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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

A STUDY OF ADOLESCENTS' BEHAVIOR AND THEIR FAMILIES'
SOCIAL CLASS: ELMTONN REVISITED

presented by

Craig C. Douglas

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degree in Educational Administration

 

 

  

 

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Date Januany 27, 1977

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A STUDY OF ADOLESCENTS’ BEHAVIOR AND THEIR FAMILIES’

SOCIAL CLASS: ELMTOWN REVISITED
By

Craig C. Douglas

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Educational Administration

1 997

ABSTRACT
A STUDY OF ADOLESCENTS BEHAVIOR AND THEIR FAMILIES'
SOCIAL CLASS: ELMTOWN REVISITED
By

Craig C. Douglas

The researcher’s purpoSe was to determine whether there is a relationship
between adolescents’ behaviors and their families’ social class. Social class was
assessed by four factors: outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction.
Adolescents’ behaviors were categorized by high school experiences, jobs,
recreational experiences, and plans for leaving school.

Adolescents’ high school experiences were found to be related to their
families’ social class. Adolescents from upper— and middle-class families were found
to be ranked highly in their classes and were highly involved in extracurricular
activities. Adolescents from lower-class families were ranked lower in their classes
and were less involved in extracurricular activities. Also, adolescents’ jobs were
found to be related to their families’ social class. Adolescents from lower-class
families were likelyto have steadyjobs, whereas those from middle- and upper-class

families were likely to work part time, if at all.

Craig C. Douglas
Adolescents’ recreational experiences and their plans for leaving school were
found to be related to their families’ social claSs, as well. Adolescents from upper-
class families had more recreational experiences with their families and friends,
including enrichment programs such as summer camps. Adolescents from middle-
and lower-class families had fewer of these recreational experiences, especially
lower-class adolescents. With regard to plans for leaving school, adolescents from
middle- and upper-class families were found to have plans involving four-year and
advanced degree programs; lower-class adolescents were more likely to look at
earning a high school diploma and attending a community college. Small family
differences tended to be related to large differences in adolescents’ behaviors.
Social class is a complex concept that can be defined by outlook, cognitive
ability, occupation, and interaction. Once a family’s social class is defined, a
predictable set of the adolescents’ behaviors exists. A theory resulted from the
study: Adolescents who do not conform to these predictable behaviors have been
impacted by a force that creates an environment supportive of the new behaviors to
be exhibited. This force may be internal or external, and it may be voluntary or

involuntary, varying according to circumstances.

Copyright by
Craig C. Douglas

1 997

This dissertation is dedicated to my wife, Jean, for her support and belief in
me. Without her love, I would not have finished it. Also, this is dedicated to my
children—John, Katie, and Chrisuwhom lwant to follow in my footsteps by becoming

lifelong learners.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My appreciation is extended to my advisor, Dr. Philip Cusick, who also served
as chair of my doctoral committee. Sincere gratitude is extended to Dr. Perry Lanier,
Dr. Joel Cutcher—Gershenfeld, Dr. Samuel Moore II, and Dr. Suzanne WIlson. They
served on my program and/or dissertation committees. Recognition also is extended
to Joan Douglas and Sue Miller, who were primary proofreaders and editors for me,
and to Brenda Peppel, who helped type, format, and print the draft copies. Paul
Novak helped proofread and edit the final text. The Counseling Department of
'Pinetown" High School was helpful in coordinating informants’ interviews.

Recognition goes to a special expert group of fellow graduate students.
These students, advised by Dr. Cusick and Dr. WIIson, have met faithfully on
research topics, proposals. and research methods. We have grown together as a
group, and individually we have progressed. Members include Joanne Hughes,
Sandy Setterlind, Jan Brady, chie Sneckenberg, Jim Du Vall, Mary Biziorek, Joe
Koenigschnecht, Wen Qin Sun, Susan Bolton, Mike Johnson, Kay Packwood, Diane

Scheerhom, and John Zappala.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ................................................ ix _
LIST OF FIGURES .............................................. xii
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY ........................ 1
Background of the Study ................................ 1
Statement of the Problem ............................... 3
Purpose of the Study ................................... 4
Research Questions ................................... 4
Importance of the Study ................................ 6
The Normative Social Class Model ........................ 7
Delimitations ......................................... 9
Definition of Terms ................................... 10
Overview ........................................... 1 1
ll. REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND CONCEPTUAL

FRAMEWORK ....................................... 12
Hollingshead's Research on Social Class .................. 12
Banfield’s Notion of Social Class as Shaped by Outlook ...... 13
Research by Wright, Hachen, Costello, and Sprague
on Social Relations of Control ......................... 15
Herrnstein and Murray’s View of the Cognitive Elite .......... 18
Kahl’s Social Class Theory ............................. 21
Conceptual Framework for the Study ..................... 24
Personal Prestige ................................... 24
Occupation ........................................ 27
Possessions ....................................... 29
Interaction ........................................ 30
Class Consciousness ................................ 34

vii

Value Orientations .................................. 35

Summary ......................................... 38
Adolescent Behavior .................................. 39
III. METHODOLOGY .................................... 48
Introduction ......................................... 48
Purpose of the Study .................................. 48
Research Questions .................................. 48
Methodological Concems .............................. 50
The Study Setting .................................... 51
Sample Selection .................................... 52
Procedure .......................................... 54
Data-Analysis Procedures .............................. 57
IV. PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA ............... 58
Introduction ......................................... 58
Families’ Social Class ................................. 59
Outlook ........................................... 59
Cognitive Ability .................................... 77
Occupation ........................................ 91
Interaction ....................................... 106
Summary: Families’ Social Class ..................... 122
Adolescents' Behaviors ............................... 125
Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences ................. 127
Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School ................. 138
Adolescents’ High School Experiences ................. 145
Adolescents’ Jobs ................................. 157
Chapter Summary ................................... 168

V. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, AND
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ....... 171
Introduction ........................................ 171
Summary of the Major Findings ........................ 172
Conclusions ........................................ 193
Theory of Expected Adolescent Behavior ................. 194

Major Findings Compared to Those From Previous
Research . . . .‘ .................................... 204
Recommendations .................................. 205
Reflections ........................................ 206
APPENDIX ................................................... 208
REFERENCES ................................................ 210

viii

1.1

2.1

3.1

4.1

4.2

4.3

4.4

4.5

4.6

4.7

4.8

4.9

4.10

4.11

4.12

4.13

4.14

LIST OF TABLES

The Normative Social Class Model ............................. 8
Conceptual Framework for the Study .......................... 25
The Normative Social Class Model: Factors and Indicators ......... 56
Families’ Responses to the Indicators of Outlook ................. 74
Families’ Social Class Based on Outlook ........................ 77
Families’ Responses to the Indicators of Cognitive Ability ........... 88
Families’ Social Class Based on Cognitive Ability ................. 89
Families’ Social Class Based on Cognitive Ability, in ‘

Comparison With Outlook ................................... 91
Families’ Responses to the Indicators of Occupation ............. 103
Families’ Social Class Based on Occupation .................... 104

Families’ Social Class Based on Occupation, in Comparison

With Cognitive Ability and Outlook ............................ 107
Families’ Responses to the Indicators of Interaction .............. 118
Families’ Social Class Based on Interaction .................... 119

Families’ Social Class Based on Interaction, in Comparison

With Other Social Class Factors ............................. 121
Families’ Social Class Based on All Social Class Factors .......... 123
Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences ........................ 137
Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School ........................ 144

ix

4.15

4.16

4.17

4.18

4.19

5.1

5.2

5.3

5.4

5.5

5.6

5.7

5.8

5.9

5.10

Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School and Recreational

Expedences ............................................. 145
Adolescents’ High School Experiences ........................ 156
Adolescents’ High School Experiences, Plans for Leaving

School, and Recreational Experiences ........................ 158
Adolescents’ Jobs ........................................ 166

Adolescents’ Jobs, High School Experiences, Plans for
Leaving School, and Recreational Experiences ................. 166

Families’ Social Class Based on Outlook and Adolescents’
High School Experiences ................................... 173

Families’ Social Class Based on Cognitive Ability and
Adolescents’ High School Experiences ........................ 175

Families’ Social Class Based on Occupation and
Adolescents’ High School Experiences ........................ 177

Families’ Social Class Based on Interaction and
Adolescents’ High School Experiences ........................ 178

Families’ Social Class Based on Outlook and Adolescents’
Jobs ................................................... 180

Families’ Social Class Based on Cognitive Ability and
Adolescents’ Jobs ........................................ 181

Families’ Social Class Based on Occupation and
Adolescents’ Jobs ........................................ 182

Families' Social Class Based on Interaction and
Adolescents‘ Jobs ........................................ 183

Families’ Social Class Based on Outlook and Adolescents’
Recreational Experiences .................................. 184

Families’ Social Class Based on Cognitive Ability and
Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences ........................ 185

5.11

5.12

5.13

5.14

5.15

5.16

Families’ Social Class Based on Occupation and
Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences ........................ 186

Families’ Social Class Based on Interaction and
Adolescents' Recreational Experiences ........................ 187

Families’ Social Class Based on Outlook and Adolescents’
Plans for Leaving School ................................... 189

Families’ Social Class Based on Cognitive Ability and
Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School ........................ 190

Families’ Social Class Based on Occupation and
Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School ........................ 191

Families’ Social Class Based on Interaction and
Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School ........................ 192

xi

2.1

2.2

5.1

5.2

LIST OF FIGURES

Hollingshead’s High School Adolescent Behaviors ................ 41
Hollingshead’s Out-of-School Adolescent Behaviors ............... 42
The Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory ..................... 195
Deviations From the Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory ........ 197

xii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

The truth is, all of it is part of a larger problem: an "us" and “them“ attitude.
We still draw lines in this country. Not just Skin color. Age. Religion.
Education. Politics. Wealth. Attitude. We see people as ”our kind” or ”the
other kind.” We see them as “trustworthy" or ”a threat." We see them as
“want to be with” or “don’t want to be with.” (Albom, 1994, p. 1)

Backgmundmmfludx

In the American social system, there are two conflicting social principles. One
is based on the premise that all people are equal before God and their fellow human
beings (Warner, 1964). According to this premise, all Americans have an equal
opportunity to learn, to achieve, and to succeed (Jencks, 1972). Further, society
provides a chanceforindividuals to eliminate poverty, ignorance, and powerlessness
in their lives (Jencks, 1972). It is also assumed that equal opportunity and social
mobility are American rights (Marshall, 1965).

The second principle is In conflict with the equality premise and is embodied
in the statement, ”All men are unequal in worth" (Warner, 1964, p. vii). Some people
are successful whereas others are not, due to unequal abilities. Also, inequalities

exist because of a success/failure phenomenon (Jencks, 1972).

2

The notion of social class is an appropriate context within which to examine
the equality/inequality conflict. Social class is a ”social rating . . . for every man rates
his fellows and is rated by them” (Warner, 1964, p. 22). The word 'class" refers to
“the general economic status of the household” (Rossides, 1990, p. 163). Specific
social classes have 'values, norms, and skills" that reflect differentiation (Rossides,
1990, p. 163). Middle class, for example, is a label that Identifies American values,
norms, and skills for an entire group of people.

A number of researchers have studied the notion of social class (Banfield,
1970; Hollingshead, 1949; Kahl, 1957). Wright, Hachen, Costello, and Sprague
(1982) at the University of Wisconsin and Herrnstein and Murray (1994) conducted
explorations that have utility for the study. Their theories form the contextual
framework for this investigation of adolescents’ behavior relative to their families’
social class.

Hollingshead did research in 1941 and 1942 that closely resembles the
current study. He divided the population of a town according to social class and then
studied the behaviors of the town’s adolescents to discover how those behaviors
related to the social class of the youths’ families. Kahl (1957) defined six variables
to operationalize the notion of social class; his research helped clarify the notion of
social class. University of Wisconsin researchers (Wright et al., 1982) offered a
Marxist viewpoint about social class in a classical, historical orientation. In the
research for W. Herrnstein and Murray (1994) analyzed many variables,

particularly intelligence, affecting social class. Banfield (1970) offered a perspective

3
of social class based on ”outlook.” The work of each of the above-mentioned
researchers, which are discussed in depth in Chapter II, enhances the

understanding of social class but also underscores the complexity of social class.

Statemenmtthelimblem

Adolescents’ behavior has long been studied, especially as related to the
family unit. Why some adolescents behave differently from others has been viewed
In terms of family characteristics, especially their social class. In 1941-42,
Hollingshead studied the relationship of adolescents’ behavior totheirfamilies’ social
Class; his findings are recorded in W. published in 1949.
Hollingshead found adolescents’ behavior to be functionally related to their families’
social class. His research is valuable because it has enhanced the understanding
of adolescents’ behavior, which is applicable to all of society. Schools, in particular,
have responded to adolescents and their behaviors; educational programs are
developed in response to those behaviors. Schools Offer students an opportunity
to improve themselves, given their unique circumstances. The social class of
students’ families is a framework for the students’ circumstances.

Although Hollingshead’s work is important, it is grounded in a narrow, 19408
American viewpoint. Many changes have taken place in the 50 years since
Hollingshead conducted his research. Thus, it is important to update Hollingshead’s
study. to determine whether adolescents’ behavior is functionally related to their
families’ social class in 1995 as it was in 1941-42.

There is a need to see whetherthe Characteristics of Hollingshead’s Elmtown

exist today in a single town with a variety of social Classes. The researcher studied

4

a modem-day Elmtown, with three distinct social classes, In an effort to update
Hollingshead’s ideas about adolescent behavior and social Class. This study serves
to identify changes in Hollingshead’s 1941-42 findings. This study points out

progress (or lack of it) in equal opportunity.

W511

The researcher’s purpose In this study was to determine whether there Is a
relationship between adolescents’ behaviors and their families’ social class.1
Adolescents’ behaviors in four areas-high school experiences, jobs, recreational
experiences, and plans for leaving school-were investigated in relation to the social
Class of their families. Social class was assessed in terms of four factors: outlook,

cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction.

Researcbfluesflgns
In this study, the researcher attempted to determine whether adolescents
behave differently from one another and, if so, whether such differences in behavior
are related to their families’ sOciaI class. The following research questions were
posed to guide the collection of data for this study:
1. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’

outlook?

 

1The term “adolescents” refers to the persons studied. Their ”families” are the
ones Interviewed in this dissertation. "Family" (singular) is the unit of analysis for the
study. Decisions about when to use the phrase ”adolescents’ behaviors” (plural), as
opposed to the Singular ”adolescent behaviors,” versus the general ”adolescent

behavior“ category, were made by the writer. I tried to select what made sense
within the text.

5

2. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’
cognitive ability?

3. Are adolescentS’ high school experiences related to their families’
occupation(s)?

4. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’
interaction?

5. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ outlook?

6. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ cognitive ability?

7. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ occupation(s)?

8. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ interaction?

9. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
outlook?

10. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
cognitive ability?

11. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
occupation(s)?

12. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
interaction?

13. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’
outlook?

14. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’

cognitive ability?

6
15. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’
occupation(s)?
16. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’

interaction?

Immdancecfmefitudx

The findings of this research will be useful to educators, in particular, and
society, in general. One potential outcome of this study is a better understanding of
social class. Too often the idea of social class is connected to income. Yet it is
more than that; this researcher investigated other factors that determine people’s
social class.

Adolescents’ behavior was studied in depth. Edumtors and others constantly
are attempting to determine why adolescents behave the way they do. Whereas
some people explain adolescents” behavior in relation to their physiological changes,
this researcher viewed that behavior through society’s perspective in an attempt to
determine whether adolescents’ behavior is related to their families’ social class.
Although Hollingshead conducted research on this topic in 1941-42, a modem-day
update of the relationship, if any, between adolescents’ behavior and their families’
social class has significance.

Other outcomes of the study have significance as well. They include an
increased understanding of the community in which the research was conducted, an
improved understanding of students’ motivations, an understanding of how

Hollingshead’s research applies in 1996, an understanding of how changes in

7

education have affected students, and an understanding about the challenges and

adversities students face In the 1990s.

IhiNQflnafllLefimialflassMQdel

This was a qualitative study. Creswell (1994) explained the inductive role of
theory in such a study. The researcher gathers information about a topic, e.g., social
class, and asks questions about it. The researcher then forms categories, looking
for patterns, and ultimately developing a theory (Creswell, 1994, p. 96). This study
on social class is reinforced by Creswell’s logic. The researcher offered a normative
social class model as the starting point in the qualitative, induction process. Using
the conceptual framework described in Chapter II, the investigation of social class
was based on the normative model developed by this researcher. Feedback from
informants and other data that were collected shaped and improved the normative
model as the research was carried out.

The normative social class model developed for this study incorporates
elements from Kahl (1957), Herrnstein and Murray (1994), Banfield (1970), and
Wright et al. (1982). The model was based on four factors: (a) outlook, (b) cognitive
ability, (c) occupation, and ((1) interaction. Outlook is rooted in Banfield’s work,
cognitive ability is taken from Herrnstein and Murray, and occupation and Interaction

are both found in Kahl’s research (see Table 1.1).

8

Table 1.1: The normative social class model.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Range of Social Classes
Factor
Lower (L) Middle (M) Upper (U)
Outlook L M u I
Cognitive ability L M U
Occupation L M U
Interaction L M U

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The normative social class model is introduced in Chapter IV. There are
many reasons for this, but Creswell (1994) presented perhaps the strongest reason
when he wrote, “Qualitative researChers modify or adjust the theory on the basis of
feedback from informants in a study" (p. 101). The normative social class model
was adjusted on the basis of feedback from informants In the study. The four
factors—outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, and Interaction—constituted the
normative social class model from which adjustments in theory were made as
feedback from informants was gathered.

Banfield’s outlook was selected for the 1996 normative social class model
because of its uniqueness. Outlook is a viewpoint different from Hollingshead’s
(1949) description of social class. Outlook describes the individual in a personal
way. Outlook is measurable; in a matter of minutes, an individual can reflect on what
Is and is not important in his or her life. Family and future plans chtrast with
immediate gratification. Such information is revealing, offering an opportunity for a

modern interpretation of social class.

9

Herrnstein and Murray’s cognitive ability is based on Intelligence.
Intelligence and cognitive ability serve as descriptors for the phenomenon. In line
BelLQunLe, these researchers presented a compelling argument about the power
that intelligence brings to an individual in the 19905. Cognitive ability translates into
a cognitive social class, and therefore it was included in the current study of social
Class.

Interaction and occupation, two of Kahl’s variables, allowed the researcher
to use Wright et al.’s traditional social Class viewpoints. Both variables take into
account job descriptions and other hierarchical/occupational features. The
traditional viewpoint bridges present and past. Including the interaction variable
provided the researcher an opportunity to include technology in the 1996 view.
Technology, in particular, may give upper classes a Chance to decrease their
personal interaction because the use of telefax and computers diminishes the need
to talk face to face. These new concepts are useful for a modern study of social

class.

D l' 'I I'

In his study of Elmtown adolescents and their families, Hollingshead
employed a research team who lived in Elmtown for two years. As a result, his
investigation included the whole community. However, because of the constraints
on the present researcher’s time and finances, this study included 15 adolescents

and their families, rather than the entire community.

10
Definiticuofletms

The following terms are defined in the context in which they were used in this
study:

Adolescent. A young person who belongs in high school, usually between the
ages of 14 and 18.

Class. The relative social position held by an Individual or family. Also called
social class, It is determined by at least four factors: outlook. cognitive ability,
occupation, and Interaction.

Qognitmaoflity. Intelligence; i.e., the ability to learn and to generalize what
one learns.

Eamjly. The parent(s), guardian(s), or other adult(s) identified as responsible
for raising the adolescent.

fijgh_sonoo|_exoedon_cos. The experiences, accomplishments, and
achievements an adolescent has as a high school student.

Intorootion. Being with people or groups of people.

Jobs. The employment opportunities enjoyed by adolescents.

W. Adolescents’ dropping out of high school before they
graduate, or graduating from high school with an earned diploma.

Qcmoafion. Job, or work done for pay.

Outlook. Ability to imagine a future.

Wm. Leisure activities enjoyed by adolescents outside

the educational system.

11
Gleam

Chapter 1 contained the background of the study, a statement of the problem,
purpose of the study, and the research questions. The importance of the study was
explained, and the normative social class model developed for this study was
introduced. Delimitations were set forth, and key terms used in the study were
defined.

Literature pertinent to the topics of interest in the study is reviewed in Chapter
II. The focus of this chapter is on research on social class conducted by
Hollingshead (1949), Banfield (1970), Wright et al. (1982), Herrnstein and Murray
(1994), and Kahl (1957). That research is then synthesized to develop the
conceptual framework for this study. Writings on adolescents’ behavior are also
reviewed.

The methodology that was used in the study is explained in Chapter III. The
purpose and research questions are restated. Next, the methodological concerns
pertaining to the study are considered. The sample is then described, and
procedures that were used in the study are discussed.

Results of the data analysis are presented in Chapter IV. Chapter V includes
a summary of the study, conclusions drawn from the findings, recommendations for

practice and further research, and the writer’s reflections.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter contains a review of literature on social class and adolescent
behavior. Of primary interest is the research conducted by Hollingshead; Banfield;
University of WIsconsin researchers Wright, Hachen, Costello, and Sprague; Ibo
BelLQunLe authors Herrnstein and Murray; and Kahl. Based on a synthesis of these
researchers’ theories regarding social class, the conceptual framework for this study
is developed. In the final section of this chapter, studies on adolescents’ behavior

are reviewed.

Hollingshead (1949) discussed what he called ”four salient points about the
class system.” First, ”institutional functions” in the workplace Shape social class.
For example, the institutional functions that exist between bankers and garbage
haulers define those individuals’ social Class. Second, "values are ascribed to
persons who perform the function.” Values personalize class. An individual’s role
in society becomes affixed to that person. A doctor’s role is held in esteem because
society values doctors. Third, relationships form along Class lines. A “channelization

of intimate associations” promotes what Hollingshead termed ”cliques." Friendships,

12

13

acquaintances, and marriages are determined and influenced by social class.
Fourth, behavior ls tied to social class lines, further reinforcing the existence of the
classes. Members of the upper class behave differently than do persons of lower
classes. According to Hollingshead, behavior is manifested in a variety of ways,
especially in the places people go and the activities in which they engage.
Although Hollingshead’s work is important, it is grounded in a narrow, 1940s
viewpoint of American society. More current information was needed for an updated
study about social class. Thus, the researcher reviewed the work of Banfield, Wright
et al., Herrnstein and Murray, and Kahl to gain further knowledge of this subject.
The result is a synthesis that provides a conceptual framework to be used in the
current study of the relationship of adolescents’ behavior to their families’ social

class.

B till’ “I [S'IDI SI II DIII

Banfield (1970) studied social class by focusing on a person’s ”outlook.” That
is, Banfield believed that an individual belongs to a certain social Class because of
his or her particular outlook toward the future. According to this researcher, an
individual’s view of the future and an individual’s concept of longevity shape outlook
and define social Class. The future relates to an individual’s ”ability to discipline
[himself or herself] to sacrifice present for future satisfaction. The more distant the
future the individual can imagine and can discipline himself to make sacrifices for,

the ’higher’ is his class” (p. 47).

14

Longevity is another aspect of outlook. Some people expect to live a long
time, whereas others do not. A key element is the word “expect.“ Whether these
people actually do live longer depends on many factors, of course. Banfield’s logic
attributes higher social class status to people who plan for a long life; conversely,
Individuals expecting a short life live for today, reflecting a lower-class outlook.

Banfield’s reduction of social class to outlook is an interesting viewpoint. He
did not focus on typical descriptions of income, wealth, and possessions. Instead,
he viewed class differences as being based on a “psychological orientation toward
providing for the future.“ Banfield pointed out that it is then possible for “a person
who is poor, unschooled, and of low status [to] be upper class" (p. 48).

The choices that surround outlook evolve from delaying gratification. An
upper-class individual provides for the future by deferring immediate needs. Often
these needs are personal, and one may decide to postpone present needs to meet
the future needs ofchildren and grandchildren. The higher-class outlook is sensitive
to future needs. The upper-class outlook is based on an expectation of longevity.
In an upper-class family, for example, a college savings plan for the children
channels funds away from immediate spending patterns. The future takes
precedence over the present. Personal choices about self relate to outlook, and
outlook determines social class. By considering a continuum of needs ranging from

the immediate to the future, Banfield determined a range of social classes.

15

WW
S'IBII' [CII

University ofWIsconsin researchers Wright et al. (1982) offered a social class
theory based on concepts different from those espoused by either Hollingshead or
Banfield. Wright et al. focused on ”social relations of control” (p. 709), which are
seen in investments, decision making, other people’s work, and one’s own work.

Wright et al. examined social Class through a Marxist lens. This is not to say
that they are Marxists; rather, they specified a “Marxist concept of class,” which they
equated to the notion of social class, in general. The Marxist concept involves
unique terminology and "a particular kind of language and its insertion into a
particular terrain of debate“ (p. 709). Class conflict and the ability to move from one
class to another are Marxist issues that were important to these researchers.
Discussion evolving from ”Marxist aspects” and a “particular terrain of debate”
supports the complexity of social class.

According to Wright et al., ”Marxist aspects” include “concepts like
exploitation, social relations of production, mode of production, property relations,
and so on” (p. 710). They added, “There is little agreement on what precisely these
concepts mean, on how they are interrelated or on how they bear on the central
issues of [social] class“ (p. 710). What is known is how occupations aggregate in
a hierarchy. For example, a manager who supervises a dozen people is higher in
social class than a worker who supervises no one. That hierarchy determines social

class status in a Marxian view of the world.

16

Taken in the Marxian context of the capitalist mode of production, social
classes are defined according to ”relations of appropriation” and “domination.”
“Relations ofappropriation" refer to ownership. Higher classes Own land, labor, and
capital; they own the “means of production.‘ “Domination" delineates "control” and
“authority“ In producing goods; the higherthe level of authority/control, the higherthe
social class. Wright et al. labeled the class locations, ranging from the highest to the
lowest, as “bourgeoisie, managers, supervisors, workers, semiautonomous
employees, petty bourgeoisie, and small employers” (p. 713). The Marxist
terminology used in the descriptions is crucial in these researchers’ theory.

WIthin a Marxist view are discussions regarding ”decision making, authority,
managerial location, and autonomy.“ "Decision making” identifies the amount of
direction participation in decisions: (a) being directly involved in making at least one
decision, (b) not participating In any decisions but providing advice on at least one
decision, and (c) not being involved In making decisions (p. 714). The inference is
that people in higher social classes have more involvement in decision making.

Therefore, authority determines class. Authority determines whether a
supervisor 'is able to Impose positive and/or negative sanctions on subordinates.”
Even if sanctions cannot be inflicted, the supervisor ”does give orders of various
kinds.” Authority belongs to the higher classes. A lower-class worker ”neither gives

orders nor imposes sanctions.” Such a person is a 'nonsupervisor” with no authority

(p. 714).

17

”Managerial location” ranges from ”manager" to ”adviser-manager to
"nonmanagerial decision maker“ to ”supervisor" to 'nonmanager, nonsupervisor.‘
Wright et al. aligned the “manager location with higher social classes and
established a range accordingly. They further described social classes by
managerial extremes.

These researchers offered another descriptor of social class in discussing
“autonomy.“ They characterized ”high autonomy” as “an ability to design broad
aspects of the job, engage In nonroutine problem solving on a regular basis and to
put one’s ideas into practice in a regular and persuasive way” (p. 716). A person
with ”moderate autonomy” has less ability to perform each of these functions,
whereas one with "low autonomy” has ”virtually no significant ability to plan aspects
of the job, problem solving [is] a marginal part of the job, and only in unusual
circumstances can one put one’s ideas into practice” (p. 716). The hierarchy In
which persons with the highest jobs have the greatest autonomy in the organization
Is supported. Upper-level jobs offer the most freedom to make decisions, with higher
degrees of autonomy.

The Marxist lens adds to the complex nature of social class. Wright et al.
identified particular points that have an economic orientation. Land, labor, capital,
decision making, and authority all add to the complexity. Land, labor, and capital
pertain to wealth; decision making relates to the individual’s latitude to act
autonomously in the workplace; and authority concerns the range of issues Inherent

in decision making. Each relates to the economy because each concerns the

18

organizational hierarchy. Social classes exist, and they range from low to high
based on economic descriptors.

Whereas the social class theories of Banfield and Wright et al. differ, both
viewed social classes In a range from low to high according to particular descriptors.
Banfield used outlook as the descriptor, whereas Wright et al. used decision making,
authority, managerial location, and autonomy as descriptors. Each set of descriptors
adds to the notion of social Class and increases the knowledge about social class.

Underlying the various descriptors is the complexity of social class.

II I' III , 15 [II C 'l' El'l
IhoBolLQunLo, written by Herrnstein and Murray (1994), Is a discourse about
modern American society and
the emergence of a cognitive elite. The twentieth century dawned on a world
segregated into social classes defined in terms of money, power, and status.
. . . Our thesis is that the twentieth century has continued the transformation,
so that the twenty-first will open on a world in which cognitive ability is the
decisive dividing force. . . . Social class remains the vehicle of social life, but
Intelligence now pulls the train. (p. 25)
These theorists defined a “cognitive stratification” in America—that is, a stratification
based on Intelligence.
Herrnstein and Murray defined five ”cognitive classes" based on intelligence
as measured by intelligence quotient (IQ) scores. The highest class they assigned
the label ”Class I, very bright.” Other classes, in order, were: Class II, bright; Class

III, normal; Class IV, dull; and Class V, very dull. IQ was the determinant for the

classes. Although Herrnstein and Murray called the divisions ”arbitrary,” they

19
represented cuts by IQ numerical scores. Thus, Herrnstein and Murray’s design of
Class I shaped the class they termed the ”cognitive elite,” the top 5% of the
population by Intelligence (p. 121).

Cognitive classes have power because the cognitive-class elites are
increasingly being drawn to America’s select colleges and universities. Herrnstein
and Murray wrote,

It is difficult to exaggerate how different the elite college population is from the

population at large—first in its level of intellectual talent, and correlatively in

its outlook on society, politics, ethics, religion, and all other domains in which

intellectuals . . . tend to develop their own conventional wisdoms. (p. 50)
Class I youths attend elite colleges and universities with others of similar
intelligence; the elite are the ”thin layer of students of the highest cognitive ability
‘ who are being funneled through rarefied college environments“ (p. 49). The elite
colleges and universities shape the cognitive classes by deciding whom they admit.
As a result, the notion of social class has intellectual origins.

In addition to influencing a person’s education, cognitive social class has an
effect on one’s occupation. Significant is the relationship between intelligence and
job performance. 'A smarter employee is, on the average, a more proficient
employee“ (Herrnstein & Murray, 1994, p. 63). Further, intelligence as measured by
an IQ score ”is a better predictor ofjob productivity than a job interview, reference
checks, or college transcript” (p. 64). Sheer intelligence is extremely important in the

workplace. 'An employer . . . can realize large economic gains from hiring those

with the highest le” (p. 64). Less absenteeism and higher productivity are two

20

economic gains from hiring workers with high le. Conversely, employees with
lower IQS tend to have higher absenteeism and lower productivity.

In W, Herrnstein and Murray posited that intelligence is the
leading descriptor of social class. In comparing ID with other factors, the
researchers found that IQ was the strongest predictor of social class. They Indicated
that although other factors such as family, marriage, wealth, socioeconomic
background, and education may determine social class, IQ was more strongly
correlated with social class than was any of these other factors.

Herrnstein and Murray’s argument is persuasive. They demonstrated that
social class is related to intelligence. However, although Herrnstein and Murray’s
determination of Class I was based solely on intelligence, other "upper class”
characteristics emerged as well. Graduates of the best colleges who earn the best
degrees land superior jobs with the highest prestige; all of these characteristics
belong to Class I individuals. Therefore, IheflelLQume’s cognitive classes add
another dimension to the complexity of social class.

Banfield’s expectations, Wright et al.’s Marxist lens, and Herrnstein and
Murray’s view of cognitive class overlap in American social classes. These notions
describe and detail a modern social order, enlarging on Hollingshead’s 1940s social
class viewpoint. Numbering social classes is less important than identifying the
complexity of social class. One needs to understand social class from a variety of
perspectives, which leads to the development of a way to focus the diverse theories

under a single conceptual framework.

21

Describing the concept of social class has particular utility in this study. Such
a description establishes a conceptual framework that enables one to examine the
equality/Inequality tension In America. Inequality leads to obvious problems. The
social class distinction frames such problems and provides a way to examine the
equality/inequality tension. That tension overrides social problems; it Shapes the

problems of an entire system.

KathSQcialfilasslhennt

The discussion of the existence of social classes is useful because it helps
one understand and describe the equality/inequality tension existing in American
society. For purposes of this study, it is important to establish what constitutes
social class in order to provide a context for examining the equality/Inequality
conflict. Beyond establishing that social classes exist is the need to refine a
synthesis concerning the notion of social class. A synthesis of the research of
Banfield, Wright et al., and Herrnstein and Murray is needed, and the researchers’
various approaches to social class need to be organized.

At Washington University, Kahl (1957) operationalized the notion of social
class by developing a theory based on six independent variables that can be used
in describing and analyzing social class theory. These variables provide the
organization needed to bring different theories together. Kahl’s six variables are:
(a) personal prestige, (b) occupation, (c) possessions, (d) Interaction, (e) class

consciousness, and (i) value orientation. These variables are useful In synthesizing

22
the theories of Banfield, Wright et al., and Herrnstein and Murray regarding social
class.

According to Kahl (1957), "personal prestige is a sentiment in the minds of
men" (p. 8). Some individuals seem to have higher prestige than others, and this Is
one characteristic of social class. Kahl noted, "It is necessary to study prestige in
two ways: by asking people about their attitudes of respect toward others, and by
watching their behavior" (p. 8).

Occupation refers to how time is spent at work. Kahl defined occupation as
"a social role which describes the major work that a person does“ (p. 9). Whereas
the social role defines prestige, the title associated with one’s work shapes his or her
social role; "some occupations are ’higher’ than others, partly because they are more
important to the welfare of the community, partly because it takes special talents to
be in them, partly because they pay high rewards” (p. 9). This view accounts for the
esteem often given to doctors and lawyers, whose social class is influenced by their
work. Thus, doctors and lawyers often have greater personal prestige than people
in other occupations because they contribute to the community’s welfare and offer
special talents to the community.

Possessions include capital and consumer goods. Kahl wrote,

Perhaps the easiest way to study stratification in the United States Is by

money income, and we know that people with high incomes can afford an

elegant style of life in consumption behavior, have contacts with people of

note, are granted considerable prestige, and through the workings of capital
Investment, can multiply their incomes. (p. 9)

23
- The ability to make money and accumulate possessions is linked to one’s
occupation.

Interaction refers to how people choose their friends. It Is “personal contact“
and includes “daily social behavior.“ Kahl called this “community stratification,“
which results from a 'who-invites-whom-to-dinner' school of thought. The variable,
interaction, shapes the composition of cliques and groups in society. Today, people
commonly talk about networking, which is one way to think about interaction.

Class consciousness concerns the groups that are formed in society. Kahl
stated, “The degree to which people at a given stratification level . . . are aware of
themselves as a distinctive social grouping is called their degree of class
consciousness“ (p. 9). These social groups may form around events and themes-
politics, service, religion. Groups reflect class, and the greater a person’s group
involvement, the higher the person’s social class.

According to Kahl, “values are convictions Shared by people in a given
culture or subculture about things they consider good, important, or beautiful. . . .
Values define the ends of life and the approved means of approaching them“ (p. 10).
The shared culture motivates people to “become organized into systems.“ The
shared “abstract values“ and other “specific values” are Kahl’s value orientations
(p. 10). Values are important because they represent a common bond among
individuals, resulting from shared values.

In summary, Kahl offered six variables that are characteristics of social class

and are applicable to understanding social class. The variables collectively define

24

social class; as they change, the social class changes. Kahl’s variables served as
the groundwork for shaping a conceptual definition of social class for this study.

lnthe following section, Herrnstein and Murray’s thoughts regarding cognitive
social class are interwoven with those presented by Wright et al., along with
Banfield’s ideas concerning outlook. These three diverse theories are explored in
connection with Kahl’s six variables; the result will be a better understanding of a
complex idea. Furthermore, the social class notion is updated, a necessary
condition for a study of adolescents’ behavior relative to their families’ social class.

The result will be the conceptual framework for this study.

Conceptualitammdsiouhefludx

The notion of social class is complex. Kahl’s six variables provide a way to
revisit Banfield’s outlook theory, Herrnstein and Murray’s intelligence notion, and
Wright et al.'s' Marxist lens. By weaving their divergent viewpoints through a
discussion of Kahl’s six variables, a better understanding about a complex topic

evolves. (See Table 2.1.)

EerscnaLELestige

Considering personal prestige, Kahl’s first variable, provides a means for
comparing Banfield (X1) with Herrnstein and Murray (Y 1) and Wright et al. (Z1).
Personal prestige Is one way to contrast an individual’s view of “self-confidence“
(Banfield, 1970) with a formal hierarchy (Wright et al., 1982). Confidence flows from

the person and is a function of psychological behavior.

25

In general, the more self-confidence one has, the higherthe social class. The
upper-class person is “confident that within rather wide limits he can, if he exerts
himself to do so, shape the future. . . . The individual is markedly self-respecting,
self-confident, and self-sufficient“ (Banfield, 1970, pp. 48-49). Equal opportunity IS
reflected in Banfield’s outlook theory. At the lower extreme, “the lower-class
individual lives in the slum and sees little or no reason to complain“ (p. 62). Lower
class translates into a lower outlook on life. Banfield’s X1 variable focuses on
expectations, which are believed to drive personal prestige and define one’s
particular social class. The slum is further defined by living for today, gratifying any
and all needs immediately. In contrast, the suburbs are full of people who are on the
rise, achieving today and planning for tomorrow. What the upper class desire are
long-term commodities: a good education, a nice home, a good retirement package.
Immediate needs are not as important as needs defined by long-term planning in a

climate of high expectations.

Table 2.1: Conceptual framework for the study.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Theorist
K3” s 8“ valuables Banfield ”eggs? 3‘ Wright et al.
Personal prestige X1 Y1 21
Occupation X2 Y2 22
Possessions X3 Y3 Z3
Interaction X4 Y4 Z4
Class consciousness X5 Y5 25
Value orientation X6 Y6 Z6

 

 

 

 

 

 

26

In contrast, Wright et aI. offered a “formal hierarchy“ (variable 21) as the
equivalent of Kahl’s personal prestige. The formal hierarchy shapes personal
prestige and is based on “decision-making participation“ and “authority.“ A person
with no decision-making authority possesses low personal prestige; conversely, a
person who has “direct“ decision-making authority IS higher in prestige (Wright et al.,
1982,p.725)

Herrnstein and Murray (1994) (variable Y1) made personal prestige afunction
of “genetic partitioning.“ They stated, "In fact, IQ is substantially heritable. . . . We
will adopt a middling estimate of 60 percent heritability, which, by extension, means
that IQ is about 40 percent a matter of environment. . . . The balance of evidence
suggests that 60 percent may err on the low side“ (p. 105). The researchers’
conservative estimate regarding the role of heritability in shaping intelligence leaves
40% or less of intelligence determination as attributable to the environment.
Therefore, prestige is linked to IQ, with the highest class, Class I, composed of those
who possess the highest IQs. Herrnstein and Murray used the following logic:

* If differences In mental abilities are inherited, and

* If success requires those abilities, and

“ If earnings and prestige depend on success, then

“ Social standing (which reflects earnings and prestige) will be based to some
extent on Inherited differences among people (p. 105).

Kahl’s personal prestige variable reveals a voluntary versus involuntary

paradox. Whereas Wright et al. posited a formal hierarchy as shaping personal

27

prestige, Banfield found a relationship between prestige and outloolc Ifan individual
delays gratification and looks to the future, prestige rises. Herrnstein and Murray
(Y 1) explained a link between prestige and cognitive ability, which Is largely
inherited. Within the theories, the voluntary (outlook and expectations) nature of
prestige clashes with the Involuntary (how much intelligence has been inherited and
how much authority a person possesses in the occupational hierarchy). Thus, the
complexity of social class continues to be reinforced; the dynamics of social class

heighten the equality/inequality tension.

0.9:.quan

Kahl’s second variable, occupation, adds to the complexity of social class.
Banfield’s (1970) research provides information about education in relation to
occupation and social class (variable X2). Upper-class members, with their future
orientation, insist that their offspring stay in school. “The upper-class parent is not
alarmed if his children remain unemployed and unmarried to the age of thirty,
especially if they remain in school,“ Banfield wrote (p. 49). Whereas outlook is the
determinant of social class location, Banfield admitted to

at least a rough correspondence between being, for example, upper-Class in

the present sense and upper-class as ordinarily defined. . . . This is because

people who are capable of providing for a distant future tend by that very

circumstance to get education (as distinct from schooling) and with it wealth,

status, and power. . . . People incapable of looking ahead for more than a day

or two or of controlling their impulses are likely to be poor, unskilled, or low
status. (p. 48)

Occupation is less the focus than are education and training. The upper-Class

outlook is toward education, “especially requiring more Children to spend more time

28

in school. . . . The more high school one has, the less unemployment one is likely
to suffer in later life and the greater one’s lifetime earnings are likely to be“ (p. 133).
Education provides the means for people to compete in society for occupations.
Occupations lead to wages and income, which in turn lead to possessions.
Therefore, by placing an emphasis on education, higher-social-class occupants
reinforce their outlook to the future. People in higher classes are better off In their
outlook because they expect to live longer and they plan for the future, saving for
college Instead of spending on current needs.

Wright et al. (1982) presented a Marxist view of occupation (variable 22).
Whereas Banfield linked outlook indirectly to occupation, Wright et al. posited a
direct link in terms of the “capitalist mode of production.“ Occupations are designed
according to what they termed “relations of appropriation,“ which are ownership
issues. Wright et al. specifically identified three such relations: (a) the ownership
relation (one either does or does not own capital), (b) an exchange relation (one
either buys or sells labor), and (c) a decision-making relation (one either does or
does not make decisions). Relations of appropriation are shaped by authority; In
occupations, as authority increases, the latitude to be in charge increases. Wright
and his colleagues called this the “domination“ aspect of occupations: Some
occupations entail direct control and authority, whereas others do not. This aspect
is important in understanding the hierarchy of occupations because that hierarchy

forms and supports the American social class system.

29

In contrast to Banfield and Wright et al. (variables X2 and 22), Herrnstein and
Murray (1994) spoke of a “cognitive partitioning“ (variable Y2) that hinges on
cognitive ability. Certain occupations require higher levels of intelligence. They
explained, “IQ becomes more important as the job gets intellectually tougher. . . . AS
the century draws to a Close, a very high proportion of that same group [bright
people] is now concentrated within a few occupations that are highly screened for
IQ“ (pp. 51-52). Class and occupation are defined by intelligence. Hence,
partitioning occupations by intelligence makes sense, and an occupational shape for

Ihs.B.eILQuDLe’s social class is determined.

Bossessjons
The third variable Kahl established is possessions. According to Banfield
(1970), outlook (satisfying future versus present needs) influences possessions
(variable X3). He wrote,
Upper-class [that is, future-oriented] culture permits the individual to
emphasize either theme: the disposition to postpone present satisfaction for
the sake of improving matters In the future and the desire to “express one’s
personality.“ . . . If he thinks that his means (money, power, knowledge, and
the like) are almost certainly adequate to maintain him and his “line“
throughout the future he envisions, the future-oriented individual has no
incentive to “invest.” (p. 49)
In contrast, the lower—class individual consumes immediately and gathers
possessions related to such immediate consumption. This is a live-for-today attitude
that de—emphasizes planning and goal setting; the lower-class individual journeys

through life on a day-to—day basis. Money comes and goes as needs are met

immediately.

30

A desire to “control investments“ (variable 23) is how Wright et al. (1982)
relate to the possessions variable. They stated, “Classes in this research are not
defined in terms of categories of occupations, but in terms of social relations of
control over investments, decision making, other people’s work, and one’s own work“
(p. 709). It is the “control over investments“ that translates into possessions.
Further, the ownership relation concerns whether or not the person has “ownership
of the means of production“ (p. 713). From a Marxist viewpoint, ownership of land,
labor, and capital leads to higher-Class status. A lack of these things implies the
opposite: lower-class status.

Herrnstein and Murray (1994) framed possessions by intelligence (variable
X3). For example, the cognitive classes that have the highest poverty are the lowest
social classes. Specifically, Class IV, which they called “dull,“ has a 16% poverty
level. Class V, called “very dull,“ has 30% poverty. When these two classes are
compared to Class I (2%), Class II (3%), and Class III (6%), a clear relationship is
seen between cognitive class and poverty. Poverty is inversely tied to possessions,
thus demonstrating the link between Herrnstein and Murray’s cognitive theory of

social class and Kahl’s possessions variable.

1012129115211

Kahl’s fourth variable, interaction, relates to social Class and groups.
According to Banfield (1970) (variable X4), “the upper-class individual feels a strong
attachment to entities (formal organizations, the neighborhood, the nation, the

world). . . . He sees ’community’ (or ’society’) as having long-range goals. . . . He

31

tends to be active in ’public service’ organizations“ (p. 50). The upper-class
individual “does not mind being alone. . . . He requires a good deal of privacy. . . .
He wants to express himself“ (p. 49). Class status and involvement are directly
proportional: The higher one’s class, the greater his or her interaction within the
community.

The middle-class individual experiences less group commitment. “In the
lower middle class, the taste for public service and reform is relatively weak. . . . The
middle-class individual is less willing than the upper-class one to give time, money,
and effort to public causes“ (Banfield, 1970, p. 51). The lower-class person has a
thirst for “action,“ which “takelsj precedence over everything else“ (p. 51). The
person is “a nonparticipant. . . . He belongs to no voluntary organizations, has no
political interests, and doesnot vote unless paid to do so. . . . He feels no
attachment to community, neighbors, or friends. . . . [He] resents all authority. . . . He
has companions, not friends“ (p. 53). The interaction of the lower-class person is
based on what is needed at the present time. Often these interactions are Impulsive
because “Impulse governs his behavior“ (p. 53).

Wright et al. (1982) provided occupation-based Insight into the notion of
interactions (variable Z4). Their work on relations-ownership relation, exchange
relation, and authority relation—has already been discussed. Each is part ofa larger
bodythe researchers termed “relations of appropriations“ and “domination.“ Based
on capitalism, Wright et al. focused on competition. Therein lies the need to

formalize decision-making authority. Power is at the heart of the matter, and the

32

ability to issue sanctions is valued. These are formal interactions, which are directed
by the organizational hierarchy found in the workplace.

Wright et al. had more to offer about interaction (variable Z4). The additional
viewpoint is in what the researchers termed “the contradictory character“ in the
social class, an American term. Derived from a belief that “class content Is
determined simultaneously by more than one basic class, . . . the American class
structure can not plausibly be represented by a simple scheme of polarized class
relations“ (p. 724). American social class is complex, and interactions occur
between and among members of different social classes.

Herrnstein and Murray added to the complexity of social Class. They
discussed a phenomenon termed “isolation“ (variable Y4), which refers to “the
increasing physical segregation of the cognitive elite from the rest of society“ (p. 91 ).
The authors pointed out that technologies such as computers and telefax machines
“make it increasingly likely that people who work mainly with their minds collaborate
only with other such people“ (p. 91). A 19903 trend is the effect of technology on
social interaction. This effect will be a function of wealth if higher social classes
decrease their interactions because of technology; higher classes possess the
wealth to purchase the technology.

American society is mobile. Equal opportunity is designed to translate into
freedom of choices as to “where to live, shop, play, worship, and send [one’s]
children to school“ (Herrnstein & Murray, 1994, p. 91). Equal opportunity is based

on “giving every youngster a Chance to develop his or her latent cognitive ability“ (p.

33
91). Intelligence is based on “both genes and environment,“ but the equalization of
the American environment has placed a greater emphasis on heredity. “The irony
is that as America equalizes the circumstances of people’s lives, the remaining
differences in intelligence are increasingly determined by differences in genes“ (p.
91). As a result, the equality/inequality tension is heightened. As efforts Increase
equality, inherited IQ advantages become more significant.

Intelligence also influences whom one marries. “Likes attract when it comes
to marriage, and intelligence is one of the most important of those likes“ (Herrnstein
8: Murray, 1994, pp. 91-92). The researchers termed this “assortive mating.“ The
phenomenon increases isolation and heightens the role intelligence plays in
determining Kahl’s interaction variable. In Inofioflfiume, Herrnstein and Murray
described the role of genetics: “As a general rule, as environments become more
uniform, heritability rises“ (p. 106). Competition is designed to allow people to move
up in social class; Herrnstein and Murray called this “churning.“ They wrote,

American society has historically been full of churning, as new groups came

to this country, worked their way up, and joined the ranks of the rich and

powerful. . . . Meanwhile, some of the children of the rich and powerful, or
their grandchildren, were descending the ladder. . . . This process has made

for a vibrant, self-renewing society. (p. 113)

Assertive mating works in opposition to churning, and the result is a society with less
mobility.

Herrnstein and Murray argued that cognitive ability has diminished churning.

Isolation has made “a society . . . increasingly quiescent at the top“ (p. 113).

Focusing on an upper-Class, cognitive elite, the authors offered three observations

34

on this issue. Each observation has direct ramifications for Kahl’s interaction
variable. They are as follows:

1. The cognitive elite is getting richer, in an era when everybody else is
having to struggle to stay even.

2. The cognitive elite is increasingly segregated physicallyfrom everyone
else, in both the workplace and the neighborhood.

3. The cognitive elite is increasingly likely to intermarry. (p. 114)
For the cognitive elite, less interaction is likely to occur. This leads to a greater
emphasis on IQ and less social mobility, in general. The equality! inequality tension

is heightened as a result.

Qassfionscinusness

The fifth Kahl variable is class consciousness. The preceding discussion
extends to this variable, as well. Banfield’s (1970) view of future versus present
needs defines a class consciousness (variable X5), as do the “contradictory
character“ and “cognitive elite“ notions offered by Wright etal. (1982) and Herrnstein
and Murray (variables Z5 and Y5, respectively). Banfield wrote of the minimal
commitment to the community by lower classes and their relationships built on
immediate gratification. The lower-class desire for action prevails. Upper classes
look to the future, delaying such satisfaction. Wright et al. admitted that Americans
determine their class through a number of interactions. A “contradictory character,“
which is distinguishingly American, means that although Americans are aware of
class, they interact in a variety of ways across class boundaries. Herrnstein and

Murray argued that isolation makes class consciousness an even greater factor.

35

The logic offered by Banfield, Wright et al., and Herrnstein and Murray is that
interaction is based on social class, and Interaction translates Into a social class
consciousness. Interaction shapes social groups; Hollingshead (1949) would call
these groups cliques. Regardless of the name applied to them, social groups result
from interaction. Herrnstein and Murray saw social groups within the intellectual
“partitioning“ occurring in America. Whereas they linked these groups to
Intelligence, Wright et al. used a Marxist view to identify groups that form due to
occupation. Banfield wrote of a different kind of isolation, which Is determined by
levels of dependence and commitment, both factors related to the future-versus-
present viewpoint. Dependence and commitment determine group membership,

further defining the social class.

I! l D . I l'

Value orientations, the sixth Kahl variable, exist at a personal level because
values are Internal. Values define life; that is, values determine what people deem
to be worthwhile, good, important, and beautiful (Kahl, 1957, p. 10). Banfield
(variable X6) based his theory on beliefs of living for the present (a lower-class
value) versus living for the future (an upper-class value). These choices are
fundamental; they are value orientations. The strata between the extremes (present
versus future) represent degrees of value orientations. Hence, the middle social
class represents value orientations somewhere between “now“ and “the future,“
measured in various time units (Banfield, 1970). Therefore, thought needs to be

given to present-versus-future dimensions when determining class structure.

36

When considering class structure, Wright et al. (1982) saw value orientations
connected to work (variable 26). Decisions fall within hierarchical patterns. Work
roles are dictated by an organizational chart, and that chart shapes authority.
Authority determines who gives sanctions and who receives them and from whom.
Evaluations and directives drive value orientations; Individuals operate within the
structure (Wright et al., 1982). Much like a 1950s-style factory, in which a foreman
watched the assembly line, the structure determines the class.

Herrnstein and Murray (1994) focused on “family matters“ as a fundamental
value orientation. Although the American family has changed greatly, the
researchers discussed marriage, divorce, and illegitimacy as related to intelligence.
They stated, “The more intelligent get married at higher rates than the less
intelligent“ (p. 167). Also, “higher IQ was still associated with a loWer probability of
divorce alter extracting the effects of other variables“ (p. 174). Further, “low
cognitive ability Is a much stronger predisposing factor for illegitimacy than low
socioeconomic background“ (p. 167). The researchers concluded, “The American
family may be generally under siege, as people often say. But it is at the bottom of
the cognitive ability distribution that its defenses are most visibly crumbling“ (p. 190).
For the present study, the notion of social class is a way to study the
equality/inequality tension in American society. Herrnstein and Murray offered

convincing arguments that cognitive ability is the major determinant of social class

structure.

37

Herrnstein and Murray (1994) used similar logic in discussing a number of
topics under the broad heading of “social behavior“; these topics Included poverty;
schooling; unemployment, idleness, and injury; welfare dependency; parenting;
crime; and civility and citizenship. Each topic is replete with values. As Kahl (1957)
said, values are the approved “means“ for approaching the “ends“ in one’s life.
Each area describes a variety of “means,“ and what is significant here Is that in each
area, intelligence is a strong if not overriding determinant. Social behavior is linked
with Intelligence; intelligence shapes values. The core beliefs of highly intelligent
people are different from those of people possessing lower intelligence (Herrnstein
and Murray, 1994). I

Herrnstein and Murray’s view of social class based on cognitive ability gives
an advantage to Class I, the cognitive elite. Class I members edge forward
competitively in society, and they possess norms that enhance their competitive
advantage. Lower classes struggle in the competition because they lack
intelligence. Across any Kahl variable, people with higher IQS have an advantage
over those with lower 103. It has been pointed out that in an equal environment,
inherited IQ is even more important. Intelligence carries a greater premium because
heredity, by which intelligence is transmitted, lies outside the environment. Equal
opportunity, which is Intended to exist within society, cannot and does not influence
inherited traits such as IQ.

Banfield’s (1970) future-versus-present outlook furthers the tension between

equality and inequality. Planning for the future means investing In education—

38

delaying present-day purchases and activities for schooling in the expectation that
a better tomorrow will result. By delaying gratification, one gains a competitive edge.
People who plan can seize opportunity; lower Classes, seeking action, do not
recognize “opportunity.“ Like the cognitive argument, the outlook argument
competitively favors the higher social classes. Logically, it can be stated that “equal
opportunity“ Is missed by groups who have an immediate outlook—the lower social
classes.

Through their Marxist lens, Wright et al. (1982) placed a premium on
hierarchy. Within organizations that are guided by charts, titles, and authority lines,
competition is structured as well. Promotions are defined by successful work
experiences as measured by evaluations, appraisals, and the absence of sanctions.
Opportunities exist and are defined by hierarchy. Structure adds to the organization,
and work-related schooling is rewarded within the system. The course up and down

the social class ladder is mapped out by the charts, titles, and authority lines.

Summary

All of the above-mentioned factors reinforce the contention that the social
class notion is complex. The six Kahl variables can be used to operationalize the
theories espoused by Banfield, Wright et al., and Herrnstein and Murray. The six
variables frame the discussion of diverse and distinct ideas pertaining to outlook,
hierarchy, and intelligence. Each has utility in updating the notion of social class
from Hollingshead’s time to the present. This is vital for a study of adolescents’

behavior relative to their families’ social class.

39

Therefore, the investigation of social class will be based on the conceptual
framework developed for this study. The six Kahl variables form the conceptual
framework, weaving Banfield’s ideas with those of Herrnstein and Murray and Wright
et al. The conceptual framework provides an update of Hollingshead’s concept and
is a way to display the complexity of social Class in a modern context.

The focus now turns to adolescent behavior, in general, and adolescent
behavior in school, in particular. The general concept of adolescent behavior Is vital
because the researcher’s purpose was to examine the way adolescents behave

relative to their parents’ social class.

AdolescenLBebaxior
Adolescence has been defined as “the period in the life cycle of the individual
from age 14to 24“ (Hollingshead, 1949, p. 5). Hollingshead described adolescence

as follows:

Sociologically, adolescence is the period in the life of a person when the
society in which he functions ceases to regard him [male or female] as a child
and does not accord him full adult status, roles, and functions. The phrase
“adolescent behavior“ . . . refers to the social action patterns of young people.

(pp. 6-7)

An adolescent is in conflict with society. “The inexorably unfolding nature of
the organism produces a ’rebirth of the soul’ which brings the child [adolescent]
inevitably into a conflict with society“ (Hollingshead, 1949, p. 5). Hollingshead
further described the period using terms such as “storm and stress“ and “revolution,“

words reflecting the conflict inherent in this stage of life.

40

An adolescent Is In transition from childhood to adulthood: One day the
behavior is childlike; the next day it IS mature and nearly adult. The way society
perceives the individual fluctuates accordingly. As described above, the “adult
status, roles, and functions“ are not actually adult. Therefore, the adolescent Is
placed somewhere In between. Therein lies the conflict; the youngster is caught
between a child and an adult status. The resultant “storm and stress“ engenders a
variety of behaviors.

Because this study was undertaken to update Hollingshead’s work, it is
helpful to examine his view of adolescents’ behaviors. The study took place in a
midwestem community that Hollingshead called Elmtown, USA. He organized
adolescents In the community into two broad categories: high school students and
out-of-school adolescents. His study took place in 1941 and 1942, a time when
many students left high school before graduating. “In May, 1942, the 735
adolescents studied were divided rather equally into these two categories: 390 (53
per cent) were in school, and 345 (47 per cent) had withdrawn from [high] school“
(p. 161).

Hollingshead described high school adolescents’ behaviors in terms of five
attributes (see Figure 2.1). “The high school in action“ described the curriculum
students received and the extracurricular activities in which they participated. The
behaviors included in this category were grades earned, discipline received, and
memberships in clubs/organizations. Second, “cliques and dates“ described

relations and the number, type, and size of cliques. Underlying notions were who-

41

dates-whom and who-are-friends-with-whorn. Third, “religion and religious behavior“
Identified religious beliefs, affiliation, and types and levels of participation.
Elmtowners placed a high priority on church and church attendance. Fourth, “jobs
and Ideas of jobs“ included part-time jobs, jobs and social class, and ideas about
jobs. School and work were connected at various levels in Elmtown. Fifth,
“recreation and tabooed pleasures“ contained Hollingshead’s findings on adolescent
organizations, informal recreation, and tabooed pleasures. As a wide set of
categories, recreation and tabooed pleasures ranged from joining Boy Scouts to
shooting pool. Both formal and informal activities were identified within recreation

and tabooed pleasures.

The High School in Action
Cliques and Dates
Religion and Religious Behavior
Jobs and Ideas of Jobs
Recreation and Tabooed Pleasures

Figure 2.1: Hollingshead’s high school adolescent behaviors.

Hollingshead described out-of-school adolescents’ behaviors according to
four attributes: leaving school, toil and trouble, leisure-hour activities, and sex and
marriage (see Figure 2.2). With so many Elmtown students out of school, these
Characteristics were important to the research. “Leaving school“ identified folklore
versus facts and the process of withdrawal from school. The second attribute, “toil

and trouble,“ referred tojob channels and levels, work history, occupational pursuit,

42
job performance, the vocational horizon, and ideas of “good“ jobs. In many cases,
students who were leaving school planned to work, and this second attribute helped
describe that phenomenon. The third attribute, “leisure-hour activities,“ included
formal organizations, cliques, leisure, and delinquent behavior. The fourth attribute,
“sex and marriage,“ Included dates and dating, getting married, class position and

marriage, and home conditions.

Leaving School
Toil and Trouble
Leisure-Hour Activities
Sex and Marriage

Figure 2.2: Hollingshead’s out-of-school adolescent behaviors.

Hollingshead found that adolescents’ behaviors (however categorized) were
related functionally to the position theirfamilies occupied In the social structure ofthe
community. In the study, Hollingshead found that families belonged to one of five
social classes. Hollingshead wrote, “Each of the five classes differed from the others
by the possession of a complex set of traits that we called Class culture“ (p. 439).
In observing the behavior of both high school and out-of-school adolescents,
Hollingshead found that the behavior was distinguished by theirfamily’s social class.

He wrote,

We can conclude with confidence that adolescents who have been reared in
families that possess different class cultures may be expected to follow
different behavior patterns In their responses to situations they encounter in
their participation in the community’s social life. (p. 441)

43

Thus, the family’s social class shaped the adolescents’ behaviors. For example,
students from higher social classes were found to be more Involved in extracurricular
activities. earned better grades, and were better prepared for college because they
took harder classes.

Hollingshead’s finding that adolescents’ behavior was related to their family’s
social class has been supported In the literature. In 1964, Warner identified five
social classes in a town he called Jonesville, which he described as “the city of the
Common Man“ (p. Ix). The Common Man was middle class, and Warner discovered
two classes above and two others below that status. He wrote, “The young people
of each class tend to marry at their own level. . . . Their children acquire the status
of the parents, learn their way of life, and thus help maintain their part of the class
system and insure its permanence“ (p. 28). Warner found that children reflected
their family’s status; “there [was] a mirror-like relationship between the positive and
negative characteristics being rated“ (p. 81). Children made “clear-cut
differentiations along social Class lines“ (p. 83). For example, higher-class students
were involved in their school. They participated in sports, and they planned to go on
to college. Just the opposite was true for lower-class students.

Marshall (1965) identified three aspects of United States citizenship: civil,
political, and social. Whereas civil and political changes may come quickly, social
class changes do not because of what Marshall termed “hierarchy of status“; that Is,
social class is passed from one generation (parent) to another (offspring). According

to Marshall, social class Inequality “is regarded as necessary and purposeful“

44

because of the stability social classes provide (p. 94). The motivation for a stable
relationship between generations has been established. When Marshall conducted
his research, elementary schools supported the existing social class structure,
further reinforcing adolescents’ reflection of their parents. Teachers aimed for the
middle-class values, teaching hard work, honesty, and similar values. The existing
social Class structure was reinforced for other students: The lower-class pupils knew
they were lower class because their instruction did not reflect their upbringing. A
goal of equal educational opportunity is to prevent adolescents’ behaviors from
mirroring their parents’ behaviors. However, adolescents’ behaviors largely do
reflect their parents’ behaviors, thereby reflecting the families’ social Class.
Therefore, this condition works against equal educational opportunity and makes
social change slow and difficult (Marshall, 1965).

Jencks (1972) noted that “Americans believe in equality . . . but most feel
some are ’more competent than others’“ (p. 3). This belief affects adolescents
because “some parents are bound to succeed while others fail“ (p. 2). Society Is
competitive, and a variance in parenting Skills underlies a variance in adolescents’
behaviors. Students whose parents are confident and involved In school seem to
behave in the same way.

In 1978, Lightfoot investigated the teacher’s role in student behavior. She
examined what teachers expected from students. According to Lightfoot, teachers
saw the family as the means for shaping “the world of the child. . . . Children become

shadows of their parents’ social position, miniature versions of doctors, garbage

45

collectors, secretaries, accountants. . . . Teachers can not look at a child without
seeing the parents“ (p. 9). Lightfoot argued that “a dissonance between family and
school . . . is not only inevitable in a changing society, It also helps to make children
more malleable and responsive to a changing world“ (p. 39). School is oriented
toward the middle class, and children are taught by the school to exhibit middle-class
behavior. This works if the family Is middle class, but it creates a “dissonance“ if the
family is lower or upper class. According to Lightfoot,

In an extreme sense, schools must smother the unhamessed, spontaneous

nature of the child and produce a cooperative and civilized citizen. . . . The

tension between the collective norms and Individualistic needs must be

resolved in the direction of maintaining social order. (p. 214)

Lightfoot found that the child’s behaviors are directly related to his or her social
class.

Okey (1990) studied the family perspective on students’ decision to drop out
of high school. He Identified a “conflict in culture between the family and the school“
as key to analyzing “the family, the family’s perspective on school, and the act of
dropping out. . . . The conflict between these cultures antecedes dropping out by
several years“ (p. 258). Student behavior is shaped by the student and conflicts with

school norms. Okey wrote,

The dropout [student] represents the family at school. The school’s rejection
of this representation results in feelings of rejection and conflict In the family.
Dropping out ends the conflict between family and school and reduces
conflict between the child and the family. It unites the family and reinforces
the passing on of the family culture. (p. 250)

The family expects the child to behave in certain ways, according to “the family

culture,“ which, according to Okey, is established by the family’s social class. If this

46

culture runs counter to school norms, the conflict may result in the student’s
“dropping out.“ The conflict between school and family is thus eased when the
student leaves school.

Herrnstein and Murray’s (1994) research reported In IhoBoJLCumeincluded
references to schooling. Like Okey, they discussed students choosing to drop out
of school. According to Herrnstein and Murray, “Of all the social behaviors that
might be linked to cognitive ability, school dropout prior to high school graduation is
the most obvious. Low Intelligence is one of the best predictors of school failure“ (p.
144). Because Intelligence is passed from parents to offspring through genetics, the
decision to drop out is linked to IQ, and IQ Is linked to the parents by heredity.

Other student behaviors are related to IQ, as well. Because parental IQ
varies, student IQ also varies. A variety of student behaviors become affixed to the
parents’ cognitive class. The cognitive class becomes a place of belonging for both
parent and child. The decision to drop out results from the family’s cognitive class,
as do other student behaviors. In particular, Herrnstein and Murray looked at
students who completed a college degree. The found that “if cognitive ability is high,
socioeconomic disadvantage is no longer a significant barrier to getting a college
degree“ (p. 154). The higher the IQ, the more likely it IS that the student will attain
a degree. “Most dropouts with above-average intelligence go back to get a GED“
(p. 153). IQ is a predictor of finishing school, whether high school or college. Thus,

because IQ is passed from parent to Child, finishing school is a family matter.

47

Social class appears in schools because students reflect the family’s social
class and behave differently relative to social class. Hollingshead (1949) studied this
phenomenon In detail over a two-year period some 50 years ago. Warner (1964)
found similar results In Jonesville, and Jencks (1972), Marshall (1965), Lightfoot
(1978), Okey (1990), and Herrnstein and Murray (1994) supported the notion of

adolescents’ behavior being related to their parents’ social class.

CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY

IDILQdumiQn
The methodology for carrying out the study Is described In this chapter.
Included is a restatement of the study purpose, along with the pertinent research
questions. Methodological concerns are shared, and the study setting Is described.
Sample selection is explained. The procedure for conducting the research is

discussed, and the plan used for data analysis Is documented.

Eumoseoflhefitudx

The researcher’s purpose in this study was to determine whether there is a
relationship between adolescents’ behavior and their families’ social class.
Adolescents’ behaviors in four areas—high school experiences, jobs, recreational
experiences, and plans for leaving school—were Investigated In relation to the social
class of their families. Social class was assessed In terms of four Indicators:

outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction.

Researchfiuestions
The following research questions were posed to guide the collection of data

for this study:

48

49

1. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’
outlook?
2. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’

cognitive ability?

3. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’

occupation(s)?

4. Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to their families’
interaction?

5. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ outlook?

6. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ cognitive ability?

7. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ occupation(s)?

8. Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ interaction?

9. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
outlook?

10. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
cognitive ability?

11. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
occupation(s)?

12. Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to their families’
interaction?

13. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’

outlook?

50

14. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’
cognitive ability?

15. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’
occupation(s)?

16. Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to their families’

interaction?

MethodologicaLCcncems
The study was qualitative in nature. Before attempting to answer the
research questions regarding adolescents’ behaviors relative to theirfamilies’ social
class, the researcher addressed two methodological concerns: (a) How IS a family’s
social class determined? and (b) How is an adolescent’s behavior ascertained?

Concerning the first question, Hollingshead wrestled with social class in the following
way:

The question we faced was: How could families be placed in the social
structure? Three possibilities were open to us. First, a Single factor index,
such as occupation, income, education, or area of residence, might have
been used. . . . The second alternative was reliance on a composite Index.
. . . The third possibility appeared to be the development of a procedure
which would apply a common measure to all families. Therefore, a rating
procedure was developed which, we believe, met the objections to a single
criterion and previously developed scales. . . . This idea seemed to be sound
In view of the size of Elmtown, the stability of the population, the knowledge
one person had about another, and the way the people referred to one
another, to social groups, organizations, and Institutions. (pp. 26-27)

Hollingshead devised a rating procedure to define social class, using more
than 100 Items taken from interviews. The 100 Items were synthesized under five

general headings: (a) the way a family lived; (b) Income and material possessions;

51
(c) participation in community affairs, politics, and religion; (d) family background;
and (e) reputation or prestige. These headings gave meaning to the notion of social
class, and they provided a way for raters to place families in specific social classes.

Hollingshead conducted a series of community Interviews, from which he
determined a “control list“ of 20 families as representative of each of five social
classes. People secured as raters analyzed all 535 Elmtown families, rating each
according to social class. Confidentiality was ensured, which kept families from
knowing how raters classified them.

The second methodological concern Is how to ascertain adolescents’
behavior. That is, how is that behavior seen, measured, and determined?
Hollingshead used a variety of methods to learn about adolescent behavior. He and
his associates reviewed official records such as high school student records, court
cases, and police arrests. They conducted interviews with adolescents and their
families. Hollingshead also administered questionnaires, and some of the students
wrote autobiographies for the research. Participant observation was the method
Hollingshead used to learn about adolescent behavior. As ideas were formed, leads
were pursued. Data were gathered from adolescents, their parents, and Elmtown

residents outside the family.

Ihsfiludyfistling
The study was conducted in a small-town midwestem high school. The town
and surrounding community were given the name Pinetown. There are fewer than

20,000 residents In Pinetown, and unemployment is low. The main industry IS

52
producing electricity because Pinetown is located on the sandy shores of a great
body of water. Tourism is popular, which means that midwestemers flock to
Pinetown to recreate: People enjoy swimming, boating, lying on the beach, and
fishing. They also enjoy hunting in the vast fields found near the Pinetown area.

Other Pinetown industry Includes several small businesses where the pay Is
good and the number of employees small. The newest employer is located in the
city nearby. This brings people Into the area and creates hope for the future. Time
will tell, but with the natural resources found in Pinetown, things look positive.

As with most small towns, Pinetown’s high school Is a point of pride. Housing
about 600 students In grades 9 through 12, the 30—year—old building has adequate
unused space. The high school has a traditional, broad-based curriculum for
students. The teaching staff is old. yet new ideas are accepted because the staff is
innovative. At school events it is common to overhear parents tell about a teacher
they had in school who is now teaching their children, too. Parents generally like
that. This Speaks about most teachers’ desire to stay in Pinetown; it is a good
school system that the faculty finds comfortable. They are well paid and treated with
respect. Most seem happy with Pinetown High School, all things considered. It has

a strong academic reputation.

SamDISSSIectIDD
Although Hollingshead rated all Elmtown families according to social class,
such widespread rating was not feasible for this study because the cost of rating all

families In the selected community would have exceeded the researcher’s time and

53
financial resources. Furthermore, rating all families in the community would have
had no utility for this study; the social class of students being studied was the
primary focus. Thus, a sample of 15 adolescents from 14 families was selected for
the study.

In his research, Okey (1990) started with one family and allowed the sample
to grow In size until he concluded that “an adequate saturation had been reached“
(p. 76). This sampling technique, known as “theoretical sampling,“ Is based on the
finding of an

Instance of the case. . . . AS the explanation is generated, each addition to the

sample serves to revise, extend, or otherwise alter the explanation. When a

negative instance IS discovered, one which does not conform to the

explanation, the explanation is transformed and adjusted to account for this
negative instance. So the sample Is built, discovering categories, testing their

properties, and seeking interrelationships. (p. 63)

I Theoretical sampling is not the same as random sampling. Theoretical
sampling has depth, which random sampling lacks; one instance of the case leads
to others in theoretical sampling. These cases build the theory, and the theory
benefits by the feedback from informants. The depth in this research is found in the
development of the theory. Theoretical sampling is designed to provide theoretical
development. Random sampling, in contrast, Is designed to test a theory that has
already been developed. The theory does not change; It is verified or nullified by the

data. A random sampling technique would not provide the depth needed in the

present study; therefore, theoretical sampling was the preferred method.

54
Emedure

In this study, families’ social class was addressed through field study
research. The investigator’s contacts In the high school found In the selected
community yielded a number of families to be interviewed. A series of questions
was posed to each family regarding social class. Rather than using Hollingshead’s
five general headings, the researcher used the conceptual framework developed in
this study (see Chapter II). In particular, Kahl’s (1957) six variables were used In
conjunction with the theories propounded by Banfield (1970), Wright et al. (1982),
and Herrnstein and Murray (1994). The work of each of these theorists had
application within the conceptual framework.

The researcher used interview procedures similarto those employed by Okey
(1990)—speciflcally, Gorden’s “Tools for Interviewing.“ Each interview was tape
recorded and later transcribed. By doing this, the researcher was able to categorize
the data after the interview, allowing him to interact with the family members during
the interview.

The researcher’s purpose In this part of the research was to Ieam about the
families’ social class. Through theoretical sampling and interviews, the researcher
achieved what Hollingshead accomplished in 1942. The research on contemporary
American families and their social class status was carried out within the available
financial and human resources. Confidentiality was ensured because the sample

was small enough that the researcher was able to do the ratings himself.

55

The units of analysis were the adolescents’ families. The issue at hand,
social class, was an important aspect of the research defined In this study. Data that
were gathered about social class were based on Kahl’s six variables. Using the
conceptual framework established for this study, the collected data were linked to
propositions about the notion of social class.

The normative social class model described In Chapter II was the basis for
this qualitative analysis. The researcher measured the four factors—outlook,
cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction-on the basis of selected indicators (see
Table 3.1). The researcher developed these indicators over time, after discussing
them with an expert group. The expert group, consisting of Michigan State
University doctoral students, provided the researcher with Insight and assistance in
refining these indicators. Further refinement occurred as the study was conducted.

As shown in Table 3.1, several Indicators were selected to measure the four
factors Chosen for study (outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction). For
outlook, the following questions were among those that addressed the Indicators:
Are the families liberal or conservative politically? Do they save money’? Do they
pay attention to world affairs? Do they expect a long life? Do they set goals for the
future? Second, for cognitive ability, the questions included: Are the families high
school graduates? Are they college graduates? Were they successful in school?
Do they consider themselves to be well-read? Third, questions addressing
occupation included the following: What are the families’ occupation(s)? How long

have they done this work? Did they receive special training for this work? If so,

56

how? What salaries do they earn? Are they hourly workers? Do they supervise

others? Where, on a hierarchy, do their occupations fall? Fourth, for the factor

Interaction, questions included the following: What are the families’ activities? Who

are their friends? Do they employ technology? Do they travel? Do they belong to

social groups? These and other topics were explored to determine the families’

social class. Confidentiality was ensured so that open, honest answers could be

elicited.

Table 3.1: The normative social class model: Factors and indicators.

 

Factor

Indicators

 

Outlook

Liberal/conservative politics
Spending/saving
Positive/negative view of life
Long/short expected life span
Setting/not setting goals

 

Cognitive ability

Formal education/little formal education
Grades and achievement: strong/weak
Books read: many/few

 

Occupation

Families’ jobs

Longevity

Training

Salary

Supervision and responsibilities

 

Interaction

 

 

Families' activities
Families’ friendships
Families’ memberships and socialization choices

 

A variety of methods was used to learn about adolescents’ behavior. The

primary method for collecting the data was the personal interview. Adolescents from

 

57
the families studied with regard to the above-mentioned social Class Issues were
Interviewed. These adolescents were high school students and drop-outs. They
were Interviewed on the following topics: high school activities, jobs, plans for
leaving school, and recreational activities.
Supportive data were obtained from school and community records. School
records Included academic and behavioral artifacts found in students’ files. Specific

grading and attendance figures were Investigated.

DatazAnaleSELeceduLes

The objective in gathering data for analysis centers on the need to have
accurate, reliable data. Care was taken to ensure that this would happen by
employing a tape recorder for accuracy. Thetaped Interviews were then transcribed
in total. The transcriptions ensured accuracy, and they gave the researcher an
opportunity to review the data. The researcher obtained categories, Interrelation-
ships, and other connections In reviewing the transcripts.

The data analysis shaped the theory of expected adolescent behavior. The
normative social class model was refined as the Interviews were conducted.
Feedback from informants was transcribed, and categories, interrelationships, and

other connections became data.

CHAPTER IV

PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

Inimdusflcn

The researcher’s purpose in this study was to describe and explain
adolescents’ behaviors relative to theirfamilies’ social class. Adolescents’ behaviors
were defined by four sets of activities: recreational experiences, plans for leaving
school, high school experiences, and jobs. Families’ social class was assessed by
four factors: outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction. Sixteen research
questions guided the data-collection process, which consisted of structured
Interviews with adolescents and with their parents. Fourteen families and 15
adolescents were interviewed. The data analysis that follows Is organized by the
four social class factors. First, outlook is presented for each family, followed by
cognitive ability, occupation, and Interaction. These factors allowed comparisons
to be made to describe the families’ social class. Following social class, data
analysis IS presented on the adolescents’ behaviors chosen for this study:
recreational experiences, plans for leaving school, high school experiences,
and jobs. Generalizations can be made about the families’ social class and the
adolescents’ behaviors so that conclusions can be developed to address the 16

research questions.

58

59

Quilmk

Banfield (1970) studied social Class by focusing on a person’s “outlook“ (p.
13). Banfield theorized that, by examining someone’s outlook, social class could be
deteMined. He thought that if a person delayed the gratification of his or her needs,
the person belonged in the upper social class. Furthermore, a person who expects
to live a long life indicates being in the upper social class; conversely, If a person
expects to live but a short time, he or she would be in a lower class. Banfield offered
a convincing theory about outlook; It was one of four factors selected for the
normative social class model (p. 7). In Table 3.1 (p. 56), outlook was linked to the
following Indicators: (a) liberal/conservative politics, (b) spending/saving, (c)
positive/negative view of life, (d) long/short expected life span, and (e) setting/not
setting goals.

Data were gathered on these indicators from structured interviews with
parents of adolescents. In the presentation that follows, the data are summarized,
and direct quotations from the structured Interviews are provided. If the writer added
words to the quotations, they are Included In brackets; the writer added to
informants’ direct quotations whenever there was a need to clarify something for the
reader. Care was given notto alter the informant’s viewpoint in doing so.

The quotations were intended to help the reader understand the family’s
outlook as represented by the parent who participated in the structured Interview.

In the responses, many parents discussed setting goals for their children, for

60

example, but not for themselves. Also, several parents indicated that they followed
a budget, unless their children needed something; then, the children’s needs came
first, regardless of the budget. Most parents claimed that they voted in elections,
and they offered a variety of responses about politics (liberal versus conservative,
party affiliation, and so on). Most parents said they had a positive view of life, and
some told the researcher they expected to live Into their seventies, eighties, and
beyond.

IhoAlloLtamjly. Marilyn Aller was the mother of adolescent daughter Diane
Aller. Marilyn said she “usually vote[d]“ In elections and was “probably more
Democratic than Republican.“ She admitted she was “probably a conservative
person In many areas“ and operated on a strict budget she had helped design. She
stated,

I’ve always been a saver, and money was rather tight, I guess, when l was

growing up, and I think that has been a carry-over into my adult life. Itend to

be very conservative with money. I don’t really make up a budget or

something [written], but I’ve always got [a thought] in the back of my mind

where this and that Is going, and I like to know and plan ahead.
Marilyn Indicated that she set goals. “I’m not a last-minute sort of person,“ she said.
“I become really frustrated [without goals]“. She added, “I’ve always been that way,
and I think my mother . . . was that way, too. . . . I’ve always been someone who
plans for [being alone]. . . . I don’t just let things come. I want to know what’s
happening.“ By her own admission, Marilyn was “somewhere in between“ being an

optimist and a pessimist. “I guess the two of us [she and her husband] hopefully

make up the whole picture. We’re different in that way. . . . Sometimes it's

61

frustrating.“ With regard to being given bad news, Marilyn noted that “We’ve been
very lucky. I don’t really totally fall apart, but I guess I can say I probably would get
depressed and really down for a while, but I can hold myself together.“ Marilyn
confided that she expected a very long life, “into my eighties,“ based on her family
background. She stated,

I did have a family background of a father dying at a very young age, but

everyone else has lived to a ripe old age . . . grandparents into the nineties

even. My mother is [In her] late seventies and very healthy, and I’m hoping.

. . . I’ve been very healthy all of my life.
Hence, It can be seen that Marilyn Aller was conservative, tended to save money,
expected along life, and set goals.

W11. Waldo Curry was the father of adolescent daughter Jennie
Curry. A self-proclaimed Democrat, he voted and was involved in the political
process. He rejected the opportunity to call himself a liberal or a conservative. “I
wrestle with people issues, social welfare Issues, issues of life around our
community and society. We [need to] take care of one another. . . . I get real
concerned about what I see as the swing of things . . . [to a] call for [the] right wing.“
Waldo stated that he saved money for his retirement and his daughter’s college
education. He had a positive outlook, planning to live a long life. “Forthe most part,
I see myself retiring and [living] into the seventies,“ he said. Given bad news, he
adjusted. “I try to touch base [with my parents] . . . [and] where things come to a
halt, what am I going to do now? [I keep] my feet moving; I figure out what my

actions are all the way along.“ This respondent set goals. “I could not go back and

find documentation of my goals, yet they’re there,“ he said. “I think I’ve always had

62
a keen sense of where I’m going and what I want to do to accomplish [things].“ To
summarize, Waldo Curry saved money, had a positive outlook, expected a long life,
and set goals.

W. Homer David was father to adolescent daughter Judy
David. He voted In elections “all the time“ without political party affiliation. “I see
myself as a pragmatist,“ he commented. “I vote for the person because I go to
Lansing a lot, [and] I found out that you want to keep the people In power that you
know will listen to you.“ He set goals, both personally and professionally. AS an
example, Homer shared that he thought contracted services with school districts
would replace employees. “Because of that mental picture . . . we’ve got a group of
people together—an accountant, a broker-«so [we’re] ready to roll [as a contracted
service] when the time comes.“ This respondent saw a long life expectancy for
himself. “Because longevity Is In my family—my grandmother’s 96, my grandfather
died at 87; my dad’s got three-quarters of his heart gone, he’s 72. . . . I never picture
myself going any time before 80 or 90 . . . 90 probably; I will be working till the day
I die.“ Homer reported that he maintained a positive attitude, striving to live life to
the fullest.

I would say my staff is the closest. We go out about twice a week; I guess I’m

old enough to know better. . . [but] the older I’m getting, the more energy I’m

trying to use. The cliff is coming, so it doesn’t matter, might as well drive 60

miles per hour instead of 10. It’s still coming, so you might as well go.
This interviewee did not practice moderation In his life. In summary, Homer David
was a spender who had a positive outlook, and he expected to live a long life while

setting goals.

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W. Kathleen Duke, mother of adolescent son Irvin Duke,
labeled herself “more conservative.“ She explained that she voted in elections but
did not belong to a political party. Kathleen shared that she participated In a 401 K
retirement plan through work and tried to save money from her wages, too.“ My
savings 90 out the window sometimes with [my kids], but we try to put money aside
for certain things,“ she explained. “Mostly, it ends up being borrowed out to help
[Irvin].“ Kathleen stated that she had a positive attitude about life; she dealt with bad
news “with a grain of salt, mostly. . . [I] just go on; It’s gotta change and you can’t
change it, accept it.“ She expected to live a long life into her eighties or nineties.
Kathleen set some goals, and she recently had achieved a personal goal—to buy her
own car. “That was a major accomplishment in my life.“ In summary, Kathleen
Duke was conservative, saved money for certain purchases, had a positive outlook
on life, set goals, and expected along life.

Inofloloonjamny. Peggy and Douglas Holden were parents of adolescent
daughter Jane Holden. Both Peggy and Douglas reported that voting in elections
was a priority. Peggy called herself “probably conservative“ and “Republican to
Independent“ in her political beliefs. Douglas saw himself as “pretty conservative.
. . . Therefore, I usually vote Republican, but I do split my ticket [because] I look at
the Individual.“ For him, “fiscal conservatism is a plus; I think both state and federal
[government] needs to do a lot better job matching income with outflow.“ Peggy
saved money for the family, and this carried over into her habits. “I’m a saver of

things, too. In terms of setting goals, Peggy reported that her goals were “not as

64

concrete as maybe they Should be. But I think they’re there.“ Douglas also shared
that he had set goals, also. “I don’t actually write them down. I tend to . . . think,
yeah, I’ve got certain [goals]. I can’t be specific, but I know what I want . . . for my
kids, I want the best for them.“ Peggy said that when she received bad news, she
had “to think about what it might be before I think about how I’d handle it. . . . I think
problem solving, what am I gonna do about it, what’s reasonable.“ Douglas said that
he believed “you have to step back and sort of reexamine“ goals when bad news
comes along. “That Is sort of a judgmental term; maybe the news that we’re getting
depends upon [the context] . . . like maybe our daughter not getting the kind of
grades [expected]. . . . I try to look through it, whatever the situation, to how it can
be improved.“ Both parents reported that they had positive attitudes; Douglas noted,
“In my life so far, I haven’t had to deal with an awful lot of bad news. Obviously, we
all have our setbacks and disagreements and everything, but I’ve been pretty lucky.“
Peggy said she expected to live a long life, but “[I] kind of figure things will be okay,
and we haven’t made any specific [retirement] plans. We’ve saved for it, but not, are
we gonna live here [or] are we gonna live in the house we live in now.“ Douglas
thought of living into his nineties and beyond.

I know what the statistics are; if you live to be 50, your odds are that your

table keeps adding up, and I think my expectancy right nowjust based on, I

don’t smoke; I’m pretty careful; I don’t exercise like I should, but I do a little

bit. . . . My father is active and chipper as can be, and my grandmother lived

to her middle nineties, so that’s an optimistic point, also. I want to be around;

I want to see my kids have kids, and they start [having children] later now, so
you have to live longer.

65

Douglas and Peggy seemed to be planning a long life for themselves and their
family; they planned for this financially. In summary, the Holdens were conservative
money-savers who planned to live a longtime. They set goals and had a positive
outlook on life.

InLLonooLSlossoLjamjly. Mary Longo, mother of adolescent son Alton
Slosser, voted In elections. She called herself “more liberal“ without considering
herself a Republican or Democrat. “No, I feel I look for the best candidate,“ Mary
stated. She did not operate on a budget. “I can’t save money. . . . lam right where
what-l-make goes to what-I-need-to-pay. ljust try to pay the bills. . . . I can’t wait to
pay off one bill to go to another [because] I live paycheck to paycheck just like
everyone else.“ This Interviewee believed she had a positive view of life: “I think
because of my mother; she was always forgiving. She was always happy.“ When
Mary received bad news, “I try not to think about it. I put It in the back of my mind.
It won’t go away, but I try not to let It get me down.“ She had had a Challenge raising
her son because of his substance-abuse problems. She stated,

I don’t sit and whine and feel pity. I tell [my children] they won’t go anywhere

ifthey are Into drugs. . . . When I found out he was smoking dope, I would tell

him I knew what he was going to do with it [money]. . . . I got ahold of his
probation officer. . . . [Alton] told everything. The whole truth. . . . I know all
boys go through [drug experimentation]. . . . I went through It with two older
sons.
As a result of the substance abuse, Mary had Isolated Alton by screening calls from
his friends, even forbidding him to Spend time with certain others. She believed she

must limit those with whom he associated. There was no mention of college, no talk

about Alton’s future; rather, Mary focused on getting him through the present. For

66

herself, she stated that she expected to live “at least until 90.“ She said she set
goals “for my children, yes. I always have set goals for them. Myself, no. I never
have.“ Mary Longo may have been planning for a long life, but, by her own
admission, She lived from paycheck to paycheck and did not save money for the
future. She was liberal, and she set goals for her children that dealt with some tough
current problems.

IheancIJLCQIs-Eiamilx. Jean Lynch was the mother of adolescent daughter
Mary Ann Coles. Jean had voted In many elections but did not belong to a political
party. She said, “Yes, I vote, I try. . . . My husband does all that stuff [party
affiliation]; he really watches the stuff on TV. I don’t, and then he’ll say, ’Certain
people . . . I want them out.“ Jean shared that talking about politics at home was
limited. “For the presidency, that’s probably about It. That’s the only one [election]
I’d go for. . . but when It comes to schools and stuff like that, when they have things
for the Pinetown School District, I’m good at that. I vote for them.“ When asked
about saving money and living on a budget, she added, “I love spending money; I’m
constantly spending money. My husband’s always yelling at me about that, but, for
18 years, I [have] never had anything shutoff.“ Jean believed She had a positive
attitude, and she reported that she handled bad news by discussing it at home. She
planned a long life ahead. “I think actually I will make It to my nineties,“ she said.
Jean set goals to achieve a full life. She commented, “I have goals all the time, all

the time. I mean actually with my house, what I’m doing with [It]; I got my life actually

67

all planned out. I really do.“ In summary, Jean Lynch was a spender, had a positive
attitude, expected along life, and set goals.

InoBoomnstamily. Millie Robbins was the mother of adolescent son Bruce
Robbins. This Interviewee stated that she usually voted in elections without aligning
with a political party. “I think I go more toward each Issue Individually,“ she said.
Millie did not believe that she was liberal or conservative. She shared a positive
belief about life. When she received bad news, she explained, “I get angry. . . . I
don’t deal with bad news, and I tend to blow up easier than I would any other time.“
She hoped for a long life; “I feel I’m gonna be old . . . yeah, 80 [years].“ Millie did not
set goals: “No, I just take it as it comes. . . . I’m a person that files by the seat of my
pants [and I] take what comes and it doesn’t rattle me.“ Millie did not budget. As
she expressed it, “[I am] a person with a financial planner as a husband, [but], no,
[we don’t budget].“ She expected to live a long life, yet was not one to set goals or
save money.

W. John and JoAnn Swartz were parents of adolescent sons
Ronald and Martin Swartz. They voted in elections, but JoAnn considered herself
“extremely politically inactive unless it is a school issue; then I consider myself
extremely active.“ John reported that he had not “missed one [election] yet.“ His
wife said she belonged to a political party and was “probably more conservative than
anything else.“ John was prohibited from joining a political party because he was
a judge. “Before I left private life to take the judicial appointment, I was and had

been a committeeman In the local Democratic Party,“ he revealed. JoAnn did not

68

save money because “I guess we’ve been fortunate that we don’t really need to.“
According to John,
[The] government gives me a savings plan—401K—[where] money comes out.
I never see it, and that’s a forced savings; they match. That’s pretty darned
good because I’m taking the max out that I can, and at the level of pay I get
that’s a lot of money, so I don’t really worry about savings after that. She
[JoAnn] had some family money when her father died, and we just manage
that conservatively.
John shared that he believed he had a positive outlook on life; JoAnn stated that she
was “more pessimistic than John and the kids.“ She added, “Watching Michigan
football, I’m the one saying they’re going to lose. . . . I’m the one more cautious,
more pessimistic. . . . I’m the worrier.“ She said she “would fight for what I wanted
Ifl really felt that strongly about It, but usually the only issues Ifeel that strongly
about are related to my kids.“ Her husband claimed to handle bad news as if
“there’s nothing to do; you cope with it the best you can.“ He added,
When there’s something bad, you know the adrenalin . . . the fight or flight
impulse. . . . If you’re put to the test, if somebody near you Is bleeding, you
either freak out and do nothing or you kick it into gear and do something and

overcome whatever it is that’s the problem. . . . When the time comes you find
out.

JoAnn said she expected to live until age 75 or 80. Her husband claimed that he
expected “a normal life span; I do believe that you can will yourself to live longer.“
JoAnn shared that she set goals “daily.“ Her reason was: “There are things lwant
to do; what I expect to accomplish each day [is] very minimal. What I want long term
are things for my boys, my family. In terms of next month, that’s not so important to
me. It’s whatever comes up.“ John had set professional goals for himself, as he

shared in the following statement:

69

When I was young, before I started out in my career, I had to decide what I
was going to do. I could have gone into my father’s business; he would have
sent me to business school or any graduate school or law school. . . . And I
did a lot of thinking. . . . I don’t know if I want to work one place my whole life.
If I go into law, I can have a whole lot of careers and still be in law. I could go
Into business, I could teach . . . public service, private practice. . . . I could
change careers mid-stream, so I said that’s where I should go.
John and JoAnn Swartz apparently did extensive planning for the future by setting
goals. They were conservative, saved money through his retirement plan, had a
positive outlook on life despite JoAnn’s cautiousness, and expected to live long lives.
Ihefiweotjamjly. Jeannie Sweet was the mother of adolescent daughter
Betty Sweet. She “vote[d] In every election“ without political party affiliation. “I tend
to lean more [toward] Republican, but I don’t vote party at all.“ When asked whether
she was liberal or conservative, Jeannie stated, “I used to think I was very liberal.
Then I grew up, and now I’m not quite so liberal.“ She lived on a strict budget. “As
far as my budget IS concerned, I have a two-week budget. I budget very closely.“
When asked about outlook. Jeannie said she believed she had a positive view of life.
“Well, this hasn’t been the best year, so that has colored my attitude, [but] generally,
I have a very good outlook.“ When she received bad news, Jeannie’s reaction was
to “cry and then tackle It. Look at what has to be done and do it.“ She added, “It
[bad news] doesn’t go away; you can’t try and make it go away by avoiding It. I don’t
know of any other way to face it other than that.“ Jeannie was analytical about her
life expectancy, which she established to be age 70 or more. “From what my family

has done, my dad died when he was 62 and my mother is 76. . . . I [should] live as

long as my mother and be as good as she Is [seventies].“ This respondent said she

70

set goals. “I do a lot of long-range planning. . . . I think in terms of real short things
and then a big picture. Now, my big goal is to get Betty through high school, and
then I can reevaluate where we are and what I want to do.“ Like most other parents,
Jeannie Sweet’s attitude was positive, she expected to live a long life, and she set
goals. Furthermore, she saved money and, to some extent, was a self-proclaimed
liberal.

WWW. Fran March was the mother of adolescent
daughter Jill Underwood; Fran was in her second marriage. “I usually vote In
elections,“ stated Fran, “but I’d rather be Independent. . . . I am unpredictable
[because] I vote the Issue [not a political party].“ Fran reported that she did not set
goals for herself or for her family; she operated without a budget. When she
received bad news, she handled It by “getting over it by going out.“ On balance,
Fran March called herself a conservative and admitted being independent of any
political party affiliation. She usually voted in elections and concentrated on what
she called “the issues.“ She did not save money. Fran said she had a positive view
of life, and She expected to live into her Sixties. She did not set goals.

Ihofloiooiamfly. Dorothy Weide was the mother of adolescent daughter
Martha Weide. When asked whether she was liberal or conservative, she
responded “liberal.“ Dorothy said she voted in elections without belonging to a
political party. She tried to “stay pretty much on a budget,“ but did not have a
savings plan. “When I get a little extra money, I put It aside,“ she claimed. When

asked whether she was positive or negative about life, Dorothy admitted to a

71

negative view of life. She stated, “I’ve had so much bad news all my life. . . . I
handle It [bad news] sometimes, but other times I lose it completely; . . . [eventually]
I bounce right back.“ Dorothy said she expected to live into her fifties. She
explained that she had no goals established for herself, but she claimed to set goals
for her daughter. “I’d like her to go to college and do what she wants to. I’ve just
been so proud of her . . . I can’t believe. She’s doing good; I don’t know where she
gets it from, because my other daughter is just like me, It’s unreal.“ In summary,
Dorothy Weide was a liberal who saved money without setting goals. Unlike other
parent interviewees, she had a negative outlook on life and expected a short life
span.

Inflamansfamjly. Elaine Williams was the mother of adolescent son Max.
When asked about politics, Elaine reported having little interest in it until this year.
“I almost ran for county commissioner,“ declared Elaine. “I decided not to, [but
instead] to wait until Max Is out of school.“ Also, she was busy attending college to
earn a teaching certificate. She was hesitant to align with a political party. “I
attended a county Democratic Party meeting and was totally turned off,“ Elaine said.
She voted in elections and called herself neither a liberal nor a conservative but a
“moderate.“ Elaine Williams saved money; she belonged to an investment club and
operated on a budget. She reported having a positive attitude toward life, but when
given bad news, She ate food. She commented, “I usually go eat something, which
I am trying very hard to deal with [an eating habitl.“ She believed that she would live

Into her eighties. “The key Is being able to do what you want to do when you’re

72

alive,“ she said. Elaine set goals and strove to achieve them; her current quest to
earn a teaching certificate is a prime example. To summarize, Elaine WIlliams had
a positive attitude, expected to live a long life, set goals, saved money, and called
herself a moderate.

MW. Shelly WIthrow was the mother of adolescent daughter
Laurie WIthrow. She voted In every election, along with her husband. Shelly
believed she voted “Democratic, mostly,“ and she offered that she was “liberal, very
much.“ Shelly claimed to be “kind of an activist“ because of her Involvement and
commitment politically. “We’re very active In the AIDS program—we’ve had a
member of our family die of AIDS. All they have to do is call us. . . . We’ll cook the
meal, anything, we’ll be there.“ When given bad news, Shelly looked to her religious
faith. “We have a very strong thing in our religion and that’s a rudder. . . . That’s
what we’re trying to emphasize to our kids.“ This Interviewee did not save money,
except for her Children’s college expenses. Shelly set goals, especially financial
ones; she and her husband recently finished ”paying off some debts that we had . . .
getting ready for the kids when they need the financial support from us.“ She
believed she would live well Into her nineties, perhaps reaching 99 years old. In
summary, Shelly Withrow was liberal, saved money, had a positive outlook about
life, set goals, and expected to live a long life.

WWW. Table 3.1 (p. 56) linked Banfield’s theory
about outlook to five indicators: (a) liberal/conservative politics, (b) spending/saving,

(c) positive/negative view of life, ((1) long/short expected life span, and (e) setting/not

73
setting goals. Table 4.1 represents families’ responses to the five Indicators of
outlook. Note the lack of variety in the responses.

Rationale. The lack of differences In Table 4.1 Is apparent. All parents
except Robbins, Underwood/March, and Weide reported setting goals, and all
except Underwood/March and Weide expected to live a long life. Twelve of the 14
were positive in their outlooks. Four were self-proclaimed liberals, five were
conservatives, and five were neither liberal nor conservative. Nine saved money,
whereas five did not. Table 4.1 was based on the five Indicators, and the data
reported for these indicators made it Impossible to determine the families’ social
class, based on outlook, except possibly for Underwood/March and Weide. Due to
the short life expectancy, combined with no goal setting and no savings plan, both
were lower class based on the indicators. They were the only lower-class families
when looking at the Indicators as five separate topics.

Looking at a combination of Indicators helped in making a distinction
between and among the families In the way they viewed their children’s future.
Longo/Slosser, Underwood/March, Duke, and Weide were far removed from Holden,
David, Lynch/Coles, Swartz, Curry, Williams, Sweet, and Aller in the way they
viewed their Children’s future. The following examples support this contention.

The Longo/Slosser family was occupied with Alton Slosser’s drug use and
abuse; there was no talk of college in the future. Kathleen Duke did not offer much
about her son Irvin’s future, either; her pride was in having purchased her own car.

Dorothy Weide, one parent In a lower-class family based on the Indicators taken

74

Table 4.1: Families’ responses to the indicators of outlook.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Indicator of Outlook =1
Family
1 2 3 4 5
Aller C SV 0 L G
Curry O Sv P L G
David O Sp P L G
Duke C Sv P L G
Holden C Sv P L G
Longo/Slosser L Sp P L G
Lynch/Coles O Sp P L G
Robbins O Sp P L N
Swartz C Sv P L G
Sweet L Sv P L G
Underwood/March C Sp P S N
Weide L Sv N S N
Vlfilliams O Sv P L G
flthrow L Sv P L G
Key:
1. Liberal/conservative politics L = Liberal, C = Conservative, O = Other
2. Spending/Saving SP = Spending propensity
Sv = Saving propensity
3. Positive/negative view of life P = Positive, N = Negative, 0 = Other
4. Long/short expected life span L = Long, S = Short

5. Setting/not setting goals G = Setting goals, N = Not setting goals

75

taken separately, wanted her daughter to attend college but offered no plan. Fran
Underwood/March, the other lower-class parent based on indicators, offered no plan
either. Instead, both were surprised at their children, stating that they did not know
where the talent and college potential originated. Contrast these four families with
the others. For example, Aller, Withrow, and Sweet operated on strict budgets
because they were saving for their children’s college, whereas Longo! Slosser lived
paycheck to paycheck. Holden, David, Swartz, and Curry spoke about retirement
plans that Included their children and future grandchildren; Weide mentioned putting
a little money aside, that was all. Concerning long/short expected life span, Holden
expected to live Into the nineties, and Aller, Vlfilliams, Duke. and David into the
eighties; Weide said she expected to live Into her fifties. To this researcher, four
families-Weide, Undenlvood/March, Duke, and Longo/Slosseruwere lower class
based on outlook due to the way they viewed their children’s future.

Much more difficult was finding a distinction between upper- and middle-class
status. The line between the two categories was not as easy to determine. For
example, the Swartzes did not budget and may have been more pessimistic (e.g.,
WIthrow talked about saving for college and relied on religious faith for a source of
optimism). However, on balance, the Swartzes did not budget like other families
because they possessed inherited wealth and a sizable annual income, and their
definition of pessimism (I.e., “Michigan Is going to lose") did not really reflect a lower-
class outlook. Two families—Withrow and Robbins—were designated middle Class

for reasons based on their responses. Shelly Withrow admitted to not saving money

76
“except for the children’s college expenses“ and said that they had just “paid off
some debts.“ Millie Robbins admitted to not setting goals and not budgeting, being
what she called a person who “flies by the seat of her pants.“ These responses
caused the researcher to designate the families as middle, not upper, class.

The reader will notice that little has been said in this analysis about positive]
negative view of life and setting/not setting goals. These two sets of indicators told
little about the families. One problem with positive/negative view of life Is that it
appears to fluctuate, given any variety of circumstances. Jeannie Sweet taught the
researcher that when she said, “Well, this hasn’t been the best year, so that has
colored my attitude.“ She was referring to the loss of her husband, first to divorce,
then to death, in the span of a few months. Another problem with the indicator,
positive/negative view, which surfaced during the interviews, was defining exactly
what a positive or negative view Is. Several respondents, like Holden, admitted they
had been lucky not to have experienced tragedy In their lives; does the “lack“ of
tragedy color viewpoint? The truth is, yes, it does. That makes the indicator less
useful overall in determining a family’s outlook. Also, in examining the data, there
was little variance In the findings. Table 4.1 showed that most families set goals,
and most were positive. A lack of variance concerning goals and positive/negative
outlook was not helpful in determining social class. In Table 4.2, families are ranked

by the first factor, outlook.

77

Better Indicators of this were liberal/conservative politics, spending/saving,

and long/short life span. The best indicator was the one just developed: how

parents viewed their children’s future.

Table 4.2: Families’ social class based on outlook

 

Range
of
Social
Classes

 

Social Class

Family

 

Upper

Holden
David

Aller

Swartz
Curry
Williams
Sweet
Lynch/Coles

 

Middle

Robbins
Withrow

 

 

Lower

 

Weide

Duke
Longo/Slosser
Underwood/March

 

 

An understanding about social class is Increased by the factor, outlook.

Ultimately, each family was placed into a social class based on all the factors.

Therefore, work on the other social class factors must be shared, and now the focus

Is on the second factor, cognitive ability.

I: 'l' 9| 'I'l

Cognitive ability, which designates the second social class factor, intelligence,

is based on the work and theories of Herrnstein and Murray (1994). Herrnstein and

Murray defined five cognitive Classes based on intelligence. Their cognitive classes

ranged as follows: The highest class, labeled Class I, represents very bright

78
persons with the highest intelligence. The other Classes in descending order are
Class II, bright; Class III, normal; Class IV, dull; and Class V, very dull. The divisions
between and among the classes are based on intelligence delineations loosely
determined by test scores and similar Intelligence measures.

The cognitive class theory offered by Herrnstein and Murray adds to a social
class understanding, and it was determined that cognitive ability (i.e., Intelligence)
would be useful for this research regarding families’ social class. Although
Intelligence is difficult to measure by Itself, there are ways to measure indicators that
reflect intelligence. Families’ cognitive ability (intelligence) was measured by three
sets of Indicators: (a) formal education/little formal education, (b) grades and
achievement: strong/weak, and (0) books read: many/few (Table 3.1, p. 56).

Data were gathered through structured interviews with parents, and the
responses from the parents were transcribed, categorized, and analyzed. Typical
responses regarding the first indicator, formal education, surrounded high school
and college experiences. Parents discussed high school and college experiences;
some remembered, In detail, various stories about specific courses and teachers.
The second indicator, grades and achievement, was determined by parents’
responses about letter grades, grade point averages (GPA), favorite subjects, and
honors such as scholarships, class ranking, and honor society recognition. Similarly,
some parents remembered specific Information about their achievements, whereas

others did not recall nearly as much. The third Indicator, books read, was shaped

79
by the number of books read over time. Typical responses concemed specific book
titles and subject matter.

IneAlleLtamIly. Marilyn Aller graduated from high school and Michigan State
University. She said, “At that point in the late 605 or 703, women weren’t really
being pushed that much into business, which might be where I would head If I were
graduating . . . right now.“ An economics major and math minor, Marilyn graduated
from college with honors. “I majored In economics, and that’s kind of hard,“ she
stated. She read “a great deal, mostly fiction“ as an adult; she cited IheBaInmaket
as a book she had read recently. Her analysis was that, if times had been different
two or three decades ago, she might have chosen a business career over teaching.
In summary, Marilyn Aller received a bachelor’s degree, had been a strong student,
and read for leisure.

IhefiumLtamfly. Waldo Curry said he had “made it out of high school [and]
bounced around a lot of schools in undergraduate [courses].“ He was a strong
student who enjoyed school. “I think I’ve always enjoyed any course work that I’ve
been Involved In. . . . My science background is the weakest of all,“ he said. Waldo
earned a master’s degree In social work from the University of South Carolina. He
recalled that his strongest courses were psychology and sociology, with the
aforementioned science the least favorite. This interviewee shared that he did not
read books for pleasure due to time constraints; “I read for the most part to keep up
[professionally].“ Waldo Curry had had advanced schooling (master’s degree),

strong achievement, and a love of reading.

80

Iheflaxioiamily. Homer David graduated from high school after attending
“parochial schools for 12 years.“ He was a successful student In high school, and
this success carried Into college. David began college at the University of Detroit,
then transferred to Central Michigan University (CMU), where he earned a
bachelor’s degree. He later returned to CMU to earn a master‘s degree. Homer
favored history and social studies, but he disliked math-“most likely because my dad
was a very good student In math. [He] could not understand why I could not get
math.“ Homer reported he was an avid reader, reading many books each year. The
last book he read was Wm. Homer appeared to be
intelligent and motivated to be an adult learner, as reflected in the books he read and
especially his formal education. He had a master’s degree and strong achievement
to accompany his propensity to read.

IheDuketamfly. Kathleen Duke graduated from high School In the 1970s.
She said she was “interested in art, mostly, and business course[s]. Kathleen
remembered getting good marks in school; “I was pretty good, National Honor
Society and stuff like that. [However], math was not my good point; that’s why I’m
doing math now . . . [a] total reversal.“ After high school, Kathleen attended a
business school. (“It was just a secretarial course“) She said, “[I] was manager of
a company, . . . then [went] back to work, and I’m working at an accounting firm.“
This Interviewee read the daily newspaper, but few books; she had not read a book
In “probably over a year. I don’t remember what it was, even. . . . Reading the paper

at night is enjoyment; that’s about it.“ It would appear that the activity of reading the

81

newspaper was for pleasure more than for her own education. Kathleen Duke’s
educational attainment of business school was noted along with the other Indicators
-strong high school grades/achievement and books read for pleasure.
Ineljoloenjamily. Peggy Holden graduated from high school and Purdue
University. At Purdue she earned a bachelor’s degree with a home economics
major. “It’s been real Interesting for me lately . . . to reflect on why I chose that,“ she
reported. Child development and clothing construction were favorite subjects, and
science was the most difficult for her. Peggy shared that she read many books for
pleasure; she belonged to a “circle group“ whose members traded books monthly.
The Circle group met to discuss one or two books a year. “Most book clubs get
together and discuss them every month, but we [don’t because] It’s harder to do that
when you’re not reading them at the same time,“ she explained. Douglas Holden
reported that he had been “a very poor high school student.“ After graduating from
high school, he attended Indiana University and the University of Michigan Law
School. He graduated from law school with honors. Douglas explained It as follows:
“Basically [in high school], because I was bored, I rebelled, and l was unable to get
accepted anywhere but our local state university, Indiana University.“ He had liked
psychology, comparative-religion courses, classes that “were not the ones in my
major field.“ Douglas said that he enjoyed reading many books for pleasure. He
and his wife were well-educated, both having been strong students In college, and

they read a great deal for knowledge and pleasure.

82

IheLongoLSJosseLtamily. Mary Longo did not graduate from high school.

She said, “I went to twelfth grade, then I quit. I was going to fail twelfth grade . . . it
was more or less like they [school authorities] pushed me into it [quitting] . . .
because I could get married. I never had anybody—nobody—[to] encourage me in
education.“ Mary remembered being “an average student [earning] C’s.“ Her
favorite class was science, but other classes attracted her attention as well. “Back
then,“ she said, “education didn’t really mean that much. I missed a lot; I skipped
a lot. lwas hardly ever there. But when I did go, I liked it. I liked gym, naturally. . . .
lliked history; history was one of my favorites.“ In summary, Mary Longo was a high
school dropout who had weak high school achievement; she read novels for
pleasure.

Ihe_Lynoh[Co|es_tamjly. Jean Lynch dropped out of high school after
attending several elementary and secondary schools as a youngster. “I quit [high
school],“ she stated. “I went to adult ed after I had Mary Ann, I got my GED, and I
stayed in school to get my regular high school diploma; I felt more better with a high
school diploma than with a GED.“ Jean recalled receiving “mostly B’s, C’s, you
know, with general courses.“ She cited math and history as two of her favorite
classes, whereas science and gym were two of her “worst.“ As an adult, Jean
received much training through her work on topics such as sanitation. “We have
training all the time, and we have to learn about food safety,“ she said. Reading and
studying were associated with those classes. In addition, she read many books for

pleasure. “I love to read; I read a lot. I read my Bible every day.“ As an adult, Jean

83

showed a different approach to learning than when she was a teenage dropout; as
a dropout, she would be lower class. Now, with her training, she certainly was
higher than that. In summary, Jean Lynch had a high school diploma In addition to
ongoing training through work, she had strong achievement as an adult learner, and
she read for both knowledge and leisure.

Ihefioooinsjamfly. Millie Robbins graduated from high school with above-
average grades; she earned an associate’s degree In Applied Science at Delta
College with a “3.0 In college.“ Robbins recalled favorite subjects as “English, not
the math.“ In college She became Interested in “the whole X-ray program: I went
from a C student to a 4.0 student just because I loved It so much.“ AS an adult, Millie
read books for pleasure; she chose “mostly novels, some autobiographies, no
technical books.“ She added, “I just finished a real good one . . . called Iheflmer
offices, a wonderful book.“ In summary, Millie Robbins possessed a two-year
college education with successful grades, and her reading enjoyment was apparent.

Wily. John Swartz graduated from high school in 1967, from
City College (New York) in 1971, and from Boston College in 1974. He earned
honors in college; according to John, he became “a math major because I went to
[a special] math and science high school and thought . . . I was good in math.“ This
Interviewee remembered having success in a wide variety of courses, and his ability
to earn high marks shaped his Interests. “I went back to . . . what else did I get an
A in? Political science . . . [and] economics had a little math, and It [economics] fit

nicely in with the political science.“ As an adult, he read novels for enjoyment.

84

John’s wife, JoAnn, graduated from high school with honors in 1969. She graduated
from the University of Michigan with a bachelor’s degree In Sociology. JoAnn
recalled that her favorite courses were math and social studies. “I really liked math
courses,“ she said, but a high school math teacher had convinced her that “I would
be sorry If I ever took calculus in college.“ AS an adult, JoAnn read books for
pleasure. In summary, both John and JoAnn Swartz had college degrees from
highly regarded institutions, both had many honors and achievements associated
with school, and both read avidly for pleasure.

Inefimetjamily. Jeannie Sweet graduated from high school in 1973. “I
went on to a school nursing program, which in the 703 was very popular. [It was] . . .
a three-year program, and I graduated from that In 1976. To renew your license you
take continuing education, so I’ve taken continuing education every year forthe last
20 years,“ she noted. Jeannie remembered receiving high marks in school. “I was
a very good student . . . on the honor roll all through high school,“ she said. She told
of earning a “3.5 out of 4.0 grade point average and likewise In nursing school.“
Jeannie’s Interest in science may have led to her nursing career, but she also
enjoyed other classes. “I was equally involved in everything. . . . I enjoyed English
literature very much.“ This interviewee called herself a “voracious“ reader today,
enjoying many types of books. She cited favorites such as “biographies,
autobiographies, just about anything. . . . Iheaainmaken, I enjoyed it.“ Jeannie
Sweet had had three years of college, she had strong achievement, and she read

for leisure.

85
IhemdermodtMarchJamfly. Fran March graduated from high school In

1967 after earning what she called “average“ grades. “I went to all the schools in the
area [before graduating from Pinetown High School], and gym class was a favorite,“
she stated. “I liked math . . . but not science.“ Fran did not attend college, but she
did take some business courses at a local trade school. Aside from reading the daily
paper, she did not read. In summary, Fran March graduated from high school with
average grades and read the newspaper.

Ihefleidetamfly. Dorothy Weide graduated from high school In 1977.
When asked about her high school achievements, she responded that her grades
were “not real good, not bad, probably average, some D’s.“ Dorothy said her
favorite class was golf; she “didn’t like government at all or English classes.“ Her
high school experience did not lead to further college or post-high school classwork.
Dorothy’s career in bartending had added some training to her background; “We
took a class once for [how] to tell If someone was drunk.“ This interviewee stated
that She read no books at all. Therefore, she was a high school graduate who had
weak achievement in school, and she did not read books as an adult.

Ihemmametamjly. Elaine Williams’s husband was an ophthalmologist In the
city. During the interview, she Shared information about her own education—that she
had graduated with good grades from a Catholic high school in Ohio, and that she
had attended various colleges, Including Ohio State University and the University of
Cincinnati. “I had all C’s the first semester [at Ohio State],“ stated Elaine. “I had

mostly B’s the rest of the way.“ She had enjoyed taking classes her entire life,

86

earning bachelor’s and master’s degrees along the way. “I got my master’s in health
education,“ Elaine related. “I took a job at the University of Cincinnati teaching
dental hygiene . . . for three years.“ After moving to Ann Arbor, Elaine enrolled In a
Ph.D. program at the University of Michigan; she did not finish the degree. Another
move-the one that brought her to Pinetown—provided Elaine a chance to take even
more classes. At the time of the interview, Elaine was nearly finished with a
teaching degree. Her husband had attended college nearly a decade, training to
enter his profession; Elaine had as much cumulative schooling if her fields of study
were combined. She enjoyed science, health education, and social studies as
topics, and she had really enjoyed college, In general, taking a variety of classes.
She commented,
I hope to do student teaching in January. I’ll be in the market for a secondary
job. So, when you talk about education, I mean I have hardlyever been out
of It. I enjoytaking classes; lfind I do better when I go to the school. I’ve
thought about these telecourses [over television], but I am not disciplined
enough for that. I need to be at the school. I enjoy the rapport with the
students; that I am an older student is much more valuable.
Elaine was an active reader; she read historical novels for pleasure. To summarize,
Elaine Williams had been a successful lifelong learner. She had earned two degrees
(B.S., MA), and she was about to earn another (another bachelor’s degree with a
teaching credential). Her husband was an MD. with his own successful higher
educafionalexpenences.
Ibeflitmoutamjly. Shelly Withrow graduated from a Catholic high school

In the 19703; “I’m a Catholic brat,“ she noted, adding that “The nuns put you in

pigeon holes. . . . l was stupider than [others] . . . then I had my junior and seniors

87

[in which I earned] A’s and 8’s.“ Shelly went to college, where she earned a “B
average,“ and then she continued to graduate school and earned A’s. She
commented, “So you know [I] just progressed.“ This Interviewee recalled social
sciences as favorite classes, and math, biology, and physics as less appealing. As
an adult, she was an avid reader, reading newspapers (e.g., W)
and books for pleasure. “IheBigbtoLELixacy . . . is very good,“ she commented.
In conclusion, Shelly WIthrow’s college work, her achievements in school, and her
love for reading as an adult were noted.

DatajnalxsiSLLogniflvLabililx. Table 4.3 provides a summary of the
cognitive ability information gathered from the interviews and presented In this
section. In Table 4.4, families are ranked by the second factor, cognitive ability.

Rationale. As with the first factor, It was a clearer task to separate families
into the upper and lower social classes based on cognitive ability. For example, the
first Indicator, formal education/little formal education, showed a sizable spread
between those with medical or law degrees (Holden, Williams, and Swartz) and
master’s degrees (Curry, David, and Aller) and those who had dropped out of high
school (Longo/Slosser) or had graduated from high school but had little other
education (Underwood/March, Duke, and Weide). A similar delineation resulted
from the analysis of the second indicator, grades and achievement: strong/weak.
Interviews revealed strong grades and achievement in 11 families (Holden, Swartz,
Williams, Curry, David, Aller, Sweet, Robbins, Withrow, Duke, and Lynch/Coles);

weak grades and achievement were found in three families (Underwood/March,

88

Table 4.3: Families’ responses to the Indicators of cognitive ability.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Indicator of Cognitive Ability
Family 1 2

Aller BS S
Curry MA S F,K
David MA S K
Duke HS S N
Holden JD S L,K
Longo/Slosser D W L
Lynch/Coles HS S L,K
Robbins C S L
Swartz JD S L
Sweet C S L
Underwood/March HS W N
Weide , HS W F
\Mlliams MD S L,K
Withrow BS ' S L

Key:

1. Formal education/little formal education

D = Dropout HS = High school diploma C = Some college

BS = Bachelor’s degree MA = Master’s degree JD = Law degree
MD = Medical degree

2. Grades and achievement: strong/weak
S = Strong W = Weak

3. Books read: many/few

L = Leisure N = Newspaper/news magazine
K = Knowledge/professional reading F = Few or no books

89

Table 4.4: Families’ social class based on cognitive ability.

 

Social Class Family

 

WIllIams
Swartz
Holden
David
Aller
Range Curry
of
Social Robbins
Classes - Sweet
M'dd'e Withrow
Lynch/Coles

Upper

 

 

Underwood/March
Duke
Longo/Slosser
Weide

Lower

 

 

 

 

 

Weide, and Longo/Slosser). The Lynch/Coles Classification is Interesting because
Jean Lynch dropped out of high school, having experienced weak grades and
achievement, then returned to earn a GED (an achievement), then earned an adult
education diploma (another achievement), and currently received extensive training
from the Burger King corporation on topics such as nutrition, food handling, and
management (strong achievement).

Therefore, based primarily on the two strongest Indicators—formal education]
little formal education and grades and achievement: stronglweak-four lower-class
families existed, based on cognitive ability. Also, six upper-class and four middle-

class families existed, based on cognitive ability. They are shown In Table 4.4.

90

The third indicator, books read (many/few), turned out to be less useful than
Intended. Holden pointed out that he read because of his profession (e.g.,
publications), but due to time limitations he was unable to read very much for leisure.
In fact, 1 1 of the families indicated they did a lot of reading, either for pleasure (e.g.,
Lynch liked to read novels) or for the profession (e.g., David recently had read a
computer book). Only Curry, Underwood/March, and Weide indicated they did not
read; Curry, In all likelihood, read professionally more than he discussed in the
interview because of his job. Due to this limitation, the first two indicators-formal
education and grades/achievement—had better application for the second social
class factor, cognitive ability.

Thus far, the writer has assembled a social class profile of each family. For
two social class indicators, readers have an understanding about the families
collectively. Table 4.5 is provided to combine Information about the two factors.
Two families, Sweet and Lynch/Coles, had different social classes for the two
factors. Both were ranked upper class due to outlook and middle class due to
cognitive ability. The rationale has been given about the rankings for each factor,
and as the analysis continues, this will happen with other families. When It does, it
will be noted for the reader.

Cognitive ability (Intelligence) tells us about social Class through its indicators.
The families’ social classes can be defined according to cognitive ability based on

distinctions found in the indicators, especially formal education and

91
grades/achievement. Next, attention Is turned to the third social class factor,

occupation.

Table 4.5: Families’ social class based on cognitive ability, In comparison with

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

outlook.
Social Class Family Cognitive Ability Outlook
Swartz U U
Holden U U
Vlfilliams U U
Upper David D U
Aller U U
Range of Curry U U
‘2?ch Robbins M M
asses . Sweet M U
M'dd'e VVIthrow M M
LynchIColes M U
Underwood/March L L
Lower Duke ' L L
Longo/Slosser L L
Weide L L
Dominance

Occupation has long been linked to social class. That link was explored
earlier. Kahl (1957) and Banfield (1970) provided convincing connections between
occupation, education, and social class. Wright et al. (1982) indicated a direct
relationship between occupation and social class. Herrnstein and Murray (1994)
Showed a relationship between intelligence and occupation, which determines, in
part, a “cognitive partitioning“ found in social classes. Because of occupation’s close

relationship with social class, it was designated one of the four factors in the

92

normative social class model. Occupation was determined by five Indicators: (a)
families’ jobs, (b) longevity, (c) training, (d) salary, and (e) supervision and
responsibilities. i

Responses frequently were offered about earlier generations; many parents
told about their parents’ occupations—the mother, often a homemaker, and the
father, often the laborer. Their own occupations were varied; some were In a long-
Standing professional role within a company (e.g., chief executive officer), and others
were in a new position or new career (e.g., fast food manager). Some had received
extensive training on an ongoing basis (e.g., nurse), and others had little or no
training (e.g., bartender). Some earned a six-figure salary (e.g., judge), whereas
others earned just a fraction of that amount (e.g., cook). Whereas some supervised
many employees (e.g., fast food manager), others supervised no one else (e.g., data
processor). The responses told much about today’s society—how people’s lives
vary, how their daily functions vary, and how their roles in society vary. That was not
the purpose of the Inquiry, though, however interesting that might be. Learning the
family’s occupation helped in describing and explaining each family’s social class;
understanding the family’s occupation was found to be useful in understanding their
social class. The following summaries are provided to assist the reader in learning
about the families’ occupations; direct quotations are provided, which were taken
from the parents’ Interviews.

IneAljeLtamfly. Marilyn Aller reported that her own parents “were not college

educated“; her mother had worked as a bookkeeper after Marilyn’s father died when

93

she was young. Marilyn’s formal training was at Michigan State University, where
she earned an educational degree. She said, “I’ve taught 25 years, not full time, I
taught half time for about 16 years after I had my first child; I taught half-days [until]
. . . teaching full time again . . . the last three or four years.“ As a teacher, she
earned more than $60,000 in wages and benefits. Although Marilyn did not
supervise other adults, she had direct responsibility to her students for mathematics
Instruction. Also, she had an Indirect responsibility to parents to help them guide
their children through high school and prepare them for college, work, and adult life
after high school graduation. In summary, Marilyn Aller had parents who were
laborers, and as a teacher, she had a wide span of supervision and responsibility.
She earned a salary between $40,000 and $70,000, received ongoing training for
her job, and had more than eight years in her position. I

IneQumLtamjly. Waldo Curry’s father had been a custodian In Flint; his
mother “didn't work outside the home until [later]“ when she worked part time as a
custodian, also. Waldo was trained to be a social worker, and he currently
supervised 40 professional staff as a coordinator of planning and monitoring data for
an Intermediate school district. Much of this work was in special education. He said,
“My role in terms of coordinating [is] scheduling things, conducting workshops and
services needed, helping people. . . [as] kind of a resource person.“ Waldo earned
approximately $60,000 in wages, and he reported to a director. In summary, Waldo

Curry’s parents were laborers, and he worked in a position with a wide span of

94

supervision and responsibilities, earned between $40,000 and $70,000 In wages,
received ongoing training, and had held the position for more than eight years.

Ineflamdjamily. Homer David’s parents both had worked full time; his father
had been a letter carrier, and his mother a secretary. Homer reported that he had
worked in various recreational, athletic, and educational settings during his career.
Previous employment included the YMCA, along with teaching and coaching at
parochial and public schools. He told of extensive experience as a basketball coach
at various levels In the Bay City area. Currently, he worked in a neighboring school
district as the adult and community education director, a job he had held for several
years. In that position, David earned approximately $60,000 in wages annually,
supervising a staff that oversaw a variety of adult education and community service
programs. Like Waldo Curry, Homer David received ongoing training, had a wide
span of supervision and responsibilities, earned between $40,000 and $70,000 In
salary, and had worked in his position more than eight years; his parents were
laborers.

IneDoketamjly. Kathleen Duke said that her father had been a butcher and
her mother had “raised a family, then . . . later on [she] was a cleaning lady at a
school.“ As for herself, Kathleen explained It this way: “I sold home interior
products, cooked at a rectory; I worked at a body shop as a secretary, at [another
business] as a secretary . . . [a] little bit of everything and nowjust data processing
at the CPA firm.“ She had worked In her current position one year and reportedly

had not received formal training for the position. “It’s more like ’in-house’ training

95

[where employees] ask a lot of questions.“ Kathleen shared that she made “less
than $8 per hour [doing] depreciations, personal property statements [plus] help with
the bookkeepers and bank reconciliations and stuff like that.“ No employees
reported to Duke, and she reported to a supervisor as well as “the partners of the
firm.“ In summary, Kathleen Duke had held this job less than two years, had a
narrow span of supervision and responsibilities, earned less than $40,000 in annual
wages, and received no ongoing training. Her parents, like those of Aller, Curry, and
David, were laborers.

Ine_]:lo|_den_famjly. Peggy Holden’s father had graduated from General
Motors Institute and had worked for General Motors. Her mother had been a
homemaker until the children went to college, at which time She worked as a
. receptionist to earn extra income to covertheir college expenses. Peggy’s husband,
Douglas, described a similar situation for his father, who worked for General Motors
as an electrical engineer. Douglas’s mother was trained to teach school, but she
was a homemaker while the children were at home. Peggy told about having a brief
teaching career of her own, early In their married life. She left a home economics
teaching position 20 years ago to be a homemaker and community volunteer.
Douglas shared his experiences as the chief executive officer (CEO) for a company
in a nearby city, a position he had held for nearly a decade. Six people reported
directly to him, and he explained the situation as follows:

We don’t have that many layers. . . . I’ve got more of a matrix attitude

anyway. . . . I just go right to the person that has the information. It’s not a
typical pyramidal type organization. Although you have certain lines of

96

reporting, we flatten it out quite a bit. We work hard not to have a lot of
barriers.

As a CEO for a major company, Douglas’s salary and benefits exceeded six figures;
he frequently traveled abroad and served on several national and international
boards of directors. In summary, Douglas Holden’s wide supervision and
responsibilities, high salary, ongoing training, and long tenure were noted. Also,
both of his parents had professional occupations. l
IneLongoLStossentamfly. Mary Longo’s father had been an electrician at
Dow. “He made good money there,“ she offered. Mary’s mother “would always
waitress“; then, she explained, “it became kind of complicated.“ After Mary’s parents
divorced, her father had become a township Inspector in another town. Mary had
worked for the local system for eight years In their cafeteria as a cook and food
server. She reported her current earnings to be $9.48 an hour. Because she
worked only four hours a day in the cafeteria and just during the school year, she
had to supplement her wages by working for a Burger King restaurant. She reported
working 15 hours a week there, exmpt during the summer, when she increased It
to 40 hours a week. Mary made $4.25 an hour at Burger King. These two part-time
jobs were supplemented by $75 a week child support from her ex-husband, “when
he pays it.“ Mary received no ongoing training in the cafeteria, and she offered no
Information about Burger King’s training. She reported to one supervisor in both
locations. Mary had one co-worker who cooked and served food with her In the
school cafeteria, and at Burger King she was a member of a team. In summary,

Mary Longo had a narrow span of supervision and responsibilities In both jobs, she

97
earned less than $40,000 altogether, she had worked at the school more than eight
years, she received no training in her school position, and her parents were laborers.
IheanchLQQIesiamflx. Jean Lynch’s father had worked at Dow Coming,
and her mother had been “just a housewife.“ She explained her own occupational
history as follows:
I wasjust only . . . a housewife until Mary Ann [daughter] started getting older,
then I had my son, and after that I went Into Burger King as just a crew
person. I left there and started working at the Greyhound Bus Station; I
worked there about a year and a half. Then I went back to Burger lGng as a
manager, and I’ve been there ever since.
Jean received “training all the time“ on Burger King’s food preparation and storage,
topics she called “food safety, you know, everything.“ Currently she worked as a
restaurant manager, supervising four other managers and 36 assistants while
reporting to a district manager. 'Her wages comprised a salary of $22,500 and
monthly bonuses based on performance (up to $250 per month). Jean seemed to
have made strides in her career. In summary, she had parents who were laborers,
she had worked more than eight years for a corporation that provided ongoing
training, and she had moved up in rank to a managerial position with a wide span of
supervision and responsibilities, yet earned less than $40,000 in annual wages.
IneBoooinstamin. Millie Robbins reported that her mother had stayed at
home until her father had retired from his pipe-cutting job; then she became a
medical receptionist. Millie stated that she had worked as a nurse In X-ray “since

college.“ She currently worked as clinic coordinator with mammography, which she

explained was “above and beyond regular X-ray.“ She received ongoing training in

98

the field to maintain certification and to enhance her own knowledge. Her annual
wage was approximately $23,000. Millie reported that she supervised others “a little
bit.“ Her work as clinic coordinator meant she supervised the X-ray staff and
reported to a supervisor. Her parents were laborers, and her ongoing training in her
job, her wide supervision and responsibilities, her annual salary (less than $40,000),
and her longevity in the job (more than eight years) were all noted for this study.
W. JoAnn Swartz’s mother had been a homemaker and her
father a businessman. “My father wanted a swimming pool, so he went into the
swimming pool business because no one around here sold swimming pools,“ she
explained. JoAnn’s mother had ended up helping her father with the “family
business.“ John Swartz shared a similar story about his parents. His mother had
stayed at home raising children, while his father had been an entrepreneur and a
businessman. John reflected on his father this way:
My earliest recollection is when l was five years old . . . my father had a
restaurant In Long Beach, Long Island. And, after that, I recall he drove a
bakery truck for a while; oh, even before that he was in the scrap metal
business. . . . My father hurt his back, he got out of that; he started to study.
. . . He didn’t like doing that and . . . bought into a vending machine business.
When I was really little, this is what I heard; he had the first car wash In
Manhattan.
JoAnn Swartz was a full-time homemaker. She was also a frequent volunteer at
school and was active in areas she saw as important for her sons. John was a
sitting judge; he said his tenure had reached 12 years. Before that, he had been

employed by a law firm in Bay City. As judge, he supervised a staff of clerks and

secretaries who operated the court. The primary clerk, in particular, hired and fired

99
a staff of about 100. John earned a six-figure Income In wages and benefits as a
judge. On balance, the Swartz family’s indicators were as follows: JoAnn’s and
John’s fathers had been In business (professionals), and John was a judge with
more than eight years’ experience, receiving a salary higher than $70,000. In
addition, he had a wide span of supervision and responsibilities, and he received
training through his position.

Inesweetfamjly. Jeannie Sweet stated that her father had been “a farmer,
and we [the family] lived on a farm in South Dakota until I was in second grade.
Then he. . . was left an enormous debt.“ The family had moved to the city so that
her father could earn a better wage; he worked as a butcher. Jeannie’s mother had
been a medical secretary “until she was married. . . . [Then] she quit working . . . she
raised kids and stayed home.“ For Jeannie, jobs had related to the field of nursing
since she first worked as a nurse’s aide when she was a high school senior. She
told of working in an intensive care unit after graduating from nursing school, and
she later worked in a doctor’s office for 11 years. A move to her current residence
altered Jeannie’s employment, and she explained it this way: “Since we’ve moved
here I [have] had two jobs. I started working for a company . . . doing medical bill
analysis for auto plants and medical malpractice for attorneys. . . . That’s what I
continue to do.“ Concerning salaries, Jeannie stated, “[At] entry level right now in
the hospital [a beginning nurse salary] is probably about $32,000.“ When asked
about ongoing training, She offered the following:

Continuing education. What that basically is . . . nurses are required, in order

to renew their license, to take a certain number of hours a year. It was 30

hours a year. . . . What you do . . . there are a multitude of classes you can
take. . . . You get a list of various hospitals that put them on, and educational

100

Institutes. For example, this fall In November I went on a cruise to the

Bahamas, and it was a continuing education cruise so I took classes while I

was on the ship.

Outside of training new employees, Jeannie reported that she did not supervise
other people. In total, she had a narrow span of supervision and responsibilities, she
received ongoing training in her position, she earned less than $40,000 in salary,
she had worked between two and eight years In her current position, and her parents
were laborers.

IheUndemmodlMarchjamfly. Fran March’s father had worked at a cement
plant and farmed 30 acres. “He grew produce,“ She stated, adding that her mother
had helped her father on the farm. Fran started work In a Detroit office but quit after
discovering she did not like being in an office all day. “I worked for a year but didn’t
enjoy it,“ she said. “I got married and we moved back here. . . . I had kids and didn’t
work for [quite] a while. . . . Then I went to work for a medical care facility as a
nurses’ assistant and have been there 16 years.“ She performed patient care,
working eight hours a day for five consecutive days, followed by three days off. She
described her job as follows:

Being there as long as l have, I’m assigned to certain patients. So I have the

same ones to take care of every day. And they become attached to me. If

I take a day off, they say, “Where Is she?“ They become pretty attached to

me. I am good at what I do. I enjoy it.

Fran received on-the-job training in topics related to the health field. She reported
to a supervisor but had no one reporting to her unless someone new was assigned.
“When someone Is hired In, they are assigned to one of us,“ Fran said. “They may

be hired In at five-something an hour. . . . I make $9.45 an hour plus a 9% [bonus]

once a year. I get longevity . . . triple time for holidays like Christmas.“ In summary,

101
Fran March’s father had been a laborer; she had been a nurses’ assistant for more
than eight years, received ongoing training, had a narrow span of responsibility, and
earned less than $40,000 annually.

IneJALeioeJamjly. Dorothy‘s father had worked at a local business; her
mother had not worked. Dorothy had been employed as a bartender by the same
establishment for the past eight years. The training she received to bartend had
been limited. “We took a class once . . . to tell If someone was drunk or something,“
she said. Dorothy reported making “$5 per hour, plus my tips.“ She did not
supervise anyone at the bar, and she reported directly to the owner of the bar, whom
she called her “boss.“ To summarize, Dorothy Weide’s annual salary was less than
$40,000, she had a narrow span of supervision and responsibilities, She received
some training on the job (however, it was limited training), she had worked there
more than eight years, and her parents were laborers.

IneIALIIJjamsjamjly. Elaine Williams’s father had been a dentist. Her mother
had been a receptionist/bookkeeper—first for a company that made sprinklers, and
later for a gas company. Before she was married, Elaine had worked as a dental
hygienist; she was now finishing a teaching degree. As reported earlier, Elaine’s
husband was a veteran ophthalmologist; he supervised many staff members and
earned a six-figure salary. To summarize, the erliams family had two parents with
much college education. Elaine was not employed at the time of this study, but her
husband commanded a salary exceeding $70,000. He was in a position with a wide
span of supervision and responsibilities, and he had extensive ongoing training. He

had been in the position more than eight years.

102

IhelMthroMamilx. Shelly’s mother had been a bookkeeper, and her father
a custodian at Dow. Shelly became a classroom teacher In the 19703 until she
became “pink slipped,“ meaning she was placed on lay-off status. After a short stint
as a bookkeeper, she remained a homemaker. Currently, she was “kind of working
around, trying to get to be a teacher aide.“ In the process, Shelly had not held full-
time employment, working occasionally as a substitute teacher. “I like to be home
when [the children] get home. . . . [I need to] hear the day’s news, and heaven forbid
you miss the tennis matches.“ Shelly earned approximately $60 to $70 daily as a
substitute teacher, and she supervised no other adult in thatjob. In summary, Shelly
WIthrow’s parents had been laborers. Also, she received no ongoing training in her
substitute teaching, earned far less than $40,000 in wages, had a narrow span of
supervision and responsibilities, and had a longevity as a substitute teacher of less
than two years.

WW. Occupation is a meaningful social class factor.
It IS a way to describe the families’ social class with clarity. Of the five occupation
Indicators, three stood out as especially helpful: training, salary, and supervision
and responsibilities. They help describe the occupation, and the differences
between and among the Indicators help in defining upper, middle, and lower social
class. Table 4.6 contains Information regarding the families’ responses to the
Indicators of occupation. It Is a summary of the data presented in the preceding text.

Families are ranked according to the third social class factor, occupation, in Table

4.7.

103

Table 4.6: Families’ responses to the Indicators of occupation.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I Indicator of Occupation
Family
1 2 3 4 5
[Aller La A On B Wd
Curry La A On B Wd
LDavid La A On B Wd
Duke La C N C Na
Holden Pf A On A Wd
Longo/Slosser La A N C Na
LynchIColes La A On C , Wd
Robbins La A On C Wd
Swartz Pf A On A Wd
Sweet La B On C Na
Underwood/March La A On C Na
Weide La A On C Na
WIllIams Pf A On A Wd
Withrow La C N C Na
Key:
1. Families’ jobs: Pf = Professional La = Laborer
2. Longevity: A = More than eight years
B = Two to eight years
C = Less than two years
3. Training: On = Ongoing training N = No training
4. Salary: A = More than $70,000

5. Supervision and responsibilities:

B = Between $40,000 and $70,000
C = Less than $40,000

Wd = WIde span Na = Narrow span

104

Table 4.7: Families’ social class based on occupation.

 

E 1

Social Class Family

 

Swartz
Upper Holden
WIlliams

 

Curry
David

Aller
Robbins
Sweet
LynchIColes
Withrow
Duke

Range of
Social
Classes Middle

 

Longo/Slosser
Lower Weide
Underwood/March

 

 

 

 

 

Rationale. Previous factors provided a way to think about a family’s social
class in comparison with other families; occupation Is a third factor to serve in this
capacity. Occupation is similar to outlook and cognitive ability: Separating the
lower-class families from the upper-class ones by analyzing a single factor and its
Indicators is a simple enough task. The difficulty arises at the boundaries between
upper and middle classes and between middle and lower classes. As with the other
social class factors, some indicators were more useful than others. This is illustrated
by the following examples.

Based on occupation, Weide, Underwood/March, and Longo/Slosser were
lower class. Their families’ jobs were diverse; Weide’s father had worked for a local

business, Underwood/March’s father had been employed In a cement factory, and

105

Longo/Slosser’s father had been an electrician for a large corporation. However,
Weide had been a bartender for eight years, having a narrow span of supervision
and responsibilities and receiving only minimal training. Longo/Slosser had worked
two part-time, low-wage jobs for the past eight years, with little training in either job,
and with a narrow span. Weide, Underwood/March, and Longo/Slosser supervised
no other workers. They had no promise for advancement because training, salary,
and responsibilities were fixed into the future at their low levels. There were no
plans to Improve their occupational lots. They had been where they were for a
considerable period, and Weide, Underwood/March, and Longo/Slosser were likely
to stay there.

Just as clear appeared the upper-class status based on the factor,
occupation, for Swartz, Williams, and Holden. Elaine Williams’s father had been a
dentist. The Swartzes’ fathers had been successful businessmen; one father owned
the first car wash in Manhattan among his business ventures, and the other owned
a swimming pool supply company. The Holdens’ fathers both had been professional
employees for General Motors Corporation; Douglas Holden’s father still consulted
for them at age 76. Elaine Williams was married to an ophthalmologist, and she
attended college without the need to gain employment. John Swartz had been a
judge for 12 years; he had a high salary with specific supervision and job
responsibilities dictated by law. Douglas Holden was the CEO of a major company,
and with his salary and benefits came the responsibility for overseeing an
International operation. None of the spouses worked, and all were visible volunteers

in the community, In general, and at school, in particular.

106

David, Curry, and Aller may have been close to upper class based on
occupation, but they may have ranked below WIlliams, Swartz, and Holden based
on distinctions in supervision and responsibilities and salary. David and Curry were
administrators In charge of staffs that fell within an organization. Aller was a teacher,
and her husband was an administrator; both, even if considered together, had less
responsibility than Swartz and Holden. Salary differences for each corresponded to
these distinctions In responsibilities. Each family had both husband and wife
working (I.e., David: husband was an administrator and wife was a secretary; Curry:
husband was an administrator and wife was a social worker, Aller. husband was an
administrator and wife was a teacher). The other families (Robbins, Sweet, Lynchl
Coles. Withrow, and Duke) were ranked by occupation to be in the middle class due
to their status based on the five indicators. (See Table 4.7.)

The number of families with varied social class rankings has grown to seven
(see Table 4.8). The social Class factor, occupation, affected five families. It should
be noted that one family—Duke—actually was ranked one social class higher
because of occupation. Thus, occupation seemed to add an Important, If not
narrowing, descriptor to the complex social class notion. Occupation seemed to

expand the middle class and shrink the upper and lower classes.

Interaction

The fourth social class factor was interaction. The primary writers in this area
are Wright et al. (1982) from the University of WIsconsIn. In the present study,
interaction was based on three Indicators: (a) activities, (b) friendships, and (c)

memberships. Information about the three indicators of interaction was obtained

107

Table 4.8: Families’ social class based on occupation, In comparison with cognitive
ability and outlook.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. . . Cognitive
Socral Class FamIly OccupatIon Ability Outlook
Williams U U U
Upper Swartz U U U
Holden U U U
Curry M U U
Range of DaVid M U U
Social Aller M U U
Classes . RObeflS M M M
M'ddle Sweet M M U
LynchIColes M M U
Withrow M M M
Duke M L L
UndenNood/March L L L
Lower Longo/Slosser L L L
Weide L L L

 

 

 

 

 

from interviews with parents. Responses concerning activities often Included the
entire family. Because the unit of analysis was families’ social class, the response
was encouraged by asking about family activities, family friendships, and family
memberships. In 11 Interviews, recreation was cited as an activity. Recreation
Involved a wide variety of activities, from playing softball to watching football, from
skiing to going to the movies. In eight interviews, respondents Cited travel as a
family activity. Sometimes traveling involved camping; other times, travel was
defined as trips overseas. The second indicator, friends, was defined in nine
Interviews to Include cousins, brothers and sisters, and aunts and uncles—their
extended families. Another typical source for friends was the neighborhood. A most

unusual response was the parent who still met once a month with her high school

108

classmates. When asked about memberships In clubs, organizations, and groups,
Interviewees gave responses varying from a book club (one response), to
professional organizations (five responses), to service organizations (six responses),
to church groups (four responses).

Ine_Al|er_tamily. Marilyn Aller shared that traveling was an Aller family
activity. She stated,

We’ve done a lot of traveling together, and we . . . purchased a camper when

the kids got a little older. . . . It wasn’t what I thought was the greatest thing

to do, but once we got Into It, I realized it was an affordable way to go places

and see parts of the country. . . . We still manage to do a few trips out West

[as a] family vacation. When we stopped doing It, they [the children] decided

they missed it. We had sold the camper by then; that wasn’t the mode of

travel they wanted to use anymore.
Close friends were people with children similar in age to the Aller children. “One
family In particular has shared family vacations with usfor many years,“ Marilyn said,
“In addition to the ones [vacations] we took just with our own family.“ The friends
endured even after “the children have all kind of gone their separate ways as
teenagers.“ The neighborhood served as a group because the Allers had lived in
the same one for 16 years. “We’re very close with some of the neighbors; we get
together.“ Other than church (“We’re not real strong members“), the Allers did not
belong to clubs, organizations, or groups. They seemed to take part in a variety of
activities, enjoyed many friendships, and belonged only to church.

Inefiunyjamily. As with other families, travel formed many activities for the

Curry family. Waldo cited these activities: “camping, recreational things, bike riding,

basketball games, baseball games, [and] there’s an annual trip to South Carolina . . .

109
to the beach.“ The Currys drew on family for their friendships. “We’re Close with our
families; outside of that . . . [no other close friends],“ Waldo said. He did not belong
to any Clubs, groups, or organizations. Therefore, Waldo led the family In a variety
of activities, and the family enjoyed many close family friendships without belonging
to Clubs, groups, or organizations.

IheDaMlsLtamfly. Homer David said he stayed “on the go.“ He cited travel
as a primary family activity; “We’re going to Florida together“ for their next trip.
Closest friends were found at work. “I would say my staff is the closest,“ he stated.
“We go out about twice a week.“ Homer belonged to Ioml groups (e.g., the YMCA
Board), state groups (e.g., Michigan Schools’ Public Relations Association), and
national groups (e.g., the Democratic Party). He noted, “I get involved . . . where
decisions are made.“ The David family was very active, traveling as a family and
enjoying friendships at work. Through Homer‘s many memberships, the family
belonged to many organizations, including at least one service organization (YMCA)
and several professional ones.

Ine_D_uke_tamj]y. Kathleen Duke did not choose to take part In many
activities. She commented, “We haven’t had a chance to do much of anything lately.
The boys are getting at an age where they like their own things.“ Kathleen named
baseball for her youngest son and “cars and electrical stuff“ for Irvin. She added,

Richard [her husband] took me to learn how to country line dance, but then

[tax time at work] came upon us and that didn’t last too long. During the

summer we go to the beach, just relax. . . . We took the boys to Cedar Point

for a main vacation, so . . . we’ll go further this year.

Kathleen’s best friend was her sister. “Again, because of the workload, we talk more

110
on the phone than we see each other,“ she said. She did not belong to any Clubs,
groups, or organizations. On balance, the Duke family seemed to have done more
when the children were small, friendships were limited tojust a few family members,
and there were no memberships.
Ineroloenjamjiy. As with other families in the study, travel was a major
family activity for the Holdens. As Peggy told it, they had traveled far and wide.
We’ve taken them [the children] to Europe . . . London a couple of times . . .
one [trip] wasjust to London and one was to London and France . . . we went
to Germany a couple of times. . . . [On] that trip we went to Denmark, Spain.
That was [with] Amy and Jane; they wanted to 90 speak Spanish. Last
Christmas we went to Mexico. We like to travel, and as the kids have gotten
older, we find it’s one good way to get the family together.
Douglas Holden reiterated travel along with golf and church when he said,
We do travel together, Peggy and l and also the kids. . . . We’ve made real
efforts and that’s kind of where we spend our discretionary income, traveling
. . . showing the kids the world. . . . We like to golf, but we haven’t done much
of that lately, although we’re resolving to do more of it. Having three kids is
a problem: always one too many for a foursome. . . . We go to church; we’re
quite active in church.
Peggy listed among her activities a book Club. We try to discuss one [book] or
maybe two a year. . . . We only meet three times a year.“ Douglas added, “[I am]
spend[ing] a lot of time on the computer, probably more than I should because I’m
just really nuts about what’s going on out there on the Internet.“ Friendships seemed
to evolve from activities; as Peggy put it, “My circle of friends is school,“ meaning
those parents who attended school functions as she did. Douglas cited another

activity: “Church, probably, Is where most of my good friends are.“ He cautioned

about close friendships at work: “That’s one thing about being a CEO-it makes it

111

very difficult, and they say it’s lonely, and It Is in a way.“ The Holden family
evidenced something for each Indicator. Theywere active, traveling and doing more
than most peOple. They had friendships from church and the activities they did (e.g.,
school). Finally, they had memberships In professional organizations, church, and
a book club.

IneLonooLSJosseLtamiiy. Mary Longo discussed activities that involved her
family:

We used to do a lot when the kids were littler. As time went by, with the kids

getting older, they started doing things on their own. We don’t do as much.

. . . I sit and talk with my kids a lot. I do talk with them a lot. We might go to

a family get-together once a week, or something like that. We play cards

once In a while, things like that. I really am Close to my kids. . . . It seems as

the years go by, as it’s going, farther and farther apart, it seems there isn’t as

much family activity.
Mary named no friends outside her family. As she told It, “I don’t have any friends.
I monk have any friends. I had two husbands, and both ended up with my friends.
I malt have any friends anymore. I have my sisters.“ Mary did not belong to any
groups, organizations, or clubs. She admitted that her family was her only focus.
Therefore, the Longo/Slosser family concentrated on the family for friendship and
activity; they belonged to no other organizations.

IhLLynszhLQQlesJamily. Activities centered on the extended family,
especially since Mary Ann Coles gave birth to a son of her own. “We like bowling,“

stated Jean Lynch. “The kids like bowling, watching movies. Usually we rent tapes

and watch them because with my schedule it’s so hectic to get to the show.“ Jean

112
said that the “Chucky Cheese“ pizza place was another family favorite, especially
for her daughter Mary Ann’s new son. Friendships were defined to be within the
family and the neighborhood trailer park.
We like to go to graduations and weddings, you know, Invitations like that.
My girl friend lives like five trailers down; she’s been my best friend for 18
years, and then my sister Mary that works here In the kitchen. She lives in
the same trailer park . . . but I’m not one to go to someone’s house to sit and
drink coffee and visit. If they come to my house, I enjoy it very much, but to
go to somebody else’s, I never been into that. I’d rather be cleaning or
[something].
Jean’s only membership was an affiliation with the Salvation Army Church. She
stated, “I used to belong to the Salvation Army Church; I really haven’t had time to
go to church.“ Her church avoidance was attributable to more than time, however.
Jean shared her general perception about church: “They [Salvation Army Church]
don’t criticize you . . . how much money you have or what you look like when you
walk in there. . . . It’s the way church Should be [but Isn’tj.“ The Lynch/Coles family
seemed quite active; they especially enjoyed family activities, like the pizza place.

They had a few friendships, which were mostly family and neighbors, and one

membership.

IneRoooinsjamiiy. Activities for the Robbins family focused on “camping,
sports [because] we’re all into sports.“ Attending games and joining in recreation
varied because, as Millie said, “We’re all going in different directions.“ The family
kept a busy pace with Millie and her husband working full time. Friendships were
Important to her; she had a “nice circle of friends . . . a group that gets together every

month since high school. . . . [We are] all still living in the same area.“ Family

113
reunions also provided a way to renew friendships for Millie. Whereas she did not
belong to any clubs, organizations, or groups, her husband belonged to service and
professional organizations. “He’s always gone,“ Millie stated. “He’s the treasurer
or secretary or something for one of the estate planning councils.“ In summary,
Robbins family activities focused on recreation; friendships, especially family, were
derived from the area; and memberships were based on the husband’s service and

professional affiliations.

Inejyyanzjamily. John and JoAnn Swartz Identified the primary family
activity as travel. “We travel; we ski, [but] I like to ski less and less because
everyone else is better,“ JoAnn stated. “We always take our vacations together. . . .
We cruise every three years or 30,“ John added. “We go to shows together . . .
Broadway shows or the equivalent of Broadway Shows in . . . Toronto [and]
Chicago,“ he said. Concerning friendships, John and JoAnn Swartz had many.

JoAnn stated,

We have a very Close circle of friends which include my extended family and
people who were Closest friends In life, like my father’s best friend, and his
daughter is now my best friend; the grandparents are friends. It’s multi-
generational, and my whole family is very Close. We get together every
week. It originally started [when] we lived down the street, when jogging was
real big. Everyone used to jog down and around the neighborhood, then
meet in my house for bagels and juice. Every Sunday morning, [we] still do
it, even after my father died. Now we rotate houses, but we get together
every Sunday.

In addition, John had a variety of friends associated with his profession. He offered,

One of them is a businessman in town; another is a businessman in town
who lives away from town right now. . . . [That Is], if you’re thinking about . . .
the ones who are my current best friends that I see and talk to all the time . . .
but if you picked me up and put me back in New York, I’d be in a totally
different group again.

114
Memberships for the Swartzes centered on Civic and religious themes. John said,

I don’t belong to any clubs. My father-In-Iaw was a bigger joiner than
anybody [I have] ever seen. He belonged to everything. . . . I saw a need In
ourtemple that wasn’t being met, so I volunteered there . . . but I don’t belong
to any of the Rotaries or. . . others.

JoAnn was very active at the high school as a parent volunteer. She also had
served on the hospital and YMCA boards. “I belonged to some temple
organizations, but I do as little as possible [now],“ she added. Therefore, for the
Swartz family, activities centered on travel and family recreation. Friendships came
from family and professional colleagues, and memberships were derived from
professional, church, and service organizations.

Inefiweettamily. Jeannie Sweet responded to the question about activities
as follows: “Probably the number one thing right now we do Is shop. . . .that’s one
of the few things we do.“ In her leisure time, Jeannie liked to do needlework and
bike or walk for exercise. She and daughter Betty belonged to church but did not
have a close circle of friends. They were “not terribly active church members,“
according to Jeannie. She did belong to the Michigan Nursing Association, but she
had declined opportunities to serve that organization on committees or in leadership
positions. She stated, “I’ve been asked [to serve] several times, [but] I’m a single
parent and I put that [committee work] on hold.“ The Sweet family enjoyed family
friendships and shopping trips, whereas memberships were limited to professional
organizations related to nursing.

IhlendenNOQdLMaLcluamfly. Fran March enjoyed her family. “My house

is the focus for everybody,“ she declared. She added.

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We [family] are all close. . . . The only thing we actually all do Is Cedar Point

or something like that. We cook and eat together. . . . We like to watch a

movie or go to a ball game together. . . . Me and Jackie [older daughter]

played softball together. . . . Next year Jill will be old enough to play, too.
There was little or no other family travel outside what has been described. As for
friends, there were some close ones from work who ended up playing softball and
an occasional game of pool. Some liked to play cards, but Fran did not join In. She
did not belong to any groups other than the softball team. On balance, there were
some family and recreational activities, primarily involving softball. There were
friends, too, but the only membership was on the softball team Fran and her older
daughter played for during the summer.

IneWeioejamily. Dorothy Weide was not involved In activities outside work.
She stated, “I don’t do much [activities], not much.“ She worked at a Ioml bar, so
evenings often were spent at work. Friends were found at work. “Over the years,
I have had quite a few [friends], through the bars, mostly. One of my best friends
from high school just came back a couple days ago from Arizona. When asked
about her best friend, Dorothy described a co-worker. “We talk every day; when we
are low, we go to Mt. Pleasant gambling. . . . She knows everything about me, and
I know everything about her.“ Dorothy did not belong to any organizations, groups,
or Clubs. In summary, the Weide family’s interaction was based primarily on work
and friendships developed from work.

InelMfliamsiamily. Elaine Williams reported many opportunities for family

travel and recreation. “We do go to some of the historical places I like to 90,“ stated

Elaine. “We usually go to a big ophthalmology meeting every year, usually alone,

116

although one year we did take Max.“ Trips to Mexico, England, and Spain were
among the family vacations she reported. She identified camping, biking, and sailing
as family activities, as well. Family was a big focus for the WIllIamses, but so were
friends. “Probably our best friends now are parents of kids Max used to hang around
with,“ Elaine offered. “The boys don’t get along anymore, but we [the parents] do.“
Other friends Included fellow doctors and people who ran with her husband on
Sunday mornings. Friends from the historical society were close to Elaine Williams,
as were college friends. Both Elaine and her husband belonged to various service
clubs (e.g., Girl Scout Council board, literacy council) and were active in school. On
balance, the Williams family belonged to many groups, had several friends, and
enjoyed Close family ties.

IneJMtnLowJamily. Shelly stated that family activities frequently involved
travel to a big city, attending events and shopping. “We go to Chicago quite a bit,
to art museums. . . . We attended the Stratford Festival [in Canada] . . . and we’re
going to Cleveland . . . to [the] zoo.“ Sometimes the family split up; her husband and
the other children went camping, while Shelly and Laurie might go shopping. “We’re
very family oriented,“ Shelly added. Family was a part of the friendships formed over
the years, and many relatives interacted as friends. “Being in town . . . most of my
cousins are here, so the kids are hanging out with their cousins.“ Shelly added that
the neighborhood was central to other friendships that existed. “In that sense we
have neighborhood friends that we Interact with; we take care of a little 80-some-

year-old woman, doing her shoveling and that, and lthink that’s good because that’s

117

generational.“ Other friends Shelly mentioned lived in Michigan towns such as
Galesburg and Belding. The primary organization for the Withrow family, according
to Shelly, was their church. They were very Involved in church, as she described:

We’re very active at St. John’s [church]. I’m on the sharing committee at

church. [My husband] and I teach CCD [religion classes] with 18 fantastic

kids. We did junior high up until a year ago, till our youngest began high
school. [My husband] Is on the parish council, [and] the kids and I as a family
do hospitality together; we bring cookies and doughnuts. We try to teach the
kids that you’re a member of something, you’re a member of the community.

You pay back to the community because you are a part of It; ifyou don’t give

back to it, what’s gonna happen to the community?

Forthe VWthrows, the primary activity was travel. Friendships came from family and
neighbors, and memberships included church.

MW. Attention now turns to the families and their
collective responses to the indicators of interaction. These responses are presented
In Table 4.9. Eight families cited travel, and 11 mentioned recreation when asked
about activities. In both sets of answers, the predominant theme was related to the
family. In the cases of Longo/Slosser and Duke, the family activities had diminished
as the Children grew older. In three instances (Swartz, Williams, and Holden), the
travel was extensive and worldwide. Concerning the second indicator, friendships,
nine responses were about friendships that originated in the family, four cited friends
who were neighbors, and three responded that work provided their friendships. For
example, Homer David talked about going out with his staff often. For the third
Indicator, memberships, sixfamilies indicated service organizations (e.g., the YMCA)

and eight indicated either church or professional organizations. One family spoke

of a book club. Four families indicated they belonged to no clubs, groups, or

Table 4.9: Families’ responses to the indicators of interaction.

118

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Family i: L2 3

Aller Tr CI,Nr Ch
Curry Tr,Rc Fy XX
David Tr Wk Pr,Sr
Duke Tr,Rc Fy XX
Holden Tr,Rc CI,Ch Ch,Sr,Bk
Longo/Slosser RC Fy XX
Lynch/Coles Rc Fy,Nr Sr
Robbins Rc Fy,Nr Pr,Sr
Swartz Tr,Rc Fy,Wk Ch,Pr,Sr
Sweet Rc Fy Pr
Underwood/March Rc,Fy Fy Sp
Weide RC Wk XX
Williams Tr,Rc CI Sr,Pr
WIthrow Tr Fy,Nr Ch

Key:

1. Activities Tr = Travel RC = Recreation

2. Friendships Fy = Family Nr = Neighbors/area

Wk = Work CI = Children same age
3. Memberships Bk = Book club Pr = Professional organization

Sr = Service club

XX = None

Ch = Church

Sp = Sports team

119
organizations. Responses seemed varied across a wide range for all three
indicators, which was helpful when trying to determine differences in social classes.
The responses from parents regarding the indicators helped in assembling
a profile of their social class based on interaction. In Table 4.10, families’ social

classes are compared by the fourth social class factor, interaction.

Table 4.10: Families’ social class based on Interaction.

Social Class Family

 

 

David
Holden
Robbins
Aller
Swartz
Williams

Upper

Range of
Social

Curry
masses Middle Withrow

Sweet

 

 

I Underwood/March
Lynch/Coles

Lower Weide

Duke

Longo/Slosser

 

 

 

 

 

Rationale. It is easier to speak about the lower-class designation based on
the indicators—activities, friendships, and memberships. Five families (I.e.,
Underwood/March, Longo/Slosser, Duke, Weide, and Lynch/Coles) were placed in
the lower Class due to the Information obtained about the three indicators (see Table

4.9). For example, Longo/Slosser did only a few activities as a family, and that was

120
It. In terms of friendships, we learned a lot when Mary Longo said, “I don’t have any
friends. . . . I had two husbands, and both ended up with my friends.“ Likewise,
there were no family memberships; they did not belong.

Weide was less isolated. but by her own admission she limited her activities
to work at the bar. That Is where friends were, too, except for an occasional high
school friend (e.g., one friend just came back to town from Arizona). She did not join
groups; as a family, they did not belong. The Duke family seemed less Isolated
because they had done somethings; a3 a family, they had gone to Cedar Point and
tried country line dancing. However, Duke admitted not doing “much of anything
lately.“ Friends were family, primarily, and the family had neverjoined clubs, groups,
or organizations; as a family, they did not belong. The Lynch/Coles family enjoyed
activities based on the family (e.g., bowling). Lynch’s friends were in the
neighborhood, only; her Close friend “lives five trailers down.“ There was one
membership—the Salvation Army Church; they barely belonged. Likewise, for the
Underwood/March family, the softball team was the only organization to which they
belonged, and their friends were primarily their own unusual family, spanning
multiple generations and marriages. They barely belonged, as well.

The upper class lay at the other end of the spectrum, away from the examples
of the lower class. The upper class had busy schedules and needed to keep close
track of their activities, both personal and professional. Friendships were the result,
in some cases. Recall Holden’s book club: friends who shared books monthly and

met three times a year because they were all too busy to meet more frequently.

121

David went out with his work staff once a week. The Allers’ friends had children
about the same ages as theirs, and they ended up watching the children’s games
and events together. Memberships varied, from church (e.g., Holden), to service
groups (e.g., WIIliams), to associations (e.g., Robbins). The upper class Is busy with
activities, friendships, and memberships. Commitment Is Important to these people;
it is understandable why Franklin Planners may be popular with them.

Table 4.11: Families’ social class based on Interaction, in comparison with other
social class factors.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social , Interac- Occupa- C nitive ll
Class Famlly lion tion ‘Agbility Outlook
David U M U U
Holden U U U U
Upper Robbins U M M M
Aller U M U U
Swartz U U U U
Range of Williams U U U U
Social
Classes Curry M M U U
Middle Withrow M M M M
Sweet M M M U
Underwood/March L L L L
Lynch/Coles L M M U
Lower Weide L L L L
Duke L M L L
Longo/Slosser L L L L
E = =

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The middle class is left In the middle, located somewhere between the upper
and lower classes. This seems logical. One might ask, where else would the middle

class be? However, the importance in the logic is the need to, first, establish the

122

upper and lower class memberships, then the middle-class ones. The middle class
becomes the place for families who do not exhibit upper- or lower-class traits. This
makes the middle class diverse; the middle class becomes spread. There is, within
the middle class, an upper middle class and a lower middle class. The terms seem
confusing, but the concept Is clear: Wlthin the middle class, there are diverse
situations that create an internal ranking. Within the normative social class model,
middle class represents diversity; middle class represents a lot.

It Is easier to speak about those families who did not vary across the social
class factors. In the lower class, Weide, Underwood/March, and Longo/Slosser
consistently were ranked there for all four factors. Only one family-Wlthrow—was
ranked middle class four times, and only three families—Holden, Williams, and
Swartz—were upper class each time. Not only does this pointout the complexity of
social class, it also points out how families vary. The data were based on parent
Interviews, and in the Interviews the diversity surfaced. Stated from the standpoint
of the seven families who did not display much variance, they may be the exceptions

in 1996 society.

S , E .I. , S . | GI

An overall picture of the families’ social class Is provided in Table 4.12. The
table shows the four social class factors In one compilation. A rationale Is provided
for the rankings. Their Importance cannot be overstated because the rankings form

the basis for the study’s purpose.

123

Table 4.12: Families’ social class based on all social class factors.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

'=“'” . I
Social F 'l Socral Class Factor
Class am y
A B C D
Upper Williams U U U U
Holden U U U U
Swartz U U U U
Range Middle David U U M U
of Curry U U M M
Social Aller U U M U
Classes RODDII‘IS M M M U
Sweet U M M M
Vlfithrow M M M M
Lynch/Coles U M M L
Duke L L M L
Lower Underwood/March L L L L
Longo/Slosser L L L L
Weide L L L L
Key:
A = Outlook U = Upper social class
B = Cognitive ability M = Middle social class

C = Occupation L = Lower social class

D = Interaction »

Rationale. Fourteen families were analyzed by studying four social class
factors, each of which had-three to five indicators to assist In the analysis. Table
4.12 IS provided as a way to understand the families’ overall social class, taking into
consideration the social Class factors and indicators. As previously stated, the lower

and upper classes seemed clear. It is the middle class that was not, especially at

,the boundaries.

124

In the upper-class category, the three families who rated upper class on each
factor were Williams, Holden, and Swartz. Although no steadfast rule exists within
the normative social class model that an upper-class family must be identified as
upper class on each factor, it does make sense that, because these families were
the only ones to do so, they should be considered upper class. Stated differently,
It would not make sense to conclude otherwise.

For the lower class, the three families positioned there, Underwood/March,
Weide, and Longo/Slosser, were rated lower class on each social class factor.
Truly, when comparing these families with the Williams, Holden, and Swartzfamilies,
the family groups were at the opposite ends of the spectrum for the factors of
occupation, interaction, outlook, and cognitive ability. Much attention already has
been given to these factors and the differences the families exhibited on them.

The middle class seemed muddled because of the differences within It. The
analysis showed just how diverse the middle-class occupants were. For example,
Lynch/Coles, Sweet, Robbins, Aller, Curry, and David rated upper class on one or
more factors, whereas Duke rated In the lower class on three of the four factors.
Yet, all occupied the middle class. The middle class, when viewed within Itself, was
the most diverse class.

The research findings Indicated that few, Ifany, in the middle class were truly
“middle“ in all aspects. Even Withrow, as one example, rated middle class on all
four social class factors in the normative model, but the family may be upper-middle

or lower-middle on the social class factors. The purpose of this research was not

 

125

to identify distinctions such as these, so it was unnecessary to search further for
combinations such as upper-middle. The point should be noted, however, that within
the normative social class model, middle class takes In a wide variety of inhabitants.

The normative social class model was designed to provide a way to describe
families’ social class. This is an Important, even crucial, activity In order to achieve
the goal of this research: to describe and explain adolescents’ behaviors relative to
their families’ social class. Without the ability to define social class, the goal
becomes unachievable. The normative social class model, however, bythe previous
discussion, has achieved the goal; that model has provided a way to define families’
social class. Attention now turns to how adolescents behave, in order that the
purpose of the study can be achieved; that is, adolescents’ behaviors can be

discussed relative to their families’ social Class.

I I I I , B I .

The researcher’s purpose in this study was to determine whether there Is a
relationship between adolescents' behaviors and their families’ social class. Earlier
'in this chapter, the families’ social class was analyzed. The analysis achieved part
of the study’s purpose concerning class, a complex concept. Now, the focus shifts
to an equally important concept, which speaks to how adolescents behave. Such
a broad area, adolescent behavior, also is complex; adolescents’ behaviors need to
be defined In a way that is refined. Based largely on Hollingshead, adolescent
behavior was discussed earlier In this thesis, which provided focus and refinement.

Specifically, four of Hollingshead’s (1949) attributes were selected for this study:

126

1. Recreational experiences-leisure activities enjoyed by adolescents
outside the educational system.

2. Plans for leaving school—adolescents’ dropping out of high school
before they graduate, or graduating from high school with an earned diploma.

3. High school experiences—the experiences, accomplishments, and
achievements an adolescent has as a high school student

4. Jobs—the employment opportunities enjoyed by adolescents.
in this study, adolescents were defined as young persons who belong In high school,
usually between the ages of 14 and 18.

Narrowing the broad topic ”adolescent behavior" as described above shaped
the data-gathering process. Structured Interviews, students’ school records, and
parent interviews were used to gather Information about how adolescents behave.
Fifteen adolescents from 14 families were interviewed, and their responses were
tape recorded. Their interviews were transcribed, and the responses were
categorized and analyzed. The following summary Is the result of transcribing,
categorizing, and analyzing the data. When quotations are provided from the
interviews, they are Intended to enrich the reader’s understanding of the adolescent,
how he or she thinks, and how he or she behaves. When necessary, the writer’s
thoughts were added in brackets to provide clarity; this was done for all informants,
based on the meaning being conveyed In the Interview. Care was taken not to

change the Informant’s message contained In the quotation.

127

In addition, students’ school records were studied, further assisting in the
analysis. Students’ transcripts were useful In determining achievement (e.g.,
grades) and areas of study (I.e., courses). The grade point average (GPA) Is one
way to determine the relative success an adolescent has experienced while In
school. Student portfolios, résumés, and educational development plans were
studied; these documents were helpful In understanding the students’
accomplishments and career ambitions. Finally, data were taken from the parents’
Interviews, which helped In understanding adolescents’ behaviors. For example, it
was previously reported that family vacations were frequently a priority for activity,
and parents’ discussions about family vacations directly applied to adolescents’
behavior In the area of “recreational experiences.” Other times, the parents’
Interview provided information about the behavior of the adolescent child that may
not have been emphasized or even revealed in the adolescent’s Interview. This was
not a surprise; In many cases. the parents spoke more freely when they were

Interviewed than did the adolescents.

g l I I ’B I' IE .

Adolescents’ recreational experiences were defined as leisure activities
enjoyed by adolescents outside the educational system. Students’ responses
covered a variety of topics that fit Into three basic categories: family gatherings]
travel, friends’ events/activities, and enrichment summer Institutes/camps. First,
family gatherings and travel describe reunions, vacations, and the like. Thirteen of

the 15 adolescents discussed family trips, reunions, or vacations. Second, friends’

128
events and activities included trips adolescents took to games, parties, movies, and
similar activities: 14 of the 15 adolescents discussed these kinds of recreational
experiences. Third, enrichment summer Institutes and camps describe sport and
special-topic camps; 7 of the 15 adolescents discussed these recreational
experiences.

W. Family travel occupied summer and school
vacations for Diane Aller. Her mother, Marilyn, had joked In the Interview that her
oldest son was the navigator on these excursions and, now that he was at college,
fewer trips would be taken. Diane said, “We do a lot more as a family; we go
camping a lot In the summer.” In addition, she talked about recreational activities
with her friends. She mentioned ”just being with my friends, going to basketball
games, school dances, just like on the weekends . . . [which] are kind of full right
now.” Diane cited going to the movies as another recreational activity she and her
friends enjoyed. Also, summer camps had been recreational activities for her; one
camp she had attended when she was younger now employed her, as well. Family
travel, friends’ activities/events, and summer camps provided Diane Aller much
recreational opportunity.

WW. Jennie Curry traveled with her family
extensively throughout her youth. According to her, "We have a cabin up north: we
go cross-country skiing In the winter . . . [and] at Easter break we go to South
Carolina to a state park and stay.“ Like other adolescents, Jennie told of spending

time with her friends: '[I] go with my friends; sometimes we just get movies and

129

stuff. It’s amazing that kids just think that In order to have fun you have to drink and
stuff like that,” she said. Jennie had attended basketball camps and the 'l Dare You“
international conference in California. Her recreational experiences were broad,
covering the areas of family gatherings/travel, friends’ events/activities, and summer
institutes/camps.

WW. Homer David reported that family travel was
a recreational experience that daughter Judy had had; he gave as a recent example
a Spring Break family trip to Florida. Judy spoke of friends when asked about
recreation and free-time activities she enjoyed. '[I] go to the movies. . . . Usually a
group of friends will just get together and just talk or something like that," she
offered, and continued, '[We] go to the movies, go to the mall, things like that; i like
to check my E-mail, too.” Judy’s father, Homer, reported that Judy visited basketball
camps that Homer would work, sponsored by another coach named Stan Kelner.
”Judy had the great fortune to . . . work all of Stan’s [basketball] camps,“ Homer said.
"He [Stan] had [Judy] run the camp store.” There was no mention of summer
enrichment recently for Judy. Therefore, Judy David’s recreational experiences
encompassed family travel, friends’ events/activities, and, to a limited extent,
summer institutes/camps.

IheQukeIamflLlnLimDuke. Friends’ events/activities were a major part of
lrvin Duke’s interview regarding recreational experiences, and so were cars. lrvin
shared that he enjoyed working on cars and attending auto races. "I work on them

[cars] all the time. I go to races all the time," he stated. lrvin worked on cars with his

130

brother-in-law and liked to ”sleep and work on cars” over the weekends. lrvin had
had neighborhood friends during his youth; as a group, they went over to friends’
houses more than they went to InIIn’s home. The family occasionally took trips to
Cedar Point. Also, lrvin reported, ”Every now and then we [as a family] bowl. . . .
Otherwise, most of the time everybody works.” lrvin did not mention enrichment
summer institutes/camps; thus, family gatherings/travel and friends’ events/activities
were considered his primary recreational activities.

WW. Travel was a frequent recreational activity
of the Holden family. “Every summer I go to Chapin, Colorado, and go hiking,
backpacking, and stuff," said Jane. She added that the family took vacations
together; Douglas and Peggy Holden also mentioned this during their interviews.
Travel with her parents had Included Europe and other nations outside the United
States. Jane reported that she enjoyed attending games and school functions with
friends. Other recreational activities she had been Involved in included attending a
summer enrichment conference (the Summer Youth Leadership Conference
sponsored by the Council of Michigan Foundations). Also, she had twice attended
a Women In Sports Leadership Conference, sponsored annually by the Michigan
High School Athletic Association. Although that conference Is included here under
the heading 'adolescents’ recreational experiences,” its content Is perhaps as much
academic as it is recreational. Also, Jane had traveled on her own time twice, going
with a group from her church to build and repair homes; once the group worked In

Texas and Mexico, and another time they went to South Dakota. Jane had

131
extensive recreational experiences Involving family gatherings/travel, friends’
events/activities, and enrichment summer institutes/camps.
W. Family travel and recreation had
been a part of Alton Slosser’s life when he was younger. According to Mary Longo,
Alton’s mother, “We used to do a lot [travel] when the kids were littler. . . . As time
went by, with the kids getting older, they started doing things on their own. . . . We
don’t do as much [as a family]." When asked about what he did with his free time,
Alton responded, ”Nothing. . . . I used to [do things] but not anymore. . . . ljustwork.‘
Although he was less focused on family travel and recreation than others, Alton was
accustomed to activities with friends. This had Included drug experimentation and
alcohol use. According to Alton, "It [drugs and alcohol] dragged me down a lot. . .
. [It] got me in trouble with the law. . . . My mother, my counselor, and the judge . .
. helped me out a lot.” Mary Longo related it this way:
Well, I found out he was smoking dope. We talked about it. I know all boys
go through it eventually, I went through it with my two older sons. But this
one had It worse than they ever did. . . . He’s realized, finally, that he can’t
smoke dope. There were friends, some friends . . . that had a lot to do with
It. He realized he can’t hang around with so-and-so. I pick my kids’ friends,
I always have. I wouldn’t let them smoke at home, never. . . . But lwould talk
to him If I did not like the child. If I found out he was with a certain friend at
school, I would say something to him about it. He would know. . . . He has
a girlfriend now, that has helped. His other friends would call the house, I
would hang up on them. I am sorry, I do pick my kid's friends.
Alton had friends, but he also had some schoolmates with whom he used to be

friends but now was not allowed to see because of drug and alcohol use. Alton did

not discuss summer camps or Institutes In his interview. Although family activities

132
used to be held when Alton was younger, friends and activities were essentially the
only current sources of recreation.

IhiLmhLQQbsiamflLMamAnnfioles. With regard to recreation, Mary
Ann Coles was unique. "We go to Chucky Cheese,” she declared. This destination
was desirable because Mary Ann was a mother herself; she had had an out-of-
wedlock baby two years ago, when she was 16. Mary Ann added, ”Well, sometimes
I go with my friends, [especially] In the summer we’ll go . . . to the movies.” As a
family, in addition to her own son, Mary Ann gathered with relatives. ”My whole
family . . . [has] about 50 cousins.” she stated. "We go to my aunts; they aren’t
coming to my house . . . that’s for sure.” Mary Ann had not had summer Institute or
camp experiences, but she took part In many events and activities with family and
friends.

W. Bruce Robbins stated, ”I like to hunt
and fish with my dad and friends.” Familytrips and activities Included trips to college
games; "I went to the Michigan [football] game in November,“ Bruce offered. In
addition, he stated, “We [as a family] like to just go up and-we have a resort In
Gaylord that we go to—and go skiing sometimes and sledding and just spend time
up there, and we travel a lot.“ Bruce also highlighted going fishing, attending games,
and going to the movies with friends. He said, ”We [friends] go all over.” There was
no mention of summer camps or institutes In Bruce’s interview; he did, however,

recreate with friends and family.

133

W. The two Swartz boys related
stories about family trips and events. As Martin told it, the family traveled to places
that also attracted celebrities:

We [as a family] go out to the beach, play cards together sometimes. We

take trips together. On vacation once at Sun Valley, Ididn’t recognize them

[celebrities]. I sat down to eat lunch, and my cousin nudged me to look, over

there were Wayne Gretzky and Candice Bergen. Arnold Schwarzenegger

was there. . . . Barbra Streisand was limping [because] she had been hurt on

the [ski] slopes or something.
The father, John Swartz, stated, ”We like to travel, and we always take our vacations
together. . . . We cruise every three years or so. . . . We go to shows together; we
all like to go to Broadway shows or the equivalent . . . In places like Toronto or
Chicago.” Martin and Ronald also cited activities with friends as Important ways to
spend recreational time; as a group, these friends went places together. Martin
emphasized this a bit more than Ronald, perhaps because he was a senior and
Ronald was a freshman. Both boys had experienced enrichment summer Institutes.
Martin had taken summer courses at Amherst College, and Ronald had attended the
University of Colorado’s summer institute. Therefore, both adolescents in the Swartz
family had extensive recreational experiences In all three categories: family
gatherings/travel, friends’ events/activities, and enrichment summer
institutes/camps.

W. Family travel was highlighted In Betty
Sweet’s interview when she stated, ”We’re getting ready to go to Florida right now.”

Friends were the focus of Betty’s leisure-time activities. ”We go out and party, all

that kind of stuff,” she declared. ”Oh, I love to shop, of course,” she added.

135

to drink l would’ve. . . . That just kind of made me mad, and then everyone

thought I was a party pooper. . . . I don’t want to drink alcohol because my

dad died In a drunk-driving accident. . . . My mom drinks, too, but she stopped

drinking. I tried to give her the ultimatum that lwasn’t gonna stay with her

unless she quit, so she quit.
For recreation, Martha exercised ”probably about three times a week” at
Powerhouse Gym, where she held a membership. Her mother, Dorothy, related that
they liked to sit down and talk. Also, they went shopping, apparently to the local
mall, to ”pick out clothes and stuff.” Martha made no mention of family
gatherings/travel or of enrichment summer Institutes/camps. She seemed to focus
on friends Instead.

W. Max Williams had traveled with his family
a great deal, most recently on a scuba-diving vacation. ”We go sailing on occasion,”
Max stated, '[but] we haven’t done that much lately.” He took care of his pets (e.g.,
an iguana) in his spare time and reportedly enjoyed "sleeping in“ on the weekends.
"I get pretty run down during the week," Max said, "especially on weeks of away
games.” Max had a girl friend with whom he enjoyed spending time. He had taken
summer recreational classes (e.g., diving) through Delta College. Thus, Max
Williams reported participating In recreational activities with family and friends, as
well as summer enrichment.

WWW. Laurie Withrow mentioned travel with
the family to Chicago to shop, visit art museums, and go sightseeing. In addition,

she declared, ”We [as a family] usually rent movies or something like that.” She

added, “For our church, both of my parents teach CCD, so we’re involved in the

136
church as a family." Likewise, activities with friends were at the top of Laurie’s list of
recreational activities. 'I play tennis, and I usually go to the movies with my friends
or bowling, things like that,” she stated. There was no mention of summer institutes
or camps. Thus, Laurie Withrow relied on family and friends for recreational
activities and events.

WWW Adolescents’
recreational experiences have been discussed family by family and adolescent by
adolescent. The purpose of this section Is to analyze the data a bit differently,
looking at the group of families and adolescents to compare and contrast
adolescents’ recreational experiences. Table 4.13 was constructed to reflect such
a comparison.

In examining the information In Table 4.13, It Is interesting to note the
absence of family gatherings/travel for just two adolescents, Alton Slosser and
Martha Weide. Also noteworthy is the absence of friends’ events/activities for Mary
Ann Coles. Finally, it Is important to identify who had enrichment summer
Institutes/camps (Martin and Ronald Swartz, Diane Aller, Jennie Curry, Max
Williams, Judy David, and Jane Holden) and who did not (Mary Ann Coles, Jill
Underwood, Laurie Withrow, Bruce Robbins, Betty Sweet, lrvin Duke, and Martha
Weide). These findings are worth noting here as they will come up again when the

research questions are answered.

137

Table 4.13: Adolescents’ recreational experiences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Family _ ’ .

Adolescent Overall 63.23235, Everftgzsgfvities E?:;:$:r§:::p:er
n Diane Aller A x X X

Mary Ann Coles C x

Jennie Curry A x X X

Judy David A x X X

lrvin Duke B x X

Jane Holden A x X X

Bruce Robbins B x X

Alton Slosser C X

Ronald Swartz A x X X

Martin Swartz A x X X

Betty Sweet 3 x X

Jill Underwood 3 x X

Martha Weide c X

Max Williams A x X X

Laurie Withrow B x X
Key:

X = Adolescents’ reported recreational experiences
A = Three categories (X’s)

B = Two categories (X’s)

C = One category (X)

138

Ell I’El El 'Sll

Hollingshead (1949) talked about adolescents’ plans for leaving school in
much different terms than today. Discussion focused on the percentage of students
who were In school (53%) and those who had withdrawn (47%) during
Hollingshead’s time, around 1941-42. Today, discussion shifts to adolescents’
dropping out of high school before they graduate, or graduating from high school
with an earned diploma. In the student interviews, leaving school meant earning a
high school diploma. Discussion typically ensued regarding high school honors and
awards, and, for the older students especially, college plans were discussed in the
interview. Much information about future plans was gathered, and the reader will
see in the summaries that follow that six adolescents already had aspirations for
degrees beyond‘a bachelor's degree. Colleges already selected included Notre
Dame, the University of Pennsylvania, and Middlebury College. At the time of the
Interviews, no one planned to leave high school without a diploma. However, four
students planned to attend a community college after high school graduation. This
may have been a way of saying they were uncertain about their college plans. In
one case, graduation from high school was very problematic because of the
student’s current class ranking. In another case, the student had already left high
school once to have a baby; based on her transcript since returning, it is likely that
she will finish high school.

IbfiAllfiLtamllillaniAflfl. Diane Aller was a high school sophomore who

will graduate with honors in June 1998. She currently ranked second In her class;

139

there were 137 students In Diane’s class, according to her transcript through three
semesters. She will likely attend a four-year college that is yet to be determined;
basketball opportunities and geography could influence the college-selection
process. ”I’d like to stay In the midwestem states . . . to see about playing
basketball, so it would probably be a smaller school, like Division II."

WW. Jennie Curry planned to graduate from high
school In June 1997. According to her transcript, she had a 3.715 GPA (through five
semesters) and a class rank of 18 out of 143; the likelihood exists that she will
graduate with honors. ”I wanted to keep my GPA about 3.75; it’s slipping since last
semester, and [I want] to graduate with honors,” Jennie stated. Jennie planned to
attend college at a location yet to be determined. She wanted to become a social
worker and seemed focused In her career goal. ”I don’t know that much about any
of the schools around, [and] my dad and I wanted to go and visit [campuses]." She
planned on earning a master’s degree, as her father and mother had before her.

Wig. According to her high school transcript, Judy
David ranked third in her class of 139 students through six semesters (end of the
junior year). After receiving her high school diploma with honors, Judy planned to
begin her studies in August 1996. "I don’t know where I’m going yet, either Michigan
State or Notre Dame. I think I want to study medicine [or] something in science,” she
said.

IheDukejamjlyflminfluke. After one semester of high school, lrvin Duke’s

transcript reflected a class ranking of 115 out of 173 students and a 2.1 GPA on a

140

4.0 scale. "I don’t ever have homework [because] all my Important classes are In the
morning . . . and I get [assignments] done In study hall,” he said. He had taken earth
science, reading improvement, and crafts among his courses. Irvin planned to
graduate from high school in 1999. His plans after high school Included attending
a trade school or community college. 'I heard Delta’s [community college] got a
really good auto-mechanics [program]," he stated.
mm. In her Interview, Jane Holden reported
plans to graduate from high school. She ranked fourth In her class of 131 students,
which would qualify her for the Pinetown High School Academic Award, which
represents high honors. Jane had applied to and been accepted by Middlebury
College, beginning in Fall 1996. Jane stated, "I am going to go to Middlebury
College In Vermont [to study] life science . . . for now, [but] I like music [too].”
According to her high school transcript, Jane was near the top of her class through
seven academic semesters due to a cumulative GPA of 3.923.
W. Upon leaving school, Alton Slosser
expressed ambitions toward a ”college or university education,” according to his
educational development plan filed in September 1993. More recent evidence
pointed to community college ortrade school after graduation. Alton ranked nearthe
bottom of his class (126 out of 137 students through five semesters), and his GPA
(1.346 cumulative on a 4.0 scale) would prohibit admission to most colleges and

universities. When asked what he planned to do after high school, Alton said, “Go

141

to Delta [Community College], maybe, or the Navy.“ He might have been
considering college, but it seems doubtful his planning was serious.

WWW. Mary Ann Coles had already left
high school once, just two years ago. She was pregnant, and she dropped out.
After returning to high school at another location in an alternative educational setting,
Mary Ann left that program and decided to return to Pinetown High School, reversing
her earlier decision to drop out. She had plans to graduate from high school and
then go on to college ”for a couple of years.” If she achieves her college goal, she
will be the first girl In her family to do so. "You get nowhere without school,” declared
Mary Ann. College was in her plans after high school.

MW. A senior, Bruce Robbins had a
cumulative GPA of 3.544 (on a 4.0 scale) and a class rank of 27 out of 131, as
revealed on his transcript. "I definitely want to graduate with high honors, over 3.5,”
he said. He expected to graduate from high school In June 1996. His future plans
included college, perhaps the University of Michigan. Bruce said, ”If I go to
Michigan, they are excellent in both areas [medicine and business]."

Wm. Martin Swartz was a senior
who expected to graduate in June 1996 at the top of his class. His transcript
showed him 1 of 139 students, with a 3.977 GPA. He had been accepted into the
University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School of Business. According to high school
transcript records, brother Ronald expected to graduate from high school In June

1998. A sophomore, he ranked 1 out of 137 in his class. He shared that Brown

142
University and Northwestern University were two schools to which he would likely
apply. "These [college plans] change . . . [but] Northwestern appeals to me," Ronald
said. 'I hope to graduate first In my [high school] class.” Both boys were making
extensive college plans.
WNW. Betty Sweet indicated plans to graduate
from high school In June 1997. Her transcript indicated a GPA of 3.609 on a 4.0
scale, Indicating she could attain honors upon her graduation. “I’m sure I’ll get some
honors,” she explained. Betty planned to apply to and enroll in a four-year college,
and she identified Michigan State University as her top choice.
WWW. Jill Undenivood planned to
attend college after graduating from high school. Having a cumulative 2.672 GPA
on a 4.0 scale through six semesters, Jill may find college a challenge due to some
low grades. Her own Indecision was revealed In the following thoughts she shared:
I don’t know whether I should go to college In Texas so I can be with my [real]
dad right now. I was thinking of starting at Delta [Community College] or
SVSU [Saginaw Valley State University]. . . . I want to get my own place
[regardless] . . . because I don’t get along with my [step] dad. . . . I haven’t
seen much of my [real] dad in a while, so I was thinking of Texas for college.
I miss him.
In summary, Jill Underwood wanted to graduate from high school and go on to
attend a community college, at least. This college will probably be In Michigan, but
Jill’s college plans are mixed with a desire to be with her natural father.
WWW, Martha Weide planned to graduate from

high school In June 1997, with honors. Her high school transcript showed a 3.324

GPA on a 4.0 scale; she ranked 49 In her class of 143. Martha planned to enroll in

143

a four-year program at Central Michigan University; her goal was to become a
physical therapist. “I like Michigan State; it Is myfavorite school,“ she said. ”It would
be In my best interest that I go to CMU because they have a PT [physical therapy]
program there. . . . I think I will go to Delta for my first year because we don’t have
a lot of money."

W. Max Williams planned to graduate In
1999 with honors; at the time of the study, he was earning mostly A’s and B’s. His
high school transcript showed a 3.337 GPA on a 4.0 scale; he ranked 43 In a class
of 173. Max planned to study marine biology in college, perhaps at Miami (Florida)
University. "I like hands-on stuff, building things,” he stated. Regardless of where
he attends school, Max expects to pursue an advanced degree.

WWW. Laurie Withrow planned to graduate
from Pinetown High School with her class in June 1998. She was planning to attend
college afterward. ”I’m kind of Interested In CMU or Michigan State,” she stated.
Laurie wanted to study science and math and "things like that . . . kind of like a
doctor.“ Although Laurie expressed interest In graduating from high school with
honors, her 2.983 cumulative GPA means she will need to improve her grades

WWW. Attention has been
given to adolescents’ plans for leaving school. The family-by-family analysis is now
supplemented by a look at the entire group. Table 4.14 shows a compilation of

adolescents’ plans for leaving school.

144

All of the adolescents In this study planned on graduating from high school
with an earned diploma. One adolescent, Mary Ann Coles, had actually dropped out
of high school and returned with plans to fulfill that goal. The three categories
developed for Table 4.14 were the result of the data-gathering process. It was clear
that many of the adolescents were thinking about college, and for five adolescents
that was a four-year degree program. Surprisingly, for six other adolescents, plans
were already being made for graduate work due to career goals (e.g., Jennie Curry
wanted to become a social worker). It Is interesting to see which students had these

aspirations; this subject will be revisited In Chapter V.

Table 4.14: Adolescents’ plans for leaving school.

 

Adolescents Plans for Leaving School

Martin Swartz
Ronald Swartz
Laurie Withrow Earn an advanced degree
Bruce Robbins
Jennie Curry
Max Williams

 

 

Diane Aller
Jane Holden
Betty Sweet Earn a four-year degree
Martha Weide
Judy David

 

Mary Ann Coles
Alton Slosser Earn a high school diploma and attend
lrvin Duke community college

Jill Underwood

 

 

 

 

145

Table 4.15: Adolescents’ plans for leaving school and recreational experiences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I- I l
Adolescents Plans for Leaving School Recrea Iona
Expenences
Marlin Swartz A
Ronald Swartz A
Laurie Withrow Earn an advanced degree = A B
Bruce Robbins B
Jennie Curry A
Max Williams A
Diane Aller A
Jane Holden A
Betty Sweet Earn a four-year degree = B B
Martha Weide C
Judy David A
Mary Ann Coles C
Alton Slosser Earn a high school diploma and attend C
lrvin Duke community college = C B
Jill Underwood B
Key:
1. Plan: A = Earn an advanced degree
B = Earn a four-year degree
C = Earn a high school diploma and attend a community college
2. Recreational Experiences: A = Three categories (X’s)
B = Two categories (X’s)
C = One category (X)

High school experiences include the experiences, accomplishments, and
achievements an adolescent has as a high school student. Data gathered on
adolescents’ high school experiences came from students’ interviews, their high

school transcripts, and their educational development plans and/or resumes.

146

Interviews were conducted with 15 adolescents. Students’ high school transcripts
were photocopied and read. These transcripts revealed information about courses
taken, grades earned, and class ranking achieved through a certain number of
semesters, ranging from one (first semester, ninth grade) through seven (first
semester, twelfth grade). Educational development plans and resumes reflect a high
school student’s goals and Involvement. Depending on the student’s Initiative and
grade In school, these documents may or may not be complete. For example, one
senior student developed atwo-page resume highlighting honors/merits, community
service, activities, dramatic experience, work experience, and academics; it also
Included that students email address. Such an extensive résumé would be unlikely
for someone younger (e.g., a ninth grader versus a twelfth grader). The mere
existence of a résumé is an Important factor, reflecting unique activities and
achievements other students might not be able to highlight.

IbeAllenIamileDjaneAller. Diane Aller’s third-semester transcript Indicated
high academic achievement: a cumulative 3.985 GPA on a 4.0 scale, a rank of 2 out
of 137 classmates, and credits she had earned In several advanced courses (e.g.,
honors American literature). 'I usually start studying [at] 6:30 to 7:00 pm, and I go
until 10 at night,” said Diane. In addition to amdemics, Diane had been active In
extracurricular activities, especially sports. She had earned three athletic letters
(basketball, volleyball, and track). Also, she had been active in Science Olympiad,
the Student Leadership Task Force, and International Club. During the 1995-96

school year, she became Involved In the 'buddy" tutoring program and student

147
council. Diane stated, "Yeah, I am active [in track, basketball, volleyball]. In the
spring, I’m also playing A.U. volleyball, and right now I have A.U. basketball [outside
school] on weekends.” Therefore, Diane Aller was an Involved and academically
successful student.

WW. Through five semesters, Jennie Curry held
the rank of 18 out of 143 in her class, according to her transcript; her 3.715 GPA on
a 4.0 scale reflected A’s In several courses. Among the courses Jennie had
completed were algebra l and II, chemistry, and three years of Spanish. An active
student, she played sports (e.g., basketball, track) and belonged to several clubs
and organizations (e.g., SADD). When asked about her high school, Jennie said,
"I like It [high school] a lot. . . . I like it ’cause there’s not a lot of people and teachers.
. . . You’re that one kid [who Is special]." Therefore, Jennie Curry was an active,
involved adolescent.

WNW. Judy David’s high school transcript showed
her ranking high In status (3 out of 139), with a 3.926 GPA on a 4.0 scale. Her
relatively strong academic achievement was earned by taking advanced courses in
mathematics, science, history, and English; the academic honors she had received
included the Pinetown High School Academic Award and National Honor Society.
Judy was active in sports with notable recognition: She earned All-State honors in
cross-country twice and was named most valuable player In both track (two years)
and cross-country (three years). Judy also belonged to the high school’s forensics,

international, and environmental clubs. 'My dad was always driving me to activities

148

ever since I was young. I think his pushing me definitely got me Involved In more
things. . . . I always felt I should be In something,” she said. Much like Diane Aller
and Jennie Curry, Judy David was an Involved, academically successful student.

IheDukeiamflxJnLinfluke. ”It’s a good school; they teach you a lot of stuff,
and I like It,” declared ninth grader lrvin Duke. 'I’d [rather] go here than anywhere
else around here.” Irvin’s transcript showed a 2.1 GPA (4.0 scale) and a class rank
of 1 15 out of 173 through one semester of high school. As a freshman, lrvin had not
been Involved In any school activities. When asked about sports and extracurricular
activities, he declared, ”Nope, not at school." His Interests seemed to lie In cars and
auto racing, Interests he pursued away from school. However, enrolling part time
at the skill center in an auto mechanics program was a consideration that lrvin
offered as useful in attaining his career goal.

WWW. As reported earlier, Jane Holden ranked
4 out of 131 classmates after the first semester of her senior year. Her cumulative
GPA was 3.923 on a 4.0 scale. The classes Jane had taken during high school
included advanced classes in English. calculus, physics, Spanish, history, and
American literature. Extensive athletic Involvement highlighted her high school
career. This Included special recognition in volleyball, cross-country, and swimming.
Community service also had been a focus for Jane, who had served one year on the
Board of Education as student representative, two years in the ”buddy program“
tutoring at-risk fifth graders, and one year on the Student Council as a

representative. ”I think teachers are really helpful,” stated Jane. ”You can go and

149

ask questions.” Other high school experiences Included volunteering on a millage
campaign and serving on the Student Leadership Task Force (1994-95). Other
activities In high school Included memberships in Jazz Band, writing for the student
newspaper, being a Science Olympiad team member, participating in six high school
musicals, and running track. Thus, Jane Holden was very involved and highly
motivated, both academically and with extracurricular activities.

IheLgnggLSIsteLtamuygAltenfleseer. Alton Slosser’s experiences In high
school seemed nondescript when the data were analyzed. For example, his
cumulative GPA through five semesters was 1.346. according to his transcript. This
is the result of many low grades In relatively easy courses: D+ In a class called
”current health," D- in government, D In ninth-grade English, and straight E’s during
Fall semester 1994 in all of his classes (American literature, algebra fundamentals,
nutrition, earth science, and US. history). Regardless of the low marks, when asked
what he liked to do at school, Alton responded, “Study.” When asked what he would
change about his high school, his answer was brief: "Nothing, really.” When asked
how much he had to study, Alton answered, ”Basically, I pay attention in class.
That’s all.” By his own admission, Alton played no sports In high school and
attended "maybe homecoming [game and dance] . . . that’s all.“ Thus, Alton
Slosser lacked involvement in extracurricular activities, and he lacked success in
academics.

W. The reader will recall that Mary

Ann Coles had left Pinetown High School to have a baby. After floundering in an

150

alternative high school In the same city, she returned to re-enroll. Her transcript
revealed that her grades improved upon her return; she passed six classes In Fall
1995, for the first time ever. Mary Ann was a special education student, and her
transcripts showed courses that reflected special education placement (e.g., ”basic
ed" English). She ranked 91 out of 137 in her class, due largely to some low marks
her ninth-grade year (I.e., E’s earned in four of her ninth-grade classes). 'I always
have homework,” she said. 'I don’t have time to study [because of work]." Mary
Ann went to some school events as a spectator, but she did not participate In any
extracurricular activities. She was a unique adolescent, one who had made a
change in academic commitment, going from a likely dropout to a student who
expected to graduate. She appeared to be a responsible mother, too. "I have my
son, [and] I want him to have a good life.”

Was. According to Bruce Robbins’s high
school transcript, he had received good to excellent marks. Outside of one C+
grade In trigonometry and another 0- in analytic geometry, he had earned A’s and
B’s exclusively In high school. ”My grade point Is 3.5 or so, depending on the
marking period,” explained Bruce. “It varies, [with] A’s and B’s.” His transcript
revealed completion of advanced classes In English, American history, and
chemistry, In addition to physics, biology, and French. Bruce’s class rank stood at
27 out of 131 through seven semesters. Among his high school activities, Bruce had
participated in athletics, earning varsity letters in three sports. Also, he had

participated In the 'buddy" program, working with an elementary school child as a

151

volunteer tutor. He had appeared in numerous high school plays and musicals. He
said, 'During a musical [practice], I’m here [at school] 16 hours a day.” Therefore,
Bruce Robbins seemed to be an involved and committed student.

WWW. Martin Swartz, the older
brother, was a senior at the time of the study. His transcript revealed seven
semesters of academics at the highest grade levels; he earned straight A’s In all of
his course work, with the exception of two A- grades In physical education and
honors American literature. This translated Into a cumulative GPA of 3.98 on a 4.0
scale, and Martin ranked first in his class of 139. ”The teachers . . . care. They do
a good job explaining the material,” he said. ”Maybe someone [needs] to give
examples for each teacher [on] how to use computers." Among the advanced
courses Martin had completed, according to his transcript, were the following:
history, physics, calculus, chemistry, and honors American literature. Younger
brother Ronald was on a similar achievement path. Through three semesters, he
had a cumulative GPA of 4.0 on a 4.0 scale. Among the classes he had completed
were chemistry, precalculus, and biology. ”Sometimes there are classes you want
to take that are not offered, or there’s not enough [sections] of them,” he explained.
”We have a small [high] school. . . . I know all the teachers [and] most of the
students. I prefer it that way.“ He ranked first out of 137 students through three
semesters.

Concerning high school activities, Martin had had extensive involvement in

sports and extracurriculars. He had participated In basketball and tennis, earning

152

varsity letters in each sport. He also had belonged to various clubs (e.g.,
lntemational Club) and had been active in a school millage campaign. Martin had
represented his high school at the Calvin College Young People’s Citizenship
Seminar. He had belonged to the marching, symphonic, and jazz bands, along with
the Science Olympiad Team and the Macintosh User Group. Like his brother Martin,
Ronald Swartz had been active in sports and extracurriculars. He had a varsity letter
In tennis, and he had joined several clubs and organizations (e.g., Student
Leadership Task Force). Ronald had been in high school plays (e.g., Damn
Yankees) and had been a volunteer math tutor.

Both of these young adolescents ranked at the top of their respective classes
In academics. In addition, each of them demonstrated a variety of talents In sports
and extracurriculars. ' Each was preparing for college at out-of-state universities.
The sons of a sitting judge who had attended City College of New York, they, too,
were following In their father's footsteps, at least In part. As Ronald said, "I am sure
[self-motivation] came from [my parents]. I don’t remember It, but to my knowledge,
I always wanted to [achieve]. I’m sure my brother [Martin] had something to do with
It, too . . . getting good grades. . . . I wanted to, too.”

W. Academically, Betty Sweet had compiled a
3.609 GPA on a 4.0 scale through five semesters (midpoint, eleventh-grade year).
The classes she had taken so far included chemistry, precalculus, Spanish, and
honors American literature. She ranked 29 In her class of 143 students, according
to her transcript. Betty had participated in swimming, track, and volleyball. Also, she

told of being Involved in Student Council, the 'buddy" tutoring program, and the porn

153

pom squad. "I did swimming, volleyball, and basketball In junior high. . . . I really
loved swimming, but I had to choose between pom porn and swimming,” she said.
'I couldn’t do both, so I chose pom pom.” Therefore, Betty Sweet was a relatively
active student who had experienced academic success.

WWW. Jill Underwood liked
Pinetown High School because it was safe. However, she had had an unusual
experience with her principal, which she described as follows:

He [the principal] does it [smokes] all during the day. There is a policy

against smoking until 6 pm, and l have nothing against it. But he goes right

out and smokes all day. So I told a cop about It, and he [the principal] got

busted. . . . He doesn’t do It anymore. . . . They [the police] said they would

talk to him, and they must have because he doesn’t do it anymore.
Jill’s dealings with the principal who smoked failed to mask her varied academic
record. Her early report cards were above average: In ninth grade she held a 3.516
GPA (on a 4-point scale). As a senior, though, her cumulative GPA had dipped to
2.672, and she ranked just 88 In her class of 145 students. The reason for the
decline In her grades, according to Jill, was work. "I don’t study; I don’t have time,”
she said. Her favorite class was accounting; she completed the homework
assignments In class. Her least favorite class was world studies; she did not do the
homework In that class. ”In study hall, I usually don’t take anything [in to work on],"
she said. "I think If I’m lucky I passed.” Last year, Jill had D’s In government,
American literature, and humanities, and the year before that she had D’s In English,

biology, and history. The last time she received an A was in the spring semester of

her sophomore year—she had three of them. Track and choir were the only

154

extracurricular activities In which Jill had participated. In summary, Jill Underwood
ranked In the middle of her class and was involved In two extracurricular activities.
WW. During high school, Martha Weide had
demonstrated academic success. Her transcript revealed a cumulative GPA of
3.324 on a 4.0 scale through five semesters (midpoint of eleventh grade). Classes
she had taken included advanced Spanish, algebra I and Il, speech, biology,
anatomy, and computer literature. When asked which classes had been her
strongest, Martha responded, ”Probably Spanish.” ”In my junior year, I started to
care. . . . I thought maybe I can get some scholarships because of my grades, plus
I actually like to learn now. I kind of like a challenge,” she said. Outside of the
classroom, she had participated In cheerleading and pom pom squad. ”Sporting
events are more fun with a big group of people,” she said in reference to going to
games as a spectator. Thus, Martha Weide was a skilled student who had been
somewhat Involved in extracurricular activities outside class.
Ibe_lM|1iams_family;_Melelhl|jam§.A strong student, Max \Mlliams
reportedly enjoyed high school. "I get all A’s and B’s,“ he stated. He especially liked
biology and anatomy, along with English. Spanish was his hardest class; his
transcript showed a C- semester grade in that class. Max included algebra II and
biology in his advanced courses. He played varsity football and participated In two
other sports, as well. A rugged youth who had endured three concussions in
football, Max liked the physical contact of football and wrestling; he planned to try

track in the spring. ”There’s all kinds‘ of things to do [at Pinetown High School]," Max

155

stated. Therefore, Max Williams was a strong student amdemically, along with
being a good athlete.

WWW. Laurie Withrow’s high school transcript,
through three semesters, revealed a cumulative GPA of 2.983 on a 4.0 scale. Her
class rank was 45 out of 137. "I like the classes I’m In and stuff like that,“ declared
Laurie. She had one A (physical education) and two A-’s (French land II) to balance
her C’s In English 9 and geometry. Laurie had participated in tennis and belonged
to the International Club. She shared that she had attended some volleyball
matches as a spectator. “The one [best] thing I probably like [Is] sports,” she said.
Therefore, Laurie Withrow had experienced some academic success and had been
Involved in a few extracurricular activities.

Wm. Discussion has
centered on the topic of adolescents’ high school experiences. In Table 4.16, the
class rank and high school experiences are compared and contrasted.

Involvement In extracurricular activities seemed to be related to school class
rank. Specifically, the lower-ranked adolescents (e.g., Alton Slosser, Mary Ann
Coles, and Irvin Duke) had relatively low extracurricular involvement (low
involvement for Coles and Duke; some involvement for Slosser). Also, in every
case, the higher-ranked adolescents (e.g., Ronald Swartz, Diane Aller, Jennie Curry,
Betty Sweet, Martin Swartz, Judy David, Jane Holden, Max Williams, and Bruce
Robbins) had relatively high extracurricular involvement. Conversely, those

adolescents with high extracurricular involvement (Ronald Swartz, Jennie Curry,

156

Table 4.16: Adolescents’ high school experiences.

 

Grade

Adolescent

Overall

Class Rank

Extracurricular
Activities

 

Ronald Swartz

>

 

lrvin Duke

 

Diane Aller

 

10

Max Williams

 

Laurie Withrow

 

Mary Ann Coles

 

Jennie Curry

 

Betty Sweet

 

11

Martha Weide

 

Alton Slosser

 

Jill Underwood

 

Martin Swartz

 

12

Judy David

 

Jane Holden

 

 

 

Bruce Robbins

 

>>>>mom>>ow>>o

 

 

IIIICDQUJIII'UDIII'

 

 

Key:

1. Overall:

2. Class rank:

3. Extracurriculars:

A = l class rank and 4 or more extracurricular activities
B = II class rank and 2 or 3 extracurricular activities
C = III or IV class rank and 0 or 1 extracurricular activity

I = Top quarter (top 25%)

II = Middle/upper quarter (26-50%)
HI = Lower/middle quarter (51-75%)
IV = Lower quarter (low 75%)

L = Low involvement (0 or 1 activity)

H = High Involvement (more than 4 activities)
S = Some Involvement (2 or 3 activities)

157

Max Williams, Martin Swartz, Betty Sweet, Bruce Robbins, Judy David, Diane Aller,
and Jane Holden) were in the top 25% of their respective classes.

The profile established for each adolescent is shown in Table 4.17. The
profile compares their high school experiences with their plans for leaving school
and their recreational experiences. In general, students with high class rank and
extracurricular Involvement had college plans and recreational experiences. Those
students with diploma and community college plans had lower rank and less
extracurricular involvement. Also, those students with fewer recreational

experiences had lower rank and less extracurricular Involvement, as well.

Adelescemmhs

Hollingshead (1949) described high school adolescents’ behaviors In terms
of five attributes. One of the attributes selected for this study was jobs, taken from
Hollingshead’s writings about adolescents’ “jobs and Ideas of jobs." His thoughts
included adolescents working part-time jobs, how jobs related to social class, and
what adolescents thought aboutjobs in the present and future tenses. For purposes
of this study, jobs were defined as the employment opportunities enjoyed by
adolescents.

Data were gathered about adolescents’ jobs. Fifteen adolescents were
interviewed, their resumes and portfolios were read, and Information about
adolescents’ jobs was gleaned from them. Circumstances seemed to vary with the
15 adolescents who were interviewed. Two of them had never worked, even part

time. Five of the adolescents worked regularly, two at fast-food restaurants, one

158

Table 4.17: Adolescents’ high school experiences, plans for leaving school, and
recreational experiences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adolescent High School Plans for Leaving Recreational

Experiences School Experiences
Ronald Swartz A A A
Irvin Duke (3 C 8
Diane Aller A B A
Max Williams A A A
Laurie Withrow B A B
Mary Ann Coles c C C
Jennie Curry A A A
Betty Sweet A B B
Martha Weide B B C
Alton Slosser C C C
Jill Underwood B C B
Martin Swartz A A A
Judy David A B A
Jane Holden A B A
Bruce Robbins A A B

 

 

 

 

 

 

Key:

1. High School Experiences: A = l class rank and 4 or more extracurricular activities
B = II class rank and 2 or 3 extracurricular activities
C = ”I or IV class rank and 0 or 1 extracurricular activity

2. Plans for Leaving School: A = Advanced degree
B = Earn a four-year degree
C = Earn a diploma and attend community college

3. Recreational Experiences: A = Three X’s
B = Two X’s
C = One X

159

with a paper route, and the other two In steady babysitting jobs. The other
adolescents sometimes worked, depending on a number of circumstances, including
the season of the year (e.g., one student worked at a summer camp).

MW. Diane Aller had summer employment at a
camp; she worked there four weeks every summer. This part-time work was
seasonal but dependable. Indeed, her brother worked there, too. Diane described
the camp this way:

In the summer I work at a summer camp. [My brother] does, too. Last year

he worked for two weeks, and this year we’re going back and we’re working

four weeks this time. It’s at Camp Daggit In Petoskey. . . . I’ve been going
there since I was eight years old. . . . There’s a total of 110 campers a week.

It’s a church camp, but we don’t do any church-type things. We go

swimming, canoeing, sailing. . . . It’s [about] nature, a fun camp to go to.
In terms of a career, Diane told the writer she "wanted to work with science.” This
was consistent with her educational development plan, In which she identified her
long-term career goal as physical therapy. Diane identified alternate interesting
careers as psychology and teaching. In summary, Diane Aller had consistent part-
time employment each summer, and she had identified career goals related to
science.

WW. When asked about work, Jennie Currytold
about tutoring In math for ajunior high student. This had been part-time employment
based on the student’s need. Also, she had received "peer resistance training” to
help younger students. “We went to a conference two days In December, and we’re

putting on skits and teaching fifth graders how to say no to drugs and alcohol,” she

explained. The career path Jennie had Identified at that point was social work, just

160

like her parents. On her educational development plan filed In September 1993,
Jennie had identified her long-term goal as ”undecided." This might have been true,
but her goal of becoming a social worker was a focus for her in 1996. Jennie was
typical of the high school adolescents In this study. She had had some short-term,
part-time employment that had given her some experience. Her long-term goal had
moved from ”undecided” to a specific occupation, which might or might not have
been firm In her mind.

WW. Judy David had worked as a babysitter and
at a summer camp through community education. That work, both seasonal and
based on demand, had provided work opportunities for her. On her résumé, Judy
Identified ”to work as an accountant’s assistant” as her career objective, but that had
changed. When asked about the career that Interested her, Judy said, "I think right
now a general practitioner [doctor]." On balance, Judy David had worked part time
and had an idea of what career she wanted to attain.

IhengejamjlygngnDuke. lrvin Duke was the adolescent with a passion
for working on cars, and he occasionally worked for pay when he was employed by
his brother-in-law or uncle. A steadier job for lrvin was his daily paper route.
Although it was part-time employment, it occurred every work day In the afternoon,
as well as on Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays in the early morning hours. In
Irvin’s portfolio, he listed ”auto macanics [eig]" as a vocational program that would
be helpful, with ”engine rebiding [siel' as his best abilities and “spelling + math" as

areas In which he needed to Improve. Irvin Identified his career goal to be an ”auto

161
macanic [sin] or electrition [sjelf He seemed to know what career he wanted, held
regular employment delivering the newspaper on his paper route, and had
occasional employment working on cars with his brother-in-law or uncle.

Iberloldenjamilszaneflolden. Jane Holden had held three part-time jobs.
According to her resume, she had been a newscarrier, had held various babysitting
jobs, and had been a vendor at the Palace of Auburn Hills. When asked about work,
Jane was quick to discuss the paper route she had ”in junior high“ and her
babysitting experiences. When asked about a career, Jane was open. ”I think
something to do with the sciences,” she stated. ”In terms of occupation, I don’t really
know.” Jane was like seven other adolescents in this study. She had had limited
part-time work experience (e.g., babysitting), and she knew a general area of study
she wanted to pursue.

WWW When asked about work, Alton
Slosser explained, "I work at Taco Bell.” When asked about work as an adult, he
responded, 'I want a job that makes good money.“ In September 1993, he had
Identified ”architect, accountant, or baseball player” as a long-term career goal.
Alton Slosser had steady short-terrn employment, and he had lofty plans for well-
paying employment as an adult.

W. Mary Ann Coles had had
extensive part-time experience working as a babysitter. She said, ”Probably when
l was about 11 [I] started babysitting.“ Besides mowing lawns, the other part-time

work Mary Ann had had was working as "a waitress on Thursdays [at Bingo]."

162

Because Mary Ann had a son of her own, her availability to work more was limited.
Her long-term goal was to work in rehabilitation (e.g., home health care); this was
based on her work In high school at a child development center In a work-experience
program.

W. Bruce Robbins had steady part-time
work at swimming pools. He had taught swimming classes at the high school pool,
and he had worked as a lifeguard in the summer at the community pool. When
asked about what career he wanted to attain, Bruce explained that he was “keeping
[my] options open.” He said, "I like both [business and medicine] areas. . . . I feel I
would do well In both areas; it would just have to be trial and error to see which one
I liked better, and which school I go to, also.” Two documents reflected his love for
medicine. On his résumé, he had listed ”pediatric medicine and general surgery" as
career objectives. On his educational development plan, Bruce had listed
”medicine” as his long-term career goal. He had a career path in mind, and he had
extensive experience In part-time employment as a swimming instructor and

lifeguard.

WWW. When asked about jobs each
of the Swartz adolescents gave the same response; neither had everworked for
pay. Both boys had experience in two work-related areas through school:
community service and job shadowing. Martin’s high school community service
included projects, and Ronald’s community service Included belonging to the

Student Leadership Task Force. Martin "job shadowed” a stock broker, whereas

163

Ronald "job shadowed” a doctor. Thejob-shadowing experiences included spending ‘
part of the work day with the person, identifying job responsibilities and routines to
better inform the adolescent about the job. When asked about the world of work,
Martin indicated he was considering ”accounting and management areas." When
asked the same question, Ronald said he was ”leaning toward entering medicine,
specializing In psychiatry.“ Therefore, although neither youngster had actually
worked for pay, both had volunteered their time for service, and both had job
shadowed to Increase their understanding about Interesting professions. Both
wanted to enter college, each with a career In mind.
MW. Betty Sweet worked part time as a
babysitter. When asked about how regular the work had been, she said, "For the
last year and a half, once a week at least.” Betty was headed to college, but she
reported being undecided about a career goal. On her educational development
plan, Betty identified 'attomey or teacher” as her long-term career goal, recently
leaning more In the direction of teaching. Therefore, although Betty Sweet had
experienced regular employment on a part-time basis as a babysitter, she remained
somewhat undecided about what career she wanted to obtain.
WNW. Jill Underwood worked at
McDonald’s, the second fast-food job she had held In her young life. Before that,
she had worked nearly a year at a local pizzeria. Both jobs had been steady; Jill
worked 18 to 20 hours a week throughout the year. As an adult, she was looking at

one of two career choices. Jill said, 'I was looking at either physical therapy or

164
teaching . . . a math class or something [because] I like math and accounting,
working with numbers.”

WW. Like other adolescents In the study,
Martha Weide had steady work as a babysitter. This was a regular job that involved
most afternoons and some weekends and evenings. [When asked about her long-
term ambitions, Martha explained, 'I think physical therapy. . . . I like working with
peOpIe and stuff.” Previously, on her educational development plan, she had
identified service professional as being of Interest to her. Specific careers she had
mentioned on the plan were ”nurse, social worker, dentist.“ Currently, she seemed
more focused on physical therapy.

WW. "I work at. . . a pet shop,” Max Williams
stated. This was a part-time job that involved a limited number of hours due to his
extracurricular school activities. Time permitting, Max expected to work more hours.
In regard to a career, he stated, 'I would like to be a marine biologist . . . or some
sort of an engineer.” Max had experience scuba diving: He had taken a class In
diving from the local community college and enjoyed trying it on a summer vacation
with his family. In summary, Max Williams worked part time in a pet shop and was
considering marine biology and engineering as possible careers.

IhthmmIamflxLLauLithm. When asked about employment, Laurie
Withrow said, ”Well, I don’t have, like, a real job . . . but I have, like, some places [I
get paid]. . . . There’s a lady who used to live behind us, and l mow the lawn and

stuff like that I get paid for.” That was her only job, and It was part time and

165

seasonal. As a career, Laurie had indicated In her educational development plan
that she wanted to study medicine. With only some part-time work as experience,
at that point in her life, Laurie Withrow had a limited knowledge of what the goal to
study medicine means.

Webs. Work has been shared regarding
adolescents’ jobs. Five students worked nearly full time, whereas the majority
(Jennie Curry, Max Williams, Jane Holden, Judy David, Diane Aller, Laurie Withrow,
Bruce Robbins, and Betty Sweet) worked occasionally. The data are presented In
Table 4.18.

Adolescents’ jobs ranged from working at fast-food restaurants, to babysitting,
to ”doing nothing for pay.” Although It Is interesting to see the variety, it is equally
interesting to examine the context In which the jobs were situated. For example, the
”work” Ronald and Martin Swartz experienced was one of activity, scholarship, and
community service. The absence of a paying job for either was not a reflection of
effort; it was more a result of the parents’ direction. Was this true for the other
adolescents? Perhaps, especially for those who possessed occasional (I.e.,
'sometimes") work. The telephone rings at, say, Betty Sweet's home; can Betty
babysit tonight? Betty’s mother, Jeannie, has a chance to tell whether or not the
answer is yes. Similar scenarios exist for Robbins, Withrow, Williams, Aller, David,
Holden, and Curry. Yet, for those adolescents who had steady work, routines had

been established. Permission was less a factor; there may have been less parental

involvement.

Table 4.18: Adolescents’ jobs.

166

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adolescent Type of Job
Jill Undenrvood Works at McDonald’s
lrvin Duke Paper route and works on cars
Mary Ann Coles Steady work 82:18:: 2:663 11:16:32: 2:23;“
Alton Slosser Works at Taco Bell
Martha Weide Babysits daily after school
Betty Sweet Babysits
Bruce Robbins Lifeguard and swimming Instructor
Laurie Withrow Mows neighbor’s lawn
Max Williams Works Works in a pet store
Diane Aller sometimes Works at summer camp
Judy David Babysits
Jane Holden Babysits
Jennie Curry Tutors
Ronald Swartz Never works for
Marlin Swartz pay

 

 

 

 

Four adolescent behaviors are now described for the 15 adolescents. Table
4.19 displays each adolescent, and all four behaviors are coded by the letters A, B,
or C. The letters represent a set of behaviors defined by the key. The behaviors
seem to hold patterns, and these patterns will be useful In the next chapter when the

research questions are answered.

167

Table 4.19: Adolescents’ jobs, high school experiences, plans for leaving school,
and recreational experiences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adolescent Jobs High School Plans for Recreational

Experiences Leaving School Experiences
Diane Aller B A B A
Mary Ann Coles A C C C
Jennie Curry B A A A
Judy David B A B A
Irvin Duke A C C B
Jane Holden B A B A
Bruce Robbins B A A B
Alton Slosser A C C C
Martin Swartz C A A A
Ronald Swartz C A A A
Betty Sweet B A B B
Jill Underwood A B C B
Martha Weide A B B C
Max Williams B A A A
Laurie Withrow B B A B

Key:

1. Jobs: A = Steady work, B = Works sometimes, C = Never works for pay

2. High School Experiences:
A = l class rank and 4 or more extracurricular activities
B = II class rank and 2 or 3 extracurricular activities
C = III or IV class rank and 0 or 1 extracurricular activities

3. Plans for Leaving School: A = Advanced degree
B = Earn a four-year degree
C = Earn a diploma and attend community college

4. Recreational Experiences: A = Three categories (X’s)
B = Two categories (X’s)
C = One category (X)

168
ChapteLSummanr

In this chapter, research findings were presented based on Interviews with 14
families and 15 adolescents. Families were represented by one or two parents. In
addition, student records such as transcripts, educational development plans, and
portfolios were read and analyzed. The interviews were tape recorded and
transcribed. The collected data were read, studied, and analyzed; the results were
organized into categories.

The researcher’s purpose In this study was to describe and explain
adolescents’ behaviors relative to their families’ social class. Concerning
adolescents’ behaviors, It was found that adolescents’ recreational experiences
could be discussed based on family gatherings/travel, friends’ events/activities, and
enrichment summer institutes/camps; 7 of the 15 adolescents shared recreational
experiences in all three categories (Table 4.13). Further, it was found that
adolescents’ plans for leaving school could be named as either earning a high
school diploma (and attending a community college), earning a four-year degree (in
college), or earning an advanced degree (beyond a four-year degree). Six
adolescents planned to earn an advanced degree, five planned a four-year degree,
and four planned to graduate from high school and go on to community college
(Table 4.14). Adolescents’ behaviors In high school were analyzed by studying their
class rank and their Involvement In extracurricular activities. It was found that nine
adolescents ranked In the top 25% of their respective classes, and each of them was

highly Involved In extracurricular activities. Conversely, two students had low

169

Involvement In extracurricular activities, and both were ranked In the bottom half of
their classes (Table 4.16). Finally, adolescents’ jobs were studied; It was found that
five adolescents had steady work, eight students worked sometimes, and two
students, who were brothers, had never worked for pay (Table 4.18). One can see
that much was learned about adolescents’ behaviors, and this information will be
used to answer the research questions in the following chapter.

Data were presented and analyzed regarding families’ social class. The basis
for the social class discussion was the normative social class model, which is based
on four factors. The first factor, outlook, allowed a range of social classes to be
established for the 14 families; It was found that four families were lower class, two
were middle class, and eight were upper class when using outlook to place the
families (Table 4.2). The second factor, cognitive ability, provided a means for social
class placement, and four families were lower class, four were middle class, and six
were upper class (Table 4.4). The third factor, occupation, In a similar way allowed
discussion to take place that assigned a social class to each family; three families
were lower class, eight were middle class, and three were upper class (Table 4.7).
The fourth and final factor, interaction, gave a set of social class rankings as did the
other three factors; five families were lower class, three families were middle class,
and six families were upper class (Table 4.10). Because the writer’s Intention was
to talk about families’ social class in an overall sense, these four factors were rolled
into one; families’ social class was based on ALL social class factors. When this

was done, three families were found to be lower class, eight were middle class, and

170

three were upper class (Table 4.12). A rationale was provided for all the rankings,
Including the overall ranking based on all social class factors.

Now attention is turned to the 16 research questions that were the basis for
this study. Chapter V is devoted to answering the research questions; they are
based on the families’ social class and the adolescents’ behaviors. The work of
Chapter IV was focused largely on the two large categories, families’ social class
and adolescents’ behaviors. This work becomes the basis for answering the 16

research question In Chapter V.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, AND

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

lntmfiuminn

The researcher’s purpose in this study was to determine whether there is a
relationship between adolescents’ behaviors and their families’ social class. In
Chapter I, the study was Introduced. The normative social class model was
presented, which is the basis for determining families’ social class. The study’s
problem statement, purpose, and background were presented. Chapter II provided
a literature review, and the works of Hollingshead, Banfield, Wright et al., Herrnstein
and Murray, and Kahl were examined. Social class was defined, and the normative
social class model was developed. Adolescents’ behaviors also were defined In
Chapter II.

The study’s methodology, a qualitative investigation of families’ social class
and adolescents’ behaviors, was explained In Chapter III. Structured Interviews of
14 families and 15 adolescents provided information; student records also were
examined regarding adolescents’ behaviors. The data gathered in the Investigation

were presented in Chapter IV; the data were analyzed In several ways, which will be

171

172
helpful In this chapter. Specifically, Tables 4.1 through 4.19 will be used to answer
the research questions.

Chapter V contains a summary of major findings; the 16 research questions
that have guided the data-collection process are addressed. Conclusions are drawn
regarding the study, and these findings are compared to those made in earlier
studies, emphasizing Hollingshead’s findings. Findings from works by Okey and
others are compared to these findings. Finally, recommendations for further

research are offered, along with the writer's reflections.

S III II' E' l'

Beeeamhfluesflengz Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to
their families’ outlook?

Chapter IV provided the data that were used to answer this and the following
questions. Families' outlook was assessed through parental planning and goal
setting. Also, outlook was measured by how long parents expected to live and by
their own personal attitudes about living. It was determined that, ifoutlook were the
sole criterion, eight families were upper class, two families were middle class, and
four families were lower class. (See Table 4.2, Families’ Social Class Based on
Outlook.)

Adolescents’ high school experiences were defined by the accomplishments
and achievements adolescents experienced as high school students. Table 4.16
contained Information regarding class rank and extracurricular activities. Nine
adolescents were ranked in the top quarter, three were In the middle/upper quarter

(26%-50%), two were In the lower/middle quarter (51%-75%), and one adolescent

173

was In the lower quarter (low 75%). In addition, the nine adolescents who were in
the top quarter had high Involvement In extracurricular activities. The remaining six
adolescents either had some or low Involvement in extracurricular activities.

To answer this research question, the two sets of information need to be
studied together. The Information from Tables 4.2 and 4.16 is assembled In Table

5.1 for this purpose.

Table 5.1: Families’ social class based on outlook and adolescents’ high school
expenences.

 

Social Class F 'I Adolescents’ High School Experiences
Based on Outlook 3"" y Class Rank

 

Extracurriculars

 

Williams I
Holden l
David I
Upper Aller I
Swartz I

l

l

I

I

Curry
Sweet

Lynch/Coles I I

Robbins
Withrow ll

Underwood/March II
Weide ll
Duke III
Longo/Slosser IV

 

Middle

 

Lower

 

 

 

(DI-(DU) (DI I'IIIIIII

 

 

 

Key:

1. Class rank: I = Top quarter (top 25%)
II = Middle/upper quarter (26%-50%)
HI = Lower/middle quarter (51%-75%)
IV = Lower quarter (low 75%)

2. Extracurriculars: H = High Involvement (more than 4 activities)
S = Some involvement (2 or 3 activities)
L = Low involvement (0 or 1 activity)

174

One can conclude that adolescents’ high school experiences were related to
their families’ social class based on outlook Seven of the eight families ranked
upper class based on outlook, had adolescents who were ranked In the top quarter
of their respective classes, and were highly involved In extracurriculars. Except for
one student (Bruce Robbins), adolescents with high class rank and high extracurric-
ular Involvement came from families ranked In the upper class based on outlook.
Conversely, except for Mary Ann Coles, adolescents with lower class rank and lower
extracurricular involvement came from families having lower social class ranking
based on outlook. Therefore, adolescents’ high school experiences were related to
their families’ social class when It was determined by outlook.

WW Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to
their families’ cognitive ability?

The information about adolescents’ high school experiences Is now compared
to families’ social class based on a second factor, cognitive ability. Cognitive ability,
also known by the general term, Intelligence, was based on Herrnstein and Murray’s
theories. Three sets of indicators (see Table 3.1, p. 56) shaped the parent
Interviews; parents shared their own educational experiences-what they did in
school, what they accomplished, and what they achieved. The Information from
parent Interviews was used to compile social class rankings based on cognitive
ability. Information about adolescents’ high school experiences and families’
cognitive ability is shown in Table 5.2.

Adolescents’ high school experiences appear to be related to their families’
cognitive ability. Based on Table 5.2, five students with the highest class rank and

high extracurricular involvement came from upper-class families based on cognitive

175

ability; the other two students with highest class rank/high extracurricular
Involvement were from middle-class families based on cognitive ability. No students
with highest class rank/high extracurricular Involvement were from the lower class.
Furthermore, adolescents from the lower class based on cognitive ability were
ranked lower in their respective classes and had only ”some” or ”low” involvement
in extracurricular activities. Lower-class families seemed to have less involved
children.

Table 5.2: Families’ social class based on cognitive ability and adolescents’ high
schoolexpenences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social Class Adolescents’ High School Experiences
Based on Family ,
Cognitive Ability Class Rank Extracurriculars
Williams I H
Swartz l H
Holden l H
Upper David I H
Aller l H
Curry l H
Robbins l H
. Sweet I H
M'dd'e \Mthrow II S
Lynch/Coles Ill L
Underwood/March Ill L
Duke IV S
Lower Longo/Slosser II S
Weide II 8
Key:
1. Class rank: l = Top quarter (top 25%)

II = Middle/upper quarter (26%-50%)
Ill = Lower/middle quarter (51%-75%)
IV = Lower quarter (low 75%)

2. Extracurriculars: H = High Involvement (more than 4 activities)
S = Some Involvement (2 or 3 activities)
L = Low involvement (0 or 1 activity)

176

W: Are adolescents' high school experiences related to
their families’ occupation(s)?

Adolescents’ high school experiences are now compared to their families’
social class as determined by a third factor, occupation. The five Indicators of
occupation, discussed earlier (Table 3.1, p. 56), guided the parent Interviews.
Dialogue about parents’ occupations took place, especially highlighting job
responsibilities, training, salary, and longevity. Based on the data that were
gathered, each family was assigned a social class ranking (upper, middle, or lower
class) based on occupation. In Table 5.3, families’ social classes based on
occupation are compared with adolescents’ high schoot experiences.

Adolescents’ high school experiences and families’ social class based on
occupation seemed to have a relationship; however, that relationship appeared less
pronounced than the previous two factors. The relationship was there: Adolescents
from upper-class families were ranked highly In their respective school classes and
had high extracurricular involvement. In addition, adolescents from lower class
families had lower class rankings and only 'some” extracurricular Involvement.
However, there was a greater number of middle-class families when social classes
were determined based on occupation. Hence, there was a greater number of highly
ranked students who were highly Involved In extracurricular activities. This is due
to the greater number of middle-class families (and subsequently smaller number of
upper—class families as well as lower-class families based on occupation). This
means the middle class had a great range within itself, an Issue spoken to

previously.

177

Table 5.3: Families’ social class based on occupation and adolescents’ high school
expenences.

 

F Social Class Based F 'l Adolescents’ High School Experiences
. ami
0" OCCUDat'O” y Class Rank Extracurriculars
Williams
Upper Swartz
Holden

I

I

l

Curry l
David I
l

I

l

l

 

 

 

Aller
Robbins
Sweet
Lynch/Coles I I
Withrow II
Duke IlI

Underwood/March lI
Lower Longo/Slosser IV
Weide II

Middle

 

(DC/)0) F'CDF'IIIII III

 

 

 

 

 

Key:
1. Class rank: l = Top quarter (top 25%)
II = Middle/upper quarter (26%-50%)
Ill = Lower/middle quarter (51%-75%)
IV = Lower quarter (low 75%)
2. Extracurriculars: H = High Involvement (more than 4 activities)

8 = Some Involvement (2 or 3 activities)
L = Low involvement (0 or 1 activity)

Beseemnfiuestiengl: Are adolescents’ high school experiences related to
their families’ Interaction?

The fourth social class factor, interaction, was determined by three Indicators:
activities, friendships, and memberships. Parent interviews were conducted, which
Investigated these factors, and the data were gathered and analyzed to place

families In upper, middle, and lower social classes based on the interaction factor.

178

As with the previous three factors, social class based on Interaction was compared
with adolescents’ high school experiences. Both sets of information are assembled
In Table 5.4.

Table 5.4: Families’ social class based on Interaction and adolescents’ high school
expefiences.

 

Social Class Based F 'I Adolescents’ High School Experiences
. ami

on '"te'aCt'O" y Class Rank , Extracurriculars
Williams I
David I
Holden I
Robbins l

l

l

l

 

 

Upper

Aller
Swartz

Curry
Middle Withrow ll
Sweet I

Underwood/March ll
Lynch/Coles . III
Lower Weide ll
Duke Ill
Longo/Slosser IV

 

 

(DI-(0P0) IMI IIIIII

 

 

 

 

 

 

Key:
1. Class rank: I = Top quarter (top 25%)
II = Middle/upper quarter (26%-50%)
Ill = Lower/middle quarter (51%-75%)
IV = Lower quarter (low 75%)
2. Extracurriculars: H = High Involvement (more than 4 activities)

8 = Some Involvement (2 or 3 activities)
L = Low Involvement (0 or 1 activity)

There was a relationship between adolescents’ high school experiences and
their families’ interaction. All six upper-class families (defined by Interaction) had

adolescents who were ranked In the top 25% of their classes and were highly

179
Involved In extracurricular activities. Conversely, the five lower-class families had
no adolescents ranked at the top of the class (e.g., the best ranking was II). The
students from the lower-class families were relatively uninvolved In extracurricular
activities as well (three students had "some” involvement, whereas two students had
'low" Involvement). As with other factors, lower-class families seemed to have

adolescents who did not take part in extracurricular activities.

Beseamhfluesflenj: Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’ outlook?

Adolescents’ jobs were the basis for a second set of adolescents’ behaviors.
The category was taken from Hollingshead (1949). He looked at part-time jobs and
what adolescents thought about jobs in the present and future tenses. As reported
In Chapter IV, Interviews were conducted that placed students In one of three
categories: steady work, works sometimes, or never works for pay. Table 5.5
contains information about adolescents’ jobs in conjunction with their families’ social
class ranking as determined by the first factor, outlook.

There seemed to be a relationship between adolescents’ jobs and their
families’ social class based on outlook. With only one exception, adolescents from
the upper class worked sometimes or not at all; Mary Ann Coles was the only
adolescent from an upper-class family (determined by outlook) who had steady
work. Conversely, from the four lower-class families, each student had steady work.
The reader may recall what some of this steady work entailed: One student had a
paper route and worked on cars, one worked at McDonald’s and another worked at
Taco Bell, and still another babysat daily after school for one of the teachers. It

appears to be a lower-class expectation for the adolescent child to work for pay.

180

Table 5.5: Families’ social class based on outlook and adolescents’ jobs.

 

 

Social Class Based on

w

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Outlook Family Adolescents' Jobs

Vlfilliams Works sometimes
Holden Works sometimes
David Works sometimes

U Aller Works sometimes

p per Swartz Never works for pay

Curry Works sometimes
Sweet Works sometimes
Lynch/Coles Steady work

Middle Robbins Works sometimes
Withrow Works sometimes
Underwood/March Steady work

Lower Weide Steady work
Duke Steady work
Longo/Slosser Steady work

 

 

Beseamnfluesflenj: Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’

cognitive ability?

In Chapter IV it was found that five adolescents had steady work, eight

students worked sometimes, and two students who were brothers never worked for

pay. Also, it was determined that, based on cognitive ability, six families were upper

class, four were middle class, and four were lower class. These two sets of

Information are connected In Table 5.6.

There seemed to be a relationship between adolescents’ jobs and families’

social class based on cognitive ability. Like the previous question, this one had

similar characteristics. Specifically, all upper-class adolescents worked sometimes,

if at all, and all lower-class adolescents had steady work. The middle class had

diversity, with one adolescent working steadily and three working sometimes. Thus,

working for pay was important, even expected, for the lower-class adolescent.

181

Table 5.6: Families’ social class based on cognitive ability and adolescents’ jobs.

 

 

 

 

Social Class Based on . ,
Cognitive Ability Family Adolescents Jobs

Williams Works sometimes
Swartz Never works for pay

U Holden Works sometimes

pper David Works sometimes

Aller Works sometimes
Curry Works sometimes
Robbins Works sometimes

Middle Sweet Works sometimes
Withrow Works sometimes I-
Lynch/Coles Steady work
Underwood/March Steady work

Lower Duke Steady work
Longo/Slosser Steady work
Weide Steady work

 

 

 

 

 

W: Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families’
occupation(s)?

The data were presented In Chapter IV to formulate upper-, middle-, and
lower-class families based on occupation. It was determined that three families were
upper class, eight middle class, and three lower class when the focus was on the
social class factor, occupation. In Table 5.7, families’ social class based on
occupation Is connected with adolescents’ jobs.

The relationship between adolescents’ jobs and families’ social class
determined by occupation was similar to that found in the previous two research
questions. In general, the adolescents from upper-class families worked sometimes,
if at all; adolescents from lower-class families had steady work. The primary
difference with the factor, occupation, was the wider range of middle-class families.

With eight middle-class families, the range between and among the families was

182

greater. It is reasonable to conclude that adolescents’ jobs would range accordingly

within the middle class, from the six who worked sometimes to the two who had

steady work.

Table 5.7: Families’ social class based on occupation and adolescents’ jobs.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Socral Class Based on Family Adolescents’ Jobs
Occupation

Williams Works sometimes

Upper Swartz Never works for pay
Holden Works sometimes
Curry Works sometimes
David Works sometimes
Aller Works sometimes

Middle Robbins Works sometimes
Sweet Works sometimes
Lynch/Coles Steady work
Withrow Works sometimes
Duke Steady work
Underwood/March Steady work

Lower Longo/Slosser Steady work
Weide Steady work

 

W: Are adolescents’ jobs related to their families'

interaction?

Families’ social class based on the fourth factor, interaction, was described

and presented In Chapter IV. The upper class was determined by six families

(David, Holden, Robbins, Vlfilliams, Aller, and Swartz), and the middle class (Curry,

Vlfithrow, and Sweet) and the lower class (Lynch/Coles, Underwood/March, Weide,

Duke, and Longo/Slosser) were defined by the remaining eight families. Table 5.8

connects the information about families’ social class defined by Interaction with

adolescents’ jobs.

The relationship between families’ social class based on interaction and
adolescents’ jobs seemed consistent; there was a relationship showing that
adolescents who had steady work came from lower-class families based on
interaction. Also, adolescents from upper-class families based on Interaction worked
sometimes, if at all. Perhaps working was not necessary in these families, given the

other activities In which adolescents were engaged.

183

Table 5.8: Families’ social class based on interaction and adolescents' jobs.

 

Social Class Based on

Adolescents’ Jobs

 

 

 

 

 

 

Interaction Family

Williams Works sometimes
David Works sometimes

Upper Holden Works sometimes
Robbins Works sometimes
Aller Works sometimes
Swartz Never works for pay
Curry Works sometimes

Middle Withrow Works sometimes
Sweet Works sometimes
Underwood/March Steady work
Lynch/Coles Steady work

Lower Weide Steady work
Duke Steady work
Longo/Slosser Steady work

 

Besearehfluestienj: Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to

their families’ outlook?

Adolescents’ recreational experiences were defined as leisure activities
enjoyed by adolescents outside the educational system. The data analysis

synthesized leisure activities Into three categories: family gatherings/travel, friends’

 

184

events/activities, and enrichment summer Institutes/camps. This information was
assembled alongside families’ social class rankings based on outlook in Table 5.9.

A relationship was found between families’ social class established by the
factor, outlook, and adolescents’ recreational experiences. For the eight families
designated upper class, 21 Indicators were found out of 24 possible (about 87%).
For the two families in outlook’s middle class, there were only four Indicators out of
six possible (about 67%), and for the four families ranked lower class, there were
just six Indicators out of 12 possible (about 50%). Based on this analysis, It would
appear that more recreational activities for adolescents were found In upper-class

families, based on outlook.

Table 5.9: Families’ social class based on outlook and adolescents’ recreational

 

 

 

 

 

expenences.
Social Adolescents' Recreational Experiences
Class
Based Family
on Family Gather— Friends’ Events! Enrichment Summer
Outlook Ings/Travel Activities Institutes/Camps
Williams X X X
Holden X X X
David X X X
Upper Aller X X X
(21 I24) Swartz X X X
Curry X X X
Sweet X X
Lynch/Coles X
Middle Robbins X X
(4/6) Withrow X X
Undenivood/March X X
Lower Weide X
(6/12) Duke X X
Longo/Slosser X

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

185

BeseathQueinQnJfl: Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to
their families’ cognitive ability?

Table 5.10 combines adolescents’ recreational experiences with their families’
social class as determined by cognitive ability. There was a relationship between
adolescents’ behavior and their families’ social class as defined by cognitive ability.
For the six upper-class families, there were 18 indicators out of 18 possibilities
(100%). For the four middle-class families, the number dropped to 7 Indicators out
of 12 possible (about 58%). Finally, for the four families In the lower class, the figure
dropped to six indicators out of 12 possible (about 50%). It appears that upper-class
families, as defined by cognitive ability, had adolescents who were much more active
In recreation that those from middle- and lower-class families.

Table 5.10: Families’ social class based on cognitive ability and adolescents’
recreational experiences. ’

 

 

 

 

 

Social Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences
Class
33599.0" Family Family Gather— Friends’ Events! Enrichment
COQIAIWB Ings/Travel Activities Summer
Ability Institutes/Camps
Williams X X X
Swartz X X X
Upper Holden X X X
(18l18) David X X X
Aller X X X
Curry X X X
Robbins X X
Middle Sweet X X
(7/12) With row X X
Lynch/Coles X
Underwood/March X X
Lower Duke X X
(6/12) Longo/Slosser X
Weide X

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

186

Beseamhfluesflenjli Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to
their families’ occupation(s)?

The two sets of Information—adolescents’ recreational experiences and
families’ occupations—are placed together In Table 5.11. There was a relationship
between adolescents’ recreational experiences and the social class factor,
occupation. The upper class based on occupation had all nine adolescent
recreational categories filled (100%). Contrasted with the middle class (18124, 75%)
and the lower class (4/9, about 44%), the families’ social class determined by
occupation stood out when reviewing adolescents’ recreational experiences.

Table 5.11: Families’ social class based on occupation and adolescents’ recrea-
fionalexpenences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[m _____‘
Social Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences
Class ,
Based on Family Family Gather- Friends’ Events/ Enrichment
Occupation ings/Travel Activities Summer
Institutes/Camps i
Upper Williams x X X I
(9,9) Swartz x X X
Holden x X X
Curry x X X
David X X X
Aller x X X
Middle Robbins x X
(18/24) Sweet x X
Lynch/Coles X
Withrow X x
Duke x X
Lower Underwood/March x x
(4,9) Longo/Slosser X
Weide X

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

187

Beseemnfluestigngz: Are adolescents’ recreational experiences related to
their families’ Interaction?

The families’ social class determined by interaction was coupled with
adolescents’ recreational experiences In Table 5.12 in order to address this research
question. The table shows another strong relationship between adolescents’
recreational experiences and a social class factor. This time the factor is Interaction,
and the upper class was filled with 17 indicators of adolescents’ recreational
experiences in the upper class out of 18 possibilities (about 94%). This Is a
favorable comparison to the middle class (about 78%) and a large contrast to the
lower class (about 46%). Clearly, the recreational experiences of adolescents from
upper social class families based on Interaction were greater than those of
adolescents from the middle and lower social classes.

Table 5.12: Families’ social class based on interaction and adolescents’ recrea-
fionalexpenences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences
332350" Family Family Gather— Friends’ Events] Enrichment
Interaction ings/Travel Activities Summer
Institutes/Camps [I
Williams x X X
DaVid X x x
Upper Holden x X X
(17118) Robbins x X
Aller X x X
. Curry X X X
3%)“ Withrow x X
Sweet x X
Underwood/March X x
Lynch/Coles X
Lower ,
(7/1 5) Weide X
Duke X X
Longo/Slosser X ll

 

 

 

 

 

188

BeseamhflueslimJ}: Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to
their families’ outlook?

Adolescents’ plans for leaving school were categorized. As reported in
Chapter IV, adolescents’ plans fit one of three descriptions: high school diploma/
attend community college, four-year degree, or advanced degree beyond the
bachelor’s degree. By the first description, high school diploma/attend community
college, the adolescent was saying that he or she planned on high school and
perhaps a year of community college, perhaps two years of community college at the
most. That adolescent was looking at high school graduation and little else. The
second category, four-year degree, captured the student who planned on attending
college; the student had a goal of graduating from college, most of the time with a
definite career in mind. The third category, earn an advanced degree, was useful
for the student who planned on training for a career in which four years of college
would not complete professional training.

In Table 5.13 the information about adolescents’ plans for leaving school is
connected with the families’ social class ranking based on the factor, outlook. As
with the previous research questions, this table provides the means for answering
the question regarding adolescents’ plans for leaving school and outlook.

Based on the Information In Table 5.13, there appeared to be a relationship
between adolescents’ plans for leaving school and their families’ social class based
on outlook. Of the eight upper-class families, seven of them had adolescents with
plans for attending four years of college. In three instances, advanced degrees were

planned. Advanced degrees were planned for both students from middle-class

189

families; from the four lower-class families, one student was planning for four years
of college. Therefore, a relationship may exist between adolescents’ plans for
leaving school and outlook; more adolescents from middle and upper social classes
seem to plan on college.

Table 5.13: Families’ social class based on outlook and adolescents’ plans for
leaving school.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social Class Family Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School

Williams Advanced degree

Holden Four-year degree

David Four-year degree
Upper Aller Four-year degree

Swartz Advanced degree

Curry Advanced degree

Sweet Four-year degree

Lynch/Coles High school diploma/community college
Middle Robbins Advanced degree

Withrow Advanced degree

Underwood/March High school diploma/community college
Lower Weide Four-year degree

Duke High school diploma/community college

Longo/Slosser High school diploma/community college

 

 

 

Researcnfluesflgnggz Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to
their families’ cognitive ability?

Table 5.14 contains Information regarding adolescents’ plans for leaving
school and the second social class factor, cognitive ability. There were six upper-
class families based on cognitive ability alone, and there were four middle-class and

four lower-class families. These families were aligned with the three categories for

190

leaving school: high school diploma/attend community college, four-year degree,

and advanced degree.

Table 5.14: Families’ social class based on cognitive ability and adolescents’ plans
for leaving school.

 

 

 

 

Social Class Family Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School
Williams Advanced degree
Swartz Advanced degree
Upper Holden Four-year degree it
David Four-year degree
Aller Four-year degree
Curry Advanced degree
Robbins Advanced degree
Middle Sweet Four-year degree
VWthrow Advanced degree
Lynch/Coles High school diploma/community college
Underwood/March High school diploma/community college
Lower Duke High school diploma/community college
Longo/Slosser High school diploma/community college
Weide Four-year degree

 

 

 

 

 

The data showed a relationship between adolescents’ plans for leaving school
and cognitive ability. The upper-class families all had adolescents who were college
bound, and the middle-class families did the same with one exception. The lower
class Indicated a similar finding as it did In the previous question; three students
planned to settle on a high school diploma along with some school work at the local
community college; the other student was planning on college. This seems to
indicate a stronger relationship—that students who are college bound are likely to

come from families with higher cognitive ability. Conversely, the data suggested that

191
students who are not going to college may be more likely to come from families with
lower cognitive ability.

Researcbguesflenjj: Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to
their families’ occupation(s)?

Attention Is now given to the third social class factor, occupation. Recall that
the number of middle-class families swelled to eight In this category, and there was
a corresponding reduction In families In the upper and lower classes. Table 5.15
contains information regarding adolescents’ plans for leaving school and the third
social class factor, occupation.

Table 5.15: Families’ social class based on occupation and adolescents’ plans for
leaving school.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social Class Family Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School
Williams Advanced degree
Upper Holden Four-year degree
Swartz Advanced degree
Curry Advanced degree
David Four-year degree ~
Aller Four-year degree
Middle Robbins Advanced degree
Sweet Four-year degree
Lynch/Coles High school diploma/community college
Withrow Advanced degree
Duke High school diploma/community college
Underwood/March High school diploma/community college
Lower Longo/Slosser High school diploma/community college
Weide Four-year degree

 

There was a relationship between adolescents’ leaving school and
occupation. The upper-class families had adolescents who planned on attending

college; the lower-class families had students who planned on a high school

192

diploma/community college or college. The eight adolescents from middle-class
families showed diversity, with six planning on college and two planning on a high
school diploma/attending community college. Consistent with the other social class
factors, occupation seemed to describe social classes such that middle- and upper-
class families were likely to have adolescents planning on a four-year or advanced
college degree, and this goal was not as likely to be shared among lower-class
families in the occupation category.

ReseaLchuesflenJfi Are adolescents’ plans for leaving school related to
their families’ interaction?

The fourth social class factor, interaction, Is coupled with adolescents’ plans
for leaving school In Table 5.16. This configuration placed the adolescents’ planning
on either a four-year degree or an advanced degree in middle- or upper—class
families.

Table 5.16: Families’ social class based on interaction and adolescents’ plans for
leaving school.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social Class Family Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School
Williams Advanced degree
David Four-year degree
Upper Holden Four-year degree
Robbins Advanced degree
Aller Four-year degree
Swartz Advanced degree
Curry Advanced degree
Middle Withrow Advanced degree
Sweet Four-year degree
Undenivood/March High school diploma/community college
Lynch/Coles High school diploma/community college
Lower Weide Four-year degree
Duke High school diploma/community college
Longo/Slosser High school diploma/community college

 

 

193

Furthermore, the three adolescents who planned on only a high school
diploma/attending community college were found In lower-class families. Recall that
occupation showed two middle-class adolescents looking only at high school
diploma/community college, cognitive ability had one middle-class adolescent
looking at high school diploma/community college, and outlook had one upper-class
adolescent planning on only a high school diploma/community college. Interaction,
however, placed the four adolescents planning on a high school diploma] community

college In families who were situated In the lower social class.

QQnelusiens

The researcher drew six conclusions from the study. They are as follows:

1. Adolescents’ high school experiences were related to their families’
social class ranking as determined by any of these social class factors: outlook,
cognitive ability, occupation, or interaction. In general, regardless of factor, upper-
and middle-class families had adolescents who were more highly ranked In their
respective high school classes and were more Involved In extracurricular activities.

2. Adolescents’ jobs were related to their families’ social class ranking as
determined by outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, or interaction. Regardless of
which factor described social class, lower-class families were more likely to have
adolescent children who had steady work. Also, upper-class families were more
likely to have adolescent children who worked sometimes, if at all, for pay.

3. Adolescents’ recreational experiences were related to their families’

social class ranking as determined by outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, or

194
Interaction. Upper-class adolescents had a higher percentage of recreational
experiences with family, friends, and enrichment programs.

4. Adolescents’ plans for leaving school were related to their families’
social class ranking as determined by outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, or
interaction. Upper- and middle-class families’ adolescent children were likely to plan
for college to earn either a four-year degree or an advanced degree.

5. Small family differences tended to be related to large differences In
adolescents’ behaviors. Families may have lived, worked, and existed In the same
community, but small differences in the families’ outlook, cognitive ability,
occupation, or interaction were reflected In large differences In adolescents’
behaviors.

6. Social class Is a complex concept. The normative social class model
was developed forthis study and is a tool that can be used to determine social class.
Based on the factors of outlook, cognitive ability, occupation, and interaction, social

class can be defined.

IheQnLnLEmeciedAdeleseenLBebayiet
The researcher’s purpose in this study was to describe and explain
adolescents’ behaviors related to their families’ social class. The findings Indicated
that adolescents’ behaviors were functionally related to their families’ social class.
Patterns and categories evolved that enabled the researcher to develop a theory,
which he named the Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory. That theory Is

portrayed In Figure 5.1.

195

 

 

Families’ Social Class <1 :---> Adolescents’ Behaviors
u ................ EAB
M ---------------- EAB
L ---------------- EAB

Key: EAB = Expected adolescent behaviors.

Figure 5.1: The Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory.

According to the Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory, there is a set of
behaviors that may be expected from adolescents, based on their families’ social
class. In other words, depending on their families’ social class, adolescents can be
expected to exhibit a particular set of behaviors identified In this study. These
behaviors are observable and predictable. They fall within the four adolescent
behaviors examined In this study: jobs, high school experiences, plans for leaving
school, and recreational experiences.

Jens. Adolescents from upper-class families may work sometimes, if at all;
the possibility exists that these adolescents may not work at all for pay. Middle-class
adolescents are likely to work sometimes, whereas those from lower-class families
are likely to have steady work. A commitment to work is greater among lower-class
adolescents; the expected behavior of these adolescents Is to work. In contrast, for
upper— and middle-class adolescents, there Is less expectation to work.

flighseheQLexpeLienees. Adolescents from upper-class families are likely to

be highly Involved in extracurricular activities at school, and they are likely to be

196

ranked In the upper quarter of their class academically. Adolescents from middle-
class families are likely to be Involved In extracurricular activities, as well, but their
Involvement may be less than that of their upper-class counterparts. They are likely
to be ranked in the upper half of their class academically. Adolescents from lower-
class families are likely to have low Involvement in extracurricular activities, and they
are likely to be ranked In the lower half of their class at school. Upper-class
adolescents have a greater number of extracurricular associations and enjoy higher
grades than either middle- or lower-class adolescents. Upper-class adolescents are
expected to be ranked high academically and are expected to earn A’s in their
courses. Expectations shift for middle- and lower-class adolescents: Middle-class
adolescents earn A’s, B’s, and some C’s, whereas lower-class adolescents earn
mostly C’s, occasional A’s and B’s, but also occasional D’s and E’s. Lower-class
adolescents also can be expected to be special education students.

ElansjeLleeyIngsebggl. Upper-class families tend to produce adolescents
who plan to attend college after graduating from high school. Many of these children
plan to earn advanced degrees. Middle-class families have children with nearly the
same plan: to attend college after high school and perhaps to attain an advanced
degree. In contrast, lower-class families produce children who have a different goal:
to finish high school and to attend community college.

BeQLealiQnaLemefienees. Adolescents from upper-class families have
recreational experiences involving family, friends, and summer camps/institutes.

Adolescents from middle-class families have similar experiences, but to a lesser

197

extent. That Is, an upper-class adolescent may have all three experiences, whereas
a middle-class adolescent may have experiences In only two areas (i.e., family and
friends only). Adolescents from lower-class families have even fewer recreational
experiences, likely in only one or two of the areas (i.e., friends only).

Some adolescents may deviate from the Expected Adolescent Behavior
Theory. The possibility exists that a lower-class adolescent may behave as if he or
she is from the middle or upper class. An explanation of this deviation follows. The

model displayed in Figure 5.2 reflects deviations In the Expected Adolescent

Behavior Theory.
Families’ Social Class Adolescents’ Behaviors
U ---------------- EAB.
M ---------------- EAB

Key: EAB = Expected adolescent behaviors
F’ = Force

Figure 5.2: Deviations from the Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory.

A force, denoted F’, that causes a change in one or more expected
adolescent behaviors may enter into the environment. The force may be external
or internal, voluntary or Involuntary. For example, in the completed study, the
adolescent named Martha Weide was from a lower-class family. Her mother worked

In a bar, was a high school dropout, and expected her daughters to be just like her.

198

One daughter had turned out just like her, but Martha seemed quite different. Her
high school experiences were more like those of students from the middle class; her
3.324 GPA earned her a ranking in the upper half of her class. Also, she
participated in some extracurricular activities at school, unlike adolescents from
lower-class families. A force (F ’) had entered into the Weide family environment that
created a different set of high school behaviors. Martha stated It as follows:

In myjunior year, I started to care. I realized that If I didn’t want to live like we

do right now (not an insult to my mother), then I had better start to care. I

thought maybe I can get some scholarships because of my grades. Plus, I

actually like to learn now. I kind of like a challenge.
Indeed! Martha’s F’ was an internal change caused by a perception she had about
her future. She changed her high school experiences as a means of changing her
future. She meant no offense to her mother, but she did not want to become like
her. Martha’s F’ was voluntary; she was not to/dshe had to change. This voluntary
decision created a force in the Weide family environment that caused Martha to
deviate from the expected adolescent behaviors. Her mother stated, "I don’t know
where she gets it from, because my other daughter is just like me, it’s unreal.” Mrs.
Weide did not understand where Martha got 'it" from because F’, the ”It,” was an
Internal and voluntary force that was foreign to Mrs. Weide. F’ was new to the
Weide family environment.

To gain a better understanding about F’, a deeper analysis of the data is
necessary. Studying occupation and outlook helps provide such an analysis.

Occupation and outlook were considered earlier (see pp. 59-77 and 91-106,

especially); these two factors have revealed some Interesting social class concepts.

199

A relatively large number of families (eight) were placed In the middle class when
determined by occupation; only'two families from the same group were middle class
by outlook. If occupation and outlook are studied together, adolescents’ behaviors
are seen In a way that helps us learn about F’.

Three upper-class families (Williams, Swartz, and Holden) were considered
upper class by both occupation and outlook. Similarly, three lower-class families
(Underwood/March, Longo/Slosser, and Weide) were lower class for both factors.
However, of the remaining eight middle-class families determined by occupation, six
families were not middle class when determined by outlook, and five of these
families were upper class when determined by outlook To carrythe analysis further,
an examination of these five families Is In order. The following data were extracted

from Tables 5.1 and 5.3:

Class Rank Extracurricular Activities
David I H
Curry l H
Aller I H
Sweet I H
Lynch/Coles Ill L

Listed are David, Curry, Aller, Sweet, and Lynch/Coles because they are the five
families having upper-class outlook and middle-class occupation. Four of the five
families had adolescents with high class rank (I) and high extracurricular
involvement. A similar analysis for the other adolescent behaviors follows.

As reported In Tables 5.5 and 5.7, adolescents’ jobs forthe five families were

as follows:

200

Adolescents’ Jobs
David Works sometimes
Curry Works sometimes
Aller Works sometimes
Sweet Works sometimes
Lynch/Coles Steady work

Four of the five families were similar on this dimension; only the Lynch/Coles
adolescent had steady work.

Reviewing Tables 5.9 and 5.11 provided the following recreational-
experiences data for the same families:

Adolescents’ Recreational Experiences

Family Friends Enrichment
David X X X
Curry X X X
Aller X X X
Sweet X X
Lynch/Coles X

As with the preceding behaviors, the Lynch/Coles family differed most from the other
four. This time, the Sweet family differed from the David, Curry, and Aller families,
as well, because that family, like Lynch/Coles, did not report enrichment
expefiences.

Finally, data taken from Tables 5.13 and 5.15 regarding the adolescents’
plans for leaving school, the fourth behavior studied, are displayed on the following
page. Only the Lynch/Coles adolescent did not plan on at least four years of

college.

201

Adolescents’ Plans for Leaving School

David Four-year degree
Curry Advanced degree
Aller Four-year degree
Sweet Four-year degree
Lynch/Coles HS diploma/community college

Thus, with regard to the four adolescent behaviors, the Lynch/Coles family
differed from the other four families In each analysis. One reason for this difference
may be that Mary Ann Coles had dropped out of school to have a baby and then
returned. The baby certainly limited her behaviors. The baby’s existence Is an
example of F’, a force that had altered her adolescent behaviors. Studied in
comparison with lower-class families, Mary Ann fit closely. The F’ seemed to alter
her expected adolescent behaviors more like a lower-class adolescent than a
middle-class one.

The David, Curry, Aller, and Sweet families had similar adolescent behaviors.
As pointed out above, their children had top grades and were highly Involved in
extracurricular activities. Adolescents from these four families worked ”sometimes"
and planned on at least four years of college. They had had recreational activities
Involving family, friends, and, In three cases, enrichment activities. Taken
collectively, these are expected adolescent behaviors, much like those found in
upper-class families. The David, Curry, Aller, and Sweet families were rated middle
class overall (see Table 4.12), yet their adolescents’ behaviors were similar to those

from upper-class families. Thus, another F’ was revealed; this time, the force

202

appeared to be related to the families’ outlook. An upper-class outlook seems to be
related to adolescents who behave more like those from upper-class families.

According to the preceding analysis, It appears that middle-class families’
upper-class outlook leads to a set of adolescent behaviors that seem to match those
of adolescents from upper-class families. Being a novice researcher, this writer is
not suggesting that families’ outlook causes adolescents’ behaviors. These are
certainly a limited number of cases; the study was based on 14 families and 15
adolescents. What Is significant is that the analysis, along with the discussion about
Martha Weide preceding it, seems to explain the deviations found within this study.
The explanation seems plausible for Instances In which the case does not conform
to the Expected Adolescent Behavior Theory.

The logic makes sense. A force, F’, creates a change In one or more
expected adolescent behaviors. A plausible explanation for the behaviors of Davis,
Curry, Aller, and Sweet could be that the parents’ outlook created a change in parent
or student expectations, which resulted in a different set of adolescent behaviors.
Outlook-to-expectations-to-behaviors Is a plausible path created by F’, the parents’
outlook. For Lynch/Coles, Mary Ann’s baby created a change in parent and student
expectations, leading to a different set of behaviors. For Weide, Martha’s intemal
change (a change In her own outlook, perhaps) created a change In her
expectations, producing a different set of behaviors.

The theory explains deviations that may happen with other adolescents from

other families, as well. F’ could be external. For example, a disability could bring

203
about high school experiences that are deviant for the family’s social class. Further,
such a disability would be Involuntary.

The F’ concept Is a way to think about deviations in expected adolescent
behaviors. It makes sense to account for situations In which families’ social class
and expected adolescent behaviors do not match. In the completed study, these
variations were rare. That may be bad news or good news, depending on one’s
position. If one is an educator, wanting to ”make a difference,” the truth is, the
difference may happen less frequently than one would care to realize-bad news.
If one is a middle-class parent who wants his or her child to attend Michigan State
University, that likely will happen-good news. Regardless, the whole set of
adolescent behaviors is usually predictable.

The institution of school is a potential source for F’. In schools, F’ may enter
the family to create a tension between families’ social class and expected adolescent
behaviors. The result may be a deviation In expected adolescent behaviors. A
lower-class adolescent may experience success at school In operating computers,
for example. This success would be F’, an external force from the school. The F’
would create an environment for the adolescent to consider college education after
high school, a middle-class behavior. The lower-class adolescent would experience
a tension: the consideration of taking on middle-class behavior (attending college).
The school may amplify the Influence of F’; the counselor may provide Information
about college availability and tuition assistance, which Increases the tension. As a

result, the conditions for a deviation in expected adolescent behavior Intensify.

204
II'E'I' C MD E E' B |

One motivation for this study was to update the works of Hollingshead and
others, whose work was described earlier. Hollingshead’s primary research
occurred In 1941 and 1942, more than 50 years ago. He found that families’ social
class shaped the adolescents’ behaviors. This theory was supported by Warner
(1964), Marshall (1965), Jencks (1972), Lightfoot (1978), and Okey (1990), as
reported in Chapter II.

The conclusions from this study are consistent with those of previous
research. Social class was found to shape four specific behaviors exhibited by
adolescents. The factors that determined the social class rankings were found to
have a relationship with each set of adolescent behaviors. For example, It was
reported In Chapter II that Hollingshead found students from higher social classes
were more involved In extracurricular activities, earned better grades, and were
better prepared for college than their counterparts from lower social classes. These
findings are similar to those from this study, in which adolescents’ high school
experiences were found to be related to social class factors: outlook, cognitive
ability, occupation, and interaction. Another example Is that provided by Marshall
(1965), who stated, ”Adolescents’ behaviors largely do reflect their parents’
behaviors, thereby reflecting thefamilies’ social class" (p. 44). The findings from this
study support Marshall’s logic. Okey (1990) described a family culture that is

established by the family’s social class. Nothing in this study contradicted Okey’s

205

notion; numerous examples In the parent Interviews demonstrated what Okey called
”culture.“ Clearly, the parents' expectations shaped the adolescents’ behaviors.
A difference found In this study concerned dropouts. Hollingshead (1949)
reported a large percentage of students who were going to leave school without
graduating. This study did not reveal any dropouts. In fact, Mary Ann Coles had quit
school to have a baby, only to return. Even the weakest students—lrvin Duke, Mary
Ann Coles, and Alton Slosser-planned to finish high school with a diploma and
attend community college. This is a big difference from what Hollingshead reported

In Elmtownlsmim.

Beccmmendatiens

in this study the researcher examined adolescents’ behaviors relative to their
families’ social class. Sixteen research questions were answered, leading to six
conclusions that added to the research about social class and adolescents’
behaviors. In this qualitative Investigation, much Information was collected through
interviews, which leads one to consider possibilities for further research and
investigation. Among the areas for consideration are the following:

1. A quantitative Investigation of adolescents’ behaviors and families’
social class would be useful. This could be done through a written questionnaire
along the same lines of reasoning employed herein: The normative social class
model could be used, with the same fourfactors and Indicators. Comparisons could

be made between the quantitative findings and those from this study.

206

2. A case study investigation of adolescents such as Martha Weide and
Mary Ann Coles might prove Insightful. These two students, more than the others,
broke the mold. It was Martha’s mother who made the comment about Martha being
so different (and so skilled). How that happened would be useful to study. Likewise,
Mary Ann Coles had dropped out of school but returned. The circumstances
predicting this might be disclosed through a more In-depth study. Okey made
significant discoveries when he studied dropouts; hence, a better understanding of
why students made those choices results. A case study of Mary Ann or Martha
could yield similar benefits.

3. A study of adolescents’ behaviors and families' social class could be
replicated, whereby the educational Institution is the unit of analysis. For educators,
understanding how the educational system Influences adolescents’ behaviors Is of
constant interest. Suggesting that the educational system be the unit of analysis
opens up areas that might be of particular Interest (e.g., course offerings/tracking

systems).

Befleetiens
Having the time and opportunity to focus on adolescents’ behaviors and
families’ social class has been wonderful. I take away from the study more than I
brought to It. In the beginning, my social class understanding was typical, perhaps;
to me, social class meant income.
Social class Is much more than that. The normative social class model taught

me that, and I hope others will grow in their understanding, too. Social class is very

207
complex, yet it is truly quite simple In one aspect: Social class can be described in
objective, understandable terms. While we think of ourselves as primarily "middle
class," we are not always middle class at all. One family stands out as an example:
The Lynch/Coles family was lower class when judged by interaction, middle class
when judged by occupation and cognitive ability, and upper class when judged by
outlook. The Lynch/Coles family was middle class, but the family was also upper
class if one studied their outlook, and lower class If their Interaction was the criterion.
Other families may be like that one, where the family’s social class varies by the

factor being used.

 

APPENDIX

 

OFFICE OF
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDIES

UnwannyComnflfleaon
Research Involving
HumanSubkcB
(UCRIHS)

Michigan Slale Univeisi
232 Adminislralion Buildi
Easl Lansing, Michigan
48821-1046

517/355-2180
FAX: 5l7l432-1171

m Attrition Stair Ilnnrrxilr
I)” is Imlilulml Onmdr,
wwwnnkuu

USU it .11 J'I'r‘nnwr'w rfiNr,
(cud-W mum

   
  
 
 

208

MICHIGAN STATE

 

UNIVERSITY
December 1. 1995
TO: Craig Dou las
P.O. Box 81

Oscoda, MI 48750

RE: IRE”: 95-584
TITLE: A STUDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP EETwEEN SUBJECT
CLASS AND ADOLESCENT BEHAVIOR IN AND OUT OF
SCHOOL
REVISION REQUESTED: N/A
CATEGORY: i-A,i-C
APPROVAL DATE: 11/30/95

The University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects'IUCRInSl
review of this preject is complete. I am pleased to adVise that the

rights and

welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately

protected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate.

Therefore,
above.

RENEWAL :

REVISIONS :

PROBLEMS/
CRANGES:

the UCRIHS approved this project and any reVisions listed

UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a project beyond one year must use the green renewal
form (enclosed with t e original agproval letter or when a
project is renewed) to seek u date certification. There is a
maXimum of fourosuch expedite renewals pOSSible. Investigators
wishing to continue a project beyond that time need to submit it
again or complete reView.

UCRIHS'must review any changes in procedures involving human
subjects, rior to initiation of t e change. If this is done at
the.time o renewal, please use the green renewal form. To
reVise an approved protocol at any other time during the year,
send your written request to the. CRIBS Chair, requesting revised
approval and referenCing the proyect's IRB fl and title. Include
in our request a description of the change and any revised

ins ruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

Should either of the following arise during the course of the
work, investigators must noti y UCRIHS promptly: (1) roblems
(unexpected Side effects comp aints, etc.) involving uman
subjects or (2) Changes in the-research environment or new
information indicating greater risk to the human sub'ects than
existed when the protocol was previously reviewed an approved.

If we can be of any future helpé lease do not hesitate to contact us

at (517)355-2180 or FAX (517)4

Sincerely,

DEW:bed

/
avid E. Wright,
UCRIHS Chair

171.

   

cc: Philip A. Cusick

209

NOV 2 7 199.97.

To Whom It May Concern, CKMVSEmWT [KNEW

The purpose for this study is to learn more about how
adolescents behave. I will be asking you about your ideas
about outlook, schooling, friends, and jobs. I will be
asking your adolescent son and/or daughter about high
‘school, working, recreational activities, and whether or not
a diploma and/or college is in their future. During the
next stage of the research, I may review school records,
talk with others, and gather as much information as I can so
that I form ideas. I want to understand how adolescents
spend their time, what they care about, and how they behave
both in and out of school.

The interviews will take about one hour. If we want to talk
longer and you are amenable, we'll need to set up additional
time. The time altogether should be less than two-and-one-
half hours for all interviews. '

What you say will be confidential. Your name will NOT be
reported in the study. Pseudonyms will be assigned to all
participants.

You do NOT have to participate in the study. You can
withdraw from the research at any time, and your
participation is voluntary. You may refuse to answer any
questionis) without penalty. If you want a copy of the
final report, a copy will be furnished by request. Your
signature indicates you understand why this study is being
done. At any time you have queStions about the research, or
wish to talk a supervisor, please call MSU, 4S7 Erickson
Hall,-at.517-355-4S39, and speak with Dr. Philip Cusick. He
is my adviser;

Sincerely,

Craig Douglas, Student
MICHIGAN STATS UNIVERS ITY

parent name
(please print)
parent signature

 

 

student name
(please print)
student signature

 

 

UCRIHS APPRO‘ly'wafi'CR
THIS project EXPIRES:

NOV ,3 o 1996

and must be renewed williiii

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