, 8)
OOUpIes.
themselv
rElations,
division .
8‘ COWar
HOIlI'nan
r9350” fr
prOfOUnc
differgd 1
Ward, &

Cl.

Parents ii

13
General findin s

A repeated finding in recent transition to parenthood research is that
during the transition from being a couple to becoming parents comes a
general decline in marital satisfaction, especially for women (Belsky & Penske,
1988; Heinicke & Guthrie, 1992). This phenomenon is recognized as quite
complex. In addition, it is believed that the strongest predictor of the post-
natal marital acclimation is the pre-birth status of the marital relationship
(Belsky & Kelly, 1994; Cowan & Cowan, 1992; Cowan, Cowan, Heming, &
Miller, 1991; Heinicke & Guthrie, 1992).

While a variety of hypotheses have been offered to explain this occur-
rence, evidence points toward issues of division of labor and expectations in
couples. Research consistently indicates that regardless of where couples rate
themselves on scales measuring egalitarianism vs. traditionalism in their marital
relationship, once the baby isbomthere is a shift toward'a‘more traditional
division of labor with regard to household chores (Belsky & Kelly, 1994; Cowan
& Cowan, 1988; Cowan & Cowan, 1990a& 1990b; Cowan at». al., 1991;
Hoffman, 1978). The division of labor issue is the most commonly cited
reason for disagreement among couples (Cowan et al., 1991) This issue has a
profound effect on couples whose expectations of ’who would do what’
differed from the reality of caring for their child (Belsky & Kelly, 1994; Belsky,
Ward, & Rovine, 1991; Cowan & Cowan, 1992; Cowan et al., 1991).

Clearly there is no "ideal“ arrangement for new parents. When both

parents in a heterosexual marriage work outside the home, their feelings about

themselv
overall 51
more tim
while iatl
altemativ
more inv
selves, a
about th.
more imj
Is negoti
Speaks t
tions, the
as well a
ConseqL
Our Cultu
TEflected
theSe isS

Fe
together
during th
the decis
rearing. e

that W8ig|

14

themselves and the marriage tend to be more positive, at the cost of increased
overall stress and fatigue. Women who reduce outside work in exchange for
more time at home have reported feeling underappreciated (Belsky, 1994),
while fathers feel the pressure of financial burdens. While both of these
alternatives have costs and benefits, research also tells us that when men are
more involved in the direct care of their children, they feel better about them-

. selves, as do their wives about themselves, and both report feeling better
about their marriage (Belsky, 1994). Lastly, what is currently being reported as
more important than actual division of labor outcome is how that arrangement
is negotiated (Belsky, 1994; Cowan & Cowan, 1990b, 1992). This information
speaks to the current transition in our culture regarding gender role expecta-
tions, the shift toward reducing authoritarianism in organizations and families,
as well as economic conditions requiring two incomes in most families.
Consequently, couples face the need for more negotiation on every front. As
our culture makes such transitions, one may expect to see these changes
reflected in the narratives included In this study. A more detailed discussion of
these issues is included in Chapter 4.

Family identity issues, as evidenced by the ways in which families
together define expectations, goals, and plans for their young are explicit
during the transition to parenthood phase of family development. In addition
the decisions that each parent makes about career, their philosophy of child-
rearing, and commitment to the marital partnership are examples of themes

that weigh heavily on their own identity formation as an adult, and as a family.

As
has grov
the findir
model is
prospect

b'cs poss

M

C
synthesi
1984). ‘
individu;

the folio

15

As the volume of research seeking to incorporate the above variables
has grown over the past decade, investigators have begun to conceptualize
the findings into models. The Cowan, Cowan, Heming, and Miller (1991)
model is offered as an example of a comprehensive approach which allows the
prospective adjustment outcome to be determined by the unique characteris-

tics possessed by each family.

F"Ive Domain Model

Cowan et al. (1991) have devised a 5-domain model of family structure
synthesizing information from earlier studies (eg. Belsky, 1984; Heinicke,
1984). To gain an understanding of what happens to relationships and to
individuals, it is necessary to examine the interconnections among all five of
the following domains:
1. Sense of Self—individual characteristics including: self-concept, self-
esteem, symptoms of depression, and emotional distress.
2. Parents’ Marriage-with special emphasis on their division of labor and
patterns of communication.
3. Parent-Child Relationship-the quality of relationship between each
parent and the child.
4. lntergenerational Relationships-among grandparents, parents, and
grandchildren.
5. Life Stress/Social Support/Employment--the relationship between

nuclear family members and individuals or institutions outside the family.

in COL
simila
severe
additic
across
transiti
and the
satisfac
undefiy
profour
of the tr
levels 0‘
ing and

themsel

16

To test their own model, Cowan et. al. (1991) have compared changes
In couples who became parents with those who remained childless over a
similar period of time. They found that childless couples showed change in
several domains, but that new parents showed change in all five of them. In
addition, husbands’ and wives’ changes varied in both rate and direction
across the domains. Use of pre- and post-birth measures has shown that the
transition to parenthood widens already existing differences between partners,
and that this is in part responsible for reports indicating decreases in marital“, __
satisfaction. The Cowan et. al. (1991) model has demonstrated that there is an
underlying continuity of adaptation that exists for parents during a time of
profound individual and relationship change. Negative and positive outcomes
of the transition to parenthood appear to be predictable from parents’ pre-baby
levels of distress and adaptation. It is the additional stress involved in parent-
ing and the way it manifests that contributes to their later feelings about
themselves, their marriage, and their parenting style.

It is important to note the above information, obtained through quantita-
tive measures has been integrated to form a longitudinal narrative for groups
of new parents. This research project aims to focus on the same trajectory,
but from a different perspective. Allowing parents to describe their own
transition by telling their own story concentrates the focus onto the meaning of
this transition over their lives. In the process, information is provided that
portrays the essence of intergenerational issues, family identity, and kinship

groups in their lives.

0L

Th

nature of
family ide
family of c
adlUStmen
An examjn
Origin info,
ad”? Cbildr
and Isabella
fatiters, has
PXCept In Ca

17

lntergenerational Issues

In 1973 Troll wrote:

If all parent-child bonds are not cut when children reach adulthood, then

we must start asking about the nature of those bonds that continue.

What happens to them before, during, and after the various transitions

or crises of individual development? To what extent are changes in

family relationships quantitative only, and to what extent qualitative? To
what extent may there be ebbs and flows in connectedness and sepa-
rateness, in fusion or individuation? Not only do we need new research,
we also need new questions and a new theoretical framework for these

questions. (p. 68)

This qualitative study aims to address Troll’s questions concerning the
nature of continued family bonds, with specific attention to individual and
family identity, and connections to others. Recent studies have indicated that
family of origin experiences may have a profound effect on subsequent marital
adjustment during the transition to parenthood (Lane, Wilcoxon, & Cecil, 1988).
An examination of intergenerational influences includes historical family of
origin information, as well as information relating to the current evolution of
adult children’s relationships with their parents, and their new baby. Belsky
and Isabella (1985) have noted, however, that the role of these developmental
factors has received little attention with respect to the quality of marriage,
except in cases of divorce. Indeed, few studies to date have pinpointed the

family of origin and developmental antecedents of marital adjustment during

the transit
Research
Ius for inc
systems I
inowledg
need to g
contact TI

Be
IGCtS' CUI
family of
Of their p
marital h
StUdy inI
cold or j
ship are
These fir
leper-t a
undama
family 0.

Val’iabje1

18
the transition to parenthood as a target for study (Wallace & Gotlib, 1990).

ill/Research has indicated, however, that the transition to parenthood is a stimu: i\
Ius for increased contact with origin families, as well as other social support l
[L's/ystems (Belsky & Ravine, 1990; Fischer, 1988; Sollie 8. Miller, 1980). This
knowledge pointing to increased contact with origin families highlights the
need to gain more information surrounding the nature and meaning of this
contact for parents and grandchildren.

Belsky and Isabella (1985) investigated the relationship between sub-
jects’ current marital functioning, and Childrearing experiences within their
family of origin. Specifically, subjects’ perceptions of their own childhood and
of their parents’ marital functioning were used to predict the quality of their
marital functioning during the transition to parenthood. The findings of this
study indicated that subjects who experienced poor child rearing (defined as
cold or hostile caregiving by parents) and/or a poor parental marital relation-
ship are at risk for the likelihood of negative changes in their own marriage.
These findings have been replicated by Lane, \Mlcoxon, & Cecil (1988) who
report a healthier transition to parenthood for husbands and wives with
undamaged family of origin experiences. They additionally report that the
family of origin issue is a more important consideration than many other
variables in predicting marital Change, especially for women.

Belsky, Youngblade, & Pensky (1989) explored the potential for marital

quality to act as a protective factor for those who experienced poor child-

rearing from their parents. They found that mothers who experienced high

leveE
nnore
gflyi.
vhflts
negafi
marria
sion 0‘
suppoi
stress i
heahhy
I

hood 6)
GNentl
intergen

indude1

p
M

Ki I
family the
devSlOPnr
surrouI'idil

sons and I

19

levels of rejection and low levels of support during their own childhood were
more likely to have high negative affect in interactions with their children, but
pply in cases where negative/poor marital quality was also present. Women
with similar Childhoods who were in positive marital situations, did not exhibit
negative parental behavior. This points to the protective potential for a good
marriage to operate as a buffer with respect to the intergenerational transmis-
. sion of matemal negative affect with their children. These results provide
support for the contention that a person’s degree of vulnerability to risk and
stress is strongly influenced by the ability to develop and maintain current
healthy intimate relationships (Bowlby, 1988).

Thus far we have examined research related to a new parents’ child-
hood experiences and the effect of those experiences on their parenting.
Given the geographic mobility within American culture, a true exploration of
intergenerational issues on the transition to parenthood must be expanded to

include the wider family context.

Power of Kinship Ties

Kinship structure has been defined as the combination of people, both
family members and/or friends, who surround, encircle, and participate in the
development of one individual or set of siblings. This group for example,
surrounding a new baby, is one that changes as that child ages over the life
course. Relationships between daughters and mothers (Fischer, 1981, 1991 ).

sons and mothers (Fischer, 1983a), daughters and mothers-in-law (Fischer.

1983b).
a Child.
N.
tendenc
explaine
to act a:
and deb
increase
the mat.
stimulat
are rep:
son to r
F
kinship
QTOUps
Mfiuenc
audienC
taiming -
dWino.
SeweS I
family.

I<

IRVolven

20
1983b), and grandmothers (Fischer, 1983c) all shift in response to the birth of

a child.

Most studies of kinship in American and British culture point toward a
tendency for stronger ties with maternal than with paternal kin. This has been
explained by noting gender roles and trends In family behavior. Women tend
to act as "gatekeepers“ monitoring family business, providing direct childcare,
and determining relatives’ access to children. Childbirth appears to stimulate
increased interaction between grandmother and daughter, naturally drawing in
the maternal family. It has also been noted that while the birth of a child
stimulates increased contact with both sides of a family, paternal grandparents
are reportedly less likely to “drop in" for Informal visits in the home in compari-
son to maternal grandparents (Fischer, 1983a, 1983b, 1988).

Fischer (1988) notes the following distinctions In her discussion of
kinship influences on new parents and their child. She asserts that kinship
groups affect the developing child In three ways: (a) as audience, (b) through
influence, and (c) through the allocation of resources. When discussing kin as
audience, she notes reports in which mothers tell of the importance of main-
taining face-tc-face contact with their family and friends, and grandmothers
describe the enjoyment of watching the child grow. The doting audience
serves to support the child as "center of the universe” for the parents and
family.

Kinship groups Influencing family development also occurs via direct

Involvement In Childrearing, as well as through role modeling of adult behavior.

This t
paren
called
and In
their p
develo
relative
altemat
ed for ti
Ir

of ways
Praetical
care, or :
Within th
connecm

kIRSI'Ilp 9

W

Hal
(1991) rep

parents U n
For “"76. I
“Correlate

r
eaWakelillig

21

This transpires as grandparents and others offer advice and coaching to new
parents, and direct childcare for grandchildren. Grandmothers specifically are
called upon to assist with parenting issues as basic as feeding, toilet-training,
and healthcare, and later more complicated and abstract challenges. Lastly, In
their provision of resources to families, kinship Circles have an Impact on the
development of children which may go unnoticed. Grandparents and other
relatives may help to enrich a child’s financial or physical environment, and
alternately needy relatives may serve to siphon off resources otherwise intend-
ed for the child (Fischer, 1988).

In summary, a brief examination has been provided detailing examples
of ways families and kinship groups groom and socialize new parents. Viewed
practically, one sees how kinship groups have the potential to either compli-
cate, or soften and absorb some of the major responsibilities new parents face.
Within this study, subjects' stories were examined with regard to families’
connections to others including the marital relationship, extended family,

kinship groups, and intergenerational Issues.

Childhood Issues Re-awakened

Having a baby reawakens issues from one’s childhood. Cowan et al.
(1991) report that both men’s and women’s relationships with their own
parents undergo marked changes as they themselves entered parenthood.
For some, the ’becoming a family’ period seemed to be an intense period of
reconciliation and reconnection with their parents, but others were faced with a

reawakening of earlier tensions and family struggles (Fischer, 1991, 1988,

1983
feelir
denC
peopi
Mikus
of old
map;
issue a
child, r
ence Ci
with un.
unsettlir
individu,
may be

OUICOme

22

1983b). The parental role Is uniquely and emotionally evocative because old
feelings and concerns about developmental issues such as control, depen-
dence, autonomy, intimacy, sexuality, and aggression are reawakened in
people as they experience pregnancy and early parenthood (Antonucci &
Mikus, 1988; Colman & Colman, 1971; Cowan & Cowan, 1992). Reactivation
of old Issues may be accompanied by a strong regressive pull or by viewing
the opportunity as one for change and growth. The opportunity to confront an
issue again, as an adult with more psychological resources than one had as a
child, may enable a parent to rework and resolve old Issues. The re-experi-
ence can perhaps facilitate resolution. At the same time, repeated encounters
with unresolved developmental and emotional issues can be distressing and
unsettling. One’s ability to address such arousal varies from Individual to
Individual. The sensitivity and involvement of one’s social and family network
may be a powerful factor in the occurrence of the reactivation process and Its
outcome (Antonucci & Mikus, 1988).

Specifically, Fischer (1981) reports in her research with mothers and
daughters who are transitioning into parenthood, that the daughters report
wanting their mothers to come and "take care" of them. When daughters
become mothers they understand simultaneously what it is to be both the
subject of mothering (as their new baby is) and the object of the mothering (as
the baby’s mother). This results In the tendency for a new identification and

understanding of their own mothers.

F
adjustm
limited t
fathers c
ships wi
indicate:
ing straii
revealed
psycholc

fatherhoi

23

Research documenting specific lntergenerational issues in father-son
adjustment to parenting is more scarce. The focus of available research was
limited to new fathers’ tendency to either model their skills after their own
fathers or to compensate for perceived deficiencies In their childhood relation-
ships with their fathers (Parke, 1994). For mothers and sons, Fischer (1983a)
Indicates that parenthood has the potential to create tension, perhaps reflect-
Ing strain between daughters and mothers-in-Iaw. A review of the literature
revealed nothing more specific regarding the mentoring process, or the
psychological processes involved for a new generation where expectations of

fatherhood have been revised and expanded.

Identity Issues

Individual Identity

Men and women differ qualitatively in their psychological response to
childbirth. Their Identities are altered In very different ways. Cowan and
Cowan (1991, 1992) as well as Belsky and Kelly (1994) have utilized a tool
called The Pie (Cowan & Cowan, 1990a) to better understand the ways in
which the transition to parenthood affects a person’s identity and self concept.
The instrument requires that each person In their study divide a circle Into
pieces, using size to Indicate salience, regarding adult roles both before and
after the birth. Not surprisingly, the roles of mother and father become larger
pieces for both men and women. What gets reduced In this process for both
are the roles of husband/wife/Iover. What makes this difficult for women

however, Is that women’s sense of self as worker/student becomes a smaller

piece.
"fin their
while it
alterati
major I
ficnshu
/
cems ti
valued I
only a n
1988).
identity,
about th
Concept
With botr
WI
maternaj
1991). T.
internal w
Parentaj ft
by Parents

Curl
sentafiOns

l

l

major challenges for parents psychologically, as well as In their couple rela-

l

1. tionships.

24

piece, while men’s tends to remain unchanged. A common pattern for couples

("In their adjustment to childcare is for women to reduce work/career energy,

while their husbands often increase their work to compensate financially. This

alteration In roles, along with all the other adjustments to parenthood results In

M

Another perspective for examination of individual Identity issues con-
cerns the role Implications related to adult development. Parenthood is often
valued as a key to adulthood In that the birth of a child makes the parent not
only a mother or a father but simultaneously an adult (Antonucci & Mikus,
1988). Within the tradition of psychological research focusing on the self and
identity, investigators have begun discussing people's conceptualizations
about their "possible selves.“ Markus and Nurius (1986, 1987) indicate that this
concept Is meant to represent what Individuals conceive they might become,
with both positive and negative implications.

Within the infant mental health literature, researchers are attending to
maternal representations of the infant in the prospective parent’s mind (Stern.
1991). The roots of the current work were developed by Bowlby (1969) on
Internal working models, by Fraiberg (Fraiberg, Adelson, & Shapiro, 1975) on
parental fantasies, and by Lebovici (1983) on the “Imaginary“ baby constructed
by parents (cited in Stern, 1991).

Current research explores the variety of ways In which maternal repre-

sentations of the ’self’ and ’future baby’ change during pregnancy, and the

-- .— --r-—\______..—.”‘

ways in
nm,199
Zampin
mother’.
infant as
the gap
and fortl
relations
examine.
98neratic

M.
maternal
W Of her

Pattern 0'

25

ways In which these changes potentially affect outcomes for the family (Amma-
niti, 1991; Ammaniti, Baumgartner, Candelori, Perucchini, Pola, Tambelli, &
Zampino, 1992; Fonagy, 1994; Stern, 1991). Stern (1989) asserts that a
mother’s representation of her infant incorporates both the representation of
Infant as well as the representation of self-as-mother. This research bridges
the gap between Individual and family identity issues, as the focus moves back
and forth between how a mother sees herself, her infant, and the developing
relationship that occurs within the family. Additionally, this research also
examines the mother-infant relationship within the context of the previous
generation of parenting.

Main, Kaplan, and Cassidy (1985) suggest that a mother's current
maternal representations of ’self’ and ’future baby,’ as well as mother’s memo-
ry of her own childhood mothering experience are good predictors of the
pattern of attachment established between the mother and her infant, as
measured by the Strange Situation. Main et al. (1985) and Main and Goldwin
(in press) examined mother’s narratives regarding their own experience with
mother-as-mother. What Is most predictive of the current pattern of attachment
between mother and infant Is the nature of the narrative that she tells of her
own childhood experience, not the actual experience. Stated differently,
mothers’ attachment patterns with their own children that have been assessed 1
as "seizure'I using the Strange Situation, are best predicted by coherent
narratives about their own mothering experiences. The predictive power is not

whether or not the mother’s representation Is true or distorted. It Is Instead the

COhei

Indice

nearly

Family

26

coherence, comprehensibility, and consistency of the narrative that is impor-
tant. Van IJzendoom’s et al. (1992) meta-analysis of Intergenerational studies,
Indicates that parental mental representations of childhood can account for

nearly one fourth of the variance In Infant behavior in the Strange Situation.

Family Identig

Wamboldt & Reiss (1989) suggest that couples who are transitioning
Into parenthood have before them two tasks: (a) They must define a family
heritage together, that Is they must resolve those questions of "Where have we
come from?“ and "What do we think of those experiences?"; and (b) they must
address the task of defining a new relationship Identity, or deciding who they
are. Agreement concerning the ground rules of one’s current relationship Is
interpretable as indicating the degree to which the new couple has articulated
their relationship Identity. How they define their heritage together has been
shown to be more important than the actual experiences.

"A first child reorganizes generational boundaries, making grandparents
of parents, uncles and aunts of siblings and parents of children" (Clulow, 1991,
p.263). Like Individuals, families and social institutions have self-perceptions.
Couples and families have a sense of "we-ness," and a generally agreed upon
conception or myth about the nature of their family unit. Individuals within the
family may not share the same view completely, but decisions and collective
actions are often based upon common perceptions. As with individual life
changes, family transitions open the view of self/"we-ness" to questions, to re-

definition, and/or re-organization. "The story of cumulative transitions In our

view Of
histoo’"

T
identity I
research
concept
image' 0
as sharec
(Ferreira,
accepted
of interact
fulfills one
they mm

The
scriPIS pre
According
Parents. C
tive swims

The l
hinge $0me
relatimship
term longlltu

Ollgin eXp er I I

27

view of ourselves becomes a narrative of our own personal, familial, or cultural
history“ (Cowan, 1991, p.14).

The discussion of “possible selves“ relates to the conception of family
Identity as well. How have we Imagined our family to be? Until the current
research exploring maternal representations, investigators have used the
concept of family myth to explain this. The family myth is part of "the Inner
Image“ of the family, to which all contribute and strive to preserve. It express-
es shared convictions about the people and their relationship in the family
(Ferreira, 1963). Family myths are defined as a set of role images which are
accepted by the whole family together, giving each person an allotted pattern
of interaction (Byng-Hall, 1988). Viewed In this way, one’s family myth not only
fulfills one’s notion of who they are, but it also prescribes the ways in which
they behave within their family group.

The concept of family scripts Is similar to the idea of a blueprint. Family
scripts prescribe the pattern of family interaction in particular contexts.
According to Byng-Hall (1988), children learn how to be parents from their
parents. One generation later this can lead to replicative scripts, or to correc-
tive scripts In which an attempt is made to correct earlier mistakes.

The likelihood of recreating a negative family experience appears to
hinge somewhat on the ability of the new parents to maintain a positive marital
relationship (Belsky, Youngblade, and Pensky, 1989). Given the lack of long-
term longitudinal research, available studies rely on recollections of family of

origin experiences. Again this highlights the Importance of the adult’s memory

and reprei
1989).

In I
through n
standing I
their famil
examines
Relatedly
become a
mm. A:
assists in

tions to c

28

and representation of their early experiences (Belsky, Youngblade, & Pensky,
1989).

In this dissertation, parents’ memory and representation of experiences
through narrative reports have been directly examined as a vehicle for under-
standing the nature of family development, the family’s transition story, and
their family Identity. Continued research is needed that more specifically
examines a variety of variables in facilitating family identity development.
Relatedly, family identity as construct interacting with family context could
become a predictor for those studying the process of the transition to parent-
hood. As a beginning step this study’s utilization of qualitative methodology
assists in the understanding of parents’ meaning of family identity and connec-

tions to others.

Fan
on family i
noting sirr
interactior
privacy, a
non-family
individual
Well suitei
Interpreta
for eXami
Which fan
refllities.
This "Wot

Variables

SCI

0” the on

CHAPTER 2
METHODOLOGY

Family researchers have traditionally approached their subjects focusing
on family structure, demographic trends, attitudes, observable behaviors,
noting similarities and differences in groups, etc. Many dynamics of family
interaction create great challenges to quantitative researchers including:
privacy, a collective consciousness or belief system that is not available to
non-family members, shared traditions, intense involvement, and a collage of
Individual experiences and meanings. Oualitative methodology Is particularly
well suited to the study of families, as the focus is on understanding meanings,
Interpretations, and the subjective experiences of members. It is a good match
for examining the diversity of family forms and Ieaming of the processes by
which families create, sustain, and communicate about their own family
realities. In addition, qualitative methods facilitate holistic studies of families.
This involves exploration of interaction, dynamics, and contexts, rather than

variables that isolate particular pieces of the family experience (Daly, 1992).

Epistomological Issues
Some scholars believe that we have leaned too long and too extensiveiy

on the physical sciences and mathematical metaphors for understanding

29

human bel
Laird, 198:
step in a It
paradigms
toward the
1992). Tr
explanatlc
tion come
rather the

On
family the
Statistical
approacr

families II

M

W
er slISter
Phenomt
research
alwayS it

In
mental s.

definingn

30
human behavior. What is needed is a blurring of the genres (Geertz, 1980;

Laird, 1989). The utilization of narrative and story enters the scene as one
step In a larger movement within the social sciences In the quest for useful
paradigms. Researchers are now looking beyond the positivist approach,
toward the humanities and an interpretive or hermeneutic approach (Rosenau,
1992). The use of the term "story" marks a change in our "idiom of social
explanation,” as anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1983) puts It, so that "explana-
tion comes to be regarded as a matter of connecting action to its meaning,
rather than behavior to Its determinants“ (Schnitzer, 1993, p.39).

One of the major tasks of family researchers is the development of
family theory. Presently this research is executed utilizing predominately
statistical, hypothesis testing methodology. Utilizing the grounded theory
“approach, qualitative methods possess the ability to propel the study of

, familiesflintownew arenas of theory development (Gilgun, 1992).

Grounded Theog
When exploring grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), the research-

er systematically develops theory through the interweaving of observations of
phenomena of interest, of abstractions from these observations, with previous
research and theory. The theory is continually modified with new findings,
always tentative, challenged with new situations.

In the previous literature review, it has been noted that family develop-
mental stage models have traditionally limited themselves through narrow

definitions of family. This study meets the need for evaluations of families

which incc
extended '
research I
identity, a
tool for st
which to
Gr
versus hi
hon'zonte
combine
diversity
"‘9 gene
'Iacts') i
moves t
be more
emphas
Variety .
has the
I

31

which Incorporate the reality of family life, as members interact with others In
extended family and kinship groups. In addition, the transition to parenthood
research highlights a variety of key issues related to individual and family
Identity, as well as members’ connections to others. The family narrative as a
tool for studying a family’s transition over time offers a valuable means with
which to examine these concepts.

Grounded theory approaches lead to the generation of pattern theories
versus hierarchical theories. The hypotheses of pattern theory are arranged
horizontally, with the composing factors Interacting. It is the variation In
combinations of factors, their Interactions, and situational factors that leads to
diversity in phenomena of interest. Hierarchical theory (which includes produc-
ing general principles from which hypotheses are deduced, and tested against
'facts') Is characterized as a pyramid, with Increasing parsimony as the theory
moves toward higher levels of abstraction. Pattern theory has been found to
be more compatible with those working In applied family studies, as the
emphasis Is on trying to understand Individual settings with diversity (as in the
variety of family forms). Hierarchical theory leads to ”norming" families, and
has the potential for overriding Individuality (Gilgun, 1992).

It Is important to note that a view in which qualitative research findings
are seen as a prelude to hypothesis testing Inherently obscures the Importance
of the kind of theory building that grounded theory provides. In grounded
theory, interpretations are provided through "thick description“ (Ryle, 1968

cited in Geertz, 1973). Here “thick description" Is not referring to detail of

descriptic
ing comp
building I
posgbka
1973, p.
hm
a match
ence witl
terns Opt
based in
context,
TI
3 family,'
relied Up
their live:
"fishes;
transcrip
eXPeflen
hOOd, ar‘.
IndividUa
relatiohsl
What do

f0rmafi0n

32

description, but Instead to description as a process of elucidating and clarify-
Ing complexities of meaning (Gilgun, 1992). "...the essential task of theory
building here is not to codify abstract regularities but to make thick description
possible, not to generalize across cases but to generalize within them" (Geertz,
1973, p. 26).

Moon, Dillon, and Sprenkle (1990) posit that qualitative methodology is
a match for building family theory for many reasons including: (a) the congru-
ence with systems theory and the need for knowledge about ways that sys-
tems operate; (b) its ability to assist in the discovery of grounded theory,
based In observed and pragmatic data; and (c) Its inherent emphasis on social
context, recursiveness, and holism.

The sample in this study was asked to tell "the story of how we became
a family." By analyzing the narrative interview transcripts, the investigator
relied upon the family’s subjective perception and recall of the transitions in
their lives. The families have defined the experience for themselves. The
themes and patterns which recursively emerged through the analysis of the
transcripts satisfy the stated purpose of the study, which was to investigate the
experience of couples who have transitioned from young adulthood, to couple-
hood, and to parenthood. Within this exploration Is a particular focus on
individual and family identity, and connections to others including the marital
relationship, extended family, kinship groups, and Intergenerational issues.
What do parents report regarding their own identity? How is family Identity

formation evident in their stories of "How we became a family"? What If any is

 

the Influence
the experien

tion to this r

Histogl and

here:
uammc
contribution
developmen
guided rece
Saan', 1991)
methods in
in Borden, I

Narra
Plush Whll
(Mishler, 19l
SCious' and
”Defiance i
(1982) GEfin
lation of Pre
my lp. 2
internally Co

liture exPer

33

the Influence or contribution of family of origin and kinship groups? What are
the experiences and reflections of these parents as they describe their acclima-

tion to this major transition In their lives?

History and Context of Narrative Study

Increasingly social workers are recognizing the significance of narrative
as a core construct in human understanding and realizing the potential
contributions of humanistic and Interpretive human science perspectives in the
development of theory, research, and practice. Narrative constructs have
guided recent formulations of social work practice theory (Goldstein, 1990;
Saari, 1991), gender issues and family therapy (Laird, 1989), and research
methods In the study of social problems (Jung, 1983; Reissman, 1989) (cited
In Borden, 1992).

Narrative can be understood as "natural cognitive and linguistic forms
through which Individuals attempt to order, organize, and express meaning"
(Mishler, 1986, p. 106). Personal narrative refers to unconscious, precon-
scious, and conscious reformulations of life history in efforts to organize
experience and to make sense of events (Gergen & Gergen, 1986). Cohler
(1982) defined the personal narrative as "the most Internally consistent interpre-
tation of presently understood past, experienced present, and anticipated
future" (p. 207). Each person becomes an historian of the self, developing an
Internally consistent interpretation of the life cycle so that past, present, and

future experiences are congnient (Borden, 1992).

New
by lines of i I
history (Whl
provided im.
1984), socie
(McAdams,
1988) (CIIB(
In or
not only b:
as Roy Sc
Jerome 8.
social pg,3
dBVeIOprT
and EM.
Promses
lilieryjew
literatwe
reIated t
1988; H
1990).

and, mc

34

Narrative study In the social and behavioral science has been Influenced
by lines of inquiry in literature (Booth, 1979), philosophy (Ricoeur, 1981),
history (White, 1973), and ethics (McIntyre, 1984). Narrative perspectives have
provided important frames of reference in developmental psychology (Mandler,
1984), social psychology (Schotter & Gergen, 1989), personality studies
(McAdams, 1988), psychoanalysis (Schafer, 1983) and anthropology (Geertz,

. 1988) (cited in Borden, 1992).

In understanding human behavior, narrative approaches are advocated
not only by family therapists, but also by critics of psychoanalytic theory, such
as Roy Schafer (1992) and Donald Spence (1982); cognitive psychologist
Jerome Bruner (1986), who examined the "narrative mode" of mental activity;
social psychologist Kenneth Gergen (1988), who applies narrative to the
development of the self; anthropologists Clifford Geertz (1983), V.W. Turner
and EM. Bruner (1986); and medical researcher Elliot Mishler (1986), who
proposes a review of clinical research practices In acknowledgment of the
Interview as discourse (cited in Schnitzer, 1993). Within the family therapy
literature, the term story has appeared with increasing frequency, along with
related terms like "narrative," “text,” and "discourse" (Anderson & Goolishian,
1988; Hoffman, 1990; Penn & Scheinberg, 1991; Sluzki, 1992; White & Epston.
1990). These terms convey a new appreciation of the social contextualization

and, more specifically, the social construction of subjective Ideas (Laird, 1989)

in the 4
families
help us
and co
membe
master
potent r
times of
how to i
mpectii
ing are t

language

Th
study by
Blumenfel
of the orig
Study 5060
“VGIVe Sch ‘
districrs in i

35
Functions of Narrative Study

Family storytelling, mythmaking, and scripting are central mechanisms
In the construction of self and meaning. Stories become ways of anchoring
families to experience and explaining family transitions. Stories and myths
help us to order the world and to Integrate events in a striving for continuity
and coherence. Family narratives play a crucial role in socializing family
members, providing models for action, and telling family members how to
master challenges as well as what should be feared or avoided. They send
potent messages concerning admired behaviors and preferred solutions In
times of crisis and during important transitions. They direct family members on
how to operate, as parents, as children, as women, and as men, in their
respective ethnic and cultural worlds (Laird, 1989). Storytelling and mythmak-
Ing are themselves definitional. It Is only when an occurrence has been

languaged that it Is endowed with cognitive meaning (Laird, 1989).

Sample

The sample utilized in this study is a subset of a larger sample used in a
study by Eccles and her colleagues (Eccles & Blumenfeld, 1984; Eccles,
Blumenfeld, Harold, & Wigfeld, 1990) who have been Interested in exploration
of the origin of childhood self-perceptions and academic/activity choice. Their -
study Incorporates a large-scale longitudinal research project conducted in
twelve schools, In four primarily white, lower-middle to middle-class school
districts in a midwestem urban community. The study was initiated with

groups of children In kindergarten, first, and third grades, and followed them

36
for four years. Approximately 900 students, two-thirds of their parents, and

their teachers have participated, completing interviews and questionnaires.
The study has Included an examination of numerous issues including chil-
dren’s self-perceptions of achievement in a variety of domains, how and why
these beliefs are held, and the roles that parents and teachers play In socializ-
Ing and encouraging these beliefs.

During the third year of the project, the decision was made to augment
the sample with siblings of the participating children who were also in elemen-
tary school (Harold, Palmiter, Lynch, & Freedman-Doan, 1995). Approximately
75% of the families who had two children in study agreed to participate. The
analyses discussed in this paper include story data from 98 interviews, or 60
families whose two children were in the first and second birth order positions.
Of these families, there were stories from 38 sets of parents, 18 additional
mothers, and 4 additional fathers. Of the 18 additional mothers, 14 were
married but their spouses declined to participate, 3 were divorced and were
custodial parents, and 1 was widowed. All four of the additional fathers were

married with spouses who chose not to participate (Harold, et al. 1995).

Interview Process
The Interview procedures utilized for this study grew from a method
developed by Veroff and his colleagues in their Investigation of newlywed
narratives (Veroff, Chadiha, Leber, & Sutherland, 1993a; Veroff, Sutherland,
Chadiha, 8 Ortega, 1993b). Each parent was Interviewed separately and all

interviews were tape recorded following receipt of consent, and later

37

transcribed verbatim. Parents were instructed that the purpose of the interview
was to take a more in depth look at how the family develops and how children
within the same family are both different and similar to one another. Parents
were shown a story board (see Figure 3) that illustrated an outline they might
follow in telling their story. They were asked to tell the story of the develop-
ment of their family In approximately 20 minutes. Interviewers were Instructed
to encourage parents to comment on Changes they had experienced in their
family relationships, in their expectations of themselves as a parent, in their
expectations for their children's development, as well as In the differential
impact of critical life events on everyone in the family. Extensive training was
provided to each Interviewer, and once interviewing began regular meetings
were held to offer an opportunity for feedback and discussion of questions.
During the training, interviewers were encouraged to use appropriate clinical
skills during the interview process (eg. open-ended questions and active
listening skills). All interviewers were given information about ways to obtain
information of a qualitative nature, and directed on ways to probe appropriately

(Harold, et al., 1995).

Analysis
Ethnographic content analysis (ECA) as a qualitative technique is used
to document and understand the communication of meaning, as well as to
verify theoretical relationships (Altheide, 1987). Like all ethnographic research,

the meaning of a message Is assumed to be reflected In various modes of

38

szfi. 2: 5 9.9996

co 2:83 2050 Lo Game: .223th 9:.
@2256 :3

c3320 9.: >5. L8 ~23. so» neonate xm.
E83 mm 6.9 So .5. 022 so» mcocsuumxm.
szam 85 5 32.20.5237

.. .Z. mmUZ<IU

 

   

    
        
   

< EEU .0
5.39 of 0. corn.
maEmcorfiw.
37:2 .50?

 

  

.mcocauszou
Ea cw occur—~98

5.3 eE

 

 

   

 
   

  

.mcozaxEEOC

 

 

Em J 35:35

5.5 2E
as: saga
9: £632..

 
  

 
 

302 5:... cos...
a a. < 55:6

    

 

.53 was:

   

< a 20
5,3. 53..

<2. .oEuSm
or: EEouum

    
    

 

WMOHm wag/FE MDO>

Figure 3. Storyboard.

 

39

Information exchange, format, rhythm, and style, as well as in the context of
the report Itself.

ECA consists of reflexive movement between concept development,
sampling data collection, data coding, data analysis, and interpretation. The
aim Is to be systematic and analytic, but not rigid. Although categories and
variables Initially guide the study, others are allowed and expected to emerge
throughout the study. Thus ECA is embedded In constant discovery and
constant comparison of relevant situations, settings, styles, images, meaning
and nuances (Altheide, 1987). The Initial categories guiding this analysis

include Individual and family identity, and connections to others (see Figure 4).

 

Individual Identity Descriptions of Self Goals,
philosophies, plans

 

Family Identity Descriptions of family
Goals for children
Expectations, hopes, plans
Family rituals, traditions

 

Connections to Others Marriage relationship
Extended family description
lntergenerational themes
Kinship groups

 

 

 

 

Figure 4. Original Coding Frame.
Coding Process
The coding process began with the review of each of the 98 Interview
transcripts. Coding was conducted with the assistance of a computer software
program called Hyperresearch (Hesse-Biber, 1991). This program Is designed

to aid in the management of qualitative data, allowing content to be

40
highlighted, Identified, and copied into codes. One benefit of such a program,

is that it allows the same data to be analyzed in a variety of ways, depending

upon the focus of the study. It supports the flexibility necessary in qualitative

research by providing an efficient way to maintain systematic organization and
record keeping.

Upon completion of initial coding, data were available to be printed
under each coded heading. Each file of coded material was then reviewed for
any theme or issue common to more than one interview. Final tabulation of
themes, Issues or patterns were recorded, and representative examples were

selected for presentation in the following chapter.

CHAPTER 3
RESULTS

This project began with grounded theory as a guide, in conceptualizing
the psychosocial processes Involved in the transition to parenthood. In the
qualitative tradition, parents’ responses were reviewed and analyzed to answer
the following questions:

1. What do parents report regarding their own Identity?

2. How are these families defining a family heritage together?

3. How is family identity formation communicated In their stories?

4. What If any is the influence or contribution of family of origin and kinship
groups?

5. What are the experiences and reflections of these parents as they

describe their acclimation to these major transitions In their lives?

General Findings
As previously above, the initial coding scheme Included three classes:
Individual identity, family identity, and connections to others. During the
analysis, some codes were added and others moved to different classes for

purposes of clarity. The final coding frame is displayed in Figure 5.

41

42

 

Individual Identity Family Identity Connections to Others

Description of Self Dating and Mar- Extended family relationships
riage Relationship

 

 

Family Beliefs Kinship Groups

 

Expectations, Intergenerational Themes
Hopes, and Plans

 

Critical Events Cultural Ties and Traditions

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 5. Final Coding Frame.

Data In this chapter are presented using the following format. Classes,
Individual Identity, Family Identity, and Connections to Others are described
separately. Coded material within each class is reviewed by presentation of
predominant themes and issues, as well as other interesting results. For each
point, an example of a parents’ quote is provided as evidence of the results.
Names of subjects, their children, and employers have been substituted with

initials to maintain and preserve the confidentiality of their stories.

Individual Identity
Individual Identity for the purposes of this study is defined as any text
that describes "Who am I?". In response to the first question, "What do parents
report regarding their own identity?", data were coded Description of Self. It IS
important to note that the purpose of the interviews was never to obtain data
regarding individual identity specifically. The reason for this question's Inclu-

sion In the study is to view individual Identity in relationship to family Identity

Code: Description of Self

Generally, data regarding parents’ discussion of themselves integrated
with data throughout their stories. More definitive remarks about themselves
as Individuals organized into a discussion of life history, career, and their
reaction to Childrearing. Within the family narratives, three major themes
emerged within the Description of Self Code: (a) Chronology, (b) Individual
Response to Birth, and most prominently (c) Attention to Vocational Issues

(see Figure 6).

 

CLASS CODE THEMES

Individual Identity Description of Self Chronology
Response to Birth
Vocational Issues

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 6. Individual Identity

Theme: Chronology. Individual Identity Is evidenced in Chronological reports of
adult developmental milestones. Parents’ stories included information related
to their life course, preceding marriage and children. Much of this information
described details around their own educational/career path. An example:
We were married In April of 1975 when I graduated college. At that time
I decided to go to law school. After I graduated we came here because
I was In school. And she was working, and I was working part time. I
went through school and In between bought a house, and then decided

about the time I was ready to finish up school that it was time to start a

family.

44

An Important note Is that family narrative analysis indicated that getting
married did not end a focus on career preparation. One husband notes, "I’ve
always worked, and M. quit working after she had the first child, and I went to
night school and just finished. And I’ve always been going to school since
we've been married . . . ." Numerous parents noted the ways their educational
training continued into the family formation stage, thus adding to the demands
the new family faced. This Information supports trends In family development
theory which are systems oriented (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), and eliminate the
use of distinct/finite categories which preclude the reality of overlapping cycles

and patterns of family members.

Theme: Individual Response to Parenthood. Distinct differences appeared

when reviewing parents’ responses to parenthood. For women, the narratives
were noted to Include excitement and happiness, but were characterized by
tremendous distress adjusting to childrearing. Descriptions included adjectives
like sadness, boredom, and isolation. For example, one woman reports:
Uh, everything was different. I had been working . . . and then I’m
home with a baby. I found It a big adjustment, I really did. Mostly
because we were new In the neighborhood, I didn’t know anybody. So
you’re Isolated with a baby, it’s wintertime, you’re In a house alone with
a baby all day. It was . . . a lonely time, really. I found having a baby
takes up so much of your time. I . . . didn’t have much time for myself

. . . and with each baby you have less and less.

45

The response for men In describing their reaction to the birth of their
child Included excitement, as well. However their narratives were characterized
by an absence of the above noted Isolation or boredom, and Instead included
remarks about their work life, pride, and identity as a father. Additionally,
several men noted the valueflmportance of family time.

I travel quite a bit with business and I’m gone sometimes three, four

nights a week, a couple weeks in a row. And so when I’m home with

the family, the family time Is Important. And I like to see . . . like us to
be a close knit family, where the kids enjoy being around each other.

And I want that to grow in years to come. One of the things we try to

do Is to take family vacations, trips where everybody can go and do

things. That's . . . Important for them.

Family narratives in this study support the literature findings related to
the complex demands parents face during the transition to parenthood (Cowan
& Cowan, 1992), and tendencies for couples’ reverting to a traditional division
of labor when the baby is born (Belsky & Kelly, 1994). Additionally, this data
set provides Interesting evidence, describing In detail the experience of women

who have been a part of the work force prior to giving birth.

Theme: Vocational Issups. Within this sample, women’s vocational Issues
surrounding the transition to parenthood are characterized by conflict and
adjustment difficulties. The struggle around work issues is central, and

women’s noted distress in response to the transition to parenthood cannot be

46

separated from women’s adjustment to changes In their work life. One mother
describes her vocational struggle during the transition to parenthood:

But a lot of the story for me with being a parent was whether I

should go to work, should or shouldn’t, what my sort of feelings

were as a parent, what I should be doing. And again when C.

came along . . . I stayed home for a while, but again I just could-

n't stay home all the time. So about the time she was 23 months

old, I started going back part time again to work.
In 56 stories of women in this study, at least 19 discuss quitting work when
their children were born. An additional 7 report moving to part-time work.
Given the narrative nature of these data, the contextual Information surround-
Ing the decision of returning to work is also provided. Women note the shared
(and at times not so shared) nature of the decision-making process with their
husbands, as well their subsequent response to the decision once the child
has arrived. For example:

I was working at St. Joe’s at the time, and I was able to . . . one thing

we had decided that when we had a child that . . . I was going to try to

work part time. At first my husband was even like, "M. I don’t want you

to work." He came from a very traditional family where mother stayed

home, father went to work, they have a house full of kids and that was

what mom was supposed to do. And I said, "Well, I think we need to

compromise.” I’m not willing to completely scrap . . . my, not really like

a career, because I know that going part-time did hurt that In a respect

47
but--I wanted to still be active with adults too. So I think he said, ”Well,

yeah, okay, that sounds good.“ We just didn’t want an outside person

raising our child or children.
or

I wanted to stay home with my son pretty much . . . I thought I did . . .

until I got home. When they are Infants . . . I got bored . . . I wanted

‘ something else to do. So I went back to work a while but still wanted to
be home mostly. After R. was born . . . the first month was wonderful to
be home. It’s fun to sit home and be mom and everything, but I wasn’t

used to It. . . . I like having adult conversation that Is stimulating. . . .
or

Yeah, I felt isolated and I felt . . . sort of unimportant, you know,

after working full time and working with adults and having respon-

sibilities. And all of a sudden there I was . . . at home doing . . .

what I think are Important things but at the time didn’t seem

important.

While it was true that more women Included the negative aspects of
their adjustment to parenthood and change in work status, it was not true for
all women. An example that was different from others:

When my first child was born I wasn’t working, I was a home-mom, so It

was great. It just added more to It . . . it was great. I loved It. I think it

was one of the best times of my life-that first 6 months especially. I

loved it. From that first minute that they are bom-all of them-you fall in

48
love . . . It’s love at first sight. I thought 8. was so Special that I thought

”How could I ever love another kid?“ But then you do—you fall In love

with the next one and the next one . . . it’s great.

For men, the vocational Issues related to this period in their family life
were different than that of their counterparts. Stress centered around the
feeling of increased financial responsibility. As women stniggled to determine
whether or not their work was in the workplace or at home providing childcare,
the men reported increasing numbers of hours spent at work, the need to
secure a different job, and the subsequent value they felt regarding what they
describe as "family time." An example:

I felt at that time that what I was earning at A. [company] was not going

to be enough to support a full-fledged family. I moved to F. [company]

and worked there for about four years. During that time S. was born.

We started accumulating the various and sundry items, such as a

house. We did not spend a lot of time planning financially for the

different things. I was working, sometimes as much as double shifts,
seven days in a row-eight days, nine days in a row. It was that type of
work schedule. So, I did not spend a lot of time with the family because

I was doing about 16, 17, 18 hours at work.

In summary, the contrasting pressures for women and men in this
sample during the transition to parenthood appear to have a strong influence
on reports of Individual identity. Women taking on the primary responsibility

for childcare, reported feeling boredom, isolation, and confusion related to the

49

forfeiture of work outside the home. Men, who subsequently take on more of
the family’s economic burdens then highlight the importance of time with the
family. The findings support the transition to parenthood identity literature, with
women’s identity shifting alongside their Changes in employment, and men
feeling the stress related to expanded financial responsibility (Cowan & Cowan,

1991; 1992).

Family Identity

Family Identity is defined within this study as the way(s) In which
families describe themselves and communicate their shared character or
personality. The related questions in this dissertation are:
1. How are these families defining a family heritage together?
2. How is family Identity formation communicated in their stories?

The codes Included in the Family Identity class were: Dating and
Marriage Relationship; Family Beliefs; Family Expectations, Hopes, & Plans;
and Critical Events. Data coded In the first code address the first question,

and the last three codes provide an answer to the second question (see

 

Figure 7).
CLASS CODES

 

Family Identity Dating and Marriage Relationship
. Family Beliefs
Family Expectations, Hopes, and Plans

 

 

 

 

Figure 7. Family Identity.

50

Two codes, Dating and Marriage Relationship, were initially included in
the class Connections to Others. Once coding began, It was clear that this
Information corresponded more closely to Family Identity, as the content

addresses Issues related to family formation.

Code: Dating and Marriage Relationship
Data coded Pre-Marital Era overlapped with story content regarding

marriage. Only 29 parents Included Information related to the dating/pre-
marital stage in their family story, while over 60 discussed something related to
their marital relationship. Five themes emerged within these codes: (a) Chron-
ology, (b) Transitional Adjustments, (c) Parental Preparation, (d) Emotional

Tone, and (e) Relationship Building (see Figure 8).

 

 

CLASS CODE THEMES
Family Identity Dating and Marriage Chronology
Relationship Transitional Adjustments

Parental Preparation
Emotional Tone
Relationship Building

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 8. Code: Dating and Marriage Relationship.

Theme: Chronology. Chronological reports of life events Incorporated dating
and marriage as well. Fourteen parents noted the way In which they met their
spouse, with work and school cited most frequently. This Information was
typically presented as part of a summary chronology that included meeting the
spouse, getting married, a reference to work, and the number of years until

children were born. In fact 40 parents noted the length of time from marriage

51

to conception/birth, making this Information one of the central markers in the
family stories In this sample. A representative quote is as follows:
Okay. My husband and l were married in 1971 . . . going on almost 18
years ago. It’s hard to believe. We . . . had a very short courtship and
we were married within 3 months. And we were married for 7 years

before we had Children . . . we both worked.

Theme: Transitional Adjustments. A second theme emerging within the Dating
and Marriage Relationship code included comments regarding transitional
adjustments. In particular, parents noted the carefree lifestyle they enjoyed
prior to having children. For example:
I was married at 29. My wife was 24 at the time. So I was a little bit
older than the average married person, I would, I would assume. Uh,
the first 2 or 3 years we had a carefree type of existence . . . going to
the plays in New York when we felt like it type of thing, kind of getting to
know each other period, and also, like I say pretty much when we felt
like going . . . anticipating that when the children came, that this would,
uh, and rightfully so, this would end abruptly which it has.
Relatedly, parents were explicit regarding other adjustments correspond-
Ing to their marriage and Childrearing experience:
Well, we got married In 1976 . . . In April . . . and we moved out here in
November . . . and I was . . . pregnant with A. . . . He was not a planned
baby. And I had a rough adjustment moving out to Michigan, away

from the family, being pregnant, and all the feelings that you have when

52

you’re pregnant for the first time. But everything went well . . . we had a

good delivery and everything.

Theme: Emotional Tone. Corresponding to these descriptors of family chronol-
ogy, and commentary regarding adjustments, the family stories in this sample
contained evidence of the emotional tone, or un/happiness these parents
experienced In their marriage relationship. An example of a particularly happy

report:

. . . Meg and I have been best friends. I haven’t had. . . . We were
noted for . . . I don’t think we ever had a fight until probably about 8
years after we had been married. Things just jelled real well. We
enjoyed doing things together. Similar interests. Getting up to J., our
first child. We were just excited to beat the band.

or

We were married for 2 years before I got . . . I was pregnant with

M. And, we have had a good marriage. We had it then; we do

have a good one now.

While a few of the family stories detailed conflicts that ultimately resulted
in divorce, this was not the norm. Rather, stories In the sample incorporated
the complex interaction of effects the parents experienced as they dealt with
multiple transitions within the context of their marriage relationship. An
example of father's story with content communicating more typical stress and

negative emotional tone Is as follows:

53

. . . Because she was stuck at home sometimes during the day with two
kids . . . I think, In that sense, It made me a lot more aware of some
pressures she was under during the day. It made it tough for her at
times, I know. And she’d get upset during the day more so than she
did when she had one child. And sometimes I’d come home and she’d
be on edge and she’d kinda’ jump on me for something and I’d jump
back at her. It made for . . . when the kids were real small, I’d say,
situations were . . . on edge cause of the responsibilities and stuff.

A wife discusses the particular challenges in their family:
Okay, well, R. and I were married in ’80 . . . oh, no we weren’t, ’79. . . .
Prior to that we both lived at home. We were 20 when we got married
so I guess that’s okay. K. was born almost 2 years after we were mar-
ried. . . . Yes. Yea, uh huh. We both were working full time and R. was
going . . . Is still going to school at night. So, we were very rarely home
alone . . . I mean, together, so were very rarely home alone, If ever, and
It just could be very stressful on the marriage, I guess, as well as

everything else.

Theme: Parental Preparation. Another related theme, Parental Preparation,
emerged within this code. Primary to this theme was the question of wheth-
er/not parents knew what to expect from parenting. Generally, the consensus
was that parents described feeling prepared. However, narratives of both men
and women also noted fear and anxiety, as well as difficulty adjusting. Women

more often noted their lack of preparation for Infant care specifically, and both

54

genders noted the increased feelings of responsibility and loss of free-

dom/personal time. For example, a father reports:
Yea, let’s have children, and Yea, it’s going to Change our life and that’s
about as far as you go. And then, as soon as the child comes, then all
of a sudden all of these other ramifications come into play. Life insur-
ance. Deeds and wills. Schooling, oh gosh . . . jeans. My gosh. Oh,
gosh. Whatever they are. You know. All of these things start hitting
you all at once. You have to start thinking about them, and they do
change your life.

A mother’s thoughts:
Yeah, I'd always worked, and I really felt tied down . . . or I . . . I felt . . .
I don’t know If tied down Is the word but I wasn’t prepared for how
much responsibility I had. And I had to adjust to that . . . and I did. But
I . . . that was the part of It that I didn't really care for too much . . . was
the being at home all the time and being with him, being with the baby.
My husband was working afternoons at that time so I didn’t see my
friends real often. But you know, that’s just the first maybe 3 months
and after that as I became more adjusted and summertime came and I
saw my friends more . . . and they all had children and we did a lot of
things together with our children so . . . that was a real nice part of my

life.

55
Theme: Relationship Building. Evidence was presented In the family narratives

that pointed to the Importance of time for relationship building as well as
maintenance in the marriage. For example:

Well, my husband and I were married for 7 years before . . . the birth of

R. . . . and we had a really good time. We were married when we were

21, so we were fairly young in today’s standards I guess. But we had

decided not to have a family right away because we wanted to build our

relationship first. So we did that. . . .

For those couples who did not get time together before the children
were born, they commented on their future plans to re-connect and enjoy
activities together. For example:

. . . before the children were born we had just begun to know each

other before we had the children, so we’re still looking forward to...times

a little bit later on in the future where it’s just going to be the two of us

. . . and the time to go hiking and camping and all those great things

again so. . . .
or another example:

Right now, the relationship . . . I don’t know, you're real busy with the

kids but, you know, we find time to be alone too. Like we just took off

for, you know, Friday night.

In summary, within the Dating and Marriage Relationship Code evidence
was presented that highlighted themes in family formation. Couples discussed

the ways they came together and the initial experience of adjusting to one

56

another In a marriage relationship. Additionally, the narratives of these families
clearly demonstrate the pressures and struggles related to limited time,

Childrearing, and career on their marriage and family.

Code: finilv Beliefs

 

A second code in the Family Identity Class relates to Family Beliefs.
The literature review conducted prior to this analysis indicated that the family
myth Is part of “the Inner Image" of the family, to which all contribute and strive
to preserve. It expresses shared convictions/beliefs about the people and their
relationship In the family (Ferreira, 1963). An analysis of any particular family
within the sample would focus on the beliefs within that family. Given the axial
coding approach utilized in this study, the focus examines the beliefs ex-
pressed by parents across all families.

In examining the family stories for evidence of their convictions or
beliefs, four themes emerged within this coded material: (a) Structure, which
included beliefs or decisions regarding the structure of the current family;

(b) Beliefs about Childrearing; and (c) Family Philosophies (see Figure 9).

 

CLASS CODE THEMES

Family Identity Family Beliefs Structure
Childrearing Beliefs
PhilosophiesNalues

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 9. Code: Family Beliefs.

Theme: Structure. The first theme that became apparent within the Family

Belief code was a tendency toward description of family structure. Issues

57

present in description of family structure included: (a) the desire to have
children early in marriage; (b) the number of children desired; (0) the number
of years between children; and (d) the desire to delay childrearing. These
remarks summarily describe family formation, with details regarding how
parents visualized their family structure. Additionally, Information is Included
that describes the negotiation process between couples involved In defining a
, family, supporting Wamboldt and Reiss (1989) in their discussion regarding the
need for couples to define a family heritage together, forming a new relation-
ship identity. For example, one husband explains:
Our philosophy with our children was that we wanted to have . . . C.
[wife] wanted four and I wanted two, so, we said we would compromise
at three. She ultimately won out. Umm, but, we wanted to have our
children when we were relatively young . . . and, we also wanted to

have our children fairly close together. . . .

Theme: Childrearing Beliefs. Once family structure has been established, a
second front parents tackle together is determining the manner in which they
will parent their young. A second theme In the family belief code Includes
parents' beliefs about childrearing.

Family beliefs regarding childcare prescribe vocational decisions. These
decisions were Inseparable from childrearing beliefs in some families. Many
families In this sample were explicit in their belief that mothers need to be at

home raising the children. For example, a father remarks:

58

D.'s relationship and mine hasn’t changed at all. We pretty much agree
on the upbringing of kids and [our] thoughts were pretty much the
same as far as having traditionally having the woman home and man
working, and it worked out financially. We didn’t have any problems.
Our upbringing, as far as raising the kids and what they should be
doing, Is pretty much similar.

A mother describes her belief:
In other words, if both parents are off working quite a bit I really think
the daycare provider is going to have a significant influence, even up
through V.’s age. When it comes to women’s rights, I think a woman
should be able to work If she wants to, but I feel that I want to raise my
kids and be the primary influence in their lives. That Is a decision I
made. I went back to work when V. was young enough. I realized then
that I wasn’t the primary Influence because I was away from her 10
hours every day. I didn’t like that feeling. Even though I had a good
daycare, it wasn’t me. She did not come home with things that were
bad or wrong, but they weren’t me and they weren’t my husband, and I
didn’t want that. . . .
While more men than women commented on family structure, state-

ments regarding childrearing beliefs were evenly distributed between mothers

and fathers. Other childrearing belief topics were: (a) the importance of

discipline; (b) the Importance of teaching values/morals; (c) the importance of

59

children learning responsibility; (d) discussion of specific parenting techniques;

and (e) teaching children respect for others. For example:
You know, I wanted, not that I wanted perfect children, I wanted man-
nerly children, polite children, not perfect. You know, they wrote on the
walls, and I’m like 'knock It off.’ I never screamed or yelled, but I did
want respect. I am from the old school when It comes to, you respect
me, you say, "please,“ you say, "thank you," and you don’t go to some-
one’s house and take their knick knacks. I’m not from the generation
where you go "They’re just experiencing life"-that’s bull. You know, you
teach your children right and wrong and good and bad, and that was

one of the key factors.

Theme: Family Philosom A third theme within the Family Belief code was
family philosophies. While similar to beliefs about childrearing, the family
philosophies were more general and less behavioral in focus. The most
prominent philosophy expressed by parents In this sample included the value
of education or the desire to instill in children a thirst for knowledge. An
example Is Included:

We had the same philosophy with him, we wanted to read to him, and

we wanted to instill in him a sense of curiosity and Ieaming, knowing

what’s about him as early as possible. So we again, read to him as

60
eariy as possible. And we tried to get A. involved in the process, too. . . .

A second philos0phy verbalized by parents was the Importance placed
on creating a sense of family, which included placing kids first. For example,
one mother notes:

So our family may change a little just because I would be going to work.

But both for R. and I It's been a real priority for us to have a strong

family. You know, just even. . . . We love to be with our friends, but If

it’s been a bad week or R. Is gone three nights and I’m going to be
gone two, if friends ask us to do something for the weekend, we would-

n’t, we’d say, "No, we want to stay home with the kids." So, I . . .

They've been a big priority and I think that . . . that, I don’t think will

change.

One father comments:

One of the things we have tried to do and it’s been helpful is to have a

close family circle. Umm, dinner times are extremely Important, espe-

cially when I'm. . . . I travel quite a bit with business and I’m gone some-
times three, four nights a week, a couple weeks in a row. And so when

I’m at home with the family, the family time is Important. . . .

A third area within the family philosophy theme Includes the recognition
of the responsibility of the parent role and the subsequent importance of role
modeling for children. For example, one mother discusses her philosophy of

parenting:

61
I think that’s probably one of the most difficult jobs in the world. It really

Is, because what we’re raising today is tomorrow’s decision makers.

Whether we’re going to blow ourselves up or all make friends.
or

I don’t know, the biggest, the biggest, the biggest Change, I guess, was

the realization that these kids were yours and that you. . . . It’s not like

babysitting where you could get rid of them at night and take them
away. But that you had to become a role model for them. I believe,
we’ve both done a pretty good job of that. I wouldn’t trade them for the
world. It’s the greatest thing that ever happened to us.

The last area emphasized by parents within the Family Philosophy
theme Included frequent references to the debate of whether or not to allow
Children to watch television. While initially somewhat puzzling to the analysis,
a more contextual view resulted in this being coded within the category of
worries and vulnerabilities to outside Influences. Included in discussion of
the importance of Instilling values In their children, many parents also dis-
cussed their concerns as children moved outside the realm of family influence.
For example:

. . . And I hope to be able to instill certain morals In them, because as I

said before, what’s going to happen when they’re 16. And I don’t want

to have to sit here for the next 10 years and worry about what’s going to

happen when they’re 16. I want to be able to instill certain things,

62

certain morals, certain fibers In them now, so when they’re 16 I don’t

have to worry about them.

or
But It’s . . . it’s hard as far as, you know, raising the kids now because
they've got so much going on out there . . . you've got to be so careful.
Like when I was a kid I never had to worry about going down the street
to play or anything like that and nowadays you can't let the kids out of
your sight because there is all this stuff going on.

and

. . . And, so we went out and bought a television and a . . . that was a
change in direction, I think for us, than what we originally wanted to go
on. Then about ’84, '85, both of us got totally fed up with the thing.

The kids became walking TV guides-they knew when all the shows were

on and it really was not a good influence for them. And so, we just

simply Instead of . . . trying to control the one that we had, we just got
rid of It. That's the best way to control it. So, I think that it Is a decision
that we have made for the better.

In summary, family beliefs as a mechanism for defining family identity
Incorporated three themes: structure, childrearing beliefs, and philosophies.
Narratives of parents’ negotiation and view of their family’s structure, as well as
their values and beliefs offer clear Indicators of family Identity. Parents in this
sample were similar In their collective wishes for their children that they grow

to become respectful individuals, with educational aspirations. Parents

63

interviewed for this project were clear about the power of their parenting role,
and the responsibility they shoulder as they create community within their

family group.

Code: Family Expectations, Hopes, and Plans

Vlfithin the Family Identity class, a third code was called Family Expecta-
tions, Hopes, and Plans. Just as families envision their family structure, as
described above, and outline guiding beliefs for their children, they also

continue the process by imagining the future of their family life (see Figure 10).

 

 

 

 

 

CLASS CODE THEMES
Family Identity Family Expectations, Goals/Hopes for Children
Hopes, and Plans ‘ Family Relationships

 

 

Elam Code: Family Expectations, Hopes, and Plans.

Theme: GoalslHopes for Children. The first emergent theme within this code
was the way In which parents communicated their hopes and expectations
both for and from their children. Similar to family beliefs, these goals/hopes
fell generally Into three categories including: education, citizenship, and family.
Not surprisingly based on earlier descriptions of espoused beliefs In the
value of education, parents expressed goals for their children that Included a
college education. Parents also included comments regarding their belief that
children were expected to do their best within their chosen Interests. An

example:

64

I’d like to see them graduate from college, you know . . . I have no high
expectations. I believe that nowadays kids have to be in college. You
know, its’ sort of mandatory now. I just want them to grow up believing
they’re going to graduate from high school and go straight to college

. . . Get that Idea into their heads now. As far as what they want to be;
whatever makes them happy. As long as they’re happy doing what
they’re doing.

Closely related to parents’ beliefs that children should behave and know

right from wrong, they also expressed goals/hopes for their children to become

good citizens, or caring people in the future. One father expressed this In a

very general way:

Of

My role as a parent . . . I don’t know. I never had any expectations. I
just play it daily. You know, I . . . I never set a goal as a parent. Just
have good kids. Honest . . . honest good people. That's all I can ask

of them.

I would just like to. I would just like my children to be, like I say, well-
rounded individuals . . . I want them to respect life because they are
human beings and I think if . . . I think if they can respect others and
respect themselves and be responsible to themselves that will be . . .
That will make me happy as a parent. It really will. If they can do those

things.

65
Theme: Family Relationships. A third grouping of responses related to

goals/hopes for children Included family relationships. Several parents
indicated their hope or expectation that their children would marry and have
children. Additionally, several parents expressed the desire for their children to
remain close with siblings In the future, resolving existing sibling rivalry. And
lastly with regard to family relationships, parents expressed within their narra-
tives hopes that children will be able to reflect back on their childhood with
happy memories, valuing their family experience. For example:
Well, basically what my real Intention Is that they grow up liking them-
selves as adults or as people and if they feel good about . . . the family
as a supporting unit. And I hope they take that with them. I think our
strongest . . . probably our strongest value I think for them as people Is
to be thoughtful, caring individuals. And sometimes we feel like we’ve
failed miserably,. But I mean, you know, that’s a continuing pro-
cess. . . .
or
I’m a single parent, so that’s kind of different, too. I just talk to other
adult friends, and a lot of them have good memories of their families,
and I have others who have bad memories of their families. I just hope
my kids have good memories, and I hope I can offer them help when 1
they are adults.
In summary, Family Expectations, Hopes, and Plans as a mechanism for

defining family identity incorporated two themes: Goals/Hopes for Children,

66

and Family Relationships, which outlined parents' image of the future for their
children. Within the previous literature review, attention was given to the
notion of “possible selves,“ representing what individuals conceive they might
become (Markus a Nurius, 1986, 1987). Data In this sample support this
notion, both with regard to family beliefs about structure of families, and with
regard to future Images of what their family, specifically what they imagine their

children’s futures to include.

Code: Critical Events

One last coded area in the Family Identity Class was called Critical
Events. Data coded here related to happenings that were out of the
planned/expected series of the life course, for example job losses or medical
problems, including permanent disabilities. Also included In this code were
descriptions of events interpreted by parents as particularly difficult. A full
range of critical events were present across the sample. The most commonly
reported kind of critical events were medical crises for family members. Next
were deaths in the family (often a grandparent or great-grandparent), and
lastly, accounts of miscarriages during the childbearing years. Other critical
events noted in the family stories were divorces, pregnancy and birth compli-
cations, or a reference to a period of time with many stressful changes that the
family experienced.

An interesting pattern was noted within the accounts of critical events.

Regardless of the kind of adversity recounted by the family, it was usually

67

followed by a comment that suggested some type of resolution. An example
of this can be seen in this father's narrative about his son:
. . . He’s good in athletics, but he’s not real naturally coordinated and
that’s due in part to his cerebral palsy. His right side Is partially para-
lyzed so that he has . . . I think that has an Impact on his ability to per-
form and to achieve things. . . . But he’s very determined and . . . very
stubborn, and if you will, very determined to accomplish things.
According to Borden (1992), "people revise accounts of life experience
In the face of unexpected or adverse events so as to maintain a sense of
coherence, continuity, and meaning“ (p. 135). The resolution in these family
stories supports this point, as parents often incorporated the way their family
coped with a problem, or discussed pride at the way they handled a trying
situation. For example, one mother discusses her divorce:
But one thing B. and I do Is we really try to get along for the sake of the
children. And that meant putting our hatred aside which is really hard to
do. You know he resents me for pushing him Into this, and I resented
him for leaving. But we got over that and It was a hard thing to do. But
that’s one thing we’re proud of, I think the most. Not so much that we
had children, but what we’re doing now with them. We’re . . . that’s
something that we’re just so proud of we can’t. . . . We’re like "Look at
us! We get alongl"
Critical event narratives that did not Include some type of positively

framed resolution were most often descriptions of miscarriages, or stillborn

 

68

children. This was the only category of critical events In which the number of
unresolved accounts was larger than the resolved accounts. For example:

. . . Karen had two bad pregnancies prior to Rachel . . . where she

miscarried, so I guess you’d call those complications. . . . The first one

was about 2 years before [R.’s birth] and the second one was about a

year before so that was pretty hard.

Interviewer: How did she deal with that or how did you deal with

that?

Very badly . . . it wasn’t one of the easiest things to go through in

a relationship.

A common way to follow up on the report of a miscarriage was to report
when the next child was born. It is possible that this is the family’s way of
positively resolving the loss. Among the more unusual and severe critical
events noted within this sample were one death of a husband/father and one
report of a child dying from Sudden Infant Death Syndrome.

Inclusion of critical events In family narratives is Important as it is
another way In which the family defines Itself, as having undergone a particular
problem together. The coping and striving necessary for the family to survive

all become part of that family story.

Connections to Others
What if any is the Influence or contribution of family of origin and kinship

groups?

69

These family stories contained details related to cultural family contexts,
as well as information about relationships with friends and kinship groups. The
families’ connections to others were communicated in their stories through
coded material In four areas: Extended Family Relationships, Kinship Groups,

Intergenerational Themes, and Cultural Ties and Traditions (see Figure 11).

 

CLASS CODES

Connections to Others Extended Family Relationships
Kinship Groups
lntergenerational Themes
Cultural Ties and Traditions

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 11. Connections to Others.

Code: Extended Family Relationships

Consistent with an emphasis on contextual relationships In family life
(Carter 8. McGoldrick, 1980, 1988; Fischer, 1988), the Interviews in this sample
were analyzed with regard to this content. Interviews were coded for content
referencing other family relationships. Within the narratives, three extended

family themes emerged: structure, support, and stress (see Figure 12).

 

 

CLASS CODE THEMES

Connections to Others Extended Family Relationships Structure
Suppon
Stress

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 12. Code: Extended Family Relationships.

70

Theme: Structure. Consistent with other classes and codes reported thus far,
within the Extended Family code, there was a strong element of structural
reporting in the family stories. Parents took time to Include an explanation of
family of origin stnicture, as well as the birth order of their children In context
with other nieces and nephews In the family. For example:
She was not a first grandchild. My sister married young and had her
last child in 1969, so my parents youngest grandchild was 9 and their
oldest was 16; and my In-Iaws had three grandchildren. I have only one
sister, but my husband has 11 brothers and sisters. We come from very

different backgrounds.

Theme: Support. A second theme within the Extended Family code concerned
support parents received from family members. This support ranged from
childcare, to Information and advice, and housing, as several parents reported
living with their parents for a period of time. Mothers, In particular, discussed
childcare assistance they received from their mothers. For example:
And then we did have a bad experience with a babysitter when C. was a
year old. It was a kind of an abuse thing . . . It certainly changed my
feelings. Then I didn’t work at all, I said, ”Forget this“ . . . and I stayed
at home. Eventually, about 6 months later my mother said she would
'do It, and there was no way I would trust anybody else during the
daytime.

However, fathers too noted family childcare support:

71

But we never did like leaving them with a babysitter. We never had, you
know, a good babysitter so It was always one of my sisters or . . . well
her dad didn’t watch ’em back then . . . but, or my aunt . . . we lived
two doors down from my aunt. . . .

Both mothers and fathers made reference to calling upon family mem-

bers for advice and suggestions, especially when their children were infants.

For example, one father notes:

01’

The first time M. ever had a fever I called my folks and P. called her
folks, it’s like "Oh, what do we do, what do we do?” You know, it’s like

panicky you know, trying to get all this information."

". . . So we were only a few miles from them. So, it was nice being
around there when the child was quite young. Plus I also think it helped
with . . . J. had her Mom relatively close. When she had questions, It
was always easy to call her Mom and ask her about things. That
worked out real good.

Support took other forms as well, Including the provision of housing in

several circumstances. One mother who was divorced noted:

Well, okay there was a divorce. . . . l was divorced when M. was 4 years
old and that was difficult. We lived in Rochester, and we had to move

down to my parents. And we lived there for a year and a half.

72

Theme: Stress. While it was apparent that families with young children were
clear in their recall of supportive efforts from their extended family, contact was
not always experienced as positive. Family members at times presented
needs for the young family to fulfill, as suggested by Fischer (1988) In her
discussion regarding the allocation of family resources, and the potential for
needy relatives to siphon off those means Intended for young children.
Stresses were noted In the same general arenas, as parents in the sample
were called upon to provide eldercare, and housing, and at times received
intrusive or unwanted advice. An example of one wife discussing the stress of
eldercare for her husband:
I thought it was the right thing to do. Someone had to help with the
grandparents. But the thing Is that D. shouldered all the responsibility
because his family is not like that. You know what I mean? He stepped
in, he said, "Okay. Let’s see now. Let’s at least make sure . . . they
won’t leave the house. Let's make sure they have food and groceries
and doctor visits and stuff like that. Well, his brothers could have cared
less. You know. That’s the way, I don’t know, It was like there was a lot
of animosity. I don’t know. So anyways, so he did that for a long time,
and they died 2 years ago.
Housing was provided for other relatives at times. For example:
. . . and relatives from back here in Michigan come out there and spend

a month with us, while they got on their feet and got an apartment or

Of

73

whatever. So M's brother lived with us for 3 months and broke his

collar bone.

And we weren’t here 2 months, and his mother happened to have a
personal problem and wound up saying, could she stay for a few
weeks, and she left last month. So, that has been probably the only
change in how we had planned things to go.

And lastly within the stress theme, several parents commented on

unwanted advlco, or intrusiveness by their relatives. More than one mother

noted the lack of support and criticism she felt around the issue of breastfeed-

ing. For example:

I nursed both of them, I nursed her for 14 months. And I know my
mother kept with, "Isn't It time to quit, isn't it time to quit that,“ you know,
“blah blah blah blah blah.“ She couldn’t stand It, that l was having a
successful time. I guess, I don’t know what to think, you know, she's
been dead for 4 years so I can’t ask her any more.

And at times, visits from family members that were intended as helpful

were noted as intrusive by parents. For example, one mother expresses her

ambivalence:

S. had a real normal delivery, natural delivery. We were in the hospital
3 days, and then I took him home, and I had some postpartum depres-
sion. I remember wondering what I was supposed to do, and. . . . My

mother came for a while, and I felt she was an intrusion on my-l knew

74

she was there to help, but I really wanted her to go home so that I could

be alone. So that we could just be a family and not have her there.

Alongside the support and stress related to extended families was a
more general focus indicating overall gratification and enjoyment related to
experiencing closeness with family members. For example, one husband
discusses his view:

. . . and uh, I came to realize that . . . family is basically what it’s all

about and uh . . . I don’t give her a hard time about going to the family

gatherings or anything like that. I’ve come to enjoy them. Especially
having the kids around too.
or

. . . We were . . . both of us have very, very close families and a . . . the

families know each other so. . . . Yea know, we grew up together.
or

. . . We would go up north. We have a place up north. Now we do;

then we didn’t. But his mom and dad did, so we would all camp over

there. You know. Like on Memorial weekends or vacations, we would
all go up north. . ..

For those couples who lived some distance away from extended family.
they noted the loss of family closeness, as well as a variety of ways they
coped with their circumstances. For example:

We try to, since our families are so far away in New Jersey, we try to do

the best kind of bonding that we can. When they were smaller it was a

75
hello on the phone and the older they got the more accustomed they

got to . . . their ’week’ in a compacted visit with the family . . . and know

who everyone was. And we had a picture on the wall, “This your

grandma and this is your other grandma." So it was hard but a lot of
other people. . . . It’s nice out here because there’s a lot of people who
have been transported. We're not the only ones who are isolated form
their families and stuff.

In summary, extended family relationships were consistently included in
family descriptions in this sample. Some of the ways family members de-
scribed support for one another included: providing care, advice and Informa-
tion, and housing. More often, parents with young children were on the
receiving end of such support, but not always. Generally, families noted a
value of family closeness, and enjoyment regarding time spent together. It
was not possible to assess patterns of contact between maternal family of
origin versus paternal families, as described by Fischer (1983a, 1983b, 1983c),

given the more general nature of data in these family stories.

Code: Kinships Groups

The volume of content coded lGnship Groups was less than that of
Extended Family Relationships, but the described functions of the two groups ’
appeared similar in nature. Like extended families, kinship groups were
defined for this study as combinations of people, both family members or
friends, who surround, encircle, and participate in the development of one

individual or set of siblings. To distinguish between extended family, kinship

76

groups were coded separately, and included data references to non-family
members, usually identified as friends.

Women In this sample were more likely than men (22:14) to reference
contact with kinship groups. Kinship groups In this sample were from four
general groups: friends of both parents and children, neighbors, church
relationships, and playgroups. The two functions of the contact appeared to
be advice and information, particularly from parents of same-age children, and
childcare. In those cases where family or friends were not available, parents
noted the absence and need of this role in their lives. One father discusses
his experience:

Here you are at age 24 and you don't know what to expect. You don’t

know what’s good or bad, you don’t have enough friends who have

kids. Of the group we hang around with, which, believe it or not, I have
been hanging around with since I was in grade school, we were the first
ones to have kids, by 3 years. So had no method of comparison. We
had no gauge by which to measure.

A mother discusses the way kinship groups helped her:

Probably when they were almost about one, we met some people; then

we just started meeting some people with kids around the same age

and we started trading off [childcare]. And that was good for me, and I

knew that l was the kind of person that just needed space for myself

and just away, you know, at times.

Or one father explains his wife’s efforts:

77

I give a lot of credit to C. When the kids were younger, she invented a
support group, they called Play Group. She had four or five peers-kids
the same age. They’d rotate houses and they’d come over; the mothers
would sit around and chit-chat for 3-4 hours and the kids would play in
the basement. They structured activities for them. That went on for
several years, which I thought was a real innovative idea. . . .
Another explanation of the role of a kinship group:
J. was exposed to a lot of different people. ‘He had a lot of people who
moved out from Michigan so we were surrounded by a lot of friends. . .
so he wasn’t by . . . family, but it was like a . . . Michigan family. But he
had a lot of . . . a lot of male roles, female roles because we were con-
stantly accompanied with other people who lived here.
Lastly, one divorced woman notes the powerful role of a particular
person in her life:
. . . And, I . . . I had an Interim sitter, D.G., who is now E.’s first grade
teacher, for about a month and a half, until J. was certified for extra kids
or whatever. And, since then J.’s pretty much raised the kids with me.
She is my significant other as far as raising my kids. But it's been real
stable for them. I mean, extremely stable. And, umm, that has been
good. And, we had some tough times at the beginning. . . .
In summary, beyond the distinction of family relationship, kinship groups
function in the same ways as extended families with parents in this sample,

with the exception of providing housing. Parents note the circle of assistance

78

in managing the demands family life, particularly when their children were

young.

Code: lntergenerational Issues

What if any is the influence or contribution of family of origin and kinship
groups?

Thus far we have noted the role of extended family and kinship groups
in supporting and equipping families during the transition to parenthood.
Carter & McGoldrick (1980, 1988) suggest that the nuclear family is a three-
generational system that reacts to pressure from generational tensions as well
as developmental transitions. These family stories were analyzed for content
referencing intergenerational influences, separate from operative, current
relationships with families. Five different themes emerged from this analysis

(see Figure 13).

 

CLASS CODE THEMES

Family Identity Intergenerational Issues Structure

Direct Messages
Heredity
Recapitulation
Repak

 

 

 

 

 

 

W Code: lntergenerational Issues.

Theme: Structure. lntergenerational influences on family identity'were noted, at
a basic level, on individual choices regarding family structure. Parents, in the
narratives examined here, reflected on their own childhood experiences in

making determinations of whether or not they wished to construct a replication

 

79

of their own family constellation, or produce an amended composition. A
common approach was to space the years between children in some pattern
that related to their own childhood experience. For example:

The interesting thing there was . . . I guess that was kinda’ a goal, too,
to have two kids close in age. Why? So we can raise them at once. Second-
ly, so these two are able to become best pals, which was something that l
. really didn't have when l was a kid, because my sister and brother are 4% and
6 years younger than me, respectively.

Likewise, parents addressed the issue of family size, based on their own

 

family experience, either replicating or making adjustments. One mother noted
the following:
I think the other thing that influenced me was that l was one of five
children, and l was extremely aware of how busy my mother’s life was
for having. . . . And I didn't want to be the mother of that for a long time
. . . because I knew what work it was. . . .
The creation of a new family based on intergenerational experiences also
included the issue of gender.
Um, when she came along, it was another interesting story. I never
wanted any girls, because my mother and I never were very close and I
didn’t want to have to submit my daughter to the same relationship that
I had with my mother. And the only reason my mother and I don’t get
along is because we are so much alike. You know, we get along okay

now. So, when she was born, I was disappointed, and my husband

80

was ecstatic. He was ecstatic the first one was a boy and he was

ecstatic because the second one was a girl.

Theme: Direct Messages. Stories were also examined for explicit Information
related to the influences of previous generations. Only two parents quoted
specific messages they had received from their origin families. One woman
noted her husband’s conviction to keep a job that was destmctive to him:
I think what happened if you want our life story in a nutshell: we got
together, we fell In love, we screwed a lot, we got married, the kids
came and it was instant adult and time to grow up, and both of us
bolted. My being a mother, God must do something to mothers to
make them a little more hardened I guess. . . . But he bolted, I mean he
stuck with a job that he hated, just to be a good provider, because I'm
sure that’s all he heard all his life, "You provide for your kids, no matter
what. . . ."
In discussing her family's response to the excess attention given to first
child one mother notes a family saying:
You know, his grandmother had a saying that there should be a rule
against first babies. She died the year B. was born. That was kinda’
sad, because I identified with her, she made me think of my own grand-

mother, the one I named her after.

81

Theme: Heredity. Separate from such messages being handed down genera-

tion to generation, eight parents noted family heredity as a way to explain a

variety of phenomenon in their family, ranging from medical issues to personal-

ity styles. For example, one mother notes her daughter’s similarity to her own

sister:

It could be heredity. I have a sister that’s 13 months older than me and
she’s exactly the same. My sister has no friends. When we—she’s in
Iowa now and l’m in Michigan—when we go back to lllinois . . . if we go
out with friends, it’s my friends because she doesn’t have any. Umm,
she just doesn’t seem to need them, K.’s [daughter] kind of like that.
Another mother talks about her family history with pregnancies:

They took her too soon. She . . . because I carried 10 months—

and that’s history. My mother, my grandmother, my sister, my

whole family carries 10 months.

Theme: Recapitulaticn. Beyond structure the recapitulation/repeat versus

compensation/repair question was repeated in a variety of other family con-

texts.

Several families noted their intent to replicate a generally positive family

experience. For example:

We had known each other from before, and I think our families are alike
. . . there are a lot of similarities. In fact, both parents had mothers and
fathers from the old country. And we are all pretty close knit. We all
had some pretty strong values about families and loving each other. I

think that was a real connection between J. and I when we first met. I

82

think once we got married, a lot of what we had grown up with influ-

enced the way we raise our kids now. There might be a few things we

do differently than my parents did, but probably not a lot. I suspect that

a lot of the guidelines I know I had when l was a kid, I still follow now.

So far, it seems to have worked pretty good.

Another area in which parents strive to recapitulate their origin families
related to gender roles. One father explains the perpetuation of the traditional
female gender role in their family:

C. didn’t work after she had the. . . . And she wanted to spend as much

time as she could with her children. And I think it’s paid off. The kids

have commented that it’s nice to have Mommy home when they come
home from school. My mother never worked and her mother never
worked either, so we always felt that it was nice to have Mommy home
when you get home from school and we were fortunate that we were
able to provide that for our kids.

or a mother notes her son’s modelling of his father’s temper:

You know . . . I think he’s watched . . . of course being a boy he’s going

to look up to his dad . . . so his dad has a temper . . . when things don’t

go right his way . . . you know about it. You know if he’s working on a

car . . . youknow things start flying and he gets mad and swears . . .

well T. has picked that up too. So when he was working on his bike

and it doesn’t go . . . he’s mad at everybody. You know, he’ll have his

tantmm out there.

 

83

One mother notes the way in which she replicated a marital pattern:
I was raised with a father who was a salesman. So he [husband] was
gone, back and forth, in and out, so it didn’t seem strange to me. And

I’m pretty independent, too, so that didn’t bother me. . . .

Theme: Compensation and Repair. Parents noted similarities between them-
selves and their children, both positive and negative. However, when a
negative similarity was noted, parents also discussed the ways they were
trying to change this trait in their child. For example, a father describes:
. . . But with him being the oldest I expect more out of him and see a lot
of me in him. . . . When I was younger and I had a pet die . . . [I'd get]
really emotional and so he’s the same way. He’s more emotional
though than what I was. And his attitude is the same as mine . . . "Well
I want to go out so I’m going to bug you until you let me out.“ And
that’s the way I was. He doesn’t get Into as much trouble as I did . . .
that’s one thing l’m glad about. But I think a lot of It is because I do
see me in him . . . that’s why I’m so tough on him though. . . .
or
J. is more like me, she’s a loud mouth, and a talker and If you
don’t slap her or shut her up she just takes over the whole family
situation.
Just as families handed down gender roles, families try to undo gender

roles as well, as was the case with this mother:

84

One tantrum after another, and we never broke them up. And I felt I
was raising him the way I had seen my father being treated, you know
the male role model-get everything you want and you get it by having a
tantrum, having a fit. And I felt that’s how I was raising him. I see now
that It’s wrong. And it Isn’t working, but, urn we’re working on that one.
Parents noted perceived parental deficits in their own experience as
. children, and discussed their efforts to compensate in this generation as
parents, as suggested by Parke (1994).
. . . but I hope they have good memories and that they always feel like
they were loved. That is the most important thing to me . . . that they
know they were wanted and loved, and that they are very special to me,
and they’re not a burden, and I’m really glad that they were born. I kind
of feel like that with my parents--they really didn’t make me feel loved
enough, and I really want my kids to feel that self-confidence stuff.
in summary, intergenerational issues, as an extension of connections to
others in family identity formation, is a powerful influence with solid representa-
tion in narratives. Viewing families as a three-generational system that reacts
to beliefs and pressures (Carter & McGoldrick, 1980;,1988) that precede
current generations under study is supported by the data in this sample.
Families’ inclusion of intergenerational material was reflexive and spontaneous.
Indicating the centrality of their presence during this transitional phase of family

development.

 

85
Code: Cultural Ties and Traditions

Families must be studied within their unique cultural, religious, and
ethnic context (Saleeby, 1992). Narrative material coded in Cultural Ties and
Traditions included references to cultural, religious, or ethnic origin, as well as
descriptions of unique family traditions. While it is known that parents in this
sample are primarily European Americans, relatively few noted this or any
reference to culture or country of origin. However, a few who were first or
second generation in this country did include some descriptive information
related to their particular family background. For example:

i grew up with a good set of parents that always took care of me and

loved me. . . . My mother is a lot more cheerful and lot more optimistic.

My Dad grew up in kinda’ a strict, not strict, but somewhat strict, Italian

home. His parents were born in Italy. So, his family was much more

rigid than my Mom’s was. And our house tended to be, when I grew up

at least, a lot more like my Mother’s, a lot more flexible than my Dad’s.

Another example in which a mother notes both her cultural heritage, as
well as related family traditions is as follows:

And we’re real close with my parents, probably more than my hus-

band’s parents. So they spend a lot of time with those grandparents. l

was born In Finland so . . . my family is bilingual In that respect. And

.. . . so that’s maybe a little bit different in terms that . . . when R. was a

baby I spoke nothing but Finnish to him. So his first word was mother

in Finnish. . . . That, of course, when I went back to work, that became

 

86

harder when he was with . . . English-speaking people but . . . we’ve
kept . . . that part we’re . . . sort of ethnic. In that, we were in Finland
last summer with our whole family. And . . . so some of the traditions

. . . like Christmas Eve we have a big family tradition of going over to
my mom and dad’s. And we have a very traditional Finnish meal and
stuff like that. So they’ve kind of kept . . . both kids have had that expo-
sure that’s maybe a little bit different than . . . someua family that’s com-
pletely. . . American.

References to American culture and religious traditions were not identi-

fied as such, although they were also included in the narratives. For example,

several families noted Christian Christmas holiday traditions:

Um, I don’t know, we were real active after he was born, as far as not
hiding from the rest of the world. We always had chopped down our
own Christmas tree and we put him in a little front pack under our winter

coats when he was 6 weeks old and went out and cut a tree down. . . .

Additionally, several parents noted family-owned cottages "up north” and

holiday visits. This tradition could be considered a geographically based norm

that several families in this sample shared. Lastly, at least one family shared a

description of a ritual or tradition established within their own family.

We . . . nothing . . . maybe nothing extravagant or anything like that, but
like in the winter time we have . . . Friday night usually is family night
where we’ll either I’ll make homemade pizza and they’ll help me pile the

junk on, or a taco or a nacho or something like that, and then we’ll get

87

a movie, either rent a movie or have a movie. Or lots of times it ends
up being that we’ll watch a sporting event because they’re really all into
spons....

In summary, parents note the effects of their own origin family experi-
ence, heredity, and culture in forming and sustaining their own family identity.
By reflectively evaluating their own experience being parented, they include
reparations in their narrative. Additionally, family beliefs and values assessed
to have merit are preserved, by instilling them in their children. In this way
family identity is consolidated and transferred to the next generation of mem-

bers.

In Support of the Literature

Several points regarding the transition to parenthood literature have
been included throughout the preceding report of results. Several other
findings must also be included to form a comprehensive exploration. Family
development theory, with its focus on the life cycle itself (Mattessich & Hill,
1987) Is supported by these family narratives, as these parents have incorpo-
rated and defined for themselves developmental themes related to the chal-
lenges of building a career/economic base, marriage, and family. While other
family theories provide useful models for exploration of family life, the dimen-
sion of time mustremain an integral element. Layers of contextual history and
prior experiences interact to influence parents’ response and eventual adapta-

tion to childrearing (Goldberg & Michaels, 1988).

88
Secondly, these stories highlight the need for flexible and Interactive

systems models of family development, such as Carter & McGoldrick (1980,
1988), as their stories are filled with examples of the overlapping complexities
involved in raising children in contemporary society. These families are
constantly interacting with culture, community, extended family, and kinship
groups as they move through time.

Another dimension of the Carter and McGoldrick model (1980, 1988),
the need for attention to the young adult phase of development with its focus
on family individuation issues and career preparation, is supported by data in
this sample. Parents constantly referenced career development as well as their
connection to origin families, by describing their structure and discussing
ongoing support, ambivalence, and conflict. More research is needed to
specifically address particular patterns resulting from this juncture in develop-
ment.

Relatedly, repeated themes of recapitulation/repalr in the data supports
the literature pointing to the psychological re-awakening of childhood issues
(Antonucci & Mikus, 1988; Fischer, 1988). A number of parents reported such
an experience-J. . . you kind of sort of re-live part of your own childhood in
terms of what they are going through . . ."-factoring their reflections into deci-
sion-making while creating a new family. lntergenerational themes and Issues
were readily apparent as parents re-created family patterns or re-ordered their

new families.

89

More specific literature findings related to attachment and maternal
representations of self were not able to be fully explored with this data set,
given the more general nature of parents’ comments. However support was
noted for the development of coherent narratives in the face of adverse
circumstances, as the mothers had done in studies predicting secure and
insecure attachments through narrative exploration (Main et al., 1985). Parents
_ developed coherent narratives as evidenced by their comments incorporating
resolution In response to accounts of critical events.

The active role of extended family and kinship groups (Fischer, 1983a,
1983b, 1988; Hill, 1970) in providing support for families was clearly evidenced
In the narratives. While the analysis of this study could not ascertain distinctive
patterns in families, the collective need present In these family stories evidenc-
es the need for such support. In families where there was a noted absence of
family contact, kinship groups provided similar functions. Where extended
families were noted to be a source of stress in some situations, kinship groups
were not. This points to the property in some families in which expectations
and commitments to remain in contact with one another outweigh conflicts and
tensions; a dynamic not always present with non-family relationships.

While data In this sample do not provide researchers with numbers of
contacts with community and family members, they provide us with important
information regarding the function and meaning of these contacts for parents

One parent noted the meaning of having her children:

 

hood:

90

Obviously we were . . . we didn’t have any children for awhile and so
were free to go out . . . to go on vacation or whatever. And then when
you have kids, It’s a different story. You give . . . a lot of giving, but
that’s just how it is. But I think a . . . having kids is more important than
worldly things. You know, the experience of having them I would never
trade it for. . . . And, living with a child . . . right, the same . . . it’s a lot
of giving. Definitely. lt’s...can be difficult at times, but you look at the
good. There’s more good than anything.

Another mother comments on her perception of the transition to parent-

And my relationship with my husband was a friendship; you know we
were really good friends. And we had a lot of fun together. I remember
telling B. that l was pregnant. It was so much fun. He brought flowers
home and we were both really excited. Getting ready and preparing
was a lot of fun. And the last day, walking out to go to the hospital, we
both looked at the house and we both knew it was the last moment we
would ever be alone together. We knew there was a change that was

taking place.

Summary

An analysis of this group of family stories provides family theorists with

insights into the meaning of family life. The use of ECA with qualitative

interviews of parents who have transitioned Into parenthood, and who use their

own words to tell us the story of their family, provides researchers with a vastly

I
F

91

different perspective into the lives of families than is possible with a purely
quantitative approach.

Evidence is provided in this analysis that suggests family identity is
formed by integrating one’s view of self, along with one’s family group.
Together couples formulate beliefs and hopes, which mix with the unfolding of
everyday life and critical events over time. These things intertwine with layers
of context including culture, extended family, kinship groups, and Intergenera-
tional relationships to create a new history of traditions and ways of being

together that serve to solidify the group collective.

 

CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

Prior to a discussion of research and practice implications, it is impor-

tant to give attention the perspective of culture in the analysis of these stories.

Collective Narrative of Culture

\Mder cultural and historical narrative provide the frames of reference
within which individual narratives can be either constructed or understood
(Laird, 1989). Historical and cultural events (eg. political conflicts, economic
recessions, popular culture) impinge upon the collective family story of a city
or community (Cowan, 1991). An important perspective on the results detailed
In Chapter 3 is to view them as a collective story for a small sample of families
living in a large Midwestern suburban area in the late 1980’s.

With that view, a different set of historical, economic, cultural markers
emerge as influences in the transition to parenthood. Where initially, the
researcher might examine how a family copes with a job layoff, the cultur-
al/historicai perspective focuses on the meaning of layoffs in the late 19805 in
this automotive industrial-laden community. For example, one mother notes:

But with A., well, I worked full time for the next 4 years. My pregnancy

with A. was easy healthwise, but as a family we underwent a lot of

92

 

93

stress because of our financial situation and my work situation was very
stressful. It was during the time when all the auto companies were
laying off and everything was falling [sic] in Michigan. I felt overworked
at work and at home, as both a wife and a mother. . . . I was commuting
35 miles to work, my husband was taking a bus into downtown Detroit
and there were nights when he’d call me and say the bus had trouble
and once he got almost held up by someone on the bus, and I worried
about him In different parts of town late at night trying to get the bus

home. It was a stressful time.

 

An example of the effect of a major American historical event is also
presented in the perspective of the Vietnam veteran who describes his reti-
cence to have a child in a time of uncertainty.

l was one of the victims of the Vietnam era, where I was in college

during that period, probably more for the purposes of student deferment

rather than concentrating on the education. Anyway, for the time period
from about 19-25, was a wild and exciting point in my life. I proceeded
to get drafted when I was 21, and realized that I really didn’t want to do
the Vietnam war thing if I could help it. I ended up in the Marine reserve
for 6 years. And during that time frame, It was a kind of uncertain

world. There was a lot of anxiety and question about what was going

on. Anyway, I met C. I had been in the reserves for a year or two. I

think the first year I was back, doing one weekend a month, which I

never really cared for when I was doing it. But, one of the assumptions

94
that I had made was that I wasn’t really ready for a family at that point in

time, because we weren’t really sure where the world was. They didn’t
stop bombing Hanoi until ’72 or '73. So, we kinda’ both mutually
agreed that we wanted to do some things for ourselves. And during the
first years of marriage, we travelled quite a bit, socialized quite a bit with
friends, and managed to hit Acapulco, Jamaica, and those kinds of
places, which is really kind of nice. I was still in the reserves, so we had
to schedule them around the Weekend Warrior things, and so forth.

That remains sort of, that was one of the stress factors in my life in that

 

time frame. And I convinced myself that once I got out of the reserves,
then we could start talking about kids, at least when l was certain I
wasn’t going to get activated and sent off to some far foreign land. . . .
In contrast, a popular culture issue related to the impact of television on
family life. Numerous parents discussed their fears, beliefs, concerns around
the role of television and their child’s development. An Indepth exploration of
this historical period would examine mass media views on television in the late
1980s. Clearly these parents were struggling with the realization of the impact
in their family. One father notes:
And there’s a couple of things that really bother me about the marketing
and commercials on television today . . . subverting the minds of kids
and I just a . . . don’t want my kids to be a party to that. . . .

Of

95

I miss morning activities and there are some good educational pro-

grams on television, but for the most part there's not a lot really good

on commercial television. . . .

Additionally, the narratives in this sample also include examples of the
powerful impact of literature in popular culture on one father’s transition to
parenthood. This father describes his response to reading m (Haley,
1976x

While we were in Hawaii, I was reading flags. [In the book] His father

explains the custom of the tribe is that the woman would give birth, and

the father would decide on a name for the child then come get the child
and take the child out of the village and tell the child his/her name first.

The explanation was that the baby had the right to be the first to hear

his name. I was completely captivated by that idea, and that is what we

did with V. After we decided on the name, we never told anybody until

the child heard it first. It wasn’t really intentional at the time, but I think

what it did for me was to redirect my attitude into not thinking of her as

a child but of her as a person with rights and deserving of all the

courtesies that every other person would receive from me. We started

treating her like a person right from the start. A small, helpless person, _
but still a person.

In summary, while these studies were analyzed from a developmental

perspective to aid in the formation of family theory, it is clear that they tell a

 

96

wider story regarding family life in the American midwest. They must also be

viewed within the influence of their history and culture.

Changes In Societal Demographics: The Scope of Diversity

The proportion of nuclear families in the United States is decreasing,
and the proportion of what has been considered non-traditional families is on
the rise. According to figures from the Current Population Reports (Saluter,
1994), children under the age of 18 are considerably more likely to be living
with only one parent today than two decades ago. The number of single
parents want from 3.8 million in 1970 to 9.7 million in 1990 (US. Bureau of the
Census, 1995). As marital circumstances of the adult population change, so
do the living arrangements of children. The rise in divorce and delay in first
marriage are two of the major factors contributing to this situation.

As the proportion of "traditional" families decreases, the number of
families with alternative structures increases including single parent, remarried,
adoptive, foster, grandparent, and same-sex partners rearing children (Cope-
land & White, 1991). The following is an abbreviated summary of changes
contributing to the rising number of alternative family types.

The complexion of families with adopted children is changing as well.
Traditionally these families were made up of infertile couples with their adopted
healthy infants, or those intact families who wanted additional children. Now
adoptive families include rising numbers of couples who adopt children with

disabilities, intrafamily adoptions that occur within remarriages, or adoptions by

 

97

heterosexual and homosexual single individuals as well as unmarried couples
who wish to have children (Hanson & Lynch, 1992).

The number of children residing In foster care has grown by approxi-
mately 50%, from 270,000 children in 1985 to 360,000 in January 1990 (Pelton,
1990). This is attributed to rising numbers of children who are born having
been prenatally substance exposed. These children present with a wide
variety of developmental difficulties that change the qualities previously sought
in potential foster parents. Children who have suffered abuse/neglect while in

the care of their biological family also reside in foster care for longer periods of

 

time, despite recent efforts to intervene and reunite these families (Pelton, I
1991).

Grandparents are far more likely now than in years past to become
primary caretakers for their grandchildren, with numbers rising to 3.4 million in
1993 (Saluter, 1994). This is related to the rising number of teen pregnancies,
drug or alcohol addicted mothers, or otherwise emotionally or disabled
parents.

Social change has also permitted more opportunities for unmarried
heterosexual and same sex partners to rear children (Hanson & Lynch, 1992).
Often counted or registered as single parent households, these families are
hidden from view. Other changes in family demography include the widening
age range of childbearing, the reduction in family size, the increasing culture
and language of origin identification, and an increased acknowledgement of

spiritual and religious affiliations (Hanson & Lynch, 1992). Additionally, the

98

Issue of economics and childcare options is common to all families, regardless
of structure. According to the US. Bureau of the Census (1995), there were
9.9 million children under the age of 5 who were in need of care while their
mothers were at work. In 1993, the median income of married couple house-
holds was $43,129. For female-headed households, the median income was
only $18,545. Obviously, the cost for childcare alone, often 20% of the family
income (US. Bureau of the Census, 1995), for poor families constitutes a
major financial challenge. These pressures are often omitted from family
assessments conducted for the purposes of research or practice. These
changes require that family researchers, practitioners, and policy makers
broaden and expand their understanding and definition of contemporary
families to be more accurate and inclusive, enabling them to make more

relevant contributions in their respective arenas.

Family Definition

Given the above changes we must recognize that family definition,
family identities, and family pressures are in the process of modification.
Hanson and Lynch (1992) propose the following definition:

Family is considered to be any unit that defines itself as a family includ-

ing individuals who are related by blood or marriage as well as those

who have made a commitment to share their lives. The definition

includes the ’traditional’ nuclear family but also embraces lifestyles that

range from extended family and kinship networks to single parents and

 

99

to same-sex partners living together. The key elements are that the

members of the unit see themselves as a family, are affiliated with one

another, and are committed to caring for one another. (p. 285)

Adoption of and more conscious attention to such a definition can
become a working tool in itself in efforts to respond sensitively to a wider
range of people and experiences in our day-to-day work. With this In mind,

’ one can see ways in which continued reliance upon historical, traditional, or
mainstream definitions of family limits the scope of study and its generaliza-
bility.

Regardless of how the family is considered, individually, institutionally,
or as an element of society, the issues and experiences for members are
common personal, private concerns. These are not incidental or trivial experi-
ences--they are highly salient. When asked about various aspects of their
lives, Americans say that family life brings them greater feelings of satisfaction
than any other dimension of life (Cowan, 1991). For these reasons as well as
reasons related to increasing economic challenges and social pressures, we
must continue to expand our search for knowledge in a manner that supports.
guides, and directs us toward inclusive, comprehensive, and relevant concep-

tual and practice frameworks.

Bridging Research, Theory, and Practice
Moon, Dillon, and Sprenkle (1990) posit that qualitative research has the

potential to reunite clinicians and researchers, as qualitative methods are close

 

100

to the world of the clinical. Qualitative researchers ask questions similar to
those of clinicians, for example, "What is going on here and why?”, and utilize
adaptations of clinical skills to locate the answers to those questions.

As evidenced by the complexity of these family stories, and the Inability
to isolate any particular theme without considering its relationship to the
previous information and the larger context, qualitative methods may be more
effective than quantitative in grappling with the full complexity of systems
theory. "Like systems theory, qualitative research emphasizes social context,
multiple perspective, complexity, individual differences, circular causality,
recursiveness, and holism” (Moon, Dillon, and Sprenkle, 1990, p. 354).

A methodological underpinning of qualitative family research is diversity.
Qualitative researchers are part of a growing movement of people who under-
stand that families appear in diverse forms in diverse settings, have diverse
experiences, and appear differently In different times in history. It is true that
the sample under study In this project lacks diversity of ethnicity, socio-eco-
nomic status, religion, structure, etc. However, it is possible to note the
complexity of family experience present in this group. The results of this study
with a homogenous group point directly toward the need for qualitative
research as a method with more diverse groups of families. This project could.
be replicated with families of divergent forms: divorced and remarried families;
parents and their adoptive, foster, biological or adult children; extended
families in which many forms of families are embedded; families with commit-

ted homosexual relationships; elders and the generations born before them;

101

and heterosexual unmarried couples. Comparative results would yield interest-
ing direction for those interested In the continued advancement of family
development and particularly family identity.

Three classes of questions guided this inquiry into the transition to
parenthood: Individual Identity, Family Identity, and Connections to Others.
While the findings of these classes have been presented, it is important to

consider each in the context social work research and practice.

Individual Identity

The focus on individual identity In this dissertation is important, as much
research and subsequent practice filters back to conclusions and interventions
with individuals themselves. The value in viewing individual development
embedded in family development is critical when considering that the parent’s
adaptation to parenthood will bear heavily on the burgeoning parent-infant
relationship, and subsequent infants’ development (Goldberg, 1988). The
unique needs of families during the transition to parenthood have stimulated a
number of research and intervention strategies designed to assess maladap-
tive potentials and promote growth in families. Results in this study confirm
the need for continued efforts in this vein, as stories detail the myriad pres-
sures existing for parents In a contemporary society where gender roles and

prescriptions for behavior are in flux, and economic demands are high.

 

1 02
Family Identpy’

Family myth, defined as a series of well-Integrated beliefs which pre-
serve homeostasis, was a concept created by Ferreira (1963). Byng-Hall
(1973, 1979, 1988) expanded the use and discussion of the construct with his
focus on family legends as central to family history. Today structural or
transgenerational theorists, Boszormenyi-Nagy (1984) and others, more readily
reference variations of myth in their family therapy work. Laird (1989) notes
that family therapists have tended toward utilization of the destructiveness of
myth in rigid or dysfunctional families, but have shown less appreciation for the
central role of myth in all families, as a vehicle for richness and creativity in
family folklore.

Social work research journals today are sprinkled with various articles
explaining the value of narrative in therapy as an intervention tool (Borden,
1992) and particularly as a useful tool in multicultural practice (Holland &
Kirkpatrick, 1993; Saleeby, 1994). The narrative method in social work re-
search is more slowly gaining recognition, but advocates like Laird (1989)
highlight the profession’s need to embrace constructivist ideology.

The results of this dissertation are clear. Qualitative interviews of family
stories provide a valuable method for understanding family identity. Family
narratives provide rich information that clinicians and researchers can utilize in
their separate endeavors. Well beyond family myths or beliefs, the parents in
this sample detailed structure, struggles, and strengths they discovered in

themselves as they worked to raise their children. Family identity, or the ways

 

103

in which families define themselves and communicate their shared personality,
as an expanded construct separate from family myth, needs additional atten-
tion within the narrative movement in both research and practice.

Clinical research efforts should seek to evaluate shifts in narrative
content and construction throughout the course of the therapeutic relationship.
Research should also continue to acknowledge the meaning of events and
impact of experience as perceived by the participant (Borden, 1992). By
focusing such research on family Identity, families, clinicians, and researchers
could Ieam to attend to the core perceptions that families adhere to and
employ in guiding behavior. The construct has relevance for both clinical
samples as well as samples used for the purposes of normal developmental

theory building.

Connections to Others

The Connections to Others class in this investigation is characterized
most clearly by its inseparability with both Individual and Family Identity.
Identity is formed In relation to relationships. An examination of Identity
development within the context of extended family relationships, kinship
groups, intergenerational themes, and cultural ties and traditions yields support
for what is already known. Families cannot be understood in a vacuum, as
their form is contingent upon what creates and maintains them. '

Research describing active relationships with extended family and

kinship groups is more readily available than that exploring the nature and

104

meaning of families’ connections to previous generations. This particular
family context is difficult to access by its very nature. The results of this
investigation highlight the value of the narrative method as an effective tool in
better understanding intergenerational issues. Parents in this sample sponta-
neously referenced origin family experiences as a basis from which to con-
struct their new family. Other parents noted the ways they aimed to preserve
' their own family’s ways of doing things without specifying such activity as a
family tradition.

Recent understanding regarding the importance of culture in conducting
family therapy as well as family research brings us closer to the inclusion of
intergenerational issues as a key variable. One way families gain entrance into
their particular culture is through interactions, stories, and traditions of those
from preceding generations. Both practitioners and researchers should attend
to Carter and McGoldrick’s (1980, 1988) effort to incorporate intergenerational
Issues as a primary variable influencing development. Narrative methodology
is one vehicle with which to address past, present, and future perspectives with
families.

In conclusion, given the vast array of changes in the world of families.
as well as the necessary changes needed in the world of practice and re-
search, family identity, coupled with continued efforts using qualitative method-
ology, have the potential to yield promising new answers for those interested in

family theory.

 

LIST OF REFERENCES

Ammaniti, M. (1991). Maternal representations during pregnancy and
early infant-mother interactions. Infant Mental Health Journal 12(3), 246-255.

 

Ammaniti, M., Baumgartner, E., Candelor, C., Perucchini, P., Pola, M.,
Tambelli, R., & Zampino, F. (1992). Representations and narratives during
pregnancy. Infant Mental Health Journal 13(2), 167-182.

 

Anderson, H., & Goolishian, H. A. (1988). Human systems as linguistic
systems: Preliminary and evolving ideas about the implications for clinical
theory. Family Process, 27, 371-393.

Altheide, D. L. (1987). Reflections. Ethnographic content analysis.
Qualitative S_<_>ciologv. 10. 75-77.

Antonucci, T. C., & Mikus, K. (1988). The power of parenthood: Person-
ality and attitudinal changes during the transition to parenthood. In G. Michaels

& W. Goldberg (Eds), The transition to parenthood: Current theopy and
research Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Becvar, D. S., & Becvar, R. J. (1988). Family therapy: A systemic
Intpgration. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Belsky, J. (1984). The determinants of parenting: A process model.
Child Development, 55, 83-96.

Belsky, J., & Isabella, R. (1985). Marital and parent-child relationships in
family of origin and marital change following the birth of a baby: a retrospec-
tive analysis. Child Development, 56, 342-349.

Belsky, J., & Kelly, J. (1994). The transition to parenthood: How a first
child changes a marriage. New York: Delacourt Press.

Belsky, J., & Penske, E. (1988). Marital change across the transition to
parenthood. Marriage and Family Review, 12, 133-156.

Belsky, J., & Rovine, M. (1984, May). Social network contact, family
support, and the transition to parenthood. Journal of Marriage and the Family,
455-462.

105

 

106

Belsky, J., & Rovine, M. (1990). Patterns of marital change across the
transition to parenthood: Pregnancy to 3 years postpartum. Journal of Marriage

and the Family, 52, 5-19.

Belsky, J., Ward, M., & Rovine, M. (1991). Prenatal expectations,
postnatal experiences, and the transition to parenthood. In R. Ashmore & D.
Brodzinsky (Eds), Perspectives on the family. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.

Belsky, J., Youngblade, L., & Pensky, E. (1989). Childrearing history,
marital quality, and maternal affect: lntergenerational transmission in a low-risk

sample. Development and Psychopathology, 1, 291-304.

Booth, W. (1979). Critical understanding. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.

Borden, W. (1992). Narrative perspectives in psychosocial intervention
following adverse life events. Social Work 37(2), 135-141.

 

Boszon'nenyi-Nagy, I., & Spark, G. M. (1984). Invisible loyalties: Reci-
procig in intergenerational family therapy. New York: Bruner/Mazel.

Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss: Vol. 1 Attachment. New York:
Basic Books.

 

Bowlby, J. (1988). Developmental psychiatry comes of age. American
Journal of Pachiatpy, 145(1), 1-10.

Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. Cam-
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Bruner, J. (1986). Actual minds, possible worlds. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.

Byng-Hall, J. (1973). Family myths used as defence in conjoint family
therapy. British Journal of Medical Psychology, 46, 239-250.

Byng-Hall, J. (1979). Re-editing family mythology during family therapy.
Journal of Family Therppy, 1, 103-116.

Byng-Hall, J. (1988, June). Scripts and legends in families and family
therapy. Family Process, 27, 167-179.

Carter, E. A. (1978). The transgenerational scripts and nuclear family
stress: Theory and clinical implications. In R. R. Sager (Ed), Georgetown
Family Symposium, 3, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.

 

107

Carter, E., & McGoldrick, M. (1980). The family life cycle and family
therapy: An overview. In E. A. Carter & M. McGoldrick (Eds), The family life
gcle. New York: Gardner Press.

Carter, E., & McGoldrick, M. (1988). Overview: The changing family life
cycle: A framework for family therapy. In E. A. Carter & M. McGoldrick (Eds),
The changing family life gcle (2nd ed.). New York: Gardner Press.

Clulow, C. (1991). Partners become parents: A question of difference.
Infant Mental Health Journal 12(3), 256-266.

 

Cohler, B. J. (1982). Personal narrative and the life course. In P. Bates &
O. Brim (Eds), Life-span development and behavior (pp. 205-241). New York:
Academic Press.

Colman, A., & Colman, L. (1971). Prpgnancy: The psychological experi-
ence. New York: Bantam Books.

Combrinck-Graham, L (1985). A developmental model for family
systems. Family Process, 24(2), 139-150.

Copeland, A. P., & White, K M. (1991). Studying Families. Newbury
Park, CA: Sage.

Cowan, C. P., & Cowan, P. A. (1990a). The pie. In J. Touliatos, B. F.
Perlmutter, & M. A. Straus (Eds), Handbook of family measurement tech-
nigues. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Cowan, C. P., & Cowan, P. A. (1990b). Who does what? In J. Touliatos,
B. F. Perlmutter, & M. A. Straus (Eds), Handbook of family measurement
technigues. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Cowan, C. P., & Cowan, P. A. (1992). When partners become parents:
The big life change for couples. New York: Basic Books.

Cowan, C. P., Cowan, P. A., Heming, G., & Miller, N. B. (1991). Becom-
ing a family: Marriage, parenting, and child development. In P. A. Cowan & M.
Hetherington (Eds), Family Transitions. Hilldale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates. .

Cowan, P. (1991). Individual and family life transitions: A Proposal for a
new definition. In P. A. Cowan & M. Hetherington (Eds), Family transitions.
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

 

108

Cowan, P. A. & Cowan, C. P. (1988). Changes in marriage during the
transition to parenthood: Must we blame the baby? In G. Y. Michaels & W. A.
Goldberg (Eds), The transition tcwarent‘hood: Current theom and research.
Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Daly, K. (1992). The fit between qualitative research and characteristics
of families. In J. Gilgun, K Daly, 8. G. Handel (Eds), Qualitative methods in
family research. Newbury Park: Sage.

Duvall, E. M., & Hill, R. (Co-chairmen). (1948). Report of the Committee
on the Dynamics of Family Interaction. Prepared at the request of the National
Conference on Family Life, Washington, DC.

Duvall, E. M., & Miller, B. C. (1985). Marriage and Family Development
(6th ed.). New York: Harper & Row.

Eccles, J. S., & Blumenfeld, P. C. (1984). Psychological predictors of
competence development. (Grant No. 2 R01 HDI7553-01). Bethesda, MD:
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.

Eccles, J. S., Blumenfeld, P. C., Harold, R. D, & Wigfield, A. L. (1990).

Ontogeny of self and task concppts and activity choice. (Grant No. 2 R01
HD17553-06). Bethesda, MD: National Institute of Child Health and Human

Development.

Ferreira, A. J. (1963). Family myth and homeostasis. General Pachiatyy,
p, 457-463.

Fischer, L (1981). Transitions in the mother-daughter relationship.
Journal of Marriage md the Family. 43(3), 613-622.

Fischer, L (1983a). Married men and their mothers. Journal of Compar-
ative Family Studies, 14(3), 393-402.

Fischer, L (1983b). Mothers and mothers-in-law. Journal of Marriage
and the Family, 45(1), 187-192.

Fischer, L (1983c). Transition to grandmotherhood. lntemational Journal
of Aging and Human Development, 16(1), 67-78.

Fischer, L (1988). The influence of kin on the transition to parenthood.

Marriagp md Family Review, 12(3-4), 201-219.

Fischer, L (1991). Between mothers and daughters. Marriage and
Family Review, 18(3-4), 237-248.

109

Fonagy, P. (1994). Mental representations from an intergenerational
cognitive science perspective. Infant Mental Health Journal 15(1), 57-68.

 

Fraiberg, S., Adelson, E., & Shapiro, V. (1975). Ghosts in the nursery: A
psychoanalytic approach to the problems of impaired infant-mother relation-

ships. Joumal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatm, 14, 387-422.
Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of culture. New York: Basic Books.

Geertz, C. (1980). Blurred genres: The refiguration of social thought.
American Scholar 49(2), 165-79.

 

Geertz, C. (1983). Local knowledge: Further essays in interpretive
anthropology. New York: Basic Books.

Geertz, C. (1988). Works and lives. Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press.

 

Gergen, K, & Gergen, M. (1988). Narratives of the self. In T. R. Sarbin
and K. E. Scheibe (Eds), Studies in social identity. New York: Praeger.

Gilgun, J., Daly, K, & Handel, G. (Eds). (1992). Qualitative methods in
family research. Newbury Park: Sage.

Glaser, B. G., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory.
Chicago: Aldine.

Goldberg, W. A. (1988). Introduction: Perspectives on the transition to
parenthood. In G. Y. Michaels & W. A. Goldberg (Eds), The transition to
parenthood: Current theom and research. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.

Goldstein, H. (1990, January). The knowledge base of social work
practice: Theory, wisdom, analogue, or art? Families in Socigty, 32-43.

Hadley, T., Jacob, T., Milliones, J., Caplan, J., & Spitz, D. (1974). The

relationship between family developmental crisis and the appearance of
symptoms in a family member. Family Process, 13, 207-214.

Haley, A. (1976). Roots. Garden City: Doubleday.

Hanson, M. J., & Lynch, E. W. (1992). Family diversity: Implications for
policy and practice. Topics in Early Childhood Special Education, 12(3), 283-
306.

110

Harold, R. D., Palmiter, M. L, Lynch. S. A., & Freedman-Doan, C. R.
(1995). Life stories: A Practice-based research technique. Journal of Sociology
& Social Welfare 23-43.

 

Heinicke, C. M., & Guthrie, D. (1992). Stability and change in husband-
wife adaptation and the development of the positive parent-child relationship.

Infant Behavior and Development, 15, 109-127.

Heinicke, C. (1984). Impact of prebirth parent personality and marital
functioning on family development: A framework and suggestions for further

study. Developmental Psychology, 20, 144-53.

Heinicke, D. M. (1984). The role of pre-birth parent characteristics in
early family development. Child Abuse & Npglect, 8, 169-181.

Hesse-Biber, S. (1991). Hyperresearch: mm Researchware [Computer
program]. Randolph, MA: Researchware, Inc.

Hill, R. (1970). Family development in 3 generations. Cambridge, MA:
Schenckman.

Hoffman, L W. (1978). Effects of a first child on women’s social role
development. In W. Miller & L Newman (Eds), The first child and family
formation. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, Carolina Population Center.

Hoffman, L. (1990). Constructing realities: An art of lenses. Family
Process 29 1-12.

 

Holland, R. P., & Kirkpatrick A. C. (1993). Using narrative techniques to
enhance multicultural practice. Journal of Social Work Education 29(3), 302-
308.

 

Jung, M. (1983, June). Directions for building family development
theory. Social Casework: The Joumg of Contemporggy Social Work, 363-370.

Laird, J. (1989). Women and stories: Restorying women’s self-construc-
tions. In M. McGoldrick, C. Anderson, 8 F. Walsh (Eds), Women in fimiligsp .
New York: Norton & Co.

I Lane, A., Wilcoxon, S., & Cecil, J. (1988). Family-of-origin experiences
and the transition to parenthood: Considerations for marital and family thera-

pists. Family Therapy, 15, 23-29.

Lebovici, S. (1983). Le nourrisson, Ia mere et le psychanalyste: Les
interaction precoces. Paris: Editions de Centurion.

 

111

Lebovici, S. (1993). On intergenerational transmission: From filiation to
affiliation. Infant Mental Health Journal 14(4), 260-272.

 

LeMasters, E. E. (1978). Parenthood as crisis. Marriage and Family
Living, 19, 352-355.

Main, M., Kaplan, M, & Cassidy, J. (1985). Security in Infancy, child-
hood, and adulthood: A move to the level of representation. In I. Bretherton &
E. Waters (Eds), Growing points of attachment theory and research. Mono-

graphs of the Socie_ty for Research In Child Development, 50, Vol. 1-2, 66-104.

Mandler, J. (1984). Stories, scripts, and scenes: Aspects of schema
theog. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Markus, H., & Nurius, P. (1986). Possible selves. American Psychologist,
fl (9), 954-69.

Markus, H., & Nurius, P. (1987). Possible selves: The interface between
motivation and the self-concept. In K. M. Yardley and T. M. Honess (Eds), fl

and Identity: Psychosocial perspectives. New York: Wiley.

Mattessich, P., & Hill, R. (1987) Life cycle and family development. In M.
B. Sussman and S. K. Steinmetz (Eds), Handbook of marriage and family
therapy. New York: Plenum.

McAdams, D. (1988). Power, Intimaay, and the life stogy. New York:
Guilford.

McGoldrick, M., Anderson, C. M., & Walsh, F. (1989). (Eds) Women in
families: A Framework for family therapy. New York: W. W. Norton & Co.

McIntyre, A. (1984). After virtue. Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University
Press.

Michaels, G. Y., & Goldberg, W. A. (1988). (Eds). The transition to
parenthood: Currant theom and research. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.

Mishler, E. G. (1986). Resaarch interviem'ng: Conteg and narrative.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Moon, S. M., Dillon, D. R. & Sprenkle, D. H. (1990). Family therapy and
qualitative research. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 16(4), 357-373.

112

Nook, S. L (1979, February). The family life cycle: empirical or concep-
tual tool? Journal of Marriage and the FflIIV. 14-26.

Parke, R. D. (1994). Fathers and families. In M. Bornstein (Ed.). Hand-
book of Parenting. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Pelton, L (1991). Beyond permanency planning: Restructuring the
public child welfare system. Social Work 36(4), 337-343.

 

Penn, P., & Scheinberg, M. (1991). Stories and conversation. Journal of
Stratagic and Systemic Therapies, 10, 33-37.

Pines, D. (1988). Adolescent pregnancy and motherhood: A psychoana-
lytic perspective. Psychoanalytic Inguim, 8, 234-251.

Ricoeur, P. (1981). Hermeneutics and the human sciences. Cambridge,
England: Cambridge University Press.

 

Riessman, C. (1989). From victim to survivor: A woman’s narrative
reconstruction of marital sexual abuse. Smith College Stugiaa in Social Work,
fl, 233-250.

Riessman, C. (1990). Making sense: Women and men talk about
divorce. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Rosenau, P. M. (1992). Post-modemism and the social sciences. Prince-
ton NJ: Princeton University Press.

Ryle, G. (1968). The thinking of thoughts. University lectures, No. 18,
Saskatoon: University of Saskatchewan.

Saari, C. (1991). Creation of meaning in clinical social work. New York:
Guilford.

Saleebey, D. (1994). Culture, theory, and narrative: The intersection of
meanings in practice. Smial Work, 39(4), 351 -359.

Saluter, A. F. (1994). Marital status and living arrangements. US. Bureau
of the Censua, Current Population Remus, Series P20-478, US. Government
Office, Washington, DC.

Schafer, R. (1981a). Narration in the psychoanalytic dialogue. In W. J. T.
Mitchell (Ed), On narrative. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

113

Schafer, R. (1981b). Narrative actions in psychoanalysis. Worcester, MA:
Clark University Press.

Schafer, R. (1983). The analytic attitude. New York: Basic Books.

Schafer, R. (1992). Retelling a life: Narration and dialogue In psycho-
analysis. New York: Basic Books.

Schnitzer, P. K (1993). Tales of the absent father: Applying the "story"
metaphor in family therapy. Family Process, 32, 441-458.

Shereshefsky, P. M., & Yarrow, L. H. (1973). Psychological aspects of a
first pregnancy and early postnatal adaptation. New York: Raven.

Shotter, J., & Gergen, K. (Eds). (1989). Texts of identig. London: Sage.

Sluzki, C. E. (1992). Transformations: A blueprint for narrative changes
in therapy. Family Process, 13, 217-230.

Sollie, D., and Miller, B. (1980). The transition to parenthood as a critical
time for building family strengths. In N. Stinnet and P. Knaub (Eds), Family
strengths: Positive models of family life. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska
Press.

Spence, D. (1982). Narrative truth and historical truth. New York: W. W.
Nonon.

Stern, D. N. (1989). Representation of relationship experience. In A. J.

Sameroff & R. N. Emde (Eds), Relationship disturbance in early childhood: A
developmental approach (pp. 52-69). New York: Basic Books.

Stern, D. N. (1991). Maternal representations: A clinical and subjective
phenomenological view. Infant Mental Health Journal 12(3), 174-186.

 

Tinsley, B. R., & Parke, R. D. (1984). Grandparents as support and
socialization agents. In M. Lewis (Ed.), Bayond the dyad. New York: Plenum.

Troll, L E. (1973). The onus of “developmental tasks“ and other reac-
tions to Duvall’s Family Development in its 4th edition. lntemational Journal of

Aging and Human Development, 4(1), 67-75.

Turner, V. W., & Bruner, E. M. (Eds). (1986). The anthropology of
experience. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

114

US. Bureau of the Census, (1995). Current Population Reports, Series
P23-189, Population profile of the United States. US. Government Printing
Office, Washington, DC.

US. Bureau of the Census, (1995). Current Population Reports, P23-

180, Marriage, divorce, and remarriage in the 1990’s. US. Government
Printing Office, Washington, DC.

Van lJzendoom, M. H., Goldberg, S., Kroonenberg, P. M., & Frenkel, O.
J. (1992). The relative effects of maternal and child problems on the quality of
attachment: A meta-analysis of attachment in clinical samples. Child Develop-
ment 59 147-156.

 

Veroff, J., Chadiha, L, Leber, D., & Suthenand, L. (1993a). Affects and
interactions in newlyweds’ narratives: Black and white couples compared.
Journal of Narrative and Life Hiatorv. 3, 361 -390.

Veroff, J., Sutherland, L, Chadiha, L, & Ortega, R. (1993b). Newlyweds
tell their stories: A narrative method for assessing marital experiences. Journal

of Social and Personal Relationships, 11, 437-457.

Vizziello, G. F., Antonioli, M. E., Cocci, V., & Invemizzi, R. (1993). From
pregnancy to motherhood: The structure of representative and narrative
change. Infant Mental Health Journal 14(1), 4-16.

 

Wallace, P. M., & Gotlib, I. H. (1990). Marital adjustment during the
transition to parenthood: Stability and predictors of change. Journal of Mar-

riage and the Family, 52, 21-24.

Walsh, F. (1978). Concurrent grandparent death and the birth of a
schizophrenic offspring: An Intriguing finding. Family Process, 17, 457-463.

Wamboldt, F. S., & Reiss, D. (1989). Defining a family heritage and a
new relationship identity: Two central tasks in the making of a marriage. Family
Process 28 317-335.

 

White, H. (1973). Metahistoty: The historical imagination in nineteenth
centupy Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

White, M., & Epston, D. (1990). Narrap've means to therapeutic ends.
New York: W. W. Norton.

"IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII