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EXAMINING LIFE IN THE JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM: A QUALITATIVE
APPROACH EMPLOYING LIFE HISTORY INTERVIEWS AND REFLEXIVITY

By

Stephen A. Kapp

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the degree requirements
for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

School of Social Work
1997

ABSTRACT
EXAMINING LIFE IN THE JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM: A QUALITATIVE
APPROACH EMPLOYING LIFE HISTORY INTERVIEWS AND REFLEXIVITY
By

Stephen A. Kapp

In one form or another, the juvenile justice system has been placing children out of
their homes and caring for them in alternative placements for over two hundred years. The
youth who live in these settings not only have difficulty adjusting to placement options, but
also struggle to adjust to community life when they are returned home.

To shed some light on the types of struggles faced by these young men during
placement and in the community, a series of open-ended interviews were conducted with
former recipients of the juvenile justice system, now in prison. This qualitative study
employed an interview technique called life history interviews, whereby, each of the
participants told the story of his life in the juvenile justice system.

Each of the study participants constructed a vivid portrayal of his experiences.
Generally, they were critical of the system and the services being offered. The treatment
methods, specifically the group treatment, was described as ineffective, forcing them to
deceive stafi and other residents in order to be released. Additionally, the services were
depicted as culturally insensitive with regard to a match between the racial background of
staff versus youth and the promotion of mainstream religious practices distinctively
different from the spiritual background of most of the children in care.

Different explanations were given to describe the path to criminality. The youth
placed in the system for delinquent behavior held themselves and their inability to resist

street behavior responsible to ending up in prison. Conversely, the individuals placed in

the system due to abuse or neglect pointed to the system as the cause of their problems, and
in some cases their eventual imprisonment. Finally, many of the key points raised by these
individuals fit into a critical social science perspective describing the system’s primary goal

as perpetuating itself.

Copyright by
STEPHEN A. KAPP
1 997

To my wife, Carolyn, and my daughter, Hannah, for their unconditional love and support
throughout this process. Also, to the young men who diligently participated in this project
and to the thousands of young men that they represent.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project would have never been completed without the enormous support and
guidance fi'om many generous individuals. First of all, Rena Harold functioned as my
committee chair and advisor throughout the entire doctoral experience. Her emotional,
intellectual, and spiritual backing saw me through many personal and professional
struggles on this journey. Fred Roberts was another vital source of support. He
functioned as a cheerleader for my intellect as we struggled to find ways to apply
contemporary anthropology to my interests in social work with children and families.
Margaret Nielsen, provided constant optimism during some dark periods of the program
The final member of my committee, Vince Hoffman, treated me as a colleague by
respecting my skills and offering challenges at some opportune moments.

Others outside of the academic setting were also very crucial to this project Bill
Lovett, may he rest in retirement, pushed this unconventional research project through the
various channels of the approval procedure at the Department of Corrections. Irwin
Epstein, in his roles as consultant at Boysville and fi'iend to an older doctoral student,
offered constant support and helped with the approval process. Paul Neiunan and Edward
Overstreet of Boysville of Michigan also provided expedient approvals. Judith Kastel lent
her editorial prowess and levity to a multitude of drafts. My fi'iends and family were
tolerant and patient as I progressed through this lengthy process.

These caring professionals, and many others contributed significantly to the

professional, personal, and intellectual connections in my doctoral education.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ................................ xii
INTRODUCTION ................................. 1
Chapter 1

A REVIEW OF THE HISTORY, POLICY, RESEARCH,
ETHICS, AND PRACTICE IN THE

TREATMENT OF JUVENILE DELINQUENTS ...............

History of Juvenile Delinquency ....................
Reform Schools ..........................

Developments in the Reform Schools .........

fiQUIbU

The Juvenile Court ........................
Juvenile Delinquency in Social Science and Social Work . 12
Early Theories of Delinquency ............. 13
‘Modern theories of delinquency ............ 14
Unique intervention methods with juvenile
delinquents . . . . . . . . . .‘ ........... 16
Observations on the history of social work and
delinquency . ........................ 17

Policy Perspective on Juvenile Delinquency ............. 20

vii

Research in Juvenile Delinquency ................... 26
Ethical Issues in the Treatment of Juvenile Delinquency ..... 28
Practice Issues in the Treatment of Juvenile Delinquency . . . . 30
Aftercare services . ........................ 31
Aftercare services related to juvenile justice . . . . 32

Aftercare targeting a service system .......... 34

Aftercare services utilizing more traditional social

work services ................... '34

Specialized Aftercare Program ............. 3‘7
Observations on aftercare ................ 38

Further development of aftercare ........... 41

Community intervention ............. 41

Empirical needs .................. 45

Treatment versus control . ........... 45

Conclusion ................................. 46

Chapter 2

QUALITATIVE APPROACHES IN ANTHROPOLOGY:

SOME CURRENT ISSUES AND DEBATES ................ 49
Locating this Author within the Research Setting ......... 51
Different Frameworks for Defining Culture ............. 56

Medical Anthropology ...................... 56
The Body . . . . ....................... 56

Health Care System .................... 58

Critical Perspective .................... 59
Self-critique of Anthropology ..................... 62
Reflexivity and Representation ................. 63

More Examples of Reflexivity-Dialogic Critique . 66

Embarking on a Journey ......................... 68
Method ................................... 74
The Interview Process ...................... 76
Recording the Data .................... 78
The Sample ............................ 78
Reflexivity ................................. 80
Data Analysis ........................... 81
The Construction of a Narrative .................... 83
Multiple Influences in this Complex Narrative ....... 84
The Interview Process ...................... 87
Chapter 3

GROWING UP IN THE JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM:
VOICES FROM THE INSIDE ......................... 92
An Overview of the Life within the System ............. 93
Futility of Life within the System ............. . 99
Adjusting to Life in the Community ............. 101
Becoming a Criminal ...................... 104

Child Welfare Youth .................. 104
Delinquent Youth .................... 109

Chapter 4
TREATMENT ISSUES FROM A CONSUMER’S POINT OF VIEW

........................................... 114
Group Treatment ............................ 114
Warehousing Children ......................... 121
Positive Experiences .......................... 123
Treatment Philosophy ......................... 127

Improvements based on Positive Memories ........ 127
The Needs of Future Recipients ............... 131

Chapter 5
Racial and Spiritual Tension: An Outsider’s View from the Inside . . 139
Racial Tension ............................. 140
Estrangement, Preferential Treatment and Abuse ..... 140
The Struggle to Adjust to Life in the Community as
an Young African American Male ...................... 144

Spirituality ................................ 146

Chapter 6
CONCLUSION: 1) AN INTERPRETATION DRAWING ON

CONTENIPORARY SOCIAL THEORY AND 2) THE DIPLICATION S FOR

POLICY, PRACTICE AND RESEARCH ..................
Using Goffman’s Work to Consider A Troubled Child’s Career
The Benefit of Operating a System in this Way ..........
Implications for Policy, Practice and Research ..........

Policy Implications .......................
Implications for Practice ....................
Implications for Research ...................
Providing a Voice ....................
Reflexivitynthe Follow-up Interviews .......
Issues for Further Research ..............

The Utility of Qualitative Methods in the Study of
Juvenile Delinquency ..............

Conclusion ................................

APPENDICES ..................................

LIST OF REFERENCES ............................

xi

154

164

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1-Prereformatory History of Juvenile Delinquency .............. 172
Figure 3.1-Placement History .................................................. 173
Figure 3.2-Becoming a Criminal ............................................... 174

xii

INTRODUCTION

For hundreds of years troubled and delinquent children have posed a major
challenge for the professionals that attempt to address their needs. Over the last two
hundred years an elaborate collection of resources has been developing to work with these
children, and sometimes, their families, and occasionally, their communities. This network
of services includes: the juvenile court and probation; an extensive series of public and
private service agencies, many of which offer a variety of out-of-home placement
alternatives; specialized school programs, and much more. This conglomeration is
nebulously referred to as the juvenile justice system.

One of the more common practices in this system is to place children who have
been associated with delinquent behavior or have been abused by their parents out of their
homes in alternative programs ranging from foster homes to institutions. A very common
occurrence is for the child to enjoy some success in the placement, but to struggle when he
is returned home, and eventually get placed, again, in a subsequent placement. This study
asks what is it like for a child to go through this experience of moving around in the
juvenile system by soliciting feedback and information from former recipients. Life history
interviews were constructed with young men who were formerly in the juvenile system,
who are now in prison.

This study allowed these individuals to actively voice in critiques of the system that
virtually raised them. They provided some very insightful feedback about treatment, the
racial and religious tensions they faced in the programs, and the relative impact of the

system on their eventual criminality. Although their stories were very intriguing, it is

2

important to remember that their recollections were constructed and that these constructions
are influenced by many factors, including, but not limited to: their experience since leaving
the system, their current situations, and their interaction with the interviewer. These
considerations need to be factored into the interpretation and presentation of these data In
an attempt to offset the great potential for biases, a small sub-sample of the participants
were re-interviewed. These second set of interviews Were organized around the review and
critique of a set of preliminary findings. Many of the findings were reinforced and
expanded through these additional interviews.

Let me clarify the way the dissertation is organized. In the first chapter a context
for the study is set by reviewing some of the critical historical, policy, research, ethical, .
and practice issues in the treatment of delinquents and troubled children. The second
chapter highlights some of the developments in contemporary anthropology, especially
medical anthropology, which influenced the design of the study. The remaining chapters
deal with the study findings including: an overview of life in the system; a review and
critique of treatment issues, especially the group model; and racial and religious tensions in
the programs. The final chapter attempts to pull the study together using two strategies.
First, the interview data is framed in light of some prominent social theorists. Second, a

set of policy, practice, and research implications are drawn from the study findings.

Chapter 1
A REVIEW OF THE HISTORY, POLICY, RESEARCH,
ETHICS, AND PRACTICE IN THE
TREATMENT OF JUVENILE DELINQUENTS

If I were to classify the order of places, best to worst, in which people may
be placed, especially, children or young people, I say first of all, a good
home; second of all, a small institution properly managed under proper
persons, meaning by a small institution, a hundred or two inmates or less;

thirdly, a large institution; and fourthly, a bad home (Mennel, 1973:77).

A. 0. Wright, a child advocate, made this insightful and timeless statement in the
1880’s. He illuminated a handful of key issues which continue to vex social work
professionals attempting to provide services to delinquent children and their families. His
reflection alluded to the inevitability of out-of-home placement for some children. For
those children, there were a set of alternatives from which to choose. Enjoying prominence
among these alternatives were institutions. Professionals faced with facilitating such
decisions have always had to assume the responsibility for choosing and managing the
most effective alternative for children removed from their own homes.

The last concern has tormented those dealing with troubled youth for htmdreds of

4

years. What is the best way to treat those children whose problems have led to their
dislocation from their families? How does one go about making such a decision? Whose
needs are primary in these decisions - the child’s, the family’s, the court’s, or the
community’s? This line of discussion also raises another complicated series of questions
concerning the options that are actually available? These issues perplexed child advocates
and social work professionals before Wright’s time, and continue to do so today.
Unfortunately, there is little evidence that such issues will be resolved in the near future.

An extensive discussion will review and analyze the terrain associated with the
provision of treatment to delinquent children and their families. A variety of perspectives
will be engaged to ground this discussion in the context of actual juvenile justice practices
which will hopefully lead to a more complete understanding. First, efforts will focus on '
the historical context for these challenges. By looking at history, the discussion will
examine the degree to which these same struggles existed and how they progressed over
time. The remainder of the discussion will focus a more contemporary lens on these
issues, by entertaining some of the current debates in policy, research, ethics, and practice.
It is hoped that, at the very least, the treatment of these issues will provide a firm grasp of
the various paths that have been chosen by those committed to the treatment of these
children and their families. Beyond these minimal expectations, one might expect a
comprehensive analysis of this nature to provide some suggestions for moving closer to
resolving some of the predicaments alluded to by Wright in the opening quote.

History of Juvenile Delinquency

Juvenile delinquency has been with Western society for almost five hundred years.
Some of the earlier reported signs were present in Europe during the 16th and 17th
centuries. Delinquency appears to be linked with crucial societal changes, even in its
primal stages. The timeline in Figure 1.1 (APPENDIX A) portrays some critical
milestones in the presence and progression of delinquency from the 1500’s in Europe up
through the mid-1800’s in this country. During this period, as well as today, the treatment

5

of delinquency was closely linked to critical social changes, especially those related to the
unmet needs of children and families excluded from mainstream social and economic
structures. Irnpoverishcd families have continued to exist from Feudal periods to the
development of Industrialization and beyond.

These families have always posed a formidable challenge to the social service
entities of the day. Specifically, what happens to the children from these families? How
are the families treated? As the timeline shows, different institutional and some other non-
institutional options have attempted to address this question since the mid-1500’s. A
common pattern occurs when institutional alternatives are developed to contend with a
growing concern, oflen perceived as children from poverty-stricken families being out of
control. After some period of operation the effectiveness and the quality of their care of ‘
these previously popular services of the time (institutions) are questioned. Alternatives are
then introduced, which include non-institutional services. These community based
programs are often replaced by a new brand of institution, that, ironically, is still viable in
the contemporary continuum of care. The cycle of institutional alternatives has included:
pauper prisons, Houses of Refuge, and reformatories, which remain a part of the
continumn today. Although the various institutions and their respective popularity fades,
some type of institutional alternative is preserved. The appeal of this orientation for
controlling the problems related to troubled children seems to sustain the viability of this
option. The discussion of this history will begin with the development of reformatories, a
contemporary alternative which is addressed in this research project.

Belgium

During the mid-nineteenth century the number of children needing services
continued to increase. As a result, reform schools developed, with an emphasis on
rehabilitating children, not simply confining them (Platt, 1977). Frederick Wines, an early
penal theorist, viewed reformatories as a place where children could receive “moral

training, education, and religion as they would receive in an honest family” (p.50).

6

Children were placed in reforrnatories for everything from committing serious crimes, to
having a dispute with their parents. Indeterminate sentences were rendered without due
process (Mennel, 1973). As the need for institutionalization was accepted, the number of
facilities grew. The focus was on prevention and treatment, in an era where the reformers
were more optimistic about changing the lives of young people (Krisberg & Austin,

1 993).

The cottage system was reputed to be one of the keys to this new, improved method
of dealing with juveniles. Specialized programming was provided for each youth. Staff
practices were perceived as family-oriented by devoting the entire unit to a distinct group of
children. The primary emphasis was devoted to education. Not only was it seen as the
cornerstone of rehabilitation, but the curriculum was driven by the individual needs of each
child (Mennel, 1973). Another key component of the reform schools was their remote
locations in rural areas away from the plight of the urban centers. Enoch Wines describes
this as, “The normal place for the education of children is in the fields” (Platt, 1977:49).
Generally, the cottage setting was far more accepted at the time than the congregate style of
living utilized in the Houses of Refuge.

Nine principles captured the raison d’ étre of the reforrnatories:

(1) segregation from adults

(2) guarded sanctuaries, removed from environmental influences

(4) indeterminate sentencing,

(a) encourages participation in own reform and
(b) keeps stubborn offenders from resuming careers

(5) reform is not a form of weakness, punishment will be used as a last resort or if

it provides some type of benefit

(6) youth must be protected from idle habits through rigorous discipline, an intense

physical regime and constant supervision

(7) built in the country side, following notion of cottage life

7

(8) work, school, and religion are the heart of the program
(9) middle class values will be taught (sobriety, thrift, “realistic” ambition,
adjustment) (Platt, 1977:54-55)
These principles captured the major philosophical tenets that drove the operation of the first
reforrnatories. Many of them, as I will discuss at the end of this section, are still operative
in the contemporary reform schools operating today.

The Civil War influenced the continued operation of reforrnatories. Many fathers
went off to war leaving their children’s supervision to their mothers. Often times, the older
residents of reforrnatories were sent to fight, as an attempt to deal with the crowded
conditions. The funding for the facilities suffered, as the War had a significant impact on
the overall economy. These facilities struggled for a significant period during, and
immediately after, this conflict (Mennel, 1973).

0 on i the e o c ools

Reform schools have always been subject to the critique of the reformers of the
day. C.L. Brace and Mary Carpenter continually attacked this method of treatment as not
being a viable method of rehabilitation. The major premise of their critique was their
skepticism related to whether a rural institution could provide any useful preparation to a
youth who will, eventually, return to his/her home in an urban setting. (Mennel , 1973;
Krisberg & Austin, 1993). At the same time, the superintendents of the facilities were
making very large profits (Krisberg & Austin, 1973). In addition, as the budgets for these
facilities began to shrink because of the War, violence became more prevalent in these
settings. This, in turn, led to a decrease in child placement from these facilities. In some
cases, special facilities were opened for the hardened juvenile offenders (Mennel, 1973).
Despite some of these challenges, the number of facilities continued to grow in the North
and East In the South, African American children were either placed in prisons and/or put
into slavery situations under horrid conditions (Krisberg & Austin, 1993).

The role of spirituality began to surface as a significant issue in the treatment of

8

children in the mid-1840’s. The tension surrounding religious preference was heightened
by the provincialism and bigotry of the time, often referred to as The Age of Intolerance.
Catholies and Protestants began to compete for children. The source of the competition led
each group to contend that children would be better served in their preferred religious
context. Catholic facilities opened up and attempts were often made to match the children
with the facilities that practiced their preferred faith (Mennel, 1973).

Probably one of the key events in the history of the reformatories, was the Supreme
Court decision on Daniel O’Connell in 1868. His parents filed a writ of habeas corpus in
the Illinois Supreme Court. The Court ruled that placement in a juvenile facility was
punishment, not help. The treatment at the Chicago Reform School was denigrated. In this
case, the Court favored the intentions of the parents’ potential care over the actual treatment
of the facility, a complete reversal of the earlier Crouse case. The most significant finding
in this case was the interpretation of the act of placing the child as a criminal proceeding,
deeming the “best interests of the child” and Parens Patriae irrelevant . Furthermore, as a
criminal proceeding, the primary emphasis shifted from helping the child to due process, a
more procedural focus geared toward the needs of the court and not necessarily the child
(Bernard, 1993).

Although by this time, a variety of different methods had been developed and tried,
the country continued to struggle to determine the best techniques to deal with its troubled
youth. The challenge to find safe placements for troubled juveniles was further
complicated by questions about the legal requirements necessary to make these crucial
decisions about a child’s life. As these issues began to receive more attention, the support
for the establishment of a separate court for these youth and their families began to grow.

uv i 11

Many circumstances of the time influenced the eventual genesis of the Juvenile

Court around the turn of the twentieth century. As mentioned, reform schools were under

attack for their quality of care as well as the legal basis under which children were placed in

9

such facilities. The Children’s Aid Society identified five problems with reform schools:

1) parents dumping children,

2) contamination (of the children) by association (with each other),

3) stigma of commitment, the impossibility of examining treatment on an individual basis
4) the dissimilarity of life inside and outside the facility (Krisberg & Austin, 1993).

Other reformers placed emphasis on rehabilitating children without incarceration (Mennel,
1973). i

The Supreme Court ruling in the O’Connell (1870) case came at a time when many
members of society were becoming fearful that society was suffering fiom moral
weakness. This fear was significantly reinforced by the huge social distance between the
reformers and the recipients of the system (Bernard, 1993). Urbanization, immigration, ‘
and technology were increasing rapidly. Labor needs were shrinking as the wealth in this
country became more concentrated. Just prior to the turn of the century, many perceived
these situations as potentially volatile. Attention was focused on maintaining the current
forms of social order. On top of all this, in places like Illinois, the primary mode of
service, a fledgling, private system, provided few viable alternatives (Krisberg & Austin,
1993).

Reformers were also concerned about the situation. Illinois’ Governor Altgeld
(1890-1900’s) regularly and openly criticized the capitalist exploitation of youth. The
women’s movement of this period included many influential and well-connected female
reformers who were comrriitted to better treatment for children. Jane Addams, Lucy
Flowers, and Julia Lathrop, to name a few prominent members, fully eXploited their
connections with the Chicago BAR Association to push for legislation. Their expertise in
children and families was duly recognized, allowing them to obtain an accepted, high
profile role in this otherwise sexist society. Their efforts were aimed at providing therapy to

children in need, while at the same time, not threatening the established power structures

(Platt, 1977).

10

Platt and others have argued that the women behind the Juvenile Court movement
only acted in concert with their own upper class concerns during the period. The efforts of
these women, while powerful, as the argument goes, were mostly self-interested and
consistent with the wishes of the powers of the time. Otherwise, their influences would
have been marginal (Platt, 1977; and Bernard, 1993). 1 partially agree with this
assessment The juvenile court has a definite track record for supporting social work
intervention compatible with over-arching power structures as it goes about the business of
tending to the nwds of its juvenile clients. More specifically, historically, the juvenile court
and social work professionals within this system are more likely to place children in out-of-
home placements emphasizing control rather than developing, exploring, investigating and
designing options that may serve the youth and her/his family in her/his own homes.
Additional attention will be given to these control-oriented strategies later in this discussion
of history. .

Juvenile Court legislation was passed in Illinois in 1899. The special court for
children was conceived with the intention of exploring, developing, and employing
beneficial options on behalf of the juvenile. There were no specific prerequisite actions
(committing a crime, conflicts with parents, etc.) to identify which children could appear in
this court, although there was an appearance of a bias toward lower class and victimless
crimes, such as vagrancy and truancy. Institutionalization was a very prominent mode of
treatment for dealing with those that appeared in juvenile court (Mennel, 1973).

Initially, the informal nature of the proceeding attracted many judges who were
interested in serving in the new court. There was very little emphasis on legal process, and
significant attention was directed toward resource identification outside the court system.
The judge is this new judicial environ acted as a sort of paternal counselor. At its
inception, the juvenile court was staffed by volunteers (Platt, 1977).

Although probation officers (PO), a critical component of juvenile court staff,
eventually developed into a profession, the earliest incumbents were often recruited from

11

within religious organizations. In 1905, the juvenile court began to pay its staff. In this
context, it was clear that the primary purpose of the P0 was to serve the juvenile court
judges. At the same time that advocate Homer Folks was promoting the use of the youth’s
home as the primary vehicle for rehabilitation, PO’s were employing systems of coercion.
The fulcrum of this approach centered on the youth’s cooperation with the PO. If the youth
complied, probation would progress smoothly, leading to eventual release. On the other
hand, if the youth did not comply, the PO would eventually threaten the youth with
removal from home (Mennel, 1973). Youth that did not follow the wishes of the PO were
controlled (Platt, 1977). This new specialized legal system devoted itself to dealing with
children and their families. The routine use of these types of approaches had become very
widespread by 1925, when all but two states had juvenile courts (Mennel, 1973). ‘

Shortly after the onset of the juvenile court in the early 1900’s, a critical Supreme
Court ruling supported its routine operating procedure. Frank Fisher’s father filed a writ of
habeas corpus on the grounds that the minor offense committed did not warrant the seven
year sentence his son had received. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court reverted to a
position taken sixty years prior. They found that the youth was being helped, not
punished, by the juvenile court. Additionally, comparisons were made between the state’s
good intentions and the parents’ poor performance. Under the auspices of Parens Patrice
and the view of the intervention as being in the interest of helping the child, there was no
need for due process. The ruling proweded to refer to the juvenile court as the “salvation
of the child” (Krisberg & Austin, 1993 :30). This decision was viewed as an endorsement
of the juvenile court and the new hope rendered by its practices (Bernard, 1993).

The juvenile court eventually became a full service children and family services
agency. Any child with needs was referred to the juvenile court In 1911, AFDC
payments were disbursed by the court to families found appropriately needy by the court.
Simultaneously, in Chicago, the social work movement was pushing for social reform.

This appeared to have little impact on a juvenile comt system driven almost exclusively by a

12

casework approach to services (Bernard, 1993). Although the juvenile court offered many
solutions to children, three conservative middle class themes underscored its philosophy.
1) Juveniles needed to be managed by firm practices of control.
2) Children were removed almost exclusively from lower class homes.
3) The legal classification of every child as “dependent” permitted the court to have full
control over children, especially legitimate power over those youth who did not possess the
proper forms of motivation (Mennel, 1973; Platt, 1977; and Bernard, 1993).
uv 'le Deli ue ' oci cience ' Wo

The onset of the juvenile court occurred simultaneously to many crucial innovations
in academic social work circles. By considering the respective development in these two
areas, the connections and relationships become clearer. The New York School of
Philanthropy, originated in 1898, later became the School of Social Work in 1920.
Likewise, at the University of Chicago, the Schools of Civics started in 1920, and
eventually became the School of Social Service Administration in 1924. This was one of
the earliest attempts to professionalize the skills needed to provide assistance to families in
need. At this point, the services were enumerated to include: advice, financial assistance,
and linking clients with services matching particular needs. Initially, these services were
developed with the intention of relieving the burdens on the juvenile court (Mennel, 1973).

Other efforts within academic environments focused on the context surrounding the
clients within the juvenile system as tapics for research. In 1907, Paul Kellogg conducted
one of the first pieces of applied research, a large scale survey of a cross section of
Americans-the Pittsburgh Study. It was one of the earliest attempts to avoid sweeping
generalizations about social conditions by using facts collected from the lives of actual
people to draw conclusions. Even at its inception, this method was questioned by some,
like Robert Woods of the Andover Settlement, who referred to this method as “piled-up
actualities” (Mennel, 1973 :53). Undaunted by such critiques this method was replicated at

every level of local, state, and federal government as a tool for evaluating the

13

implementation of social policy (Mennel, 1973).

Another significant study was conducted by Edith Abbott and Sophonsiba
Breckenridge in Chicago, where the original emphasis was on truancy. The focus of this
study evolved into a full scale analysis of working families in urban settings. The authors
developed a substantive series of recommendations around safety standards in factories,
mother’s aid pensions, and workrnen’s compensation. Another early resource in social
science research was the Children’s Bureau established by Congress in 1912. The
legislated charge for the Bureau was to study the lifestyles of children. Over two hundred
studies were conducted focusing on children and family issues ranging fi'om delinquency to
child and infant mortality (Mennel, 1973). Although the interest of the juvenile court was
obviously on the provision of service to juveniles, it is clear that it also had a secondary
fimction of serving as a context for those early researchers interested in child and family
issues.

W

The juvenile court related research conducted in these early projects had a major
impact on the modern theories of delinquency. Prior to this research, many of the theories
of juvenile delinquency were influenwd by popular social theories of the time, like
Darwinism. One of the earliest influences, G. S. Hall, an evolutionary scientist, made
many crucial contributions to the study of delinquency. His work was the forerunner for
the experimental psychology movement. Additionally, he was among the first to identify
adolescence as a unique deveIOpmental stage characterized as a struggle between positive
and negative forces (Mennel, 1973) .

Cesare Lombroso, an Italian professor of legal medicine, was one of the first to
bring empiricism to the study of deviant behavior. His research included physical
examinations of literally hundreds of criminals. He was the founder of the atavism theory
which attributes criminality to a reversion to a less developed form of the species (Mennel,

1973). Another social scientist relying on empirical data was Franz Boas, an

14

anthropologist, who identified physical differences in immigrant children. Unlike popular
theory of the time, he concluded as the immigrant families became more assimilated these
traits would disappear. This is one of the first references to the impact of the social setting
on the child (Mennel, 1973).

One landmark study of the time, The J ukes, an in depth profile of an extended
family, claimed there was a concrete link between intelligence and delinquency. As
intelligence was viewed as an inherited quality, this study was used to make the argument
that delinquency could be associated with genetic patterns. In other words, families of
delinquents could perpetuate their problems to future generations. These assertions were
made despite the caveats of Arthur Westbrook, the author of the study, who warned
readers about the lack of attention given to social factors in the study. This study is often
referred to as the landmark study for the eugenic argument - improving the quality of the
species by properly selecting the quality of parents eligible for reproducing (Mennel,
1973)

Eventually, the hereditary argument was refuted, mostly for its isolated view of
individuals, oblivious of social context. This became even more apparent as urban areas
began to develop and deteriorate. More attention was given to the social surroundings and
its great potential to yield a positive or negative influence (Platt, 1977). The early theories
of delinquency generally led scholars into a “cul-de-sac” of fatalistic prognosis for the
treatment of the delinquent (Mennel, 1973 : 100). Additionally, these arguments often
purported that selected youth were not actually worthy of the limited philanthropy that may
have been available to them (Mennel, 1973).

l I l l a E l l.

The Child Guidance Clinic was one of the early influences directing attention from
the physical attributes of the child. William James and his associates perceived delinquency
as a “legal” state, not a psychological one (Mennel, 19772161). They stressed that
delinquency was driven by a psychopathology heavily influenced by the environment and

15

the youth’s unique circumstances. Dr. William Healy, one of Jarnes’ students, conducted
intensive comparative studies into the lives of individual delinquents in search of etiological
factors. Although he identified anxiety and family relations as important considerations,
his findings were not conclusive and did not give the reformers of the time the simple
explanations they were seeking. However, this work led to the professionalization of the
field of delinquency.

The recognition of the complexity involved in studying an individual delinquent’s
life, promoted the use of expert opinion in evaluating children for court. The idea being
that an untrained laymen does not have the training or expertise to make sense of this
complicated scenario. Additionally, these studies were among the first to promote a multi-
faceted approach to treatment for delinquent children. Ironically, this turn of events calling
for expert evaluation often led to such findings being ignored by the court as being too
specialized for or unrelated to the juvenile court’s daily routine (Krisberg & Austin, 1993).

A very unique contribution to this discussion was offered by the Chicago School of
Sociology. Not only did they reject positivism, but forwarded a call for activism to study
life in urban Chicago related to delinquency. Their finding pointed to the deterioration of
the community and the connections between criminal behavior and many local politicos.
Among some of the most celebrated works of these scholars were studies of gang life and
the routine within a juvenile’s life throughout the system (Mennel, 1973).

The scholarly explanations of delinquency covered a diverse range of purported
explanations from evolutionary and heredity arguments to intense examinations of the
youth’s individual circumstances to critiques of the systems and communities within which
the youth may reside. Although the eugenic logic has fortunately disappeared fiom the
realm of acceptable arguments, few other issues are settled as the debates continue.
Following from this scholarly review of the literature is the discussion of the most effective
method for intervening with delinquent, or potentially delinquent, children. This will be

addressed by reviewing of some of the more innovative modalities utilized throughout

16

history.
iu 'n rve 'on dsw' ' 'edeinu ts

Again, one can see the influence of the social circumstances of the era. For
example, after World War 11 there was extreme social disorganization which led to the
need to protect young female members of the society, or perhaps, vice versa Unlike the
majority of the population which viewed prostitution’as a moral problem, Julia Lathrop
and Ethel Dummer framed it as a social problem. ConSistent with this view was a facility
for females opened by Miriam. Van Waters, El Retiro. This self-governed facility, strictly
for female residents, focused on preparing its residents for placement in the community and
then releasing them. This was a striking contrast to the popular method of holding female
children until the attainment of adulthood (Mennel, 1973).

Another facility, William “Daddy” George’s vacation camps, utilized self-
govemance as the means of managing the facility. These programs initially opened as
temporary recreation spots, later became treatment facilities. In these facilities, each youth
earned his care with his labor and progress in the program, which paid economic rewards.
An ongoing net worth, calculated for each youth, determined his progress, up to and
including his release (Mennel, 1973).

One of the more unique interventions, is the Mobilization for Youth Program in
New York, designed to provide a vehicle for recipients to address their concerns. This truly
preventive program utilized social conflict as a primary means of addressing and resolving
community issues. This‘program is unique, especially among delinquency services, for
focusing the intervention energy away from the client onto structural difficulties in society.
After identifying these barriers, community intervention strategies were initiated to address
them (Krisberg & Austin, 1973). This method of intervention is especially rare in an
interventive world where casework thrives, and it is not uncommon to blame the client for
their circumstances. These interventions have typified the rare occasions, historically,

when services have withdrawn from the mainstream by directing their efforts toward the

17

clients actual environmental circumstances. The next section will retum to looking at more
mainstream trends in the treatment of delinquents and troubled children by attempting to
highlight some of the more salient points of this historical review.

QM’QQ on the history of social wgrk gd delinquency

There is considerable agreement among these scholars on several key themes related
to the role of social work and delinquency. Despite many years and various reforms, the
primary function of the juvenile justice system is to control those youth exhibiting
behaviors deemed unacceptable. The majority of the energy extended in the interest of
reform has been targeted at individuals and not the systems or the conditions that perpetuate
these problems. Meanwhile, the impact of the reforms has been to maintain the status quo
within the social structure, including: preserving views on moral behaviors, economic ‘
systems, control over the forms of rehabilitation, and the power of the juvenile court.
Throughout the discussion of history, attention has consistently focused on holding off
threats to these vital social entities.

Obviously, the reforms of the time were heavily influenced by the political climate
of the times. Complex interactions among reformers, practitioners, academics, and public
sentiment played a major role throughout the various dynamic points in time. It was the
ability to capitalize on the politics of the time that allowed the various reformers to
implement the latest panacea or program that met the need for something fashionable and
new. Whether you agree with Bemard‘s contention that public opinion interacted with a
cycle of stringent versus lenient punishments (1993) or Platt’s notion that the reformers
were acting in the interest of their own needs to ward off perceived dangers to the political
structures of the time (197 7), it is difficult to disagree with the notion that little has changed
drastically within this system. Many of the debates raised in the 1800’s continue today.

Before concluding this. section, I will mention a few of my own observations and
then begin to examine the presence of some of these same issues in a more contemporary

context. Given the political volatility of the climate, emphasis seems to be placed more on

l8

managing those dynamics as opposed to any type of proactive management. There is little
mention of any type of effort to attempt to improve programs. The process is more attuned
to the advent of new initiatives, until their popularity vanishes and takes them along with it.
In the case of large scale institutions (reforrnatories and juvenile court), these services
remain but there is little discussion of attempts to ever improve them. Perhaps, even with
the more established programs, the effort is solely on trying to manage political images
over the ongoing operation. In any case, this is not recognized and seems to be a potential
factor in the endless ineffectiveness of these supports.

The inconsistent efforts to assess and improve programs may be very related to the
constantly revolving constituencies being served by programs. The constituencies include,
but are not limited to: the youth, his family, his community, the court, the various
institutions, and those in charge of the social and economics structures. When considering
the need to keep many political contingents happy, it is not surprising that clients needs are
not the only interests being addressed by program practices. Although programs have
historically promoted themselves as serving their clients first and foremost, a closer
examination of this issue raises many questions. In an institution, the children are being
served through programming, but there are security practices in the interest of maintaining
order within the facility and protecting the surrounding community which jeopardize the
ability to meets the child’s needs. In these setting, the treatment methods change
periodically, but the security procedures stay relatively intact In short, when a program
attempts to serve the needs of multiple constituencies (children in care, the community, the
needs of the facility for order, etc), conflicting practices may occur. By observing the
resolution or sustaining nature of these conflicts, the relative priority of the constituencies’
needs can be observed.

The struggle to address the needs of multiple constituencies may become clearer by
comparing and contrasting programs with varying commitments to client needs. An

institution may have security practices that do not allow a child to interact in any type of

l9

unrestricted setting prior to discharge, despite the primacy of community adjustment in a
treatment plan. Obviously, the tension between the goals of these two constituencies
impedes the treatment process. In a very different case, the Mobilization for Youth
program encouraged and supported the needs of the client to the degree that public
demonstrations and other interventions were promoted which pressured the community to
make changes and accommodations favoring the needs of poor families and children. Even
in this case, the program was under constant pressure from local and state governments to
alter its operations to practices more supportive of local established politics (I-Iefgot, 1974).
To prevent belaboring this point, I will summarize by recognizing that programs are
constantly struggling to manage many crucial constituent groups and, as a result, often
engage in opposing practices. A review of the operation of these opposing practices may
give some indication as to which constituent groups are primary. Often these processes of
dealing effectively with an important support group are related to funding. The role of
these service programs in a broader economic system was not directly addressed in the
literature.

The financial considerations of these service programs seem to warrant some
attention in this discussion. Although the agencies providing these services are attempting
to produce programs that improve the lives of children, it is the revenues from these same
programs that are paying their salaries, that of their staff, and keeping their organizations
flush. This is a reality of operating within this type of economic structure, but its effect on
developing and managing programs is not clearly discussed in the literature.

Attention to some of these factors may shed some light on the chronic
ineffectiveness of the programs that have been developed for the last two hundred years
and the endless circulation of issues in and out of popularity. It appears that the political
environment not only circumscribes those issues which may or may not be acceptable, but
that it also controls the types of services provided to the troubled youth in this country.

Even the most basic understanding of the incessant coming and going of juvenile services

20

based on timeliness and success/failure is not possible without considering the

omnipotence/omnipresence of politics within this system. As we move into a more

contemporary analysis of this situation we will find that many of these challenges and

struggles highlighted in this historical review continue to pervade the discussion.
Policy Perspective on Juvenile Delinquency

Given the extensive number of unresolved questions identified throughout the
history of juvenile delinquency, it is not surprising that similar issues will be included in
the discussion of present social policy concerns. Historically, delinquency became a major
problem at about the same time that the major urban centers began rapid periods of growth
accompanied with corresponding deterioration. While the cities of this country continue to
grow, the respective economic condition has progressed accordingly. As the poor are .
isolated in our urban centers, they must fend for themselves in areas suffering from a
honid lack of available resources (Fabricant & Burghardt, 1992). The urban poor are
removed from an economic system that offers them access to little opportunity (Danziger &
Gottschalk, 1995; F igueira-McDonough, 1995; Fisher, 1995). Recent and current
reforms of programs and services designed to target this p0pulation of people have and will
continue to result in significant decreases in the amount and type of support available (Burt
& Pittman, 1985; Viddeka-Sherman &Viggiani, 1996). Just as various minorities were
targeted for oppression, like Irish Americans in the 1800’s, African Americans are
suffering the limitations incurred by firese biased and unfavorable economic conditions
(Fabricant & Burghardt, 1992; Danziger & Gottschalk, 1995; Figueira-McDonough, 1995;
and Fisher, 1995).

Although it is clear that urban setting in this country continue to decay, firere is
little agreement on the existence of a corresponding increase in juvenile crime rate. While
the connection between urban decay and juvenile crime was frequently used historically as
a rationale for new or additional programming firis issue is less clear today. Some see the

claim that juvenile crime is on the upswing as strictly a promotional tool for developing

21

more restrictive programs for youth (Bernard, 1993). Ofirers contend that juvenile crime is
actually decreasing (Schwartz, 1989). Although the debate continues, firis information was
utilized recently as fuel for a lobbying effort which resulted in the development of prison-
like programs for youth offenders in the state of Michigan.

While waiting to determine if the increase in juvenile crime is actual or mythical, it
is important to observe firat no similar ambiguity exists around the need for services for
children placed out of home in the juvenile justice system. During the eighties the
placement rate of children in private facilities increased 129% (Krisberg, De Como, &
Herrera, 1992). In Michigan, 88% of delinquent state wards were placed out of the home,
while 71% were also placed in a subsequent facility 12 monfirs after fireir discharge
(Michigan Department of Social Services, 1994). Nationally, one firird of the children '
entering the child welfare system are rc-entering the system (Federal Register, 1987). The
number of children entering and staying in the system is increasing and firere continues to
be a great need to provide firem wifir effective services.

Obviously, this increase and fire need for services bring significant financial
considerations. Michigan’s expenditures for residential care for delinquents increased from
$36.3 million m 1981 to $87.3 million in 1991. If alternative family or community-based
programs had existed, approximately one firird of those youth could have utilized such
services (Michigan Department of Social Services, 1994). This raises an important and
controversial issue regarding the preferable method for treating delinquent children.

If the number of children entering and staying in the system is increasing, then what
services should be offered to firese children? Residential facilities, a broad rubric for
reform schools/training Schools and private child-caring facilities, continue to enjoy the
same benefits noted historically. These programs are typically placed in a safe rural
environment isolating fire youth from fire degeneration of the urban areas. They are popular
wifil judges for protecting their communities from local offenders by removing them.

However, as we will see later the criticisms of institutional life forwarded by Brace and

22

Carpenter still exist.
Instrumentally, the residential program plays an important role for the PO

supervising children early in fireir careers wifirin the system. These types of placements
function as the “fire and brirnstone” in the PO’s repertoire. At the onset of fire PO-
probationer relationship, the child is informed that non-compliance with the conditions of
his/her contract will lead to placement in a residential facility (Jacobs, 1990). A very subtle
shift occurs in this relationship when thing cross a firreshold from holding fire child
accountable for negative behavior to preparing the child for an inevitable placement The
P0 becomes conciliatory and attention turns from adjusting in a home setting to gracefully
accepting fire inevitability of out-of-home placement, a short term goal which is nebulously
related to the child’s overall adjustment (Darrough, 1989). There are many benefits to fire
P0 of placing a child as fire resources of managing this child are transferred to the facility.
The immense energy and effort required by a PO to maintain a child, who is having limited
success with community living, is removed from the his/her crowded work schedule and
awarded to the placement facility accepting the youth (Jacobs, 1990). This common
scenario illustrates fire place and function of residential facilities as deeply ingrained into the
system.

If placing children in residential facilities is an accepted and routine option, firen it
would seem logical to review some of the research literature on the effectiveness of firis
alternative. For fire past three decades, the effectiveness of residential programming has
been seriously questioned (Bailey, 1966; Martinson, 1974; Quay, 1987; Woodredge, 1988;
and Lipsey, 1991). There is also a segment of the literature that accepts the inevitability of
this mode of treatment by focusing on its role within fire system. Some of firat literature is
evaluative in nature, with an emphasis on improving its operation and outcome (Rosenthal
& Rosenthal, 1991; Wells, Wyatt, & Hobfoll, 1991; McCubbin, Kapp, & Thompson,
1993; Savas, Epstein, & Grasso, 1993; Kopec-Schrader, Rey, Plapp, & Beumont, 1994).
Others have made policy recommendations around the role and function of this modality

23

(Whittaker & Pffiefer, 1994).

The discussion of residential programming would be incomplete wifirout
recognizing the context wifirin which these children are placed— fire overall juvenile justice
system. In North Carolina, through legal action the system was found to be obstructing the
“right to treatment” (Soler and Warboys, 1990). The New York Department of Social
Services overhauled its entire system based on the initial placement of children at its
Spofford Detention Center (Gilmore & Schall, 1986).. In California, the legislature directed
Ventura County to develop a model system that would not replicate the pending state of
disarray at fire time (V entura County Mental Health Demonstration Project, 1987).

Similar concerns around ineffective services and intra-agency coordination were
expressed at the federal level by: The Select Committee Children, Youfil, and Families,
US. House of Representatives; American Public Welfare National Committee on Child
Welfare and Family Preservation; and the Committee for Economic Development (Soler,
1992). Legislatively, PL 99-272 under Title IV-E secured the provision of services to
children with an emphasis on independent living. The Adoption and Child Welfare Act
(PL-272) was another attempt to make interventions more constructive toward the
preservation of families, as opposed to simply care- taking after destructive separation had
taken place. Not surprisingly, even after the attention directed by firese state and federal
initiatives, a significant deficiency remains when you compare the needed services to firose
firat are actually provided (Burt & Pittman, 1985; Jacobs, 1990; Samantrai, 1992; Russell
& Sedleck, 1993). "

Concluding firis critique wifirout reverting back to fire juvenile court would be
premature. From our historical discussion, it is interesting to recall that many of the
difficulties enumerated were present at the turn of 20fir century. Further, it was fire interest
in resolving these same types of problems which warranted the development of a special
court system, uniquely designed wifir the “best interests” of fire child in mind. It would be

obvious and redundant to consider whether the juvenile court has lived up to its promise,

24
but it may be instructive to contemplate some of fire reasons that the court has performed so
poorly.

Before getting into the specific details of firis scenario, it is helpful to be reminded
of a chronic problem burdening the treatment of delinquent children throughout history.
Reformers throughout history have offered their latest panacea as a solution to delinquency.
Bernard makes fire reality-based argument firat delinquency will always be with us and that
policy and planning discussions should be targeted at managing firis ongoing issue (1993).

Even if we temper our expectations of the juvenile court accordingly, firere are
many reasons for firis consistent mismanagement. The system has many incentives for the
early removal of children from their home and into the system (Jacobs, 1990; Huxtable,
1994). Such a feature is nearly fatal when reconsidering the research, mentioned earlier,
which points out that escaping from the system is very difficult once a child has been
admitted. Historically, many Supreme Court rulings have gone back and forth on fire types
of legal representation required for the children wifirin firis court setting (Bernard, 1993).
This may contribute to the incessant inability of children to receive adequate representation
in this setting (Schwartz, 1989). This legal infinrrity is not limited to the children; parents
attempting to maintain or regain their rights to fireir children are subject to similar lack of
due process (Huxtable, 1994).

These reflections on some of the policy questions inherent in the treatrrrent of
juvenile delinquency have helped us to consider fire populations being targeted for services,
fire types of services being provided and fireir respective effectiveness, as well as fire
operation of the juvenile court wifirin this system. The review has not been kind, although
perhaps fair, to the system. However, there are some potential reasons for hope on the
horizon.

One of the observations on fire history of the juvenile intervention is the diversity of
interventions, especially the targeted needs of firose interventions. It is in this realm that

one may find fire key to a better prognosis for our future. Within the last ten years, there

25

have been some significant, albeit limited shifts in policy. Alfirough we have argued
firroughout this analysis firat the residential treatment is fire dominant mode of treatment,
firere have been some notable exceptions. Massachusetts and Utah have closed fireir
juvenile institutions (Krisberg and Austin, 1993). Additionally, more alternative
intervention models have been designed, tested, and in {some cases, evaluated.

Family preservation services, fire most viable and prominent of the innovations,
have been supported with significant legislation (Malluccio, Fein, & Davis, 1994).
Consequenfiy, a significant movement is underway establishing the viability of firis method
of service (Fraser, Pecora, & Haapala, 1991; Kinney, Haapala, & Booth, 1991; as well as
many ofirers). Some of these interventions have been found to be effective with difficult
populations, specifically delinquent children (Henggeler, 1994). _

More recenfiy, intervention models aimed at fire community have been reintroduced.
Typically, this modality is merely referenwd as a burning need in our service repertoire
(Fabricant & Burghardt, 1992) but more is actually occurring, services are being designed
and implemented (Adams & Nelson, 1995; and Bailey & Koney, 1996). This development
will be discussed in more detail, as it relates to practice, later. Although these alternatives
are definitely struggling, they continue to survive. If the resurgence of these services is
perceived as a trend, it is important to recognize the trend as intensifying attention towards
a broader set of client needs and away from institutional needs (firis continuum was
presented at the end of the history section). These reasons give one hope for guarded
optimism in a multi-problematic system.

A self-critique of this discussion, and the literature that is referenced, is concerned
wifir fire constant denigration of a system that is obviously in a major stage of turmoil. The
tendency in this literature is to enumerate and elucidate fire various shortcomings. There is
little attention to either constructive improvement or directions for repair and renovation.
Unfortunately, a system that continues to lack effectiveness, as it has for 200 years, does

not have many advocates suggesting new ways to rehabilitate and alleviate its problems.

26

The policy discussion has strived to describe the over-arching state of affairs of
contemporary methods and services for juvenile delinquents; let us turn the discussion to

the possibilities associated wifir the business of research in this arena.

Research in Juvenile Delinquency

As we look at the research that has been conducted on delinquency, we will observe
many parallels from the earlier historic and policy level reviews. For example, it is rare for
the lens of a research project to look at the effects of an entire system related to its young
recipients (Fanshel Finch, and Grundy, 1989; and Schwartz, Ortega, Guo, & Fishman,
1994). More common, are fire research projects focused on specific programs within that
system. Additionally, this type of research usually employs a quantitative method. Rarely,
does a quantitative study target its scope solely on fire interventive aspects of a service
(Staff & Fein, 1994).

Other more common quantitative approaches Would include a purely descriptive
portrayal of a service (Epps, 1994). Within specific programs, it is also customary to
examine the relationship between various components, such as treatment and outcome
(Wells, Wyatt, & Hobfoll, 1991; McCubbin, Kapp, & Thompson, 1993; Savas, Epstein,
& Grasso, 1993). Another common approach is to discern the impact of differential client
characteristics in search of a high risk population (Rosenfiral & Rosenthal, 1991; and
Kapp, Schwartz, and Epstein, 1993).

Often more traditional applications of quantitative research are engaged to determine
the effect of specific interventions. This type of undertaking ofien employs group designs
to assess either”. fire impact of one service over fire other or the impact of a specific service
over no service (often routine services operate as fire status quo, a surrogate for no
services) (Davidson, Redner, Blakely, Mitchell, & Emhoff, 1987; Schuerman, Rzepnicki,
Littel, & Chak, 1993).

Another more recent use of quantitative methods is meta-analysis, a statistical

27

process of summarizing fire results from multiple studies to determine the cumulative effect
of an intervention mefirod or a class of interventions (Glass, McGaw, &Smith, 1981).
There have been a number of studies employing this technique to assess juvenile
intervention. Typically, the results have not been very favorable towards firese services
(Garrett, 1985; Davidson, Gottshalk, Gensheimer, & Mayer, 1987; Lipsey, 1991).

Qualitative research is utilized somewhat infrequenfiy wifir juvenile delinquency. In
some instances it has been employed to study lifestyles wifirin large institutions, like fire
juvenile system, a prison, or juvenile court (Shaw, 1930; F leisher, 1989; and Jacobs,
1991). Other uses include life in an urban community (Susser, 1982). On occasion, firis
approach will try to delineate a specific segment of a service setting, like the PO’s shift
from a confrontational to a conciliatory mode when preparing a youfir for out-of-home .
placement (Darrough, 1989).

This diverse pattern of research method selection is consistent with an ongoing
debate wifirin the social work community. A quantitative orientation supporting logical
positivism has been heralded in this discussion by its advocates (Schuerrnen, 1981;
Geismer, 1982; Hudson, 1982; Brekke, 1982) as the only viable analytical method of
research. The opposing side of the argument insists there is a need to explore alternative
methods that may be more suited to the study of fire idiosyncratic nature of social work
intervention (Heinemen, 1981;1rme, 1984; Wificin & Gottshalk, 1988; Loseke, 1989 &
Tyson, 1994).

This debate is reminiscent of ofirer times and ofirer places. Although Mary
Richmond and Jane Addams both felt information could be utilized to inform social work
practice, their differing definitions of acceptable information kept them apart (Germain,
1970; Germain & Hartman, 1980). The discussion of history recalled Robert Woods
referring to fire Pittsburgh Study as “piled-up actualities” (Mennel;1973:53). Once again,
we find an unresolved issue firat continues to plague the field of study for close to one

hundred years. In a classic critique of anfirropological theory since fire 1960’s, Ortrrer

29

delinquent children are often very difficult to tie to any coherent or beneficial goals related
to the client p0pulation. One of fire difficulties in trying to impose such a mandate is fire
equally unclear and conflicting goals wifirin this system, especially fire juvenile court.

There is intense competition among an extensive constituency over whose goals are
primary. Some of the more significant constituents include: fire judge, the PO, the
community, and fire child and his/her family (Jacobs, 1990). Obviously, the moral contract
initially forwarded around fire “best interests of fire child” has been eroded.

The juvenile court and its revolving goals could profit from philosophical
enlightenment. Many contributors to this literature have raised the importance of
effectiveness to a more relevant level by simply removing firemselves from the role of
social critic. A Kantian analysis of the system would force one to view themselves as a
recipient of the system’s services (Raphael, 1981). Such a view could bring revitalized
energy to maintaining minimum standards and upholding the “generic” rights of the
recipients as well as fire proprietors of the services (Wakefield, 1988). Rawls’ notion of
fire “veil of ignorance” challenges all citizens to consider the distinct possibility of being a
recipient of the service system (1971). Along with the other views, this perspective would
support fire need for bringing consistent integrity to the service. Although firis literature is
often condemned for its lofty, unrealistic appeal, in this case, it brings some critical issues
to the forefront by modesfiy suggesting that there is some value to placing oneself in the
role of a child delinquent and initiating the analysis from that vantage point.

Taking the delinquent’s point of view of the system quickly illuminates issues
around self-determination, a primary component of efirical social work (Bernstein, 1967;
Reamer, 1983; and NASW, 1996). This value is routinely violated in a system where the
recipients are selected against their will, in a highly discriminatory process (Schwartz,
1989). Moreover, once these children and their families have entered firis system they have
little control over their lives until they are emancipated from it. Very basic rights come into

serious jeopardy. The place of residence is determined by someone else. The school they

30

choose, fire religion firey choose to practice (Mennel, 1973), the preferred method of
treatment, who they can and cannot see and when (this applies to family members) are all
rudimentary choices firat are removed. Everyfirlng, up to and including when firey get to
leave fire system, is determined by ofirer powers wifirin this system and often perpetuated
against fireir will.

By reviewing some of the common practices in fire treatment of juveniles from an
ethical stance, we have been able to highlight the disregard for some very elementary social
justice issues. Although it is naive to think firat firese philosophical tenets are going to
remedy the ills of these services, they may fuel the direction of needed reforms towards fire
children and families wifirin the system. The concluding section of firis chapter will
observe a selected segment of the landscape of services for juvenile delinquents from a.
practice perspective. This point of view will hopefully expand the review by giving direct
attention to the critical interactions occurring between juveniles and fire various
professionals firat offer them services within this system.

Practice Issues in fire Treatment of Juvenile Delinquency

Attempting to begin any discussion around the practice of treating juvenile
delinquents is insurmountable without setting some parameters. Here, attention will be
targeted on the practice of designing, delivering, and evaluating aftercare services for
children. This subject is especially useful as it highlights an essential program component
of what has been established as a very prominent service-residential placement Anofirer
useful attribute of thissubject, is fire excellent venue and context provided for the
discussion of social work intervention wifir children and families-a critical aspect of firis
system.

“Imprisonment must be followed by measures of supervision and assistance until
the rehabilitation of fire former prisoner is complete.” (Foucault, 19792270). This
instructive quote from the eminent French social critic, Michel Foucault, is included is his
description of “universal maxim of good penitential conditions” (p. 270). In Discipline

31

Mb, Foucault emphasizes that these principles are historically ignored because they
do not support fire premise that correctional programs are designed to promote fire
surveillance and control of society’s undesirables (1979). More attention will be given to
this work later. The paradoxical nature of firis reference resurrects a vital question from our
discussions to this point, especially when fire focus is aftercare services for delinquents
departing from out-of-home facilities- Are these services designed to facilitate a youfir’s
independence or do they merely complement larger systems of social control? This issue
will be examined in fire context of a review of aftercare and is respective interventions
which leads directly to a set of questions.

W

As argued earlier, services for delinquens are heavily dominated by residential ‘
facilities. The prominence of such facilities, in iself, justifies the need for effective
aftercare alternatives. As stated, over a hundred years ago and currently, residential
settings do not necessarily prepare a youth for any type of transition to a return home.
Alfirough it has been shown that while in these facilities certain degrees of success are
enjoyed, similar performance is not carried over to the next placement (W asmund, 1980;
08ng, Gruber, Archer, & Newcomb, 1985; Vorrath & Brendtro, 1985). Youth are
simply not prepared for life outside fire placement facility (Hawkins, Jenson, Catalano, &
Wells, 1991). The skills learned within the confines of these programs are not
generalizable to ouside life (Alschuler, 1992: 15). Youth from these facilities typically
“need help making the transition” (Mech, 1994:605).

Despite the foundation for establishing the need for aftercare, there is not a
matching level of resources being invested. These services can be described as under-
funded (Stone, 1987), leaving fire actual services at a minimal level (Kapp, Schwartz, &
Epstein, 1993). The inertia related to the strategic planning and development of firese
essential services leads to extensive resources being consumed by less than systematic

service delivery (Jacobs, 1990; and Samantrai, 1992). Sporadic and inadequate resources,

32

specifically high caseloads and staff turnover due to insufficient time to properly deliver the
services, plague the implementation of aftercare services (Hess, F olaron, & Jefferson,
1992). Understandably, there is little information available on the effectiveness of firese
services (Cheetham, 1992; Soler, 1993; Maluccio, Fern, & Davis, 1994) or the
implementation of these services (Staff & Feirr, 1994).

However, the development of aftercare services began to emerge as a viable area
due to three separate initiatives referenced earlier in the policy section of firis chapter: court
actions against the service systems in many states; federal legislation supporting services
for children and families; and the family preservation movement. The remainder of this
section will reflect on some of these developments along wifir their respective implications
for social work practice.

e ' at ' v

Many of the aftercare programs are implemented by the juvenile cours. At the most
minimal end of this service continuum are risk scales, which assist PO’s in fire business of
determining the most appropriate type of placement for a youth following an out-of-home
facility (Ashford & LeCroy, 1988). Electronic surveillance is ofien used during before and
after a youth is released from a facility (Clarkston & Weakland, 1991). Anofirer alternative
combines the surveillance (intensive supervision) and in-home treatment for nine monfirs
following a firree month residential program (Michigan Department of Social Services,
1992).

Interventions within firis arena are attempting to observe fire needs of the juvenile
courts’ multiple constituencies. It is apparent that fire safety of the community is paramount
in each of these examples. One technique applied in the interest of the community, and
common to firis group,of services, is the risk scales. These tools are utilized to keep the
most firreatening youth in secure settings, and hopefully, prevent youth that are less volatile
from unnecessary placements (Alschuler, 1992). However, firere is some evidence to

show that such scales are often ignored, and placements for high risk youth are no different

33

firat those of others (Maupin, 1994).

Another difficulty wifir risk scales is the assumption that fire most difficult youth
require the most intensive services. Alfirough this logic is compatible with a mentality set
on protecting fire community by isolating these youfir, it may be that a service which is
most secure, is not effective. In the long run, firis may be hurting the community by
exacerbating a youth’s problems and maintaining him/her in a placement that is not
contributing to his eventual adjustment in the community. Research needs to examine the
presumption driving firis thinking. Here, we can see the struggle and confusion that is
created by fire competition among the court’s political contingens.

Another common element of these programs is the notion of surveillance. In one
case, the technique is practiced in a fashion that is clearly directed at the community’s
safety. The youfir receives an electronic tether firat alerts his PO if he violates his
established physical boundaries. This forrrr of social control demeans the humanity of is
recipient, not to mention is devastation of social work traditions related to client self
determination. In the Nokomis program, the surveillance is conducted by a social work
professional and complemented with in—home services, very similar to some of the ofirer
forms of aftercare emphasizing fire child’s adjustment to fire community and home. These
two extremes provide an illustrative mini-continuum for applying surveillance, a
community-oriented treatment component It can be applied in a literal sense, which
neglects fire client’s needs, or a more creative and firerapeutic sense firat addresses fire needs
of both parties (youth and community).

One more important ingredient of these programs is the degree to which each
aftercare service is integrated into the prewding out—of-home placement It appears that in
each of these cases fire linkage between fire programs is clearly established. This allows the
aftercare staff to begin preparing the youth for the transition well before placement. The
electronic tether program utilizes pre-release visis to begin building a foundation for fire
transition. The Nokomis program begins post-placement planning at fire family’s initial

34

visit to the institutional facility allowing all parties to begin preparing for the transition as
soon as possible. Additionally, programming can be centered on post-placement success.
Although fire types of integration enumerated do not ensure firat the movement from one
facility to a home setting is smoofir, at least a structure is established which hopefully, will
facilitate, and does not preclude, such a progression.

WWW

Another critical development in the aftercare arena was stimulated by fire court cases
filed against dysfunctional systems in three separate states. Reforms stimulated by legal
and administrative intervention led to innovative, useful services directed toward
community supports. The Willie M. Program, the Spofford Detention Center, and the
Ventura Children’s Demonstration improved fireir respective approaches to service delivery
by developing case management systems allowing: valid assessments of actual child and
family needs; service directed by actual needs, not service availability; and vital inter-
agency coordination (Gilmore and Schall, 1986; Ventura County Children’s Mental Health
Demonstration Project, 1987; and Soler & Warboys, 1990).

These service innovations are distinctive for their rehabilitation of an entire service
system fiom the inside out. The services were vital to bringing attention to fire chronic
problems of a large bureaucratic system and illustrating methods for bringing about
collaboration focusing on needed services while transcending turf and organizational
struggles. The aftercare and case management literature routinely cites these cases, or at
least the issues raised and addressed by their innovations. Throughout this overall
discussion, emphasis has been given to fire disarray that is so prominent in this service
realm. In firis case, a seemingly random set of intervention energies were organized into

common goals and accompanying services. These innovations have led the way for many

of the options remaining to be discussed.

 

This group of programs is very much like traditional social work services, wifir an

35

emphasis on aftercare services for families reuniting wifir a child formerly placed in an out-
of-home facility. The Arizona Young Adult Program (AYAP) provides basic living skills,
group counseling skills, employment training, vocational training, as well assistance to fire
youfir in developing community supports in independent living settings (Irvine, 1988).

Intensive Aftercare Services (IAS) provides a comprehensive package including:
case management, social support network development, school liaison support, parenting
training, and crisis intervention (Hodges, Guterman, Blythe, & Bronson, 1988). The
remaining two programs in this group are family reunification programs. First, the Casey
Family Reunification Program (CF RP) utilizes a social worker and a family support worker
to prepare the child and family for reunification. Intensive in-home services may last for
firirty days or eighteen months based on a formal case plan developed by fire workers and
fire family (Staff and F ein, 1994). Family Reunification Services (FRS) utilizes client-
centered planning and concrete services directed at primary needs to treat the entire family
including: building support networks, supporting the learning of new skills (parenting,
household management, and relationship building) and intensive home—based services
(Walton, Fraser, Lewis, Pecora, & Walton, 1993).

Each of firese programs is oriented towards fire treatment of a child within his
environment An ecological orientation has been defined as, “enhancing individuals’
functioning within fireir environment and flexibly selecting interventions on the basis of the
unique demands of the situation and fire cheat” (Guterrnan and Blyfire, 1986:63 5).
Although the AYAP is ecologically based by supporting a youth in an independent setting,
many known faces of the environment are left unaddressed. The IAF S is further along on
an ecological continuum by providing social support network development and crisis
intervention, resources that will maintain and help to develop the youfir and family’s
“situation”. The reunification programs provide an even stronger identification with this
orientation by providing intensive family treatment. The family is the setting where fire

youth will reside. This system of in depth treatment is an investment in the youth’s future

36

by helping to support and develop his/her family an asset. The latter two services are more
deeply grounded ecologically by fire attention given to supporting the youfir’s family. This
emphasis leads to fire development and advancement of a technology for serving families,
typically fire infrastructure of the youth’s environment. .

All of these programs are attached to ongoing out of home placemens enhancing
their use as viable vehicles of treatment. Additionally, significant resources have been
invested in fireir past development. Their attention in the literature, along with their
continued use will bode well for their filture resource needs.

Thus far, fire analysis of aftercare has examined fire linkages between aftercare and
ongoing program operations in the interest of providing continuity, as well as the degree to
which an ecological orientation is employed. Anofirer important consideration is the
empirical derivation of a program. Investigating fire empirical support for the development
of these programs provides a deeper understanding of fireir background and origin.
Additionally, we can attempt to compensate for fire lack of effectiveness data by assessing
fire empirical basis , or lack firere of, supporting the intervention. This issue was not as
relevant for fire earlier aftercare interventions, considering the absence of firis type of
support IAS does not provide extensive citations guiding its development, instead a
developmental research method was used to generate the program. This method of program
development includes five stages: problem analysis, designing the prototype, testing it,
refining based on the test, and diffusion/adoption phase (Thomas, 1984). Alfirough firis
model does not display extensive empirical support directing is original development, it is
committed to setting the stage for program refinement through data based innovation.

The empirical basis for program development is also complex for the reunification
programs. As stated earlier, these services are based on intensive family preservation,
which is a relatively new intervention. The original model is based on a method similar to
the service system models. A theoretically-based alternative to a chronically faulty system
was forwarded (Kinney, Haapala, & Boofir, 1991). An efirical argument has also been

37

made, “the best way to save a child is to save his family” (Nelson & Landsman, 1992). A
research base for these services is developing (Bath & Haapala, 1994); however, the
development of such a model for reunifications services is considerably slower (Staff &
Fein, 1994: p.196). Alfirough firese programs have significant theoretical and practice
grounding, the evidence around effectiveness remains inconclusive. Conversely, the next
intervention has a solidly empirical grounding.
S . I. ! 5 E E

The last prograrn’s emphasis on substance use in the aftercare setting distinguishes
it fi'om the previous categories. Project Adapt is an aftercare program designed for
substance using delinquens. The program design is based on extensive research related to
fire common etiological foundations established between adolescent drug use and
delinquent behavior as well as fire program evaluation literature (Catalano, Howard,
Hawkins, & Wells, 1988; Hawkins, Lishner, Jenson, & Catalano, 1987; Wells, Hawkins,
& Catalano, 1988; Hawkins, & Catalano, 1985; Catalano, Wells, Jenson, & Hawkins,
1989; and Catalano, Hawkins, Wells, Miller, & Brewer, 1990-1991). The program is
built on controlling drug use as fire key to successful community integration. This
intervention includes: a pre-release skill building and goal setting group aimed at increasing
pro-social behavior, and case management to generalize and maintain skills across the life
areas, increase pro-social behavior, and coordinate treatment services (I-Iaggerty, Wells,
Jenson, Catalano & Hawkins, 1987; Hawkins, Catalano,Gilmore & Wells, 1989).

Project Adapt is obviously well integrated into a program as evidenced by the pre-
release groups services. The services are ecologically oriented as fire purpose of the skill
building group is to increase pro-social behavior in the community. Additionally, fire case
management is targeted primarily at identifying and providing the suppors nwded for
community support. The program does not go as far as some of fire earlier programs as
family services will be provided only if needed.

The strengfir of the program is is grounding in previous research related to child

38

development, personality, delinquency, and substance abuse. The skill building group
targets areas identified in the literature as critical to pro-social behavior. The empirical spirit
of firis approach to program development will continue beyond fire design of the program
as the authors have reported preliminary resuls looking exclusively at the immediate
impacs of the skill building component (Haggerty, Wells, Jenson, Catalano & Hawkins,
1987). Earlier discussion reiterating the need to establish empirical links between specific
services and distinct client populations are likely to be addressed in this approach to

program development.

W
Each of these programs represens a certain advancement in aftereare as a distinct,

deliberate service entity far beyond the earlier notions, related to afterthoughts and rare .
programmatic investment Additionally, it is commonplace for firese programs to be
integrated into ongoing programs enhancing the potential for smooth transitions between
settings and services. The Nokomis Challenge is the prototype for making this type of
accommodation as fire program begins planning fire aftercare services immediately upon
admission. The other dimensions highlighted in this discussion illustrate greater differences
among these programs.

One distinction is fire presence of surveillance wifirin some services. The juvenile
justice programs emphasize social control as critical. The contrast of firis orientation to a
social work emphasis on treatment has been discovered in other arenas. A crisis
intervention program wifir domestic violence combined fire talens of police officers and
social workers. While building the collaboration throughout the project, the program
developers reported law enforcement as emphasizing, “jobs of protecting life and property
as remaining forever” (Fein and Knaut, 1986). This is contrasted by a social work model
viewing fire most effective way of protecting society as placing the child in a community
setting with fire needed services and supports. Surveillance is not typically included in filis

repertoire. There has been some movement in firis area as the juvenile justice programs are

39

now promofing surveillance along with needed services. Additionally, surveillance can be
accomplished via intensive supervision, a less oppressive means than electronic tethering.
This development is not insignificant as it provides a basis for law enforcement and social
workers to co-exist in the joint design and delivery of aftercare services.

Risk assessment is another ingredient separating a treatment orientation from a
juvenile justice approach. The latter approach sees risk assessment as targeting resources to
fire most needy (most likely to re-offend or most likely to be incarcerated to protect the
community). Despite is questionable foundation, risk assessment is a very viable
component wifirin juvenile justice. Targeting resources is laudable, but there is no evidence
that the most intensive services are the most effective for the youths with the “biggest”
problems. Additionally, as mentioned earlier, there is evidence that risk scales are ignored
by line workers that are actually making the decisions.

On fire other hand, social workers see this as intentionally restricting individuals
that have a right to services based on being placed out of fire home. This attitude was the
spirit behind many of the service system reforms discussed earlier. Social workers give
high regard to the notion of empowering their clients. One way to accomplish firis is
provide access to all available, needed services.

There was general agreement on fire need to provide post-placement services that
specifically responded to the context of community placement The basic nature of aftercare
acknowledges a difference between out of home placement and community services
requiring transitional services. Hence, one expecs the services to suit community
placement . For example, case management, a very common service in these programs, is
primarily aimed at identifying, and securing needed service for successful community
adjustment

Still, fire programs differed in the ways in which services were targeted. The
juvenile justice programs often combined a variety of services aimed only at the youfir

surviving in the community. The service system programs concentrated on the youth

4O

wifirin a service system, which is a very limited view of the ecology of community
placement. The specialized program expanded firis view by providing specific skills to
address concrete problems the youfir is likely to have in the community environment The
treatrrrent programs and one of the juvenile justice programs go beyond the youth by
recognizing the importance of fire youth and his family, extending fire services to firat
critical component of fire youfir’s community ecology. The latter services do more firan
provide a flexible structure firat may focus on fire family. Program resources are invested
in the development and delivery of services designed to enhance the youth’s connection to
firis critical component of his life in the community.

All of these programs maintain a limited view of the child’s ecology in aftercare.
Emphasis is placed on assisting fire youth with his behaviors in the community, and his.
links to his family, but that is where it stops. There is no mention of assisting the
community where the youth and his family will reside. The argument used to expand the
circle of treafinent to families of children was firat it made no sense to assist a child wifir
specific behaviors and attitudes only to place him in fire home environment where these
patterns were developed and reinforced. Likewise, it is equally unlikely firat a youth and
his family, even with the aid of intensive family services, can survive within a community
or a neighborhood that is seriously struggling.

Just as the intended scope of firese services varied, fire information used to guide
and ground fire deve10pment of the programs was very diverse. Originally, firis was
framed as knowing what was wrong and how to fix it. These programs expanded fire
discussion to knowing what was wrong and choosing a variety of ways for going about
fixing it. A very traditional empirical approach was used by the specialized program relying
on the established literature to guide program development. Another orientation used
practice knowledge encouraged by accepted theories of treatment. Others used program
theories guided by ethical concerns that are currenfiy being evaluated. Finally, one model

integrates research into fire program development process.

41

It is less important whether the program design was directed by empirical findings,
clinical judgement, or theoretical acumen. The value of the development effort will be
judged by fire evaluation resuls firat determine the impact of fire program. Hopefully, that
evaluation literature will look beyond fire outcomes to fire implementation as well as the
client’s viewpoint of fire service.

Further evelo t f afte

A variety of different issues have been considered in the development of aftercare
services for juveniles by looking at specific programs. The discussion has focused
specifically on the link between fire services and out of home placement; fire information
basis guiding fire program development; and the scope of fire services. However, many key
issues related to designing aftercare services have been illuminated. Building on these .
insighs, additional attention will be focused on critical areas requiring further development.

uni 'n

As established in fire policy section, fire health of the communities where aftercare
services are usually delivered is decreasing rapidly. The income of the worker is decreasing
and the rate of poverty is increasing. This and other challenges tend to be concentrated
among people of color, specifically, among young Afiican American males and African
American woman, important constitrrencies of firese services (Boysville/Trieschman Pre-
Conference Institute, 1995). African American males are more likely to be unemployed,
involved in violent crime, involved wifir the justice system and drugs. African American
females are more likely to be poor, single parens. (Fabricant and Burghardt, 1992: pp. 3-
27).

Additionally, inner-city youth are developing in ways that promote violence as a
prominent coping skill for addressing their daily sense of frustration and under-emphasize
skills firat may lead to employment or education (Halpem, 1995). Youth firat live in
families wifir “decent” values must adapt “street” values to survive. Additionally, fire

hopelessness around limited opportunities and constant racism fuels fire violence which

42

supports the stereotypes held by middle class blacks and whites towards the ghetto,

reinforcing the “oppositional culture” and the code of fire strees (Anderson, 1994).

Federal and state funding trends have left many social services operations more concerned

with issues of accountability, revenue generation, and cost savings than pioneering services

firat may address these circumstances. Meanwhile, the increase in anti-social forces in

firese communities has left families wifir no where to turn (Fabricant and Burghardt, 1992:
p. 226).

An analysis of urban communities from a macro view pains an equally needy
scenario. Using census data from Phoenix, eight fireoretically and empirically derived
propositions were tested linking specific socio-economic trends wifir continued urban
decay. The study clearly identified fire concentration of, and in many cases the increase in,
poverty and segregation, along with an exodus by families with more resources. Social
disorganization, educational failure, and high unemployment are associated with firese
poverty-stricken neighborhoods (F igueira-McDonough, 1995).

Whefirer one chooses to view firis situation from the viewpoint of youth in these
neighborhoods or by considering key economic and social factors, it is clear firat the
condition of urban communities reduces the prognosis for success of aftercare services. It
is also clear that fire circumstances facing youth receiving these services is worsening.
Effective interventions must begin to deal wifir programmatic strategies for addressing firese
challenges at the community level.

Significant efforts have focused on theoretical explanations linking community
structure and delinquency. Cloward and Ohlin’s classic opportunity theory emphasizes the
dual impact of fire community not only in depriving is members of legitimate options but
also in determining fire choice of particular deviant behavior (1960). This theoretical
orientation drove many of fire community interventions in the Johnson administration’s
War on Poverty, especially fire Mobilization for Youfir, but firis project, along with most
others, suffered firrough many problems in is implementation (Hefgot, 1974) making it

43

difficult to deterrrrine is relative impact. Anofirer example is a typology developed from fire
social disorganization perspective. In firis case, the typology is used to predict the
relationship between community organization trais and delinquency (F iguiera-
McDonough, 1991). Others (Curry & Spergel, 1988; among others) have contributed to
similar theoretical debates but little is known about the potential of firese concepts for
directing actual intervention.

The aforementioned socio-economic analysis emphasizes fire importance of
interventions that focus on external structures as well as fire internal structures. The internal
interventions must rely on an intimate knowledge of the functioning resources with an
emphasis on building slowly. Also, this article calls for a network of community organizes
collaborating on fire early exploration and formation of firese services (Figueira-
McDonough, 1995). A set of principles for organizing services around community
reclamation have been developed. These focus the agency’s mission and resources direcfiy
on fire development of community. Additionally, pragmatic strategies are forwarded for
organizing fire services and affiliating fire community with the organization providing these
services (Fabricant and Burghardt, 1992).

One of the authors of fire last work, consulted about fire availability of documented
programs in this area, stated, “There are programs out firere, but they are not being written-
up in professional journals” (Fabricant, 1995). He identified an example, focusing on fire
political nature of services and how they can be designed to promote fire client’s
understanding of firese forces. This urban job training program combines traditional social
work principles wifir an emphasis on educating cliens on fire often exploitative, and
greedy practices of corporate employers driven by profit This combination not only
recognizes feelings of anger and oppression by using it to energize the workers to look for
employment, but it raises their consciousness to hopefully avoid, or even protest, abusive
treatment in the future. (Swartz, in press).

Recently, more examples have been surfacing in fire literature helping to identify

44

directions for further development and describing the experience fi'om actual applications.
Practice fireory must be developed acknowledging the need to engage all relevant parties in
the process of change: clients, service providers, and community members. A key to the
intervention is fire ability to support, not interfere, with cliens problem-solving skills
(Smale, 1995). The patch concept, originated in England, was utilized in a project in Linn
County, Iowa Implementation had to be accompanied by a corresponding change in
“attitude, organization, practice, and structure” (Adams & Kraufir, 1995:90). Another

example showed fire power of community intervention with adolescent youfir. This
example illustrates young people’s ability to function as resources for community change
and fire critical role social workers play in making firat happen (Checkoway, Finn, &
Pofirukuchi, 1995)

The examples begin to characterize the uniqueness presented by this type of

programming. Even though community organization has a rich history from which to
draw, designing and implementing these services to match the needs of inner city youth,
fireir families, and communities presens many remaining unknown challenges. Service
organizations interested in furfirer developing or pioneering firis technology must be
comfortable with investing resources in ongoing, exploratory, developmental, and iterative
program development strategies allowing many attemps at designing, testing, piloting,
refining, and continually improving fire program’s design. Additionally, effective strategies
to pioneer these innovations must rely on firnding sources firat are able to accept the idea of
investing their asses in fire early stages of a program’s development, knowing full well firat
a final product will not be completed for an extended period of time. Similar policy
suppors will need to be extended if firese interventions are going to become viable options
wifir realized effects.

It is likely that firis type of programmatic effort would benefit from a multi-
disciplinary approach. Similar challenges may have been faced by our colleagues ouside of

family and children services or even more broadly by professionals outside of social work

45

and juvenile justice. Research will not only be integral to firis effort, but fire methods must
fit the madness. Exploratory research will be absolutely necessary to describe and
understand fire interventions. Additionally, fire research must concern iself with the unique
and discerning perspectives of the practitioners delivering fire services and the members of
fire various communities receiving fire services.

Empirical needs

In addition to fire empirical needs associated wifir intervening in fire community,
critical questions remain, generally, about fire service arena of aftercare to juveniles. Much
attention was devoted in this chapter to the different sources of insight guiding the
specification of firese services. The actual value of the various sources of information will
be determined by outcome research describing the respective effectiveness of various
strategies for pursuing empirically-based program development. Additionally, fire
effectiveness literature should also focus on the impact of these services on various
populations. In ofirer words, as fire evaluation literature in firis field develops, attention
should be given not only to effectiveness, but the target population as well as to the
information guiding the intervention.

The importance of research on intervention should be reiterated. It is imperative firat
fire delivery of these services is articulated and comprehended. Otherwise, outcome
research lacking credible knowledge of fire implementation of the service is of very little use
to demonstrating and improving effectiveness. Room should also be made wifirin this
research agenda for client-centered approaches. Competent methods would not only allow
the client p0pulations to present their voices and opinions, but also afford them the dignity
of identifying critical issues in the delivery of services (Malluccio, Fein, & Davis, 1994).

Treatment versus gnu-cl

Efforts should be made to acknowledge and live wifir the differences in these two
service orientations. These different philosophies are here to stay. It is unlikely that either

vieWpoint will be altered significantly by a conclusive study, consciousness raising,

46

professional development or whatever. Each contention seems to reside in close proximity
to fire life blood of fire respective professions. These differences seem to peacefully coexist
in fire daily interactions of fire professions. It is hoped that while these differences continue
to survive, future aftercare services will continue to build on the extensive common
ground, which has fire potential for functioning as a catalyst for collaborative efforts.

A review of aftercare practices began wifir a formidable challenge: Are juvenile
aftercare services viable service programs targeted at young offender independence and
self-reliance or are they an extension of a pervasive system of social control? The
discussion highlighted that although these interventions are still in the formative stages, fire
significant resources being invested are likely to push these interventions beyond
supportive surveillance and control. Although aftercare has been established as a viable,
integrated, program component, fire degree to which is impact goes beyond
complementing an oppressive system will not be known until community interventions are
developed and fire entire enterprise is explored via an appropriate outcome, intervention,
and client-centered research agenda

Conclusion

As firis discussion has examined an extensive section of the landscape around
treating juvenile delinquens, firere have been many issues which seemed to have survived a
considerable passage of time. The onset of delinquency seems to be chronically linked to
the growth and corresponding deterioration of our cities. The contemporary take on this
trend finds fire level of decay escalating in the confines of our urban ghettos. Anofirer
prolific issue is the confusion around fire primacy of goals being served in this arena This
was present when fire first juvenile court was formed in the 1900’s. As the court presented
is avowed priority as the children, it is very clear firat the services promoted and delivered
were mindful of other important constituencies. The debate about where these services
should be located also continues today. Alfirough fire early reformers and current research

literature argue effectively firat residential facilities placed in urban settings do not contribute

47

to a child’s transition to his/her home in a rural setting, those facilities are very prominent
options in today’s continuum of care. Another very strong pattern is the utilization of firese
services by fire oppressed minority of fire day. The statements regarding the Irish American
inferiority at the turn of fire twentiefir century may not be heard often today, but fire
concentrated focus of African Americans within fire system is surely reminiscent of fire
same attitude.

Underneath these similar practices is a more latent theme firat was confronted
direcfiy and indirecfiy. Foucault, Bernard, and Platt as well as fire authors describing fire
deplorable conditions of our cities referenced the subtle and blatant methods in which the
services support fire status quo. Alfirough the services within firis system do not appear to
direcfiy promote current economic and social forces, it is very difficult to find evidence of
interventions that are detrimental to the existing power structures. There are momentary
lapses where community oriented programs brought attention to routine social injustices,
but firose instances were exceedingly rare over the broad scheme of history.

Much more commonplace are services which isolate children from their homes
while protecting fire residents of their communities. Other techniques in the interest of
protection are surveillance which demeans the children who are allegedly receiving fire
help, but facilitating arrest and prosecution in the interest of larger powers. As I watch the
growth and prosperity of family preservation, my skeptical side wonders if firese services
would have enjoyed any attention if firey were not available at a fraction of fire cost. The
hook being cost-effectiveness, not effectiveness. Perhaps, the most destructive application
of filese practices is the trend toward ignoring fire urban ghettos, where legal, productive
opportunities are almost non-existent as drug, unemployment, domestic abuse, and crime
problems escalate. The corporate world washes is hands of any responsibility, while
finding other resources, excluding the American worker, for increasing profit shares.
Meanwhile, fire same force is in operation in the latest welfare reform based on cutting

coss and political sentiment. The services offered to juveniles continue to support macro

48

policies which support existing structures and abandon firose firat do not have a niche
within those realms.

The future for these services is highly guarded. Alfirough we will know more
about fire duration and survival of these services fairly soon as we observe fire development
of family preservation services and community intervention. If these services begin to
diminish, then in the very near future an examination of the history around these services
will continue to see small deviations in common more oppressive service practices, where
fire panaceas of the time have simply gone the way of fireir time-limited popularity.
However, if these services continue to develop, it may hold some hope for the recipients of
these types of support.

The major struggles, which will face these services as they attempt to break ground
on lasting reforms, will be to maintain an energy around continued development and
improvement in the face of public sentiment targeted at controlling youth and more stringent
services. If public opinion can be managed, there is a possibility of unifying firis service
realm on the key constituens-the children, fireir families and communities. In this service
world, resource allocation would be based on service effectiveness, and not political
expediency. These often seemingly, imaginary developmens would permit social work
professionals to aspire to fire simple, yet powerful critique forwarded by the efiriciss—what
would you want services to look like, if you were a recipient?

This review of fire literature related to some of the historical, policy, ethical,
research and practice issues in the treatment of juvenile delinquens has provided a context
for fire study of the lives of firose living wifirin the juvenile justice system. The next
chapter will address some of the methodological needs of such a study by drawing on an
contemporary debate from fire field of anthropology.

Chapter 2
QUALITATIVE APPROACHES IN ANTHROPOLOGY:
SOME CURRENT ISSUES AND DEBATES

I remember firis one Thanksgiving dinner. As usual, everybody really got
drunk and . . . started fighting. My uncle was yelling at my stepdad about
some shit, and he pulls out a gun and shoots it right firere in the house.’ I
was so scared. I thought, ‘Shit, he’s gonna kill somebody right here,’ and
I was hoping it was gonna be my stepdad. If my uncle had known what the
sonofabitch had done to me [sexual abuse], he would have blown his head
off right firere (17 year old) [Molidor, 1996:253].

A powerful example from a recent study of fire lives of female adolescent gang
members shows the depth and uniqueness of information that can be produced by a
qualitative methodology in social work research. Such qualities are particularly rare in
research focusing on fire juvenile justice system, where, as with other fields, a quantitative
paradigm is the norm (Kapp, Schwartz, and Epstein, 1994). The quote illustrates the
ability of this type of data to provide the researcher and the reader uncommon access to fire
turmoil, violence, and stress in this young woman’s life, not typically provided by fire

more accepted methodology.

49

50

Qualitative research also introduces some significant challenges, as illustrated by
firis example. Specifically, how does the trufirfulness of fire narrative impact firis
information? Pertti describes the factist approach as focusing on the truth. This orientation
emphasizes a single reality, along with the ways inforrnans can be distracted from that
reality, and the researcher’s strain to preserve this single perspective (1995). Other
approaches including Alasuutari , discussed in greater detail in the chapter, recognize the
importance of a narrative, regardless of is truthfulness. Valuable information can be
provided about a person’s identity and point of view on a topic, wifirout making
judgemens about the degree of truth in their statements. More recenfiy, in qualitative
circles in anfirropology, attention has been given to fire author’s and file inforrnant’s role in
constructing a reality from which the research is reported. The above research is especially
intriguing when a reader recognizes, and begins to inquire about, the process of
constructing this viewpoint.

Although fire data from fire earlier quote are definitely stunning, it is interesting to
note that the researcher devotes little effort to describing the research method, other than
informing the reader that a structured interview was developed from previous research on
adolescent females. No attention is given to the impact of the research method, its
implementation, nor the researcher’s interaction wifir fire people being studied. This is
consistent with some traditions in anfirropology, especially qualitative, currently being
questioned. Previously, researchers would describe their mefirod according to when and
where the data were being collected. This approach to the methodology proved to fire
readership that the aufiror was there to collect the data, and, by “being there”, fire author
had established the authority to describe fire findings (Roberts, 1995).

More recently, the field of anthropology has been asking many more questions of
is research method. Having “been firere” is no longer sufficient. Significant attention is
being focused on fire antlrropologist’s role in fire construction of an ethnography and is

impact on conducting and presenting the research. This discussion will examine some of

51

these issues and their respective importance . Additionally, I am going to describe my own
personal and professional role related to the study topic. Efforts will also be directed at
describing some of fire prominent schools of anfirropology, especially the applied specialty
of medical anthropology. This literature is relevant, given is application in fire field of
medicine, a system which is analogous in many ways to the juvenile justice system.
Additional attention will be given to fire current debate in anthropology about fire
interpretation and presentation of qualitative research. I will also describe some shifts in
my point of view as a result of this research. Finally, the method for this study will be
explicated.
Locating this Aufiror wifirin fire Research Setting

There are a number of personal, professional, and epistemological issues that have
brought me to study fire experiences shared by young men growing up in fire juvenile
justice system. Somewhat similar to firese youth, I have endured several tragedies in my
life, having lost my father as a young teen, a sibling in my early twenties, and dealt wifir
another sibling’s episodic movement in and out of psychiatric hospitals for a period of
about ten years. As a teen growing up in fire late sixties and early seventies, I regularly
experimented with drugs and alcohol, often to excess. During this same period leading to
adulthood, my diet included whatever I felt like eating, in whatever quantity.
More recently, to my utter shock, I was diagnosed with hairy cell leukemia in fire fall of
1995. Not unlike the subjecs in my study, I often contemplated what I had done to bring
about my illness, as well as my other personal losses. In a discussion of accountability
narratives, Michael Lambek describes the value of such reflections and discussions as not
assessing causality, but attempting to attach moral and practical meaning to fire experience
(1993). My attempt to interpret firese uncontrollable evens seemed to have fire potential to
create a personal link with the youth in this study. Ofirers have also used their personal
experiences to make a connection with the participans in their research

Recently, it is not uncommon for anfirropologiss to utilize their own pain to

52

idenfify with the struggles of the people they studied. Dubisch compared her back pain to
the suffering of the Greek women on a pilgrimage to the icon of Panayia (1995: 102).
Rosaldo found he could identify more intimately wifir fire grief expressed by Illongot
headhunters after his wife’s tragic death. Iwould agree wifir his sense of fire connection
with his interlocutors as, “both overlaid and separate” (1989: 10) Although my
experiences are not exacfiy fire same as being raised in out-of-home placemens or
committing serious violent crimes, I can identify with whose lives are plagued by traumatic
evens, especially, when firose occurrences seem inconceivable and are due to
circumstances beyond fireir control.

Although firis connection may provide some insighs which link the researcher to
fire people that he or she studies, the value of such a connection should not be
overestimated. Some degree of closeness or a renewed understanding might be acquired
when a researcher can link some facet of his or her own life to particular circumstances in
fire life of people being examined, but fire value of these insighs must be carefully
evaluated. For example, I may feel a certain commonality with fire adolescens in the
juvenile system having endured painful personal and physical circumstances beyond my
control, but it would be misguided to assume firat I know what it is like to be removed
from my parental home as a child, or to spend a significant segment of my youth in an
institution.

Professionally, I am also connected to fire young men in fire juvenile system. After
obtaining a bachelor’s degree in social work, my fust position was that of a caseworker
dealing wifir juveniles in state institutions. I would typically meet these youth in an
institution after firey had been placed- for eifirer delinquent behavior or status offenses,-
acs which were illegal only for a juvenile, for example, truancy, curfew, possession of
alcohol, etc. As a caseworker supervising young men and women in the community after
institutional placement, I appreciate fire ways in which the children’s background, his/her

family, his/her community, his/her abilities and impulses, as well as his/her limited options

53

can effect his/her often outrageous behavior.

After working direcfiy with delinquens for three years, I became fi'ustrated with the
lack of attention given to fire effectiveness of these services and fire continued use of
extensive resources invested by courts, schools, probation, families, youfir and other facets
of firis system. In an attempt to deal with this, I pursued a master degree specializing in
program evaluation. After completion of firis program, I eventually took a position as a
program evaluator conducting quantitative research in a large, private, childcare agency.
This experience expanded my view of fire system. The frustrations of working wifir youth
and their families wifirin firis chaotic system were reinforced by a consistent finding- youth
succeed within the facilities, but firen fail soon after returning home. A definite cycle was
being perpetuated by the youth prospering in a group home, returning home, failing at
home, and then being placed in another out-of-home facility. Alfirough the facilities were
not preparing fire youth for community placement (Hawkins, Jenson, Catalano & Wells,
1991; Alschuler, 1992; Mech, 1994), it was unclear what to do about that Did the
current services and their accompanying treatment paradigms need to be fixed, or was a
different approach to treatment needed?

As an evaluator, one of my final research projects followed youth to the adult
system, discovered the rate of imprisonment, and developed a successful predictive model
of risk factors (Kapp, Schwartz, & Epstein, 1994). However, none of these findings
prescribed the answer for these youth or fire programs. After I spent endless meetings wifir
practitioners to review the findings for firis study and did not discover viable
improvements, and my fi'ustration began to grow. Although firis study had achieved
credibility for its quantitative methodological elegance, is use for directing the redesign of
firese programs was minimal, particularly, as it related to identifying a set of legal, cultural,
and service system needs for fire empirically determined high risk population (Afiican
American youfir wifir two or more felonies prior to placement in fire residential facility firat

were not placed home at discharge).

54

One consideration was fire absence of fire voices of the youfir who were involved in
fire program, but were now in prison. The data from fire residential programs had been
collected years earlier, and fire corrections data came from an administrative arm of state
government. During fire period of time where fire individuals in the study actually moved
from fire juvenile to fire adult system, we had no contact with firem! Among ofirer firings,
this method implied that, as a researcher, I could examine firis problem wifirout involving
fire people whose lives were on fire line. Even firough I may have been capable of
designing a quantitatively sound study, certainly firere was no evidence that I was able to
answer questions about the improvement of residential programs for keeping youfir out of
prisons, without some help.

This type of input, or lack thereof, raises some efirical issues when you consider the
NASW Code of Ethics. One of the primary directives for social workers is the self-
determination of the client regarding the treatmens employed and the goals being sought
(NASW, 1993). My concerns about fire absence of fire “benefactors” of the juvenile
services in this study is supported by firese ethical caveas. The emphasis of firese
directives is to focus your treatment and advocacy in the best interess of fire client Even
when one assumes my efforts were honorable and conscientious (not to be debated here), it
is difficult to understand how this research has honored fire spirit of self-determination,
when the clients were never directly consulted about issues related to juvenile services and
imprisonment.

Alfirough other colleagues identified firis as a new area for research, reminding me
firat the early findings would be tentative at best, my attitude was not altered as I was less
likely to pursue further quantitative approaches, until fire mefirodology had been
broadened to include qualitative. I became very curious about the youth in firis study and
their take on the situation, wondering what firey nright have to say about fireir escalation
fi'om the juvenile justice system to prison.

In 1993, I took a leave from my job in the large private agency, after significant

55

reorganization of the evaluation enterprise due to state budget cuts. Having an interest in
teaching research and evaluation, as well as expanding my mefirodological skills to include
qualitative approaches, I enrolled in an interdisciplinary doctoral program in social science
and social work My specialization ouside of social work was anthropology. A chance to
pursue firis new interest area wifir a new mefirod originated in a research course in firis area.
I was able to design, and eventually conduct, a study which included in-depth interviews
wifir youth previously in fire juvenile system but now in prison. As I analyzed fire data
from these interviews and conducted more follow up interviews, my professional and
personal curiosity drove me to wonder what it was like to be raised wifirin the juvenile
justice system. This was more than attempting to develop an understanding of having
“been there”. It was an opportunity to test my assumption firat the youth now in prison
would be able to provide useful input into potential methods for improving fire services
within fire juvenile justice system. Alfirough my experience wifir passed research raised my
awareness of the value of including fire participans in firis study, firere is also an abundance
of resources wifirin social science literature which will enlighten this same approach.

The following issues will serve as preparation to completing firis qualitative study.
Reviewing a variety of fireories for defining culture will illustrate some exemplary
parameters as I try to construct a representation of the lives of these individuals.
Considerable time will be devoted to a review of some of the relevant literature from
medical anfirropology. This area of fire field, which happens to be a specialty wifirin fire
Anfirropology Department at Michigan State University, illustrates fire use of these tools in
modern systems for healing and rehabilitation, fully equipped with social and economic
power structures.

The critical view wifirin firis specialization will be especially germane as it portrays
the power structures’ ability to maintain iself at the expense of the individual service
recipient Finally, the examination of the current revolution in anfirropology will provide

some guidance that will hopefully minimize potential biases created by my professional and

56

personal ties with these individuals, and, possibly, provide some insight into how to use
these connections as assets.
Different Frameworks for Defining Culture

This study will be addressing a wide stream of emotional, social, psychological,
and economic faces involved in the youfir growing up in the juvenile justice system. As a
methodological context, it will be beneficial to review the theoretical landscape in
anthropology by describing some of the tools used to characterize the construction of
culture. Alfirough firere is a vast body of work involving the variety of techniques for
examining and assessing culture, this review will concentrate on medical anthropology.

Medical Anfirrgmlgm

This literature is especially helpful as it portrays fire value of this type of analysis
wifirin an established contemporary service system, the field of medicine and healfir care.
Parallels can be drawn between this setting and fire juvenile justice system. Both of these
large hierarchical systems are comprised of elaborate, modern power structures where fire
avowed primary intention is the delivery of many kinds of services to an extensive
clientele. This discussion will show that alfirough firese two systems are not identical, this
literature enumerates issues and analytic approaches relevant to any service delivery
system.
rem

I will initiate firis discussion by looking at the treatrrrent of one of fire most basic
elements of medicine—fire body. Michael Foucault, fire eminent French philosopher and
social critic, was one of the earliest and most influential aufirors to consider the control and
surveillance techniques utilized on fire body in penal, mental, and medical institutions
(1975,1979, and 1980). Here, I am noting his emphasis on the body and the direction
provided for medical anfirropology; the techniques of control will be discussed in anofirer
section. Foucault’s influence was one of fire few common firreads in this dynamic debate

on useful ways to view fire body, especially as it related to disease, another conceptual

57

foundation of medicine. There is litfie agreement on this moving target (Lock, 1993), but
the differing proponens make very sound arguments. Let me illustrate some of firem.

In Arthur Kleinrnan’s study of depression in China, he found macrosocial factors to
be the defining forces which prevented fire acknowledgement of firis condition. Any
recognition of such emotional symptoms would draw attention to larger social issues, and
firis would not be tolerated. The significant number of patiens diagnosed and treated for
symptoms of depression by doctors trained in a western perspective had previously been
dealt with locally as suffering from neurasthenia, a more physically defined and culturally
acceptable condition (Kleinman, 1986). In another study of the influence history and
culture on medicine, Fabrega’s tracked the concept of somatization over time and
discovered few consistencies. One commonality, however, was the need to substantiate
and legitimize illness and disability. As stated in the previous research, firis was heavily
influenced by local societal norms ( 1990).

Beyond recognizing fire significance of such cross - cultural differences, many
have suggested ways to view/study fire body. Scheper-Hughes & Lock cast fire body as a
composition of three separate entities: 1) fire individual body - the lived self, 2) fire social
body - a natural body which links nature society and culture, and 3) a body politic -
produced by social and political forces (1987). Good used semantic maps to capture all
firings associated wifir heart disease in Iran. A comprehensive model surfaced, including
the body, mind, physical, and emotional symptoms grounded in a localized context of
social meaning (1977). Anofirer integrated model, determined by examining pain in India,
included: a localized taxonomy of pain, technical aspecs of medical care, fire linguistics of
pain, and spirituality related to pain (Pugh, 1991).

By examining chronic diseases in this country, a distinction was made between
conditions as “I have” and “I am”. Those using the latter language to describe their
condition (I am an AIDS patient, I am an alcoholic, etc.) were more likely to be held

responsible for having the disease. These illnesses led to roles and identities reinforced by

58

medical professionals, kin, and fellow diagnosees. This system operates in the interest of
fire system’s needs at the expense of the patient’s. (Estroff, 1993). This discussion
illustrates fire useful and distinctive ways anfirropological theory can be used to assess and
evaluate the role of the individual (body) in a medical setting, as well as fire factors firat can
influence firat role. An equally valuable literature illustrates the utility of firese tools wifirin
fire health service system. Attention will briefly move in that direction.
1121mm - ‘

The application of medical anthropology wifirin fire healfir care system is very
enlightening. In one case, medical discourse goes beyond simply describing the patiens’
symptoms. Epidemiological narratives, often used to describe preventative strategies for
treating disease, emphasize a homogeneity in the population, ignoring cultural differences
and stressing the professional view over those of patients. Also, by choosing which
profile to promote, an ethical and moral stance is being forwarded (which conditions to
highlight, which factors to emphasize, and which treatmens to recommend) in the interest
of justifying medical intervention (Frankenberg, 1993). In medical practice, although
illness is made meaningful by human experience, it is defined firrough social and political
forces based on medical professional knowledge. Through a hermeneutic exchange
between the patient and physician, the medical professional designates which symptoms to
address. Illness realities are then determined on the basis of the prescribed treatment
intervention (Good and Good, 1981).

In an ironic example of medical discourse, Janzen develops a detailed medical
taxonomy of Nzoamarnbu medical cosmology. Janzen’s very precise, empirical, text,
which reads like a medical textbook, integrates western disease classifications with gossip,
curse, and other forms of witchcraft. Ironically, fire text is constructed using a very formal
convention typically associated wifir techniques of power and control which would
normally negate the influence of local folklore and other customs. However, this text,

despite is formalized style, is reflective of the local importance of non-traditional factors on

59

the medical condition. The aufiror emphasizes fire directive from the International
Classification of Diseases, advising that a credible interpretation is dependent on a full
understanding of fire local culture where fire disease resides. Janzen poins out firat the
precision utilized in traditional western medical discourse can be honored along wifir fire
local understanding of illness (1978). This discussion of medical discourse has portrayed
fire ability of anfirropological tools to highlight the struggles which often exist between fire
patiens and larger forces wifirin fire healfir care system. There is anofirer theoretical
approach in medical anthropology that even more closely examines fire power relationships
in this exchange.

The critical perspective, a theoretical specialization wifirin medical and ofirer sub-
fields of anfirropology, focuses direcfiy on fire struggles of a patient to acquire credible
treatment in a system often dominated by larger more powerful entities. This perspective
stresses the complementarity between the interactions of actors at the micro level of fire
health care system and fire maintenance of larger systemic goals. Daily transactions of key
actors at the local or micro level are scrutinized within the context of larger system, or
macro forces. This unique method of looking from the top down portrays some very
fascinating, and often ironic, contradictions and conflics within healfir care.

Foucault, again, has had a significant influence on firese authors. In W
W he traces the history of corrections and punishment, from a time when horrid
public torture of fire body was practiced to fire present, where the emphasis was on fire
treatment of fire soul. Although fire newer techniques of control are viewed as far more
humane, Foucault contends that once the subtly of this new approach has been understood
fire overall improvement is minimal. In many ways these practices are seen as equally
rufirless. Modern correctional efforts are directed at creating a disciplinary individual by
utilizing new techniques of power through a multiplicity of control, surveillance, and

classification. The mechanisms in place in such a system serve to perpetuate the delinquent

60

behavior in a way that supports fire system at the expense of fire individual. Foucault
contends firat these mechanisms operate beyond the walls of the prisons in all facets of
western society. Additionally, he contends that social science has been a major contributor
to pioneering many of firese concepts of social control ( 1979). The critical perspective
literature in medical anfirropology describes the use of firese techniques in support of the
healfir care system with little regard for patient care.

Through carefirl observation of patient-physician interactions, Waitzkin found firat
all symptoms and concerns firat did not fit neatly into the medical fiameworks of disease
and treatment were dismissed. Key contextual issues around fire patient’s “emotional, and
economic status” were converted into bodily symptoms which could be treated medically.
Patient stress was not only marginalized, but treated oblivious of important social and
contextual issues. Additionally, the recommended treatment regimens seemed to uphold
traditional class, and gender roles. The physician’s lack of social critique and fire
interventions promoting limited personal gratification (medication for depression as
opposed to actively pursuing long term disability firrough medical endorsement of
symptoms) enhance fire consent and control of fire patient (Waitzkin, 1991).

The study of fire conflicted roles within psychiatry illustrate the use of helping skills
to exploit patiens. Psychiatriss are often employed by institutional or corporate entities to
offer opinions regarding the suitability of their patiens for standing trial or for retaining a
professional position. Professional training in the interest of patient righs, as well as fire
sensitivity and confidentiality of fire patient-client relationship, are rendered meaningless by
the contract with larger system components. Ironically, the professional skills which are
used to engage fire patient and develop trust in fire interest of a therapeutic relationship
generate information which is used against the patient, to maintain fire needs of the larger
societal structures. In this instance, bofir fire individual and fire psychiatriss are
appropriated against their personal and professional intens (Fabrega, 1991).

Pentimento, an multi-layered painting, drawing or mural, is the image used by

61

Lorna Rhodes to describe the temporally grounded layers of action operating wifirin an
urban, acute psychiatric unit. Initially, the facility was based solely on confinement; firis
was enhanced by a medical model of mental illness, which was further augmented by a
systems approach assessing fire social context Although none of these modes solely
addresses fire needs of the facility or fire patiens, they are all in operation at one point or
another based on fire particular action. These modes are all subservient to the facility’s
primary functions, gestures, key goals such as getting patients discharged, and they are
employed meticulously towards firis accomplishment (1991). A woman wifir a chronic
illness is very resistive to the multiplicity of intrusive procedures in a hospital. Staff
perceive her as having a compromising mental state. She is also viewed as deserving her
condition. Her behavior and attitude are ouside of fire medical paradigm and stigmatized
accordingly (Taussig, 1986).

Another excellent example of fire critical perspective, ouside of medical
anthropology, examined the social reproduction in England’s school system. Willis
identifies paradoxical forces which determine fire placement of working class youfir in
working class jobs. The working class lads have a well defined group culture that values
sexist, racist, and macho views as well as emphasizing a common sense method of
learning. This is in direct resistance to the culture wifirin the school system where
knowledge generated through traditional academic learning is valued, and firose firat seek
upper-middle class lives should follow a similar orientation. The educational staff use
control and ridicule to maintain fire working class children in the classroom and dominate
their resistance in subservient roles wifirin their classroorrrs, which further delineates firis
schism. Willis emphasizes fire unintended impacs of institutions as being supported by
firree levels of functioning: 1) the party line - firat all children can be whatever they want
and education is a viable means 2) the pragmatic - how firings are actually done within the
pressures of daily survival and 3) the cultural - an existing oppositional informal culture
which actually opposes the party line (1977).

62

The medical anthropology literature demonstrates the level of understanding firat can
be gained through fire sociocultural investigation of a service system. The literature fiom
fire critical perspective has illustrated the ways individuals can be dominated wifirin a
system. Recently, anthropology has turned a type of critical gaze onto iself and is
established practices. Although the previous discussion has argued for the use of
anfirropological tools for defining culture and its Operation wifirin a large political service
entity, fire following critique challenges some accepted traditional uses of these tools. The
remainder of fire discussion will be focussed on firis development and is impact on the
practice of ethnography.

Self-critique of Anfirropology

This self-conscious exploration of ethnography has been referred to as an
“experimental moment” (Marcus and Fischer, 1986). Many crucial questions are being
raised about fire relationship of the ethnographer and fire peoples they have studied. In her
study of rural Ireland, Scheper-Hughes identifies her “lingering anxiety over whether it is
defensible to befriend, and ultimately disarm a people and steal, as it were, their guarded
secres” (1979, p. 11). Despite firis apparent reticence, she procwded to accomplish all of
firese tasks en route to her critical portrayal of the devastating effect of high morals, strict
religious beliefs, righteous parenting practices, and economic struggle due to fire farming
crisis on the mental health of young men that remain in fire Dingle peninsula community of
Ballybran (1979).

Others have questioned fire presumed objectivity of efirnography. Tedlock ridicules
fire concept of participant observation as an oxymoron. Not only does she find it
implausible for the ethnographer to simultaneously maintain involvement and objectivity,
but she also criticizes fire tendency to emphasize fire latter in text. She acknowledges and
suppors the recent trend toward a more integrative presentation of bofir the author and the
people in fire social setting. Roberts suppors firis integration, calling fire preparation of text
a sort of multifaceted cultural discussion between the Self and Other (1995).

63

Abu-Lughod argues that an emphasis on the objective side of ethnography,
especially the use of generalization, serves a purpose for fire anfirropologist, providing a
power base. She suggess, instead, that the text should strive to capture specifics,
“ethnographies of fire particular “ (1991 : 150). Dubisch continues to recognize the
constructed nature of this enterprise. It is situated by fire position of the ethnographer and
developed through text from the initial proposal firrough fire presentation of an efirnographic
text Also, fire text is routinely produced wifir a reader, not the peoples being studied, in
mind (1995).

In Frederick Barth’s critique of the continuing changes in anfirrOpology, he

proposes keeping bofir the useful and pragmatic, regardless of is traditional or trendy
origin. He offers the following integrative directives when considering fire concept of
“culture”: 1 - the concept of culture can only be determined in fire context of practice;
2 - all views are singular and positioned, representing fire anfirropologist’s construction;
and 3 - all meaning are contestable wifirin as well as between social circles and cultural
traditions (1994). His insightful clarification seems to optimize both contemporary and
established practices.

Although these concerns scrutinize the very core of efirnography, they only begin to
scratch fire surface of firis ongoing identity-crisis in anthropology. Many of the concerns
raised in the debate can be grouped under the rubrics of reflexivity and representation.

Reflexivity and Rmentation

The heart of the discussion about the efirnographer’s relationship to the other he/she
studies come down to firese two issues: reflexivity and representation. Roberts has
suggested the following definitions: reflexivity examines the self’s influences on our
understanding of and our relationship to the other, and representation deals with how the
self is related to the text in which the other is represented (1995). These definitions call for
an expanded view of ethnography.

Pierre Bourdieu has written extensively on reflexivity. Along with Roberts, his

64

writing do not necessarily focus on the researcher, but more on the social and intellectual
conscious embedded wifirin his/her tools. Bourdieu also sees the research endeavor as a
collective enterprise and not the work of a lone academic. Reflexivity is promoted as a way
of strengthening the epistemology of social science, not as a way to attack or diminish it
(Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992136).

Bourdieu identifies a series of common social science practices as vital firreats to
reflexivity. Often fire social class and origin of fire researcher invades fire inquiry
(Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992239). For example, Molidor’s research wifir female gang
members periodically utilized “little formal education” and “dysfunctional families” to
describe the lives of these young girls (Molidor, 1996). Such comparisons are biased
toward highlighting class discrepancies. At fire same time, describing what is missing does
not establish a clear picture of the local circumstances for the reader.

Another firreat is fire potential for fire aufiror’s allegiance to a field of study to
interfere with the examination and representation of a social world (Bourdieu and
Wacquant, 1992:39). Wikan’s study of Balinese life illustrates that trend. Her intriguing
portrayal of these people was often diverted by a critique of Geertz’s previous finding in
firis setting. Obviously, Geertz is a celebrated anthropologist and his work in this area has
received considerable criticism and acclaim. Wikan’s finding did not support his
supposed representation of firese people as totally lacking empathy, while viewing each
other as merely faces. She found the Balinese to be very warm, and capable of very strong
interpersonal ties, and constanfiy attempting to manage fireir relationships around feeling
from the heart (1990).

Alfirough her presentation of the Balinese was very insightful, comparisons with
Geertz’s work were often illustrative of their divergent views, fire constant references
began to yield marginal returns. The reader legitimately began to wonder whether fire study
of fire Balinese was secondary to an ongoing intellectual conflict in fire literature.

Bourdieu’s concern in such a case would be that fire author’s specialized contribution to

65

fire field, in this case, the denigration of a highly celebrated and controversial
anfirropologist, becomes more important than the study of a sociocultural setting.

A final major firreat to reflexivity is what is referred to as the intellectualist bias
towards interpreting problems rather firan solving them. This is clarified by Bourdieu’s
encouragement to “ firink unthought categories of thought” (1992140). My clearest
interpretation, consistent with ofirer reflexive notions, is to attempt to interpret social
conditions from wifirin the setting and to understand influences from your own
experiences.

Seremetakis’s study of fire deafir ritual in Maniat, Greece seems consistent with this
directive. In firis provocative and fascinating profile of the role of Greek woman in fire
klama, the death ritual, some very unconventional methods of analysis led to key
perceptions. By using ambiguity as a framework, she is able to expand the meaning of fire
ritual to include gender, class, and economics. She also uses dreams as a viable source of
data. A non-traditional temporal measure is used to depict the deafir ritual as having no
beginning, end, or middle (1991). Bourdieu would approve of firis work for is ability to
constanfiy scrutinize and neutralize the act of constructing the object.

Keesing’s critique of contemporary anfirropology is generally supportive of firese
Bourdieuian notions. He argues that a preoccupation with “radical alterity” - a need to find
very unique elements in the society being studied often precludes fire recogrrifion of
common elemens. Although his suggestion that the common elements be sought, is
slightly different firan Bourdieu’s push for thinking the “unfirought”, his final
recommendations are very compatible with a reflexive review. He encourages scrutinizing
the “political economy of knowledge”, avoiding the idealized positions forwarded by
ideological forces and fire focus on “submerged and subdominant” cultural traditions
(Keesing, 1992). These last tenes are useful techniques for exploring and uncovering
biases in research processes and finding.

Alfirough Bourdieu is “obsessed” wifir reflexivity and his writing about it can be

66

somewhat prescriptive, input from him, as well as ofirers, has been a major force for the
recent emphasis on reflexivity. In turn, reflexivity has led many to look hard at their
relationship with fire pe0ple firey are studying and reflect on how that relationship may
influence fire lens through which firey are viewing and representing fireir study populations
and fireir surrounding. More examples of reflexivity will be discussed, especially those
emanating from a dialogic critique of anfirrOpology.
More 1es f Refle ivi -Dialo 'c ' ' ue

A dialogic critique of anthropology has contributed some viable poins to fire
ongoing self-examination within anthropology. A brief sketch of the critique will be
followed by some examples of fire issues raised. This critique is grounded in verbal
performance as the primary form of participation in most forms of communication. ‘
According to Mannheim and Tedlock, roles are constructed through an exchange of
evaluative commens. Wifirin each social event a participant structure is needed. The
participans are socially positioned actors wifir access to authority and power. All
individuals possess some history of interaction with ofirers in fire encounter. The
ingrediens contribute to the interpretation of an event and when an efirnographer is added
to fire mix, this is “culture making” (1995, p. 13).

This fiarnework is compatible with reflexivity. It assumes fire constructed nature
of fire efirnography, while recognizing firat firese interactions are taking place in a dynamic
setting. The ethnographer’s role is firat of a fellow participant who does not alone hold the
key to seeking trufir. Each of these componens is compatible with the earlier challenges to
fire traditions of objectivity and with fire emphasis on including the fieldwork experience
and the author-setting relationship wifirin text Some very innovative poins are made by
other contributors wifirin firis framework.

Mannheim and Tedlock’s critique illustrates how a researcher can lack power in a
fieldwork situation. This point is made very clear when firree generations of women trace

fireir family’s immigration from the rural hinterlands to fire urban areas of Peru. Alfirough

67

fire efirnographer does choreograph the discussion and the setting, she holds no special
position within the exchange. In fact, fire discussants are annoyed by her questions and
find her inquiry to be of no interest Their primary interest is in translating fireir experiences
to each other (Isbell, 1995).

Life history, an important ethnographic genre, requires the ethnographer to play the
role of an active participant in constructing fire story. Behar’s life history of a Mexican
woman shows that history is somefiring firat is made, and fire power of this technique is to
observe the construction of a meaningful history by an actor as interpreted by a researcher.
The version constructed by the actor should be accepted and firen interpreted by the
efirnographer around cultural firemes associated wifir gender, race and class. This type of
representation requires a self-reflective narrative to be based on fire relationship between fire
story teller and fire anfirropologist. This strategy forces the researcher to shift from fire role
of story teller to listener (1995).

This prescription is employed in the telling of the life history of an illiterate
Moroccan tilernaker, who believes he is married to a camel-footed, she-demon.
Crapanzano does not question Tuhami’s, fire informant, construction of his own life,
instead, he attends to casting it in a larger sociocultural setting. The aufiror is also
forthcoming about his emotional closeness to Tuhami (Crapanzano, 1980).

The efirnographer’s place in conversation adds another interesting wrinkle to the
self examination. The context in which identified speech emerges is created by fire
researcher. As stated earlier by Tedlock, fire act of constructing firis context as well as fire
ethnographer’s contribution to firis production should not be left out of the text (Becker and
Mannheim, 1995). Tannen also challenges file concept of “reported speec ”, arguing that
fire reporting party is not an “inert vessel”, but a participant in constructed dialogue that
revolves around the relationship of the quoter and fire quoted (1995, p.201).

Ofirers expand fire importance of power in talk by arguing that the entire
conversational undertaking is based on collusion. While language is indefinite, words have

68

multiple meanings which are expanded when put together into sentences; it is interesting to
note firat talk can lead to the sharing of ideas and long term plans. Dialogue requires
unspecified general knowledge as well as a specific understanding of fire local situation.
The merging of indefiniteness and precision occurs when the parties agree to collude on the
construction of fire world firey are creating. A type of domination can take place when
power relationships are upheld by what is discussed and how it is discussed (McDermott
and Tylbor, 1995).

The previous discussion challenges an ethnographic notion of objectivity prevalent
in fire past This formerly accepted paradigm promoted the anthropologist’s control and
ownership of the setting, relieving him/her of fire responsibility of describing either fire
setting or the aufiror’s vantage point with regard to the setting. By relinquishing the ,
avowed control, the dialogic critique, and ofirers, have recast fire anthropologist as a fellow
participant, who may actually be viewed as a nuisance by inforrnans in that setting. The
only control that may exist in firis realm is related to the analytic perspective, albeit limited.
As this perspective has many possible varians, it must be explicated and defended.
Further, as the perceptive lens is being chosen, is impact on what is being viewed and
presented must also be acknowledged and disclosed. The power formerly held by an
efirnographer in the field has been shifted. The efirnographer is now acknowledged as
having power in the process of constructing text. Along wifir firat acknowledgement
comes a responsibility to examine and articulate fire position fi'om which the text is
constructed.

Embarking on a Journey

In line wifir this discussion, one of the major challenges for a researcher is to
examine and articulate fire point of view being employed. The first attempt to capture fire
lens utilized in this research will build on Jill Dubisch’s description of her research of
Greek woman and their pilgrimages to fire icon on the island of Tinos. For the woman in

her research fire icon, Panayr‘a , represented core spiritual issues related to the church, a

69

miracle, and common suffering identified with the Virgin Mary. Dubisch describes her
own personal and professional journey occurring in the process of this research around her
changing perceptions of: 1) Greece, an area where she has conducted extensive fieldwork;
2) her relationships to her own gender and feminist perspective; and 3) her struggles to
locate herself within fire politics of anfirropology (Dubisch, 1995). Although it is not
remarkable to acknowledge the impact of the research project as an undertaking, attempting
to reflect upon that impact and its effect on fire research processes and producs can be
enlightening. Understanding fire influence of the research process seems to be one of the
keys in fire struggle to understand the perspective used to observe, interpret, and present
fire lives of those that are being studied.

As mentioned earlier, my professional background prior to conducting this study
was heavily influenced by my training and experience in quantitative research mefirods. In
a previous position as fire Director of Program Evaluation, I managed a large clinical
information system which was utilized to promote data-based decision-making throughout
firis large family and children’s agency. The quantitative paradigm under which I was
operating dictated that the dataset used for analysis should be as complete as possible. In
practice, firis meant firat everything possible should be done to get all of the 1000+ families
annually receiving services wifirin the agency to complete the standardized battery of
research instrumens while participating in the various programs.

Among ofirer duties, it was my role to have a feasible rationale to share wifir
practitioners, during initial training and other times, as to how to get families to complete
these forrrrs and why it was acceptable to consider these tools part of fire clinical process.
Managers wifirin fire agency were held accountable for their staffs willingness to comply
wifir firis objective. In short, my orientation was to get firese instruments completed in an
attempt to preserve the integrity of our dataset, while paying little attention to fire righs and
needs of the families receiving services around fire collection of this data.

In the context of firis present research project, which interviewed former recipients

70

of juvenile justice services now living in prison, my perspective on the collection of
research data was seriously challenged. The first challenge came from the institutional
review board of Michigan State University, the University Committee on Research
Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS). In discussions of my proposal for conducting this
research with fire Chair of that Committee, questions were raised about the righs of fire
participants in firis research. How would the procedures ensure their right to choose to
participate in firis research project? If firey chose to participate, how would the procedure
ensure that firey would not receive backlash from other inmates or prison staff? If they
chose to participate and the discussion forced firem to recall a painful issue, what was the
researcher’s responsibility? Could the participant choose to pursue firose issues? And if
so, what was the researcher’s role in such a process?

Inmates are considered a protected population. Research conducted wifirin fire
context of a prison must address fire unique needs of firis population. Unlike any of my
previous experiences, I was forced to consider the potential impact of this research on fire
subjects of the study. Before the proposal was approved by UCRIHS, firere needed to be
clear procedures firat not only protected fire righs of firese individuals but attempted to
anticipate potential problems that might occur due to their involvement

As a result of having to deal wifir these concerns, I began to consider the
involvement of people in research and fire impact it may have on their personal, mental, and
emotional states. Serendipitous to my personal reflection, the Department of Corrections
research staff reinforced firis orientation as I sought their approval for firis project. These
researchers shared my previous quantitative orientation. Fortunately, I had a certain degree
of credibility wifir firem from my previous collaboration on research projecs; otherwise,
this project would have never been approved. Initially, the study was met with protess as
to why anyone would want to waste their time wifir such a project. Additionally, I was
ridiculed for wanting to spend exorbitant amounts of time with these inmates (1-3 hours).

Wouldn’t fifteen minutes be enough?!! After holding my ground on the study, it was

71

approved. Later, in a public meeting it was acknowledged by one of my contacs firat firis
study would have never been approved had it not been for my perceived integrity earned
through previous research, using more accepted methods.

My initial impressions about fire value of firis research was reinforced by fire
insightful, and articulate renditions of life in fire juvenile system expressed by the
participans. These data were so rich firat my class project blossomed into my dissertation.
Critical ideas were expressed around cultural issues, treatment issues, and a set of issues
related to the current performance, as well as potential improvements in the system. The
depth of fire data strongly convinced me firat the initial struggles to get approval were well
worfir the investment of my efforts.

Another critical form of reinforcement occurred at a juvenile justice conference
where firese data were presented as preliminary finding. The audience was full of
practitioners from facilities firat routinely serve this p0pulation. At various poins in the
presentation, as I shared quotes from firese former recipiens, the practitioners in the
audience were annoyed by these tentative finding. Comments were made to dismiss these
finding. One common criticism was the idea that, since these individuals were in prison,
their reactions were predictable and their opinions were not that important. We should
spend our attention and efforts talking with individuals who had made it successfully in fire
community, not those in prison. Similar responses have occurred when I have attempted to
use some selected quotes in a research class to demonstrate the value of qualitative research
data.

In each of these cases, I have encouraged fire audience and potential consumers of
research, to wifirhold fireir judgement about the “truth” of what is being said. Instead, firese
finding can be very enlightening ways to learn about fire construction of history and
meaning for these individuals. This process of making sense of one’s life in a juvenile
justice setting can be very valuable for those struggling to offer effective services to

delinquens. More attention will be given to firis point, in the research method section.

72

During firis same time period, I started to learn more about a fairly new
development in social work literature - fire strengths perspective. This orientation is being
forwarded as an alternative to an emphasis on client deficits and pafirology. It can be
particularly useful when considering fire lives of clients who are chronic veterans of service
systems. The shift in focus is from the various problems that led to fire continued
involvement, to the personal assets firese individuals may possess, despite fire oppressive
nature of firis system (Saleebey, 1992). Located within firis discussion is an interpretation
of research from an empowerment orientation. A major component of firis perspective is
attempting to conduct research within the social environment of the firose that are being
studied. Another component is fire seeking of participation of those wifirin firat
environment in a way that illustrates fireir needs (Holmes, 1992).

An empowerment orientation to research continued to shift my focus away from a
point of view firat saw participants as contributing to datasets needing to be complete to
facilitate fire most usefirl data analysis. Instead, I became more interested in the impact of
my research on fire lives of is participants. Important to this change in vantage point is fire
defense of fire right to heard by firose firat participate in receiving services and relevant
research.

Getting firese voices to be heard is conceptually very simple. The emphasis is on
allowing them to tell the story from their perspective. In practice, however, firis becomes
much more complicated. This requires the researcher, as well as the reader, to abandon
established habis. Attempting to advocate from firis point of view forces a shift fiom
constanfiy checking the validity of the responses, to an effort to understand these
perspectives as they are presented. As firerapiss, practitioners, judges, or policy analysts,
there is an ongoing attempt to counter fire perspectives of fire former recipient wifir issues
related to an accountability for previous illegal behavior or a need to become more highly
engaged in the services as they are offered.

Another argument, presented by my contacs at the Department of Corrections, was

73
the generalizability of my sample to all delinquent children. He described my sample as
“autopsies”, failures of the system ending up in prison. The degree of generalizability to

children within juvenile justice does nwd to be recognized, but another need is to give firese
individuals fire right to be heard.

Foucault’s might argue that “autopsies” are the business of contemporary
correctional systems. It is likely that he would view fire various rationales as routine
techniques implemented in the interest of control of these individuals and maintaining the
system. This study will strive to get beyond firese mechanisms by eliciting input direcfiy.

The interpretation offered by the Foucauldian critique, again, shifts energy in the
direction of an advocacy orientation. These individuals have a right to be heard in fire
interest of respecting their dignity and self worth, important componens of fire efirical
social work practice. Their perspective is not only valid, but very important If we can
gain understanding about fireir experience, there is great potential for greater knowledge of
the system wifirin which they were located. Extensive resources were invested in these
youth and great potential exiss for learning about fireir lives wifirin firis system. Also,
these individuals have extensive knowledge of typical treatment in firis arena, as well as
knowledge that is not routinely referenced in discussion of system and program innovation.

Their experiences with fire operation of the system are likely to yield insights useful to the
overall system and all of is recipients.

By listening, exploring, accepting and attempting to report fircir point of view,
valuable insights can be gained about the ways in which services are provided. Clifford
Shaw claims many crucial firings can be learned about the way a delinquent boy
views/viewed his world. This practice highlights fire: 1) point of view, 2) social cultural
setting, and 3) sequence of events (1930, p. 3). Whether or not firese perspectives are
complementary to our treatment paradigms, legal processes, or service systems, it remains
critical to know fire viewpoint of those on the inside when planning operations, assessing

effectiveness, and contemplating innovations in fire interest of improvemens.

74

Although firis discussion has attempted to address attempts by those in the system
to dismiss these individuals by highlighting fireir right to be heard and the corresponding
benefits their voices will provide, another critical issue remains unaddressed. More
attention needs to be given to fire researcher’s point of view and fire impact of that
perspective on fire study. As a caucasian male with twenty years of experience in various
faces of the juvenile justice system, it is important that I recognize myself as a practitioner
within that system.

Despite my years of frustration wifirin that system and my own awareness that
successful overhaul of this system is unlikely, my ideas about fire treatment of juveniles are
grounded by a set of norms, practices, and values from that system. Although I argue my
consciousness has been raised about the importance of hearing firese individuals, it is .
inherent in my background firat their comments will be filtered through my own personal
background. In most cases, I am confident that I will be able to honor many of their
critiques of the system. However, I admit firat I will have a difficult time envisioning the
treatment of these children ouside of firis system, or even within a system such as firis after
major renovation. Additionally, to a certain degree their commens may be influenced by
fireir awareness of my background wifirin firis system. It is from firis point of view firat I
will attempt to construct the lives of these individuals, as it is reported to me.

The present struggles wifirin anthropology, as well as my attempts to articulate my personal
view point within firis research, are fire context for the method firat will be described in
detail.

Method

Thus far, the discussion has raised many substantive challenges that a competent
research method should address. The review of a previous quantitative study (Kapp,
Schwartz, & Epstein, 1993) highlighted a need for the research to provide information that
will be useful to direct service and policy practitioners. Qualitative research has shown an

ability to provide this type of information in the past (Shaw, 193 0; Loseke, 1989).

75

Previous study also recommended further research inquiring into fire specific needs of the
high-risk population identified in firat study: African American youth wifir two felonies
prior to admission who were not discharged to a home setting. Specifically, what are the
cultural and service system needs of firis group?

Several features of this design will direcfiy address firis dimension. A qualitative
design will combine flexibility and focus in a manner that facilitates this type of research
question. Focus will permit the study to directly address the youfir’s life within firis
system, while identifying ofirer issues firat may be particularly germane. The line of
inquiry may pursue fire youth’s attitude about services, links with family members, to
mention a few possibilities. A major asset is the flexibility incorporated into firis design
which will also allow the focus of the study to be driven by the ongoing significance of
issues as they arise. Many quantitative studies, utilizing a priori designs, do not enjoy
such a luxury (Anderson, 1994). Qualitative research is also developing a track record
with younger populations (MacLeod, 1987; Taylor, 1990; Molidor, 1996). This success
with younger people should apply to fire younger men in firis study as they are asked to
describe their experiences as adolescens.

This feature which provides simultaneous flexibility and focus, also permits the
research subjects, former service recipients, to participate in determining the study’s
direction. Through fire discussion wifir the interviewer, the choice of which issues are
relevant and worfiry of pursuit will be decided by fire former service recipient wifirin the
broad parameters of firis discussion of a juvenile justice service experience. This supports
a previously mentioned social work ideal of self-determination. Alfirough firis efiric is
usually reserved for service and clinical discussions, it should be equally applicable to
research and program evaluation, also important faces of social work practice.

The review of fire literature in anfirropology has illustrated the value of studying a
service recipient within a broader context, unlike the discussion of the juvenile justice

literature which found systemic and broader scopes of analyses lacking. Many of the

76

examples illuminate fire operation of social and economic structures as firey relate to the
provision of services. Additionally, one is able to examine the exploitation firat may take
place when fire needs of the service system iself, become primary. If firis study is trying to
respond to a recommendation from a previous study to consider the cultural and service
needs of a high risk population, it would also appear necessary to draw on other techniques
firat have not only looked at similar service entities, but have illuminated the methods in
which cliens and systems can interact for the purposes of maintaining fire systems. This
would be particularly useful in examining fire juvenile justice system, where we have
previously in firis paper, raised questions about the struggle between offering services that
treat children versus those firat control them.

The current debate in anfirropology also offers some concrete suggestions useful to
fire design of firis study. Briefly, this critique encourages researchers to accept fire
constructed nature of firis type of inquiry. Researchers are asked to be aware of fireir role
in firis enterprise and to analyze fire impact of their perspective on interpretation and
presentation. Obviously, this advice is pertinent to fire design of a study which employs a
caucasian, middle-age, middle-class, male to represent the lives of juveniles, most of
whom are Afiican American, within a vast service system. Examining the lens from which
firis story is being framed is definitely a useful strategy for enhancing the informed
portrayal of firese individuals. This form of self-critique does not preclude bias but it
forces fire researcher to examine a very critical and common source of prejudice. The
remainder of firis section will distinctly elaborate fire plan for including firese directives in a
research design.

W
In the life-history is revealed, as in no ofirer way, the inner life of the person, his
moral struggles, his successes and failures in securing control of his destiny in a

world too often at variance wifir his hopes and ideals (Burgess, 1928:133).

77

Life history is a specific qualitative technique that is very suitable to examination of
a youth’s life wifirin the juvenile justice system. Using firis approach will not only facilitate
the youth’s description of his own version of this experience, but it allows for later
interpretation by the researcher in the context of larger social forces, while preserving the
grounding provided by fire participant’s perspective (Behar, 1995). Life history permis
the researcher to emphasize the construction of meaning and history without assessing it for
accuracy (Crapanzano, 1980). Life history also bring a longitudinal and narrative
coherence. Finally, firere is an intimate level of description provided by the person in
context (I-Ialperrr, 1995).

The interview for the life history was constructed jointly with the participants by
asking firem to reconstruct fireir own personal history wifirin the juvenile justice system.
Specific questions were asked to identify the exact placemens and fireir timing, but few
other concrete questions were be asked beyond what fire young man thought of each
facility. This allowed him to identify and expound on issues as he felt was necessary.
Such a technique was employed to hold firis researcher’s experience and related vieWpoints
at bay, while these young men were allowed to relate fireir experiences. The researcher
listened for ideas related to fireir evaluations of various services, along wifir ideas they may
have for future program innovation. A very similar organization was utilized in Clifford
Shaw’s classic work - :1th Jack-roller. In that instance, he created the sequence of
placemens for fire juvenile in his study and then asked the youfir to write a sort of
autobiographical account of his experience within that structure (Shaw, 1930).

In my research, I listened for ideas related to their evaluations of various service
componens, along with ideas they may have for future program innovation. If the
participant offered short, nondescriptive answers, fire interviewer extended probes asking
him to describe the various facilities. Additionally, probes were offered to encourage the
participant to comment on his impressions of the various facilities, in a seemingly neutral

language. For example, what did you think of ? What was it like at

78

?

mm

The data from the interviews were documented by the interviewer’s handwritten

 

notes. Alfirough it was very difficult to try and keep fire interview organized, listen for
emergent themes, take notes, ask for clarification, extend verbal probes, and tend to the
interviewee at the same time, firis approach was seen as more manageable. Given the tight
approval procedures of fire Department of Corrections and fire University (UCRIHS), it
seemed unlikely that recording equipment would meet those standards.

The data collection process was managed by politely asking the respondens to wait
patiently while the note taking caught up with the conversation. Alfirough there are times
where fire quotes do not seem complete, firis is rare and this process seemed to be
functional. After the interviews the notes were transcribed and used for analyses by the
software in firat form.

Ingmar

The sample for the study was a convenience sample. Initially, these individuals
were identified from a group of individuals formerly placed at a specific juvenile facility
and currently imprisoned. It is worthwhile to note that firis study has focussed only on
imprisoned young men. The pragrnatics of locating participants forces us to focus on firese
individuals. Although pursuing those living in the community would be an excellent
companion approach, resources do not permit it to be addressed here.

Two more ses of screening determined the specific population and the necessity for
a convenience sampling strategy. First, individual prisons were chosen based on the
perceived willingness of the administration to cooperate wifir such a project, according to
fire advice of my contact within fire Department of Corrections. Obviously, fire facilities
needed to house a significant pool of individuals from the previously described list of
currenfiy imprisoned, and formerly placed in the specific juvenile facility. Next, a sub-

sample of individuals wifirin each facility was chosen as candidates for the study.

79

Initially, each warden was sent a letter describing the study. Subsequent to
receiving fire letter, fire warden received a follow-up call to discuss the study, obtained
permission to contact the various individuals, and determined future arrangemens for fire
proceeding. An administrative assistant functioned as fire contact for each facility. Upon
receiving approval, and making subsequent contacts with administrative assistans, each
inmate was contacted individually.

Each individual was written a personal letter describing the study and asking him to
participate in the study. In line with current UCRIHS policy and procedures (Appendix
B), the participans were made firlly aware of: fireir righs to refuse to participate; fire
specifics of fireir participation; protections that preserved fireir confidentiality and limited
reprisals from prison staff; and different scenarios and procedures to address issues related
to the potentially sensitive material in the study.

After receiving fire letter requesting their involvement, each inmate informed prison
personnel of their decision. If the inmate chose not to participate, no further contacs were
made. If fire individual chose to participate, arrangements were made for this researcher to
conduct a personal face-to-face interview.

The interviews were arranged in cooperation wifir fire administrative assistant at fire
respective facilities. At the onset of each interview, fire entire set of participant protections
were reviewed, and clarified. At firis point, each participant signed a consent form stating
that fire arrangemens for completing the interview had been made clear to him and firat he
was willing to participate under those circumstances. In-depth interviews were then
conducted (n=8). The proceeding were recorded by fire interviewer’s notes. Although
tape recording may have offered benefis regarding accuracy and manageability, it created
complexities around approval from UCHRIS, and fire Department of Corrections, when
interviewing firis protected population.

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Reflexivity

References to the earlier debates in anfirropology pose some interesting challenges
to firis method. Reflexivity would suggest that the researcher should consider systematic
biases ingrained in all social science research techniques. Additionally, fire dialogic critic
would devote attention to roles and relationships around power in any research transaction.
The setting and perspective used by the researcher also hold fire potential for directing fire
interpretation and presentation of fire research. These issues definitely hold some
relevance in this situation.

There are additional realities related to potential role relationships. I am Caucasian,
while most of the interviewees are African American. I am not a resident of a prison, nor
have I ever been placed in a juvenile facility. Additionally, it is known by fire participants
firat I previously worked in a juvenile facility where firey were placed. There are also many
unknown factors that could influence this research. Does this conceptual view of the
juvenile justice system slant the way questions are asked and answered? Alfirough the
interview is very open-ended, do such biases still invade the exchange? How does
currently being imprisoned alter, if it does, fire young men’s view of juvenile services?
These are just a few questions which could conceivably alter the interpretation and
presentation of these young men’s life in fire juvenile system.

Recognizing that firis researcher will bring an established perspective to firis
research, fire previous critique would challenge fire researcher to grapple wifir firose biases
hoping to understand their impact on fire study and its presentation. In firis study, I am
suggesting the engagement of fire participans in firis process. It is highly conceivable firat
fireir feedback on biases introduced by fire researcher, and fire respective research
techniques would be very helpful. Their assistance in interpreting fire data may accomplish
what Bourdieu refers to as strengthening the epistemology of the study.

After a set of preliminary analyses was conducted, fire interviewer conducted
additional individual interviews wifir a small group of fire initial participans (n=2) and

81

solicited fireir feedback on these tentative conclusions. The initial finding were presented

to them and their reactions were solicited. Their impressions were very helpful in

minimizing the unconscious biases in fire research method and clarifying the initial

finding. Obviously, this complement to the study was contingent on the approval of the

Department of Corrections, the staff at the various facilities, and the individual participans.
Data Analysis

The analysis strategy for this project attempted to fully exploit both fire breadfir and
depth offered by firese data Initially, efforts focussed on gaining a full appreciation of the
participans’ description of fireir experiences. Next, common themes and responses were
assembled and reviewed as one strategy for identifying salient issues, but anofirer level of
analysis examined exceptional cases. For example,a particular facility may have enjoyed a
similar reputation among a segment of the population. Equally vital were the unique cases,
where an individual may have held a rare vieWpoint on a particular facility. These data will
have many powerful attributes that will be investigated. Unlike many other studies, fire
recipiens of firese facilities will be providing fireir impressions of the facilities. The
understandings provided by firat perspective will be useful bofir from an aggregate as well
as an individual view. A separate analytic technique was used to examine narrative
structures. This technique established plots for the life stories. The plots were then
compared and contrasted. Finally, these plos were examined to determine any relationship
to differing world views (Alasuutari, 1995).

The data from this project was analyzed using HyperResearch Software program
(ResearchWare, 1993). This content analysis package allowed the data to be organized
according to firemes across fire various respondents. This content was driven by the
salience of issues as identified by the respondens. As mentioned, one cut of this analysis
was to determine common firemes as identified by fire entire population. The software
facilitated a more complete understanding across participans by allowing various coding

and organizations of the data by common thematic elemens.

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This data was also interpreted using what was referred to earlier as a critical point of
view. This view will attempt to make sense of the data by viewing the action of local actors
in fire context of larger macro policies practices wifirin juvenile justice. Anofirer important
facet of the interpretation was fire determination of the researcher’s perspective in
conducting firis research and appraising the impact of firat view point on conducting and
presenting firis study.

The final stage of analysis was governed by fire feedback generated during fire
reflexivity stage of the study. The participans provided useful responses to fire initial
analysis which informed the interpretation and presentation of fire study. As stated, earlier,
a sub-sample of the study was asked to react to a set of preliminary finding. These data
were used to either support or refute or augment the finding.

During the various stages of analyses, the following process was utilized to
organize the data. The data was coded using fire facility provided by fire software package.
HyperResearch allows specific data to be assigned multiple coding. Finding were firen
generated using a report facility which can be organized by the different firemes which are
created by grouping related codes. These finding (reports) are part of an iterative process
which includes reviewing the reports, re-organizing and regenerating them, until fire most
useful profile is presented. The most useful profile includes a presentation which seems to
fully represent fire impressions of fire respondents.

At times during fire presentation of the data, it may have been helpful to provide a
system for identifying fire specific respondens. This would have allowed the reader to
ascertain the commonality of certain responses across participants. This type of
presentation was avoided to protect fire confidentiality of the respondens. I promised them
firat their identity would remain hidden throughout the study. If patterns of responses were
apparent, individual participants would be able to easily recognize themselves. This would
violate our agreement. When salient firemes are reported, fire themes are viable across a

significant segment of the study are followed by numerous quotes. In the case where a

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theme is less prolific, there will be fewer quotes supporting this. This method of
presentation allows fire reader to discenr the commonality of fire various finding.

The study has been grounded in critical historic, policy, efirical, and practice
contexts, along wifir a mefirodological description building on current debates in
contemporary anfirropology. The review of firose controversies has been used to argue for
a qualitative research mefirod using life histories to give fire former recipients a voice in
describing the juvenile justice system. Also, inherent in the debate was fire notion firat
these stories are constructed by fire participans and the interpretation and presentation of
fire finding should attempt to reflect upon key factors in those constructions. Finally,
some of the participans were re-interviewed and asked to react to the preliminary finding.
This step was employed as a reflexive technique aimed at minimizing biases built into this
study, as with all social science research. The remainder of this dissertation will focus on
fire finding from the research.

The Construction of a Narrative

This chapter began with a very powerful quote from a troubled teenage girl about a
family gathering, her history of being sexual abused, and the family’s tendency toward
violence. Alfirough firis vignette was absolutely riveting, one can still ask fire question was
she telling fire truth? Any type of social science endeavor must struggle wifir fire
importance and prognosis for finding truth in fire research. In Nancy Scheper-Hughes’s
study of rural Ireland, she is well aware of the Irish tradition where by the locals have a
tendency to “cod” the outsider (p.12). She claims firat fire best way to combat this practice
is to know fire locals well enough to recognize their non-verbal clues. She also
acknowledges firat lies can provide valuable data (1979). Alasuutari reminds us that firere
is not a guaranteed method that ensures firat we get the trufir (1995). The dialogic critic,
referenced earlier, argues that entire efirnographic enterprise is a construction that is heavily
influenced by the interaction between fire anthropologist and the people being studied.

The question of truthfulness and fire process of constructing a narrative are very

84

relevant issues in firis research involving a p0pulation that is allegedly seasoned in fire areas
of deception and manipulation. Those skills have been honed in criminal activity on the
streets. Additionally, these genfiemen each spent many years allegedly participating in
treatment programs firat did not exacfiy result in meaningful rehabilitation. Finally, at a
later point in firis study, fire participans describe “frontin’”, faking, as a useful skill in the
group process. These characteristics may leave fire reader wifir a healthy skepticism about
the degree to which fire participans in firis study are telling stories that are not truly
grounded in their experiences. To address this critique I will acknowledge and discuss the
complexity of fire construction firat is at the foundation of this research, describe the
interview process in some degree of detail, and frame an argument supporting the
credibility of my participants within firat context
Mul' leIn u ' ' o Narrative

The skepticism mentioned earlier is probably warranted given the numerous
complexities inherent in the construction of this narrative. First of all, these young men,
now in their mid-twenties, are relying on fireir memories to reconstruct somefiring firat may
have happened at any time during their childhood. They are all. In addition, their
recollections are bound to be impacted by some very critical events firat have occurred
during this extended period of time. Some of fire more obvious evens include becoming
imprisoned. That experience could contribute to a bitterness which may leave firese stories
with a negative overtone. Also, these young men, especially fire Afiican Americans, have
raised fire value of spirituality in their lives. Many of firem have become practicing
members of fire Nation of Islam. Such all-encompassing changes would definitely
influence fire views of a person’s experience in the juvenile justice system.

Other sources of influence would include fire conversations firese individuals have
had with fellow inmates, also former recipiens of the system. It is likely firat one of these
exchanges may have changed a perception about being in the juvenile justice system. In

addition, to talking with ofirer inmates about their experiences, firese individuals also

85

admitted discussing the subject wifir younger inmates as firey come into fire prison. It is
also likely firat discussion with firis “new breed” of former delinquents has impacted their
perceptions. These are just a few of the more obvious factors firat influence fire
construction of a narrative which may turn out to be more firan just one’s thoughs at fire
moment.

In addition to the factors in the informants’ past which affect fire construction, there
are the many potential biases brought to firis exchange by fire researcher. The researcher
pursued firis project, in fire first place, because of his interest in children’s issues related to
fire juvenile justice system. In firis role as a type of child advocate, he has a bias toward the
system being ineffective. He also freely admis that he has fust hand experience in fire
juvenile justice system unsuccessfully trying to change firing that clearly do not work.
These issues are all part of a larger experience of working wifirin fire juvenile justice for
almost twenty years.

Personally, I am a middle class white male, who has endured a significant share of
tragedies, but really has no inkling what it is like to be a juvenile growing up in firis
system. In all honesty, I approached the lives of these young men with a sense of fear,
respect, and interest. Accompanying that backgrormd, is an entire battery of biases about
what works and what does not work. Some of these biases are more conscious than
others.

The potential influences on fire construction are multiplied when fire researcher and
the informans and their respective backgrounds interact. The participans in fire study were
aware of my former employment wifir a large organization which had major commitments
to fireir group and spiritual programs. Often fire participans asked me if I knew specific
staff members. The participans’ knowledge of my previous employment may have made
firem more or less likely to raise issues in fire context of firat agency’s history. Earlier, the
mefirod section described a process of making a historical map of placemens as a way of
bringing some structure to fire discussion. This may have forced the participans to talk

"H

86

about all of the services they received instead of, firose firat were, in fact, most memorable.
This could have conceivably forced them to make more generalized commens.

Another element of the interview process, which wanans consideration in this
discussion, is the process of recording the data I chose to keep a written record of firese
interviews, partially because I did not know the implications of taking electronic equipment
into fire prison. My concerns related to fire strict security procedures for this population
honored by bofir the University (U CRH-IS) and fire Department of Corrections. As a
result, I had to try and manage at least firree tasks simultaneously: maintain the interview
according to fire loosely planned structure; listen and probe for new issues or unclear
issues; and record fire entire encounter. I often asked the participans to repeat firing or to
patiently wait while my notes caught up wifir fire conversation. Alfirough I tried to. do this
in the most respectful manner it could have impacted the interview. I could have missed
firing. I may have interrupted a rhyfirrrr which may have disrupted a thought process.

In addition to firese data collection issues, firere may have been some more subtle
interactions between myself and the participans. It is possible that the individuals in fire
study were telling me what they thought I wanted to hear. Or I may have been perceived as
the place to lodge complaints, and not a more objective assessment It could be that some
or all of firese individuals were having a bad day, likely in a prison setting.

There is one final piece of firis construction firat may leave some readers viewing the
discussion as unbalanced. The vieWpoint is solely firat of fire former recipient, and there is
no sign of any opportunity for a rebuttal from the numerous dedicated professionals
providing firese services. In many cases, fire negative report given may have reflected a
planned part of a therapeutic process. It is not uncommon for the treatment process to
stimulate pain and suffering, especially when ingrained habits are being questioned and
potentially changed. Alfirough firere is no chance for a clinical interpretation, it should be
noted firat this discussion is not taking the dedication and devotion of these professionals

for granted.

87

First of all, I would encourage professionals in firis system to view firis critique as a
critique of fire system, and not their personal or professional integrity. Having worked
wifirin firat same system, I know that firese practitioners have most likely struggled
frequenfiy wifir routines and procedures that are maintained and unquestioned despite fireir
harm to cliens. So if anyone should understand an uncensored critique of fire system, it
should be the system’s various practitioners. Hopefully, a constructive fiarne can be
employed which recognizes the utility of firis critique. If some of the issues raised in this
critique are occurring in one’s practice or are likely to occur, steps should be taken to either
discontinue or avoid such practices.

Now that fire discussion has identified a myriad of factors that could potentially
impact firis narrative, I would like to ground my sense of firis construction within a
description of the interview process.

e t ' w

The most useful way to consider the approaches utilized to construct firis narrative
is to reflect upon the actual interview process. Although I mentioned earlier firat the
approval processes strengthened my commitment to giving these individuals fireir own
voice, I must admit that the interview process provided further reinforcement. Before fire
reader can appreciate firis or my notion on the construction of firis narrative, more attention
needs to be give to fire interview process. A specific interview will be described, with
general comments added when it is appropriate.

In a pro-interview visit to a prison, I was told by the warden that they would bypass
fire “strip—search” since I was conducting an approved research project. Not knowing
whether the warden was serious or testing me, I flippanfiy replied that I was disappointed.
I later learned firat she was serious, as were the security procedures of the prison. Upon
announcing my arrival at the first prison, I was instructed to fill out a form with my name,
address, and fire reason for my visit. Then, I was instructed to place all of my belonging

in a locker, with fire exception of my driver’s license. When my name was called, I was

88

asked by a guard what I was carrying. My calendar and a note pad were examined
intensively. At this point, I was fiisked, with my clothes on!

I was told to wait in front of a large mechanical door made of two inch metal bars
until receiving clearance. Eventually, a loud buzz was heard and firis metal bar swung
open. When I walked firrough these doors, an ultraviolet stamp was placed on my hand.
This verifies firat I was a guest, in case a prisoner would try to escape with my clofires, or
something to firat effect. At firis point, it was clear that I was in the prison. The guard took
me through aseries of locked doors and through a yard to a particular cell block I was
announced to the guard on duty in that cell block before they would allow us to enter.
“This guy wants to interview [name of interviewee].” “ OK”

After we were allowed to enter, I was literally handed off to fire other guard in firis
cell block. My previous escort departed long before I realized it. The newest guard
instructed me to stay where I was, inside fire guard station, until the “prisoner was
secured”. Momentarily, a six foot two African American weighing about two hundred and
fifty pounds, wearing handcuffs behind his back, and leg chains came into sight and was
taken to an adjoining room by firree other guards. I was then let into firis room, and fire
door was shut behind me. My first thought was to look for firis individual but I could not
see him.

Eventually, I noticed he was sitting in a small cell located against the wall. I
introduced myself and stuck my hand firrough the slot in the door used for mail or papers
or lunch or somefiring, and he shook it I informed him firat our first task was to go
through the consent agreement. As I was going over it, he stated in an irritated tone firat he
had read it. I apologized and stated that I was required to go over firis wifir everyone and
firat I appreciated him reading it ahead of time. After my speech, I asked him if we had any
questions and he did not, so we both signed it.

I described the interview process to him, that I would be taking notes and firat I
would be sitting across the room at a desk. He agreed. He firen asked me if I still worked

89

at the agency where he was placed formerly and I had worked. I explained that I was on
leave and in school. He asked me if I knew a couple different staff people, I did not. The
process for developing a map of placements histories was reviewed, and we began the
interview. After we were finished with fire map, I asked him to help me verify the
placemens and fireir respective order. He readily did so.

At this point, we began to review each placement. He told me the firing he liked
and disliked about each placement. His portrayals were very descriptive, and he seemed to
enjoy the discussion. When he described his failure in an independent living placement and
the crime which brought him to prison he begin to show some emotion by becoming very
sullen while he speech slowed down. I asked a question about the independent living
program, he responded. When I asked him if he was all right after the discussion of his
crime, he seemed to cheer up and wanted to continue fire interview.

He clearly described being placed in the system as a young child and moving from
place to place firroughout the system. He recalled his disappointment when he discovered
fire degree to which he was institutionalized in an independent living program. It was
obvious to him that the program did not offer him the support he needed. During a
discussion of the state of juvenile corrections for today’s juvenile offenders, he appeared

very concerned.

I don’t know what firey need, ‘cause I never got it!

After concluding this very pleasant interview, I explained how I thought the study
would progress, told him I would send copies of reports, if he wanted, and he did, and
told him to take care. Three guards came in and got him, on my signal. They put his cuffs
on in the cell, and then brought him out to put on his leg chains. He jokingly made a
remark to fire guards about needing firree officers to put him back in his cell. It appeared

that the additional security was a precaution to protect me, an outside visitor. I waited and

9O

reviewed the dozen or so pages of notes from firis interview. A different guard then led me
to fire next cell block for anofirer interview.

Jill Dubsich describes the Greek woman making the pilgrimage to the icon of
Panayr'a as having “muted voices”, they are talked about but rarely heard from (1995,

P. 194). In the case of firese individuals, their voices are never heard and they are probably
never talked about After the interviews, I felt personally responsible for giving firese
young men a voice. First of all, fireir abundant security made them totally inaccessible.
During the approval process, one of my contacts at fire Department of Corrections called
firese young men “autopsies”. I did not understand how prophetic his remarks would
eventually be. These men were taken out of society, never to be heard from again, at least
as far as their juvenile services was concerned. The importance of supporting fireir voice
was reinforced by their willingness to give vivid descriptions of their experiences.
Additionally, the discussion illustrated their complete knowledge of fire system. By the
time I had penetrated fire various forms of security, my intent was to honor their thoughts
and capture their impressions. Hence, I accepted their stories with few challenges.

In fire end, I accept the credibility of my respondens for a variety of reasons.
During the interviews, firey continually came across as engaging, attentive, and sincere.
The seemed to resonate to an interest in advocating for future children in fire system. I
addressed this issue directly in the letters asking for participation and by some of fire
questions asked during the interview. During one of the follow-up interviews, one of the
interviewees asked ifI “had gotten them to stop doing firat stuff!” The advocacy issue was
also addressed by specific questions focusing on the future recipiens of juvenile services.
The responses to these questions seemed thoughtful and attentive.

Beyond my perception of their sincere participation, there is some empirical support
for my sense of their credibility. Alasuutari contends firat one indicator which may bolster
a researcher’s confidence in the credibility of respondens is the saturation point. This

technique is often used to get to fire “truth of fire matter” (1995, p.58). The saturation point

91

was reached on many key themes like fire racial and spiritual tension, and the commentary
on fire group process. The credibility of the data was also supported in the follow-up
interviews. The interviewees tended to confirm and expand the preliminary findings, few
of the initial learning were disputed.

Although a researcher is never sure about fire credibility of the people he/she studies
and the stories they offer, I have confidence in the respondens in firis study. I believe in
their credibility and that the issues raised in firis study should be heard and considered by
professionals in firis system. Finally, giving them a voice is a respectful firing to do for

them and future recipients of juvenile services.

Chapter 3
GROWING UP IN THE JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM:
VOICES FROM THE INSIDE

I would appreciate it if you wouldn’t take notes. The last person that took
notes when I was talking was the cop I confessed to and I caught a life
sentence. I can’t deal with you takin’ notes (research participant during

interview).

The above statement came from a participant in firis research project during an
interview. As I quickly learned, fire process of taking notes during our conversation made
him very uncomfortable. He explained firat he had confessed to committing a murder to a
police officer when he was “high” at a local fast food restaurant As it turned out, he felt
the arresting officer had taken liberties wifir his confession and, thus, he was unfairly
found guilty and sentenced to life in prison. Consequently, we bofir agreed firat it would be
better to terminate fire interview at firat point in fire discussion, as the process of recording
fire data was unacceptable to him.

This incident, early in the research process, is typical of many astonishing finding
in this project. Although I believed I was familiar with the treatment of juvenile
delinquents, these young men continually raised issues that I did not anticipate. Centering
these interviews on the views of the recipiens, revealed many fresh perspectives. The

primary goal will be to present a clear picture of fireir described

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93

experiences. In support of firis tenet, the use of social fireory as an explicit guide for
analysis will be limited, at least initially. The emphasis will be on my finding a voice that is
fully aware of fire perspective I bring to the analyses while attempting to represent the
interviewees description of life as a juvenile. While recognizing my analytical abilities are
somewhat limited by the biases mentioned in fire previous chapter, my energy will be
devoted to fully describing firese stories as firey were presented.

This chapter begins by providing the reader with some background information on
fire study and the context for the research. First, fire interview process is reviewed,
particularly as it relates to describing the overall experience of firese subjects within fire
juvenile system. Then, some background information is provided about fire various
options in fire juvenile system. After describing some trends in the number and types of
placemens described by these young men, I address emergent themes related to the overall
experience. The chapter will conclude by looking at the narrative structure utilized to tell
firese stories, specifically as firese structures reflect differences by the legal reasons for
placement.

An Overview of fire Life wifirin fire System

A major cornerstone of fire interview process was fire development of a type of map
describing the pafir taken by each individual through the juvenile justice system. These
maps were joinfiy constructed by fire interviewer and the individual participant (Figure
3.1). One way to begin fire task of describing fireir lives wifirin firis setting is to reflect on
these placement history maps in a summary fashion. Other segmens of this discussion
will examine common themes by t0pic. A final data analytic strategy in this chapter will
look at the differing narrative structures utilized to depict their experiences.

In general, the placement history map in Figure 3.1 (Appendix A) is very typical.
This map representing one individual’s interview experience shows significant movement
wifirin fire system, a common trait within firis population. He lived in a number of places,

most of which were out-of-home placemens within the systenr, but he had lived wifir his

94

mother and also an aunt. The number and diversity of placemens were very consistent
wifir all of the participants.

These young men were placed out of their homes an average of slightly over five
times. These placemens could include different facilities, or being placed into the same
facility more than once. In every case, firese young men spent the vast majority of their
adolescence in living arrangemens ouside of fireir family homes. Below is a list of fire
alternative types of out-of-home placemens. This range of options comprise what is often
described as a continuum of care. The continuum offers varying levels of services and
security (listed below in order from least restrictive to most restrictive or highest security).
This range of alternatives operates as a list of available options from which to choose when
considering the placement of a youfir. It is assumed firat fire needs of fire child, fire
community and other constituents can be matched to fire specific type of program.

1) W
A family is paid a monfirly stipend for the youfir to live in their home.
Youfir in firis setting are given fire opportunity to live in a family
environment while attending public schools. There could be anywhere from
one to firree or more youth in a foster home, depending on fire size of the
home. Foster home licensing procedures are provided by local offices of

state human service organizations.

2) Mm
A group of paid staff provide a treatment program in a single
family dwelling in a community setting. These programs typically offer
recreational, educational and therapeutic services, such as group and/or

family therapy. This type of program would usually accommodate 12-15

95

youth, alfirough the capacity can vary by state for all of firese programs.

3) Residen ' trea t 'n
A multi-site setting with paid staff providing more intensive treatment
to youfir, most often in a rural or isolated setting. There is typically a higher
ratio of staff to youth firan in a group home. Program components would
be somewhat similar to a group home, ranging from recreational to
firerapeutic. Residential treatment facilities are usually organized by teams

devoted to distinct units of 12-15 youfir.

4) tio te
Locked facilities where youth are held pending evens,
such as commitment or dispositional hearing or placement in a more
restrictive setting. The primary purpose of these programs is to provide
a secure placement for the child while waiting for these evens. Usually,

educational and recreational programs are offered.

5) ' 'n sc
Based on the reform schools of the 1900’s, firese institutional setting
hold anywhere from 100-300 youth at one time. The youth are separated
into groups of 12-15 with specific staff teams assigned to them. The
treatment componens are usually similar to fire previous residential
treatment centers. Security in these facilities is very high as are the ratios of

staff to children.

Not only do these youth live in many different living situations, they were very
likely to experience a variety of different types of arrangements. All but one of fire

individuals encountered at least firree of fire previously described categories of facilities.

96

Although this continuum of services is intended to provide a flexible anay of options to
address the unique needs of troubled children, in the cases of most of these youfir, it
seemed firese alternatives were merely places to be. From the perspective of these
individuals, firere is little evidence that needs were met in any productive fashion. The
maps look like long sets of chronological paths in and out of placements, with no apparent
direction, unless, possibly, to the streets and then, to prison.

Each placement illustrates important transition poins in the life of the particular
youth. At one level, it represens a key decision about basic righs related to: where the
child is going to live, with whom the child is going to live, and fire rules under which the
child is going to live. The rules at a specific facility restrict vital issues like whom fire child
may visit (including family members, ofirer relatives, friends, etc), how often they may
visit him, and under what circumstances. The basic human righs of these individuals are
involved in such decisions.

The process for determining the alternatives is based on the assessment of multiple
parties. Each of fire parties bring his/her own point of view to fire decision process
addressing the question of which placement is in the “best interest of the child”. Playing
integral parts in firis process are fire youth’s social worker, a facility representative, juvenile
court personnel, and the youfir’s family. The range of the options is also influenced by the

crime that led to fire youfir’s commitment. Finally, fire youfir must also support fire plan.

Once you get committed you got no say on that deal. Nine times out of ten if you
got violent crimes it’s , , or (training
schools). Get interviews if you don’t have violent crimes. Decision made between

you, the counselor, and your representative.

Although a youth may agree to exercise his right to reject a specific facility, the

decision is often tainted by fire decision process and the limited alternatives. Although this

97

choice may be the best of the available options, it is always less then optimal.

Like a double standard. We’ll send you here. You got to go through
different stages of development. In a way, it is crazy, some ways straight,
but a joke.

Some participans were skeptical about the amount of influence they actually had in such

decisions.

Psychiatriss and social workers actually make decisions about where you

go.

I told my worker I did not want to be there, but she kept me there.

Another key element of living in firis system is fire amount of moving around firat

actually takes place.

It’s a lot like prison. It is about moving people, move a lot in, move a lot

Ollt.

The process of moving children through fire system has many problems. A crucial problem
is the lack of favorable options to match the needs of children during these vulnerable

stages of development

Foster homes. Everybody wants a home. At least a foster home gives a
child a home, and not an institutional setting. No child should have to go

firrough that.

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Even in the case of a child doing well in a program, the best case scenario, he is firen

moved on to anofirer program which may, or may not, suit his needs.

After you go firere, they send you to a residential program. The good firing

only last so long.
Could have held on at residential, wasn’t fair.
Many former recipients describe fire impact of firis process as being very dismal

If firese people know how to make psychiatric judgements, they should
know firat children eventually catch on to fire way firey are being treated and
the places they end up.

A lot of people go and end up worse. Kid firat age needs somefiring to hold

on to. Need love or to be wanted. Not an animal.

We all know it ain’t good to jump from this environment to firat
environment to firat environment . . . They do it wifir a child fiom babies up

to 18.

During fireir involvement wifir this system, firese young men are exposed to extensive
movement within the system, fi'om places with a lot of structure and security to those with
less. They have litfie influence on fire decision process. At some point, firese recipiens
become very skeptical of any of fire potential benefis for being in firis system. Once firis

realization has occurred, there seems to be a corresponding impact on their attitudes. There

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is a tendency to lose hope about ultimate goals related to living independenfiy in fire

community.

Futility of Life within the System

Early in their careers, it became clear to these young men that firey were losing
control of fireir lives. They were being forced to live with people wifir whom firey did not
want to live, follow rules that did not appear to make a lot of sense, and suffer unfair

consequences when those rules were violated.

Thing don’t relate at all. I come into the joint immature, why do I have to

help these other guys.

I did something to get put there, I have these other punks checkin’ me, I
have staff checkin’ me, makes a guy more angry firan he already is.

Psychological tips don’t be helpin’ a guy.

I knew that something was rotten. I wasn’t obedient to fire official rules
and regulations. Each time I did something firat staff did not like, I was
restrained.

Many times I was actually restrained before fire behavior occurred.

Had no control. Locked up, rebellious, not willing to submit to rules,
wanted to be liberated. Do it on my own, but I did not have an affirrnative

format Better to say I was not being put in tune fire right way.

Gotta be somewhere at a certain time, get consequences firat ain’t

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necessary, ain’t doin’ nofirin’ but makin’ the situation worse.

Such intensity and pressure caused AWOL’s and reluctance to accept
authority.

Along wifir these feeling of having lost control of their lives is a very strong
attitude of resentment and bitterness. This is shown by fire description of fire service
system, “a hard cold, environment for children,” or, “too much like slavery with all the

restrictions imposed”.
The officials keeping me from somefiring firey did not want me to know.

They push people to the limit to see what is right and wrong, but they are

holding the answer.

Don’t always need to give a reason or you will get restrained. Need to
allow them to make more decisions. You nag a person so long, firey gonna

explode.

The loss of many basic forms of personal control, and a sense of resentment associated
with an awareness of firis lack of control leaves these individuals feeling powerless over the
direction of their lives. They have litfie influence over where they live, the rules in firose
various locales, and the treatment they receive from fire various people associated with
those places. Unfortunately, when given the opportunity to leave these out-of-home
placements and live in fire community, experiences and fire corresponding oufiook remains

quite similar.

101
' e ' the u '

Similar feeling of frustration and hopelessness are also prevalent in a unique
segment of fireir lives “ouside” of fire system. As indicated earlier, in fire residential
treatment and group home literature, there was agreement regarding fire difficulty of
translating fire skills learned in the program to fireir eventual placement in a community
setting. The sentimens of firese youfir are extremely consistent wifir that finding. Often,
these young men had periods of time where they would reside in community situations,
unlike the previous list of facilities. In firese instances, they would either live with a family
member after completing a program, or firey might live in an unstructured setting designed
to give them an opportunity to practice independent living skills. Such placemens would
often occur after having successfully completed one of the various service programs. This
may mean firey achieved significant accomplishments in that setting or bofir fire staff and
youfir felt litfie was to be gained by staying in firat setting—often referred to by practitioners
as maximum benefits. Alfirough the regimen in these circumstances is very different,
similar attitudes often apply in the community.

In many instances, fire attempt to make a successful adjustment to community life
was described as frustrating as attempting to adapt to a program. Alfirough fire professed
goal of most programs was to place firese youth in community settings, a common
sentiment was firat the services did not provide adequate preparation. One young man’s

description of the experience illustrates firat frustration.

_ [specific facility] never taught me to be independent. I was
always dependent on the group structure. Out there on my own I was too
old for programs. When I left the programs, and there were no more
programs, I could not make the connection they were trying to make. I
could not stay in a job for two months. I was never fired, I would just

move on. I still needed someone to keep the reins on me, to remind me that

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if you have respect for people you can get what you want. I needed
someone to keep tabs on me. I wasn’t about robbin’ or stealin’. I needed
stiff direction. I had been so institutionalized. The streets and fire programs

are different planes, you know what I mean?

It was a struggle to apply fire skills learned in the program setting to
a very different environment. I learned to compromise, but firere were no

compromises at home. It was my mama’s way. So I could not apply fire

program.

Ofirers tended to see the problem of adapting to fire community as succumbing tofire
temptation of a “street” lifestyle. At all times while in community placement, these youth
were constanfiy faced with fire alternative of returning to the familiar habits of life on fire
streets. The routine associated with community life, outside of fire juvenile delinquency
programs was a violent, aggressive lifestyle typified by illegal behavior and the regular use
of alcohol and drug .

Not only did firis provide a lifestyle to which they were accustomed, but it also was

extremely prevalent and offered an attractive, exciting atmosphere.

I had a lot of street and program knowledge. Would have used the
program knowledge, but it was easy to get caught up in fire scene back in

fire strees.

On community visits, started hangin’ around wifir the guys, got to drinkin’

and just gave up.

The programs intended to help them survive did not appear to facilitate any type of deterrent

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to re-engaging in this often hazardous lifestyle . Additionally, fire streets offered
excitement, entertainment, and financial incentives.
This narrative addresses the often natural and irresistible transition back to street

living.

Got back to _. Hangin’ wifir the fellas. Gettin’ high stealin’ cars,
playin’ around selling drug. I guess it all led to me hangin’ in the street
sellin’ drug. Got in trouble for driving cars wifir no license. In and out of
jail for traffic violations, got caught sellin’ drug, I had a 7 ticket warrant,

finally caught up with me, and I had rock cocaine.

Many of these individuals recognized fireir responsibility in choosing life on fire

streets over anofirer lifestyle.

After I got out of [program], I knew what I had to do. I would

jump, and do am I gonna do now.

Got the right firing, I just choose to do something else.

Cause I remember everyfiring I did in each program, but once you get out it

comes to that final test—Are you gonna hang?

Although many acknowledge fire importance of fire responsibility for determining fireir
eventual fate, many do not. The next section will provide some explanation to firese
differences related to personal responsibility and is role in a much broader view of the

system’s impact.

104

E . C . . I

To examine some differences in fire ways incipient criminality is perceived by firese
young men, a different analytic technique was employed. As a departure from the thematic
orientation taken firus far, more attention was focused on fire structure of fire narratives
used by firese individuals to tell fireir stories. Pertti Alasuutari has suggested comparing life
stories at a more abstract level. Each story plot has a structure that should be recognized.
He proposed breaking down componens of fire story according to fire relevance to the plot.
Emphasis is then placed on making plot summaries for comparing and contrasting fire text.
Identified story types were firen be tied to each plot These plos were examined for fireir
linkage to a type of world view (1995, pp. 72-78).

This data analysis technique was very useful in trying to understand the notion of
responsibility and is role as it relates to future involvement wifir the criminal justice
system. Additional light was shed on a surprising finding flour a study referenced earlier.
Specifically, children adjudicated a being delinquent, having been found guilty of having
committed a crime as a juvenile, were as likely to be imprisoned as child welfare cases,
firose children removed from their parental homes due to abuse and neglect (Kapp,
Schwartz, & Epstein, 1993).

When fire structures of the narratives are examined, the stories seemed to differ
according to these legal parameters. Not only do fire experiences differ in some ways, but
firese young men also have differing perspectives on their rehabilitation process. The
individuals placed in the system as child welfare cases were more likely to hold fire system
responsible for their dismal situations in the juvenile justice system and later as aduls. The
youth placed as delinquens were more likely to take personal responsibility for fire
circumstances of their life.

W
The child welfare cases, by definition, were placed out of home earlier in life

(between fire ages of 7-9 versus early to mid-teens for delinquent youth) because they had

105

been abused by their parens in one way or another. So, as a function of duration, firey
lived in more out-of-home placemens for a longer period of time. In addition to the length
of their experience, another major difference is the way the young men seem to hold the
system responsible for their circumstances.

For each of these young men, a major life event in the system functions as a turning
point, after which firey seemed to have given up hope. The critical events are key poins at
which fire ultimate goal of living with a family or living on their own was firwarted. After
undergoing each of these evens, the individuals gave up hope of obtaining these ultimate
goals. They seemed to hold fire system accountable for their lack of hope. This
progression is clarified by examining some of the events. The that is related to a young
man being removed fi'om an acceptable placement in a foster home because the foster

parents’ parens (foster grandparents) could not deal wifir his racial background.

You know what caused me to be alleviated from firere, check this out man.
It was Christmas. They parents came, firey look at you with an evil eye.
Knew somefiring was wrong but not told directly. After fire celebration, fire
female started packing my stuff. Let me know that I was leaving. My
caseworker picked me up on Monday or Tuesday. I didn’t find out until
after I left, the caseworker divulged, “Those white people’s parents told
firem if they did not get rid of this nigger, they were going to divorce

you from the family”.

In a similar case, an adoptive placement is also fire center of the major event. The

impending adoptive home is described as a positive place.

Felt good about myself, and I liked it at firat time of my life.

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But for legal reasons he would not stay there.

Illegal for me to be living firere until papers were signed.

During the interim, an alternative placement was chosen in a different city.

Worker took me to Center. As soon as I saw (city). I was

turned off, I begged my worker not to send me.

Not only did firis young man see himself as being placed against his will, but he was
required to engage in a treatment program which he felt was unnecessary, given fire

temporary nature of his stay.

I could not fit in because I would not break up fire fight, share feeling wifir
a group.

During firis period of transition, a critical event occurred,
One day, I was talking to anofirer girl whose brother was at

[a different facility] wifir me. My girlfriend got jealous,
she hit me in the moufir with the door and I went off on her. On February

 

lSfir, 1985, my adoptive mother left me a note and $10 wishing me a
good life. After that I did not care.

This person definitely saw this event as a turning point in his life. Alfirough one could
argue that his behavior may have influenced the outcome of firis event, he saw the

responsibility for the circumstances as a function of being in an unnecessary placement

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after he was deprived of his adoptive home.

The firird example is related to placement in a facility geared to providing
independent living opportunities. After numerous placemens from a very young age, this
young man was placed in firis facility with high hopes of being able to eventually live on

his own. Unfortunately, the program was a disappointment,

It was a new town and I didn’t know anybody. It was my first taste of freedom.
They were trying to teach me to be independent in a town where I did not know
anybody, I had never been anywhere but Detroit. It didn’t work. It was a hit
[setup] from fire beginning. I never understood why firey put me there to begin

with. I ended up running back home. Went back home and ran fire strees.

In each of these cases, which represent all of the child welfare cases in the sample,
the individual described a big event firat was fire centerpiece of his experience in fire system.
The event was portrayed as something over which fire person had no control.

Additionally, firese evens were critically linked to fire notion that the system had not
met fireir needs, leaving them as victims. In one instance, fire services never lived up to an

implicit promise to make him self-reliant.

It made me see a different world. I can be somefiring and somebody. I had
adopted that thought. The programs were confidence boosters. When I left the

programs and firere were no more programs, I could not make fire connections they

were trying to make.

He saw himself as being deprived of the independence he felt he deserved, specifically as it
related to finding ways to apply the firing he had learned in various programs to living in

fire community.

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In the other cases, fire condemnation of the system is stronger. These young men

more vehemenfiy hold the system responsible for what happened to firem.

When I was originally placed it was because I didn’t have any parens, not
because I committed a crime. If you do a crime, they are looking at what
happens now. Not what happened in the past. Look at what has been
done. I am the guy firat has to be taken out of the picture/society.

Here is another view of the system’s negative impact.

As I look at those (services), it was a hidden slavery society. It was a place that

was designed to destroy me-psychologically brainwash.

These three individuals, originally placed out of the home as child welfare cases, seem to
agree firat they have been made victims of fire system. However, their sentiments about
firese services contributing to their eventual imprisonment is different

The first, previously describing fire lack of independent living skill development,

holds himself responsible for his imprisonment.
In prison because of bad decision-making. I wasn’t going to let my brother
get hurt, and a fight went too far. He was mad and I was mad, and he

ended up freezin’ to death. I would probably do it all over again.

The other individuals have a different view on fire placement of responsibility for their time

in prison.

[a specific facility] made me very angry. It had the greatest impact

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on me coming to prison.

Being in juvenile facilities is very much related to me being in prison. This
is why I speak of slavery today for a system which I am temporarily part of.

Slavery as a juvenile, slavery as a resident of this prison.

When I shared fire-preliminary finding with one of these individuals in the process
of the follow-up interviews, he supported the notion of fire programs contributing to his

imprisonment.

Especially what you go through. All this and it’s not like it is supposed to
be. It is like I went through all of this for nothin’. It makes you want to
rebel.

This perspective about being placed in fire system as a child and being made one of is
victims, in some cases to the point of imprisonment, is very interesting, especially when it

is compared and contrasted to those views of individuals placed out of home for delinquent

acts .
Magnetism

The individuals placed out of fireir home for involvement in illegal behavior view
fire impact of juvenile services on fireir imprisonment very differently. They do not hold
fire system responsible for their circumstances, as a child or an adult. Their sense of
having a personal choice in fire matter is very strong, which is logical and rationale.
Although firey often question the judgement behind fireir decisions, they accept personal
responsibility for committing an illegal act. On occasion, some discredit fire idea of
blaming other thing or people for their personal situation. They are very willing to admit a

preference for the excitement of fire street with little regard for the consequences of their

110

behavior.

I did that on my own. I did it for the rush and the money.

If I didn’t get caught, I would get geeked up (high) and do it again.

These youth were very willing to point to fire attraction of street life, as discussed
earlier, as being very enticing to them. Unlike the child welfare individuals, firey refused to
identify the services and programs as leading to fireir involvement in the adult criminal
justice system. One unique description portrays fire issue as a matter of letting time pass,
“I just recently figured out what I wanted to do. That be the problem with these cats,
keepin’ them out of trouble while firey figure out what firey want to do.”

Others more direcfiy credit fire program and services they received while
highlighting their personal responsibility for their situations.

Got the right thing, I just choose to do something else. ‘Cause I remember
everything I did in each program, but once you get out it comes down to
that final test-are you gonna hang out with fire same crowd or are you gonna

get new friends and do fire right firing!”

Had a lot to offer a person, if they took the time to understand. That there
still leaves the ultimate decision, it still lies on them. If a person has in his

mind firat he gonna be a criminal, you ain’t gonna do nofiring about it.

In each case in fire sample, the delinquent youth admitted the attraction of fire street life,
chose not to blame the programs for their behavior, and highlighted fire significance of
personal responsibility.

111

This attitude about responsibility and decision-making was confirmed in a follow-

up interview wifir a young man plawd in the juvenile system as a delinquent

Everybody knows fire difference between right and wrong. To kill, rape,
steal is wrong. If you place firat problem with someone else, that is wrong.
You know firat is wrong. It is an excuse that allows you to act that way.
Something in fire past doesn’t affect me. It doesn’t make no sense

[blaming someone/something else for your situation].

Additionally, he supported the importance of surviving on the street as one of fire crucial

factors leading to additional trouble.

People don’t know when to quit. Majority of people searching for firings to
get high off of, or a better life financially, not emotionally. Those firings firere
cause firem to end up here.

I knew it was wrong to sell drugs, kill people. My thought process, firis
shit got to be done. Got to kill. This me or them.

It appears that the legal status and circumstances under which firese individuals
were placed is significanfiy related to fireir respective views on fireir eventual placement in
prison. Child welfare cases were committed to the juvenile system because firey were in
need of care and protection. The individuals placed as child welfare cases in firis study
appear to be holding the system responsible for its negligible performance on this charge.
In some cases, they feel their imprisonment is a result of poor treatment, and an erosion of
a oommitrnent made by fire system to care for them when firey were young children.

On fire other hand, the individuals placed in fire system for their delinquent behavior

are more likely to assume personal responsibility for fireir imprisonment. They appear to

112

have accepted fire placement in firis system as some sort of retribution for their illegal
behavior and firis is linked to their decision to commit that behavior. Likewise, upon
discharge from these programs, firey continue to hold themselves responsible for these acts
which firey tend to attribute more to an inability to avoid the trappings of returning to street
behavior rather than a result of fire service programs within this system (Figure 3.2-
Appendix A).

Despite firese significant differences in fire reasons for placement, it is ironic that
firese individuals eventually end up in similar programs, especially when research is
beginning to indicate firat youfir from either of these groups are equally likely to go to
prison (Kapp, Schwartz, & Epstein, 1993; Schwartz, Kapp, & Overstreet, 1992). In the
follow-up interviews, this issue was discussed. An individual with a delinquent

background offered firis explanation.

Group from , 9 of 10 were criminals. Everybody else, Momma put
them in fire home. I see those folks now in the penitentiary. Which one

gonna dominate.

In firis chapter, these young men have described fire instability of bouncing from
place to place as residents of various out—of-home placements along with the impact of that
experience on their respective outlooks on life. Interesting differences were noted among
youth placed as child welfare cases versus those placed as delinquent children. In the case
of fire former, fire system was identified as one of the key factors contributing to an
unstable life as a juvenile and culminating in prison stay as an adult The latter, on the
other hand, were very quick to identify fireir own personal role and accompanying
responsibility in creating their life situation.

In fire next chapter, these young men provide specific feedback on fire types of

services they received. The distinction between fire two reasons for being placed in the

113

system (child welfare versus delinquent cases) does not appear to influence fire type of
feedback about services. Even firough delinquents are not likely to blame fire services they
may have received, it should not be assumed they have a positive outlook on those
programs. In fire next chapter, when fire discussion turns to a consumer-oriented review of

firese programs, it becomes obvious firat firese services are viewed with a very critical eye.

Chapter 4
TREATMENT ISSUES FROM A CONSUMER’S POINT OF VIEW

The previous discussion established fire extensive experience in the juvenile justice
system of each of the participants in firis study. This background serves as an excellent
basis for commenting, comparing, and critiquing the quality of services provided in fire
various facilities. Each individual was very likely to have been subjected to extensive
involvement in group, family, and individual therapy provided by professionals from
various facilities with an eclectic set of different theoretical orientations. The following
description of their insightful observations illustrates fire firerapeutic acumen firey developed
while receiving firis array of service interventions. Attention is given to treatment issues
raised by the participants while engaged in general discussions. The interviewer did not
ask specific questions about any of these various components of fireir service experience;
fire study participants raised fire comments in a general discussion of out-of-home
placements.

Group Treatment

The most common topic firroughout the entire interview process was the
effectiveness of group treatment in many of these facilities. The training schools and a
large number of fire private group homes and residential treatment facilities employed group
treatment as a key element of their therapeutic regimen. Hence, it was very common for an
individual to have been in as many as two to four different facilities using a group
approach. Additionally, firese facilities typically based fireir program on fire same model.

The “preferred” mode] follows what Maier categorized as group approaches, based

114

115

on Positive Peer Culture (PPC), Reality Therapy, etc. (1981). One of fire more common
approaches utilizes Positive Peer Culture for developing effective social functioning by
working through the resolution of problems. In this environment, staff hold the youth
responsible for “caring” for themselves and their other group members. Habits conducive
to a nurturing environment are reinforced through the use of modeling caring, relabeling
behavior, and reversing responsibility. (For a more detailed description, see Vorrath &
Brendtro, 198 5). These former group members describe firese therapeutic experiences in

firis fashion,

Everyone had to participate. Every night, get up front, positive time to say
what someone had did through the day firey thought was positive.

Amongst group, you in a problem-solving situation. Actin’ out call a circle
(group forms a circle), or help discuss fireir problem. I would call a circle
and let a group know what a circle for—Was he right for what he did? What
would he do next time? Common sense. ‘Cause something small could turn

into something big, if not handled right.

In an attempt to generalize the therapeutic progress in fire program to life outside fire
facility, community volunteer experiences provided the youfir wifir an opportunity to apply
fire newly-acquired skills in a community setting (Brendtro & Wasmund, 1989). Similar to
ofirer treatment approaches, a program of quality control is important to credible and
consistent implementation of firis method of group therapy. Brendtro and Ness (1982)
developed a program of training, monitoring, and supervising to prevent the following
difficulties: abuse of confrontation, rote communication, lack of family involvement, poor
staff relations, poor listening habits, staff abuse of control, and neglect of individual group

member needs . The concern around the importance of quality systems for maintaining fire

116

credibility of the intervention, as we will see, is very relevant to the comments made by
these seasoned group participants.

This common topic was almost always discussed critically. Often in qualitative
analyses, fire researcher finds a particular story is told consistenfiy, almost predictably, by
the study participants. This is often referred to as fire saturation point (Alasuutari, 1995,
p.58). A good example of the point of saturation is the fiequency and consistency of fire
negative comment and critique on firis group model. For instance, the participants
described the treatment environment as problematic. Particularly, the concept of being
forced to work wifir a group of delinquent youfir with similar problems and attitudes.

These comments from difi’erent individuals illustrate their concerns.

You could look at other guys getting it and wish they quit acting a fool.

If you got the patience to deal with someone else, firen you can get out.

I did not give a fuck about other guys’ problems, I came by myself, not

with him.

Then, they want you to support someone else.

Thing don’t relate at all.

I did something to get put there, I have firese ofirer punks checkin’ me,
makes a guy more angry firan he already is.

Come into the joint by myself, I’m immature, why do I have to help these

other guys.

117

Went there as an innocent man; I did not understand firat as a group member

it was my responsibility to break up a fight.

Being involved intimately wifir ofirer youth in fireir similar circumstances was very
troublesome for these individuals.

In some cases, group therapy was not viewed as promoting fireir eventual
independence. The participants felt firat continual confrontations wifir their fellow group
members infringed on fireir individual personal autonomy.

Give the person fire option to firink for firemselves; firat option is cut away.
If you choose to do something, it is questioned; if you’re trying to make a

better man, let their decision alone.

Let people make more decisions; if it does not work out, the group and staff

can help understand why.

The previous article on quality control (Brendtro and Ness, 1982), encouraged therapists to
pay particular attention to fire use of confrontation. Consistent with firat article, the
incessant clash among fellow group members, as well as fire disputes between staff and
youth, were not perceived as contributing to a beneficial environment

Constantly being “at odds” wifir fireir peers was harmful from the participants’ point
of view, especially when fire model invited intense personal evaluation from all group
members. In most cases, these individuals did not perceive the staff as monitoring or

influencing the constructive nature of firese peer interactions.

If a juvenile had a conflict, firey got to hurt you.

118

If a member did not like you, firey took advantage of shit.
If they didn’t like you, they could get back at you firrough restraint.

When group is not responsible, one guy can screw up chow so you get

nofirin but PB & J sandwiches.

If one man is acting like an asshole, you can ruin fire whole day and hold

you up all day.

You can talk about Joe’s problems, firen Dick and Harry are laughin’ about
it. Then, if you got a problem, you wonder if firey just gonna laugh about

it.

If you are going firrough something bad, would you want to talk wifir a
bunch of guys who only want to get out of the program?

So you have to be cut-firroat with ofirer people. To be honest, if they tried
to run PPC in here, do you know how many people would get hurt?

The interaction with ofircr youth in the group process was seen as very problematic. There
was rarely a sense of being helped by other members of the group. In the treatment
process, staff were not perceived as facilitating a positive approach based on better and
more constructive communication oriented towards solving fire problems of group
members.

In fact, ofirer former group treatment recipients felt fire staff’s role in fire adversarial

nature of the environment was more aggressive.

119

Info is used by staff against, gathered by kids. While we are pointing
fingers, Mr. is sitting back remembering what happened for

discussion about fire next level or home visits.

Like guys in the group used for firis purpose. Would set individuals up
against one anofirer. Best friend would place pressure on me firat I did not
agree with. Shows how staff would use fellow inmates against one another

so smoofir; it was a scheme.

Another strong sentiment expressed concern about fire deception encouraged by firis
component of fire programs. .

Many of the young men discussed the idea of PPC promoting “frontin’ ”, the
notion of presenting a false self or faking. This was seen as a necessary skill developed

and promoted in order to survive the group experience.
PPC... Like a straight-up hold-up! If you got the patience to deal with
somebody else, then you can get out... Front your way firrough, teaches
you how to front.
As a groupmate, being positive is frontin’.
It’s emotional, guy was checking, he was frontin’.

If the group is going smooth, you group is laced up, nobody is frontin’.

The notion of “frontin’” involves deceit in a number of different ways. Group

members used it to feign their interest in fire problems of ofirers. They employed it to test

120

ofirer group members to find out how and if firey might react to certain types of issues. It
was used to act as if one’s problems are being dealt wifir effectively. In some cases, youth
used it to fabricate problems firat could be easily managed, in order to get firem firrough the
program. These youth saw some form of “frontin’” as a necessary developmental skill to
cope with the group process. As group treatment was the nucleus of many different
programs, some degree of success in a group setting was commonly a requirement of

9”

release. To put in another way, “frontin and group treatment went hand-in-hand. Until a

youfir learned and accepted it, he would not complete a group program. Also, struggling
through fire group process was very painful prior to accepting this reality.

The following vignette describes the process of manipulation used by one
individual to orchestrate his release. This story was relayed in one of the follow-up

interviews around the topic of PPC and fire previously discussed opinions.

Everything was dependent on your ability to front. When you come
to __, you can leave in six monfirs, if you are able to front. If you able
to be good when you need to be good.

Group-two months-leam to know everybody. Individual-two
months-you on fire road to freedom. Release- you got to ask the group.
Did firis here, I want my release. Asked for release at six months, denied.

Talked about my family. Got restrained firree times, firat my
problem. Created a problem. Got a call from someone comin’ up to kill
me. Popped up on time. Talked about my mofirer. Then I got my release.

Said I dealt with my problems. Laid down a class to get outta there.

This scenario displays fire various ways the group model can be exploited using the
technique of “frontin”, but it also shows fire sophistication wifir which firese individuals

were able to manipulate the program. This individual, among ofirers, saw his experience

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with deceit and manipulation as valuable skills to help him to function selling drugs on the
street. Although finding one’s way through the group experience was the cornerstone of
many programs, it was viewed as very negative. The other members of the group were
generally viewed as not being constructive, and staff members were perceived as doing
little to guide the group experience in more positive directions. In many cases, they were
seen as utilizing firese dynamics against fire children in their care. The only acceptable way
to navigate firrough firis experience was the use of “frontin’”. This technique was used in
all facets of the group treatment process by its members to protect them as they progressed
through this segment of the various programs. In many cases, “frontin’” became very
useful when they eventually re-engaged in street behavior. However, group treatment was
not the only component of these programs where fire youfir had less than constructive
experiences.
Warehousing Children

Routinely, these young men described fire majority of fire facilities in a negative

way. The most common portrait of a program was that, beyond basic safety issues, it

really did not offer much to its residents.

That place was just a warehouse for children. You had a room and got three

meals. There was no program, no structure, no goals.

Warehouses for children, and [facilities].

 

Those other places weren’t anyfiring.

There were 3-4 floors. As long as you were eating and physically healthy,

you were left alone.

There were no doctors or counselors comin in for you to talk to.

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Around the older guys at [facility]. Nofirin’ to do but
run the halls.

That was terrible! It was just a lady collecting a check for keeping kids. I
ran the streets until I was tired. Then I went back home. Parents drank. It

was a mess. It was like being home.

I was trying to get away from firere. Called up people [D88] and told

people firey were unfit for foster parents. So I went on to Detroit .

It was black owned and run. Supported by fire church. Staff made sure no

one was murdered, but that was about it.

These comments describe many of firese facilities as merely keeping children off of the
streets but offering little else.

In some cases, fire staff would emotionally and/or physically abuse the youth in
fireir care. The abuse was perpetrated in many forms. Sometimes it was described as
simply being a result of very poor care. In other cases, it was described as verbal abuse by
staff, or portrayed as physical abuse by staff.

Foster parents just out for money, they let us do what we wanted—smoke

weed.

In other instances, fire staff were more aggressive in their abuse of fire children in their

care.

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She would make fun of me because my girlfiiend was a virgin.

Illicit thing were going on all fire time between residents and the staff:

homosexuality, drugs being passed.
One participant described an incident about his physical abuse by a staff member.

Mr. , roughed me up. If thing did not go my way,

 

it would be taken out on me. I did not get a home visit, had no material
firing, and used to get depressed about not having no one. He picked me
up all the way, I probably said somefiring that caused him to do firat.

This account depicts a staff member using physical force as a mefirod of dealing wifir a
emotionally-distraught youfir and his problems.

As illustrated, firere were occasions where the children described themselves as
being abused in one form or anofirer. But the most common description of these programs
was firat firey were simply “places-to— ”, while they were stuck in this system. The
treatment was described as minimal, as was the staff investment in working with them.
Alfirough fire majority of these services were portrayed negatively, there were instances
where the participants felt good firing were actually occurring in these places.

Positive Experiences

Most of the discussion in firis chapter has been on the details of less-than-optimal
treatment situations. The remainder of firis chapter will deal with the study participants’
point of view related to effective treatment practices. First, attention will be given to their
own positive experiences. Then, these former recipients will offer some ideas about the
possible future improvements of services. The suggestions for improvements are mostly

based on positive recollections of useful treatment experiences.

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There were a few cases, albeit isolated, where fire programs were described as
helping fire children placed in firem. Not only is it important to note these cases, but it is
also interesting to examine exactly which part of firese services received a positive review.
When describing some of firese services, fire participants referred to fire facility as

promoting a very safe, nurturing environment.

We dealt with fire program. There was no physical violence and fire staff
cared.

The programs were pretty good at trying to get you to understand yourself.

Ofirer portrayals included more details, but basically addressed similar issues concerning
safety and fire quality of care.

I was really little when I went there. They had structured programs for kids
five to seven. It was like a family unit. Kids being kids. There were no
goals. We went to school, I played little league baseball and happened to be
good at it.

It was a good program, a pretty good program. It reminded me of
la program where he had stayed as a young child]. I stayed
firere three years, I must have liked it. From firirteen to sixteen, I grew up at
, far as teenage wise. I learned to work, become a group
leader. I earned a level where I walked around by myself. It was a family
structure. When I had a problem, I could sit down and talk about it. You
didn’t have to fight.

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In yet another case, a staff was described as having independently provided a young man

with an opportunity to improve himself.

The most I learned fi'om one staff member, who was going to law school, at
State.He used to take me to fire library. I saw more by just hanging
around in that library firan I did in fire program.

In these cases, fire important criteria seems to be a stable, nurturing environment where fire
staff seems committed to file children in their care.

Another set of positive memories centered on fire successes fire participants had
achieved. Education and employment, mosfiy odd jobs for spending money, were
common sources of this sense of accomplishment Alfirough completion of these goals did
not automatically provide any of firese programs with a complimentary review, the tasks
were usually completed in the context of a program component.

Education was often ranked high in this list of redeeming memories. Typically, fire
youth would have preceded fireir school experiences in these programs wifir abysmal
performance in public school programs. This may have influenced the significance of firese

educational strides.

They tried to help you, I went from fifth grade to llfir grade.

School, liked school. Real world school.

Got driver’s education there.

Like alternative education. Two different teachers. Only two hours out of

fire whole day. Wood shop, ceramics.

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Equally popular were work experiences arranged by the programs to give fire youfir
a type of employment training. These manual labor jobs were remembered fondly and

routinely.

Make us earn our own money doing different projects. Like

[facility], staff would hook up job. They call it credit to

 

use for Grand Prix, Cedar Point, whatever.

Go clean race track and earn money to go on camping trips, Cedar Point.

Built shooting range, built wheel chair ramps.

Gave a job on ground crew. Trim bushed, edge grass, painted
Istaff person’s] building, cleaned out pond, redid pool tables.

This next description addresses a list of achievements and why firey seem to be

important.

They tried to help you. I went fiom fifth grade to eleventh grade, before I
left. Gave you driver’s ed., small mechanics, auto mechanics. Let you
work with lots of firing to give you options for when you go home as a
teenager. Get a job on fire side fixin’ engines or groundskeepin’, instead of
just hangin’ with friends. Once fire group did a project, let us go on a

carnpin’ trip. Take you out and trust you doin’ thing.

This young man addresses the feeling of accomplishment, having completed fire tasks, but
he also describes being treated with respect and dignity by the staff allowing him to

perform these duties in fire community. The quality of the treatment is a common firerne in

127

fire next section. Based on their extensive experience in firis system, firese individuals
suggest firing about the system which should be promoted and those firat should be
discarded. These recommendations for improvement are drawn from their rernembrances
of positive and beneficial experiences. Unlike the previous discussion of positive
experiences, firese descriptions were recalled in fire context of a discussion about ways to
improve fire system.

Treatment Philosophy

Alfirough fire final section of this chapter describes their ideas and strategies for
improving this system, these young men are fully aware of fire complexity associated with
firis system. This discussion is not laden with suggestions for fire sweeping changes that
one might have expected from embittered former recipients, nor are there simplistic ideas
about new or needed programs. Instead, fire comments are very thoughtful ideas aimed at
improving these services for future recipients. The discussion is organized around a set of
preferences based on their experiences, what they viewed as missing from the services, and
finally a discussion of their treatment philosophy. The section on philosophy is based on
fireir intimate personal experiences. A plea and a hope for other children enduring this
system are expressed, along with recognition of fireir potential, and some ideas about how
to reach them.

Much of the attention to firis point has focussed on fire many failing within firis
system. The negative review of the system has been fire overwhelming sentiment;
however, many of firese young men had program experience(s) which they were able to
portray as beneficial . This discussion refers to those described in a discussion of ideas for

improving fire system. In some cases, an overall program was given an unqualified

positive appraisal.

Staff great. If you had a problem, went right to staff. Did not matter which

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one .

Taught me how to be an individual and take responsibility.

How to deal with my problems. How to be somebody, respect others and
myself.

Had a lot of offer a person, if they took the time to understand.

Had a chance to talk with somebody, talk with my advocate [staff assigned

to him], fully make me understand.

Taught me how to live. I would fully recommend it to a lot of people.

A guy’s attitude would change. Felt like he was loved. Pointed out firat it

could be anofirer way.

Us bein’ as young as we were, fire goal was to bring us, all the young

people, togefirer to show firat they can be together.

That was about fire best place I had ever been. The staff were real nice.

I learned a lot. How to get along with people. Learned how to treat people.
Other programs only made me angry.

Very good place. Stayed firere from eight to firirteen. Staff taught us
nobody was better firan the next man. Love. They really did care about us

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and we really cared about firern. The program was good looking back.

In other cases, these young men had high regard for a specific prograrrr component.
Some type of family counseling/firerapy program was often an integral part of fire

treatment For some, firis was described as a meaningful component.

Come up wifir the family. It helped get them back together.

They had the family firing. Your family comes up. You go through fire
family to see what problems come up wifir the family. Helped get the
family back togefirer.

In one case, fire effects of firis service have continued to benefit a specific individual

into adulthood.

“Come up for a meeting and I will get a meeting scheduled”. They
were worried about fire meeting and said firey would never come.
Scheduled it anyway. Told ‘em, ”I want you to meet someone”. After first
meeting, felt pressure was off. Had meeting every other weekend. Drew
us back togefirer as a family, ya know.

It’s helped. ‘Cause in the last five years in fire pen, I can talk with
firem. Before, I was afraid what firey were going to do. Now, I can ask

them hard questions. They like friends and family.

In addition to praising family treatment, some individuals commended specific

educational components.

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School. Liked School. Real world school.

School. Schooling was great! Teachers was there for you.

More frequently, these young men shared their positive memories about recreational and

physical education types of activities.

g Good exercise, if you want to workout. Every sport you could think of.

Not like prison.

They had some straight firing, activities, man! You were constantly doing
something. You were being young. Going camping. To movies, skating.

They had football games.
Learning new experiences, like going to Gaylord, Michigan.
Different kinds of programs. Learning something to do with nature.
They took us up norfir a lot. Taught us how to survive in the wilderness.
Showed us firing normal kids really didn’t do. We were on top of the
world. They taught us how to ski.

Whether positive references are made to whole, or to specific programs, fire

comments apparently center on two different themes. In the discussion of fire more

traditional therapeutic elements, most of fire emphasis is on being treated wifir dignity and

1 3 I
respect by caring staff. In the description of the redeeming features of fire special program
elements, much of the focus is on activities firat allowed these individuals to enjoy
themselves. It appears that it is not staff qualifications or program characteristics which
designate these activities as exceptional. Instead, it is the emphasis on fire caring and
committed staff, and fire opportunities for sheer enjoyment fiom participating in fire
recreational activities. In other words, these individuals place a high value on working
wifir staff who cared about firem and having fun. These elements seem to be rare
commodities for the children raised in firese systems.
The Needs of Eum garments

Although the positive appraisals of firis system often related specifically to basic
ingredients, these young men also understood fire complex needs of children within firese
systems. Many needs are identified by firese individuals. Education was noted as an

important tool that must compete with street lifestyles and values.

Education plays about twenty percent. Might say, “I’m tired of school,

when you see people in Benz. I wanna get firat firere.”

The value of family is also identified as an important area where needs often go

unmet.

When there is good family, you don’t see many doing somefirin’ (getting in

trouble).

If not doin’ it, need childcare. No mother, no fafirer. No idea what kinda
kid the youth is. That’s why I am like I am today.

Concentration should be on putting children back in the homes of their

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families. Dealin’ with problems where firey be at: family problems, family

sickness.

Although some of fire comments about specific components of the system are
interesting, fire most salient advice about fixing firis system is related to having been
firrough firis system and wanting to help others avoid it. In our discussions of the system
for fire future, it was almost as if the former recipients were suggesting firat the juvenile
recipients of today’s juvenile justice system be treated as they, firemselves, would have
preferred being treated. If firey had access to firese firing and firis type of advice, maybe
firing would have been different for them. This process of discussing the needs of
children wifirin fire system may have given fire study participants a vicarious second
chance.

Some of these young men spoke openly about wanting anofirer chance.
Everyone in here wished firey had another chance.

I never felt I had hope. Looking back on it, if I had seen thing like firis, I

would change.

When discussing proposed changes in fire juvenile system, the needs of present and future
recipients seemed to be fire focus. By offering their insights, and, in some cases, a
willingness to engage in personal exchanges, firere seemed to be a connection. Helping
someone to avoid their own mistakes was the next best firing to getting a second chance.
The ideas about what needed to be done seemed to be based on a combination of two
firing: what they felt, at firat time, would have met their needs and an understanding of fire
needs of current recipients of these services. Their impressions of current juveniles come

from their own understanding and associations with new younger residents of fire prison

133

system and discussion wifir ofirer inmates.

These young men characterize current juveniles in this system as people with
significant potential mired in a dire situation. They recognize firat a major shift in attitude
must take place with this population. They feel it is not too late to make such changes, and
fire investment is worth it, given fire unlimited potential of this group. The first obstacle in

reaching firis population is a destructive attitude.

Kids got fire attitude I can do what I want. If you come in wifir a beastie

type manner, it ain’t gonna matter!

Kids are not taken thing seriously, they be shaken up!

Before firey get into negative: gold chains, nice cars, hanging at the corner,

disrespect for woman, show firem firat’s wrong!

First of all, it’s having somefiring to do. Learning new thing. That can be
habit-formin’. When I haven’t got nofirin’ to do. . . Idle mind is fire devil’s
workshop. Gotta teach kids right from wrong.

An awareness of fire destructive attitudes of young men who come off of a
tumultuous street environment is tempered by placing a high value on the untapped
potential offered by these same individuals at a critical point in their lives.

You have got to cultivate a seed.

Juvenile is the best time to instill inspirations in a child’s mind.

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Black person don’t know himself. Can be someone, can become great man

of the black community.

Anofirer comment called for both present and former recipients to get beyond fireir
struggles and begin to succeed.

Eventually, we got to rise up togefirer.

The last remark illustrates the ability for these young men to identify wifir those who are
currently receiving services. Discussions of treatment philosophy mostly concentrated on
fire challenge and necessity of meeting the needs of troubled juveniles.

Wifir one exception, it was rare for any of firese individuals to promote specific
program ideas. The one prominent exception addresses two specific elements. First of
all, these forrner recipients see inherent appeal in giving juveniles presently in the system
fire opportunity to hear from current adult members of fire corrections system about some of
fire more dismal firing firat might be in store for them. An important piece of firis
suggestion was the credibility established by getting firis information from a bona fide

veteran of the system, not a professional paid staff person.

I would like to talk to those children. Would like to talk to firem about the
after life story. What happens to firem after firey leave and how they can

stay out of trouble.

It’s like if the services are looking for betterment, it should come from those
firat have that experience. Have to hire people that have experience.
Individuals like me would not be threatening. Motivation for giving
juveniles the benefit of someone who has been incarcerated and give them

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somefiring to look at to keep from coming firis direction.

Closely related to hearing fiorn someone with real experience, is fire idea of giving
young recipients of the juvenile system some type of exposure to the prison system. Let

them know, firsthand, what firey can expect if firey do not change fireir ways.

At ' , juveniles did not see fire prison experience. No
examples of fire future. Give juveniles somefiring to look at, to encourage

firem to enter society.

If you want them to avoid going to prison, take firem firrough quarantine at
Jackson. There is so much evil in that place, you don’t belong in that place

no matter who you are, or what you did.

If you could take them on a straight-up tour. If they could see someone get

stabbed, hit over the head wifir a combination lock, gut set-up.
Walk casually firrough here and see how we live.

People need to see what goes on in firese places. Looks like we having a
good time: tv, meals, drug, sex. Need to know this is not a walk. What is
really going on, see the terror behind firese places.

The exposure to prison seems to address two issues. Apparenfiy, as juveniles,
firese individuals did not have an appreciation for what was going to happen to them. First,
emphasizing the strong possibility of going to prison and what they might expect in prison

is important. Second, giving today’s juveniles the benefit of firis information may convince

136

firem to stay out of trouble and to avoid prison.

During the follow-up interviews, however, I had discussed firis with two different
individuals. They bofir agreed firat this technique would not alter anyone’s behavior in any
way that might help another to avoid prison. Neither individual believed a relevant
connection would be made by a juvenile in today’s system. For slighfiy different reasons,
these individuals saw a juvenile in today’s system as thinking firis information may apply to
someone else, but not to him. One young man, adjudicated as a child welfare case, felt that
juveniles in a circumstances similar to his would not be committing crimes and would

dismiss this as a possibility.

I learned it wouldn’t do any good. It will not work with white and
black teens. When I wasn’t doing anyfiring [committing crimes as a
juvenile] to go to prison [he would not have seen himself as a

candidate for prison]. So don’t firink that would work.

A different individual, with a delinquent background, felt that a youth currently on
fire streets would have an attitude firat would prevent him from paying any serious attention

to prison as a possibility.

Scared Straight tip. Disagree. You have individuals, I am
the toughest nut on the street. They don't believe firey get caught.

Just come fiom four block yard at Jackson. Saw more
people get stabbed and come up half dead firat I saw in my entire
life.

. Prison it ain’t a helluva solution.

Take and snatch up forty people out of the old

neighborhood. Put. ‘em on block and let ‘em go yard for a week.

137

“Look Nigga! I makin’ money. I ain’t going to the

penitentiary.”

In this young man’s mind, a week on the yard in the state’s roughest prison would
probably make an impression on someone, but firat impression would not relate to curbing
illegal behavior. He feels firat a delinquent on fire street is too involved in financial rewards
associated wifir that lifestyle. In addition to enjoying these benefits, he finds it very
unlikely that a person in this situation would ever consider fire possibility of being
apprehended and prosecuted for this behavior.

The initial suggestions about exposing juveniles to prison came up in fire first round
of interviews. It is my sense that fire major point of firis issue was that as delinquent youfir,
it was not made clear to them that firey would end up in prison and what that life would be
like. Hence, they felt future juvenile should hear fiom them what is waiting, if firey don’t
change their ways. Upon further reflections, during the follow-up interviews, it was
recognized firat current juveniles may pay attention to such an intervention, but it would not
change their behavior. In one case, a youth placed as a child welfare case admitted that as a
juvenile, he would not have seen himself as having the potential to commit a serious crime.
In another, a young man wifir a delinquent history as a child found it very unlikely firat a
juvenile committing crimes would recognize fire possibility of getting caught A youth in
firis mode would be more likely to be enthralled with the benefits of his illegal behavior—
money, excitement power, etc.

After enduring and experiencing fire various options offered by the juvenile system,
fire individuals in firis study present a very informed critique of these services. Although
their opinions may be altered by the ways time and their attitudes have influenced the
preservation of these memories, firese reviews provide some very critical information on
what it is like to receive such services. From fire harsh critique of the group model to the

pleasant memories of receiving quality care from committed staff and enjoying recreational

138

activities these recollections provide an unique appraisal of the experience of living wifirin
fire confines of fire juvenile system. When these individuals reflect upon fire future for
other troubled children, like firemselves, they insist there can be great potential behind some
very negative attitudes.

The most consistent and concrete suggestion was the idea of letting today’s
recipients of the juvenile system receive some exposure to a prison environment Even
though discussions in the follow-up interviews saw the potential for firis option as having
limited returns for anyone’s overall rehabilitation, many felt it was necessary to let them
know what the future may hold. It is almost as if they are suggesting that something be
done to prevent children, like them, from going firrough the same experience. The key to
the argument for pursuing fire rehabilitation for today’s recipients is firat despite the highly
negative attitudes and outlooks they possess, and fire irresistible temptations the street will
always hold for firem, firese young men hold great potential which should be optimized in
ofirer ways firan struggling through a juvenile system, and ending up sitting in a prison cell.
In addition to critiquing services, many issues were raised regarding cultural conflicts

presented by the system. The next chapter will address firose differences.

Chapter 5

Racial and Spiritual Tension: An Outsider’s View from the Inside

Thus far, the discussion has reviewed fire experiences and impressions of former
recipients of services of fire juvenile justice system related to living in firis environment and
the quality of fireir treatment This chapter will focus on fire efirnic, racial, and spiritual
background of firese individuals. Specifically, attention will be given to a description of
life within firis system, given the racial and spiritual characteristics these young men
brought to fire various facilities. It is useful to remember that seven of fire eight participants
were African American. Their comments and feedback will be the focus of firis discussion.
The remaining Caucasian participant did not raise any of these issues in the interview.

Generally, fire treatment was described as not being sensitive to much diversity,
cultural, or ofirerwise. In some cases, young men dealt wifir very open and blatant racist
attitudes and practices. The portrayal of spiritual practices and fireir respective
treatment/promotion was also described by firese youth as being insensitive to their
background and experience. Additionally, firese young men found that the approach to
addressing spirituality was not only dogmatic, but also demeaning. Little attention was
given to helping fire youth to understand the spiritual principles driving the basic practices.
The lack of background and understanding of the foundation of file chosen and promoted
religious belief system made application of religion in daily life very difficult for firese
youth. This was furfirer complicated by the lack of connection between the program of
spirituality and the daily practices of staff, when dealing with these young men.

139

fl hm

 

 

 

 

140

Racial Tension

To fully appreciate the context for firese descriptions, an examination of fire current
practices of these individuals is useful. Each of fire African Americans in fire study
described his spirituality as an important part of his life. Three of the seven were practicing
members of fire Nation of Islam. Alfirough there was no distinct pattern among the ofirer
participants, each spoke respectfully of his personal faith. I am pointing out this
background not as a way of describing firese individuals as unique or different; in fact,
other accounts of prison life have emphasized the importance of spiritual beliefs (Carr,
1975; Rideau & Wikberg, 1992; McCall, 1994) . Instead, firis additional detail is being
given to the reader as additional background which may help interpretation. It is very likely
firat their perspective on the juvenile justice system, especially as it relates to spiritually and
culturally sensitive practices, has been influenced by their respective faiths.

tran Pref ' T

The most consistent view of fire conflict between African American youfir and white
males could be described as alienation due to fire lack of familiarity. These African
American youfir were from urban areas populated, almost exclusively, by other African
Americans. This made fire move to an out-of-home facility staffed almost exclusively by

Caucasians very shocking. One young man described a particular program as,
white people at a campus setting.
Many ofirers spoke of the tension created by being placed in facilities wifir few, if any,

Afiican American staff.

There were an awful lot of white people. Don’t get me wrong, I am not a

racist, but I grew up in a neighborhood of all black folk. And when I got to

141

[facility], it was fire first white people I ever met.

 

How does a guy from fire ghetto deal with the European guys that he is used

to stickin’ up in fire suburbs? He can’t relate!

Trying to get along with staff was different. Mr. took us to his house
where he had trucks. Ain’t used to getting along with people, you can tell.

He wasn’t used to dealin’ with us and we weren’t used to dealin’ with him.

Similar circumstances were applicable in the communities where fire facilities were located.
During community activities, firese youth often dealt wifir a similar situation. “I. was the
only black person in the area, so I was spotted easily. “

The follow-up interviews provided a more firorough explanation of fire experience
of leaving a fairly homogenous racial environment and being placed in a facility where the
staff are predominanfiy Caucasian. One young man further explained firis attitude as more
firan a lack of familiarity. His own orientation was firmly grounded in anti-Caucasian
beliefs prominent in his family and neighborhood. The move into a program operated by
mostly Caucasian staff was a drastic change Further, he often promoted his views among
his peers; however, he still saw a need to put firis aside in fire interest of encouraging racial
compatibility.

I didn’t have no respect for white folks. I was sort of into control,
was able to get brothers to follow what I thought My Grandaddy was a
racist. He didn’t want nothin’ to wifil white people. Some did not know
(about attitudes towards Caucasians). Not racist, just in an environment
just don’t allow white folks to be around, especially white males. If one

came in our neighborhood, we used to rush them, just for somethin’ to do.

142

This is like takin’ a child out of an environment and place them in an
different environment. Will not do well in firat environment

Gonna always have those firat feel they are superior to others. It has
to come to a point where someone has to learn to put firis aside. You may

feel firat way because of this here, but you got to keep to yourself.

He clearly ties his intolerance of Caucasians to his family background and fire socialization
from his neighborhood. When he was moved fiom his home to a facility run by
Caucasians, it was difficult for him to adjust. However, he does see a need for himself and
others to put aside firis point of view and find a more constructive method of dealing with
firis issue in a more harmonious fashion.

In a follow-up interview with another individual, a different point of view was
presented. He did refer to a belief system reinforced since childhood, but he did not
experience difficulty wifir racial problems. Instead, be implied firat such difficulties were
probable for ofirers, and he placed responsibility on the facility for managing the operation

in a way firat condoned these differences.

Grew up with fire idea firat all races are equal. Treat all races equal.

Never had racial problems in programs. Programs were half black
and half white. We had assholes, but we stuck together. It’s all about who
fire aufirority figure is. You can stop racial stuff from happenin’ in a place
like firat.

His acknowledgement of the potential for racial inequality was actualized by others
within firis system. In some cases, preferential treatment was given to youfir who were not

of Afiican American origins.

143

I thought the white kids got a lot of special attention. In group, we would
stop and have the group focus on the white kid’s problems more often. We
focused on everyone’s problems, but not as much time was given by the

group to the black kids’ problems as white kids’.

From fire perspective of a black participant, another problem derived from fire fact that fire
African American youfir were more likely to come fiom non-traditional families. Programs

with a family treatment component often did not accommodate firis characteristic.

On Sundays it was family day. Lots of black kids did not have families or
firey families could not make it in all the way from . (the city).
Those kids were supposed to disappear because it was family day.

One participant clearly suffered abuse and discrimination while in the system. He
was fire individual mentioned in a previous chapter whose seemingly successful foster
home placement was abrupfiy interrupted over a Christmas holiday because the parents of
his foster parents would not tolerate a non-white foster child in their children’s home (see
p. 96).

During fire follow-up interview, another former recipient of the system
acknowledged the pain and suffering firis individual must have felt as a result of firis
experience. The reader should be reminded firat during firese interviews the study
participants were shown a set of preliminary finding. In the context of discussing those

finding, one of the follow-up interviewees made firese comments.

Knew he was accepted and then rejected, he was hurtin’ for a longtime. He felt really bad.
The individual removed from the foster home for racist reasons had difficulties with similar

motivations in another facility. His belief in the Nation of Islam may have influenced his

144

description of additional racially motivated treatment at anofiler facility.

As I look at those, and , it was a hidden slavery society. It

 

was a place designed to destroy me. Psychologically brainwash me. Make
me submissive to fire white folks the Europeans. I am not a racist, I just

took my opinions fiorn my experience.

While many of filese African American young men spoke of fire estrangernent firey
felt during their treatment in a predominanfiy white setting, others described explicit
preferential treatment given to their Caucasian counterparts. In some cases, the treatment
went beyond this to clearly abusive situations motivated by racist beliefs. Beyond firese
discriminatory practices, filese young men described the obstacles encountered by a young
African American male as firey face fire struggle to succeed in the community. Alfirough
attention earlier focussed on the challenges of adjusting to life in the community, this issue
was raised again from fire perspective of being an African American youth and trying to

survive in fire community.

WW
12 Eli' ! . 1!!

Earlier fire discussion addressed the difficulty of adjusting to living and legally
maintaining oneself in fire community. This often seemingly insurmountable challenge is
further complicated by being a young African American male who inevitably returns to a
urban setting fraught with extensive violence and few legal opportunities. Similar to
earlier discussions, firese individuals commonly referred to fire great potential of fire young
African American male, while acknowledging fire significance of the struggle. These
individuals described the prospect of returning to fire community as often potentially
overwhelming. However, firey continue to see the great potential held by the young

African American male and offer some encouraging words for them.

 

 

r”,

145

Some made comments about the sheer difficulty of surviving in an urban setting.

Blacks have very little to grasp unless we really struggle.

In a state of shock, can’t go no further firan father or nofirin’.

For blacks, it be a struggle everyday. Growin’ up you watch everyone
struggle. Work at McDonalds for $3.50 an hour. Don’t want to struggle,
chose to use drug. It better firan strugglin’, they’ll have somefirin’ to eat

tomorrow.

Others also discussed the struggle, but put an emphasis on trying to find ways to

make it

Need to learn about themselves and stay in school. Got more ability than

they possibly think they can.

Black person don’t know himself. Can become someone, can become a

great black man of the community!

Good and better firan those before, if firey apply themselves to the firing
firey do.

It’s gonna take work! Examples: role models in fire community. How can
a mother or a fafirer be a role model when they be a strugglin’ person? Got
to learn they can go higher. Until they learn that there, fire community

gonna stay messed up.

146

Growing up as an African American male posed unique struggles in fire minds of
these young men. However, they continue to maintain a positive orientation about the
potential for greatness that young Afiican American males can achieve. After summarizing

fire section on racial tension, attention will shift to similar experiences related to spirituality.

These young African American males described frequent discriminatory practices in
various programs within the juvenile justice system. Not only was there often a significant
disparity between fire racial makeup of staff and fire clientele, but firere were also
discriminatory practices in varying degrees of severity. In a situation that they, firemselves,
often describe as dismal, many of firese individuals still manage to hold some hope for
others like themselves, ofirer young African American males. One of fire key goals for the
youfir, as well as these facilities, is fire successful adjustment by these young men after
being placed in the community where many forms of racial inequality are prevalent. The
prognosis for firese programs and services to contribute sigrrificanfiy to such a goal is
guarded, considering that fire facilities are perpetuating similar forms of discrimination in
daily practices. Prejudicial practices were not limited to racial tension. Other types of
intolerance seemed to be a routine part of fire treatment of spirituality wifirin many of these

service programs.

Spirituality

Churches are in neighborhoods where you are not welcome to begin wifir,

and they not interested in worshiping with you. Let’s be for real, they are

not happy to see you.

 

147

This young man’s description of attending religious services at a church in a local
neighborhood is another example of fire kinds of discrimination faced when youfir from
firese programs ventured into the community. This quote not only illustrates some of the
racial tension in programs, but it also shows some of fire frustration introduced by religious
programming in juvenile justice programs. Spirituality was integrated into many of fire
programs, usually presented in the form of mainstream religious practices. Additionally,
many of the facilities had some type of affiliation wifir a larger religious organization,
typically Catholic. Hence, many of the young men in firese programs were exposed to
conventional Cafirolic religious services. A similar type of estrangement was described
because these young men did not have Catholic backgrounds. Additionally, these
individuals resented the dogmatic and belitfiing methods used to promote firese religious
practices.

There is a somewhat parallel situation between fire racial disparity and fire exposure
to a very foreign religious entity. The religious orientation, as it was presented, made no

sense to these individuals.

I never had religion. I wonder what the hell is this. Woman running

around in habits, they supposed to be my fiiends.

My family was Baptist, I didn’t understand Catholic straight-up.

Accompanying firis exposure to an unfamiliar concept was a very dogmatic approach to its

presentation. There was little flexibility in the choice of a religion, and participation was

mandatory.

Religion of Christ was set up through the nuns, as though you automatically
became a part without question, and you automatically joined the church.

149

There were very few options given to firese young men when it came to their
spiritual practices. The rigid scheme of litfie religious choice was further complicated by a
compulsory participation, complete with sanctions for non-compliance. As adults wifir
active spiritual lives, firese individuals were very critical of fire mefirod used to present firis
material. They seemed to be incensed by the way in which somefiring firey valued and saw
as critical to their own mental health was handled so poorly by these facilities. It was
perceived as incomplete and demeaning. The presentation of the information was described
as inaccurate. The key principles of file belief system were not presented. Without firis
important background, firese individuals felt firey were not given fire information which
would allow them to begin to put the belief system into practice in fireir daily lives.

[facility] did not teach us, they just took us to church on

 

Drive.”

Person needs time to make decisions. Let them know what they readin’.
Can’t just give them the Bible. People want to know, when firey leave out
of here. Religion plays a big role. Everybody lookin’ for power. If you
don’t have the ability to teach you on the God path, you gonna fail every

trip.

If they want you to be a Cafirolic, they got to teach you about the Catholic
religion. Can’t understand fire Bible, unless taught by someone studying it.
If you don’t understand the Ten Commandments, firey came down from

God, they are totally useless.

The simplistic methods apparently used to present religious materials did not support actual

150

application of practices. The lack of attention given to fire basic principles of the religion
does not support the eventual use in daily life. The discussions firat occurred in fire context
of fire follow-up interviews further illustrated and clarified firis point In one case, one
individual, who was a practicing member of fire Nation of Islam tied fire lack of
understanding provided by religious programming within juvenile facilities to a similar

problem wifirin religious circles in fire community.

Spirituality is not taught. You have people that believe and know
what they believe. Most of training schools, or whatever, is Catholic. We
are going to go here and listen to fire service and then leave. Don’t learn
none of firat firere about fire Creator and gettin’ closer.

It’s like a mother. You go to church for two hours. You don’t
know what you are drinkin’ the juice for, what you eatin’ fire bread for. Do
firis so you can do what is goin’ on on Monday.

So, you need to learn and follow the teachin’s of that religion.
Jesus, Elijah Moharnmed, Virgin Mary. Belief count for nofirin’ unless it is
carried into practice. Belief was not taught

That is why the community is so messed up. Being told to believe
in Jesus, the Holy Ghost. Go to neighborhood. What is a Baptist? “1
don’t know.” Why don’t you follow what Jesus Christ is saying? If this is
what the organization is built on, teach that through beliefs. We as a people
got to come to realize firat we need to put my main man, the Almighty God,
first. Instead of everything else.

Don’t force home fire people. They won’t accept religion if it forced

on them. Will to chose.

For firis young man, the teaching of religious beliefs needs to start wifir a basic set of

 

 

151

values which can drive and guide his daily practices. As a young man in a juvenile facility,
he described himself as being required to attend, but having no understanding of the
contents of fire religious ceremony, or its relevance to his life. He felt firat a similar
approach was utilized by religious organizations in the community which, also, left regular
participants struggling to understand the belief system and its significance in everyday life.

In a different follow-up interview, anofirer participant expressed a similar sentiment
about fire lack of value of fire religious services within juveniles programs. This individual
held file staff, and their ambivalence toward a value system complementing religious

practices, accountable for fire trivial impact of this component

I didn’t get anyfiring from going to it. More than willing to go to
church to get out of fire program. Ifyou have people firat really believe in
fire Bible, firen a spirited program would really work.

Everyone is all sinners and need to be saved. Catholic homes strict.
Treat a child like a place like firis (prison). Not right for a child. You
know, you’re in an atmosphere where you are concerned about someone
getting somewhere in life. Not just firis life but the next one.

Just because a place called St. __ or St. ,
doesn’t mean fire place is backing it up wifir practices. A lot of time you
never heard about God. It is fire kid and the staff. Half of them never give
a damn if you make it or not. They just want to get paid. Have a decent
day.

This young man’s opinion about the religious programming in juvenile programs were very
consistent. He could not see any connection between the firing being espoused in church
to his daily life. Like his counterparts in this system whom I interviewed, he felt fire
information did not have any significance in his daily life, but be attributed firis breakdown

152

to separateness between fire religious programming and the remainder of fire program. He
felt staff had litfie or no interest in or understanding of the values presented in file Bible.
The staff were portrayed by firis young man as only wanting a paycheck and a quiet shift.

This chapter has addressed many of the different forms of alienation expressed by
African American youth upon entering a facility. The young men described a type of
isolation brought on by the racial imbalance between youfir and staff, and required
attendance at unknown religious services presented in a fragmented fashion which made
them irrelevant in fireir daily life. In some cases, firey routinely observed the preferential
treatment given to non-African American youth. In one case, the racial discrimination from
foster parents resulted in a child being put in an abusive situation. These individuals, who
had undergone similar transformations from resenting or ignoring spirituality to making it
an important part of fireir life, felt fire techniques used to present religion were degrading.
No clear system of values and beliefs was forwarded. They described fire presentation as
not only being offensive, but also as not providing tools which would assist with fire
integration of these ideas into practice in their daily lives.

Obviously, fire challenge of adjusting successfully in an urban setting possesses
very special challenges for fire youfir facing these situations and fire professionals
attempting to assist them. The participants in firis study identified some missing elements
of culturally sensitive practice. If fire professionals and fire services firey provide are
committed to contributing, firey need to honor these suggestions starting wifir staff patterns
which racially and culturally reflect firose of fireir clientele. Beyond firis, there is a need to
offer support to their staff which facilitates sensitivity to key issues in clinical and practice
setting while avoiding abusive situations. Wifir firese vehicles in place, agencies can begin
to offer culturally sensitive services firat may not only comprehend the details in fire
struggle for the African American youth, but may also provide services firat actually
contribute to making those transitions successful ones.

A lengfiry discussion of the succinct feedback provided by fire individuals in firis

142

This is like takin’ a child out of an environment and place them in an
different environment. Will not do well in firat environment

Gonna always have those firat feel filey are superior to others. It has
to come to a point where someone has to learn to put firis aside. You may

feel firat way because of firis here, but you got to keep to yourself.

He clearly ties his intolerance of Caucasians to his famuy background and fire socialization
from his neighborhood. When he was moved from his home to a facility run by
Caucasians, it was difficult for him to adjust. However, he does see a need for himself and
others to put aside this point of view and find a more constructive mefirod of dealing wifir
firis issue in a more harmonious fashion.

In a follow-up interview with anofirer individual, a different point of view was
presented. He did refer to a belief system reinforced since childhood, but he did not
experience difficulty wifir racial problems. Instead, be implied that such difficulties were
probable for ofirers, and he placed responsibility on the facility for managing fire operation

in a way that condoned these differences.

Grew up wifir fire idea that all races are equal. Treat all races equal.

Never had racial problems in programs. Programs were half black
and half white. We had assholes, but we stuck togefirer. It’s all about who
the aufirority figure is. You can stop racial stuff from happenin’ in a place
like firat.

His acknowledgement of the potential for racial inequality was actualized by others
wifirin firis system. In some cases, preferential treatment was given to youfir who were not

of African American origins.

 

143

I thought the white kids got a lot of special attention. In group, we would
stop and have the group focus on the white kid’s problems more often. We
focused on everyone’s problems, but not as much time was given by the

group to the black kids’ problems as white kids’.

From fire perspective of a black participant, another problem derived from fire fact that fire
African American youfir were more likely to come from non-traditional families. Programs

with a family treatment component often did not accommodate this characteristic.

On Sundays it was family day. Lots of black kids did not have families or
firey families could not make it in all the way from (fire city).
Those kids were supposed to disappear because it was family day.

One participant clearly suffered abuse and discrimination while in the system. He
was the individual mentioned in a previous chapter whose seemingly successful foster
home placement was abrupfiy interrupted over a Christmas holiday because the parents of
his foster parents would not tolerate a non-white foster child in fireir children’s home (see
p. 96).

During the follow-up interview, another former recipient of the system
acknowledged the pain and suffering firis individual must have felt as a result of firis
experience. The reader should be reminded that during these interviews the study
participants were shown a set of preliminary finding. In fire context of discussing those

finding, one of the follow-up interviewees made firese comments.

Knew he was accepted and then rejected, he was hurtin’ for a longtime. He felt really bad.
The individual removed from the foster home for racist reasons had difficulties with similar

motivations in another facility. His belief in the Nation of Islam may have influenced his

144

description of additional racially motivated treatment at anofirer facility.

As I look at those, and , it was a hidden slavery society. It

 

was a place designed to destroy me. Psychologically brainwash me. Make
me submissive to fire white folks the Europeans. I am not a racist, I just

took my opinions from my experience.

While many of firese African American young men spoke of fire estrangement firey
felt during their treatment in a predominanfiy white setting, others described explicit
preferential treatment given to fireir Caucasian counterparts. In some cases, the treatment
went beyond this to clearly abusive situations motivated by racist beliefs. Beyond firese
discriminatory practices, firese young men described the obstacles encountered by a young
African American male as they face fire struggle to snowed in the community. Alfirough
attention earlier focussed on the challenges of adjusting to life in the community, firis issue
was raised again fiom fire perspective of being an African American youth and trying to
survive in fire community.

jljl_re Struggle to Adjust to Life m the Communig as
an Yo

Earlier the discussion addressed the difficulty of adjusting to living and legally
maintaining oneself in the community. This often seemingly insurmountable challenge is
further complicated by being a young African American male who inevitably returns to a
urban setting fiaught with extensive violence and few legal opportunities. Similar to
earlier discussions, these individuals commonly referred to the great potential of fire young
African American male, while acknowledging fire significance of the struggle. These
individuals described the prospect of returning to fire community as often potentially
overwhelming. However, they continue to see the great potential held by the young

African American male and offer some encouraging words for firem.

145

Some made comments about the sheer difficulty of surviving in an urban setting.

Blacks have very little to grasp unless we really struggle.

In a state of shock, can’t go no further than fafirer or nofirin’.

For blacks, it be a struggle everyday. Growin’ up you watch everyone
struggle. Work at McDonalds for $3.50 an hour. Don’t want to struggle,
chose to use drug. It better firan strugglin’, firey’ll have somefirin’ to eat

tomorrow .

Ofirers also discussed the struggle, but put an emphasis on trying to find ways to

make it

Need to learn about firemselves and stay in school. Got more ability firan

they possibly think firey can.

Black person don’t know himself. Can become someone, can become a

great black man of fire community!

Good and better than those before, if firey apply themselves to fire firing
they do.

It’s gonna take work! Examples: role models in fire community. How can
a mother or a father be a role model when they be a strugglin’ person? Got
to learn they can go higher. Until they learn firat there, fire community

gonna stay messed up.

146

Growing up as an Afiican American male posed unique struggles in the minds of
firese young men. However, they continue to maintain a positive orientation about the
potential for greatness firat young Afiican American males can achieve. After summarizing

fire section on racial tension, attention will shift to similar experiences related to spirituality.

These young African American males described frequent discriminatory practices in
various programs wifirin the juvenile justice system. Not only was there often a significant
disparity between fire racial makeup of staff and fire clientele, but firere were also
discriminatory practices in varying degrees of severity. In a situation that firey, firemselves,
often describe as dismal, many of firese individuals still manage to hold some hope for
others like themselves, other young African American males. One of fire key goals for the
youfir, as well as these facilities, is the successful adjustment by these young men after
being placed in the community where many forms of racial inequality are prevalent. The
prognosis for firese programs and services to contribute sigrrificanfiy to such a goal is
guarded, considering firat fire facilities are perpetuating similar forms of discrimination in
daily practices. Prejudicial practices were not limited to racial tension. Other types of
intolerance seemed to be a routine part of fire treatment of spirituality wifirin many of firese

service programs.
Spirituality
Churches are in neighborhoods where you are not welcome to begin wifir,

and they not interested in worshiping with you. Let’s be for real, they are

not happy to see you.

147

This young man’s description of attending religious services at a church in a local
neighborhood is another example of the kinds of discrimination faced when youth from
firese programs ventured into the community. This quote not only illustrates some of the
racial tension in programs, but it also shows some of fire frustration introduced by religious
programming in juvenile justice programs. Spirituality was integrated into many of the
programs, usually presented in fire form of mainstream religious practices. Additionally,
many of the facilities had some type of affiliation wifir a larger religious organization,
typically Catholic. Hence, many of the young men in firese programs were exposed to
conventional Cafirolic religious services. A similar type of estrangement was described
because these young men did not have Catholic backgrounds. Additionally, firese
individuals resented fire dogmatic and belitfiing mefirods used to promote firese religious
practices.

There is a somewhat parallel situation between fire racial disparity and fire exposure
to a very foreign religious entity. The religious orientation, as it was presented, made no

sense to these individuals.

I never had religion. I wonder what fire hell is this. Woman running

around in habits, they supposed to be my fiiends.

My family was Baptist, I didn’t understand Catholic straight—up.
Accompanying firis exposure to an unfamiliar concept was a very dogmatic approach to its
presentation. There was little flexibility in fire choice of a religion, and participation was

mandatory.

Religion of Christ was set up firrough the nuns, as though you automatically
became a part without question, and you automatically joined fire church.

148

It’s mandatory to go to church. No decisions.

From a black man’s perspective, you don’t adapt to church that well, even
firough Grandma’s into religion, we don’t take well to it. Don’t teach you

about religion, If you don’t go to church, you get restrained or can’t play.

They could open up the religious options. There is Christian, Muslim,
Jewish, not just Catholic. Teach the religion to those that want to be

involved.

Keep the state from takin’ over. If they get a Muslim, they don’t get an

option to follow your religion.

They programmed me to be Christian. To be submissive to them. It was
my nature, I knew something was not right. I was rebellious to the
programming they were inspiring. I could not adjust to the facility. Once I

got a taste of it, I was gone.

Felt like a slave inside firese juvenile services. Services and officials have a
program to brainwash fire child, particularly fire black child. I call them
juvenile slave plantation. You as a European, have your culture. I have my
culture. Your religion is Christian, mine is Islam, or I might be professing
whatever my parents professed. Each time I went to a juvenile facility it
was Christianity or Catholic. That is part of their services. If you did not

accept going to their church, there was most likely retribution.

149

There were very few options given to firese young men when it came to fireir
spiritual practices. The rigid scheme of litfie religious choice was further complicated by a
compulsory participation, complete with sanctions for non-compliance. As adults wifir
active spiritual lives, firese individuals were very critical of the mefirod used to present firis
material. They seemed to be incensed by fire way in which something firey valued and saw
as critical to their own mental health was handled so poorly by these facilities. It was
perceived as incomplete and demeaning. The presentation of the information was described
as inaccurate. The key principles of the belief system were not presented. Without firis
important background, firese individuals felt firey were not given fire information which

would allow them to begin to put fire belief system into practice in fireir daily lives.

[facility] did not teach us, they just took us to church on
Drive.”

Person needs time to make decisions. Let them know what they readin’.
Can’t just give firem the Bible. People want to know, when firey leave out
of here. Religion plays a big role. Everybody lookin’ for power. If you
don’t have the ability to teach you on the God path, you gonna fail every

trip.

If firey want you to be a Catholic, they got to teach you about fire Catholic
religion. Can’t understand the Bible, unless taught by someone studying it.
If you don’t understand the Ten Commandments, they came down from

God, they are totally useless.

The simplistic methods apparently used to present religious materials did not support actual

150

application of practices. The lack of attention given to the basic principles of the religion
does not support the eventual use in daily life. The discussions firat occurred in fire context
of fire follow-up interviews further illustrated and clarified firis point In one case, one
individual, who was a practicing member of fire Nation of Islam tied fire lack of
understanding provided by religious programming wifirin juvenile facilities to a similar

problem wifirin religious circles in fire community.

Spirituality is not taught You have people that believe and know
what they believe. Most of training schools, or whatever, is Catholic. We
are going to go here and listen to fire service and then leave. Don’t learn
none of firat firere about fire Creator and gettin’ closer.

It’s like a mofirer. You go to church for two hours. You don’t
know what you are drinkin’ the juice for, what you eatin’ the bread for. Do
firis so you can do what is goin’ on on Monday.

So, you need to learn and follow the teachin’s of that religion.
Jesus, Elijah Moharnmed, Virgin Mary. Belief count for nothin’ unless it is
carried into practice. Belief was not taught

That is why the community is so messed up. Being told to believe
in Jesus, the Holy Ghost. Go to neighborhood. What is a Baptist? “1
don’t know.” Why don’t you follow what Jesus Christ is saying? If this is
what the organization is built on, teach firat firrough beliefs. We as a people
gotto cometorealize firatwe nwdto putmy main man, the Almighty God,
first. Instead of everything else.

Don’t force home the people. They won’t accept religion if it forced

on them. Will to chose.

For firis young man, the teaching of religious beliefs needs to start wifir a basic set of

151

values which can drive and guide his daily practices. As a young man in a juvenile facility,
he described himself as being required to attend, but having no understanding of the
contents of the religious ceremony, or its relevance to his life. He felt firat a similar
approach was utilized by religious organizations in the community which, also, left regular
participants struggling to understand the belief system and its significance in everyday life.

In a different follow-up interview, anofirer participant expressed a similar sentiment
about the lack of value of 'fire religious services within juveniles programs. This individual
held fire staff, and their ambivalence toward a value system complementing religious

practices, accountable for fire trivial impact of this component

I didn’t get anyfiring from going to it. More than willing to go to
church to get out of fire program. If you have people that really believe in
fire Bible, firen a spirited program would really work.

Everyone is all sinners and need to be saved. Catholic homes strict.
Treat a child like a place like firis (prison). Not right for a child. You
know, you’re in an atmosphere where you are concerned about someone
getting somewhere in life. Not just firis life but the next one.

Just because a place called St. __ or St. ,
doesn’t mean fire place is backing it up wifir practices. A lot of time you
never heard about God. It is fire kid and the staff. Half of them never give
a damn if you make it or not They just want to get paid. Have a decent
day.

This young man’s opinion about the religious programming in juvenile programs were very
consistent. He could not see any connection between fire firing being espoused in church
to his daily life. Like his counterparts in firis system whom I interviewed, he felt fire
information did not have any significance in his daily life, but be attributed firis breakdown

152

to separateness between fire religious programming and fire remainder of the program. He
felt staff had litfie or no interest in or understanding of the values presented in fire Bible.
The staff were portrayed by firis young man as only wanting a paycheck and a quiet shift.

This chapter has addressed many of the different forms of alienation expressed by
Afiican American youfir upon entering a facility. The young men described a type of
isolation brought on by fire racial imbalance between youfir and staff, and required
attendance at unknown religious services presented in a fiagrnented fashion which made
them irrelevant in fireir daily life. In some cases, firey routinely observed the preferential
treatment given to non-African American youth. In one case, the racial discrimination from
foster parents resulted in a child being put in an abusive situation. These individuals, who
had undergone similar transformations from resenting or ignoring spirituality to making it
an important part of fireir life, felt the techniques used to present religion were degrading.
No clear system of values and beliefs was forwarded. They described the presentation as
not only being offensive, but also as not providing tools which would assist with fire
integration of these ideas into practice in their daily lives.

Obviously, fire challenge of adjusting successfully in an urban setting possesses
very special challenges for fire youfir facing these situations and the professionals
attempting to assist them. The participants in firis study identified some missing elements
of culturally sensitive practice. If fire professionals and the services firey provide are
committed to contributing, filey need to honor these suggestions starting with staff patterns
which racially and culturally reflect firose of fileir clientele. Beyond firis, firere is a need to
offer support to fireir staff which facilitates sensitivity to key issues in clinical and practice
setting while avoiding abusive situations. With firese vehicles in place, agencies can begin
to offer culturally sensitive services firat may not only comprehend the details in the
struggle for the African American youfir, but may also provide services firat actually
contribute to making firose transitions successful ones.

A lengfiry discussion of the succinct feedback provided by fire individuals in firis

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to separateness between the religious programming and the remainder of fire program. He
felt staff had litfie or no interest in or understanding of the values presented in fire Bible.
The staff were portrayed by this young man as only wanting a paycheck and a quiet shift.

This chapter has addressed many of the different forms of alienation expressed by
Afiican American youth upon entering a facility. The young men described a type of
isolation brought on by fire racial imbalance between youth and staff, and required
attendance at unknown religious services presented in a fragmented fashion which made
firem irrelevant in fireir daily life. In some cases, firey routinely observed the preferential
treatment given to non-African American youth. In one case, the racial discrimination from
foster parents resulted in a child being put in an abusive situation. These individuals, who
had undergone similar transformations from resenting or ignoring spirituality to making it
an important part of fireir life, felt fire techniques used to present religion were degrading.
No clear system of values and beliefs was forwarded. They described the presentation as
not only being offensive, but also as not providing tools which would assist with the
integration of these ideas into practice in their daily lives.

Obviously, fire challenge of adjusting successfully in an urban setting possesses
very special challenges for fire youfir facing firese situations and the professionals
attempting to assist them. The participants in firis study identified some missing elements
of culturally sensitive practice. If fire professionals and fire services firey provide are
committed to contributing, firey need to honor these suggestions starting with staff patterns
which racially and culturally reflect firose of fireir clientele. Beyond this, there is a need to
offer support to their staff which facilitates sensitivity to key issues in clinical and practice
setting while avoiding abusive situations. With firese vehicles in place, agencies can begin
to offer culturally sensitive services that may not only comprehend fire details in fire
struggle for the African American youth, but may also provide services firat actually
contribute to making firose transitions successful ones.

A lengfiry discussion of the succinct feedback provided by the individuals in this

153

study has addressed many facets of the life-style they endured as young men. Issues were
identified by these individuals ranging from fire instability of life wifirin firis system to the
quality of treatment and the frequency of discriminatory practices. The final task of pulling
firis study together in a comprehensive fashion will be addressed in fire final chapter. The
summary will pursue two major tasks: to draw on contemporary social science literature to
analyze and interpret some of the study finding, and to provide a set of recommendations

around fire practice, policy , and research implications of this study.

Chapter 6
CONCLUSION: 1) AN INTERPRETATION DRAWING ON
CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL THEORY AND 2) THE IMPLICATIONS FOR
POLICY, PRACTICE AND RESEARCH

The feedback given by the former recipients of the services of fire juvenile justice
system has provided counfiess rich and insightful portraits of their recollections of life
wifirin fire system. The task for fire final chapter will be to pull firis information togefirer
using two different strategies. Up to this point, my emphasis has been on reporting fireir
stories with litfie interpretation, beyond my own biases. The first task will be to examine
fireir comments in light of some of file social science literature related to corrections and
institutional placements. In this section , the highly celebrated and controversial works of
Michel Foucault and Erving Goffman will be fire primary references for elaborating on the
comments of former recipients. The remaining task will be to reflect on fire utility of firese
firoughtful critiques for those working in and receiving services from the juvenile justice
system, particularly considering the implications of firis study for policy, practice, and
research.

First , a few comments about fire choice and usage of firese particular social science
theories. Ironically, the works of bofir Goffinan and Foucault have been around for some
time and have generated extensive critical response. I want to make it clear that firese two
perspectives are not being chosen because the works are believed to be more valid firan any
ofirer. Nor would I argue that fireir application is more applicable to matters of troubled and

delinquent children firan ofirer social science orientations. Finally, I want to admit firat my

154

155

understanding of their points of view is not well developed. These two authors were
simply chosen for their fit with fire descriptions provided by the participants in firis study
and the additional explanation offered by their perspective as a fiarne of analysis.

Using Goffman’s Work to Consider A Troubled Child’s Career

Erving Goffman’s classic book, whim, offers an interesting context for
grounding this discussion. After observing life wifirin a mental institution for a year, he
was able to develop some ideas about client/staff interactions and the moral persona of a
patient in one of firese facilities firat enhance our discussion . He describes the stages of
pre-patient, in-patient, and out-patient as a career (1961a). This definitely fits fire lengthy
processes fire participants in firis study endured fiom placement to placement, to community
placements and back to out-of-home placements. The amount of time devoted to firis
process suggests fire usage of the term career is appropriate.

The process of commitment to a mental healfir facility is especially germane to our
discussion of the process utilized to admit young men to fire juvenile justice systenr,
particularly as it relates to subsequent treatment Goffinan found firat eventual commitment
was less a function of behavior and more related to what he called “career contingencies”,
resources making one more or less likely to being admitted: “socioeconomic status,
proximity to mental healfir facilities, visibility of offense” (p.134). Additionally, he found
that once admitted to firese facilities the pro-patient behavior was irrelevant to treatment
The patient was immediately subjected to an endless series of staff judgements based on fire
needs of fire facility ( 1961a). This is very consistent with the finding forwarded by
previous research (Kapp, Schwartz, & Epstein, 1993; Schwartz, Kapp, & Overstreet,
1992) and fire experiences of former recipients with fire process of children being placed in
juvenile justice programs for different reasons (delinquent behavior versus parental abuse
or neglect), but receiving similar treatment which results in sinrilar rates of adult
imprisonment.

Closely related to Goffman’s finding about fire irrelevancy of unique personal

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circumstances and the personal scrutiny initiated by staff towards patients in the interest of
fire facility is another of his contentions which describes fire ways patients construct fireir
identity while in the facility. This construction of self for patients occurs outside fire realm
of what staff would find acceptable (1961a). The explanation of becoming a criminal
described by the participants in firis study is also constructed in a way that would be outside
of the staffs’ approval. . Although the child welfare cases and the delinquent cases approach
firis in a very different way, neither would appear to be acceptable to staff within these
facilities. The former literally hold fire staff and fire corresponding treatment accountable
for their problems wifirin the system, and, in some cases, fireir eventual imprisonment.

The latter find the treatment almost irrelevant to their imprisonment, instead, holding
themselves and their inability to avoid street behaviors as the true cause. Neither of these
explanations of fire pafir to imprisonment is complimentary or consistent wifir something the
staff would likely support.

As patients become more and more comfortable with the constructions of self
outside of staff areas of approval, Goffrnan describes this as ultimately progressing to a
level of sharnelessness in fire eyes of staff and their expectations (p.169). In the case of the
former recipients of the juvenile system describing their experiences, the ideas and opinions
of staff are not held in high esteem. Closely related to this tendency to construct their self
images outside of what staff would approve is a sense of rebellion and contempt for fire
staff filat subjected them to faulty treatment. This is apparent in their description of fire
group model. It is also applicable to the attention and priority given to finding ways to
keep tomorrow’s troubled children from having to experience a similar quality of treatment.

A firird relevant issue identified by Goffman is fire self-serving nature of daily
operations performed by staff geared to legitimize their expertise, function, and purpose of
fireir jobs in society (1961a). This orientation is also very likely in juvenile facilities which
offer programs and services excluding culturally sensitive practices. These types of
practices offer no ongoing support to file status quo of program operation. Additionally,

157

attention in this area may pose a firreat by requiring staff to surrender control. Goffrnan
closes his essay on total institutions by acknowledging the functioning wifirin firese types
of facilities and posing a question. He wonders, and invites his readers to join him in
asking fire question, why do these facilities operate in firis fashion (1961b)? What
purposes are served? One answer to these questions is offered by Foucault’s work. We
will attempt to answer Goffman’s query by integrating Foucault’s work wifir fire finding
fi'om this study.
The Benefit of Operating a System in this Way

Similar to Goffman’s finding firat people inside the mental health institution operate
in ways firat complemented and reinforced the value of its routine functioning, our
historical analysis of fire juvenile justice system found firat the vast majority of services
were supportive of major social and economic structures of the time. When fire presence of
wayward and troubled youth threatened the social order, new interventions of control and
dominance were developed. For example, when the juvenile court determined firat every
child was dependent and legally a candidate for the its services a sort of carte blanche was
established whereby the court could chose firose firat needed proper motivation. In order
to examine more about fire operation of fire juvenile justice system and its ability to
dominate its recipients, we will refer to Michel Foucault’s, W09”).

Foucault compares the brutality of public punishment in the 18th century France to
the more covert uses of control in more contemporary correctional systems. He contends
firat although the modern forms of power and control are more subfie, the use of them is
more dominant. These techniques are applied in fire interest of holding complete control
over file individual (1979). Using firis vieWpoint to examine the lives of former recipients
of fire juvenile justice system is very enlightening. Thus far, fire critique has been pointed
at flaws in the system. The‘Foucauldian critique, just as Goffman’s inquiry, asks what is
being accomplished by fire system as it is functioning? From fire recipient’s point of view

fire system is defective. The critique being offered asks firat the recipients and fireir needs

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be put aside in order to examine firis question from a different point of view.

The historical analysis and the critique by some of its former recipients consistently
portray fire system as moving along without positively impacting the lives of fire people it is
allegedly serving. Instead of asking how can firis be, it may be more instructive to inspect
the system’s operation from a different point of view. A more useful fiame for firis
analysis may be to look for ways in which fire current system appears to be succeeding. I
would argue that the critique offered by the young men in firis study is very useful when
organized around firese Foucauldian notions.

Michel Foucault describes the use of discipline as a technique for normalizing
conduct and administering fire affairs of social collectives. He also refers to its prominence
as a general formula for domination. Those firat were dominated were utilized to perform
lower class duties. The need for utilizing these techniques to maintain the lower class
justified the need for more police. The ultimate point being the prevention of solidarity
among fire lower class (1979). He describes discipline as a technique for having a “hold
over others’s bodies, not only so they may do what one wishes, but so they may operate as
one wishes, with the speed, technique, and efficiency that one determines” (p.138). For
illustrative purposes, it may be useful to consider fire descriptions provided by these young
men about fire group treatment process in light of some of the principles forwarded by
Foucault. Specifically, firis section will look at the group process for the presence and
operation of fire discrete instruments of discipline.

Foucault describes hierarchical observation as a technique where individuals are
observed wifirout seeing the observer. It is the threat of observation that serves to control
fire individual (p.170). In fire group process, fire youth are not only watched by the staff,
but firey are also under fire eyes of fireir fellow group members. Many youth spoke of fire
tenuous nature of fireir relationships with other group members. It was often unknown
whefirer various group members were fireir fiiends or observers. More than one example

was offered where a youfir found out his perceived fiiend was more of an informant of the

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group process. Eventually, fire youth would figure out firat he was constanfiy being
watched and modify his behavior accordingly.

Another notion of discipline is the corrective nature of punishment. When
punishment is imposed, it is geared toward enforcing the appropriate behavior (p.179).
The young man who described fronting in the group process, illustrated how he had tried
to get firrough the group process without following the proper steps. When he finally
figured out fire correct procedures, he implemented them and got his discharge. Although
Foucault may question his sincerity, he recognized it was a game wifir rules, he was denied
his release until he was able to follow fire appropriate steps.

Also, important to this form of discipline is an even system of gratification-
punishrnent. Foucault talks about a punitive balance sheet which can be employed to offer
either negative consequences or positive rewards given file greatest potential for dominance
(p. 180). The group process also employed such an even balance between negative and
positive consequences. In some cases, the young men talked about their releases being
held up because firey had not complied wifir group expectations. At the same, the
recreational activities which they described wifir such high regard were also tied to their
performance in group.

These few examples will conclude fire application of a Foucauldian critique to this
analysis. However, it is intriguing to observe the great ease with which some of the
elements of his critique are applied to fire group process. Additionally, it is not difficult to
imagine firese mechanisms being used to control the youth with little regard for fireir
treatment. This explanation does help to explain why these facilities which are not helping
fire youth to return and remain home continue to survive, and sometimes thrive. The point
of fire program, using firis logic, is not the treatment of these young men, but to dominate
fire youth for the purpose of societal control.

As stated, I am hesitant to take fire Foucauldian analyses much farther. This is in

part due to the many critiques and controversies associated wifir his work as well as my

160

own elemental grasp of it Another reason to move on is Foucault’s critique of fire entire
section (next section) related to implications of firis study as being naive. He would simply
state that the ideas for improvement are ludicrous, because the suggestions will never be
implemented because firey are not in the interest of the system’s primary purpose-the
domination of fire individuals in fire system. However, as a practitioner of firis system, I
have trouble accepting this critique and would feel as if I am abandoning the children in this
system, if I did not offer my suggestions wifirin the framework of the status quo. Despite
my ambivalence, I will close firis section by repeating my own intrigue with fire ease of
applicability offered by the Foucauldian critique and acknowledging my curiosity about its
further utility.

Well aware of fire barriers offered by fire critique explicifiy driven by contemporary
social science, there remains a responsibility to clients within this system. The nwd for
advocates who are willing to promote client needs is as great as it has ever been. Not only
are these systems held hostage by the aforementioned structures, but large scale reforms are
taking place with the need of these powerful constituencies in mind. Now more than ever,
there is a need for advocates willing to work wifir and for clients within firis system. The
remaining section is a set of recommendations for those that will continue to work with firis
population despite the guarded prognosis for firorough changes in the interest of client
needs.

Implications for Policy, Practice and Research
The following recommendations are geared for those practitioners of firis system
firat continue to operate with fire children’s best interest in mind, and at heart, in their roles
as advocates, direct service staff, administrators, policy makers, researchers, volunteers,
and executive directors. One of the young men in fire study acknowledged a major problem
with the system when he posed this question, “What are firey gonna do wifir these
programs? They can’t wipe ‘em out, no place for juveniles!” His issue raises a significant

reality for many of the practitioners that remain within the system. Although fire system

161

has major flaws, it is not clear what would be the best mefirod to utilize when firinking
about the task of fixing it However, there are still many vulnerable young men and
woman in firis system wifir great potential. The last section is written in the interest of
firose present and former recipients and their untapped abilities. It hopefully will also be of
interest to professionals working to build on the unlimited resources offered by firese
young adults.

The flame for firis final section will hopefully exploit fire insights of the critique in a
manner firat is useful for fire practitioner. When doing the final follow-up interview, it
became clear to me that firis lens had become the primary way of framing firis study. The
first words that came out of firis young man’s mouth before sitting down, shaking hands,
or any type of reacquainting were, “Have you gotten firem to stop doing filis stuff! ?” It is
from firat perspective that the remaining section will be presented.

In Thomas Bernard’s historical review of fire juvenile justice system, he reminds us
that juvenile crime has been with us for literally hundreds of years and despite fire myriad
of panaceas offered by countless reformers it will always be with us. The strategy we
should take is one of attempting to manage firis problem, not wipe it out firrough the magic
of innovation (1993). In line with this, recommendations are offered which hope to exploit
fire critical review and present innovations that may unsetfie some of the forces presently
controlling this system. Finally, the critique is consistent wifir a rich tradition in social
work to support the needs of fire oppressed in the most inhumane systems while working
for productive change despite its dismal prospect. Such a call is currently going out to
social work practitioners in fire sweeping child welfare reforms firat seem to be occuning
oblivious of any awareness of children’s needs (V ideka-Sherman & Viggiarri, 1996).

E I. 1 li .

Policy discussions in juvenile justice circles would be greatly served by reflecting
on fire major forces firat have been overwhelmingly supported by services. The historical
review, fire data from past recipients and fire critical perspective make the same argument-

162

juvenile clients are not being addressed. Services need to be directed towards the issue of
clients, in support of key client structures. The primary service modalities do not appear to
either prepare youfir for or support firem while firey are in community placement. This
finding is supported by the literature as well as the description of firese services offered by
former recipients. Resources need to be invested in service options that are more direcfiy
oriented to maintaining children in community settings. Family support and community
support programs are prime candidates for providing such supports. Although these
programs have existed off and on for at least a hundred years, fireir emphasis has been
secondary. Resources have been invested very sparsely in these types of programs,
especially when compared to expenditures for out-of-home programs.

There has been growing attention lately which is very encouraging, especially when
there have been effectiveness data firat support fireir use with delinquent children
(Henggeler, 1994). Likewise, alfirough community intervention has been around for many
years, it is also experiencing a bit of a resurrection. A recent example is Rewriting
W a very thorough "meat of
fire history, economics, and practice of community intervention (Adams & Nelson, 1995).
As stated in an earlier chapter, these modes of intervening within fire heart of client systems
need to be sustained initiatives accompanied by significant resources, not just passing fads
or creative expectations to normal service provision.

Additionally, interventions need to be supported and evaluated with respect to
effectiveness. This is necessary in the case of new innovations as well as those that have
been around for a while. Residential programs have now acquired a very respectable
literature supporting their ineffectiveness (cited earlier). Additionally, fireir former
residents in firis study describe them as offering litfie in fire way of skills which aid in the
process of adjusting to community living. It is time to hold these programs accountable
and either improve firem or replace firem. They contribute to the status quo by providing

ineffective services for juveniles which perpetuate their involvement. Recent innovations

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have shown promising results, albeit in some cases preliminary. The family support
programs, in some cases, have been shown to be effective, as mentioned earlier
(Henggeler, 1994).

Another successful program has integrated skill building and group treatment
during and after a shortened out-of-home placement for substance abusing youth with a
delinquent history (Haggerty, Wells, Jenson, Catalano, & Hawkins 1989). These
interventions are quite promising for fireir attention to client structures, fireir innovative
approach to service delivery and fireir corresponding empirical support. They should serve
as exemplars for further innovation.

In addition to promoting fire resourceful types of service programs, attention should
be focussed on fire child welfare youth that are committed to fire system at very young ages.
There is some preliminary evidence that firey are unlikely to continue to be treated in
facilities with other delinquents (Kapp, Schwartz, & Epstein, 1993), possibly due to
juvenile justice legislation reforms. Beyond firat, little is known. The stories from the
individuals in this study make it sound like fire possibilities of being integrated into
successfirl community placements are unlikely. Additionally, fireir stories have created an
awareness and understanding of the types of resentment firey bring to the adult system
when that transition is made.

One speculation is firat eventually these children are legally adjudicated delinquent
and inevitably placed in fire same facilities. This notion is not supported by any empirical
evidence. At any rate, this. population is well deserving of special attention. Their needs
are unique as they are placed in the system because of behaviors over which they had no
control. Additionally, they are in file system for an extended number of years given the
young age of adjudication and extensive resources are devoted to their care. As children of
the system at such young ages, they definitely warrant advocacy, effective long term
supports, further investigation and evaluation. These critical policy issues also have

serious implications in a practice setting.

l 64
W

Many of the serious criticisms offered by the former recipients of this system have
implications for firose interested in direct practice wifir children in the juvenile justice
system. The group model, PPC, as it was practiced in these setting was reported as very
ineffective by these former recipients. The youth interviewed in firis study, not only had
bad experiences, but they felt it promoted skills that contributed to failing in community
placement If progranrs are committed to firis model, the staff implementing it nwd to be
supported with clinical supervision. Even with clinical supervision, the impact of the
program needs to be constantly assessed firrough quality assurance or ongoing evaluation
practices. Again, agencies using this approach need to find ways to improve firis method
or eliminate it.

The issue of cultural sensitivity in practice is a very serious issue. Alfirough there
are many baniers to achieving and maintaining a racial and efirnic match between staff and
clients, it is a critical issue. The mismatch introduces an initial form of alienation to clients
who come into a facility where there are no staff of their racial or ethnic background.
Although firis is an issue that is often difficult for remotely located programs to maintain, it
is important to strive to at least improve the ratio. The argument is not that only staff of a
similar background will be able to provide effective services. It is more firat the agency that
downplays fire significance of firis ratio is also likely to minimize the importance of cultural
sensitivity. In an era where troubled youfir, especially delinquent youfir, possess complex
and sensitive cultural needs, it is essential for direct care staff to understand at least the
significance of these challenges. This basic understanding is necessary before practitioners
can begin to firink about designing and implementing interventions to support a youth
attempting to address those challenges.

An even more basic component of social work practice is commitment to fire client
The criticisms of various facilities highlighted this as one of the more important criteria

used to remember pOSitive experiences. The youth did not comment on sophisticated

165

treatment models. Nor did firey reference the type or level of training of fire staff in the
programs. They were more likely to remember and comment on situations where they
clearly felt staff cared about them. Another frequenfiy mentioned component was fire
instances where staff allowed fire youfir to have a good time, mosfiy firrough activities. I
would argue firat staff being committed to the youfir in fireir programs was closely related to
providing firese fondly remembered enjoyable experiences.

On one hand, fire importance of staff caring about the youth sounds simplistic.
However, it is a core issue in the NASW Code of Ethics (NASW, 1996) related to
commitment-to clients and their core well-being. It is also most likely to be at the center of
most firerapeutic relationships. Often, as individual social workers pursue self-
development plans to expand their professionalization, advanced training and various types
of specialization, attention is given to credentials. The feedback from firese young men
should serve as a reminder of the necessary conditions of a helping relationship— a genuine
care and concern for your client Also, such a foundation must be maintained as one
pursues additional credentials recognized by fire field. The uniqueness of the finding from
firis study, in part, can be attributed to fire research method. The final section of firis
chapter will discuss the implications of firis research method for the field of social work.

W

This study has raised a considerable range of crucial questions relating to fire
treatment of young adults in fire juvenile justice system. Perhaps, one of the more
significant was posed in fire dissertation proposal, “Is asking former recipients of fire
juvenile justice system to reflect upon fire services and programs they received a viable
research mefirod?” Beyond helping a single doctoral student accomplish a major academic
goal, there is much to consider in firis question.

Mamas
One of the more notable firing about firis study is fire opportunity to give firis silent

population a voice. Foucault (1980) has identified ways in which knowledge generation

166

can lead to file subjugation of critical information firat may lie outside the realm of accepted
techniques. The sources of the subjugated knowledge are often people with little access to
formal resources related to power, economic, and social resources— individuals on the
margin of society. The processes of information production becomes more a function of
which techniques are employed and by whom they are utilized . Ann Hartman has
discussed fire use of firis process in social work, where fire DSM, a diagnostic tool, can be
used to produce a diagnosis while dismissing vital information a client may have to offer
about his/her situation (Hartrrrarr, 1994).

In firis study, there are many different ways to explain why input is never sought
fiom firis population about their experiences. Typically, fire youth in firese programs come
from struggling communities wifir limited resources and no access to political powers
which might amplify their voices. As recipients of the juvenile justice system, they are
viewed as failures with no relevant knowledge to offer to the professionals running this
system. As children, firey are considered too immature to participate in any kind of rational
discussion about fire quality of the services firey had received. As inmates of a prison
system, firey are removed from society and have little to offer those of us who are not
incarcerated.

Once fire information was collected, additional and similar reasons were forwarded
for not listening to fire opinions firey had offered. They were described by the corrections
staff as “autopsies”-— casualties of the system wifir no information to offer. This study
should have been done wifir firose who made it, not firis group. Practitioners, at a
conference where the preliminary results were presented, felt the critique of fire group
model should be ignored. “What do you expect? These guys ended up in prison!”

These loud protestations aroused my curiosity about firis resistance, and reinforced
my commitment to firis mefirod. Despite some struggles to negotiate the various systems to
gain access to the participants, I obviously was able to complete this study and enjoy some

of fire accomplishments it has and will hopefully continue to bring. After all, these crities

167

have overlooked the value of doing autopsies. Many significant breakfirroughs in medical
science have come from autopsies. This study also proved to be worthwhile. First of
all, I was able to conduct a research project grounded in sound efirical practices by seeking
and documenting the opinions of this oppressed population. Secondly, it was well worth
fire investment of my time as insightful critiques were constructed around: fire instability of
fireir childhood and adolescence; a personal understanding of their paths to criminality; the
quality of fire services firey received; and the culturally insensitive practices in various
programs.

Refle 'v' - e w—u nterviews

The concern for fire voice of firese young men was maintained and supported by the
reflexive technique of conducting follow-up interviews wifir some of fire initial
respondents. During a second interview, the selected follow-up sub-sample was asked to
review preliminary finding and assist wifil fire interpretation. This technique, inspired by
fire work of Bourdieu and ofirers (referenced earlier) related to reflexivity and the biases in
fire research process, was designed to keep fireir voices alive by asking the respondents to
help with fire interpretations of the finding. Although efforts were initially made to give
firese young men a voice in the study, there is always a threat firat fireir voice will disappear
somewhere between the collection of fire data and fire presentation of the finding. The
follow-up interviews were included to reinforce their voice and diminish fire possibility of
their voices getting lost somewhere in the research process.

Not only were the follow-up interviews useful for preserving fire voices of fire
participants, but as stated in fire writing of Bourdieu and others, fire integrity of the
finding was enhanced. The follow-up interviews clarified and expanded fire
understanding of issues related to the path towards criminality, the use of fire group model,
and fire implementation/impact of culturally insensitive practices. The follow-up interviews
were not only valuable in supporting the ethical research practice of giving firese former

clients a voice, but this use of reflexive practices also strengthened the quality of the

168

information collected and presented.
Issues for Further Research

Although this study achieved some success in highlighting the voices of a typically
silent population by using life history interviews and reflexivity to learn about the
experience of former recipients in the juvenile justice system, many issues were raised that
could benefit fiom further research. The caveats raised by many of the different
constituents of firis study are indeed valid when considering future research. The former
recipients provided very articulate and insightful portrayals of their experiences. However,
knowledge of services could only be expanded by enlarging the sample to include more
individuals wifir similar backgrounds as well as firose with different experiences.

It would be valuable to know if some of fire significant findings in this study related
to the pafir to criminality, the quality of treatment, and cultural insensitivity would be
supported by the experiences of ofirers. Including individuals with a similar career pattern
starting in the juvenile justice system and progressing to an adult prison would be
worthwhile for attempting to assess the generalizability of fire finding. These issues could
be a function of this population or possibly, even a function of the researcher or fire
approach to the method. Likewise, including young men who experienced juvenile
services and did not proceed to an adult prison would be invaluable. Obviously, it would
be fascinating to hear their stories about progressing fiuough the juvenile system and not
ending up in prison. Other finding about the quality and fire cultural insensitivity of
services could be compared and contrasted to firese other samples.

Expanding fire sample is not fire only methodological alternative requiring additional
consideration. Many of the concepts raised in firis study could be firrther tested in a
quantitative format. The same issues identified as warranting additional exploration with
different samples could be captured as structured items for larger scale surveys using fire
above suggestions regarding samples. Testing these concepts in larger scale studies using
quantitative methods would furfirer expand the validity of firese finding. Are firey simply a

169

function of firis population, this method, or do they apply with other young men in similar
and/or different circumstances?

In addition to expanding the sample and fire method for this study, the concept of
reflexivity could be further expanded. The follow-up interviews, while very valuable at
verifying and expanding my understanding, were used in a truncated fashion. Simply put,
although the second interview provided additional information, it was still a closed event,
only one more interview wifir a sub-sample of fire original sample. Often times issues may
have not been raised during the second interview, or information covered in the follow-up
interview was not placed under similar participant review. This process could have
benefitted from a more open structure resembling more of an open dialogue between fire
researcher and fire study participants constanfiy checking on fire participants,’ point of view.
This may include critical feedback from the participants on fire text created by the
researcher.

Obviously, further developments related to reflexive practices would need to be
balanced against the pragrnatics of conducting ongoing field research. For example, in this
project contacting the participants required negotiating with the central research function of
fire state department of corrections, the administration of fire individual facilities and finally,
with the participants. Similar studies with ofirer juvenile or adult correctional populations
are probably equipped wifir similar administrative procedures. Additionally, human subject
review panels are also part of firis approval process. Access to the study populations in
many other forms of field research typically includes similar procedures. However, the
inclusion of reflexive practices, especially those involving the study participants, is well
worth the investment of time. In the planning phases of fire field research process, I
would encourage researchers in most arenas to create as many opportunities as possible for
fire researcher and fire participants to interact and exchange ideas, beyond fire initial
collection of the data, about the finding and results.

 

 

The quality of fire finding generated in firis study and the potential for repeating
and expanding firis study using different samples and alternative methods speaks very well
for the utility of firis type of method, especially in the area of juvenile delinquency. The
needs of young men and women faced with limited choices related to succeeding in their
communities are very unique. They bring many issues to treatrrrent firat are somewhat
distant from fire world of fire researcher and are constanfiy changing. These dynamics
include: cultural challenges, proven in firis study to be foreign to many service providers; a
community saddled wifil high crime, few viable employment and educational options; and a
struggle to avoid a dangerous lifestyle on fire streets offering excitement and economic
opportunities, albeit illegal ones.

Perhaps, one of the greatest strengfirs of a qualitative mefirod is the opportunity it
provides for fire researcher to admit his/her ignorance of fire aforementioned factors and the
need to work collaboratively wifir fire people who face firese challenges on a daily basis.
Early in this dissertation, I described a situation where an individual asked me to quit taking
notes because the last time someone took notes while he was talking, he ended up getting a
life sentence as the law enforcement official had taken liberties with his confession. If
nofiring else, firis experience taught me how litfie I understood about his life.

Through the process of including these young men in this study, they were able to
help me to expand my understanding. They were able to answer my ignorant questions
and raise issues that Iwould have not addressed. These young men assisted in fire process
of documenting the context of fire struggles and challenges inherent in negotiating this
system. The individuals receiving these services proved their ability to assist in identifying
fire needs these services should strive to address. I think firis type of technique has great
potential for continuing to educate fire professionals working wifir children engulfed in the
juvenile justice system. What it is like to be in fire system? What is fire quality of fire

services? and How does one address their ongoing unmet needs? By giving these

 

171

individuals a voice to use in educating researchers and other professionals, we are also
giving them an opportunity to enlighten other constituencies about their lives and ways to
optimize their potential. These insights have great value as critical input to those striving to
develop service, policy, and practice innovation.

Conclusion

This study began under some very limited notions about testing a mefirod for a
research class in anthropology. A secondary purpose was to determine if the input from
former recipients would shed any light on the needs of juveniles who had been statistically
earmarked for prison by a predictive model (Kapp, Schwartz, & Epstein, 1993). The
process of obtaining approval firrough the state department of corrections and the human
subject review panel was very complicated but it also worked as a type of initiation into
qualitative research. After considering the reasons offered by some of the practicing
professionals in firis field of delinquency as to why such a project was useless, on one
hand, and dealing with ways to conduct such a study that preserved and protected the
dignity of the participants, on fire other, I was convinced my small project needed to be
implemented.

The individuals who participated in the study were articulate, firoughtful and
cooperative. Their critical insights were thorough and firought provoking. Thanks to their
diligent participation, I was able to construct a formidable critique of the juvenile system
fiom fireir perspective, at least as I understand it. Concrete descriptions of the needs of
high risk youth were forwarded and preliminary indications were developed about fire
promise of this type of method. Hopefully, firese insights provide enough basis to serve as
directives for future service innovation and stimulus for additional research emphasizing fire

voices of the people who have learned by receiving the services.

 

APPENDICES

 

APPENDIX A

residential
treatment

residential
treatment

 

 

 

group home I

173

Figure 3.1
Placement history

 

 

foster home
AWOL

 

 

 

chronological
order

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

coed grp home
mom! awolod to group home setting
on street aunt's in suburb (3 yrs)

 

 

 

 

 

 

174

 

Becoming a Criminal J

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

W
W
’ System Acknowledge
Ranges on Retribution
- for Illegal
Behavior
Paception as
Victim

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Take 995°“! System Responsible
“51’9”“,th for for Imprisonment
Imprisonment

Figure 3.2 1

APPENDIX B

 

OHMEOF
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDIES

University Committee an
flaunhmmwmg
Mmunamhda
(uuuwn
mmhmamumwmm
225 Administration Building
hawmmrhmum
«ENJWS
unusual

FAX 517/336-1171

lawmmmmwafln
mmeMWhmMur

 

MICHIGAN STATE

UNIVERSITY

 

April 26, 1994

TO: Stephen A. Kapp
105 Alamo Ct.
Tecumseh, Michigan 49286

reign.
T L : C THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JUVENILE
ggg¥¥gg :EggigggthD ADULT IMPRISONMENT:
I
REVISION REQUESTED: A VE HETHODOLOGY
CATEGORY: F LL REVIEW

APPROVAL DATE: 04/19/94

2
G\

The.Universiey Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects'(UCRIHS)
rcVLew of this proyect is complete. I am pleased to adVise that the
rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately
protected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate.
lhegegorg, the UCRIHS approved this project including any revision

is e a ove.

RENEWAL: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a project be ond one year must use the green renewal
form (enclosed with t e original agproval letter or when a
progect is renewed) to seek u ate certification. There is a
maximum of four such expedit renewals ssibls. Investigators
wishing to continue a prOJect beyond the time need to submit it
again or complete revrew.

REVISIONS: UCRIHS must review any chapges in rocedurss involving human
subjects, rior to initiation of t e change. If this is done at
the_time o renewal, please use the teen renewal form. To
revrse an approved protocol at any ogher time during the year,
send your written request to the CRIBS Chair, requesting revised
approval and referenCing the project's 183 f and title. Include
in our request a description of the change and any revised
ins ruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

vacuums]

CHANGES: Should eithe; of the following arise during the course of the
work, investigators must noti UCRIHS romptly: {1) roblems
(unexpected side effects¢ comp aints, egc.) involv ng guman
subjects or (2).changes in the research environment or new
information indicating greater risk to the human sub ects than
exrsted when the protocol was previously reviewed an approved.’

If we can be of an future hel lease do not hesitate to co tact us
at (517)355-2180 of FAX (517)3gé- 171. n

Sincerely,

 
 

  
 

avid E. Wright, P
UCRIHS Chair

DEW:pjm

cc: Fredric M. Roberts

175

 

 

OFFICE OF
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDIES

Univetsity Committee on
Research Involving
Human Sable
(UCRIHS)

Micnigan State University
246 Administration Building
BSUMmQNMNgm
MENJWE

517/355-2180
FAX: 517/432-1171

The timigan State University
mmwmmmmmwmm
Excellent in Action.

MSU is an Mimiive-actian.
nwawmmnmmmw

.17.?

MICHIGAN STATE

 

UNIV

ERSITY

April 8, 1997

TO: Fredric M. Roberts
354 Baker Hall
RE: IRB#: 94-101
TITLE: EXPLORING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JUVENILE

JUSTICE SERVICES AND ADULT IMPRISONMENT:
TESTING A QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY

REVISION REQUESTED: N/ A
CATEGORY: . FULL REVIEW
APPROVAL DATE: 04/07/97

The university Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects'iUCRIHS)
review of this project is complete. I am pleased to adVise that the

rights and

welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately

rotected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate.

herefore,
above.

RENEWAL:

REVISIONS :

PROBLEMS]
CHANGES :

the UCRIHS approved this project and any reVisions listed

UCRIHS approval is valid for-one-calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a progect be nd ene year must use the green renewal
form (enelosed with t e original a proval letter or when a
preject is renewed) to seek u te certification. There is a
maximum of fourosuch expedite renewals saible. Investigators
wishin to continue a preject beyond tha time need to submit it
again or complete review.

UCRIHS must review any ehanges in rocedures involving human
subjeets, rior to initiation of t e change. If this is done at
the.time o renewal, please use the green renewal form. To
reVise an approved-protocol at an 0 her time during the year,
send your written request to the. CRIHS Chair, requesting reVised
approval and referencing the progect's IRB # and title. Include
in your request a description of theochange and any revised
instruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

Shouldoeither of the followin arise during the course of the
work, investigators must noti UCRIHS promptly: (1) roblems
(unexpected side effects, comp aints, etc.) involving uman
eubjects.or I2).changes in the research environment or new
information indicating greater risk to the human sub ects than
existed when the protocol was previously reviewed an approved.

If we can be of any future help, please do not hesitate to contact us
at (517)355-2180 or FAX (517)432-1171.

Sincerely,

DEW : bed

    
 
   

cc: Stephen A. Kapp

 

OFFICE or
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDIES

niversity Committee on
Resume Involving
Human Sub]
«mama

Michigan State Unimity
Z32 Administtalion Building
BRUMMLMMth
”SNARE
517fl355-2180

FAX: 517/432-1171

thMmRmMWnW
IDEA is Minimal Diversity.
thkamn

MSU is It ailments-await.
ml-mflumty institution

177

MICHIGAN STATE
u N l v E R s I T Y

April 2, 1996

 

TO: Ste hen A. Kapp
105 Alamo Ct..
Tecumseh, Michigan 49286

RE: IRB#: 94-101
TITLE: EXPLORING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JUVENILE
JUSTICE SERVICES AND ADULT IMPRISONMENT:
TESTING A QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY
REVISION REQUESTED: N/A
CATEGORY: FULL REVIEW
APPROVAL DATE: 04/01/96

The university Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects'(UCRIHS)
review of this project is complete.. I am pleased to adVise that the
rights and welfare of the human aubjects appear to be adequately
rotected and methods to obtain informed consent are apprepriate.
Eggrefore, the UCRIHS approved this prOJect and any reVisions listed
ve.

RENEWAL: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a prOJeet beyond ene year must use the green renewal
form (enclosed with t e original a proval letter or when a
project is renewed) to seek u te certification. There.is a
maximum of four.such expedite renewals ssible. Investigators
wishin to continue a preject beyond tha time need to submit it
again or complete reView.

REVISIONS: UCRIHS must review any ehanges in rocedures involving.human
subjeets, rior to initiation of e change. If this is done at
the.time o renewal, please use the green renewal form. To
reVise an approved protocol at any other time during the year,
send your written request to the. CRIBS Chair, requesting reVised

'approval and referencing the preject's IRB # and title. Include
rn ur request a description of the change and any revised
ins ruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

PROBLEMS]

CHANGES: Should.either of the followin arise during the course of the
work, investigators must noti UCRIHS promptly: (1) roblems
(unexpected Side effects, comp aints, e c.) involving uman
eubjects.or (2).changes in the research environment or new
information indicating greater risk to the human sub'ects than
existed when the protocol was preViously reviewed an approved.

If we can be of any future help, lease do not hesitate to contact us
at: (517)355-2180 or FAX (517)4 2- 171.

  
  
 
  

   

vid 8. Wright, Ph.
CRIHS Chair '

DEW:bed

cc: Fredric M. Roberts

 

Mfimflf
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDIES

niversity Committee on
Research Involving
Human Sub
(ummwn

Michigan State University
232 Administration Building
anwmmimmum
«ENJMB

517/3552180
FAX: 517/432-1171

imummMMHMan
IDEA is mstitutml Diversity.
amemmmn

MWRNMMMwafln
”wt-tummy institution

    
   
  

177

MICHIGAN STATE

UNIVERSITY

April 2, 1996

TO: Stephen A. Kapp
105 Alamo Ct._
Tecumseh, Michigan 49286

94-101

EXPLORING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JUVENILE
JUSTICE SERVICES AND ADULT IMPRISONMENT:
TESTING A QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY

RE: IRB#:
TITLE:

REVISION REQUESTED: N/A
CATEGORY: FULL REVIEW
APPROVAL DATE: 04/01/96

The university Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects'(UCRIRS)
review of this project is complete., I am pleased to adVise that the
rights and welfare of the human aubjects appear to be adequately

rotected and methods to obtain informed consent are apprepriate.
Therefore, the UCRIHS approved this project and any revisions listed
above.

RENEWAL: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a prOJeet be and ene year must use the green renewal
form (enclosed with t e original a roval letter or when a
project is renewed) to seek u te certification. There.is a
maximum of four.such expedite renewals ssible. Investigators
wishin to continue a prOJect beyond tha time need to submit it
again or complete reView.

REVISIONS: UCRIHS must review any ehahges in . .
subjects, rior to initiation of t e change. If this is done at
the.time o renewal, please use the green renewa1,form. To
reVise an approved protocol at an other time during the year,
send your written request to the. CRIHS Chair, requesting reVised

rapproval and referencing the prOJect's IRB # and title. Include
rn your request a description of the.c e and any revised
instruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

rocedures involving human

PROBLEMS]
CHANGES: Should either of the followin arise during the course of the
work, investigators must noti UCRIHS promptly: (1) roblems
(unexpected side effects, comp aints, e c.),involving uman
aubjects,or (2).c ,ges in the research environment or new
information indicating greater rish to the human sub'ects than
existed when the protocol was preViously reviewed an approved.

lease do not hesitate to contact us

If we can be of any future hel 171

at (517)355-2180 or FAX (517)435-

Sincerel

   

vid E. Wright, Ph.
CRIHS Chair

DEW : bed

cc: Fredric M. Roberts l

 

OHMIOF
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDIES

University Committee on

Human Suhlect:
(WNMS)

Michigan State Univetsity
232 Administration Building
East Lansing. Michigan
QEMJWW

517/355-2180
FAX‘ 517/432-1171

The Michigan State University
(091 is trutttutionat Diversity:
Excellence in Adim.

MSU is an animate-eaten.
COW/WWI] instttmon

  
  
   

I78

MICHIGAN STATE

UNIVERSITY

April 5, 1995

To: Ste hen A. Kapp
105 Alamo Ct.
Tecumseh, Michigan 49286

RE: IRE’: 94-101

TITLE: EXPLORING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JUVENILE
JUSTICE SERVICES AND ADULT IMPRISONMENT:
TESTING A QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY

REVISION REQUESTED: N A

CATEGORY: F REVI

APPROVAL DATE: 04/03/95

The University Committee on Research Involving Human Sub ects'(UCRIHS)
review of this project is complete. I am pleased to adv as that the
rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately
rotected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate.
lherggcigé the UCRIHS approved this project including any revision
s ve.

RENEWALS UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a project beyond one year must use the green renewal
form (enclosed with t e original a roval letter or when a
projgct is renewed) to seek ggdat certification. There is a
max um of four such expedit renewals ssible. Investigators
wishing to continue a reject beyond tha time need to submit it
again or complete rev ew.

REVISIONS: UCRIRS must review an changes in rocedures involving human
subjects, rior to in tiation of t e change. If this is done at
the time o renewal, please use the green renewal form. To
revise an approved protocol at an 0 her time during the year
send your written request to the CRIBS Chair, requesting revised
approval and referencin the project's IRE # and title. Include
in your request a descr ption of the change and any revised
ins ruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

man-Its]
CEANCES: Should either of the followin arise during the course of the

work, investigators must noti y UCRIHS promptly: {1) problems
(unexpected side effects comp aints, e c.) involv ng uman
subjects or (2 changes in the research environment or new
information in icating greater risk to the human sub ects than
existed when the protocol was previously reviewed an approved.

If we can be c
at (517)355-2180 or FAX (517)3

UCRIHS Chair
DEW:pjm

cc: Fredric M. Roberts

f any future helpé iease do not hesitate to contact us

Sincerely,

179
.. fl E "
CONSENT FORM

 

 

 

 

 

 

You have been selected as a candidate to participate in a study that l am conducting as a doctoral
student at Michigan State University. As the former Director of Ongoing Program Evaluation at
Boysville of Michigan. I previously conducted a study in collaboration with the Michigan

Department of Corrections. in that project. we identified a group of former clients (who left in
1985 or 1987) that were imprisoned over a five year period. You were included in that study.

The purpose of this study is to understand more about the services you received as a juvenile
and how they relate to your involvement with the prison system as an adult. Unlike other
research in which you may have participated. I will be asking you a series of very Open-ended
questions ( What services did you receive and what did you like or dislike about them?) i
would like to take about two hours of your time to. discuss your impressions of the experience
with juvenile justice services. your ideas about their effectiveness. and how those things relate
to your present status.

This form describes things that will be done in the research to protect your privacy and your
rlghts.Aiso.theform isusedtodocumentyourunderstanding and agreementtothessconditions.
Prior to conducting the interview. we will review the entire form and its contents. i will
address all of your questions. If you agree to participate in the study under these circumstances
you will be asked to sign this consent form. If you do not want to participate in the study. I will
thank you for your time and terminate the discussion. No one. outside of myself. the warden.
and your Residential Unit Manager will know that you have been chosen as a candidate. The
warden and the Residential Unit Manager has been asked to keep your selection as a candidate for
this project to himselfArerself. Also. if you agree to participate you have the option of either
not answering specific questions or of stopping the interview at my tine. Your

participation In this research Is totally voluntaryt

W

In the context ofthe discussion. you may reveal self-incriminating things that you have done In
thepast.lfthistypeofthingcomesupintheinterview.lwantyoutoknowthatlwiilnotbe
reportingthatintonnationtoanyone.I-Iowever.lflam subpoenaed and questioned.lamlsgaliy
obligated to testify to that information.

Also. ifyou inform methatastai‘imemberofanagencywhereyou haversceived serviceslr'rthe
past. performed a questionable or illegal act. I will not be following up with that either. In this
case. I will be glad to share with you the names and addresses of appropriate officials for
dealing with that infonnatlon. If you choose. you can contact them. At your request. i wl also
be glad to explain your rights in that process and do what I can to ensure that the process ls
honored and your rights protected. without taking a position on the issue. In any case. if you
divulge information about questionable events that have occurred while you were receiving
services. I will extend every effort to maintain your anonymity. That information will be
divulged onlyinthe contextofthepreviousreviewmocesses. ifyouchooseto initiateone.

-g “1.,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

180

 

 

 

 

I will do everything in my power to keep the information that you provide totally confidential.
Your answers will be written on code sheets that have only a number on them. The key for this
numbering system is known only by me and l have it kept in a secure place. Men I analyze and
report the information collected in this study. the identity of the participants will be stripped
away. Findings will either be reported in a summary fashion or the identity of specific
individuals will be presented anonymously. This is done to protect your identity so that nothing
you tell me in the interview will have an effect on your treatment in this facility. Although I
will extend every effort possible to assure confidentiality. I can make no absolute guarantee. In
the past. in other studies. unique circumstances have led to proHems in maintaining
confidentiality. You need to know that although this is not my intention. It can occur.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ifyou havecanments.uquestionsabommensearchprojedyoucancontactmeumy-
professor. Dr. Fredic M. Roberts. Anthropology Department. 354 Baker Hall. ‘
Michigan State University. East Lansing. MI 48824.

Let me just reiterate that your involvement in this research is strictly voluntary. If you
receive any pressure from anyone. either inform myself or Dr. Roberts. We will ensure that
your participation is voluntary. Also. If you have any questions about the form or this
research please askmetoclarilythem beforeyou provide yourconsent. llyou understand and
agree tothe conditionsofthis research. please sign below.

UCRIHS APPROVAL FOR
THIS project EXPIRES:

APR 0 7 1998

SUBMIT RENEWALAPPUCA
ONE MONTH PRIOR T0110N
ABOVE DATE TO CONTlNUE

 

 

I would like a copy of the study findings.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

LIST OF REFERENCES

LIST OF REFERENCES

Abu-Lughod, L., (1991). Writing against culture. In R. Fox (Ed), m
WP 137-162) Santa Fe NM School of Amencan

Research Press.

Adams, P. & Nelson.'K (1995) WWW
Wee, New York, NYzAldine De Gruyter.

Alasuutari, P. (1995). Researching culture: Qualitative method and cultural
studies. London, England: Sage Publications.

Altschuler, D. (1992). Intensive aftercare to; high gs]; iuvgile mlces :A model
W. The John Hopkins University Institute for Policy Studies, Occasional
Paper No.111-29.

Anderson, B. (May 1994). The code of the streets, mm 81-94.
Ashford., J., & LeCroy, C. (1988). Placing juvenile offenders 1n residential

treatment: A decision-making model. 1, -~ . u - a-
(Summer), 33-41.

 

Bailey, D., & Koney, K. N. (1996). Inter-organizational community-based
collaboratives: A strategic response to shape the social work agenda Sfiial 329115.516
602-61 1.

Bailey, W. (1966). Correctional Outcome: An evaluation of 100 reports. Mal
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Barth, F. (1994). A present view of present tasks and priorities in cultural and

social anflUOPology In Borofsky. R (Eda) MW (PP 349-
361), New York: McGraw-Hill Press.

Bath, H.I., & Haapala, D. (1994). Family preservation services: What does the
outcome research really tell us? Smial Sem'gg Reu'gw,(Septernber),17-35.

Becker, A, & Mannheim, B., (1995). Culture troping: languages, codes and

texts InTedloclsD &Mannheim B (EdS) WW
237-252). Urbana,IL: University of Chicago Press.

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Behar, R. (1995). Rage and redemptioaneading the life story of a Mexican

marketing woman. In Tedlock, D. & Mannheim, B. (Eds.)111e_di_§ggm_e_rgg_r19_e_gf
gulture (pp. 148-178). Urbana,ILzUniversity of Chicago Press.

Bernard, T. (1993). The gcle of 1uve111le igtjce. New York,NY: Oxford

University Press.

Bernstein, S. (1967). Conflict, Self-determination & Social Work. in 141m
sgg1g] woglg: Are-e reexam111atio11, Monograph IX. NY: NASW.

BrekkeJ, (1986). Scientific imperatives in social work research: Pluralism 13 not
skepticism. 5mg $2111ce Review, 60 (4), 538-544.

Bourdieu. P.. & Wacquaint, L.J-D.. (1992).A.n_1a!itati2n;clisflsaixe$mglm
Chicago, ILzChicago University Press.

Boysville of Michigan/Trieschman Foundation, Pro—Conference Institute, (1995,
June) WW

Brendtro, L., & Wasmund, W. (1989). The peer culture model. In Lyman, R. D.
, _ - d - :

 

(pp. 81-95). New York: Plenumd

Brendtro, L. & Ness, A. (1982). Perspectives on Peer Group Treatment: The
Use and Abuse of Guided Group Interaction: Positive Peer Culture, Children and Youth
Servcesi Review 4. (Check cit.)

Burgess, E.W. (1928). The family and the person. W
m. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

BurtuM &Pitnn_an,K (1985) WM
= °_‘ _ d1 ’ .

 

Burns, A. (1995). Video production as a dialogue. The story of Lynch Hammock.

In D Tedlock & B Mannheim (Eds )Wm 75-96)
Urbana,IL: University of Chicago Press.

Carr, J. (1975). W New York:Carrol & Graf
Publishers.

Catalano, R, Howard, M., Hawkins, 1)., & Wells., E. (1988). Relapse 1n the
addictions: Rates, determinants, and promising relapse prevention strategies. Prepared for
the Surgeon General’ 5 Report Ww 1-
105) Washington, DC: Office of Smoking and Health, U. S. Government Printing Office.

Catalano, R., Wells, E., Jenson,J., & Hawkins, D. (1989) Aftercare services for
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